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Title: Early English Meals and Manners
Author: Furnivall, Frederick James, 1825-1910 [Editor]
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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This very long book has been separated into independent units, set off
by triple rows of asterisks:

  [1] Early English Text Society (information and list of titles)
  [2] Introductory pages with full table of contents
  [3] General Preface (“Forewords”)
  [4] Preface to Russell, _Boke of Nurture_
  [5] Collations and Corrigenda
    (see beginning of “Corrigenda” for details of corrections)
  [6] John Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_ with detailed table of contents
  [7] Notes to _Boke of Nurture_
    (longer linenotes, printed as a separate section in original text)
  [8] Lawrens Andrewe on Fish
  [9] “Illustrative Extracts” (titles listed in Table of Contents)
    and Recipes
  [10] _Boke of Keruynge_ and _Boke of Curtasye_, with Notes
  [11] _Booke of Demeanor_ and following shorter selections
  [12] _The Babees Book_ and following shorter selections
  [13] Parallel texts of _The Little Children’s Boke_
    and _Stans Puer ad Mensam_
  [14] General Index (excluding Postscript)
  [15] Postscript “added after the Index had been printed”
  [16] Collected Sidenotes (section added by transcriber: editor’s
    sidenotes can be read as a condensed version of full text)

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       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


  Early English Text Society.

  Original Series, 32.


  Early English Meals and Manners:

  John Russell’s Boke of Nurture,
  Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Keruynge,
  The Boke of Curtasye,
  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor,
  Seager’s Schoole of Vertue,

  The Babees Book, Aristotle’s ABC, Urbanitatis,
  Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke,
  For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy,
    &c. &c.

  with some
  Forewords on Education in Early England.


  Edited by
  FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A.,
  Trin. Hall, Cambridge.

  London:
  Published for the Early English Text Society
  by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited,
  Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W.
  1868.

  [_Re-printed 1894, 1904._]



  Early English Text Society

  Committee of Management:

  Director: DR. FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A.
  Treasurer: HENRY B. WHEATLEY, Esq.
  Hon. Sec.: W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67 VICTORIA ROAD, FINSBURY PARK, N.
  Hon. Secs. for America:
   { North & East: Prof. G. L. KITTREDGE, Harvard Coll., Cambr., Mass.
   { South & West: Prof. J. W. BRIGHT, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore.

    LORD ALDENHAM, M.A.
    ISRAEL GOLLANCZ, M.A.
    SIDNEY L. LEE, M.A., D.Lit.
    Rev. Prof. J. E. B. MAYOR, M.A.
    Dr. J. A. H. MURRAY, M.A.
    Prof. NAPIER, M.A., Ph.D.
    EDWARD B. PEACOCK, Esq.
    ALFRED W. POLLARD, M.A.
    Rev. Prof. WALTER W. SKEAT, Litt.D.
    Dr. HENRY SWEET, M.A.
    Dr. W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A.
        (_With power to add Workers to their number._)

  Bankers: THE UNION BANK OF LONDON, 2, PRINCES STREET, E.C.

The Early English Text Society was started by Dr. Furnivall in 1864 for
the purpose of bringing the mass of Old English Literature within the
reach of the ordinary student, and of wiping away the reproach under
which England had long rested, of having felt little interest in the
monuments of her early language and life.

On the starting of the Society, so many Texts of importance were at once
taken in hand by its Editors, that it became necessary in 1867 to open,
besides the _Original Series_ with which the Society began, an _Extra
Series_ which should be mainly devoted to fresh editions of all that is
most valuable in printed MSS. and Caxton’s and other black-letter books,
though first editions of MSS. will not be excluded when the convenience
of issuing them demands their inclusion in the Extra Series.

During the thirty-nine years of the Society’s existence, it has
produced, with whatever shortcomings, an amount of good solid work for
which all students of our Language, and some of our Literature, must be
grateful, and which has rendered possible the beginnings (at least) of
proper Histories and Dictionaries of that Language and Literature, and
has illustrated the thoughts, the life, the manners and customs of our
forefathers and foremothers.

But the Society’s experience has shown the very small number of those
inheritors of the speech of Cynewulf, Chaucer, and Shakspere, who care
two guineas a year for the records of that speech: ‘Let the dead past
bury its dead’ is still the cry of Great Britain and her Colonies, and
of America, in the matter of language. The Society has never had money
enough to produce the Texts that could easily have been got ready for
it; and many Editors are now anxious to send to press the work they have
prepared. The necessity has therefore arisen for trying to increase the
number of the Society’s members, and to induce its well-wishers to help
it by gifts of money, either in one sum or by instalments. The Committee
trust that every Member will bring before his or her friends and
acquaintances the Society’s claims for liberal support. Until all Early
English MSS. are printed, no proper History of our Language or Social
Life is possible.

The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s.
a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in
advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal
Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon.
Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Rd., Finsbury Park,
London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them, must add to
their prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the
Extra Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at
the prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts
at one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in
advance to the Hon. Secretary.


-> The Society intends to complete, as soon as its funds will allow, the
Reprints of its out-of-print Texts of the year 1866, and also of nos.
20, 26 and 33. Prof. Skeat has finisht _Partenay_; Dr. McKnight of Ohio
_King Horn_ and _Floris and Blancheflour_; and Dr. Furnivall his
_Political, Religious and Love Poems_ and _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish
Priest_. Dr. Otto Glauning has undertaken _Seinte Marherete_; and Dr.
Furnivall has _Hali Meidenhad_ in type. As the cost of these Reprints,
if they were not needed, would have been devoted to fresh Texts, the
Reprints will be sent to all Members in lieu of such Texts. Though
called ‘Reprints,’ these books are new editions, generally with valuable
additions, a fact not noticed by a few careless receivers of them, who
have complained that they already had the volumes. As the Society’s
copies of the _Facsimile of the Epinal MS._ issued as an Extra Volume
in 1883 are exhausted, Mr. J. H. Hessels, M.A., of St. John’s Coll.,
Cambridge, has kindly undertaken an edition of the MS. for the Society.
This will be substituted for the Facsimile as an 1883 book, but will be
also issued to all the present Members.

JULY 1904. The Original-Series Texts for 1903 were: No. 122, Part II of
_The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, edited from the unique Laud MS. 595 by Dr.
J. E. Wülting; and No. 123, Part II of Robert of Brunne’s _Handlyng
Synne_, and its French original, ed. by Dr. F. J. Furnivall.

The Extra-Series Texts for 1903 are to be: No. LXXXVIII, _Le Morte
Arthur_, in 8-line stanzas, re-edited from the unique MS. Harl. 2252,
by Prof. J. Douglas Bruce (issued), No. LXXXIX, Lydgate’s _Reason and
Sensuality_, edited by Dr. Ernst Sieper, Part II, and _English Fragments
from Latin Medieval Service-Books_, edited, and given to the Society, by
Mr. Henry Littlehales.

The Original-Series Texts for 1904 will be No. 124, t. Hen. V,
_Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from the Digby MS. 102, &c,
edited by Dr. J. Kail, and No. 125, Part I of the _Medieval Records of
a London City Church_ (St. Mary-at-Hill), A.D. 1420-1559, copied and
edited by Mr. Henry Littlehales from the Church Records in the
Guildhall, the cost of the setting and corrections of the text being
generously borne by its Editor. This book will show the income and
outlay of the church; the drink provided for its Palm-Sunday players,
its officers’ excursions into Kent and Essex, its dealing with the
Plague, the disposal of its goods at the Reformation, &c., &c., and will
help our members to realize the church-life of its time. The third Text
will be Part I of _An Alphabet of Tales_, a very interesting collection,
englisht in the Northern Dialect, about 1440, from the Latin _Alphabetum
Narrationum_ by Etienne de Bésançon, and edited by Mrs. M. M. Banks from
the unique MS. in the King’s Library in the British Museum; the
above-named three texts are now ready for issue. Those for 1905 and 1906
will probably be chosen from Part II of the _Exeter Book_--Anglo-Saxon
Poems from the unique MS. in Exeter Cathedral--re-edited by Israel
Gollancz, M.A.; Part II of Prof. Dr. Holthausen’s _Vices and Virtues_;
Part II of _Jacob’s Well_, edited by Dr. Brandeis; the Alliterative
_Siege of Jerusalem_, edited by the late Prof. Dr. E. Kölbing and Prof.
Dr. Kaluza; an Introduction and Glossary to the _Minor Poems of the
Vernon MS._ by H. Hartley, M.A.; Alain Chartier’s _Quadrilogue_, edited
from the unique MS. Univ. Coll. Oxford MS. No. 85, by Mr. J. W. H.
Atkins of Owen’s College; a Northern Verse _Chronicle of England_ to
1327 A.D., in 42,000 lines, about 1420 A.D., edited by M. L. Perrin,
B.A.; Prof. Bruce’s Introduction to _The English Conquest of Ireland_,
Part II; and Dr. Furnivall’s edition of the _Lichfield Gilds_, which is
all printed, and waits only for the Introduction, that Prof. E. C. K.
Gonner has kindly undertaken to write for the book. Canon Wordsworth of
Marlborough has given the Society a copy of the Leofric Canonical Rule,
Latin and Anglo-Saxon, Parker MS. 191, C.C.C. Cambridge, and Prof.
Napier will edit it, with a fragment of the englisht Capitula of Bp.
Theodulf. The _Coventry Leet Book_ is being copied for the Society by
Miss M. Dormer Harris--helpt by a contribution from the Common Council
of the City,--and will be publisht by the Society (Miss Harris editing),
as its contribution to our knowledge of the provincial city life of the
15th century.

Dr. Brie of Berlin has undertaken to edit the prose _Brut_ or _Chronicle
of Britain_ attributed to Sir John Mandeville, and printed by Caxton. He
has already examined more than 100 English MSS. and several French ones,
to get the best text, and find out its source.

The Extra-Series Texts for 1904 will be chosen from Lydgate’s
_DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, Part III, edited by
Miss Locock; Dr. M. Konrath’s re-edition of _William of Shorcham’s
Poems_, Part II; Dr. E. A. Kock’s edition of Lovelich’s _Merlin_ from
the unique MS. in Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge; the _Macro Plays_,
edited from Mr. Gurney’s MS. by Dr. Furnivall and A. W. Pollard, M.A.;
Prof. Erdmann’s re-edition of Lydgate’s _Siege of Thebes_ (issued also
by the Chaucer Society); Miss Rickert’s re-edition of the Romance of
_Emare_; Prof. I. Gollanez’s re-edition of two Alliterative Poems,
_Winner and Waster_, &c, ab. 1360, lately issued for the Roxburghe Club;
Dr. Norman Moore’s re-edition of _The Book of the Foundation of St.
Bartholomew’s Hospital, London_, from the unique MS. ab. 1425, which
gives an account of the Founder, Rahere, and the miraculous cures
wrought at the Hospital; _The Craft of Nombrynge_, with other of the
earliest englisht Treatises on Arithmetic, edited by R. Steele, B.A.;
and Miss Warren’s two-text edition of _The Dance of Death_ from the
Ellesmere and other MSS.

These Extra-Series Texts ought to be completed by their Editors: the
Second Part of the prose Romance of _Melusine_--Introduction, with ten
facsimiles of the best woodblocks of the old foreign black-letter
editions, Glossary, &c, by A. K. Donald, B.A. (now in India); and a new
edition of the famous Early-English Dictionary (English and Latin),
_Promptorium Parvulorum_, from the Winchester MS., ab. 1440 A.D.: in
this, the Editor, the Rev. A. L. Mayhew, M.A., will follow and print his
MS. not only in its arrangement of nouns first, and verbs second, under
every letter of the Alphabet, but also in its giving of the flexions of
the words. The Society’s edition will thus be the first modern one that
really represents its original, a point on which Mr. Mayhew’s insistence
will meet with the sympathy of all our Members.

The Texts for the Extra Series in 1906 and 1907 will be chosen from _The
Three Kings’ Sons_, Part II, the Introduction &c. by Prof. Dr. Leon
Kellner; Part II of _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS., with a
full collation of the formerly missing Devonshire MS., by Mr. G. England
and Dr. Matthews; the Parallel-Text of the only two MSS. of the _Owl and
Nightingale_, edited by Mr. G. F. H. Sykes (at press); Prof. Jespersen’s
editions of John Hart’s _Orthographie_ (MS. 1551 A.D.; blackletter
1569), and _Method to teach Reading_, 1570; Deguilleville’s _Pilgrimage
of the Sowle_, in English prose, edited by Prof. Dr. L. Kellner. (For
the three prose versions of _The Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_--two
English, one French--an Editor is wanted.) Members are askt to realise
the fact that the Society has now 50 years’ work on its Lists,--at its
present rate of production,--and that there is from 100 to 200 more
years’ work to come after that. The year 2000 will not see finisht all
the Texts that the Society ought to print. The need of more Members and
money is pressing. Offers of help from willing Editors have continually
to be declined because the Society has no funds to print their Texts.

An urgent appeal is hereby made to Members to increase the list of
Subscribers to the E. E. Text Society. It is nothing less than a scandal
that the Hellenic Society should have nearly 1000 members, while the
Early English Text Society has not 300!

Before his death in 1895, Mr. G. N. Currie was preparing an edition of
the 15th and 16th century Prose Versions of Guillaume de Deguilleville’s
_Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_, with the French prose version by Jean
Gallopes, from Lord Aldenham’s MS., he having generously promist to pay
the extra cost of printing the French text, and engraving one or two of
the illuminations in his MS. But Mr. Currie, when on his deathbed,
charged a friend to burn _all_ his MSS. which lay in a corner of his
room, and unluckily all the E. E. T. S.’s copies of the Deguilleville
prose versions were with them, and were burnt with them, so that the
Society will be put to the cost of fresh copies, Mr. Currie having died
in debt.

Guillaume de Deguilleville, monk of the Cistercian abbey of Chaalis, in
the diocese of Senlis, wrote his first verse _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_ in
1330-1 when he was 36.[1] Twenty-five (or six) years after, in 1355, he
revised his poem, and issued a second version of it,[2] a revision of
which was printed ab. 1500. Of the prose representative of the first
version, 1330-1, a prose Englishing, about 1430 A.D., was edited by Mr.
Aldis Wright for the Roxburghe Club in 1869, from MS. Ff. 5. 30 in the
Cambridge University Library. Other copies of this prose English are in
the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, Q. 2. 25; Sion College, London; and the
Laud Collection in the Bodleian, no. 740.[3] A copy in the Northern
dialect is MS. G. 21, in St. John’s Coll., Cambridge, and this is the
MS. which will be edited for the E. E. Text Society. The Laud MS. 740
was somewhat condenst and modernised, in the 17th century, into MS. Ff.
6. 30, in the Cambridge University Library:[4] “The Pilgrime or the
Pilgrimage of Man in this World,” copied by Will. Baspoole, whose copy
“was verbatim written by Walter Parker, 1645, and from thence
transcribed by G. G. 1649; and from thence by W. A. 1655.” This last
copy may have been read by, or its story reported to, Bunyan, and may
have been the groundwork of his _Pilgrim’s Progress_. It will be edited
for the E. E. T. Soc., its text running under the earlier English, as in
Mr. Herrtage’s edition of the _Gesta Romanorum_ for the Society. In
February 1464,[5] Jean Gallopes--a clerk of Angers, afterwards chaplain
to John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France--turned Deguilleville’s first
verse _Pèlerinaige_ into a prose _Pèlerinage de la vie humaine_.[6] By
the kindness of Lord Aldenham, as above mentiond, Gallopes’s French text
will be printed opposite the early prose northern Englishing in the
Society’s edition.

The Second Version of Deguilleville’s _Pèlerinaige de l’Homme_, A.D.
1355 or -6, was englisht in verse by Lydgate in 1426. Of Lydgate’s poem,
the larger part is in the Cotton MS. Vitellius C. xiii (leaves 2-308).
This MS. leaves out Chaucer’s englishing of Deguilleville’s _ABC_ or
_Prayer to the Virgin_, of which the successive stanzas start with A, B,
C, and run all thro’ the alphabet; and it has 2 main gaps, besides many
small ones from the tops of leaves being burnt in the Cotton fire. All
these gaps (save the A B C) have been fild up from the Stowe MS. 952
(which old John Stowe completed) and from the end of the other imperfect
MS. Cotton, Tiberius A vii. Thanks to the diligence of the old
Elizabethan tailor and manuscript-lover, a complete text of Lydgate’s
poem can be given, though that of an inserted theological prose treatise
is incomplete. The British Museum French MSS. (Harleian 4399,[7] and
Additional 22,937[8] and 25,594[9]) are all of the First Version.

Besides his first _Pèlerinaige de l’homme_ in its two versions,
Deguilleville wrote a second, “de l’ame separee du corps,” and a third,
“de nostre seigneur Iesus.” Of the second, a prose Englishing of 1413,
_The Pilgrimage of the Sowle_ (with poems by Hoccleve, already printed
for the Society with that author’s _Regement of Princes_), exists in the
Egerton MS. 615,[10] at Hatfield, Cambridge (Univ. Kk. 1. 7, and Caius),
Oxford (Univ. Coll. and Corpus), and in Caxton’s edition of 1483. This
version has ‘somewhat of addicions’ as Caxton says, and some shortenings
too, as the maker of both, the first translater, tells us in the MSS.
Caxton leaves out the earlier englisher’s interesting Epilog in the
Egerton MS. This prose englishing of the _Sowle_ will be edited for the
Society by Prof. Dr. Leon Kellner after that of the _Man_ is finisht,
and will have Gallopes’s French opposite it, from Lord Aldenham’s MS.,
as his gift to the Society. Of the Pilgrimage of Jesus, no englishing is
known.

As to the MS. Anglo-Saxon Psalters, Dr. Hy. Sweet has edited the oldest
MS., the Vespasian, in his _Oldest English Texts_ for the Society, and
Mr. Harsley has edited the latest, c. 1150, Eadwine’s Canterbury
Psalter. The other MSS., except the Paris one, being interlinear
versions,--some of the Roman-Latin redaction, and some of the
Gallican,--Prof. Logeman has prepared for press, a Parallel-Text edition
of the first twelve Psalms, to start the complete work. He will do his
best to get the Paris Psalter--tho’ it is not an interlinear one--into
this collective edition; but the additional matter, especially in the
Verse-Psalms, is very difficult to manage. If the Paris text cannot be
parallelised, it will form a separate volume. The Early English Psalters
are all independent versions, and will follow separately in due course.

Through the good offices of the Examiners, some of the books for the
Early-English Examinations of the University of London will be chosen
from the Society’s publications, the Committee having undertaken to
supply such books to students at a large reduction in price. The net
profits from these sales will be applied to the Society’s Reprints.

Members are reminded that _fresh Subscribers are always wanted_, and
that the Committee can at anytime, on short notice, send to press an
additional Thousand Pounds’ worth of work.

The Subscribers to the Original Series must be prepared for the issue of
the whole of the Early English _Lives of Saints_, sooner or later. The
Society cannot leave out any of them, even though some are dull. The
Sinners would doubtless be much more interesting. But in many Saints’
Lives will be found valuable incidental details of our forefathers’
social state, and all are worthful for the history of our language. The
Lives may be lookt on as the religious romances or story-books of their
period.

The Standard Collection of Saints’ Lives in the Corpus and Ashmole MSS.,
the Harleian MS. 2277, &c. will repeat the Laud set, our No. 87, with
additions, and in right order. (The foundation MS. (Laud 108) had to be
printed first, to prevent quite unwieldy collations.) The Supplementary
Lives from the Vernon and other MSS. will form one or two separate
volumes.

Besides the Saints’ Lives, Trevisa’s englishing of _Bartholomæus de
Proprietatibus Rerum_, the mediæval Cyclopædia of Science, &c, will be
the Society’s next big undertaking. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker will edit
it. Prof. Napier of Oxford, wishing to have the whole of our MS.
Anglo-Saxon in type, and accessible to students, will edit for the
Society all the unprinted and other Anglo-Saxon Homilies which are not
included in Thorpe’s edition of Ælfric’s prose,[11] Dr. Morris’s of the
Blickling Homilies, and Prof. Skeat’s of Ælfric’s Metrical Homilies. The
late Prof. Kölbing left complete his text, for the Society, of the
_Ancren Riwle_, from the best MS., with collations of the other four,
and this will be edited for the Society by Dr. Thümmler. Mr. Harvey
means to prepare an edition of the three MSS. of the _Earliest English
Metrical Psalter_, one of which was edited by the late Mr. Stevenson for
the Surtees Society.

Members of the Society will learn with pleasure that its example has
been followed, not only by the Old French Text Society which has done
such admirable work under its founders Profs. Paul Meyer and Gaston
Paris, but also by the Early Russian Text Society, which was set on foot
in 1877, and has since issued many excellent editions of old MS.
Chronicles, &c.

Members will also note with pleasure the annexation of large tracts of
our Early English territory by the important German contingent, the late
Professors Zupitza and Kölbing, the living Hausknecht, Einenkel,
Haenisch, Kaluza, Hupe, Adam, Holthausen, Schick, Herzfeld, Brandeis,
Sieper, Konrath, Wülfing, &c. Scandinavia has also sent us Prof. Erdmann
and Dr. E. A. Kock; Holland, Prof. H. Logeman, who is now working in
Belgium; France, Prof. Paul Meyer--with Gaston Paris as adviser (alas,
now dead);--Italy, Prof. Lattanzi; Austria, Dr. von Fleischhacker; while
America is represented by the late Prof. Child, by Dr. Mary Noyes
Colvin, Miss Rickert, Profs. Mead, McKnight, Triggs, Perrin, &c. The
sympathy, the ready help, which the Society’s work has cald forth from
the Continent and the United States, have been among the pleasantest
experiences of the Society’s life, a real aid and cheer amid all
troubles and discouragements. All our Members are grateful for it, and
recognise that the bond their work has woven between them and the lovers
of language and antiquity across the seas is one of the most welcome
results of the Society’s efforts.


ORIGINAL SERIES.

1. _Early English Alliterative Poems_, ab. 1360 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr.
R. Morris. 16s.    1864

2. _Arthur_, ab. 1440, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 4s.    „

3. _Lauder on the Dewtie of Kyngis, &c._, 1556, ed. F. Hall, D.C.L.
4s.    „

4. _Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight_, ab. 1360, ed. Rev. Dr.
R. Morris. 10s.    „

5. _Hume’s Orthographie and Congruitie of the Britan Tongue_,
ab. 1617, ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s.    1865

6. _Lancelot of the Laik_, ab. 1500, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 8s.    „

7. _Genesis & Exodus_, ab. 1250, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 8s.    „

8. _Morte Arthure_, ab. 1440, ed. E. Brock. 7s.    „

9. _Thynne on Speght’s ed. of Chaucer_, A.D. 1599, ed. Dr. G. Kingsley
and Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 10s.    „

10. _Merlin_, ab. 1440, Part I., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 2s. 6d.    „

11. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, 1552, Part I., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. „

12. _Wright’s Chaste Wife_, ab. 1462, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 1s. „

13. _Seinte Marherete_, 1200-1330, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne; re-edited
by Dr. Otto Glauning.    [_Out of print._    1866

14. _Kyng Horn, Floris and Blancheflour, &c._, ed. Rev. J. R. Lumby,
B.D., re-ed. Dr. G. H. McKnight. 5s.    „

15. _Political, Religious, and Love Poems_, ed. F. J. Furnivall.
7s. 6d.    „

16. _The Book of Quinte Essence_, ab. 1460-70, ed. F. J. Furnivall.
1s.    „

17. _Parallel Extracts from 45 MSS. of Piers the Plowman_, ed. Rev.
W. W. Skeat. 1s.    „

18. _Hali Meidenhad_, ab. 1200, ed. Rev. O. Cockayne, re-edited by Dr.
F. J. Furnivall. [_At Press._    „

19. _Lyndesay’s Monarche, &c._, Part II., ed. J. Small, M.A. 3s. 6d.  „

20. _Hampole’s English Prose Treatises_, ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 1s.
[_Out of print._    „

21. _Merlin_, Part II., ed. H. B. Wheatley. 4s.    „

22. _Partenay_ or _Lusignen_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat.    „

23. _Dan Michel’s Ayenbite of Inwyt_, 1340, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
10s. 6d.    „

24. _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ; the Parliament of Devils, &c._,
ab. 1430, ed. F. J. Furnivall.    1867

25. _The Stacions of Rome, the Pilgrims’ Sea-voyage, with Clene
Maydenhod_, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 1s.    „

26. _Religious Pieces in Prose and Verse_, from R. Thornton’s MS.,
ed. Rev. G. G. Perry. 2s. [_Out of print._    „

27. _Levins’s Manipulus Vocabulorum, a ryming Dictionary_, 1570,
ed. H. B. Wheatley. 12s.    „

28. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, 1362 A.D.; Text A,
Part I., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 6s.    „

29. _Old English Homilies_ (ab. 1220-30 A.D.). Series I, Part I.
Edited by Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 7s.    „

30. _Pierce the Ploughmans Crede_, ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat. 2s.    „

31. _Myrc’s Duties of a Parish Priest_, in Verse, ab. 1420 A.D.,
ed. E. Peacock. 4s.    1868

32. _Early English Meals and Manners: the Boke of Norture of John
Russell, the Bokes of Keruynge, Curtasye, and Demeanor, the Babees
Book, Urbanitatis, &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall. 12s.    „

33. _The Knight de la Tour Landry_, ab. 1440 A.D. A Book for
Daughters, ed. T. Wright, M.A. [_Out of print._

34. _Old English Homilies_ (before 1300 A.D.). Series I, Part II.,
ed. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s.    „

35. _Lyndesay’s Works_, Part III.: The Historie and Testament of
Squyer Meldrum, ed. F. Hall. 2s.    „

36. _Merlin_, Part III. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. On Arthurian Localities,
by J. S. Stuart Glennie. 12s.    1869

37. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part IV., Ane Satyre of the Three
Estaits. Ed. F. Hall, D.C.L. 4s.    „

38. _William’s Vision of Piers the Plowman_, Part II. Text B. Ed. Rev.
W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s. 6d.    „

39. _Alliterative Romance of the Destruction of Troy_.
Ed. D. Donaldson & G. A. Panton. Pt. I. 10s. 6d.    „

40. _English Gilds_, their Statutes and Customs, 1389 A.D. Edit.
Toulmin Smith and Lucy T. Smith, with an Essay on Gilds and
Trades-Unions, by Dr. L. Brentano. 21s.    1870

41. _William Lauder’s Minor Poems_. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. 3s.    „

42. _Bernardus De Cura Rei Famuliaris_, Early Scottish Prophecies, &c.
Ed. J. R. Lumby, M.A. 2s.    „

43. _Ratis Raving_, and other Moral and Religious Pieces. Ed.
J. R. Lumby, M.A.    „

44. _The Alliterative Romance of Joseph of Arimathie_, or _The Holy
Grail_: from the Vernon MS.; with W. de Worde’s and Pynson’s Lives of
Joseph: ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 5s.    1871

45. _King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_,
edited from 2 MSS., with an English translation, by Henry Sweet, Esq.,
B.A., Balliol College, Oxford. Part I. 10s.    „

46. _Legends of the Holy Rood, Symbols of the Passion and Cross
Poems_, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris. 10s.    „

47. _Sir David Lyndesay’s Works_, Part V., ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray.
3s.    „

48. _The Times’ Whistle_, and other Poems, by R. C., 1616; ed. by
J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s.    „

49. _An Old English Miscellany_, containing a Bestiary, Kentish
Sermons, Proverbs of Alfred, and Religious Poems of the 13th cent.,
ed. from the MSS. by the Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 10s.    1872

50._King Alfred’s West-Saxon Version of Gregory’s Pastoral Care_,
ed. H. Sweet, M.A. Part II. 10s.    „

51. _The Life of St Juliana_, 2 versions, A.D. 1230, with
translations; ed. T. O. Cockayne & E. Brock. 2s.    „

52. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.), ed. Rev.
Barton Lodge, M.A. Part I. 10s.    1872

53. _Old-English Homilies_, Series II., and three Hymns to the Virgin
and God, 13th-century, with the music to two of them, in old and
modern notation; ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D. 8s.    1873

54. _The Vision of Piers Plowman, Text C: Richard the Redeles_
(by William, the author of the _Vision_) and _The Crowned King_;
Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 18s.    „

55. _Generydes_, a Romance, ab. 1440 A.D., ed. W. Aldis Wright,
M.A. Part I. 3s.    „

56. _The Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy_, in alliterative
verse; ed. by D. Donaldson, Esq., and the late Rev. G. A. Panton.
Part II. 10s. 6d.    1874

57. _The Early English Version of the “Cursor Mundi”_; in four Texts,
edited by the Rev. R. Morris, M.A., LL.D. Part I, with 2
photolithographic facsimiles. 10s. 6d.    „

58. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. R. Morris, LL.D.
Part I. 8s.    „

59. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris.
Part II. 15s.    1875

60. _Meditacyuns on the Soper of our Lorde_ (by Robert of Brunne),
edited by J. M. Cowper. 2s. 6d.    „

61. _The Romance and Prophecies of Thomas of Eroeldoune_, from 5 MSS.;
ed. Dr. J. A. H. Murray. 10s. 6d.    „

62. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. B. Morris.
Part III. 15s.    1876

63. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
Part II. 7s.    „

64. _Francis Thynne’s Embleames and Epigrams_, A.D. 1600, ed. F. J.
Furnivall. 7s.    „

65. _Be Domes Dæge_ (Bede’s _De Die Judicii_), &c., ed. J. R. Lumby,
B.D. 2s.    „

66. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in four Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
Part IV., with 2 autotypes. 10s.    1877

67. _Notes on Piers Plowman_, by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. Part I.
21s.    „

68. _The “Cursor Mundi,”_ in 4 Texts, ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris Part V.
25s.    1878

69. _Adam Davie’s 5 Dreams about Edward II., &c._, ed. F. J. Furnivall,
M.A. 5s.    „

70. _Generydes_, a Romance, ed. W. Aldis Wright, M.A. Part II. 4s.    „

71. _The Lay Folks Mass-Book_, four texts, ed. Rev. Canon Simmons.
25s.    1879

72. _Palladius on Husbondrie_, englisht (ab. 1420 A.D.). Part II.
Ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s.    „

73. _The Blickling Homilies_, 971 A.D., ed. Rev. Dr. R. Morris.
Part III. 10s.    1880

74. _English Works of Wyclif_, hitherto unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew,
Esq. 20s.    „

75. _Catholicon Anglicum_, an early English Dictionary, from Lord
Monson’s MS. A.D. 1483, ed., with Introduction & Notes, by S. J.
Herrtage, B.A.; and with a Preface by H. B. Wheatley. 20s.    1881

76. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints_, in MS. Cott. Jul. E 7.,
ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. Part I. 10s.    „

77. _Beowulf_, the unique MS. autotyped and transliterated, edited by
Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D. 25s.    1882

78. _The Fifty Earliest English Wills_, in the Court of Probate,
1387-1439, ed. by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. 7s.    „

79. _King Alfred’s Orosius_, from Lord Tollemache’s 9th century MS.,
Part I, ed. H. Sweet, M.A. 13s.    1883

79b. _The Epinal Glossary_, 8th cent., ed. J. H. Hessels, M.A.
15s.    [_Preparing._    „

80. _The Early-English Life of St. Katherine_ and its Latin Original,
ed. Dr. Einenkel. 12s.    1884

81. _Piers Plowman_: Notes, Glossary, &c. Part IV, completing the
work, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A. 18s.    „

82. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7.,
ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, M.A., LL.D. Part II. 12s.    1885

83. _The Oldest English Texts, Charters, &c._, ed. H. Sweet, M.A.
20s.    „

84. _Additional Analogs to ‘The Wright’s Chaste Wife,’_ No. 12,
by W. A. Clouston. 1s.    1886

85. _The Three Kings of Cologne_. 2 English Texts, and 1 Latin,
ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 17s.    „

86. _Prose Lives of Women Saints_, ab. 1610 A.D., ed. from the unique
MS. by Dr. C. Horstmann. 12s.    „

87. _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ (earliest version), Laud MS.
108, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann. 20s.    1887

88. _Hy. Bradshaw’s life of St. Werburghe_ (Pynson, 1521), ed. Dr.
C. Horstmann. 10s.    „

89. _Vices and Virtues_, from the unique MS., ab. 1200 A.D.,
ed. Dr. F. Holthausen. Part I. 8s.    1888

90. _Anglo-Saxon and Latin Rule of St. Benet_, interlinear Glosses,
ed. Dr. H. Logeman. 12s.    „

91. _Two Fifteenth-Century Cookery-Books_, ab. 1430-1450, edited by
Mr. T. Austin. 10s.    „

92. _Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter_, from the Trin. Cambr. MS.,
ab. 1150 A.D., ed. F. Harsley, B. Pt. I. 12s. 1889

93. _Defensor’s Liber Scintillarum_, edited from the MSS. by Ernest
Rhodes, B.A. 12s.    „

94. _Aelfric’s Metrical Lives of Saints, MS_. Cott. Jul. E 7,
Part III., ed. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 12s.    1890

95. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed.
by Dr. Thomas Miller. Part I, § 1. 18s.    „

96. _The Old-English version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_, re-ed.
by Dr. Thomas Miller. Pt. I, § 2. 15s.    1891

97. _The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, edited from its 2 MSS.
by Dr. K. D. Buelbring. Part I. 15s.    „

98. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS_., Part I., ed. Dr. C. Horstmann.
20s.    1892

99. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VI. Preface, Notes, and Glossary, ed. Rev.
Dr. R. Morris. 10s.    „

100. _Capgrave’s Life of St. Katharine_, ed. Dr. C. Horstmann, with
Forewords by Dr. Furnivall. 20s.    1893

101. _Cursor Mundi_. Part VII. Essay on the MSS., their Dialects, &c.,
by Dr. H. Hupe. 10s.    „

102. _Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von
Fleischhacker. Part I. 20s.    1894

103. _The Legend of the Cross_, from a 12th century MS., &c.,
ed. Prof. A. S. Napier, M.A., Ph.D. 7s. 6d.    „

104. _The Exeter Book_ (Anglo-Saxon Poems), re-edited from the unique
MS. by I. Gollancz, M.A. Part I. 20s.    1895

105. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, Camb. Univ. MS.,
ab. 1420, ed. Henry Littlehales. Part I. 10s.    „

106. _R. Misyn’s Fire of Love and Mending of Life_ (Hampole), 1434,
1435, ed. Rev. R. Harvey, M.A. 15s.    1896

107. _The English Conquest of Ireland_, A.D. 1166-1185, 2 Texts, 1425,
1440, Pt. I., ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s.    „

108. _Child-Marriages and Divorces, Trothplights, &c_. Chester
Depositions, 1561-6, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 15s.    1897

109. _The Prymer or Lay-Folks’ Prayer-Book_, ab. 1420, ed. Henry
Littlehales. Part II. 10s.    „

110. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_,
ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 1. 15s.    1898

111. _The Old-English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History_,
ed. Dr. T. Miller. Part II, § 2. 15s.    „

112. _Merlin, Part IV: Outlines of the Legend of Merlin_, by Prof.
W. E. Mead. Ph.D. 15s.    1899

113. _Queen Elizabeth’s Englishings of Boethius, Plutarch &c. &c_.,
ed. Miss C. Pemberton. 15s.    „

114. _Aelfric’s Metrical lives of Saints_, Part IV and last, ed. Prof.
Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. 10s.    1900

115. _Jacob’s Well_, edited from the unique Salisbury Cathedral MS.
by Dr. A. Brandeis. Part I. 10s.    „

116. _An Old-English Martyrology_, re-edited by Dr. G. Herzfeld.
10s.    „

117. _Minor Poems of the Vernon MS._, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall.
Part II. 15s.    1901

118. _The Lay Folks’ Catechism,_ ed. by Canon Simmons and Rev. H. E.
Nolloth, M.A. 5s.    „

119. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French
original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. I. 10s.    „

120. _The Rule of St. Benet_, in Northern Prose and Verse, & Caxton’s
Summary, ed. Dr. E. A. Kock. 15s.    1902

121. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595,
by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part I. 15s.    „

122. _The Laud MS. Troy-Book_, ed. from the unique Laud MS. 595,
by Dr. J. E. Wülfing. Part II. 20s.    1903

123. _Robert of Brunne’s Handlyng Synne_ (1303), and its French
original, re-ed. by Dr. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s.    „

124. _Twenty-six Political and other Poems_ from Digby MS. 102 &c,
ed. by Dr. J. Kail. Part I. 10s.    1904

125. _Medieval Records of a London City Church_, ed. Henry
Littlehales. Pt. 1. 20s.    „

126. _An Alphabet of Tales_, in Northern English from Latin,
ed. Mrs. M. M. Banks. Part I. 10s.    „

127.    1905


EXTRA SERIES.

The Publications for _1867-1901_ (one guinea each year) are:--

I. _William of Palerne_; or, _William and the Werwolf._ Re-edited
by Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 13s.    1867

II. _Early English Pronunciation_ with especial Reference to Shakspere
and Chaucer, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part I. 10s.    „

III. _Caxton’s Book of Curtesye_, in Three Versions. Ed. F. J.
Furnivall. 5s.    1868

IV. _Havelok the Dane._ Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 10s.
 „

 V. _Chaucer’s Boethius._ Edited from the two best MSS. by Rev. Dr.
R. Morris 12s.    „

VI. _Chevelere Assigne._ Re-edited from the unique MS. by Lord
Aldenham, M.A. 3s.    „

VII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part II.
10s.    1869

VIII. _Queene Elizabethes Achademy, &c._ Ed. F. J. Furnivall. Essays
on early Italian and German Books of Courtesy, by W. M. Rossetti and
Dr. E. Oswald. 13s.    „

IX. _Awdeley’s Fraternitye of Vacabondes, Harmon’s Caveat, &c._
Ed. E. Viles & F. J. Furnivall. 7_a_. 6d.    „

X. _Andrew Boorde’s Introduction of Knowledge, 1547, Dyetary of
Helth, 1542, Barnes in Defence of the Berde, 1542-3._ Ed. F. J.
Furnivall. 18s.    1870

XI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part I. Ed. from MSS. and editions, by Rev.
W. W. Skeat, M.A. 12s.    „

XII. _England in Henry VIII’s Time_: a Dialogue between Cardinal Pole
& Lupset, by Thom. Starkey, Chaplain to Henry VIII. Ed. J. M. Cowper.
Part II. 12s. (Part I. is No. XXXII, 1878, 8s.)    1871

XIII. _A Supplicacyon of the Beggers_, by Simon Fish, 1528-9 A.D., ed.
F. J. Furnivall; with _A Supplication to our Moste Soueraigne Lorde;
A Supplication of the Poore Commons_; and _The Decaye of England by
the Great Multitude of Sheep_, ed. by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 6s.    „

XIV. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S. Part
III. 10s.    „

XV. _Robert Crowley’s Thirty-One Epigrams, Voyce of the Last Trumpet,
Way to Wealth, &c._, A.D. 1550-1, edited by J. M. Cowper, Esq. 12s.
1872

XVI. _Chaucer’s Treatise on the Astrolabe._ Ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A.
6s.    „

XVII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., with 4 Tracts
(1542-48), ed. Dr. Murray. Part I. 10s.    „

XVIII. _The Complaynt of Scotlande_, 1549 A.D., ed. Dr. Murray. Part
II. 8s.    1873

XIX. _Oure Ladyes Myroure_, A.D. 1530, ed. Rev. J. H. Blunt, M.A.
24s.    „

XX. _Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_ (ab. 1450 A.D.), ed. F. J.
Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D. Part I. 8_s_    1874

XXI. _Barbour’s Bruce_, Part II., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A. 4s.    „

XXII. _Henry Brinklow’s Complaynt of Roderyck Mors_ (ab. 1542): and
_The Lamentacion of a Christian against the Citie of London_, made by
Roderigo Mors, A.D. 1545. Ed. J. M. Cowper. 9s.    „

XXIII. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, F.R.S. Part IV.
10s.    „

XXIV._ Lovelich’s History of the Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall,
M.A., Ph.D. Part II. 10s.    1875

XXV. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza.
Part I. 20s.    „

XXVI. _Guy of Warwick_, 15th-century Version, ed. Prof. Zupitza.
Part II. 14s.    1876

XXVII. _Bp. Fisher’s English Works_ (died 1535). ed. by Prof. J. E. B.
Mayor. Part I, the Text. 16s.    „

XXVIII. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D.
Part III. 10s.    1877

XXIX. _Barbour’s Bruce._ Part III., ed. Rev. W. W. Skeat, M.A.
21s.    „

XXX. _Lovelich’s Holy Grail_, ed. F. J. Furnivall, M.A., Ph.D.
Part IV. 15s.    1878

XXXI. _The Alliterative Romance of Alexander and Dindimus_, ed. Rev.
W. W. Skeat. 6s.    „

XXXII. _Starkey’s “England in Henry VIII’s time.”_ Pt. I. Starkey’s
Life and Letters, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 8s.    „

XXXIII. _Gesta Romanorum_ (englisht ab. 1440), ed. S. J. Herrtage,
B.A. 15s.    1879

XXXIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--1. Sir Ferumbras_, from Ashm. MS. 33,
ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s.    „

XXXV. _Charlemagne Romances:--2. The Sege off Melayne, Sir Otuell,
&c._, ed. S. J. Herrtage. 12s.    1880

XXXVI. _Charlemagne Romances:--3. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. I.,
ed. S. J. Herrtage. 16s.    „

XXXVII. _Charlemagne Romances:--4. Lyf of Charles the Grete_, Pt. II.,
ed. S. J. Herrtage. 15s.    1881

XXXVIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--5. The Sowdone of Babylone_, ed. Dr.
Hausknecht. 15s.    „

XXXIX. _Charlemagne Romances:--6. Rauf Colyear, Roland, Otuel, &c._,
ed. S. J. Herrtage, B.A. 15s.    1882

XL. _Charlemagne Romances:--7. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners,
ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part I. 15s.    „

XLI. _Charlemagne Romances:--8. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners,
ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. II. 15s.    1883

XLII. _Guy of Warwick_: 2 texts (Auchinleck MS. and Cains MS.),
ed. Prof. Zupitza. Part I. 15s.    „

XLIII. _Charlemagne Romances:--9. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners,
ed. S. L. Lee, B. Pt. III. 15s.    1884

XLIV. _Charlemagne Romances:--10. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss
Octavia Richardson. Pt. I. 15s.    1884

XLV. _Charlemagne Romances:--11. The Four Sons of Aymon_, ed. Miss O.
Richardson. Pt. II. 20s.    1885

XLVI. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, from the Auchinleck and other MSS.,
ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part I. 10s.    „

XLVII. _The Wars of Alexander_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D.
20s.    1886

XLVIII. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part II.
10s.    „

XLIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Pt. II.,
ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s.    1887

L. _Charlemagne Romances:--12. Huon of Burdeux_, by Lord Berners,
ed. S. L. Lee, B. Part IV. 5s.    „

LI. _Torrent of Portyngale_, from the unique MS. in the Chetham
Library, ed. E. Adam, Ph.D. 10s.    „

LII. _Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence, 1578_ (ed. 1,
1564). Ed. M. & A. H. Bullen. 10s.    1888

LIII. _Vicary’s Anatomie of the Body of Man, 1548_, ed. 1577,
ed. F. J. & Percy Furnivall. Part I. 15s.    „

LIV. _Caxton’s Englishing of Alain Chartier’s Curial_, ed. Dr. F. J.
Furnivall & Prof. P. Meyer. 5s.    „

LV. _Barbour’s Bruce_, ed. Rev. Prof. Skeat, Litt.D., LL.D. Part IV.
5s.    1889

LVI. _Early English Pronunciation_, by A. J. Ellis, Esq., F.R.S.
Pt. V., the present English Dialects. 25s.    „

LVII. _Caxton’s Eneydos_, A.D. 1490, coll. with its French, ed. M. T.
Culley, M.A. & Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 13s.    1890

LVIII. _Caxton’s Blanchardyn & Eglantine_, c. 1489, extracts from ed.
1595, & French, ed. Dr. L. Kellner. 17s.    „

LIX. _Guy of Warwick_, 2 texts (Auchinleck and Caius MSS.), Part III.,
ed. Prof. J. Zupitza, Ph.D. 15s.    1891

LX. _Lydgate’s Temple of Glass_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr.
J. Schick. 15s.    „

LXI. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, I._, from the Phillipps and Durham MSS.,
ed. F. J. Furnivall, Ph.D. 15s.    1892

LXII. _The Chester Plays_, re-edited from the MSS. by the late Dr.
Hermann Deimling. Part I. 15s.    „

LXIII. _Thomas a Kempis’s De Imitatione Christi_, englisht ab. 1440,
& 1502, ed. Prof. J. K. Ingram. 15s.    1893

LXIV. _Caxton’s Godfrey of Boloyne_, or _Last Siege of Jerusalem_,
1481, ed. Dr. Mary N. Colvin. 15s.    „

LXV. _Sir Bevis of Hamton_, ed. Prof. E. Kölbing, Ph.D. Part III.
15s.    1894

LXVI. _Lydgate’s and Burgh’s Secrees of Philisoffres_, ab. 1445-50,
ed. R. Steele, B.A. 15s.    „

LXVII. _The Three Kings’ Sons_, a Romance, ab. 1500, Part I., the
Text, ed. Dr. Furnivall. 10s.    1895

LXVIII. _Melusine_, the prose Romance, ab. 1500, Part I, the Text,
ed. A. K. Donald. 20s.    „

LXIX. _Lydgate’s Assembly of the Gods_, ed. Prof. Oscar L. Triggs,
M.A., Ph.D. 15s.    1896

LXX. _The Digby Plays_, edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s.    „

LXXI. _The Towneley Plays_, ed. Geo. England and A. W. Pollard, M.A.
15s.    1897

LXXII. _Hoccleve’s Regement of Princes, 1411-12, and 14 Poems_, edited
by Dr. F. J. Furnivall. 15s.    „

LXXIII. _Hoccleve’s Minor Poems, II._, from the Ashburnham MS.,
ed. I. Gollancz, M.A. [_At Press._    „

LXXIV. _Secreta Secretorum_, 3 prose Englishings, by Jas. Yonge, 1428,
ed. R. Steele, B. Part I. 20s.    1898

LXXV. _Speculum Guidonis de Warwyk_, edited by Miss G. L. Morrill,
M.A., Ph.D. 10s.    „

LXXVI. _George Ashby’s Poems, &c._, ed. Miss Mary Bateson. 15s.   1899

LXXVII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_,
1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Part I. 10s.    „

LXXVIII. _The Life and Death of Mary Magdalene_, by T. Robinson,
c. 1620, ed. Dr. H. O. Sommer. 5s.    „

LXXIX. _Caxton’s Dialogues, English and French_, c. 1483, ed. Henry
Bradley, M.A. 10s.    1900

LXXX. _Lydgate’s Two Nightingale Poems_, ed. Dr. Otto Glauning.
5s.    „

LXXXI. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A.
Vol. I. 15s.    „

LXXXII. _Gower’s Confessio Amantis_, edited by G. C. Macaulay, M.A.
Vol. II. 15s.    1901

LXXXIII. _Lydgate’s DeGuilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Life of Man_,
1426, ed. Dr. F. J. Furnivall. Pt. II. 10s.    „

LXXXIV. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper.
Part I. 5s.    „

LXXXV. _Alexander Scott’s Poems_, 1568, from the unique Edinburgh MS.,
ed. A. K. Donald, B.A. 10s.    1902

LXXXVI. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by
Dr. M. Konrath. Part I. 10s.    „

LXXXVII. _Two Coventry Corpus-Christi Plays_, re-edited by Hardin
Craig, M.A. 10s. [_At Press._    „

LXXXVIII. _Le Morte Arthur_, re-edited from the Harleian MS. 2252 by
Prof. Bruce, Ph.D. 15s.    1903

LXXXIX. _Lydgate’s Reason and Sensuality_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper.
Part II. 15s.    „

XC. _William of Shoreham’s Poems_, re-ed. from the unique MS. by
Dr. M. Konrath. Part II. [_At Press._    1904

XCI.    „


EARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY TEXTS PREPARING.

Besides the Texts named as at press on p. 12 of the Cover of the Early
English Text Society’s last Books, the following Texts are also slowly
preparing for the Society:--


ORIGINAL SERIES.

_The Earliest English Prose Psalter_, ed. Dr. K. D. Buelbring.
Part II.

_The Earliest English Verse Psalter_, 3 texts, ed. Rev. R. Harvey,
M.A.

_Anglo-Saxon Poems_, from the Vercelli MS., re-edited by Prof.
I. Gollancz, M.A.

_Anglo-Saxon Glosses_ to Latin Prayers and Hymns, edited by Dr.
F. Holthausen.

_All the Anglo-Saxon Homilies and Lives of Saints_ not accessible in
English editions, including those of the Vercelli MS. &c., edited by
Prof. Napier, M.A., Ph.D.

_The Anglo-Saxon Psalms_; all the MSS. in Parallel Texts, ed. Dr.
H. Logeman and F. Harsley, B.A.

_Beowulf, a critical Text, &c._, edited by a Pupil of the late Prof.
Zupitza, Ph.D.

_Byrhtferth’s Handboc_, edited by Prof. G. Hempl.

_The Seven Sages_, in the Northern Dialect, from a Cotton MS., edited
by Dr. Squires.

_The Master of the Game, a Book of Huntynge_ for Hen. V. when Prince
of Wales. (_Editor wanted._)

_Ailred’s Rule of Nuns, &c._, edited from the Vernon MS., by the Rev.
Canon H. R. Bramley, M.A.

_Early English Verse Lives of Saints_, Standard Collection, from the
Harl. MS. (_Editor wanted._)

_Early English Confessionals_, edited by Dr. R. von Fleischhacker.

_A Lapidary_, from Lord Tollemache’s MS., &c., edited by Dr. R. von
Fleischhacker.

_Early English Deeds and Documents_, from unique MSS., ed. Dr. Lorenz
Morsbach.

_Gilbert Banastre’s Poems_, and other _Boccaccio englishings_, ed. by
Prof. Dr. Max Förster.

_Lanfranc’s Cirurgie_, ab. 1400 A.D., ed. Dr. R. von Fleischhacker,
Part II.

_William of Nassington’s Mirror of Life_, from Jn. of Waldby, edited
by J. A. Herbert, M.A.

_More Early English Wills from the Probate Registry at Somerset
House._ (_Editor wanted._)

_Early Lincoln Wills and Documents from the Bishops’ Registers, &c._,
edited by Dr. F. J. Furnivall.

_Early Canterbury Wills_, edited by William Cowper, B.A., and
J. Meadows Cowper.

_Early Norwich Wills_, edited by Walter Rye and F. J. Furnivall.

_The Cartularies of Oseney Abbey and Godstow Nunnery_, englisht ab.
1450, ed. Rev. A. Clark, M.A.

_Early Lyrical Poems_ from the Harl. MS. 2253, re-edited by Prof. Hall
Griffin, M.A.

_Alliterative Prophecies_, edited from the MSS. by Prof. Brandl, Ph.D.

_Miscellaneous Alliterative Poems_, edited from the MSS. by Dr.
L. Morsbach.

_Bird and Beast Poems_, a collection from MSS., edited by Dr. K. D.
Buelbring.

_Scire Mori, &c._, from the Lichfield MS. 16, ed. Mrs. L. Grindon,
LL.A., and Miss Florence Gilbert.

_Nicholas Trivet’s French Chronicle_, from Sir A. Acland-Hood’s unique
MS., ed. by Miss Mary Bateson.

_Early English Homilies_ in Harl. 2276 &c., c. 1400, ed. J. Friedländer.

_Extracts from the Registers of Boughton_, ed. Hy. Littlehales, Esq.

_The Diary of Prior Moore of Worcester_, A.D. 1518-35, from the unique
MS., ed. Henry Littlehales, Esq.

_The Pore Caitif_, edited from its MSS., by Mr. Peake.

_Thomas Berkley’s englisht Vegetius on the Art of War_, MS. 30 Magd.
Coll. Oxf., ed. L. C. Wharton, M.A.


EXTRA SERIES.

_Bp. Fisher’s English Works_, Pt. II., with his _Life and Letters_,
ed. Rev. Ronald Bayne, B.A.    [_At Press._

_Sir Tristrem_, from the unique Auchinleck MS., edited by George F.
Black.

_John of Arderne’s Surgery_, c. 1425, ed. J. F. Payne, M.D.

_De Guilleville’s Pilgrimage of the Sowle_, edited by Prof. Dr. Leon
Kellner.

_Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, from the unique MS. copy by George Jeans,
edited by F. J. & Percy Furnivall.

_Vicary’s Anatomie, 1548_, ed. 1577, edited by F. J. & Percy
Furnivall. Part II. [_At Press._

_A Compilacion of Surgerye_, from H. de Mandeville and Lanfrank, A.D.
1392, ed. Dr. J. F. Payne.

_William Staunton’s St. Patrick’s Purgatory, &c._, ed. Mr. G. P.
Krapp, U.S.A.

_Trevisa’s Bartholomæus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, re-edited by Dr.
R. von Fleischhacker.

_Bullein’s Dialogue against the Feuer Pestilence_, 1564, 1573, 1578.
Ed. A. H. and M. Bullen. Pt. II.

_The Romance of Boctus and Sidrac_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D.
Buelbring.

_The Romance of Clariodus_, re-edited by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.

_Sir Amadas_, re-edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. D. Buelbring.

_Sir Degrevant_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. K. Luick.

_Robert of Brunne’s Chronicle of England_, from the Inner Temple MS.,
ed. by Prof. W. E. Mead, Ph.D.

_Maundeville’s Voiage and Travaile_, re-edited from the Cotton MS.
Titus C. 16, &c., by Miss M. Bateson.

_Avowynge of Arthur_, re-edited from the unique Ireland MS. by Dr.
K. D. Buelbring.

_Guy of Warwick_, Copland’s version, edited by a pupil of the late
Prof. Zupitza, Ph.D.

_Awdelay’s Poems_, re-edited from the unique MS. Douce 302, by Prof.
Dr. E. Wülfing.

_The Wyse Chylde_ and other early Treatises on Education, Northwich
School, Harl. 2099 &c., ed. G. Collar, B.A.

_Caxton’s Dictes and Sayengis of Philosophirs_, 1477, with Lord
Tollemache’s MS. version, ed. S. I. Butler, Esq.

_Caxton’s Book of the Ordre of Chyualry_, collated with Loutfut’s
Scotch copy. (_Editor wanted._)

_Lydgate’s Court of Sapience_, edited by Dr. Borsdorf.

_Lydgate’s Lyfe of oure Lady_, ed. by Prof. Georg Fiedler, Ph.D.

_Lydgate’s Dance of Death_, edited by Miss Florence Warren.

_Lydgate’s Life of St. Edmund_, edited from the MSS. by Dr. Axel
Erdmann.

_Lydgate’s Triumph Poems_, edited by Dr. E. Sieper.

_Lydgate’s Minor Poems_, edited by Dr. Otto Glauning.

_Richard Coer de Lion_, re-edited from Harl. MS. 4690, by Prof.
Hausknecht, Ph.D.

_The Romance of Athelstan_, re-edited by a pupil of the late Prof.
J. Zupitza, Ph.D.

_The Romance of Sir Degare_, re-edited by Dr. Breul.

_Mulcaster’s Positions_ 1581, and _Elementarie_ 1582, ed. Dr. Th.
Klaehr, Dresden.

_Walton’s verse Boethius de Consolatione_, edited by Mark H. Liddell,
U.S.A.

_The Gospel of Nichodemus_, edited by Ernest Riedel.

_Sir Landeval and Sir Launfal_, edited by Dr. Zimmermann.

_Rolland’s Seven Sages_, the Scottish version of 1560, edited by
George F. Black.


The Subscription to the Society, which constitutes membership, is £1 1s.
a year for the ORIGINAL SERIES, and £1 1s. for the EXTRA SERIES, due in
advance on the 1st of JANUARY, and should be paid by Cheque, Postal
Order, or Money-Order, crost ‘Union Bank of London,’ to the Hon.
Secretary, W. A. DALZIEL, Esq., 67, Victoria Road, Finsbury Park,
London, N. Members who want their Texts posted to them must add to their
prepaid Subscriptions 1s. for the Original Series, and 1s. for the Extra
Series, yearly. The Society’s Texts are also sold separately at the
prices put after them in the Lists; but Members can get back-Texts at
one-third less than the List-prices by sending the cash for them in
advance to the Hon. Secretary.


    [Footnote 1: He was born about 1295. See Abbé GOUGET’S
    _Bibliothèque française_, Vol. IX, p. 73-4.--P. M. The Roxburghe
    Club printed the 1st version in 1893.]

    [Footnote 2: The Roxburghe Club’s copy of this 2nd version was
    lent to Mr. Currie, and unluckily burnt too with his other MSS.]

    [Footnote 3: These 3 MSS. have not yet been collated, but are
    believed to be all of the same version.]

    [Footnote 4: Another MS. is in the Pepys Library.]

    [Footnote 5: According to Lord Aldenham’s MS.]

    [Footnote 6: These were printed in France, late in the 15th or
    early in the 16th century.]

    [Footnote 7: 15th cent., containing only the _Vie humaine_.]

    [Footnote 8: 15th cent., containing all the 3 Pilgrimages, the 3rd
    being Jesus Christ’s.]

    [Footnote 9: 14th cent., containing the _Vie humaine_ and the 2nd
    Pilgrimage, _de l’Ame_: both incomplete.]

    [Footnote 10: Ab. 1430, 106 leaves (leaf 1 of text wanting), with
    illuminations of nice little devils--red, green, tawny, &c--and
    damnd souls, fires, angels &c.]

    [Footnote 11: Of these, Mr. Harsley is preparing a new edition,
    with collations of all the MSS. Many copies of Thorpe’s book, not
    issued by the Ælfric Society, are still in stock.

    Of the Vercelli Homilies, the Society has bought the copy made by
    Prof. G. Lattanzi.]


  Typographical Errors:

  50. _King Alfred’s ...  [_“5” invisible_]
  _Early English Verse Lives of Saints_ ... (_Editor wanted._)
    [_closing parenthesis missing_]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


                Meals and Manners

                       in

                   Olden Time.



  Berlin: Asher & Co., 5, Unter Den Linden.
  New York: C. Scribner & Co.; Leypoldt & Holt.
  Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co.



  Early English Meals and Manners:

  John Russell’s Boke of Nurture,
  Wynkyn de Worde’s Boke of Lernynge,
  The Boke of Curtasye,
  R. Weste’s Booke of Demeanor,
  Seager’s Schoole of Vertue,

  The Babees Book, Aristotle’s A B C, Urbanitatis,
  Stans Puer ad Mensam, The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke,
  For to serve a Lord, Old Symon, The Birched School-Boy,
    &c. &c.

  with some
  Forewords on Education in Early England.


  Edited by
  FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL, M.A.,
  Trin. Hall, Cambridge.

  London:
  Published for the Early English Text Society
  by Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Limited,
  Dryden House, 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W.
  1868.

  [_Reprinted 1894, 1904._]



Original Series, 32.

_Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay._



                   DEDICATED

                       to

                The Historian Of
      “The Early & Middle Ages Of England,”

        CHARLES H. PEARSON, ESQ., M.A.,


        Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford,
         Late Professor of History at
            King’s College, London,

         In Admiration of his Learning

                      and

           In Gratitude for his Help,


                 BY THE EDITOR


NOTICE. The _Russell_ and _De Worde_ of this work were issued, with
_Rhodes’s Boke of Nurture_, to the Roxburghe Club, in 4to, in 1867.
The whole of the work (except p. 361), with Rhodes, and some short
poems in English, French, and Latin, was issued to the Early English
Text Society, in 8vo, in 1868, with the title _The Babees Book_, &c.
(_Manners and Meals in Olden Time_).



  CONTENTS.

                                                                  PAGE

  FOREWORDS, OR GENERAL PREFACE                                      i
      Education in Early England                                    iv
      Cleanliness, or Dirt, of Men, Houses, &c.                  lxiii
      Notice of the separate Poems up to _Russell_              lxviii

  PREFACE TO RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE, and the Poems and
      Treatises following it (except those in the Postscript)     lxix

  COLLATIONS AND CORRECTIONS                                      xcii

  JOHN RUSSELL’S BOKE OF NURTURE                                     1
      (Contents thereof, inserted after title;
      Notes thereon, p. 84. Lawrens Andrewe on Fish, p. 113.)
  Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng and Neckeweede                          124
  Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress                         128
  William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health          133
  The Dyet for every Day
      (from Sir John Harington’s Schoole of Salerne)               138
  On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed (from the same)                140
  Recipes (for Fritters, Jussell, and Mawmeny)                     145
  Recipes (for Hares and Conies in Civeye, and for Doucettes)      146

  WYNKYN DE WORDE’S BOKE OF KERUYNGE (ed. 1513)                    147
      (Contents thereof, p. 150; Notes thereon, p. 173.
      Note on the first edition of 1508, p. lxxxvii.)

  THE BOKE OF CURTASYE (from the Sloane MS. 1986, ab. 1460 A.D.)   175
      Contents thereof, p. 176. Notes thereto, p. 283

  THE BOOKE OF DEMEANOR
      (from The Schoole of Vertue by Richard Weste)                207
  Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes (from the Sloane MS. 1986)   215
  Stanzas and Couplets of Counsel (from the Rawlinson MS. C. 86)   219

  THE SCHOOLE OF VERTUE by F. Seager (A.D. 1557)                   221
  Whate-ever thow sey, avyse thee welle!                           244
  A Dogg Lardyner, & a Sowe Gardyner                               246
  Maxims in -ly                                                    247
  Roger Ascham’s Advice to Lord Warwick’s Servant                  248

  THE BABEES BOOK,
      (or a ‘lytyl Reporte’ of how Young People should behave)     250
  Lerne or be Lewde                                                258
  The A B C of Aristotle                                           260
  _Vrbanitatis_                                                    262
  The Boris Hede furst                                             264*
  The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke, or Edyllys be
      (on left-hand pages to p. 273)                               265
  The Young Children’s Book
      (on right-hand pages to p. 274)                              266
  Stans Puer ad Mensam (in English, from MS. Harl. 2251;
      on left-hand pages to p. 281)                                275
  The Book of Curteisie that is clepid _Stans Puer ad Mensam_
      (from Lambeth MS. 853; on right-hand pages to p. 282)        276

  Notes to the Boke of Curtasye, &c.                               283
  Index to the Poems, &c. (before the Postscript)                  286


  [***] POSTSCRIPT (added after the Index was printed).

  FFOR TO SERVE A LORD (see Preface to Russell, p. lxxii.),
      with _A Feste for a Bryde_, p. 358                           349
  Suffer, and hold your tongue                                     361
  The Houshold Stuff occupied at the
      Lord Mayor’s Feast, A.D. 1505                                362
  The Ordre of goyng or sittyng                                    365
  Latin Graces                                                     366
  SYMON’S Lesson of Wysedome for all maner Chyldryn                381
  The Birched School-Boy of about 1500 A.D.                        385
  The Song of the School-Boy at Christmas                          387
  The Boar’s Head                                                  388


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


[Transcriber’s Note:

The Headnotes from the General Preface are collected here to act as
a table of contents. Each note will also appear in the text at
approximately its original location.]

  EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN
  RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.
  HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS.
  BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS.
  YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD.
  KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH.
  APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME.
  GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES.
  PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND.
  EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’.
  STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH.
  NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS.
  UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.
  POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS.
  UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478.
  FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE.
  NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD.
  FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES.
  BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE.
  FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION.
  MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.
  LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL.
  EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS.
  NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE.
  POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.
  POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’.
  AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478.
  POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.
  STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612.
  A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612.
  THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH.
  NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS.



FOREWORDS.


“The naturall maister Aristotell saith that euery body be the course of
nature is enclyned to here & se all that refressheth & quickeneth the
spretys of man[1] / wherfor I haue thus in this boke folowinge[2]”
gathered together divers treatises touching the Manners & Meals of
Englishmen in former days, & have added therto divers figures of men of
old, at meat & in bed,[3] to the end that, to my fellows here & to come,
the home life of their forefathers may be somewhat more plain, & their
own minds somewhat rejoiced.

The treatises here collected consist of a main one--John Russell’s _Boke
of Nurture_, to which I have written a separate preface[4]--extracts and
short books illustrating Russell, like the _Booke of Demeanor_ and _Boke
of Curtasy_, and certain shorter poems addressed partly to those whom
Cotgrave calls “_Enfans de famille_, Yonkers of account, youthes of good
houses, children of rich parents (yet aliue),” partly to carvers and
servants, partly to schoolboys, partly to people in general, or at least
those of them who were willing to take advice as to how they should mend
their manners and live a healthy life.


  [Headnote: EDWARD THE FOURTH’S HENCHMEN]

The persons to whom the last poems of the present collection are
addressed, the

        yonge Babees, whom{e} bloode Royall{e}
  With{e} grace, feture, and hyhe habylite
  Hath{e} en{ou}rmyd,

the “Bele Babees” and “swete Children,” may be likened to the “young
gentylmen, Henxmen,--VI Enfauntes, or more, as it shall please the
Kinge,”--at Edward the Fourth’s Court; and the authors or translators of
the Bokes in this volume, somewhat to that sovereign’s Maistyr of
Henxmen, whose duty it was

  “to shew the schooles[5] of urbanitie and nourture of Englond, to
  lerne them to ryde clenely and surely; to drawe them also to
  justes; to lerne them were theyre barneys; to haue all curtesy in
  wordes, dedes, and degrees; dilygently to kepe them in rules of
  goynges and sittinges, after they be of honour. Moreover to teche
  them sondry languages, and othyr lerninges vertuous, to harping,
  to pype, sing, daunce, and with other honest and temperate
  behaviour and patience; and to kepe dayly and wekely with these
  children dew convenity, with corrections in theyre chambres,
  according to suche gentylmen; and eche of them to be used to that
  thinge of vertue that he shall be moste apt to lerne, with
  remembraunce dayly of Goddes servyce accustumed. This maistyr
  sittith in the halle, next unto these Henxmen, at the same boarde,
  to have his respecte unto theyre demeanynges, howe manerly they
  ete and drinke, and to theyre communication and other formes
  curiall, after _the booke of urbanitie_.” (Liber Niger in
  _Household Ordinances_, p. 45.)

That these young Henxmen were gentlemen, is expressly stated,[6] and
they had “everyche of them an honest servaunt to keepe theyre chambre
and harneys, and to aray hym in this courte whyles theyre maisters he
present in courte.” I suppose that when they grew up, some became
Esquires, and then their teaching would prove of use, for

  “These Esquiers of houshold of old [were] accustumed, wynter and
  sumer, in aftyrnoones and in eveninges, to drawe to lordes
  chambres within courte, there to kepe honest company aftyr theyre
  cunnynge, in talkyng of cronycles of Kings and of other polycyes,
  or in pypeyng or harpyng, synging, or other actes martialles, to
  help occupy the courte, and accompany straungers, tyll the tyme
  require of departing.”

But that a higher station than an Esquier’s was in store for some of
these henchmen, may be known from the history of one of them. Thomas
Howard, eldest son of Sir John Howard, knight (who was afterwards Duke
of Norfolk, and killed at Bosworth Field), was among these henchmen or
pages, ‘enfauntes’ six or more, of Edward IV.’s. He was made Duke of
Norfolk for his splendid victory over the Scots at Flodden, and Anne
Boleyn and Catherine Howard were his granddaughters. Among the ‘othyr
lerninges vertuous’ taught him at Edward’s court was no doubt that of
drawing, for we find that ‘He was buried with much pomp at Thetford
Abbey under a tomb designed by himself and master Clarke, master of the
works at King’s College, Cambridge, & Wassel a freemason of Bury S.
Edmund’s.’ Cooper’s _Ath. Cant._, i. p. 29, col. 2.


  [Headnote: RICH MEN’S EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.]

The question of the social rank of these Bele Babees,[[6a]] children,
and _Pueri_ who stood at tables, opens up the whole subject of
upper-class education in early times in England. It is a subject that,
so far as I can find, has never yet been separately treated[7], and I
therefore throw together such few notices as the kindness of friends[8]
and my own chance grubbings have collected; these as a sort of stopgap
till the appearance of Mr Anstey’s volume on early Oxford Studies in the
_Chronicles and Memorials_, a volume which will, I trust, give us a
complete account of early education in our land. If it should not,
I hope that Mr Quick will carry his pedagogic researches past Henry
VIII.’s time, or that one of our own members will take the subject up.
It is worthy of being thoroughly worked out. For convenience’ sake, the
notices I have mentioned are arranged under six heads:

  1. Education in Nobles’ houses.
  2. At Home and at Private Tutors’, p. xvii. (Girls, p. xxv.)
  3. At English Universities, p. xxvi.
  4. At Foreign Universities, p. xl.
  5. At Monastic and Cathedral Schools, p. xli.
  6. At Grammar Schools, p. lii.

One consideration should be premised, that manly exercises, manners and
courtesy, music and singing, knowledge of the order of precedency of
ranks, and ability to carve, were in early times more important than
Latin and Philosophy. ‘Aylmar þe kyng’ gives these directions to
Athelbrus, his steward, as to Horn’s education:

    Stiwarde, tak nu here
    Mi fundlyng for to lere                              228
    Of þine meste{re},
    Of wude {and} of riuere;
    {And} tech him to harpe
    Wiþ his nayles scharpe;                              232
    Biuore me to kerue,
    And of þe cupe serue;
    Þu tech him of alle þe liste (craft, AS. _list_)
    Þat þu eure of wiste;                                236
    [And] his feiren þou wise (mates thou teach)
    Into oþere s{er}uise.
    Horn þu underuonge,
    {And} tech him of harpe {and} songe.                 240

  _King Horn_, E. E. T. Soc., 1866, ed. Lumby, p. 7.[9]

So in Romances and Ballads of later date, we find

    The child was taught great nurterye;
    a Master had him vnder his care,
      & taught him _curtesie_.

  _Tryamore_, in Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. ii. ed. 1867.

    It was the worthy Lord of learen,
      he was a lord of hie degree;
    he had noe more children but one sonne,
      he sett him to schoole to learne _curtesie_.

  _Lord of Learne_, Bp. Percy’s Folio MS. vol. i. p. 182, ed. 1867.

Chaucer’s Squire, as we know, at twenty years of age

         hadde ben somtyme in chivachie,
  In Flaundres, in Artoys, and in Picardie,
  And born him wel, as in so litel space,
  In hope to stonden in his lady grace ...
  Syngynge he was, or flowtynge, al the day ...
  Wel cowde he sitte on hors, and wel cowde ryde.
  He cowde songes wel make and endite,
  Justne and eek daunce, and wel purtray and write ...
  Curteys he was, lowly, and servysable,
  And carf beforn his fadur at the table.[10]

Which of these accomplishments would Cambridge or Oxford teach? Music
alone.[[10a]] That, as Harrison says, was one of the Quadrivials,
‘arithmetike, musike, geometrie, and astronomie.’ The Trivium was
grammar, rhetoric, and logic.


  [Headnote: HOUSES OF NOBLES AND CHANCELLORS WERE SCHOOLS.]

1. The chief places of education for the sons of our nobility and gentry
were the houses of other nobles, and specially those of the Chancellors
of our Kings, men not only able to read and write, talk Latin and French
themselves, but in whose hands the Court patronage lay. As early as
Henry the Second’s time (A.D. 1154-62), if not before[11], this system
prevailed. A friend notes that Fitz-Stephen says of Becket:

  “The nobles of the realm of England and of neighbouring kingdoms
  used to send their sons to serve the Chancellor, whom he trained
  with honourable bringing-up and learning; and when they had
  received the knight’s belt, sent them back with honour to their
  fathers and kindred: some he used to keep. The king himself, his
  master, entrusted to him his son, the heir of the realm, to be
  brought up; whom he had with him, with many sons of nobles of the
  same age, and their proper retinue and masters and proper servants
  in the honour due.” --_Vita S. Thomæ_, pp. 189, 190, ed. Giles.

Roger de Hoveden, a Yorkshireman, who was a clerk or secretary to Henry
the Second, says of Richard the Lionheart’s unpopular chancellor,
Longchamps the Bishop of Ely:

  “All the sons of the nobles acted as his servants, with downcast
  looks, nor dared they to look upward towards the heavens unless it
  so happened that they were addressing him; and if they attended to
  anything else they were pricked with a goad, which their lord held
  in his hand, fully mindful of his grandfather of pious memory,
  who, being of servile condition in the district of Beauvais, had,
  for his occupation, to guide the plough and whip up the oxen; and
  who at length, to gain his liberty, fled to the Norman territory.”
  (Riley’s _Hoveden_, ii. 232, quoted in _The Cornhill Magazine_,
  vol. xv. p. 165.)[12]

All Chancellors were not brutes of this kind, but we must remember that
young people were subjected to rough treatment in early days. Even so
late as Henry VI.’s time, Agnes Paston sends to London on the 28th of
January, 1457, to pray the master of her son of 15, that if the boy
“hath not done well, nor will not amend,” his master Greenfield “will
truly belash him till he will amend.” And of the same lady’s treatment
of her marriageable daughter, Elizabeth, Clere writes on the 29th of
June, 1454,

  “She (the daughter) was never in so great sorrow as she is
  now-a-days, for she may not speak with no man, whosoever come, ne
  not may see nor speak with my man, nor with servants of her
  mother’s, but that she beareth her on hand otherwise than she
  meaneth; and she hath since Easter the most part been beaten once
  in the week or twice, and sometimes twice on a day, and her head
  broken in two or three places.” (v. i. p. 50, col. 1, ed. 1840.)

The treatment of Lady Jane Grey by her parents was also very severe, as
she told Ascham, though she took it meekly, as her sweet nature was:

  “One of the greatest benefites that God ever gave me, is, that he
  sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so jentle a
  scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or
  mother, whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate,
  drinke, be merie or sad, be sewyng, plaiyng, dauncing, or doing
  anie thing els, I must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure,
  and number, even so perfitelie as God made the world, or els I am
  so sharplie taunted, so cruellie threatened; yea presentlie some
  tymes, with pinches, nippes, and bobbes, and other waies which I
  will not name for the honor I beare them, so without measure
  misordered, that I thinke my self in hell till tyme cum that I
  must go to _M. Elmer_, who teacheth me so jentlie, so pleasantlie,
  with soch faire allurementes to learning, that I thinke all the
  tyme nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him,
  I fall on weeping.” --_The Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor.

The inordinate beating[13] of boys by schoolmasters--whom he calls in
different places ‘sharp, fond, & lewd’[14]--Ascham denounces strongly in
the first book of his _Scholemaster_, and he contrasts their folly in
beating into their scholars the hatred of learning with the practice of
the wise riders who by gentle allurements breed them up in the love of
riding. Indeed, the origin of his book was Sir Wm. Cecil’s saying to him
“I have strange news brought me this morning, that divers scholars of
Eton be run away from the school for fear of beating.”

Sir Peter Carew, says Mr Froude, being rather a troublesome boy, was
chained in the Haccombe dog-kennel till he ran away from it.


  [Headnote: BP. GROSSETETE TAUGHT NOBLES’ SONS.]

But to return to the training of young men in nobles’ houses. I take the
following from Fiddes’s Appendix to his Life of Wolsey:

  _John de Athon_, upon the Constitutions of _Othobon, tit._ 23, in
  respect to the Goods of such who dyed intestate, and upon the Word
  _Barones_, has the following Passage concerning _Grodsted_ Bishop
  of _Lincoln_[15] (who died 9th Oct., 1253),--

  “Robert surnamed Grodsted of holy memory, late Bishop of Lincoln,
  when King Henry asked him, as if in wonder, where he learnt the
  Nurture in which he had instructed the sons of nobles (&) peers of
  the Realm, whom he kept about him as pages
  (_domisellos_[16]),--since he was not descended from a noble
  lineage, but from humble (parents)--is said to have answered
  fearlessly, ‘In the house or guest-chambers of greater kings than
  the King of England’; because he had learnt from understanding the
  scriptures the manner of life of David, Solomon, & other
  Kings[15].”

  _Reyner,_ in his _Apostol. Bened._ from _Saunders_ acquaints us,
  that the Sons of the Nobility were placed with _Whiting_ Abbot of
  _Glastenbury_ for their Education, who was contemporary with the
  Cardinal, and which Method of Education was continued for some
  Time afterward.

  There is in the Custody of the present Earl of _Stafford_,
  a Nobleman of the greatest Humanity and Goodness, an Original of
  Instructions, by the Earl of _Arundell_, written in the Year 1620,
  for the Benefit of his younger Son, the Earl of _Stafford’s_
  Grandfather, under this Title;

    _Instructions for you my Son _William_, how to behave
        your self at _Norwich_._

  In these Instructions is the following paragraph, “You shall in
  all Things reverence honour and obey my Lord Bishop of _Norwich_,
  as you would do any of your Parents, esteeminge whatsoever He
  shall tell or Command you, as if your Grandmother of _Arundell_,
  your Mother, or my self, should say it; and in all things esteem
  your self as my Lord’s Page; a breeding which youths of my house
  far superior to you were accustomed unto, as my Grandfather of
  _Norfolk_, and his Brother my good Uncle of _Northampton_ were
  both bred as Pages with Bishopps, _&c_.”

Sir Thomas More, who was born in 1480, was brought up in the house of
Cardinal Morton. Roper says that he was

  “received into the house of the right reverend, wise, and learned
  prelate Cardinal Morton, where, though he was young of years, yet
  would he at Christmas-tide suddenly sometimes step in among the
  players, and never studying for the matter make a part of his own
  there presently among them, which made the lookers on more sport
  than all the players beside. In whose wit and towardness the
  Cardinal much delighting would say of him unto the nobles that
  divers times dined with him, _This child here waiting at the
  table, Whosoever shall live to see it, will prove a marvellous
  man._ Whereupon for his better furtherance in learning he placed
  him at Oxford, &c.” (Roper’s _Life of More_, ed. Singer, 1822,
  p. 3.)

Cresacre More in his _Life of More_ (ed. 1828, p. 17) states the same
thing more fully, and gives the remark of the Cardinal more accurately,
thus:-- “that that boy there waiting _on him_, whoever should live to
see it, would prove a marvellous rare man.”[17]


  [Headnote: YOUNG NOBLES IN WOLSEY’S HOUSEHOLD.]

Through Wolsey’s household, says Professor Brewer, almost all the
Officials of Henry the Eighth’s time passed. Cavendish, in his Life of
Wolsey (vol. i. p. 38, ed. Singer, 1825) says of the Cardinal, “And at
meals, there was continually in his chamber a board kept for his
Chamberlains, and Gentlemen Ushers, having with them _a mess of the
young Lords_, and another for gentlemen.” Among these young Lords, we
learn at p. 57, was

  “my Lord Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumberland,
  [who] then attended upon the Lord Cardinal, and was also his
  servitor; and when it chanced the Lord Cardinal at any time to
  repair to the court, the Lord Percy would then resort for his
  pastime unto the queen’s chamber, and there would fall in
  dalliance among the queen’s maidens, being at the last more
  conversant with Mistress Anne Boleyn than with any other; so that
  there grew such a secret love between them that, at length they
  were insured together, intending to marry[18].”

Among the persons daily attendant upon Wolsey in his house, down-lying
and up-rising, Cavendish enumerates “of Lords nine or ten, who had each
of them allowed two servants; and the Earl of Derby had allowed five
men” (p. 36-7). On this Singer prints a note, which looks like a guess,
signed _Growe_, “Those Lords that were placed in the great and privy
chambers were _Wards_, and as such paid for their board and education.”
It will be seen below that he had a particular officer called
“Instructor of his Wards” (_Cavendish_, p. 38, l. 2). Why I suppose the
note to be a guess is, because at p. 33 Cavendish has stated that Wolsey
“had also a great number daily attending upon him, both of noblemen and
worthy gentlemen, of great estimation and possessions,--with no small
number of the tallest yeomen that he could get in all his realm; in so
much that well was that nobleman and gentleman that might prefer any
tall and comely yeoman unto his service.”

In the household of the Earl of Northumberland in 1511 were “..yong
gentlemen at their fryndes fynding,[19] in my lords house for the hoole
yere” and “Haunsmen ande Yong Gentlemen at thir Fryndes fynding v[j] (As
to say, Hanshmen iij. And Yong Gentlemen iij” p. 254,) no doubt for the
purpose of learning manners, &c. And that such youths would be found in
the house of every noble of importance I believe, for as Walter Mapes
(? ab. 1160-90 A.D.) says of the great nobles, in his poem _De diversis
ordinibus hominum_, the example of manners goes out from their houses,
_Exemplar morum domibus procedit eorum_. That these houses were in some
instances only the finishing schools for our well-born young men after
previous teaching at home and at College is possible (though the cases
of Sir Thomas More and Ascham are exactly the other way), but the Lord
Percy last named had a schoolmaster in his house, “The Maister of
Graimer j”, p. 254; “Lyverays for the Maister of Gramer[20] in
Housholde: Item Half a Loof of Houshold Breide, a Pottell of Beere, and
two White Lyghts,” p. 97. “Every Scolemaister techyng Grammer in the
Hous C _s_.” (p. 47, 51). Edward IV.’s henxmen were taught grammar; and
if the Pastons are to be taken as a type of their class, our nobles and
gentry at the end of the 15th century must have been able to read and
write freely. Chaucer’s Squire could write, and though the custom of
sealing deeds and not signing them prevailed, more or less, till Henry
VIII.’s time, it is doubtful whether this implied inability of the
sealers to write. Mr Chappell says that in Henry VIII.’s time half our
nobility were then writing ballads. Still, the bad spelling and grammar
of most of the letters up to that period, and the general ignorance of
our upper classes were, says Professor Brewer, the reason why the whole
government of the country was in the hands of ecclesiastics. Even in
Henry the Eighth’s time, Sir Thomas Boleyn is said to have been the only
noble at Court who could speak French with any degree of fluency, and so
was learned enough to be sent on an embassy abroad. But this may be
questioned. Yet Wolsey, speaking to his Lord Chamberlain and Comptroller
when they

  [Headnote: KNOWLEDGE OF FRENCH.]

  “showed him that it seemed to them there should be some noblemen
  and strangers [Henry VIII. and his courtiers masked] arrived at
  his bridge, as ambassadors from some foreign prince. With that,
  quoth the Cardinal, ‘I shall desire you, _because ye can speak
  French_, to take the pains to go down into the hall to encounter
  and to receive them, according to their estates, and to conduct
  them into this chamber’ (_Cavendish_, p. 51). Then spake my Lord
  Chamberlain unto them _in French_, declaring my Lord Cardinal’s
  mind (p. 53).”

The general[21] opinion of our gentry as to the study of Letters, before
and about 1500 A.D., is probably well represented by the opinion of one
of them stated by Pace, in his Prefatory Letter to Colet, prefixed to
the former’s _De Fructu_[22].

  It remains that I now explain to you what moves me to compile and
  publish a treatise with this title. When, two years ago, more or
  less, I had returned to my native land from the city of Rome,
  I was present at a certain feast, a stranger to many; where, when
  enough had been drunk, one or other of the guests--no fool, as one
  might infer from his words and countenance--began to talk of
  educating his children well. And, first of all, he thought that he
  must search out a good teacher for them, and that they should at
  any rate attend school. There happened to be present one of those
  whom we call gentle-men (_generosos_), and who always carry some
  horn hanging at their backs, as though they would hunt during
  dinner. He, hearing letters praised, roused with sudden anger,
  burst out furiously with these words. “Why do you talk nonsense,
  friend?” he said; “A curse on those stupid letters! all learned
  men are beggars: even Erasmus, the most learned of all, is a
  beggar (as I hear), and in a certain letter of his calls τήν
  κατάρατον πενίαν (that is, execrable poverty) his wife, and
  vehemently complains that he cannot shake her off his shoulders
  right into βαθυκήτεα πόντον, that is, into the deep sea. I swear
  by God’s body I’d rather that my son should hang than study
  letters. For it becomes the sons of gentlemen to blow the horn
  nicely (_apte_), to hunt skilfully, and elegantly carry and train
  a hawk. But the study of letters should be left to the sons of
  rustics.” At this point I could not restrain myself from answering
  something to this most talkative man, in defence of good letters.
  “You do not seem to me, good man,” I said, “to think rightly. For
  if any foreigner were to come to the king, such as the ambassadors
  (_oratores_) of princes are, and an answer had to be given to him,
  your son, if he were educated as you wish, could only blow his
  horn, and the learned sons of rustics would be called to answer,
  and would be far preferred to your hunter or fowler son; and they,
  enjoying their learned liberty, would say to your face, ‘We prefer
  to be learned, and, thanks to our learning, no fools, than boast
  of our fool-like nobility.’ “Then he upon this, looking round,
  said, “Who is this person that is talking like this? I don’t know
  the fellow.” And when some one whispered in his ear who I was, he
  muttered something or other in a low voice to himself; and finding
  a fool to listen to him, he then caught hold of a cup of wine. And
  when he could get nothing to answer, he began to drink, and change
  the conversation to other things. And thus I was freed from the
  disputing of this mad fellow,--which I was dreadfully afraid would
  have lasted a long time,--not by Apollo, like Horace was from his
  babbler, but by Bacchus.


  [Headnote: APPRENTICESHIP IN HENRY VII.’S TIME.]

On the general subject it should be noted that Fleta mentions nothing
about boarders or apprentices in his account of household economy; nor
does the _Liber Contrarotulatoris Garderobæ Edw. I^mi_ mention any
young noblemen as part of the King’s household. That among tradesmen
in later times, putting out their children in other houses, and
apprenticeships, were the rule, we know from many statements and
allusions in our literature, and “The Italian Relation of England”
(temp. Hen. VII.) mentions that the Duke of Suffolk was boarded out to
a rich old widow, who persuaded him to marry her (p. 27). It also says

  The want of affection in the English is strongly manifested
  towards their children; for after having kept them at home till
  they arrive at the age of 7 or 9 years at the utmost, they put
  them out, both males and females, to hard service in the houses of
  other people, binding them generally for another 7 or 9 years. And
  these are called apprentices, and during that time they perform
  all the most menial offices; and few are born who are exempted
  from this fate, for every one, however rich he may be, sends away
  his children into the houses of others, whilst he, in return,
  receives those of strangers into his own. And on inquiring their
  reason for this severity, they answered that they did it in order
  that their children might learn better manners. But I, for my
  part, believe that they do it because they like to enjoy all their
  comforts themselves, and that they are better served by strangers
  than they would be by their own children. Besides which, the
  English being great epicures, and very avaricious by nature,
  indulge in the most delicate fare themselves and give their
  household the coarsest bread, and beer, and cold meat baked on
  Sunday for the week, which, however, they allow them in great
  abundance. That if they had their own children at home, they would
  be obliged to give them the same food they made use of for
  themselves. That if the English sent their children away from home
  to learn virtue and good manners, and took them back again when
  their apprenticeship was over, they might, perhaps, be excused;
  but they never return, for the girls are settled by their patrons,
  and the boys make the best marriages they can, and, assisted by
  their patrons, not by their fathers, they also open a house and
  strive diligently by this means to make some fortune for
  themselves; whence it proceeds that, having no hope of their
  paternal inheritance, that all become so greedy of gain that they
  feel no shame in asking, almost “for the love of God,” for the
  smallest sums of money; and to this it may be attributed, that
  there is no injury that can be committed against the lower orders
  of the English, that may not be atoned for by money. --_A Relation
  of the Island of England_ (Camden Society, 1847), pp. 24-6.

“This evidently refers to tradesmen.[23] The note by the Editor[24]
however says it was the case with the children of the first nobility,
and gives the terms for the Duke of Buckingham’s children with Mrs
Hexstall. The document only shows that Mrs Hexstall boarded them by
contract ‘during the time of absence of my Lord and my Ladie.’”

The Earl of Essex says in a letter to Lord Burleigh, 1576, printed in
Murdin’s _State Papers_, p. 301-2.

  “Neverthelesse, uppon the assured Confidence, that your love to me
  shall dissend to my Childrenne, and that your Lordship will
  declare yourself a Frend to me, both alive and dead, I have willed
  Mr _Waterhouse_ to shew unto you how you may with Honor and Equity
  do good to my Sonne _Hereford_, and how to bind him with perpetual
  Frendship to you and your House. And to the Ende I wold have his
  Love towardes those which are dissended from you spring up and
  increase with his Yeares, I have wished his Education to be in
  your Household, though the same had not bene allotted to your
  Lordship as Master of the Wardes; and that the whole Tyme, which
  he shold spend in _England_ in his Minority, might be devided in
  Attendance uppon my Lord _Chamberlayne_ and you, to the End, that
  as he might frame himself to the Example of my Lord of _Sussex_ in
  all the Actions of his Life, tending either to the Warres, or to
  the Institution of a Nobleman, so that he might also reverence
  your Lordship for your Wisdome and Gravyty, and lay up your
  Counsells and Advises in the Treasory of his Hart.”


  [Headnote: GIRLS SENT OUT TO LADIES’ HOUSES.]

That girls, as well as boys, were sent out to noblemen’s houses for
their education, is evident from Margaret Paston’s letter of the 3rd of
April, 1469, to Sir John Paston, “Also I would ye should purvey for your
sister [? Margery] to be with my Lady of Oxford, or with my Lady of
Bedford, or in some other worshipful place whereas ye think best, and I
will help to her finding, for we be either of us weary of other.” Alice
Crane’s Letter, in the Paston Letters, v. i. p. 35, ed. 1840, also
supports this view, as does Sir John Heveningham’s to Margaret Paston,
asking her to take his cousin Anneys Loveday for some time as a boarder
till a mistress could be found for her. “If that it please you to have
her with you to into the time that a mistress may be purveyed for her,
I pray you thereof, and I shall content you for her board that ye shall
be well pleased.” Similarly Anne Boleyn and her sister were sent to
Margaret of Savoy, aunt of Charles V., who lived at Brussels, to learn
courtesy, &c., says Prof. Brewer. Sir Roger Twysden says that Anne was
“Not above seven yeares of age, Anno 1514,” when she went abroad. He
adds:

  “It should seeme by some that she served three in France
  successively; Mary of England maryed to Lewis the twelfth, an.
  1514, with whome she went out of England, but Lewis dying the
  first of January following, and that Queene (being) to returne
  home, sooner than either Sir Thomas Bullen or some other of her
  frendes liked she should, she was preferred to Clauda, daughter to
  Lewis XII. and wife to Francis I. then Queene (it is likely upon
  the commendation of Mary the Dowager), who not long after dying,
  an. 1524, not yet weary of France she went to live with
  Marguerite, Dutchess of Alançon and Berry, a Lady much commended
  for her favor towards good letters, but never enough for the
  Protestant religion then in the infancy--from her, if I am not
  deceived, she first learnt the grounds of the Protestant religion;
  so that England may seem to owe some part of her happyness derived
  from that Lady.” (Twysden’s Notes quoted by Singer in his ed. of
  Cavendish’s Life of Wolsey, 1825, p. 57.)

As Henry VIII. fell in love with his wife’s maid of honour,--“began to
kindle the brand of amours” at the light of Anne Boleyn’s beauty, “her
excellent gesture and behaviour,”--so we find in later times rich young
men became enamoured of poor young women staying in the same house with
them. Mr Bruce sends me an instance:

  “the young lady was niece, you will perceive, to a well-beneficed
  clergyman, and a thriving gentleman well-advanced in the public
  service. She had lost her mother, and her father was in debt and
  difficulties. She was therefore placed by the influence of her
  uncles in a well-known family in Wiltshire.”

  _State Papers. Dom. Car._ I. Vol. ccclii. No. 29. Dr Matthew
  Nicholas, afterwards Dean of St Paul’s, to Edward Nicholas, Clerk
  of the Council, and afterwards Secretary of State. Dated, West
  Dean, April 4, 1637.

  “I have spoken with Miss Evelyn since I wrote last unto you, and
  enquired of her the cause w{hi}ch moued her to displace my coson
  Hunton. She told me much accordinge to what she had sayd unto my
  coson Hunton, w{i}th this addition, that she had respect in it as
  well unto her good as her owne convenience, for hauinge nowe noe
  employment for her but her needle, she founde that sittinge still
  at her worke made her sickly, and therefore thought she might doe
  better in another seruice where she might haue the orderinge of an
  huswifely charge, for w{hi}ch (she told me) she had made her very
  able. I expressed myselfe tender of the disgrace w{hi}ch would lay
  uppon my coson in beinge displaced in such a manner by warninge
  giuen, wherof whatsoeuer were the cause, it would be imagined by
  all that knowe it not, to be in her ill carriage, and wished she
  had done me that fauour as to haue acquainted me with her intents
  in such time as I might haue taken some course to haue disposed of
  her before it had bin knowne that she was to leaue her: she
  slubbered it ouer w{i}th a slight excuse that she had acquainted
  my wife ... but for my satisfaction she told me that she would be
  as mindfull of her when God should call her as if she were w{i}th
  her, and in testimony of her good likinge of her seruice she would
  allowe her forty shillings yearly towarde her maintainance as
  longe as herself should liue. I am soe well acquainted w{i}th what
  she hath as yet disposed to her by will, and soe little value
  forty shillings to my coson Hunton’s credit, as I gaue her noe
  thankes. Mr Downes (I heare) is sent for home by his father w{i}th
  an intent to keepe him w{i}th him, but I doe imagine that when my
  coson Hunton shall be other where disposed off, he shall returne;
  for my conceit is stronge that the feare of his beinge match’d to
  his disadvantage, who was placed w{i}th Mr Evelyn a youth to be
  bred for his p{re}ferment, hath caused this alteration; howsoever
  there be noe wordes made of it. I confess that when I have bin
  told of the good will that was obserued betweene my coson Hunton
  and Mr Downes, I did put it by w{i}th my coson Huntons
  protestation to the contrary, and was willinge by that neglect to
  have suffered it to have come to pass (if it mought have bin)
  because I thought it would haue bin to her aduantage, but nowe
  that the busines is come to this issue (as whatsoeuer be
  p{re}tended I am confident this is the cause of my cosons
  partinge) I begin to quæstion my discretion.... Good brother, let
  me haue your aduise what to do.”


  [Headnote: PRIVATE TUITION IN EARLY ENGLAND.]

2. _Home and Private Education._ Of these, more or less must have been
going on all over England, by private tutors at home, or in the houses
of the latter. “In five years (after my baptism) I was handed over by my
father to Siward, a noble priest, to be trained in letters, to whose
mastery I was subdued during five years learning the first rudiments.
But in the eleventh year of my age I was given up by my own father for
the love of God, and destined to enter the service of the eternal King.”
--_Orderic_, vol. ii. p. 301, ed. Prevost.

From Adam de Marisco’s Letters, 53, we find that Henry and Almeric, the
eldest and youngest sons of the Earl of Montfort, were put under
Grosseteste for tuition, he being then a Bishop. At Paris, John of
Salisbury (who died in 1180) gained a living by teaching the sons of
noblemen,--(_instruendos susceperam_, ? took them in to board).
--_Metalogicus_, lib. 11, c. 10.

Henry of Huntingdon says, “Richard, the king’s (Henry I.’s) bastard son,
was honourably brought up (_festive nutritus_) by our Bishop Robert
(Blote of Lincoln), and duly reverenced by me and others in the same
household I lived in.” --_Anglia Sacra_, vol. ii. p. 696. Giraldus
Cambrensis speaks of beating his _coætanei et conscolares terræ suæ_, of
being reproved for idleness by his uncle, the Bishop of St David’s, and
of being constantly chaffed by two of his uncle’s chaplains, who used to
decline _durus_ and _stultus_ to him. Also he alludes to the rod.
Probably there was some sort of school at either Pembroke or St
David’s[[24a]].--_De Rebus a se Gestis_, lib. 1, c. 2.[25]

The Statutes of a Gild of young Scholars formed to burn lights in honour
of some saint or other, and to help one another in sickness, old age,
and to burial, will be printed for us by Mr Toulmin Smith in the Early
English Text Society’s books this year.

Under this head of Private Tuition we may class the houses of Abbots,
where boys of good birth were educated. In his History of English
Poetry, section 36, vol. iii. p. 9, ed. 1840, Warton says:

  “It appears to have been customary for the governors of the most
  considerable convents, especially those that were honoured with
  the mitre, to receive into their own private lodgings the sons of
  the principal families of the neighbourhood for education. About
  the year 1450, Thomas Bromele, abbot of the mitred monastery of
  Hyde near Winchester, entertained in his own abbatial house within
  that monastery eight young gentlemen, or _gentiles pueri_, who
  were placed there for the purpose of literary instruction, and
  constantly dined at the abbot’s table. I will not scruple to give
  the original words, which are more particular and expressive, of
  the obscure record which preserves this curious anecdote of
  monastic life. ‘_Pro octo gentilibus pueris apud dominum abbatem
  studii causa perhendinantibus, et ad mensam domini victitantibus,
  cum garcionibus suis ipsos comitantibus, hoc anno_, xvii_l._ ixs.
  _Capiendo pro_[26]...’” This, by the way, was more extraordinary,
  as William of Wykeham’s celebrated seminary was so near. And this
  seems to have been an established practice of the abbot of
  Glastonbury, “whose apartment in the abbey was a kind of
  well-disciplined court, where the sons of noblemen and young
  gentlemen were wont to be sent for virtuous education, who
  returned thence home excellently accomplished.[27]” Richard
  Whiting, the last abbot of Glastonbury, who was cruelly executed
  by the king, during the course of his government educated near
  three hundred ingenuous youths, who constituted a part of his
  family; beside many others whom he liberally supported at the
  universities.[28] Whitgift, the most excellent and learned
  archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, was
  educated under Robert Whitgift his uncle, abbot of the Augustine
  monastery of black canons at Wellhow in Lincolnshire, “who,” says
  Strype, “had several other young gentlemen under his care for
  education.” (Strype’s Whitgift, v. i. ch. i. p. 3.)

Of Lydgate--about 1420-30 A.D. I suppose--Prof. Morley says in his
_English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 423:

  “After studying at Oxford, Paris, and Padua, and after mastering
  with special delight the writings of such poets as Dante,
  Boccaccio, and Alain Chartier, Lydgate opened at his monastery of
  Bury St Edmund’s a school of rhetoric in which he taught young
  nobles literature and the art of versifying!”

Richard Pace says in his _De Fructu_, 1517:

  “Now the learning of music too demands its place, especially from
  me whom it distinguished when a boy amongst boys. For Thomas
  Langton, bishop of Winchester (the predecessor of him who is now
  living), whose secretary I was, when he had marked that I was
  making a proficiency in music far beyond my age (as
  himself--perchance from his too great affection for me--would
  point out and repeatedly say), ‘The talent of this lad,’ he said,
  ‘is born for greater things,’ and a few days afterwards he sent
  me, to pursue the study of literature, into Italy, to the school
  at Padua, which then was at its greatest prime, and benevolently
  supplied the annual expenses, as he showed wonderful favour to all
  men of letters, and in his day played the part of a second
  Mecænas, well remembering (as he ofttimes said) that he had been
  advanced to the episcopal dignity on account of his learning. For
  he had gained, with the highest commendation, the distinctions of
  each law[29] (as they say now-a-days). Also he so highly prized
  the study of Humanity[30] that he had boys and youths instructed
  in it at a school in his house; And he was vastly delighted to
  hear the scholars repeat to him at night the lessons given them by
  the teacher during the day. In this competition he who had borne
  himself notably went away with a present of something suitable to
  his character, and with commendation expressed in the most refined
  language; for that excellent governor had ever in his mouth the
  maxim that merit grows with praise.”[31]

  [Headnote: EDUCATION AT HOME AND AT TUTORS’.]

Palsgrave in 1530 speaks of “maister Petrus Vallensys, scole maister
to his [Charles, Duke of Suffolk’s] excellent yong sonne the Erle of
Lyncolne.”

Roger Ascham, author of the _Scholemaster_, &c., born in 1515,

  “was received at a very youthful age into the family of Sir Antony
  Wingfield, who furnished money for his education, and placed
  Roger, together with his own sons, under a tutor whose name was
  Bond. The boy had by nature a taste for books, and showed his good
  taste by reading English in preference to Latin, with wonderful
  eagerness. This was the more remarkable from the fact that Latin
  was still the language of literature, and it is not likely that
  the few English books written at that time were at all largely
  spread abroad in places far away from the Universities and
  Cathedral towns. In or about the year 1530, Mr Bond the domestic
  tutor resigned the charge of young Roger, who was now about
  fifteen years old, and by the advice and pecuniary aid of his kind
  patron Sir Antony, he was enabled to enter St John’s College,
  Cambridge, at that time the most famous seminary of learning in
  all England ... he took his bachelor’s degree in 1531, Feb. 18, in
  the 18th year of his age [“being a boy, new bachelor of art,” he
  says himself,] a time of life at which it is now more common to
  enter the University than to take a degree, but which, according
  to the modes of education then in use, was not thought premature.
  On the 23rd of March following, he was elected fellow of the
  College.” Giles’s Life of Ascham, Works, vol. i. p. xi-xiv.

Dr Clement and his wife were brought up in Sir T. More’s house. Clement
was taken from St Paul’s school, London, appointed tutor to More’s
children, and afterwards to his daughter Margaret, p. 402, col. 1.

What a young nobleman learnt in Henry the Eighth’s time may be gathered
from the following extracts (partly given by Mr Froude, Hist., v. i. p.
39-40) from the letters of young Gregory Cromwell’s tutor, to his
father, the Earl of Essex, the King’s Chief Secretary.

  “The order of his studie, as the houres lymyted for the Frenche
  tongue, writinge, plaienge att weapons, castinge of accomptes,
  pastimes of instruments, and suche others, hath bene devised and
  directed by the prudent wisdome of Mr Southwell; who with a
  ffatherly zeale and amitie muche desiringe to have hime a sonne
  worthy suche parents, ceasseth not aswell concerninge all other
  things for hime mete and necessary, as also in lerninge,
  t’expresse his tendre love and affection towardes hime, serchinge
  by all meanes possible howe he may moste proffitte, dailie heringe
  hime to rede sumwhatt in thenglishe tongue, and advertisenge hime
  of the naturell and true kynde of pronuntiacõn therof, expoundinge
  also and declaringe the etimologie and native signification of
  suche wordes as we have borowed of the Latines or Frenche menue,
  not evyn so comonly used in our quotidiene speche. Mr Cheney and
  Mr Charles in lyke wise endevoireth and emploieth themselves,
  accompanienge Mr Gregory in lerninge, amonge whome ther is a
  perpetuall contention, strife, and conflicte, and in maner of an
  honest envie who shall do beste, not oonlie in the ffrenche tongue
  (wherin Mr Vallence after a wonderesly compendious, facile,
  prompte, and redy waye, nott withoute painfull delegence and
  laborious industrie doth enstructe them) but also in writynge,
  playenge at weapons, and all other theire exercises, so that if
  continuance in this bihalf may take place, whereas the laste
  Diana, this shall (I truste) be consecrated to Apollo and the
  Muses, to theire no small profecte and your good contentation and
  pleasure. And thus I beseche the Lord to have you in his moste
  gratious tuition.

    At Reisinge in Norff[olk] the last daie of Aprill.
      Your faithfull and most bounden servaunte
        HENRY DOWES.

    To his right honorable maister Mr Thomas Crumwell
    chief Secretary vnto the King’s Maiestie.”
      Ellis, _Original Letters_. Series I. vol. i. p. 341-3.

The next Letter gives further details of Gregory’s studies--

  “But forcause somer was spente in the servyce of the wylde goddes,
  it is so moche to be regarded after what fashion yeouth is educate
  and browght upp, in whiche tyme that that is lerned (for the moste
  parte) will nott all holelie be forgotten in the older yeres,
  I thinke it my dutie to asserteyne yo^r Maistershippe how he
  spendith his tyme.... And firste, after he hath herde Masse he
  taketh a lecture of a Diologe of Erasmus Colloquium, called Pietas
  Puerilis, whereinne is described a veray picture of oone that
  sholde be vertuouselie brought upp; and forcause it is so
  necessary for hime, I do not onelie cause him to rede it over, but
  also to practise the preceptes of the same, and I have also
  translated it into Englishe, so that he may conferre theime both
  to-githers, whereof (as lerned men affirme) cometh no smalle
  profecte[32] ... after that, he exerciseth his hande in writing
  one or two houres, and redith uppon Fabian’s Chronicle as longe;
  the residue of the day he doth spende uppon the lute and
  virginalls. When he rideth (as he doth very ofte) I tell hime by
  the way some historie of the Romanes or the Greekes, whiche I
  cause him to reherse agayn in a tale. For his recreation he useth
  to hawke and hunte, and shote in his long bowe, which frameth and
  succedeth so well with hime that he semeth to be therunto given by
  nature.”

    Ellis, i. 343-4.


  [Headnote: STUDIES OF YOUTHS, TEMP. HEN. VIII. AND ELIZABETH.]

Of the course of study of ‘well-bred youths’ in the early years of
Elizabeth’s reign we have an interesting account by Sir Nicholas Bacon,
Lord Keeper, father of the great Bacon, in a Paper by Mr J. Payne
Collier in the _Archæologia_, vol. 36, Part 2, p. 339, Article xxxi.[33]
“Before he became Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon had been Attorney of
that Court” [the Court of Wards and Liveries] “a most lucrative
appointment; and on the 27th May, 1561, he addressed a letter to Sir
William Cecil, then recently (Jan., 1561) made Master of the Wards,
followed by a paper thus entitled:--’Articles devised for the bringing
up in vertue and learning of the Queenes Majesties Wardes, being heires
males, and whose landes, descending in possession and coming to the
Queenes Majestie, shall amount to the cleere yearly value of c. markes,
or above.’” Sir Nicholas asks the new Master of Wards to reform what he
justly calls most “preposterous” abuses in the department:--“That the
proceeding hath bin preposterous, appeareth by this: the chiefe thinge,
and most of price, in wardeship, is the wardes mynde; the next to that,
his bodie; the last and meanest, his land. Nowe, hitherto the chiefe
care of governaunce hath bin to the land, being the meaneste; and to the
bodie, being the better, very small; but to the mynde, being the best,
none at all, which methinkes is playnely to sett the carte before the
horse” (p. 343). Mr Collier then summarises Bacon’s Articles for the
bringing up of the Wards thus: “The wards are to attend divine service
at six in the morning: nothing is said about breakfast,[34] but they are
to study Latin until eleven; to dine between 11 and 12; to study with
the music-master from 12 till 2; from 2 to 3 they are to be with the
French master; and from 3 to 5 with the Latin and Greek masters. At 5
they are to go to evening prayers; then they are to sup; to be allowed
honest pastimes till 8; and, last of all, before they go to bed at 9,
they are again to apply themselves to music under the instruction of the
master. At and after the age of 16 they were to attend lectures upon
temporal and civil law, as well as _de disciplinâ militari_. It is not
necessary to insert farther details; but what I have stated will serve
to show how well-bred youths of that period were usually brought up, and
how disgracefully the duty of education as regards wards was
neglected.... It may appear singular that in these articles drawn up by
Sir Nicholas, so much stress is laid upon instruction in music[35]; but
it only serves to confirm the notion that the science was then most
industriously cultivated by nearly every class of society.” Pace in 1517
requires that every one should study it, but should join with it some
other study, as Astrology or Astronomy. He says also that the greatest
part of the art had perished by men’s negligence; “For all that our
musicians do now-a-days, is almost trivial if compared with what the old
ones (_antiqui_) did, so that now hardly one or two (_unus aut alter_)
can be found who know what harmony is, though the word is always on
their tongue.” (_De Fructu_, p. 54-5.) Ascham, while lamenting in 1545
(_Toxophilus_, p. 29) ‘that the laudable custom of England to teach
children their plain song and prick-song’ is ‘so decayed throughout all
the realm as it is,’ denounces the great practise of instrumental music
by older students: “the minstrelsy of lutes, pipes, harps, and all other
that standeth by such nice, fine, minikin fingering, (such as the most
part of scholars whom I know use, if they use any,) is far more fit, for
the womanishness of it, to dwell in the Court among ladies, than for any
great thing in it which should help good and sad study, to abide in the
University among scholars.”


  [Headnote: NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS.]

By 1577 our rich people, according to Harrison, attended properly to the
education of their children. After speaking “of our women, whose beautie
commonlie exceedeth the fairest of those of the maine,” he says:

  “This neuerthelesse I vtterlie mislike in the poorer sort of them,
  for the wealthier doo sildome offend herein: that being of
  themselues without competent wit, they are so carelesse in the
  education of their children (wherein their husbands also are to be
  blamed,) by means whereof verie manie of them neither fearing God,
  neither regarding either manners or obedience, do oftentimes come
  to confusion, which (if anie correction or discipline had beene
  vsed toward them in youth) might haue prooued good members of
  their common-wealth & countrie, by their good seruice and
  industrie.” --_Descr. of Britaine_, Holinshed, i. 115, col. 2.

This is borne out by Ascham, who says that young men up to 17 were well
looked after, but after that age were turned loose to get into all the
mischief they liked:

  “In deede, from seven to seventene, yong jentlemen commonlie be
  carefullie enough brought up: But from seventene to seven and
  twentie (the most dangerous tyme of all a mans life, and most
  slipperie to stay well in) they have commonlie the rein of all
  licens in their owne hand, and speciallie soch as do live in the
  Court. And that which is most to be merveled at, commonlie the
  wisest and also best men be found the fondest fathers in this
  behalfe. And if som good father wold seek some remedie herein, yet
  the mother (if the household of our Lady) had rather, yea, and
  will to, have her sonne cunnyng and bold, in making him to lyve
  trimlie when he is yong, than by learning and travell to be able
  to serve his Prince & his countrie, both wiselie in peace, and
  stoutlie in warre, whan he is old.

  “The fault is in your selves, ye noble mens sonnes, and therfore
  ye deserve the greater blame, that commonlie the meaner mens
  children cum to be the wisest councellours, and greatest doers, in
  the weightie affaires of this realme.” --_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor,
  p. 39-40.

Note lastly, on this subject of private tuition, that Mulcaster in his
_Elementarie_, 1582, complains greatly of rich people aping the custom
of princes in having private tutors for their boys, and withdrawing them
from public schools where the spirit of emulation against other boys
would make them work. The course he recommends is, that rich people
should send their sons, with their tutors, to the public schools, and so
get the advantage of both kinds of tuition.

_Girls’ Home Education._ The earliest notice of an English Governess
that any friend has found for me is in “the 34th Letter of Osbert de
Clare in Stephen’s reign, A.D. 1135-54. He mentions what seems to be a
Governess of his children, ‘_quædam matrona quæ liberos ejus_ (sc.
_militis, Herberti de Furcis_) _educare consueverat_.’ She appears to be
treated as one of the family: e.g. they wait for her when she goes into
a chapel to pray. I think a nurse would have been ‘ancilla quæ liberos
ejus nutriendos susceperat.’” Walter de Biblesworth was the tutor of the
“lady Dionysia de Monchensi, a Kentish heiress, the daughter of William
de Monchensi, baron of Swanescombe, and related, apparently,[[35a]] to
the Valences, earls of Pembroke, and wrote his French Grammar, or rather
Vocabulary[36], for her. She married Hugh de Vere, the second son of
Robert, fifth earl of Oxford. (Wright.) Lady Jane Grey was taught by a
tutor at home, as we have seen. Palsgrave was tutor to Henry VIII.’s
“most dere and most entirely beloved suster, quene Mary, douagier of
France,” and no doubt wrote his _Lesclaircissement de la Langue
Francoise_ mainly for her, though also “desirous to do some humble
service unto the nobilitie of this victorious realme, and universally
unto all other estates of this my natyfe country.” Giles Du Guez, or as
Palsgrave says to Henry VIII., “the synguler clerke, maister Gyles
Dewes, somtyme instructor to your noble grace in this selfe tong, at the
especiall instaunce and request of dyvers of your highe estates and
noble men, hath also for his partye written in this matter.” His book is
entitled “An Introductorie for to lerne to rede, to pronounce & to speke
French trewly: compyled for the Right high, excellent, and most vertuous
lady The Lady Mary of Englande, doughter to our most gracious soverayn
Lorde Kyng Henry the Eight.”


  [Headnote: UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN EARLY ENGLAND.]

3. _English University Education._ In early days Cambridge and Oxford
must be looked on, I suppose, as mainly the great schools for boys, and
the generality of scholars as poor men’s children,[37] like Chaucer’s
‘poore scolares tuo that dwelten in the soler-halle of Cantebregge,’ his
Clerk of Oxenford, and those students, gifts to whom are considered as
one of the regular burdens on the husbandman, in “God speed the Plough.”
Mr Froude says, Hist. of England, I. 37:

  “The universities were well filled, by the sons of yeomen chiefly.
  The cost of supporting them at the colleges was little, and
  wealthy men took a pride in helping forward any boys of
  promise[38] (_Latimer’s Sermons_, p. 64). It seems clear also, as
  the Reformation drew nearer, while the clergy were sinking lower
  and lower, a marked change for the better became perceptible in a
  portion at least of the laity.”

But Grosseteste mentions a “noble” scholar at Oxford (_Epist._ 129), and
Edward the Black Prince and Henry V. are said to have been students of
Queen’s College, Oxford. Wolsey himself was a College tutor at Oxford,
and had among his pupils the sons of the Marquess of Dorset, who
afterwards gave him his first preferment, the living of Lymington.
(Chappell.) [[38a]]

The legend runs that the first school at Oxford was founded by King
Alfred[39], and that Oxford was a place of study in the time of Edward
the Confessor (1041-66). If one may quote a book now considered to be ‘a
monkish forgery and an exploded authority,’ Ingulfus, who was Abbot of
Croyland, in the Isle of Ely, under William the Conqueror, says of
himself that he was educated first at Westminster, and then passed to
Oxford, where he made proficiency in such books of Aristotle as were
then accessible to students,[40] and in the first two books of Tully’s
Rhetoric.--_Malden_, On the Origin of Universities, 1835, p. 71.

In 1201 Oxford is called a _University_, and said to have contained 3000
scholars; in 1253 its first College (University) is founded. In 1244,
Hen. III. grants it its first privileges as a corporate body, and
confirms and extends them in 1245. In his reign, Wood says the number of
scholars amounted to 30,000, a number no doubt greatly exaggerated.


  [Headnote: POVERTY OF UNIVERSITY SCHOLARS.]

In the reign of Stephen, we know that Vacarius, a Lombard by birth, who
had studied the civil law at Bologna, came into England, and formed a
school of law at Oxford[41] ... he remained in England in the reign of
Henry II. On account of the difficulty and expense of obtaining copies
of the original books of the Roman law, and _the poverty of his English
scholars_, Vacarius [ab. 1149, A.D.] compiled an abridgment of the
Digests and Codex, in which their most essential parts were preserved,
with some difference of arrangement, and illustrated from other
law-books.... It bore on its title that it was “_pauperibus presertim
destinatus_;” and hence the Oxford students of law obtained the name of
_Pauperists._--_Malden_, p. 72-3.

Roger Bacon (who died 1248)[[41a]] speaks of a young fellow who came to
him, aged 15, not having wherewithal to live, or finding proper masters:
“because he was obliged to serve those who gave him necessaries, during
two years found no one to teach him a word in the things he learned.”
--_Opus Tertium_, cap. xx. In 1214 the Commonalty of Oxford agreed to
pay 52s. yearly for the use of poor scholars, and to give 100 of them a
meal of bread, ale, and pottage, with one large dish of flesh or fish,
every St Nicholas day.--_Wood’s An._ i. 185. _Wood’s Annals_ (ed. Gutch,
v. i. p. 619-20) also notes that in 1461 A.D. divers Scholars were
forced to get a license under the Chancellor’s hand and seal (according
to the Stat. 12 Ric. II., A.D. 1388, _Ib._, p. 519) to beg: and Sir
Thos. More says “then may wee yet, like poor Scholars of Oxford, go a
begging with our baggs & wallets, & sing salve Regina at rich mens
dores.” On this point we may also compare the Statutes of Walter de
Merton for his College at Oxford, A.D. 1274, ed. Halliwell, 1843, p. 19:

  Cap. 13. De admissione scholarium.

  Hoc etiam in eadem domo specialiter observari volo et decerno, ut
  circa eos, qui ad hujusmodi eleemosinæ participationem admittendi
  fuerint, diligenti solicitudine caveatur, ne qui præter castos,
  honestos, pacificos, humiles, _indigentes_, ad studium habiles ac
  proficere volentes, admittantur. Ad quorum agnitionem singulis,
  cum in dicta societate fuerint admittendi sustentationis gratia in
  eadem, ad annum unum utpote probationis causa primitus concedatur,
  ut sic demum si in dictis conditionibus laudabiliter se habuerint,
  in dictam congregationem admittantur.

  See also cap. 31, against horses of scholars being kept.

Lodgings were let according to the joint valuation of 2 Magistri
(scholars) and two townsmen (probi et legales homines de Villa). _Wood_,
i. 255. An. 15 Hen. III. A.D. 1230-1.

In the beginning of the 15th century it had become the established rule
that every scholar must be a member of some college or hall. The
scholars who attended the public lectures of the university, without
entering themselves at any college or hall, were called _chamber
dekyns_, as in Paris they were called martinets; and frequent enactments
were made against them.--_Malden_, p. 85, ref. to _Woods Annals_, 1408,
-13, -22, and 1512, &c.

The following are the dates of the foundations of the different Colleges
at Oxford as given in the University Calendar:--

  University College,        1253-80[42]
  Balliol Coll.,   betw. 1263 & 1268
  Merton College, founded at
    Maldon, in Surrey, in
    1264, removed to Oxford
    in                          1274
  Exeter College                1314
  Oriel   „                     1326
  The Queen’s College           1340
  New           „               1386
  Lincoln       „               1427
  All Souls     „               1437
  Magdalen      „               1458
  The King’s Hall and    }
    College of Brasenose }      1509
  Corpus Christi College        1516
  Christ Church    „            1526
  Trinity College               1554
  St John’s    „                1555
  Jesus        „                1571
  Wadham       „                1613
  Pembroke     „                1624
  Worcester    „                1714

HALLS

  St Edmund Hall      1317
  St Mary’s  „        1333
  New Inn    „        1438
  Magdalen   „        1487
  St Alban   „  after 1547


  [Headnote: UNDERGRADUATE’S EXPENSES AT OXFORD, 1478.]

‘The Paston Letters’ do not give us much information about studies or
life at Oxford, but they do give us material for estimating the cost of
a student there (ii. 124[43]); they show us the tutor reporting to a
mother her son’s progress in learning (ii. 130), and note the custom of
a man, when made bachelor, giving a feast: “I was made bachelor ... on
Friday was se’nnight (18 June, 1479), and I made my feast on the Monday
after (21 June). I was promised venison against my feast, of my Lady
Harcourt, and of another person too, but I was deceived of both; but my
guests held them pleased with such meat as they had, blessed be God.”
The letter as to the costs is dated May 19, 1478.

  “I marvel sore that you sent me no word of the letter which I sent
  to you by Master William Brown at Easter. I sent you word that
  time that I should send you mine expenses particularly; but as at
  this time the bearer hereof had a letter suddenly that he should
  come home, & therefore I could have no leisure to send them to you
  on that wise, & therefore I shall write to you in this letter the
  whole sum of my expenses since I was with you till Easter last
  past, and also the receipts, reckoning the twenty shillings that I
  had of you to Oxon wards, with the bishop’s finding:--

                                                      £   s.  d.
    The whole sum of receipts is                      5  17   6
    And the whole sum of expenses is                  6   5   5¾
    And that [= what] cometh over my receipts
      & my expenses I have borrowed of Master Edmund,
      & it draweth to                                     8   0

  and yet I reckon none expenses since Easter; but as for them, they
  be not great.”

On this account Fenn says,

  “he (Wm. Paston) had expended £6 5s. 5¾d. from the time he left
  his mother to Easter last, which this year fell on the 22nd March,
  from which time it was now two months, & of the expenses ‘since
  incurred’ he says ‘they be not great.’ We may therefore conclude
  the former account was from the Michaelmas preceding, and a
  moderate one; if so, we may fairly estimate his university
  education at £100 a-year of our present money. I mean that £12
  10s. 11½d. would then procure as many necessaries and comforts as
  £100 will at this day.”

What was the basis of Fenn’s calculation he does not say. In 1468, the
estimates for the Duke of Clarence’s household expenses give these
prices, among others:

                                      s.   d.           £    s.   d.
  Wheat, a quarter                    6    0  now, say  3    0    0
  Ale, a gallon                       -    1½    „      -    1    0
  Beves, less hide and tallow, each  10    0     „     15    0    0[*]
  Muttons      „         „            1    4     „      2   10    0[*]
  Velys        „         „            2    6     „      4    0    0[*]
  Porkes       „         „            2    0     „      5    0    0
  Rice, a pound                            3     „                5
  Sugar     „                              6     „                6
  Holland, an ell (6d., 8d., 16d.)        10     „           1    3
  Diapre                   „          4    6     „           3    0
  Towelles                 „          1    8     „           1    6
  Napkyns, a dozen, 12s., £1, £2,    17    4     „      2    0    0
                                   ----------          -------------
                                  £2  7    0½         £31   17    8

                                                      [*: Poor ones.]

This sum would make the things named nearly 14 times as dear now as in
1468, and raise Fenn’s £100 to about £180; but no reliance can be placed
on this estimate because we know nothing of the condition of the beves,
muttons, veles, and porkys, then, as contrasted with ours. Possibly they
were half the size and half the weight. Still, I have referred the
question to Professor Thorold Rogers, author of the _History of Prices_
1250-1400 A.D., and he says:

  “In the year to which you refer (1478) bread was very dear, 50 per
  cent. above the average. But on the whole, wheat prices in the
  15th century were lower than in the 14th. Fenn’s calculation,
  a little below the mark for wheat, is still less below it in most
  of the second necessaries of life. The multiple of wheat is about
  9, that of meat at least 24, those of butter and cheese nearly as
  much. But that of clothing is not more than 6, that of linen from
  4 to 5. Taking however one thing with another, 12 is a safe
  general multiplier.”

This would make the cost of young Paston’s university education £150
11s. 6d. a year.

Mr Whiston would raise Fenn’s estimate of £100 to £200. He says that
the rent of land in Kent in 1540 was a shilling or eighteenpence an
acre,--see _Valor Ecclesiasticus_,--and that the tithes and glebes of
the Dean and Chapter of Rochester, which were worth about £480 a-year in
1542, are now worth £19,000.

The remaining Oxford letter in the Paston volumes seems to allude to the
students bearing part of the expenses of the degree, or the feast at it,
of a person related to royal family.

  “I supposed, when that I sent my letter to my brother John, that
  the Queen’s brother should have proceeded at Midsummer, and
  therefore I beseeched her to send me some money, _for it will be
  some cost to me_, but not much.”

The first school at Cambridge is said to have been founded by Edward the
Elder, the son of Alfred, but on no good authority. In 1223 the term
_University_ was applied to the place. The dates of the foundations of
its Colleges, as given in its Calendar, are:

  St Peter’s               1257
    (date of charter, 1264)
  Clare Hall               1326
  Pembroke                 1347
  Caius                    1349
  Trinity Hall             1350
  Corpus Christi           1351
  King’s                   1441
  Queen’s                  1446
    (refounded 1465)
  St Catherine’s Hall      1473
  Jesus                    1496
  Christ’s                 1505
  St John’s                1511
  Magdalene                1519
  Trinity                  1546
  Emmanuel                 1584
  Sidney                   1598
  Downing                  1800


  [Headnote: FEW NOBLEMEN AT CAMBRIDGE.]

Lord Henry Brandon, son of the Duke of Suffolk, died of the sweating
sickness then prevalent in the University, on the 16th July, 1551, while
a student of Cambridge. His brother, Lord Charles Brandon, died on the
same day. Their removal to Buckden was too late to save them (_Ath.
Cant._, i. 105, 541). Of them Ascham says, ‘two noble Primeroses of
Nobilitie, the yong Duke of Suffolke and Lord _H. Matrevers_ were soch
two examples to the Courte for learnyng, as our tyme may rather wishe,
than look for agayne.’--_Scholemaster_, ed. Mayor, p. 62. Besides
these two young noblemen, the first 104 pages of Cooper’s _Athenæ
Cantabrigienses_ disclose only one other, Lord Derby’s son, and the
following names of sons of knights:[44]

    CAMBRIDGE MEN.

      1443
    Thomas Rotherham, Fellow of King’s, son of Sir Thomas Rotherham,
    knight, and Alice his wife.

      1494
    Reginald Bray, high-steward of the university of Oxford, son of
    Sir Richard Bray, knight, and the lady Joan his second wife.

      1502
    Humphrey Fitzwilliam, of Pembroke Hall, Vice-Chancellor, _appears_
    to have been the son of Sir Richard Fitzwilliam of Ecclesfield,
    and Elizabeth his wife.

      ab. 1468
    Richard Redman, son of Sir Richard Redman and Elizabeth [Aldburgh]
    his wife; made Bp. of St Asaph.

      1492
    Thomas Savage, son of Sir John Savage, knight, Bp. of Rochester.
    Was LL.D. ? educated at Cambridge.

      1485
    James Stanley, younger son of Thomas Earl of Derby, educated at
    both universities, graduated at Cambridge, and became prebendary
    of Holywell in 1485, Bp. of Ely in 1506.

      1497
    William Coningsby, son of Sir Humphrey Coningsby, elected from
    Eton to King’s.

      1507
    Thomas Elyot, son of Sir Richard Elyot, made M.A.

      ab. 1520
    George Blagge, son of Sir Robert Blagge.

Queen Elizabeth’s favourite, Lord Essex, was at Trinity College,
Cambridge. See his letter of May 13, from there, in Ellis, series II. v.
iii. p. 73; the furniture of his room, and his expenses, in the note p.
73-4; and his Tutor’s letter asking for new clothes for ‘my Lord,’ or
else ‘he shall not onely be thrid bare, but ragged.’

Archbp. Whitgift[45], when B.D. at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, A.D. 1563,
“bestowed some of his time and abilities in the instruction of ingenious
youth, sent to the college for education, in good learning and Christian
manners. And among such his pupils, were two noblemen’s sons, viz. the
Lord Herbert, son and heir to the Earl of Pembroke; and John, son and
heir to the Lord North.” (_Life_, by Strype, ed. 1822, vol. i. p. 14.)

While Whitgift was Master of Trinity, Strype says he had bred up under
him not only several Bishops, but also “the Earls of Worcester and
Cumberland, the Lord Zouch, the Lord Dunboy of Ireland, Sir Nicolas and
Sir Francis Bacon. To which I may add one more, namely, the son of Sir
Nicolas White, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, who married a Devereux.”
(_Life_, i. 157, ed. 1822.)


  [Headnote: NOBLES AND GENTLEMEN AT OXFORD.]

A search through the whole of the first volume of Wood’s _Athenæ
Oxonienses_, comprising a period of nearly 100 years, has resulted in
the following meagre list of men of noble or knightly birth who
distinguished themselves. There are besides many men of “genteel
parents,” some of trader-ones, many friars, some Winchester men, but no
Eton ones, educated at Oxford.

      1478
    Edmund Dudley, son of John Dudley, Esq., 2nd son of John Lord
    Dudley, of Dudley Castle in Staffordshire.

      ab. 1483
    John Colet, the eldest son of Sir Henry Colet, twice lord mayor
    of London ... was educated in grammaticals, partly in London or
    Westminster.

       „
    Nicholas Vaux, son of Sir Will. Vaux of Harwedon in
    Northamptonshire (not the Poet, Lord Vaux).

      end of Edw. IV.
    John Bourchier, Lord Berners, eldest son of Sir John Bourchier,
    knight, Lord Berners of Hertfordshire ... was instructed in
    several sorts of learning in the university in the latter end of
    K. Edw. IV.; in whose reign, and before, were the sons of divers
    of the English nobility educated in academical literature in
    Baliol Coll.,[46] wherein, as ’tis probable, this our author was
    instructed also.

      1497
    Thomas More, son of Sir John More, knight. (_The_ Sir Thomas More.)

      ? ab. 1510
    George Bulleyn, son and heir of Sir Tho. Bullen, and brother of
    Anne Bulleyn.

      ?  „
    Henry Parker, son of Sir William Parker, knight.

      1515
    Christopher Seintgerman, son of Sir Henry Seintgerman, knight.

      ? ab. 1520
    Thomas Wyatt, son of Henry Wyatt of Alington Castle in Kent,
    knight and baronet, migrated from St John’s, Cambridge.[47]

      1538[48]
    John Heron, a Kentish man born, near of kin to Sir John Heron,
    knight.

      ? ab. 1520
    Edward Seymoure, son of Sir John Seymoure, or St Maure of
    Wolf-hall in Wilts, knight, was educated in trivials, and partly
    in quadrivials for some time in this university. He was Jane
    Seymour’s brother, and afterwards Duke of Somerset, and was
    beheaded on Jan. 22, 1552-3.

      1534
    John Philpot, son of Sir Pet. Philpot, knight of the Bath. Fellow
    of New Coll.

      ab. 15--
    Henry Lord Stafford (author of the _Mirror for Magistrates_), the
    only son of Edward, Duke of Bucks, ‘received his education in both
    the universities, especially in that of Cambridge, to which his
    father had been a benefactor.’

      1515
    Reynold Pole (the Cardinal), a younger son of Sir Rich. Pole.

      ? ab. 1530
    Anthony Browne, son of Sir Weston Browne, of Abbesroding and of
    Langenhoo in Essex, knight.

      ab. 1574
    Patrick Plunket, baron of Dunsary in Ireland, son of Rob. Plunket,
    baron of the same place.

      ab. 1570
    Philip Sidney (the poet), son of Sir Henry Sidney.

      ?
    John Smythe, son of Sir Clem. Smythe.

    (Peter Levens or Levins, our _Manipulus_ or Rhyming-Dictionary
    man, became a student in the university, an. 1552, was elected
    probationer-fellow of Mag. Coll. into a Yorkshire place, 18 Jan.
    1557, being then bach. of arts, and on the 19th Jan. 1559 was
    admitted true and perpetual fellow. In 1560 he left his
    fellowship. _Ath. Ox._ p. 547, col. 2.)

      ? ab. 1570
    Reynolde Scot, a younger son of Sir John Scot of Scotshall, near
    to Smeeth in Kent.

      1590
    Hayward Townshend, eldest son of Sir Henry Townshend, knight.

      ab. 1587
    Francis Tresham (of Gunpowder Plot notoriety), son of Sir Thomas
    Tresham, knight.

The number of friars and monks at the Universities before the
Reformation, and especially at Oxford, must have been large. Tanner
says,

  In our universities ... were taught divinity and canon law (then,
  t. Hen. III., much in vogue), and the friers resorting thither in
  great numbers and applying themselves closely to their studies,
  outdid the monks in all fashionable knowledge. But the monks
  quickly perceived it, and went also to the universities and
  studied hard, that they might not be run down by the friers.[49]
  And as the friers got houses in the universities, the monks also
  got colleges founded and endowed there[50] for the education of
  their novices, where they were for some years instructed in
  grammar, philosophy, and school divinity, and then returning home,
  improved their knowledge by their private studies, to the service
  of God and the credit of their respective societies. So that a
  little before the Reformation, the greatest part of the proceeders
  in divinity at Oxford were monks and Regular canons.


  [Headnote: FAVOURITISM OF THE RICH IN THE UNIVERSITIES.]

By Harrison’s time, A.D. 1577[51], rich men’s sons had not only pressed
into the Universities, but were scrooging poor men’s sons out of the
endowments meant only for the poor, learning the lessons that Mr Whiston
so well shows our Cathedral dignitaries have carried out with the
stipends of their choristers, boys and men. “_Les gros poissons mangent
les menus._ Pro. Poore men are (easily) supplanted by the rich, the
weake by the strong, the meane by the mighty.”[52] (Cotgrave, u.
_manger_.) The law of “natural selection” prevails. Who shall say nay in
a Christian land professing the principles of the great “Inventor of
Philanthropy”? Whitgift for one, see his Life of Strype, Bk. I. chap.
xiii. p. 148-50, ed. 1822. In 1589 an act 31 Eliz. c. 6, was passed to
endeavour to prevent the abuse, but, like modern Election-bribery Acts
with their abuse, did not do it.


  [Headnote: BAD EXAMPLE OF RICH MEN AT COLLEGE.]

  “at this present, of one sort & other, there are about three
  thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late serveie it
  manifestlie appeared). They [the Colleges at our Universities]
  were created by their founders at the first, onelie for pore men’s
  sons, whose parents were not able to bring them up unto learning:
  but now they have the least benefit of them, by reason the rich do
  so incroch upon them. And so farre hath this inconvenence spread
  itself, that it is in my time an hard matter for a pore man’s
  child to come by a fellowship (though he be neuer so good a
  scholer & worthie of that roome.) Such packing also is used at
  elections, that not he which best deserveth, but he that hath most
  friends, though he be the worst scholer, is alwaies surest to
  speed; which will turne in the end to the overthrow of learning.
  That some gentlemen also, whose friends have been in times past
  benefactors to certeine of those houses, doe intrude into the
  disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or
  statutes devised by the founders, onelie thereby to place whome
  they think good (and not without some hope of gaine) the case is
  too too evident, and their attempt would soone take place, if
  their superiors did not provide to bridle their indevors. In some
  grammar schooles likewise, which send scholers to these
  universities, it is lamentable to see what briberie is used; for
  yer the scholer can be preferred, such briberye is made, that pore
  men’s children are commonly shut out, and the richer sort received
  (who in times past thought it dishonour to live as it were upon
  almes) and yet being placed, most of them studie little other than
  histories, tables, dice & trifles, as men that make not the living
  by their studie the end of their purposes; which is a lamentable
  bearing. Besides this, being for the most part either gentlemen,
  or rich men’s sonnes, they oft bring the universities into much
  slander.[53] For standing upon their reputation and libertie, they
  ruffle and roist it out, exceeding in apparell, and hanting
  riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes into an
  other trade). And for excuse, when they are charged with breach of
  all good order, thinke it sufficient to saie, that they be
  gentlemen, which grieveth manie not a little. But to proceed with
  the rest.

  “Everie one of these colleges haue in like manner their professors
  or readers of the tongs and severall sciences, as they call them,
  which dailie trade up the youth there abiding privatlie in their
  halles, to the end they may be able afterwards (when their turne
  commeth about, which is after twelve termes) to show themselves
  abroad, by going from thence into the common schooles and publike
  disputations (as it were _In aream_) there to trie their skilles,
  and declare how they have profited since their coming thither.

  “Moreover in the publike schooles of both the universities, there
  are found at the prince’s charge (and that verie largelie) five
  professors & readers, that is to saie, of divinitie, of the civill
  law, physicke, the Hebrew and the Greek tongues. And for the other
  lectures, as of philosophie, logike, rhetorike and the
  quadriuials, although the latter (I mean, arithmetike, musike,
  geometrie and astronomie, and with them all skill in the
  perspectives are now smallie regarded in either of them) the
  universities themselves do allowe competent stipends to such as
  reade the same, whereby they are sufficiently provided for,
  touching the maintenance of their estates, and no less encouraged
  to be diligent in their functions.”

On the introduction of the study of Greek into the Universities,
Dr S. Knight says in his _Life of Colet_:

  “As for _Oxford_, its own _History_ and _Antiquities_ sufficiently
  confess, that nothing was known there but _Latin_, and that in the
  most depraved Style of the _School-men_. _Cornelius Vitellius_, an
  _Italian_, was the first who taught _Greek_ in that
  University[54]; and from him the famous _Grocyne_ learned the
  first Elements thereof.

  “In _Cambridge_, _Erasmus_ was the first who taught the _Greek
  Grammar_. And so very low was the State of Learning in that
  University, that (as he tells a Friend) about the Year 1485, the
  Beginning of _Hen._ VII. Reign, there was nothing taught in that
  publick Seminary besides _Alexander’s Parva Logicalia_, (as they
  called them) the old _Axioms_ of _Aristotle_, and the _Questions_
  of John Scotus, till in Process of time _good Letters_ were
  brought in, and some Knowledge of the _Mathematicks_; as also
  _Aristotle_ in a new Dress, and some Skill in the _Greek_ Tongue;
  and, by Degrees, a Multitude of _Authors_, whose _Names_ before
  had not been heard of.[55]

  “It is certain that even _Erasmus_ himself did little understand
  _Greek_, when he came first into _England_, in 1497 (13 _Hen._
  VII.), and that our Countryman _Linacer_ taught it him, being just
  returned from _Italy_ with great Skill in that Language: Which
  _Linacer_ and _William Grocyne_ were the two only Tutors that were
  able to teach it.” Saml. Knight, Life of Dr John Colet, pp.
  17, 18.

The age at which boys went up to the University seems to have varied
greatly. When Oxford students were forbidden to play marbles they could
not have been very old. But in “The Mirror of the Periods of Man’s Life”
(? ab. 1430 A.D.), in the Society’s _Hymns to the Virgin and Christ_ of
this year, we find the going-up age put at twenty:

  Quod resou{n}, in age of .XX. ȝeer,
    Goo to oxenford, or lerne lawe[56].

This is confirmed by young Paston’s being at Eton at nineteen (see
below, p. lvi). In 1612, Brinsley (_Grammar Schoole_, p. 307) puts the
age at fifteen, and says,

  “such onely should be sent to the Vniuersities, who proue most
  ingenuous and towardly, and who, in a loue of learning, will begin
  to take paines of themselues, hauing attained in some sort the
  former parts of learning; being good Grammarians at least, able to
  vnderstand, write and speake Latine in good sort.

  “Such as haue good discretion how to gouerne themselues there, and
  to moderate their expenses; which is seldome times before 15
  yeeres of age; which is also the youngest age admitted by the
  statutes of the Vniuersity, as I take it.”


  [Headnote: FOREIGN UNIVERSITY EDUCATION.]

4. _Foreign University Education._ That some of our nobles sent their
sons to be educated in the French universities (whence they sometimes
imported foreign vices into England[57]) is witnessed by some verses in
a Latin Poem “in MS. Digby, No. 4 (Bodleian Library) of the end of the
13th or beginning of the 14th century,” printed by Mr Thomas Wright in
his _Anecdota Literaria_, p. 38.

  Filii nobilium, dum sunt juniores,
  Mittuntur in Franciam fieri doctores;
  Quos prece vel pretio domant corruptores,
  Sic prætaxatos referunt artaxata mores.

An English _nation_ or set of students of the Faculty of Arts at Paris
existed in 1169; after 1430 the name was changed to the German nation.
Besides the students from the French provinces subject to the English,
as Poictou, Guienne, &c, it included the English, Scottish, Irish,
Poles, Germans, &c. --_Encyc. Brit._ John of Salisbury (born 1110) says
that he was twelve years studying at Paris on his own account. Thomas a
Becket, as a young man, studied at Paris. Giraldus Cambrensis (born
1147) went to Paris for education; so did Alexander Neckham (died 1227).
Henry says,

  “The English, in particular, were so numerous, that they occupied
  several schools or colleges; and made so distinguished a figure by
  their genius and learning, as well as by their generous manner of
  living, that they attracted the notice of all strangers. This
  appears from the following verses, describing the behaviour of a
  stranger on his first arrival in Paris, composed by Negel Wircker,
  an English student there, A.D. 1170:--

    The stranger dress’d, the city first surveys,
    A church he enters, to his God he prays.
    Next to the schools he hastens, each he views,
    With care examines, anxious which to chuse.
    The English most attract his prying eyes,
    Their manners, words, and looks, pronounce them wise.
    Theirs is the open hand, the bounteous mind;
    Theirs solid sense, with sparkling wit combin’d.
    Their graver studies jovial banquets crown,
    Their rankling cares in flowing bowls they drown.[58]

Montpelier was another University whither Englishmen resorted, and is to
be remembered by us if only for the memory of Andrew Borde, M.D., some
bits of whose quaintness are in the notes to Russell in the present
volume.

Padua is to be noted for Pace’s sake. He is supposed to have been born
in 1482.

Later, the custom of sending young noblemen and gentlemen to Italy--to
travel, not to take a degree--was introduced, and Ascham’s condemnation
of it, when no tutor accompanied the youths, is too well known to need
quoting. The Italians’ saying, _Inglese Italianato è un diabolo
incarnato_, sums it up.[59]


  [Headnote: MONASTIC AND CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.]

5. _Monastic and Cathedral Schools._ Herbert Losing, Bp. of Thetford,
afterwards Norwich, between 1091 and 1119, in his 37th Letter restores
his schools at Thetford to Dean Bund, and directs that no other schools
be opened there.

Tanner (_Not. Mon._ p. xx. ed. Nasmith), when mentioning “the use
and advantage of these Religious houses”--under which term “are
comprehended, cathedral and collegiate churches, abbies, priories,
colleges, hospitals, preceptories (Knights Templars’ houses), and
frieries”--says,

  “Secondly, They were schools of learning & education; for every
  convent had one person or more appointed for this purpose; and all
  the neighbours that desired it, might have their children taught
  grammar and church musick without any expence to them.[60]

  In the nunneries also young women were taught to work, and to read
  English, and sometimes Latin also. So that not only the lower rank
  of people, who could not pay for their learning, but most of the
  noblemen and gentlemen’s daughters were educated in those
  places.”[61]


  [Headnote: LYDGATE’S TRICKS AT SCHOOL.]

As Lydgate (born at Lydgate in Suffolk, six or seven miles from
Newmarket) was ordained subdeacon in the Benedictine monastery of Bury
St Edmunds in 1389[62], he was probably sent as a boy to a monastic
school. At any rate, as he sketches his early escapades--apple-stealing,
playing truant, &c.,--for us in his _Testament_[63], I shall quote the
youth’s bit of the poem here:--

  [Line numbers in the following selections were added by the
  transcriber for use with sidenotes.]

  Harleian MS. 2255, fol. 60.

  Duryng the tyme / of this sesou{n} ver
  I meene the sesou{n} / of my yeerys greene
  Gynnyng fro childhood / strecchith{e}[A] vp so fer
  to þe yeerys / accountyd ful Fifteene
  bexperience / as it was weel seene
  The gerissh{e} sesou{n} / straunge of condiciou{n}s
  Dispoosyd to many vnbridlyd passiouns                                7

      [Sidenote: [fol. 60 b.]]

  ¶ Voyd of resou{n} / yove to wilfulnesse
  Froward to vertu / of thrift gaf[B] litil heede
  loth to lerne / lovid no besynesse
  Sauf pley or merthe / strau{n}ge to spelle or reede
  Folwyng al appetites / longyng to childheede
  lihtly tournyng wylde / and seelde sad
  Weepyng for nouht / and anoon afftir glad                           14

  ¶ For litil wroth / to stryve with my felawe
  As my passiou{n}s / did my bridil leede
  Of the yeerde somtyme / I Stood in awe
  to be scooryd[C] / that was al my dreede
  loth toward scole / lost my tyme in deede
  lik a yong colt / that ran with-owte brydil
  Made my freendys / ther good to spend in ydil /                     21

    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [1] In my boyhood, [4] up to 15, [10] I loved no work but play
    [17] yet I was afraid of being scored by the rod.]

  ¶ I hadde in custom / to come to scole late
  Nat for to lerne / but for a contenaunce
  with my felawys / reedy to debate
  to Iangle and Iape / was set al my plesaunce
  wherof rebukyd / this was my chevisaunce
  to forge a lesyng / and therupon to muse
  whan I trespasyd / my silven to excuse                              28

      [Sidenote: [fol. 61.]]

  ¶ To my bettre / did no reverence
  Of my sovereyns / gaf no fors at al
  wex obstynat / by inobedience
  Ran in to garydns / applys ther I stal
  To gadre frutys / sparyd hegg[D] nor wal
  to plukke grapys / in othir mennys vynes
  Was moor reedy / than for to seyn[E] matynes                        35

  ¶ My lust was al / to scorne folk and iape
  Shrewde tornys / evir among to vse
  to Skoffe and mowe[F] / lyk a wantou{n} Ape
  whan I did evil / othre I did[G] accuse
  My wittys five / in wast I did abuse[H]
  Rediere chirstoonys / for to[I] telle
  Than gon to chirche / or heere the sacry[K] belle                   42

    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [22] I came to school late, [25] talked, [27] lied to get off
    blame, [29] and mocked my masters. [32] I stole apples and
    grapes, [36] played tricks and mocked people, [40] liked counting
    cherry-stones better than church.]

  ¶ Loth to ryse / lother to bedde at eve
  with vnwassh handys[L] / reedy to dyneer
  My _pater noster_ / my _Crede_ / or my beleeve
  Cast at the[M] Cok / loo this was my maneer
  Wavid with ech{e} wynd / as doth a reed speer
  Snybbyd[N] of my frendys / such techchys fortame{n}de[O]
  Made deff ere / lyst nat / to them attende                          49

      [Sidenote: [fol. 61 b.]]

  ¶ A child resemblyng / which was nat lyk to thryve
  Froward to god / reklees[P] in his servise
  loth to correcciou{n} / slouh{e} my sylf to shryve
  Al good thewys / reedy to despise
  Cheef bellewedir / of feyned[Q] trwaundise
  this is to meene / my silf I cowde feyne
  Syk lyk a trwaunt / felte[R] no maneer peyne                        56

  ¶ My poort my pas / my foot alwey vnstable
  my look my eyen / vnswre and vagabounde
  In al my werkys / sodeynly chaungable
  To al good thewys / contrary I was founde
  Now ovir sad / now moornyng / now iocounde
  Wilful rekles / mad[S] stertyng as an hare
  To folwe my lust / for no man wold I spare.                         63

    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [43] Late to rise, I was; dirty at dinner, [49] dea to the
    snubbings of my friends, [51] reckless in God’s service,
    [54] chief shammer of illness when I was well, [57] always
    unsteady, [60] ill-conducted, [62] sparing none for my pleasure.]

    [Collations:
    A: strecched. (These collations are from Harl. 218, fol. 65, back.)
    B: toke.  C: skoured.  D: nedir hegge.  E: sey.  F: mowen.
    G: koude.  H: alle vse.  I: cheristones to.  K: sacryng.
    L: hondes.  M: atte.  N: Snybbyng.  O: tamende.  P: rekkes.
    Q: froward.  R: and felt.  S: made.]

At these monastic schools, I suppose, were educated mainly the boys whom
the monks hoped would become monks, cleric or secular; mostly the poor,
the Plowman’s brother who was to be the Parson, not often the ploughman
himself. Once, though, made a scholar and monk there, and sent by the
Monastery to the University, the workman’s, if not the ploughman’s, son,
might rule nobles and sit by kings, nay, beard them to their face.
Thomas a Becket, himself the son of independent[[63a]] parents, was sent
to be brought up in the “religious house of the Canons of Merton.”

In 1392 the writer of Piers Plowman’s Crede sketches the then state of
things thus:

  Now mot ich soutere hys sone · seten to schole,
  And ich a beggeres brol · on the book lerne,
  And worth to a writere · and with a lorde dwelle,
  Other falsly to a frere · the fend for to serven;                    4
  So of that beggares brol · a [bychop[64]] shal worthen,
  Among the peres of the lond · prese to sytten,
  And lordes sones[65] lowly · to tho losels alowte,
  Knyghtes crouketh hem to · and cruccheth ful lowe;                   8
  And his syre a soutere · y-suled in grees,
  His teeth with toylyng of lether · tatered as a sawe.

    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [1] Now every cobbler’s son and beggar’s brat turns writer, then
    Bishop, [7] and lords’ sons crouch to him, [9] a cobbler’s son.]

Here I might stop the quotation, but I go on, for justice has never yet
been done[66] to this noble _Crede_ and William’s _Vision_ as pictures
of the life of their times,--chiefly from the profound ignorance of us
English of our own language; partly from the grace, the freshness, and
the brilliance of Chaucer’s easier and inimitable verse:--

  Alaas! that lordes of the londe · leveth swiche wreechen,
  And leveth swych lorels · for her lowe wordes.
  They shulden maken [bichopes[64]] · her owen bretheren childre,
  Other of som gentil blod · And so yt best semed,                     4
  And fostre none faytoures[64] · ne swich false freres,
  To maken fat and fulle · and her flesh combren.
  For her kynde were more · to y-clense diches
  Than ben to sopers y-set first · and served with sylver.             8
  A grete bolle-ful of benen · were beter in hys wombe,
  And with the bandes[A] of bakun · his baly for to fillen
  Than pertryches or plovers · or pecockes y-rosted,
  And comeren her stomakes · with curiuse drynkes                     12
  That maketh swyche harlotes · hordom usen,
  And with her wikkid word · wymmen bitrayeth.
  God wold her wonyynge · were in wildernesse,
  And fals freres forboden · the fayre ladis chaumbres;               16
  For knewe lordes her craft · treuly I trowe
  They shulden nought haunten her house · so ho[m]ly[64] on nyghtes,
  Ne bedden swich brothels · in so brode shetes,                      20
  But sheten her heved in the stre · to sharpen her wittes.

    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [1] Lords [3] should make gentlemen Bishops, [5] and set these
    scamps [7] to clean ditches, [9] and eat beans and bacon-rind
    instead of peacocks, [13] and having women. [17] If Lords but knew
    their tricks, [20] they’d turn these beggars into the straw.]

    [Textnote A: ? randes. Sk.]


  [Headnote: EDUCATION OF FIELD LABOURERS.]

There is one side of the picture, the workman’s son turned monk, and
clerk to a lord. Let us turn to the other side, the ploughman’s son who
didn’t turn monk, whose head _was_ ‘shet’ in the straw, who delved and
ditched, and dunged the earth, eat bread of corn and bran, worts
fleshless (vegetables, but no meat), drank water, and went miserably
(_Crede_, l. 1565-71). What education did he get? To whom could he be
apprenticed? What was his chance in life? Let the Statute-Book answer:--

    A.D. 1388. 12º Rich. II., Cap. v.

  _Item._ It is ordained & assented, That he or she which used to
  labour at the Plough and Cart, or other Labour or Service of
  Husbandry _till they be of the Age of Twelve Years, that from
  thenceforth they shall abide at the same Labour_, without being
  put to any Mystery or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond of
  Apprentie (_so_) be from henceforth made to the Contrary, the same
  shall be holden for none.

    A.D. 1405-6. 7º Henri IV., Cap. xvii.

  .....And Whereas in the Statutes made at Canterbury among other
  Articles it is contained That he or she that useth to labour at
  the Plough or Cart, or other Labour or Service of Husbandry, till
  he be of the age of Twelve Years, that from the same time forth he
  shall abide at the same Labour, without being put to any Mystery
  or Handicraft; and if any Covenant or Bond be made from that time
  forth to the contrary, it shall be holden for none:
  Notwithstanding which Article, and the good Statutes afore made
  through all parts of the Realm, the Infants born within the Towns
  and Seignories of Upland, whose Fathers & Mothers have no Land nor
  Rent nor other Living, but only their Service or Mystery, be put
  by their said Fathers and Mothers and other their Friends to
  serve, and bound Apprentices, to divers Crafts within the Cities
  and Boroughs of the said Realm _sometime at the Age of Twelve
  Years, sometime within the said Age_, and that for the Pride of
  Clothing and other evil Customs that Servants do use in the same;
  so that there is so great Scarcity of Labourers and other Servants
  of Husbandry _that the Gentlemen and other People of the Realm be
  greatly impoverished for the Cause aforesaid:_ Our Sovereign Lord
  the King considering the said Mischief, and willing thereupon to
  provide Remedy, by the advice & assent of the Lords Spiritual and
  Temporal, and at the request of the said Commons, hath ordained
  and stablished, That no Man nor Woman, of what Estate or Condition
  they be, shall put their Son or Daughter, of whatsoever Age he or
  she be, to Serve as Apprentice to no Craft nor other Labour within
  any City or Borough in the Realm, except he have Land or Rent to
  the Value of Twenty Shillings by the Year at the least, but they
  shall be put to other labours as their Estates doth require, upon
  Pain of one Year’s Imprisonment, and to make Fine and Ransom at
  the King’s Will. And if any Covenant be made of any such Infant,
  of what Estate that he be, to the contrary, it shall be holden for
  none. Provided Always, that every Man and Woman, of what Estate or
  Condition that he be, shall be free to set their Son or Daughter
  to take Learning at any manner School that pleaseth them within
  the Realm.

A most gracious saving clause truly, for those children who were used to
labour at the plough and cart till they were twelve years old[67]. Let
us hope that some got the benefit of it!

These Acts I came across when hunting for the Statutes referred to by
the _Boke of Curtasye_ as fixing the hire of horses for carriage at
fourpence a piece, and they caused me some surprise. They made me wonder
less at the energy with which some people now are striving to erect
“barriers against democracy” to prevent the return match for the old
game coming off.--However improving, and however justly retributive,
future legislation for the rich by the poor in the spirit of past
legislation for the poor by the rich might be, it could hardly be
considered pleasant, and is surely worth putting up the true barrier
against, one of education in each poor man’s mind. (He who americanizes
us thus far will be the greatest benefactor England has had for some
ages.)--These Statutes also made me think how the old spirit still
lingers in England, how a friend of my own was curate in a Surrey
village where the kind-hearted squire would allow none of the R’s but
Reading to be taught in his school; how another clergyman lately
reported his Farmers’ meeting on the school question: Reading and
Writing might be taught, but Arithmetic not; the boys would be getting
to know too much about wages, and that would be troublesome; how,
lastly, our gangs of children working on our Eastern-counties farms, and
our bird-keeping boys of the whole South, can almost match the children
of the agricultural labourer of 1388.


  [Headnote: NO BONDSMAN’S SON TO BE AN APPRENTICE.]

The early practice of the Freemasons, and other crafts, refusing to let
any member take a bondsman’s son as an apprentice, was founded on the
reasonable apprehension that his lord would or might afterwards claim
the lad, make him disclose the trade-secrets, and carry on his art for
the lord’s benefit. The fourth of the ‘Fyftene artyculus or fyftene
poyntus’ of the Freemasons, printed by Mr Halliwell (p. 16), is on this
subject.

  _Articulus quartus_ (MS. Bibl. Reg. 17 A, Art. I., fol. 3, &c.)

    The fowrthe artycul thys moste be,
    That the mayster hym wel be-se
    That he _no bondemon_ prentys make,
    Ny for no covetyse do hym take;
    For the lord that he ys bond to,
    May fache the prentes whersever he go.
    Ȝef yn the logge he were y-take,
    Muche desese hyt myȝth ther make,
    And suche case hyt myȝth befalle
    That hyt myȝth greve summe or alle;
    For alle the masonus that ben there
    Wol stonde togedur hol y-fere.
    Ȝef suche won yn that craft schulde dwelle,
    Of dyvers desesys ȝe myȝth telle.
    For more ȝese thenne, and of honesté,
    Take a prentes of herre[A] degré.
    By olde tyme, wryten y fynde
    That the prentes schulde be of gentyl kynde;
    And so sumtyme grete lordys blod
    Toke thys gemetry that ys ful good.

      [Text Note:
      A: higher.]

I should like to see the evidence of a lord’s son having become a
working mason, and dwelling seven years with his master ‘hys craft to
lurne.’


  [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS.]

_Cathedral Schools._ About the pre-Reformation Schools I can find only
the extract from Tanner given above, p. xlii. On the post-Reformation
Schools I refer readers to Mr Whiston’s _Cathedral Trusts_, 1850. He
says:

  “The Cathedrals of England are of two kinds, those of the old and
  those of the new foundation: of the latter, Canterbury (the old
  archiepiscopal see) and Carlisle, Durham, Ely, Norwich, Rochester,
  and Worcester, old episcopal sees, were A.D. 1541-2 refounded, or
  rather reformed, by Henry VIII. ... Besides these, he created five
  other cathedral churches or colleges, in connexion with the five
  new episcopal sees of Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford, and
  Peterborough. He further created the see of Westminster, which was
  ... subsequently (A.D. 1560) converted to a deanery collegiate by
  Queen Elizabeth ... (p. 6). The preamble of the Act 31 Henry VIII.
  c. 9, for founding the new cathedrals, preserved in Henry’s own
  handwriting, recites that they were established ‘To the intente
  that Gods worde myght the better be sett forthe, _cyldren broght
  up in lernynge, clerces nuryshyd in the universities_, olde
  servantes decayed, to have lyfing, allmes housys for pour folke to
  be sustayned in, _Reders of grece, ebrew, and latyne to have good
  stypende_, dayly almes to be mynistrate, mending of hyght wayes,
  and exhybision for mynisters of the chyrche.’”

“A general idea of the scope and nature of the cathedral establishments,
as originally planned and settled by Henry VIII., may be formed from
the first chapter of the old statutes of Canterbury, which is almost
identical with the corresponding chapter of the statutes of all the
other cathedrals of the new foundation. It is as follows:

  “On[68] the entire number of those who have their sustentation
  (qui sustentantur) in the cathedral and metropolitical church of
  Canterbury:

  “First of all we ordain and direct that there be for ever in our
  aforesaid church, one dean, twelve canons, six preachers, twelve
  minor canons, one deacon, one subdeacon, twelve lay-clerks, _one
  master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the boys
  in grammar, one of whom is to be the head master, the other,
  second master, fifty boys to be instructed in grammar_,[69] twelve
  poor men to be maintained at the costs and charges of the said
  church, two vergers, two subsacrists (_i.e._, sextons), four
  servants in the church to ring the bells, and arrange all the
  rest, two porters, who shall also be barber-tonsors, one
  caterer,[70] one butler, and one under butler, one cook, and one
  under-cook, who, indeed, in the number prescribed, are to serve in
  our church every one of them in his own order, according to our
  statutes and ordinances.”

In the Durham statutes, as settled in the first year of Philip and Mary,
the corresponding chapter is as follows:

  On[71] the total number of those who have their sustentation (qui
  sustentantur) in the cathedral church of Durham.

  “We direct and ordain that there be for ever in the said church,
  one dean, twelve prebendaries, twelve minor canons, one deacon,
  one sub-deacon, ten clerks, (who may be either clerks or laymen,)
  _one master of the choristers, ten choristers, two teachers of the
  boys in grammar, eighteen boys to be instructed in grammar_, eight
  poor men to be maintained at the costs of the said church, two
  subsacrists, two vergers, two porters, one of whom shall also be
  barber-tonsor, one butler, one under-butler, one cook, and one
  under-cook.”

  “The monastic or collegiate character of the bodies thus
  constituted, is indicated by the names and offices of the inferior
  ministers above specified, who were intended to form a part of the
  establishment of the Common Hall, in which most of the subordinate
  members, including the boys to be instructed in grammar, were to
  take their meals. There was also another point in which the
  cathedrals were meant to resemble and supply the place of the old
  religious houses, _i.e._, in the maintenance of a certain number
  of students at the universities.”

  R^t. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts and their Fulfilment_, p. 2-4.

”The nature of these schools, and the desire to perpetuate and improve
them, may be inferred from ‘certein articles noted for the reformation
of the cathedral churche of Excestr’, submitted by the commissioners of
Henry VIII., unto the correction of the Kynges Majestie,’ as follows:

  _The tenth Article_ submitted. “That ther may be in the said
  Cathedral churche a free songe scole, the scolemaster to have
  yerly of the said pastor and prechars xx. marks for his wages, and
  his howss free, to teache xl. children frely, to rede, to write,
  synge and playe upon instruments of musike, also to teache ther
  A. B. C. in greke and hebrew. And every of the said xl. children
  to have wekely xiid. for ther meat and drink, and yerly vi^s
  viii^d. for a gowne; they to be bownd dayly to syng _and_ rede
  within the said Cathedral churche such divine service as it may
  please the Kynges Majestie to allowe; the said childre to be at
  comons alltogether, with three prests hereaffter to be spoke off,
  to see them well ordered at the meat and to reforme their
  manners.”

  _Article the eleventh_, submitted. “That ther may be a fre grammer
  scole within the same Cathedral churche, the scole-master to have
  xx^li. by yere and his howss fre, the ussher x^li. & his howss
  fre, and that the said pastor and prechars may be bound to fynd
  xl. children at the said grammer scole, giving to every oon of the
  children xiid. wekely, to go to commons within the citie at the
  pleasour of the frendes, so long to continew as the scolemaster do
  se them diligent to lerne. The pastor to appointe viii. every
  prechar iiii. and the scolemaster iiii.; the said childre serving
  in the said churche and going to scole, to be preferred before
  strangers; provided always, that no childe be admitted to
  thexhibicion of the said churche, whose father is knowne to be
  worthe in goodes above ccc^li., or elles may dispend above xl^li.
  yerly enheritance.” --_Ibid._, p. 10--12.

“Now £300 at that time was worth about £5,000 now, so that these schools
were _designed_ for the lower ranks of society, and open to the sons of
the poorer gentry.

“An interesting illustration of this [and of the class-feeling in
education at this time] is supplied,” says Mr Whiston, “by the narrative
of what took place--

  “when the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was altered from monks
  to secular men of the clergy, viz.: prebendaries or canons,
  petty-canons, choristers and scholars. At this erection were
  present, Thomas Cranmer, archbishop, with divers other
  commissioners. And nominating and electing such convenient and fit
  persons as should serve for the furniture of the said Cathedral
  church according to the new foundation, it came to pass that, when
  they should elect the children of the Grammar school, there were
  of the commissioners more than one or two who would have none
  admitted but sons or younger brethren of gentlemen. As for other,
  husbandmen’s children, they were more meet, they said, for the
  plough, and to be artificers, than to occupy the place of the
  learned sort; so that they wished none else to be put to school,
  but only gentlemen’s children. Whereunto the most reverend father,
  the Archbishop, being of a contrary mind, said, ‘That he thought
  it not indifferent so to order the matter; for,’ said he, ‘poor
  men’s children are many times endued with more singular gifts of
  nature, which are also the gifts of God, as, with eloquence,
  memory, apt pronunciation, sobriety, and such like; and also
  commonly more apt to apply their study, than is the gentleman’s
  son, delicately educated.’ Hereunto it was on the other part
  replied, ‘that it was meet for the ploughman’s son to go to
  plough, and the artificer’s son to apply the trade of his parent’s
  vocation; and the gentleman’s children are meet to have the
  knowledge of government and rule in the commonwealth. For we
  have,’ said they, ‘as much need of ploughmen as any other state;
  and all sorts of men may not go to school.’ ‘I grant,’ replied the
  Archbishop, ‘much of your meaning herein as needful in a
  commonwealth; but yet utterly to exclude the ploughman’s son and
  the poor man’s son from the benefits of learning, as though they
  were unworthy to have the gifts of the Holy Ghost bestowed upon
  them as well as upon others, is as much to say, as that Almighty
  God should not be at liberty to bestow his great gifts of grace
  upon any person, nor nowhere else but as we and other men shall
  appoint them to be employed, according to our fancy, and not
  according to his most goodly will and pleasure, who giveth his
  gifts both of learning, and other perfections in all sciences,
  unto all kinds and states of people indifferently. Even so doth he
  many times withdraw from them and their posterity again those
  beneficial gifts, if they be not thankful. If we should shut up
  into a strait corner the bountiful grace of the Holy Ghost, and
  thereupon attempt to build our fancies, we should make as perfect
  a work thereof as those that took upon them to build the Tower of
  Babel; for God would so provide that the offspring of our
  first-born children should peradventure become most unapt to
  learn, and very dolts, as I myself have seen no small number of
  them very dull and without all manner of capacity. And to say the
  truth, I take it, that none of us all here, being gentlemen born
  (as I think), but had our beginning that way from a low and base
  parentage; and through the benefit of learning, and other civil
  knowledge, for the most part all gentlemen ascend to their
  estate.’ Then it was again answered, that the most part of the
  nobility came up by feats of arms and martial acts. ‘As though,’
  said the Archbishop, ‘that the noble captain was always
  unfurnished of good learning and knowledge to persuade and
  dissuade his army rhetorically; who rather that way is brought
  unto authority than else his manly looks. To conclude; the poor
  man’s son by pains-taking will for the most part be learned when
  the gentleman’s son will not take the pains to get it. And we are
  taught by the Scriptures that Almighty God raiseth up from the
  dunghill, and setteth him in high authority. And whensoever it
  pleaseth him, of his divine providence, he deposeth princes unto a
  right humble and poor estate. Wherefore, if the gentleman’s son be
  apt to learning, let him be admitted; if not apt, let the poor
  man’s child that is apt enter his room.’ With words to the like
  effect.”
        R. WHISTON, _Cathedral Trusts_, p. 12-14.

The scandalous way in which the choristers and poor boys were done out
of their proportion of the endowments by the Cathedral clergy, is to be
seen in Mr Whiston’s little book.


  [Headnote: POOR MEN’S SONS HAVE HEADS AS WELL AS RICH ONES’.]

6. _Endowed Grammar Schools._ These were mainly founded for citizens’
and townsmen’s children. Winchester (founded 1373) was probably the only
one that did anything before 1450 for the education of our gentry. Eton
was not founded till 1440. The following list of endowed schools founded
before 1545, compiled for me by Mr Brock from Carlisle’s _Concise
Description_, shows the dates of all known to him.

  BEFORE 1450 A.D.

  bef. 1162 Derby. Free School.
  1195 St Alban’s. Free Grammar School.
  1198 St Edmund’s, Bury. Fr. Sch.
  1328 Thetford. Gr. Sch.
  ? 1327 Northallerton. Gr. Sch.
  1332 Exeter. Gr. Sch.
  1343 Exeter. High School.
  bef. 1347 Melton Mowbray. Schools.
  1373 Winchester College.
  1384 Hereford. Gr. Sch.
  1385 Wotton-under-Edge. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1395 or 1340 Penrith. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1399-1413 (Hen. IV.) Oswestry. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1418 Sevenoaks. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1422 Higham Ferrers. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1422-61 (Hen. VI.) Ewelme. Gr. Sch.
  1440 Eton College.
  1447 London. Mercers’ School, but founded earlier.

  SCHOOLS FOUNDED 1450--1545 A.D.

  1461-83 (Edw. IV.) Chichester. The Prebendal School.
  bef. 1477 Ipswich.[72] Gr. Sch.
  1484 Wainfleet. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1485-1509 (Hen. VII.) or before. Kibroorth, near Market
    Harborough. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1486 Reading. Gr. Sch.
  1486 Kingston upon Hull. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1487 Stockport. Gr. Sch.
  1487 Chipping Campden. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1491 Sudbury. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1495 Lancaster. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1497 Wimborne Minster. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  time of Hen. VII., 1485-1509 King’s Lynn. Gr. Sch.
  1502-52 Macclesfield. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1503 Bridgenorth. Fr. Sch.
  1506 Brough _or_ Burgh _under_ Stainmore. Fr. Sch.
  1507 Enfield. Gr. Sch.
  1507 Farnworth, in Widnes, near Prescot. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  ab. 1508 Cirencester. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1509 Guildford. Royal Gr. Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Peterborough. Gr. Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Basingstoke. Gr Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Plymouth. Gr. Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Warwick. College or Gr. Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Earl’s Colne, near Halsted. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  t. Hen. VIII. 1509-47 Carlisle. Gr. Sch.
  1512 Southover and Lewes. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1513 Nottingham. Fr. Sch.
  1515 Wolverhampton. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1517 Aylesham. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1512-18 London.[73] St Paul’s Sch.
  1520 Bruton or Brewton. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  ab. 1520 Rolleston, nr. Burton-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1521 Tenterden. Fr. Sch.
  1521 Milton Abbas, near Blandford. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1522 Taunton. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1522 Biddenden, near Cranbrook. Free Latin Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1524-5 Manchester. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1524 Berkhampstead. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1526 Pocklington. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1526 Childrey, near Wantage. Fr. Sch.
  bef. 1528 Cuckfield. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1528 Gloucester. Saint Mary de Crypt. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1528 Grantham. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1530 Stamford, or Stanford. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1530 Newark-upon-Trent. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  bef. Reform. Norwich. Old Gr. Sch.
  t. Ref. Loughborough. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1532 Horsham. Fr. Sch.
  1533 Bristol. City Fr. Gr. Sch.
  ab. 1533 Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Royal Gr. Sch.
  ab. 1535 Stoke, near Clare. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1541 Brecknock. Gr. Sch.
  1541 Ely. Fr. Sch.
  1541 Durham. Gr. Sch.
  1541-2 Worcester. The King’s [t.i. Cathedral Grammar] or
    College School.
  1542 Canterbury. The King’s School.
  1542 Rochester. The King’s Sch.[74]
  1542 Findon, properly Thingdon, near Wellingborough. Fr. Sch.
  1542 Northampton. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1543 Abergavenny. Fr. Gr. Sch.
  1544 Chester. [Cathedral] Gr., or King’s School.
  1544 Sutton Coldfield. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1545 Gloucester. Cathedral [t.i. King’s], or College School.
  1545 St Mary of Ottery. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1547 Wisbech. Gr. Sch.
  bef. 1549 Wellington. Gr. Sch.

About 1174 A.D., Fitzstephen speaks of the London schools and scholars
thus:--I use Pegge’s translation, 1772, to which Mr Chappell
referred me,--

  “The three principal churches in London[75] are privileged by
  grant and ancient usage with schools, and they are all very
  flourishing. Often indeed through the favour and countenance of
  persons eminent in philosophy, more schools are permitted. On
  festivals, at those churches where the Feast of the Patron Saint
  is solemnized, the masters convene their scholars. The youth, on
  that occasion, dispute, some in the demonstrative way, and some
  logically. These produce their enthymemes, and those the more
  perfect syllogisms. Some, the better to shew their parts, are
  exercised in disputation, contending with one another, whilst
  others are put upon establishing some truth by way of
  illustration. Some sophists endeavour to apply, on feigned topics,
  a vast heap and flow of words, others to impose upon you with
  false conclusions. As to the orators, some with their rhetorical
  harangues employ all the powers of persuasion, taking care to
  observe the precepts of art, and to omit nothing opposite to the
  subject. The boys of different schools wrangle with one another in
  verse; contending about the principles of Grammar, or the rules of
  the Perfect Tenses and Supines. Others there are, who in Epigrams,
  or other compositions in numbers, use all that low ribaldry we
  read of in the Ancients; attacking their school-masters, but
  without mentioning names, with the old Fescennine licentiousness,
  and discharging their scoffs and sarcasms against them; touching
  the foibles of their school-fellows, or perhaps of greater
  personages, with true Socratic wit, or biting them more keenly
  with a Theonine tooth: The audience, fully disposed to laugh,

    ‘With curling nose ingeminate the peals.’”

Of the sports of the boys, Fitzstephen gives a long description. On
Shrove-Tuesday, each boy brought his fighting cock to his master, and
they had a cock-fight all morning in the school-room.[76] After dinner,
football in the fields of the suburbs, probably Smithfield. Every Sunday
in Lent they had a sham-fight, some on horseback, some on foot, the King
and his Court often looking on. At Easter they played at the
Water-Quintain, charging a target, which if they missed, souse they went
into the water. ‘On holidays in summer the pastime of the youths is to
exercise themselves in archery, in running, leaping, wrestling, casting
of stones, and flinging to certain distances, and lastly with bucklers.’
At moonrise the maidens danced. In the winter holidays, the boys saw
boar-fights, hog-fights, bull and bear-baiting, and when ice came they
slid, and skated on the leg-bones of some animal, punting themselves
along with an iron-shod pole, and charging one another. A set of merry
scenes indeed.

  “In general, we are assured by the most learned man of the
  thirteenth century, Roger Bacon, that there never had been so
  great an appearance of learning, and so general an application to
  study, in so many different faculties, as in his time, when
  schools were erected in every city, town, burgh, and castle.”
  (Henry’s Hist. of England, vol. iv. p. 472-3.)

In the twenty-fifth year of Henry VI., 1447, four Grammar schools were
appointed to be opened in London[77] for the education of the City youth
(_Carlisle_). But from the above lists it will be seen that Grammar
Schools had not much to do with the education of our nobility and gentry
before 1450 A.D.


  [Headnote: AN ETON BOY IN A.D. 1478.]

Of Eton studies, the Paston Letters notice only Latin versifying, but
they show us a young man supposed to be nineteen, still at school,
having a smart pair of breeches for holy days, falling in love, eating
figs and raisins, proposing to come up to London for a day or two’s
holiday or lark to his elder brother’s, and having 8d. sent him in a
letter to buy a pair of slippers with. William Paston, a younger brother
of John’s, when about nineteen years old, and studying at Eton, writes
on Nov. 7, 1478, to thank his brother for a noble in gold, and says,

  “my creanser (creditor) Master Thomas (Stevenson) heartily
  recommendeth him to you, and he prayeth you to send him some money
  for my commons, for he saith ye be twenty shillings in his debt,
  for a month was to pay for when he had money last; also I beseech
  you to send me a hose cloth, one for the holy days of some colour,
  and another for working days (how coarse soever it be, it maketh
  no matter), and a stomacher and two shirts, and a pair of
  slippers: and if it like you that I may come with Alweder by
  water”--would they take a pair-oar and pull down? (the figs and
  raisins came up by a barge;)--“and sport me with you at London a
  day or two this term-time, then ye may let all this be till the
  time that I come, and then I will tell you when I shall be ready
  to come from Eton by the grace of God, who have you in his
  keeping.” _Paston Letters_, modernised, vol. 2, p. 129.

This is the first letter; the second one about the figs, raisins, and
love-making (dated 23 Feb. 1478-9) is given at vol. ii. p. 122-3.

Tusser, who was seized as a Singing boy for the King’s Chapel, lets us
know that he got well birched at Eton.

  “From Paul’s I went · to Eton sent
  To learn straightways · the Latin phrase
  When fifty-three · stripes given to me
        At once I had:

  For fault but small · or none at all
  It come to pass · thus beat I was.
  See, Udall,[78] see · the mercy of thee
        To me poor lad!”

I was rather surprised to find no mention of any Eton men in the first
vol. of Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_ (ed. Bliss) except two, who had first
taken degrees at Cambridge, Robert Aldrich and William Alley, the latter
admitted at Cambridge 1528 (Wood, p. 375, col. 2). Plenty of London men
are named in Wood, vol. 1. No doubt in early times the Eton men went to
their own foundation, King’s (or other Colleges at) Cambridge, while the
Winchester men went to their foundation, New College, or elsewhere at
Oxford. In the first volume of Bliss’s edition of Wood, the following
Winchester men are noticed:

  p. 30, col. 2, William Grocyn, educated in grammaticals in Wykeham’s
    school near Winchester.

  p. 78, col. 2, William Horman, made fellow of New Coll. in 1477.
    Author of the _Vulgaria Puerorum_, &c. (See also Andrew
    Borde, p. xxxiv, above, note.)

  p. 379, col. 2, John Boxall, Fellow of New Coll. 1542.
     402, col. 2, Thomas Hardyng  „       „    „   1536.
     450, col. 2, Henry Cole      „       „    „   1523.
     469, col. 1, Nicholas Saunders „     „    „   1548.
     678, col. 2, Richard Haydock „       „    „   1590.


  [Headnote: POST-REFORMATION GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.]

That the post-Reformation Grammar Schools did not at first educate as
many boys as the old monastic schools is well known. Strype says,

  “On the 15th of January, 1562, Thomas Williams, of the Inner
  Temple, esq. being chosen speaker to the lower house, was
  presented to the queen: and in his speech to her ... took notice
  of the want of schools; that at least an hundred were wanting in
  England which before this time had been, [being destroyed
  (I suppose he meant) by the dissolution of monasteries and
  religious houses, fraternities and colleges.] He would have had
  England continually flourishing with ten thousand scholars, which
  the schools in this nation formerly brought up. That from the want
  of these good schoolmasters sprang up ignorance: and covetousness
  got the livings by impropriations; which was a decay, he said, of
  learning, and by it the tree of knowledge grew downward, not
  upward; which grew greatly to the dishonour, both of God and the
  commonwealth. He mentioned likewise the decay of the universities;
  and how that great market-towns were without schools or preachers:
  and that the poor vicar had but 20_l._ [or some such poor
  allowance,] and the rest, being no small sum, was impropriated.
  And so thereby, no preacher there; but the people, being trained
  up and led in blindness for want of instruction, became obstinate:
  and therefore advised that this should be seen to, and
  impropriations redressed, notwithstanding the laws already made
  [which favoured them].--Strype, _Annals of the Reformation_, vol.
  i. p. 437.

Of the Grammar Schools in his time (A.D. 1577) Harrison says:

  Besides these universities, also there are a great number of
  Grammer Schooles throughout the realme, and those verie liberallie
  endued for the better relief of pore scholers, so that there are
  not manie corporate townes, now under the queene’s dominion that
  have not one Gramer Schole at the least, with a sufficient living
  for a master and usher appointed to the same.

  There are in like manner divers collegiat churches, as Windsor,
  Wincester, Eaton, Westminster (in which I was sometime an
  unprofitable Grammarian under the reverend father, master Nowell,
  now dean of Paules) and in those a great number of pore scholers,
  dailie maintained by the liberality of the founders, with meat,
  bookes, and apparell; from whence after they have been well
  entered in the knowledge of the Latine and Greek tongs, and rules
  of versifying (the triall whereof is made by certain apposers,
  yearlie appointed to examine them), they are sent to certain
  especiall houses in each universitie[79], where they are received
  & trained up in the points of higher knowledge in their privat
  halls till they be adjudged meet to show their faces in the
  schooles, as I have said alreadie.


  [Headnote: STUDY OF ENGLISH RECOMMENDED IN 1582-1612.]

Greek was first taught at a public school in England by Lillye soon
after the year 1500. This was at St Paul’s School in London, then newly
established by Dean Colet, and to which Erasmus alluded as the best of
its time in 1514, when he said that he had in three years taught a youth
more Latin than he could have acquired in any school in England, _ne
Liliana quidem excepta_, not even Lillye’s excepted. (Warton, iii. 1.)
The first schoolmaster who stood up for the study of English was,
I believe, Richard Mulcaster, of King’s College, Cambridge, and Christ
Church, Oxford. In 1561 he was appointed the first head-master of
Merchant-Taylors School in London, then just founded as a feeder or
pro-seminary for St John’s College, Oxford (_Warton_, iii. 282). In his
Elementarie, 1582, he has a long passage on the study of English, the
whole of which I print here, at Mr Quick’s desire, as it has slipt out
of people’s minds, and Mulcaster deserves honour for it:--

  “But bycause I take vpon me in this Elementarie, besides som
  frindship to secretaries for the pen, and to correctors for the
  print, to direct such peple as teach childern to read and write
  English, and the _reading_ must nedes be such as the writing leads
  vnto, thererfor, (_sic_) befor I medle with anie particular
  precept, to direct the Reader, I will thoroughlie rip vp the hole
  certaintie of our English writing, so far furth and with such
  assurance, as probabilitie can make me, bycause it is a thing both
  proper to my argument, and profitable to my cuntrie. For our
  naturall tung being as beneficiall vnto vs for our nedefull
  deliuerie, as anie other is to the peple which vse it: & hauing as
  pretie, and as fair obseruations in it, as anie other hath: and
  being as readie to yield to anie rule of Art, as anie other is:
  why should I not take som pains to find out the right writing of
  ours, as other cuntrimen haue don to find the like in theirs? & so
  much the rather, bycause it is pretended, that the writing thereof
  is meruellous vncertain, and scant to be recouered from extreme
  confusion, without som change of as great extremitie? I mean
  therefor so to deall in it, as I maie wipe awaie that opinio{n} of
  either vncertaintie for co{n}fusion, or impossibilitie for
  directio{n}, that both the naturall English maie haue wherein to
  rest, & the desirous st[r]anger maie haue whereby to learn. For
  the performa{n}ce whereof, and mine own better direction, I will
  first examin those means, whereby other tungs of most sacred
  antiquitie haue bene brought to Art and form of discipline for
  their right writing, to the end that by following their waie,
  I maie hit vpo{n} their right, and at the least by their president
  deuise the like to theirs, where the vse of our tung, & the
  propertie of our dialect will not yeild flat to theirs. That don,
  I will set all the varietie of our now writing, & the vncertaine
  force of all our letters, in as much certaintie, as anie writing
  ca{n} be, by these sene{n} precepts,-- 1. _Generall rule_, which
  concerneth the propertie and vse of ech letter: 2. _Proportion_
  which reduceth all words of one sou{n}d to the same writing:
  3. _Composition_, which teacheth how to write one word made of mo:
  4. _Deriuation_, which examineth the ofspring of euerie originall:
  5. _Distinction_ which bewraieth the difference of sound and force
  in letters by som writen figure or accent: 6. _Enfranchisment_,
  which directeth the right writing of all incorporat foren words:
  7. _Prerogatiue_, which declareth a reseruation, wherein common
  vse will continew hir precèdence in our En[g]lish writing, as she
  hath don euerie where else, both for the form of the letter, in
  som places, which likes the pen better: and for the difference in
  writing, where som particular caueat will chek a common rule. In
  all these seuen I will so examin the particularities of our tung,
  as either nothing shall seme strange at all, or if anie thing do
  seme, yet it shall not seme so strange, but that either the self
  same, or the verie like vnto it, or the more strange then it is,
  shal appear to be in, those things, which ar more familiar vnto vs
  for extraordinarie learning, then required of vs for our ordinarie
  vse. And forasmuch as the eie will help manie to write right by a
  sene president, which either cannot vnderstand, or cannot entend
  to vnderstand the reason of a rule, therefor in the end of this
  treatis for right writing, I purpos to set down a generall table
  of most English words, by waie of president, to help such plane
  peple, as cannot entend the vnderstanding of a rule, which
  requireth both time and conceit in perceiuing, but can easilie run
  to a generall table, which is readier to their hand. By the which
  table I shall also confirm the right of my rules, that theie hold
  thoroughout, & by multitude of exa{m}ples help som maim (_so_) in
  precepts. Thus much for the right writing of our English tung,
  which maie seme (_so_) for a preface to the principle of
  _Reading_, as the matter of the one is the maker of the
  other.--1582. Rich^d. Mulcaster. The First Part of the
  Elementarie, pp. 53-4.

Brinsley follows Mulcaster in exhorting to the study of English:

  “there seemes vnto mee, to bee a verie maine want in all our
  Grammar schooles generally, or in the most of them; whereof I haue
  heard som great learned men to complain; That there is no care had
  in respect, to traine vp schollars so as they may be able to
  expresse their minds purely and readily in our owne tongue, and to
  increase in the practice of it, as well as in the Latine or
  Greeke; whereas our chiefe indeuour should bee for it, and that
  for these reasons. 1. Because that language which all sorts and
  conditions of men amongst vs are to haue most vse of, both in
  speech & writing, is our owne natiue tongue. 2. The purity and
  elegancie of our owne language is to be esteemed a chiefe part of
  the honour of our nation: which we all ought to aduance as much as
  in vs lieth. As when Greece and Rome and other nations haue most
  florished, their languages also haue beene most pure: and from
  those times of Greece & Rome, wee fetch our chiefest patterns, for
  the learning of their tongues. 3. Because of those which are for a
  time trained vp in schooles, there are very fewe which proceede in
  learning, in comparison of them that follow other callings.

    John Brinsley, _The Grammar Schoole_, p. 21, 22.

  His “Meanes to obtaine this benefit of increasing in our English tong,
  as in the Latin,” are

  1. Daily vse of Lillies rules construed.
  2. Continuall practice of English Grammaticall translations.
  3. Translating and writing English, with some other Schoole exercises.

      _Ibid._, side-notes, p. 22, 23.

On this question of English boys studying English, let it be remembered
that in this year of grace 1867, in all England there is just one public
school at which English is studied historically--the City of London
School--and that in this school it was begun only last year by the new
Head-Master, the Rev. Edwin A. Abbot, all honour to him. In every class
an English textbook is read, _Piers Plowman_ being that for the highest
class. This neglect of English as a subject of study is due no doubt to
tutors’ and parents’ ignorance. None of them know the language
historically; the former can’t teach it, the latter don’t care about it;
why should their boys learn it? Oh tutors and parents, there are such
things as asses in the world.


  [Headnote: A GRAMMAR-SCHOOL BOY’S DAY IN A.D. 1612.]

Of the school-life of a Grammar-school boy in 1612 we may get a notion
from Brinsley’s p. 296, “chap. xxx. Of Schoole times, intermissions and
recreations,” which is full of interest. ‘1. The Schoole-time should
beginne at sixe: all who write Latine to make their exercises which were
giuen ouernight, in that houre before seuen’.--To make boys punctual,
‘so many of them as are there at sixe, to haue their places as they had
them by election[80] or the day before: all who come after six, euery
one to sit as he commeth, and so to continue that day, and vntill he
recouer his place againe by the election of the fourme or otherwise....
If any cannot be brought by this, them to be noted in the blacke Bill by
a speciall marke, and feele the punishment thereof: and sometimes
present correction to be vsed for terrour.... Thus they are to continue
vntill nine [at work in class], signified by Monitours, Subdoctour or
otherwise. Then at nine ... to let them to haue a quarter of an houre at
least, or more, for intermission, eyther for breakefast ... or else for
the necessitie of euery one, or their honest recreation, or to prepare
their exercises against the Masters comming in. [2.] After, each of them
to be in his place in an instant, vpon the knocking of the dore or some
other sign ... so to continue vntill eleuen of the clocke, or somwhat
after, to counteruaile the time of the intermission at nine.

(3.) To be againe all ready, and in their places at one, in an instant;
to continue vntill three, or halfe an houre after: then to haue another
quarter of an houre or more, as at nine for drinking and necessities; so
to continue till halfe an houre after fiue: thereby in that halfe houre
to counteruaile the time at three; then to end so as was shewed, with
reading a peece of a Chapter, and with singing two staues of a Psalme:
lastly with prayer to be vsed by the Master.’

To the objectors to these intermissions at nine and three, who may
reproach the schoole, thinking that they do nothing but play, Brinsley
answers,-- ‘2. By this meanes also the Schollars may bee kept euer in
their places, and hard to their labours, without that running out to the
Campo (as the[y] tearme it) at school times, and the manifolde disorders
thereof; as watching and striuing for the clubbe,[81] and loytering then
in the fields; some hindred that they cannot go forth at all. (5.) it is
very requisite also, that they should have weekly one part of an
afternoone for recreation, as a reward of their diligence, obedience and
profiting; and that to be appointed at the Masters discretion, eyther
the Thursday, after the vsuall custom; or according to the best
opportunity of the place.... All recreations and sports of schollars,
would be meet for Gentlemen. Clownish sports, or perilous, or yet
playing for money, are no way to be admitted.’

On the age at which boys went to school, Brinsley says, p. 9,

  “For the time of their entrance with vs, in our countrey schooles,
  it is commonly about 7. or 8. yeares olde: six is very soone. If
  any begin so early, they are rather sent to the schoole to keepe
  them from troubling the house at home, and from danger, and shrewd
  turnes, then for any great hope and desire their friends haue that
  they should learne anything in effect.”


  [Headnote: THE GOOD OLD TIMES OF SMOKE AND FILTH.]

To return from this digression on Education. Enough has been said to
show that the progress of Education, in our sense of the word, was
rather from below upwards, than from above downwards; and I conclude
that the young people to whom the _Babees Boke_, &c., were addressed,
were the children of our nobility, knights, and squires, and that the
state of their manners, as left by their home training, was such as to
need the inculcation on them of the precepts contained in the Poems. If
so, dirty, ill-mannered, awkward young gawks, must most of these
hopes-of-England have been, to modern notions. The directions for
personal cleanliness must have been much needed when one considers the
small stock of linen and clothes that men not rich must have had; and if
we may judge from a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_, even
the King himself did not use his footpan every Saturday night, and would
not have been the worse for an occasional tubbing:--

  “This barbour shall have, every satyrday at nyght, _if_ it please
  the Kinge to cleanse his head, legges, or feet, and for his
  shaving, two loves, one picher wyne. And the ussher of chambre
  ought to testyfye if this is necessaryly dispended or not.”

So far as appears from Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger Domus_, soap was
used only for washing clothes. The yeoman lavender, or washerman, was to
take from the Great Spicery ‘as muche whyte soape, greye, and blacke, as
can be thought resonable by proufe of the Countrollers,’ and therewith
‘tenderly to waysshe ... the stuffe for the Kinges propyr persone’ (_H.
Ord._ p. 85); but whether that cleansing material ever touched His
Majesty’s sacred person (except doubtless when and if the barber shaved
him), does not appear. The Ordinances are considerate as to sex, and
provide for “weomen lavendryes” for a Queen, and further that “these
officers oughte to bee sworne to keepe the chambre counsaylle.” But it
is not for one of a nation that has not yet taken generally to tubbing
and baths, or left off shaving, to reproach his forefathers with want of
cleanliness, or adherence to customs that involve contradiction of the
teachings of physiologists, and the evident intent of Nature or the
Creator. Moreover, reflections on the good deeds done, and the high
thoughts thought, by men of old dirtier than some now, may prevent us
concluding that because other people now talk through their noses, and
have manners different from our own, they and their institutions must be
wholly abominable; that because others smell when heated, they ought to
be slaves; or that eating peas with a knife renders men unworthy of the
franchise. The temptation to value manners above morals, and
pleasantness above honesty, is one that all of us have to guard against.
And when we have held to a custom merely because it is old, have refused
to consider fairly the reasons for its change, and are inclined to
grumble when the change is carried out, we shall be none the worse for
thinking of the people, young and old, who, in the time of Harrison and
Shakspere, the “Forgotten Worthies”[82] and Raleigh, no doubt ‘hated
those nasty new oak houses and chimnies,’ and sighed for the good old
times:

  “And yet see the change, for when our houses were builded of
  willow, then had we oken men; but now that our houses are come to
  be made of oke, our men are not onlie become willow, but a great
  manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs, altogither of
  straw, which is a sore alteration.... Now haue we manie chimnies,
  and yet our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses.
  Then had we none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake.[83]
  For as the smoke in those daies was supposed to be a sufficient
  hardning for the timber of the house; so it was reputed a far
  better medicine to keepe the goodman and his familie from the
  quack or pose, wherewith as then verie few were oft acquainted.”
  _Harrison_, i. 212, col. 1, quoted by Ellis.

If rich men and masters were dirty, poor men and servants must have been
dirtier still. William Langlande’s description of Hawkyn’s one
metaphorical dress in which he slept o’ nightes as well as worked by
day, beslobbered (or by-_moled_, bemauled) by children, was true of the
real smock; flesh-moths must have been plentiful, and the sketch of
Coveitise, as regards many men, hardly an exaggeration:

  ... as a bonde-man of his bacon · his berd was bi-draveled,
  With his hood on his heed · a lousy hat above,
  And in a tawny tabard · of twelf wynter age
  Al so torn and baudy · and ful of lys crepyng,
  But if that a lous[84] couthe · han lopen the bettre,
  She sholde noght han walked on that welthe · so was it thred-bare.
      (_Vision_, Passus V. vol. 1, l. 2859-70, ed. Wright.)

In the _Kinge and Miller_, Percy Folio MS., p. 236 (in vol. ii. of the
print), when the Miller proposes that the stranger should sleep with
their son, Richard the son says to the King,

  “Nay, first,” q{uo}th Richard, “good fellowe, tell me true,
    hast thou noe creep{er}s in thy gay hose?
  art thou not troabled w{i}th the Scabbado?”

The colour of washerwomen’s legs was due partly to dirt, I suppose. The
princess or queen Clarionas, when escaping with the laundress as her
assistant, is obliged to have her white legs reduced to the customary
shade of grey:

  Right as she should stoupe a-douñ,
  The quene was tukked wel on high;
  The lauender p{er}ceiued wel therbigh
  Hir white legges, and seid “ma dame,
  Youre shin boones might doo vs blame;
  Abide,” she seid, “so mot I thee,
  More slotered thei most be.”
  Asshes with the water she menged,
  And her white legges al be-sprenged.
      ab. 1440 A.D., _Syr Generides_, p. 218, ll. 7060-8.


  [Headnote: NAKED SCULLIONS AND DIRTY STREETS.]

If in Henry the Eighth’s kitchen, scullions lay about naked, or tattered
and filthy, what would they do elsewhere? Here is the King’s Ordinance
against them in 1526:

  “And for the better avoydyng of corruption and all uncleannesse
  out of the Kings house, which doth ingender danger of infection,
  and is very noisome and displeasant unto all the noblemen and
  others repaireing unto the same; it is ordeyned by the Kings
  Highnesse, that the three master cookes of the kitchen shall have
  everie of them by way of reward yearly twenty marks, to the intent
  they shall prouide and sufficiently furnish the said kitchens of
  such scolyons as shall not goe _naked or in garments of such
  vilenesse as they now doe, and have been acustomed to doe, nor lie
  in the nights and dayes in the kitchens or ground by the
  fireside;_ but that they of the said money may be found with
  honest and whole course garments, without such uncleannesse as may
  be the annoyance of those by whom they shall passe”...

That our commonalty, at least, in Henry VIII.’s time did stink (as is
the nature of man to do) may be concluded from Wolsey’s custom, when
going to Westminster Hall, of

  “holding in his hand a very fair orange, whereof the meat or
  substance within was taken out, and filled up again with the part
  of a sponge, wherein was vinegar, and other confections against
  the pestilent airs; the which he most commonly smelt unto, passing
  among the press, or else when he was pestered with many suitors.”
  (_Cavendish_, p. 43.)

On the dirt in English houses and streets we may take the testimony of
a witness who liked England, and lived in it, and who was not likely to
misrepresent its condition,--Erasmus. In a letter to Francis, the
physician of Cardinal Wolsey, says Jortin,

  “Erasmus ascribes the plague (from which England was hardly ever
  free) and the sweating-sickness, partly to the incommodious form
  and bad exposition of the houses, to the filthiness of the
  streets, and to the sluttishness within doors. The floors, says
  he, are commonly of clay, strewed with rushes, under which lies
  unmolested an ancient collection of beer, grease (?), fragments,
  bones, spittle, excrements [t.i. urine] of dogs and cats [t.i.
  men,] and every thing that is nasty, &c.” (_Life of Erasmus_, i.
  69, ed. 1808, referred to in Ellis, i. 328, note.)

The great scholar’s own words are,

  Tum sola fere sunt argilla, tum scirpis palustribus, qui subinde
  sic renovantur, ut fundamentum maneat aliquoties annos viginti,
  sub se fovens sputa, vomitus, mictum canum et hominum, projectam
  cervisiam, et piscium reliquias, aliasque sordes non nominandas.
  Hinc mutato cœlo vapor quidam exhalatur, mea sententia minime
  salubris humano corpori.

After speaking also _De salsamentis_ (rendered ‘_salt meat_, beef,
pork, &c.,’ by Jortin, but which _Liber Cure Cocorum_ authorises us in
translating ‘Sauces’[85]), _quibus vulgus mirum in modum delectatur_, he
says the English would be more healthy if their windows were made so as
to shut out noxious winds, and then continues,

  “Conferret huc, si vulgo parcior victus persuaderi posset, ac
  salsamentorum moderatior usus. Tum si publica cura demandaretur
  Ædilibus, ut viæ mundiores essent a cœno, mictuque: Curarentur et
  ea quæ civitati vicina sint. _Jortin’s Life of Erasmus_, ed. 1808,
  iii. 44 (Ep. 432, C. 1815), No. VIII. Erasmus Rot. Francisco.
  Cardinalis Eboracencis Medico, S.

If it be objected that I have in the foregoing extracts shown the dark
side of the picture, and not the bright one, my answer is that the
bright one--of the riches and luxury in England--must be familiar to
all our members, students (as I assume) of our early books, that the
Treatises in this Volume sufficiently show this bright side, and that to
me, as foolometer of the Society, this dark side seemed to need showing.
But as _The Chronicle_ of May 11, 1867, in its review of Mr Fox Bourne’s
_English Merchants_, seems to think otherwise, I quote its words,
p. 155, col. 2.

  “All the nations of the world, says Matthew of Westminster, were
  kept warm by the wool of England, made into cloth by the men of
  Flanders. And while we gave useful clothing to other countries, we
  received festive garments from them in return. For most of our
  information on these subjects we are indebted to Matthew Paris,
  who tells us that when Alexander III. of Scotland was married to
  Margaret, daughter of Henry III., one thousand English knights
  appeared at the wedding in _cointises_ of silk, and the next day
  each knight donned a new robe of another kind. This grand
  entertainment was fatal to sixty oxen, and cost the then
  Archbishop of York no less a sum than 4000 marks. Macpherson
  remarks on this great display of silk as a proof of the wealth of
  England under the Norman kings, a point which has not been
  sufficiently elaborated. In 1242 the streets of London were
  covered or shaded with silk, for the reception of Richard, the
  King’s brother, on his return from the Holy Land. Few Englishmen
  are aware of the existence of such magnificence at that early
  period; while every story-book of history gives us the reverse of
  the picture, telling us of straw-covered floors, scarcity of body
  linen, and the like. Long after this, in 1367, it is recorded, as
  a special instance of splendour of costume, that 1000 citizens of
  Genoa were clothed in silk; and this tale has been repeated from
  age to age, while the similar display, at an earlier date, in
  England, has passed unnoticed.”

For a notice of the several pieces in the present volume, I refer the
reader to the Preface to Russell’s _Boke of Nurture_, which follows
here.

It only remains for me to say that the freshness of my first interest
in the poems which I once hoped to re-produce in these Forewords, has
become dulled by circumstances and the length of time that the volume
has been in the press--it having been set aside (by my desire) for the
_Ayenbite_, &c.;--and that the intervention of other work has prevented
my making the collection as complete as I had desired it to be. It is,
however, the fullest verse one that has yet appeared on its subject,
and will serve as the beginning of the Society’s store of this kind of
material.[86] If we can do all the English part of the work, and the
Master of the Rolls will commission one of his Editors to do the Latin
part, we shall then get a fairly complete picture of that Early English
Home which, with all its shortcomings, should be dear to every
Englishman now.

  3, _St George’s Square, N.W._,

    5th _June_, 1867.


    [Footnote 1: The first sentence of Aristotle’s _Metaphysics_ is
    ‘All men by nature are actuated by the desire of knowledge.’ Mr
    Skeat’s note on l. 78 of _Partenay_, p. 228.]

    [Footnote 2: Lawrens Andrewe. _The noble lyfe & natures of man, of
    bestes_, &c. Johñes Desborrowe. Andewarpe.]

    [Footnote 3: The woodcuts are Messrs Virtue’s, and have been used
    in Mr Thomas Wright’s _History of Domestic Manners and Customs_,
    &c.]

    [Footnote 4: If any one thinks it a bore to read these Prefaces,
    I can assure him it was a much greater bore to have to hunt up the
    material for them, and set aside other pressing business for it.
    But the Boke of Curtasye binding on editors does not allow them to
    present to their readers a text with no coat and trowsers on. If
    any Members should take offence at any expressions in this or any
    future Preface of mine, as a few did at some words in the last I
    wrote, I ask such Members to consider the first maxim in their
    Boke of Curtasye, _Don’t look a gift horse in the mouth_. Prefaces
    are gift horses; and if mine buck or shy now and then, I ask their
    riders to sit steady, and take it easy. On the present one at
    least they’ll be carried across some fresh country worth seeing.]

    [Footnote 5: scholars?]

    [Footnote 6: Sir H. Nicolas, in his Glossary to his _Privy Purse
    Expenses of Henry VIII._, p. 327, col. 2, says, “No word has been
    more commented upon than ‘Henchmen’ or Henxmen. Without entering
    into the controversy, it may be sufficient to state, that in the
    reign of Henry the Eighth it meant the pages of honour. They were
    the sons of gentlemen, and in public processions always walked
    near the monarch’s horse: a correct idea may be formed of their
    appearance from the representation of them in one of the pictures
    in the meeting room of the Society of Antiquarians. It seems from
    these entries (p. 79,[*] 125, 182, 209, 230, 265) that they lodged
    in the house of Johnson, the master of the king’s barge, and that
    the rent of it was 40_s_. per annum. Observations on the word will
    be found in Spelman’s _Etymol._, Pegge’s _Curialia_, from the
    Liber Niger, Edw. IV., Lodge’s _Illustrations_, vol. i. p. 359,
    the _Northumberland Household Book_, Blount’s _Glossary_.”

    The _Promptorium_ has “Heyncemann (henchemanne) _Gerolocista,
    duorum generum, (gerolocista)_,” and Mr Way in his note says, “The
    pages of distinguished personages were called henxmen, as Spelman
    supposes, from Ger. _hengst_, a war-horse, or according to Bp.
    Percy, from their place being at the side or _haunch_ of their
    lord.” See the rest of Mr Way’s note. He is a most provokingly
    careful editor. If ever you hit on a plum in your wanderings
    through other books you are sure to find it afterwards in one of
    Mr Way’s notes when you bethink yourself of turning to the
    Promptorium.

    In Lord Percy’s Household (_North. H. Book_, p. 362) the Henchemen
    are mentioned next to the Earl’s own sons and their tutor (?) in
    the list of “Persones that shall attende upon my Lorde at his
    Borde Daily, ande have no more but his Revercion Except Brede and
    Drynk.”

    My Lordes Secounde Son to serve as Kerver.

    My Lordes Thurde Son as Sewer.

    A Gentillman that shall attende upon my Lord’s Eldest Son in the
    rewarde, and appoynted Bicause he shall allwayes be with my Lord’s
    Sonnes for seynge the Orderynge of them.

    My Lordes first _Hauneshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lorde.

    My Lords ij^de _Hanshman_ to serve as Cupberer to my Lady.

    See also p. 300, p. 254, The _Hansmen_ to be at the fyndynge of my
    Lord, p. 47]

      [Footnote 6*: p. 79, It{e}m the same daye paied to Johnson the
      mayster of the king{is} barge for the Rent of the house where
      the henxe men lye xl s.]

    [[Footnote 6a: ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of
    the Court of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles
    brought up with the young Princes.’ H. Reeve.]]

    [Footnote 7: When writing this I had forgotten Warton’s section on
    the Revival of Learning in England before and at the Reformation,
    _Hist. English Poetry_, v. iii. ed. 1840. It should be read by all
    who take an interest in the subject. Mr Bruce also refers to
    Kynaston’s _Museum Minervæ_. P.S.--Mr Bullein and Mr Watts have
    since referred me to Henry, who has in each volume of his _History
    of England_ a regular account of learning in England, the Colleges
    and Schools founded, and the learned men who flourished, in the
    period of which each volume treats. Had I seen these earlier I
    should not have got the following extracts together; but as they
    are for the most part not in Henry, they will serve as a
    supplement to him.]

    [Footnote 8: First of these is Mr Charles H. Pearson, then the
    Rev. Prof. Brewer, and Mr William Chappell.]

    [Footnote 9: Mr Wm. Chappell gave me the reference.]

    [Footnote 10: In the Romance of Blonde of Oxford, Jean of
    Dammartin is taken into the service of the Earl of Oxford as
    _escuier_, esquire. He waits at table on knights, squires, valets,
    boys and messengers. After table, the ladies keep him to talk
    French with them.]

    [[Footnote 10a: This is not intended to confine the definition of
    Music as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to
    the exclusion of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The
    Arithmetic _said_ to have been studied there in the time of Edmund
    the Confessor is defined in his Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my
    _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862, thus,

      Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is
      & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis.]]

    [Footnote 11: It was in part a principle of Anglo-Saxon society at
    the earliest period, and attaches itself to that other universal
    principle of fosterage. A Teuton chieftain always gathered round
    him a troop of young retainers in his hall who were voluntary
    servants, and they were, in fact, almost the only servants he
    would allow to touch his person. T. Wright.]

    [Footnote 12: Compare Skelton’s account of Wolsey’s treatment of
    the Nobles, in _Why come ye not to Courte_ (quoted in Ellis’s
    _Letters_, v. ii. p. 3).

   --“Our barons be so bolde,
      Into a mouse hole they wold
      Runne away and creep
      Like a mainy of sheep:
      Dare not look out a dur
      For drede of the maystife cur,
      For drede of the boucher’s dog

     “For and this curre do gnarl,
      They must stande all afar
      To holde up their hand at the bar.
      For all their noble bloude,
      He pluckes them by the hood
      And shakes them by the eare,
      And bryngs them in such feare;
      He bayteth them lyke a beare,
      Like an Ox or a Bul.
      Their wittes, he sayth, are dul;
      He sayth they have no brayne
      Their estate to maintaine:
      And make to bowe the knee
      Before his Majestie.”]

    [Footnote 13: Compare also the quotation from Piers Plowman’s
    Crede, under No. 5, p. xlv, and Palsgrave, 1530 A.D., ‘I mase,
    I stonysshe, _Je bestourne_. You mased the boye so sore with
    beatyng that he coulde not speake a worde.’ See a gross
    instance of cruelty cited from Erasmus’s Letters, by Staunton, in
    his _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-80.]

    [Footnote 14: “And therfore do I the more lament that soch [hard]
    wittes commonlie be either kepte from learning by fond fathers, or
    _bet from learning by lewde scholemasters_,” ed. Mayor, p. 19. But
    Ascham reproves parents for paying their masters so badly: “it is
    pitie, that commonlie more care is had, yea and that emonges verie
    wise men, to finde out rather a cunnynge man for their horse than
    a cunnyng man for their children. They say nay in worde, but they
    do so in deede. For, to the one they will gladlie give a stipend
    of 200. Crounes by yeare, and loth to offer to the other, 200.
    shillinges. God, that sitteth in heauen, laugheth their choice to
    skorne, and rewardeth their liberalitie as it should: for he
    suffereth them to have tame and well ordered horse, but wilde and
    unfortunate Children.” _Ib._ p. 20]

    [Footnote 15-15: _Sanctæ memoriæ _Robertum_ Cognominatum
    _Grodsted_ dudum _Lincolniendem_ Episcopum, Regi _Henrico_ quasi
    admirando, cum interrogavit, ubi Noraturam didicit, quâ Filios
    Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuit Domisellos,
    instruxerat, cum non de nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus
    traxisset Originem, fertur intrepide respondisse, In Domo seu
    Hospitio Majorum Regum quam sit Rex Angliæ; Quia Regum, _David,
    Salomonis_, & aliorum, vivendi morem didicerat ex Intelligentia
    scripturarum._]

    [Footnote 16: DOMICELLUS, Domnicellus, diminutivum a _Domnus_.
    Gloss. antiquæ MSS.: _Heriles, Domini minores, quod possumus
    aliter dicere Domnicelli_, Ugutio: _Domicelli et Domicellas
    dicuntur, quando pulchri juvenes magnatum sunt sicut servientes._
    Sic porro primitus appellabant magnatum, atque adeo Regum filios.
    Du Cange.]

    [Footnote 17: Mr Bruce sends me the More extracts.]

    [Footnote 18: How Wolsey broke off the _insurance_ is very well
    told. Mistress Anne was “sent home again to her father for a
    season; _whereat she smoked_”; but she “was revoked unto the
    Court,” and “after she knew the king’s pleasure and the great love
    that he bare her _in the bottom of his stomach_, then she began to
    look very hault and stout, having all manner of jewels or rich
    apparel that might be gotten with money” (p. 67).]

    [Footnote 19: Under the heading “Gentylmen of Houshold, viz.
    Kervers, Sewars, Cupberers, and Gentillmen Waiters” in the _North.
    Household Book_, p. 40, we find

    Item, Gentillmen in Housholde ix, Viz. ij Carvers for my Loords
    Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym both, _except thai be at their
    frendis fyndyng_, and than ather of theym to have a Servant.
    --Two Sewars for my Lordis Boorde, and a Servant bitwixt theym,
    _except they be at their Frendis fyndynge_, and than ather of
    theym to have a Servant.--ij Cupberers for my Lorde and my Lady,
    and a Servant allowed bitwixt theym, _except they be at their
    Frendis fyndynge_, And than ather of theym to have a Servant
    allowid.

    Under the next heading “My Lordis Hansmen at the fyndynge of my
    Lorde, and Yonge Gentyllmen _at there Frendys fyndynge_,” is

    Item, my Lordis Hansmen iij. Yonge Gentyllmen in Houshold _at
    their Frendis fyndynge_ ij = v.]

    [Footnote 20: Grammar usually means Latin. T. Wright.]

    [Footnote 21: The exceptions must have been many and marked.]

    [Footnote 22: _Richardi Pacei, invictissimi Regis Angliæ primarii
    Secretarii, eiusque apud Elvetios Oratoris, De Fructu qui ex
    Doctrinæ percipitur, Liber._

    Colophon. _Basileae apud Io. Frobenium, mense VIII. bri.
    an._ M.D.XVII.

    Restat ut iam tibi explicem, quid me moueat ad libellum hoc titulo
    co{n}scribendum _et_ publicandu{m}. Quu{m} duobus annis plus minus
    iam præteritis, ex Romana urbe in patriam redijssem, inter-fui
    cuida{m} conuiuio multis incognitus. Vbi quu{m} satis fuisset
    potatum, unus, nescio quis, ex conuiuis, non imprudens, ut ex
    uerbis uultuq{ue} conijcere licuit, cœpit mentionem facere de
    liberis suis bene institue{n}dis. Et primu{m} omniu{m}, bonum
    præceptorem illis sibi quærendu{m}, & scholam omnino
    frequentanda{m} censuit. Aderat forte unus ex his, quos nos
    generosos uocamus, & qui semper cornu aliquod a tergo pende{n}s
    gestant, acsi etiam inter prandendu{m} uenare{n}tur. Is audita
    literaru{m} laude, percitus repe{n}tina ira, furibundus p{ro}rupit
    in hæc uerba. Quid nugaris, inquit, amice? abeant in mala{m} rem
    istæ stultæ literæ, omnes docti sunt me{n}dici, etia{m} Erasmus
    ille doctissimus (ut audio) pauper est, & in quadam sua epistola
    vocat την καράρατον πενιαν uxore{m} suam, id est, execrandam
    paupertatem, & uehementer conqueritur se son posse illam humeris
    suis usq{ue} in βαθυκήτεα πόντον, id est, p{ro}fundum mare
    excutere. (Corpus dei iuro) uolo filius meus pendeat potius,
    qua{m} literis studeat. Decet e{n}im generosoru{m} filios, apte
    inflare cornu, perite uenari, accipitre{m} pulchre gestare &
    educare. Studia uero literaru{m}, rusticorum filiis sunt
    relinquenda. Hic ego cohibere me no{n} potui, quin aliq{ui}d
    homini loquacissimo, in defensione{m} bonaru{m} literaru{m},
    respo{n}dere{m}. No{n} uideris, inqua{m}, mihi bone uir recte
    sentire, na{m} si ueniret ad rege{m} aliq{ui}s uir exterus, quales
    sunt principu{m} oratores, & ei dandu{m} esset responsum, filius
    tuus sic ut tu uis, institutus, inflaret du{n}taxat cornu, &
    rusticoru{m} filij docti, ad respondendu{m} nocarent{ur}, ac filio
    tuo uenatori uel aucupi longe anteponerent{ur}, & sua erudita (usi
    libertate, tibi in facie{m} dicere{n}t, Nos malumus docti esse, &
    p{er} doctrina{m} no{n} imprudentes, q{uam} stulta gloriari
    nobilitate. Tu{m} ille hincinde circu{m}spiciens, Quis est iste,
    inquit, q{ui} hæc loquit{ur}? homine{m} non cognosco. Et quu{m}
    diceret{ur} in aure{m} ei quisna{m} essem, nescio q{ui}d submissa
    uoce sibimet susurra{n}s, & stulto usus auditore, illico arripuit
    uini poculu{m}. Et quu{m} nihil haberet respo{n}dendu{m}, cœpit
    bibere, & in alia sermone{m} transferre. Et sic me liberauit, non
    Apollo, ut Horatiu{m} a garrulo, sed Bacchus a uesani hominis
    disputatione, qua{m} diutius longe duraturam ueheme{n}ter
    timeba{m}.

    Professor Brewer gives me the reference.)]

    [Footnote 23: As to agricultural labourers and their children A.D.
    1388-1406, see below, p. xlvi.]

    [Footnote 24: Readers will find it advisable to verify for
    themselves some of the statements in this Editor’s notes, &c.]

    [[Footnote 24a: The regular Cathedral school would have existed at
    St David’s.]]

    [Footnote 25: The foregoing three extracts are sent me by a
    friend.]

    [Footnote 26: From a fragment of the Computus Camerarii Abbat.
    Hidens. in Archiv. Wulves. apud Winton. ut supr. (? Hist. Reg.
    Angl. edit. Hearne, p. 74.)]

    [Footnote 27: Hist. and Antiq. of Glastonbury. Oxon. 1722, 8vo,
    p. 98.]

    [Footnote 28: Reyner, Apostolat. Benedict. Tract. 1, sect. ii.
    p. 224. Sanders de Schism. page 176.]

    [Footnote 29: _utriusque juris_, Canon and Civil.]

    [Footnote 30: _Lit. humaniores._ Latin is still called so in
    Scotch, and French (I think), universities. J. W. Hales.]

    [[Footnote 30a: “There are no French universities, though we
    find every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the
    _Times_ as possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old
    Universities belong to the time before the Deluge--that means
    before the Revolution of 1789. The University of France is the
    organized whole of the higher and middle institutions of learning,
    in so far as they are directed by the State, not the clergy. It is
    an institution more governmental, according to the genius of the
    country, than our London University, to which, however, its
    organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath
    with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding
    two things, or placing them on the same line, because they have
    the same name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10,
    1867.]]

    [Footnote 31: (Pace _de Fructu_, p. 27.) Exigit iam suu{m} musica
    quoq{ue} doctrina locu{m}, a me præsertim, que{m} puer{um} inter
    pueros illustravit. Na{m} Thomas Langton Vyntoniensis episcopus,
    decessor huius qui nunc [1517 A.D.] uiuit, cui eram a manu
    minister, quum notasset me longex supra ætatem (ut ipse nimis
    fortasse amans mei iudicabat, & dictitabat) in musicis proficere,
    Huius, inquit, pueri ingeniu{m} ad maiora natum est. & paucos post
    dies in Italia{m} ad Patauinu{m} gymnasium, quod tu{n}c
    flore{n}tissimu{m} erat, ad bonas literas discendas me misit,
    annuasq{ue} impensas benigne suppeditauit, ut omnibus literatis
    mirifice fauebat, & ætate sua alterum Mecenatem agebat, probe
    memor (ut freque{n}ter dictitabat) sese doctrinæ causa ad
    episcopalem dignitate{m} prouectum. Adeptus enim fuerat per summam
    laudem, utriusq{ue} iuris (ut nu{n}c loquu{n}tur) insignia. Item
    humaniores literas tanti æstimabat, ut domestica schola pueros &
    iuuenes illis erudiendos curarit. Et summopere oblectabat{ur}
    audire scholasticos dictata interdiu a præceptore, sibi nocta
    reddere. In quo certamine qui præclare se gesserat, is aliqua re
    personæ suæ acco{m}modata, donatus abibat, & humanissimis uerbis
    laudatus. Habebet e{n}im semper in ore ille optimus Præsul,
    uirtutem laudatam crescere.]

    [Footnote 32: Ascham praises most the practice of double
    translation, from Latin into English, and then back from English
    into Latin.--_Scholemaster_, p. 90, 178, ed. Giles.]

    [Footnote 33: Mr Wm. Chappell gives me the reference, and part of
    the extract.]

    [Footnote 34: When did _breakfast_ get its name, and its first
    notice as a regular meal? I do not remember having seen the name
    in the early part of _Household Ordinances_, or any other work
    earlier than the _Northumberland Household Book_.]

    [Footnote 35: On Musical Education, see the early pages of Mr
    Chappell’s _Popular Music_, and the note in Archæol., vol. xx, p.
    60-1, with its references. ‘Music constituted a part of the
    _quadrivium_, a branch of their system of education.’]

    [[Footnote 35a: “The first William de Valence married Joan de
    Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.”
    _The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867.]]

    [Footnote 36: Le treytyz ke moun sire Gauter de Bibelesworthe fist
    à MA DAME DYONISIE DE MOUNCHENSY, pur aprise de langwage.]

    [Footnote 37: Later on, the proportions of poor and rich changed,
    as may be inferred from the extract from Harrison below. In the
    ‘exact account of the whole number (2920) of Scholars and Students
    in the University of Oxford taken anno 1612 in the Long Vacation,
    the _Studentes_ of Christ Church are 100, the _Pauperes Scholares
    et alii Servientes_ 41; at Magdalene the latter are 76; at New
    College 18, to 70 _Socii_; at Brasenose (Æneasense Coll.) the
    _Communarii_ are 145, and the _Pauperes Scholares_ 17; at Exeter,
    the latter are 37, to 134 _Communarii_; at St John’s, 20 to 43; at
    Lincoln the _Communarii_ are 60, to 27 _Batellatores et Pauperes
    Scholares_.’ Collectanea Curiosa, v. i. p. 196-203.]

    [Footnote 38: Was this in return for the raised rents that Ascham
    so bitterly complains of the new possessors of the monastic lands
    screwing out of their tenants, and thereby ruining the yeomen? He
    says to the Duke of Somerset on Nov. 21, 1547 (ed. Giles, i. p.
    140-1),

      Qui auctores sunt tantæ miseriæ?... Sunt illi qui hodie
      passim, in Anglia, prædia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis
      reditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium; hi
      homines expilant totam rempublicam. Villici et coloni universi
      laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant.... Hinc
      tot familiæ dissipatæ, tot domus collapsæ.... Hinc, quod
      omnium miserrimum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliæ,
      nomen, inquam, _Yomanorum Anglorum_, fractum et collisum est
      ... NAM VITA, QUÆ NUNC VIVITUR A PLURIMIS, NON VITA, SED
      MISERIA EST.

    When will these words cease to be true of our land? They should be
    burnt into all our hearts.]

    [[Footnote 38a: One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles
    issued by Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons,
    Vicars, Clerks, and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend
    an hundred pound, do not find, competently, one scholar in the
    University of Cambridge or Oxford, or some grammar school; and for
    as many hundred pounds as every of them may dispend, so many
    scholars likewise to be found [supported] by them; and what be
    their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The Parish_,
    p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St Margaret’s,
    Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41).

    1631.
    Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards
    enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the
    vestrie    £6. 13. 4.

    1628.
    Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling
    him to proceed bachelor of arts    £5. 0. 0.

    Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37.]]

    [Footnote 39: “He placed Æthelweard, his youngest son, who was
    fond of learning, together with the sons of his nobility, and of
    many persons of inferior rank, in schools which he had established
    with great wisdom and foresight, and provided with able masters.
    In these schools the youth were instructed in reading and writing
    both the Saxon and Latin languages, and in other liberal arts,
    before they arrived at sufficient strength of body for hunting,
    and other manly exercises becoming their rank.” Henry, _History of
    England_, vol. ii. pp. 354-5 (quoted from Asser).]

    [Footnote 40: None were so. T. Wright.]

    [Footnote 41: Gervaise of Canterbury says, in his account of
    Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus erat
    magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”

    [[‘The truth is that, in his account of Oxford and its early days,
    Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as asserting that Vacarius
    taught there, but as making “no mention of Oxford at all”; while
    he gives for the statement about the law school no authority
    whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony Wood.
    But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the
    authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the
    contemporary authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et
    causidici in Angliam primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account
    of Theobald in the Acts of the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t}
    magister Vacarius. Hic in Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.]] ]

    [[Footnote 41a: Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in
    1294. _Book of Dates._]]

    [Footnote 42: This College is said to have been founded in the
    year 872, by Alfred the Great. It was restored by William of
    Durham, said to have been Archdeacon of Durham; but respecting
    whom little authentic information has been preserved, except that
    he was Rector of Wearmouth in that county, and that he died in
    1249, bequeathing a sum of money to provide a permanent endowment
    for the maintenance of a certain number of “Masters.” The first
    purchase with this bequest was made in 1253, and the first
    Statutes are dated 1280.-- _Oxford Univ. Calendar_, 1865, p. 167.]

    [Footnote 43: I refer to the modernized edition published by
    Charles Knight in two volumes.]

    [Footnote 44: Other well-born men, in the _Ath. Cant._, then
    connected with the University, or supposed to be, were,

      1504
    Sir Roger Ormston, knight, died. Had been High Steward of the
    University.
      1504
    Sir John Mordaunt, High Steward.
      1478
    George Fitzhugh, 4th son of Henry lord Fitzhugh, admitted B.A.
      1488
    Robert Leyburn, born of a knightly family, Fellow of
    Pembroke-hall, and proctor.
      1457
    John Argentine, of an ancient and knightly family, was elected
    from Eton to King’s.
      1504
    Robert Fairfax, of an ancient family in Yorkshire, took the degree
    of Mus. Doc.
      1496
    Christopher Baynbrigg, of a good family at Hilton, near Appleby,
    educated at and Provost of Queen’s, Oxford, incorporated of
    Cambridge.
      1517
    Sir Wm. Fyndern, knight, died, and was a benefactor to Clare Hall,
    in which it is supposed he had been educated.
      1481
    Robert Rede, of an ancient Northumbrian family, was sometime of
    Buckingham College, and the Fellow of King’s-hall (?), and was
    autumn reader at Lincoln’s Inn in 1481.
      ab. 1460
    Marmaduke Constable, son of Sir Robert Constable, knight, believed
    to have been educated at Cambridge.
       „
    So, Edward Stafford, heir of Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham,
    is also believed to have been educated at Cambridge, because his
    father was a munificent patron of the University, constantly
    maintaining, or assisting to maintain, scholars therein.
       „
    So, Thomas Howard, son of Sir John Howard, knight, and afterwards
    Duke of Norfolk, who defeated the Scots at Flodden, is believed,
    &c.
      1484
    John Skelton, the poet, probably of an ancient Cumberland family.
      1520?
    Henry Howard, son of Lord Thomas Howard, ultimately Duke of
    Norfolk. Nothing is known as to the place of his education. If it
    were either of the English Universities, the presumption is in
    favour of Cambridge.

    The only tradesman’s son mentioned is,
      1504
    Sir Richard Empson, son of Peter Empson, a sieve-maker,
    High-Steward.]

    [Footnote 45: Whitgift himself, born 1530, was educated at St.
    Anthony’s school, then sent back to his father in the country, and
    sent up to Cambridge in 1548 or 1549.]

    [Footnote 46: No proof of this is given.]

    [Footnote 47: Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, son and heir of Thomas
    Duke of Norfolk, ‘was for a time student in Cardinal Coll. as the
    constant tradition has been among us.’ p. 153, col. 1.]

    [Footnote 48: Andrew Borde, who writes himself _Andreas
    Perforatus_, was born, as it seems, at Pevensey, commonly called
    Pensey [now Pemsey], in Sussex, and not unlikely educated in
    Wykeham’s school near to Winchester, brought up at Oxford (as he
    saith in his _Introduction to Knowledge_, cap. 35), p. 170, col.
    2, and note.]

    [Footnote 49: See Mat. Paris, p. 665, though he speaks there
    chiefly of monks[*] beyond sea.]

      [Footnote 49*: As appears from Wood’s _Fasti Oxon._

      The following names of Oxford men educated at monkish or friars’
      schools, or of their bodies, occur in the first volume of Wood’s
      _Athenæ Oxon._, ed. Bliss:

      p. 6, col. 2.
      William Beeth, educated among the Dominicans or Black Friers
      from his youth, and afterwards their provincial master or chief
      governor.
      p. 7, col. 2.
      Richard Bardney, a Benedictine of Lincolnshire.
      p. 11, col. 2.
      John Sowle, a Carme of London.
      p. 14, col. 1.
      William Galeon, an Austin friar of Lynn Regis.
      p. 18, col. 2.
      Henry Bradshaw, one of the Benedictine monks of St Werberg’s,
      Chester.
      p. 19, col. 1.
      John Harley, of the order of the Preaching or Dominican,
      commonly called Black, Friars
      p. 54, col. 2.
      Thomas Spenser, a Carthusian at Henton in Somersetshire; ‘whence
      for a time he receded to Oxford (as several of his order did) to
      improve himself, or to pass a course, in theology.’
      p. 94, col. 2.
      John Kynton, a Minorite or Grey-friar
      p. 101, col. 1.
      John Rycks,     „            „
      p. 107, col. 1.
      John Forest, a Franciscan of Greenwich.
      p. 189, col. 1.
      John Griffen, a Cistercian.
      p. 278, col. 2.
      Cardinal Pole, educated among the Carthusians, and Carmelites or
      ‘White-fryers.’
      p. 363, col. 2.
      William Barlowe, an Austin of St Osith in Essex.
      p. 630, col. 2.
      Henry Walpoole and Richard Walpoole, Jesuits.

      The 5th Lord Percy, he of the _Household Book_, in the year 1520
      founded an annual stipend of 10 marcs for 3 years, for a
      _Pedagogus sive Magister, docens ac legens Grammaticam et
      Philosophiam canonicis et fratribus_ of the monastery of Alnwick
      (Warton, ii. 492).]

    [Footnote 50: It was customary then at Oxford for the Religious to
    have schools that bore the name of their respective orders; as the
    Augustine, Benedictine, Carmelite, and Franciscan schools; and
    there were schools also appropriated to the benefit of particular
    Religious houses, as the Dorchester and Eynsham schools, &c. The
    monks of Gloucester had Gloucester convent, and the novices of
    Pershore an apartment in the same house. So likewise the young
    monks of Canterbury, Westminster, Durham, St Albans, &c. Kennet’s
    Paroch. Antiq., p. 214. So also Leland saith, Itin. vol. vi. p.
    28, that at Stamford the names of Peterborough Hall, Semplingham,
    and Vauldey yet remain, as places whither the Religious of those
    houses sent their scholars to study. Tanner, Notitia Monastica,
    Preface, p. xxvi. note _w_.]

    [Footnote 51: The abuse was of far earlier date than this. Compare
    Mr Halliwell’s quotation in his ‘Merton Statutes,’ from his
    edition of ‘the Poems of John Awdelay, the blind poet of Haghmon
    Monastery in the 14th century,’

      Now ȝif a pore mon set hys son to Oxford to scole,
        Bothe the fader and the moder hyndryd they schal be;
      And ȝif ther falle a benefyse, hit schal be ȝif a fole,
        To a clerke of a kechyn, ore into the chaunceré . .
                  Clerkys that han cunyng,
                  . . thai mai get no vaunsyng
                           Without symony.]

    [Footnote 52: Compare Chaucer: ‘wherfore, as seith Senek, ther is
    nothing more covenable to a man of heigh estate than debonairté
    and pité; and therfore thise flies than men clepen bees, whan thay
    make here king, they chesen oon that hath no pricke wherwith he
    may stynge.’--_Persones Tale_, Poet. Works, ed. Morris, iii. 301.]

    [Footnote 53: Ascham complains of the harm that rich men’s sons
    did in his time at Cambridge. Writing to Archbp. Cranmer in 1545,
    he complains of two _gravissima impedimenta_ to their course of
    study: (1.) that so few old men will stop up to encourage study by
    their example; (2.) “quod illi fere omnes qui hue Cantabrigiam
    confluunt, pueri sunt, divitumque filii, et hi etiam qui nunquam
    inducunt animum suum, ut abundanti aliqua perfectaque eruditione
    perpoliantur, sed ut ad alia reipublicæ munera obeunda levi aliqua
    et inchoata cognitione paratiores efficiantur. Et hic singularis
    quædam injuria bifariam academiæ intentata est; vel quia hoc modo
    omnis expletæ absolutæque doctrinæ spes longe ante messem, in ipsa
    quasi herbescenti viriditate, præciditur; vel quia omnis pauperum
    inopumque expectatio, quorum ætates omnes in literarum studio
    conteruntur, ab his fucis eorum sedes occupantibus, exclusa
    illusaque præripitur. Ingenium, enim, doctrina, inopia judicium,
    nil quicquam domi valent, ubi gratia, favor, magnatum literæ, et
    aliæ persimiles extraordinariæ illegitimæque rationes vim foris
    adferunt. Hinc quoque illud accedit incommodum, quod quidam
    prudentes viri nimis ægre ferunt partem aliquam regiæ pecuniæ in
    collegiorum socios inpartiri; quasi illi non maxime indigeant, aut
    quasi ulla spes perfectæ eruditionis in ullis aliis residere
    potest, quam in his, qui in perpetuo literarum studio perpetuum
    vitæ suæ tabernaculum collocarunt.” Ed. Giles, i. p. 69-70. See
    also p. 121-2.]

    [Footnote 54: _Antea enim_ Cornelius Vitellius, _homo_ Italus
    Corneli, _quod est maritimum_ Hetruriæ _Oppidum, natus nobili
    Prosapia, vir optimus gratiosusque, omnium primus_ Oxonii _bonas
    literas docuerat_. [Pol. Verg. _lib._ xxvi.]]

    [Footnote 55: _Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in
    schola_ Cantabrigiensi, _præter_ Alexandri Parva Logicalia, _ut
    vocant, & vetera illa_ Aristotelis _dictata, Scoticasque
    Quæstiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonæ literæ; accessit
    Matheseos Cognitio; accessit novus, aut certe novatus_,
    Aristoteles; _accessit_ Græcarum _literarum peritia; accesserunt
    Autores tam multi, quorum olim ne nomina quidem tenebantur, &c._
    [Erasmi _Epist._ Henrico Bovillo, _Dat._ Roffæ _Cal._ Sept.
    1516.]]

    [Footnote 56: Sir John Fortescue’s description of the study of law
    at Westminster and in the Inns of Chancery is in chapters 48-9 of
    his _De laudibus legum Angliæ_.]

    [Footnote 57:

      Mores habent barbarus, Latinus et Græcus;
      Si sacerdos, ut plebs est, cæcum ducit cæcus:
      Se mares effeminant, et equa fit equus,
      Expectes ab homine usque ad pecus.

      Et quia non metuunt animæ discrimen,
      Principes in habitum verterunt hoc crimen,
      Varium viro turpiter jungit novus hymen,
      Exagitata procul non intrat fœmina limen.]

    [Footnote 58:

      Pixus et ablutus tandem progressus in urbem,
      Intrat in ecclesiam, vota precesque facit.
      Inde scholas adiens, secum deliberat, utrum
      Expediat potius illa vel ista schola.
      Et quia subtiles sensu considerat Anglos,
      Pluribus ex causis se sociavit iis.
      Moribus egregii, verbo vultuque venusti,
      Ingenio pollent, consilioque vigent.
      Dona pluunt populis, et detestantur avaros,
      Fercula multiplicant, et sine lege bibunt.

    A. Wood, _Antiq. Oxon._, p. 55, in Henry’s Hist. of Eng.,
    vol. iii. p. 440-1.]

    [Footnote 59: That Colet used his travels abroad, A.D. 1493-7, for
    a different purpose, see his life by Dr Knight, pp. 23-4.]

    [Footnote 60: Fuller, book vi. p. 297. Collier, vol. ii. p. 165.
    Stillingfleet’s Orig. Britan. p. 206. Bishop Lloyd of Church
    Government, p. 160. This was provided for as early as A.D. 747, by
    the seventh canon of council of Clovesho, as Wilkins’s Councils,
    vol. i. p. 95. See also the notes upon that canon, in Johnson’s
    Collection of canons, &c. In Tavistock abbey there was a Saxon
    school, as Willis, i. 171. Tanner. (Charlemagne in his
    Capitularies ordained that each Monastery should maintain a
    School, where should be taught ‘la grammaire, le calcule, et la
    musique.’ See Démogeot’s _Histoire de la Littérature Française_,
    p. 44, ed. Hachette. R. Whiston.) Henry says “these teachers of
    the cathedral schools were called _The scholastics_ of the
    diocess; and all the youth in it who were designed for the church,
    were intitled to the benefit of their instructions.[*] Thus, for
    example, William de Monte, who had been a professor at Paris, and
    taught theology with so much reputation in the reign of Henry II.,
    at Lincoln, was the scholastic of that cathedral. By the
    eighteenth canon of the third general council of Lateran, A.D.
    1179, it was decreed, That such scholastics should be settled in
    all cathedrals, with sufficient revenues for their support; and
    that they should have authority to superintend all the
    schoolmasters of the diocess, and grant them licences, without
    which none should presume to teach. The laborious authors of the
    literary history of France have collected a very distinct account
    of the scholastics who presided in the principal cathedral-schools
    of that kingdom in the twelfth century, among whom we meet with
    many of the most illustrious names for learning of that age....
    The sciences that were taught in these cathedral schools were such
    as were most necessary to qualify their pupils for performing the
    duties of the sacerdotal office, as Grammar, Rhetoric, Logic,
    Theology, and Church-Music.” --_Ibid._ p. 442.]

      [Footnote 60*: Du Cange, Gloss. voc. _Scholasticus_.]

    [Footnote 61: Fuller and Collier, as before; Bishop Burnet
    (Reform, vol. i. p... ) saith so of Godstow. Archbishop Greenfield
    ordered that young gentlewomen who came to the nunneries either
    for piety or breeding, should wear white veils, to distinguish
    them from the professed, who wore black ones, 11 Kal. Jul. anno
    pontif. 6. M. Hutton. ex registr. ejus, p. 207. In the accounts of
    the cellaress of Carhow, near Norwich, there is an account of what
    was received “pro prehendationibus,” or the board of young ladies
    and their servants for education “rec. de domina Margeria Wederly
    prehendinat, ibidem xi. septimanas xiii s. iv d. ... pro mensa
    unius famulæ dictæ Margeriæ per iii. septimanas viii d. per
    sept.” &c. Tanner.]

    [Footnote 62: Morley’s _English Writers_, vol. ii. Pt. I. p. 421.]

    [Footnote 63: Edited by Mr Halliwell in his ‘Selection from the
    Minor Poems of Dan John Lydgate.’ Percy Society, 1840, quoted by
    Prof. Morley.]

    [[Footnote 63a: ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the parents of St Thomas,
    “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus, sed de
    redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F.]]

    [Footnote 64: Mr Skeat’s readings. The _abbot_ and _abbots_ of Mr
    Wright’s text spoil the alliteration.]

    [Footnote 65: Compare the previous passages under heading 1,
    p. vi.]

    [Footnote 66: May Mr Skeat bring the day when it will be done!]

    [Footnote 67: Later on, men’s games were settled for them as well
    as their trades. In A.D. 1541, the 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9, § xvi.,
    says,

      “Be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, That no manner
      of Artificer or Craftsman of any Handicraft or Occupation,
      Husbandman, Apprentice, Labourer, Servant at Husbandry,
      Journeyman or Servant of Artificer, Mariners, Fishermen,
      Watermen or any Serving man, shall from the said feast of the
      Nativity of St John Baptist play at the Tables, Tennis, Dice,
      Cards, Bowls, Clash, Coyting, Logating, or any other unlawful
      Game out of Christmas, under the Pain of xx s. to be forfeit
      for every Time; (2) and in Christmas to play at any of the
      said Games in their Master’s Houses, or in their Master’s
      Presence; (3) and also that no manner of persons shall at any
      time play at any Bowl or Bowls in open places out of his
      Garden or Orchard, upon the Pain for every Time so offending
      to forfeit vi s. viiii d.” (For _Logating_, &c., see
      Strutt.)]

    [Footnote 68: Translated from the Latin copy in the British
    Museum, MS. Harl. 1197, art. 15, folio 319 b.]

    [Footnote 69: Duodecim pauperes de sumptibus dictæ Ecclesiæ
    _alendi_.]

    [Footnote 70: Duo _unus_ Pincernæ, et _unus subpincerna_, duo unus
    cociquus, et unus subcoquus. Sic in MS]

    [Footnote 71: MS. No. 688 in Lambeth Library. MS. Harl. cod. 1594,
    art. 38, in Brit. Mus.]

    [Footnote 72:

      Farewell, in Oxford my college cardynall!
      Farewell, in _Ipsewich, my schole gramaticall!_
      Yet oons farewell! I say, I shall you never see!
      Your somptious byldyng, what now avayllethe me?

    _Metrical Visions_ [Wolsey.] by George Cavendish, in his Life of
    Wolsey, (ed. Singer, ii. 17). Wolsey’s Letter of Directions about
    his school should be consulted. It is printed.]

    [Footnote 73: Colet’s Statutes for St Paul’s School are given in
    Howard Staunton’s _Great Schools of England_, p. 179-85.]

    [Footnote 74: ‘That there was a school at Rochester before Henry
    VIII.’s time is proved by our Statutes, which speak of the _Schola
    Grammaticalis_ as being _ruinosa & admodum deformis_.’ R.
    Whiston.]

    [Footnote 75: Pegge concludes these to have been St Paul’s, Bow,
    and Martin’s le Grand.]

    [Footnote 76: The custom of boys bringing cocks to masters has
    left a trace at Sedburgh, where the boys pay a sum every year on a
    particular day (Shrove-Tuesday?) as “cock-penny.” Quick.]

    [Footnote 77: On the London Schools, see also Sir George Buc’s
    short _cap._ 36, “Moore of other Schooles in London,” in his
    _Third Vniuersitie of England_ (t.i. London). He notices the old
    schools of the monasteries, &c., ‘in whose stead there be some few
    founded lately by good men, as the Merchant Taylors, and Thomas
    Sutton, founder of the great new Hospitall in the Charter house,
    [who] hath translated the Tenis court to a Grammar Schoole ... for
    30 schollers, poore mens children.... There be also other Triuiall
    Schooles for the bringing up of youth in good literature, _viz._,
    in S. _Magnus_, in S. _Michaels_, in S. _Thomas_, and others.’]

    [Footnote 78: Udall became Master of Eton about 1534. He was sent
    to prison for sodomy.]

    [Footnote 79: The perversion of these elections by bribery is
    noticed by Harrison in the former extract from him on the
    Universities.]

    [Footnote 80: See p. 273-4, ‘all of a fourme to name who is the
    best of their fourme, and who is the best next him’.]

    [Footnote 81: ? key of the Campo, see pp. 299 and 300, or a club,
    the holder of which had a right to go out.]

    [Footnote 82: See Mr Froude’s noble article in _The Westminster
    Review_, No. 3, July, 1852 (lately republished by him in a
    collection of Essays, &c.).]

    [Footnote 83: Their eyes must have smarted. The natives’ houses in
    India have (generally) no chimneys still, and Mr Moreshwar says
    the smoke _does_ make your eyes water.]

    [Footnote 84: Mouffet is learned on the Louse.

    “In the first beginning whilest man was in his innocency, and free
    from wickednesse, he was subject to no corruption and filth, but
    when he was seduced by the wickednesse of that great and cunning
    deceiver, and proudly affected to know as much as God knew, God
    humbled him with divers diseases, and divers sorts of Worms, with
    Lice, Hand-worms, Belly-worms, others call _Termites_, small Nits
    and Acares ... a Lowse ... is a beastly Creature, and known better
    in Innes and Armies then it is wellcome. The profit it bringeth,
    _Achilles_ sheweth, _Iliad_ I. in these words: _I make no more of
    him then I doe of a Lowse_; as we have an English Proverb of a
    poor man, _He is not worth a Lowse_. The Lice that trouble men are
    either tame or wilde ones, those the _English_ call _Lice_, and
    these _Crab-lice_; the North _English_ call them _Pert-lice_, that
    is, a petulant Lowse comprehending both kindes; it is a certain
    sign of misery, and is sometimes the inevitable scourge of God.”
    Rowland’s _Mouffet’s Theater of Insects_, p. 1090, ed. 1658
    (published in Latin, 1634). By this date we had improved. Mouffet
    says, “These filthy creatures ... are hated more than Dogs or
    Vipers by our daintiest Dames,” _ib._ p. 1093; and again, p. 1097,
    “Cardan, that was a fancier of subtilties, writes that the
    _Carthusians_ are never vexed with Wall-lice, and he gives the
    cause, because they eat no flesh.... He should rather have
    alledged their cleanliness, and the frequent washing of their beds
    and blankets, to be the cause of it, which when the _French_, the
    _Dutch_, and _Italians_ do less regard, they more breed this
    plague. But the English that take great care to be cleanly and
    decent, are seldom troubled with them.” Also, on p. 1092, he says,
    ‘As for dressing the body: all _Ireland_ is noted for this, that
    it swarms almost with Lice. But that this proceeds from the
    beastliness of the people, and want of cleanly women to wash them
    is manifest, because the English that are more careful to dress
    themselves, changing and washing their shirts often, having
    inhabited so long in _Ireland_, have escaped that plague....
    Remedies. The _Irish_ and _Iseland_ people (who are frequently
    troubled with Lice, and such as will fly, as they say, in Summer)
    anoint their shirts with Saffron, and to very good purpose, to
    drive away the Lice, but after six moneths they wash their shirts
    again, putting fresh Saffron into the Lye.’ Rowland’s Mouffet
    (1634), _Theater of Insects_, p. 1092, ed. 1658.]

    [Footnote 85: Prof. Brewer says that Erasmus, rejecting the
    Mediæval Latin and adopting the Classical, no doubt used
    _salsamenta_ in its classical sense of salt-meat, and referred to
    the great quantity of it used in England during the winter, when
    no fresh meat was eaten, but only that which had been killed at
    the annual autumn slaughtering, and then salted down.
    Stall-fattening not being practised, the autumn was the time for
    fat cattle. _Salsamentum_, however, is translated in White and
    Riddle’s Dictionary, “A. Fish-pickle, brine; B. Salted or pickled
    fish (so usually in plural).”]

    [Footnote 86: If any member or reader can refer me to any other
    verse or prose pieces of like kind, unprinted, or that deserve
    reprinting, I shall be much obliged to him, and will try to put
    them in type.]


  Errata (noted by transcriber):

  _Capiendo pro_[26]...’”  [_missing ’_]
  the case is too too evident  [_duplication in original_]
  sums it up.[59] [_footnote marker missing in text_]
  a passage in Edward the Fourth’s _Liber Niger_  [passaeg]
  ab. 1460 ... Marmaduke Constable  [460]

  In the section “Post-Reformation Cathedral Schools” the attribution of
  quotes is sometimes obscure. The text layout has been kept as close
  as possible to the original.


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


PREFACE TO RUSSELL.


Though this _Boke of Nurture_ by John Russell is the most complete and
elaborate of its kind, I have never seen it mentioned by name in any of
the many books and essays on early manners and customs, food and dress,
that have issued from the press. My own introduction to it was due to a
chance turning over, for another purpose, of the leaves of the MS.
containing it. Mr Wheatley then told me of Ritson’s reference to it in
his _Bibliographica Poetica_, p. 96; and when the text was all printed,
a reference in _The Glossary of Domestic Architecture_ (v. III. Pt. I.
p. 76, note, col. 2) sent me to MS. Sloane 1315[1]--in the Glossary
stated to have been written in 1452--which proved to be a different and
unnamed version of Russell. Then the Sloane Catalogue disclosed a third
MS., No. 2027[2], and the earliest of the three, differing rather less
than No. 1315 from Russell’s text, but still anonymous. I have therefore
to thank for knowledge of the MSS. that special Providence which watches
over editors as well as children and drunkards, and have not on this
occasion to express gratitude to Ritson and Warton, to whom every lover
of Early English Manuscripts is under such deep obligations, and whose
guiding hands (however faltering) in Poetry have made us long so often
for the like in Prose. Would that one of our many Historians of English
Literature had but conceived the idea of cataloguing the materials for
his History before sitting down to write it! Would that a wise
Government would commission another Hardy to do for English Literature
what the Deputy-Keeper of the Public Records is now doing for English
History-- give us a list of the MSS. and early printed books of it! What
time and trouble such a Catalogue would save!

But to return to John Russell and his Boke. He describes himself at the
beginning and end of his treatise as Usher and Marshal to Humphrey, Duke
of Gloucester, delighting in his work in youth, quitting it only when
compelled by crooked age, and then anxious to train up worthy successors
in the art and mystery of managing a well-appointed household. A man
evidently who knew his work in every detail, and did it all with pride;
not boastful, though upholding his office against rebellious cooks[3],
putting them down with imperial dignity, “we may allow and disallow; our
office is the chief!” A simple-minded religious man too,--as the close
of his Treatise shows,--and one able to appreciate the master he served,
the “prynce fulle royalle,” the learned and munificent Humphrey Duke of
Gloucester, the patron of Lydgate, Occleve, Capgrave, Withamstede,
Leonard Aretine, Petrus Candidus, Petrus de Monte, Tito Livio, Antoyne
de Beccara, &c. &c., the lover of Manuscripts, the first great donor to
the Oxford University Library which Bodley revived[4], “that prince
peerless,” as Russell calls him, a man who, with all his faults, loved
books and authors, and shall be respected by us as he was by Lydgate.
But our business is with the Marshal, not the Master, and we will hear
what John Russell says of himself in his own verse,

  an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} /
        to a prynce of high{e} degre,
  þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche /
        all{e} þo thatt wille thrive & thee,

  Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur}
        shall{e} be shewed by my diligence
  To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience;
  Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e},
        þat for fawt of necligence,
  y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche, for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience.

  To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh hit charitable,
  for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable.

    (l. 3-9.)

At the end of his Boke he gives us a few more details about himself and
his work in life:

  Now good soñ, y haue shewed the / & brought þe in vre,
  to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e},
  In pantry / botery / or celler{e} /
        & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e},
  A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science /
        y suppose ye byñ sewr{e},

  Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e},
  with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y, & m{er}shalle also in hall{e},
  vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid /
        þey eu{er} ente{n}de shall{e},
  Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}:

  For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff
  In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke, be he looth{e} or leeff.

    (l. 1173-82.)

Further on, at line 1211, he says,

  “Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve:
  my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve.
  þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve,
  y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve.

  while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede,
  y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede;
  but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me / & leue court y must nede.
  þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.”

And again, at line 1227,

  “Now, good soñ, thy self, w{i}t{h} other þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede,
  which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note / lerne, & ou{er} rede,
  pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede,
  Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey,
        duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede.

  For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo,
  þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also,
  vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe,
  and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo. =AMEN=.”

    [Text Note:
    The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to cut it out.]

As to his Boke, besides what is quoted above, John Russell says,

  Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende
  vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende,
  and specially to þem þat han exsperience,
        p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e}
  and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende.

  And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence,
  Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence,
  which{e} to d{ra}we out [I] haue do my besy diligence,
  redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence.

  As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame,
  For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same,
  and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade,
  blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made;

  Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte;
  blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no persone suspecte.
  Now, good god, graunt vs grace / our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte!
  þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} / et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe.

    (l. 1235-50.)

If John Russell was the writer of the Epilogue quoted above, lines
1235-50, then it would seem that in this Treatise he only corrected and
touched up some earlier Book of Norture which he had used in his youth,
and which, if Sloane 2027 be not its original, may be still extant in
its primal state in Mr Arthur Davenport’s MS., “How to serve a Lord,”
_said_ to be of the fourteenth century[6], and now supposed to be stowed
away in a hayloft with the owner’s other books, awaiting the rebuilding
and fitting of a fired house. I only hope this MS. may prove to be
Russell’s original, as Mr Davenport has most kindly promised to let me
copy and print it for the Society. Meantime it is possible to consider
John Russell’s Book of Norture as his own. For early poets and writers
of verse seem to have liked this fiction of attributing their books to
other people, and it is seldom that you find them acknowledging that
they have imagined their Poems on their own heads, as Hampole has it in
his _Pricke of Conscience_, p. 239, l. 8874 (ed. Morris, Philol. Soc.).
Even Mr Tennyson makes believe that Everard Hall wrote his _Morte d’
Arthur_, and some Leonard his _Golden Year_. On the other hand, the
existence of the two Sloane MSS. is more consistent with Russell’s own
statement (if it is his own, and not his adapter’s in the Harleian MS.)
that he did not write his Boke himself, but only touched up another
man’s. Desiring to let every reader judge for himself on this point,
I shall try to print in a separate text[7], for convenience of
comparison, the Sloane MS. 1315, which differs most from Russell, and
which the Keeper of the MSS. at the British Museum considers rather
earlier (ab. 1440-50 A.D.) than the MS. of Russell (ab. 1460-70 A.D.),
while of the earliest of the three, Sloane MS. 2027 (ab. 1430-40 A.D.),
the nearer to Russell in phraseology, I shall give a collation of all
important variations. If any reader of the present text compares the
Sloanes with it, he will find the subject matter of all three alike,
except in these particulars:

  Sloane 1315.
    --Sloane 2027.

  Omits lines 1-4 of Russell.
    --Contains these lines.

  Inserts after l. 48 of R. a passage about behaviour which it nearly
  repeats, where Russell puts it, at l. 276, _Symple Condicions_.
    --Inserts and omits as Sl. 1315 does, but the wording is often
      different.

  Omits Russell’s stanza, l. 305-8, about ‘these cuttid galauntes with
  their codware.’

  Omits a stanza, l. 319-24, p. 21.2, b.).
    --Contains this stanza (fol. 42, b.).

  Contracts R.’s chapter on Fumositees, p. 23-4.
    --Contracts the Fumositees too (fol. 45 and back).

  Omits R.’s _Lenvoy_, under Fried Metes, p. 33-4.
    --Has one verse of _Lenvoy_ altered (fol. 45 b.).

  Transfers R.’s chapters on _Sewes on Fische Dayes_ and _Sawcis for
  Fishe_, l. 819-54, p. 55-9, to the end of his chapter on _Kervyng of
  Fishe_, l. 649, p. 45.
    --Transfers as Sl. 1315 does (see fol. 48).

  Gives different Soteltes (or Devices at the end of each course), and
  omits Russell’s description of his four of the Four Seasons, p. 51-4;
  and does not alter the metre of the lines describing the Dinners as
  he does, p. 50-5.
    --Differs from R., nearly as Sl. 1315 does.

  Winds up at the end of the _Bathe or Stewe_, l. 1000, p. 69, R.,
  with two stanzas of peroration. As there is no _Explicit_, the MS.
  may be incomplete, but the next page is blank.
    --Has 3 winding-up stanzas, as if about to end as Sloane 1315 does,
      but yet goes on (omitting the _Bathe Medicinable_) with the
      _Vssher and Marshalle_, R. p. 69, and ends suddenly, at l. 1062,
      p. 72, R., in the middle of the chapter.

In occasional length of line, in words and rhymes, Sloane 1315 differs
far more from Russell than Sloane 2027, which has Russell’s long lines
and rhymes throughout, so far as a hurried examination shows.

But the variations of both these Sloane MSS. are to me more like those
from an original MS. of which our Harleian Russell is a copy, than of an
original which Russell altered. Why should the earliest Sloane 2027
start with

  “An vsschere .y. am / as ye may se : to a prynce Of hygh{e} degre”

if in its original the name of the prince was not stated at the end, as
Russell states it, to show that he was not gammoning his readers? Why
does Sloane 1315 omit lines in some of its stanzas, and words in some of
its lines, that the Harleian Russell enables us to fill up? Why does it
too make its writer refer to the pupil’s lord and sovereign, if in its
original the author did not clench his teaching by asserting, as Russell
does, that he had served one? This Sloane 1315 may well have been copied
by a man like Wynkyn de Worde, who wished not to show the real writer of
the treatise. On the whole, I incline to believe that John Russell’s
Book of Norture was written by him, and that either the Epilogue to it
was a fiction of his, or was written by the superintender of the
particular copy in the Harleian MS. 4011, Russell’s own work terminating
with the _Amen!_ after line 1234.

But whether we consider Russell’s Boke another’s, or as in the main his
own,--allowing that in parts he may have used previous pieces on the
subjects he treats of, as he has used _Stans Puer_ (or its original) in
his _Symple Condicions_, l. 277-304,--if we ask what the Boke contains,
the answer is, that it is a complete Manual for the Valet, Butler,
Footman, Carver, Taster, Dinner-arranger, Hippocras-maker, Usher and
Marshal of the Nobleman of the time when the work was written, the
middle of the fifteenth century.--For I take the date of the composition
of the work to be somewhat earlier than that of the MS. it is here
printed from, and suppose Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, “imprisoned and
murdered 1447,” to have been still alive when his Marshal penned
it.--Reading it, we see “The Good Duke” rise and dress[8], go to Chapel
and meals, entertain at feasts in Hall, then undress and retire to rest;
we hear how his head was combed with an ivory comb, his stomacher
warmed, his petycote put on, his slippers brown as the waterleech got
ready, his privy-seat prepared, and his urinal kept in waiting; how his
bath was made, his table laid, his guests arranged, his viands carved,
and his salt smoothed[9]; we are told how nearly all the birds that fly,
the animals that walk the earth, the fish that swim in river and sea,
are food for the pot: we hear of dishes strange to us[10], beaver’s
tail, osprey, brewe, venprides, whale, swordfish, seal, torrentyne, pety
perveis or perneis, and gravell of beef[11]. Bills of fare for flesh and
fish days are laid before us; admired Sotiltees or Devices are
described; and he who cares to do so may fancy for himself the Duke and
all his brilliant circle feasting in Hall, John Russell looking on, and
taking care that all goes right.[12] I am not going to try my hand at
the sketch, as I do not write for men in the depths of that deducated
Philistinism which lately made a literary man say to one of our members
on his printing a book of the 15th century, “Is it possible that you
care how those barbarians, our ancestors, lived?” If any one who takes
up this tract, will not read it through, the loss is his; those who do
work at it will gladly acknowledge their gain. That it is worthy of the
attention of all to whose ears tidings of Early England come with
welcome sound across the wide water of four hundred years,
I unhesitatingly assert. That it has interested me, let the time its
notes have taken on this, a fresh subject to me, testify. If any should
object to the extent of them[13], or to any words in them that may
offend his ear, let him excuse them for the sake of what he thinks
rightly present. There are still many subjects and words insufficiently
illustrated in the comments, and for the names _venprides_ (l. 820);
_sprotis_, (? sprats, as in Sloane 1315), and _torrentille_ (l. 548);
almond _iardyne_ (l. 744); ginger _colombyne_, _valadyne_, and
_maydelyne_ (l. 132-3); leche _dugard_, &c., I have not been able to
find meanings. Explanations and helps I shall gladly receive, in the
hope that they may appear in another volume of like kind for which I
trust soon to find more MSS. Of other MSS. of like kind I also ask for
notice.

The reason for reprinting Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of Keruynge_, which I
had not at first thought of, was because its identity of phrase and word
with many parts of Russell,--a thing which came on me with a curious
feeling of surprise as I turned over the leaves,--made it certain that
de Worde either abstracted in prose Russell’s MS., chopping off his
lines’ tails,--adding also bits here[14], leaving out others there,--or
else that both writers copied a common original. The most cursory
perusal will show this to be the case. It was not alone by happy chance
that when Russell had said

  O Fruture viant / Fruter sawge byñ good /
        bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche;
  Appulle fruture / is good hoot / but þe cold ye not towche

    (l. 501-2)

Wynkyn de Worde delivered himself of

  “Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say be good; better is fruyter pouche;
  apple fruyters ben good good hote / and all colde fruters, touche
  not,”

altering _not’s_ place to save the rhyme; or that when Russell had said
of the Crane

  The Crane is a fowle / that strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e};
  þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e};
  of hyr{e} trompe in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye beware

Wynkyn de Worde directed his Carver thus: “A crane, reyse the wynges
fyrst, & beware of the trumpe in his brest.” Let any one compare the
second and third pages of Wynkyn de Worde’s text with lines 48-137 of
Russell, and he will make up his mind that the old printer was either
one of the most barefaced plagiarists that ever lived, or that the same
original was before him and Russell too. May Mr Davenport’s hayloft, or
some learned antiquarian, soon decide the alternative for us! The
question was too interesting a “Curiosity of Literature” not to be laid
before our Members, and therefore _The Boke of Keruynge_ was
reprinted--from the British Museum copy of the second edition of
1513--with added side-notes and stops, and the colophon as part of the
title.

Then came the necessary comparison of Russell’s Boke with the _Boke of
Curtasye_, edited by Mr Halliwell from the Sloane MS. 1986 for the Percy
Society. Contrasts had to be made with it, in parts, many times in a
page; the tract was out of print and probably in few Members’ hands; it
needed a few corrections[15], and was worthy of a thousand times wider
circulation than it had had; therefore a new edition from the MS. was
added to this volume. Relying on Members reading it for themselves,
I have not in the notes indicated all the points of coincidence and
difference between this Boke and Russell’s. It is of wider scope than
Russell’s, takes in the duties of outdoor officers and servants as well
as indoor, and maybe those of a larger household; it has also a _fyrst
Boke_ on general manners, and a _Second Book_ on what to learn at
school, how to behave at church, &c., but it does not go into the great
detail as to Meals and Dress which is the special value of Russell’s
Boke, nor is it associated with a writer who tells us something of
himself, or a noble who in all our English Middle Age has so bright a
name on which we can look back as “good Duke Humphrey.” This personality
adds an interest to work that anonymity and its writings of equal value
can never have; so that we may be well content to let the _Curtasye_ be
used in illustration of the _Nurture_. The MS. of the _Curtasye_ is
about 1460 A.D., Mr Bond says. I have dated it wrongly on the
half-title.

_The Booke of Demeanor_ was “such a little one” that I was tempted to
add it to mark the general introduction of handkerchiefs. Having printed
it, arose the question, ‘Where did it come from?’ No Weste’s _Schoole of
Vertue_ could I find in catalogues, or by inquiring of the Duke of
Devonshire, Mr W. C. Hazlitt, at the Bodleian, &c. Seager’s _Schoole of
Vertue_ was the only book that turned up, and this I accordingly
reprinted, as Weste’s Booke of Demeanor seemed to be little more than an
abstract of the first four Chapters of Seager cut down and rewritten. We
must remember that books of this kind, which we look on as sources of
amusement, as more or less of a joke, were taken seriously by the
people they were written for. That _The Schoole of Vertue_, for
instance--whether Seager’s or Weste’s--was used as a regular school-book
for boys, let Io. Brinsley witness. In his _Grammar Schoole_ of 1612,
pp. 17, 18, he enumerates the “Bookes to bee first learned of
children”:-- 1. their Abcie, and Primer. 2. The Psalms in metre,
‘because children wil learne that booke with most readinesse and delight
through the running of the metre, as it is found by experience. 3. Then
the Testament.’ 4. “If any require any other little booke meet to enter
children; _the Schoole of Vertue_ is one of the principall, and easiest
for the first enterers, being full of precepts of ciuilitie, and such as
children will soone learne and take a delight in, thorow the roundnesse
of the metre, as was sayde before of the singing Psalmes: And after it
_the Schoole of good manners_[16], called, _the new Schoole of Vertue_,
leading the childe as by the hand, in the way of all good manners.”

I make no apology for including reprints of these little-known books in
an Early English Text. _Qui s’excuse s’accuse_; and if these Tracts do
not justify to any reader their own appearance here, I believe the fault
is not theirs.

A poem on minding what you say, which Mr Aldis Wright has kindly sent
me, some Maxims on Behaviour, &c., which all end in _-ly_, and Roger
Ascham’s Advice to his brother-in-law on entering a nobleman’s service,
follow, and then the Poems which suggested the _Forewords_ on Education
in Early England, and have been partly noticed in them, p. i-iv. I have
only to say of the first, _The Babees Boke_, that I have not had time to
search for its Latin original, or other copies of the text. Its
specialty is its attributing so high birth to the Bele Babees whom it
addresses, and its appeal to Lady Facetia to help its writer. Of the
short alphabetic poems that follow,--_The A B C of Aristotle_,--copies
occur elsewhere; and that in the Harleian Manuscript 1304, which has a
different introduction, I hope to print in the companion volume to this,
already alluded to. _Vrbanitatis_, I was glad to find, because of the
mention of _the booke of urbanitie_ in Edward the Fourth’s Liber Niger
(p. ii. above), as we thus know what the Duke of Norfolk of “Flodden
Field” was taught in his youth as to his demeanings, how mannerly he
should eat and drink, and as to his communication and other forms of
court. He was not to spit or snite before his Lord the King, or wipe his
nose on the table-cloth. The next tracts, _The Lytylle Chyldrenes Lytil
Boke or Edyllys Be_[17] (a title made up from the text) and _The Young
Children’s Book_, are differing versions of one set of maxims, and are
printed opposite one another for contrast sake. _The Lytil Boke_ was
printed from a later text, and with an interlinear French version, by
Wynkyn de Worde in ‘_Here begynneth a lytell treatyse for to lerne
Englisshe and Frensshe_.’ This will be printed by Mr Wheatley in his
Collection of Early Treatises on Grammar for the Society, as the copy in
the Grenville Library in the Brit. Mus. is the only one known. Other
copies of this Lytil Boke are at Edinburgh, Cambridge, and Oxford. Of
two of these Mr David Laing and Mr Henry Bradshaw have kindly given me
collations, which are printed at the end of this Preface. Of the last
Poem, _Stans Puer ad Mensam_, attributed to Lydgate-- as nearly
everything in the first half of the 15th century was-- I have printed
two copies, with collations from a third, the Jesus (Cambridge) MS.
printed by Mr Halliwell in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, and
reprinted by Mr W. C. Hazlitt in his _Early Popular Poetry_, ii. 23-8.
Mr Hazlitt notices 3 other copies, in Harl. MS. 4011, fol. 1, &c.;
Lansdowne MS. 699; and Additional MS. 5467, which he collated for his
text. There must be plenty more about the country, as in Ashmole MS. 61,
fol. 16, back, in the Bodleian.[18] Of old printed editions Mr Hazlitt
notes one “from the press of Caxton, but the only copy known is
imperfect. It was printed two or three times by Wynkyn de Worde. Lowndes
mentions two, 1518, 4to, and 1524, 4to; and in the public library at
Cambridge there is said by Hartshorne (_Book Rarities_, 156) to be a
third without date. It is also appended to the various impressions of
the _Boke of Nurture_ by Hugh Rhodes.” This _Boke_ has been reprinted
for the Early English Text Society, and its _Stans Puer_ is Rhodes’s own
expansion of one of the shorter English versions of the original
Latin[19].

The woodcuts Messrs Virtue have allowed me to have copies of for a small
royalty, and they will help the reader to realize parts of the text
better than any verbal description. The cuts are not of course equal to
the beautiful early illuminations they are taken from, but they are near
enough for the present purpose. The dates of those from British Museum
MSS. are given on the authority of trustworthy officers of the
Manuscript Department. The dates of the non-Museum MSS. are copied from
Mr Wright’s text. The line of description under the cuts is also from Mr
Wright’s text, except in one instance where he had missed the fact of
the cut representing the Marriage Feast at Cana of Galilee, with its six
water-pots.

The MS. of Russell is on thick folio paper, is written in a close--and
seemingly unprofessional--hand, fond of making elaborate capitals to the
initials of its titles, and thus occasionally squeezing up into a corner
the chief word of the title, because the _T_ of _The_ preceding has
required so much room.[20] The MS. has been read through by a corrector
with a red pen, pencil, or brush, who has underlined all the important
words, touched up the capitals, and evidently believed in the text.
Perhaps the corrector, if not writer, was Russell himself. I hope it
was, for the old man must have enjoyed emphasizing his precepts with
those red scores; but then he would hardly have allowed a space to
remain blank in line 204, and have left his Panter-pupil in doubt as to
whether he should lay his “white payne” on the left or right of his
knives. Every butler, drill-serjeant, and vestment-cleric, must feel the
thing to be impossible. The corrector was not John Russell.

To all those gentlemen who have helped me in the explanations of words,
&c.,--Mr Gillett, Dr Günther, Mr Atkinson, Mr Skeat, Mr Cockayne,
Mr Gibbs, Mr Way, the Hon. G. P. Marsh--and to Mr E. Brock, the most
careful copier of the MS., my best thanks are due, and are hereby
tendered. Would that thanks of any of us now profiting by their labours
could reach the ears of that prince of Dictionary-makers, Cotgrave, of
Frater Galfridus, Palsgrave, Hexham, Philipps, and the rest of the
lexicographers who enable us to understand the records of the past!
Would too that an adequate expression of gratitude could reach the ears
of the lost Nicolas, and of Sir Frederic Madden, for their carefully
indexed Household Books,--to be contrasted with the unwieldy mass and
clueless mazes of the Antiquaries’ _Household Ordinances_, the two
volumes of the Roxburghe _Howard Household Books_, and Percy’s
_Northumberland Household Book[21]!_--They will be spared the pains of
the special place of torment reserved for editors who turn out their
books without glossary or index. May that be their sufficient reward!

  3, _St George’s Square_, N.W.

    16 _Dec._, 1866.


HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

Mr C. H. Pearson has referred me to a most curious treatise on the state
of Duke Humphrey’s body and health in 1404 (that is, 1424, says Hearne),
by Dr Gilbert Kymer, his physician, part of which (chapters 3 and 19,
with other pieces) was printed by Hearne in the appendix to his _Liber
Niger_, v. ii. p. 550 (_ed. alt._), from a MS. then in Sir Hans Sloane’s
Collection, and now _Sloane_ 4 in the British Museum. It begins at p.
127 or folio 63, and by way of giving the reader a notion of its
contents, I add here a copy of the first page of the MS.

  Incipit dietariu{m} de sanitatis custodia p{re}inclitissi{m}o
  p{r}incipi ac metuendissimo d{omi}no, d{omi}no humfrido, duci
  Gloucestrie, Alijsq{ue} p{re}claris titulis insignito,
  Sc{r}iptu{m} & co{m}pilatu{m}, p{er} ven{er}abile{m} doctore{m},
  Magistru{m} Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinar{um} p{ro}fessorem, arciu{m}
  ac ph{ilosoph}ie Mag{ist}r{u}m & in legib{us} bacallariu{m}
  p{re}libati p{r}incipis phisicu{m}, Cui{us} dietarij[A]
  c{ol}l{e}cc{i}o{n}em (?) dilucidancia & effectu{m} viginti sex
  existu{n}t capit{u}la, q{u}or{um} {con}seque{n}t{er} hic ordo
  ponit{ur} Rubricar{um}[B].

    [Textnotes:
    A: The letters are to me more like cł, or c{ol}l than anything
    else, but I am not sure what they are.  B: The MS. runs on
    without breaks.
      [Transcriber’s Note: Marker [A] is printed at the end of
      “dietarij”, but must be intended for the following word.]]

  Cap{itulu}m 1^m est ep{isto}la de laude sanitat{is}
    & vtilitate bone diete.
  Cap{itulu}m 2^m est de illis in quib{us} consistit dieta.
  Cap{itulu}m 3^m de toci{us} co[r]p{or}is & p{ar}ciu{m} disposi{ci}one.
  Cap{itulu}m 4^m est de Ayer{e} eligendo & corrigendo.
  Cap{itulu}m 5^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumenda.
  Cap{itulu}m 6^m de ordine sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}.
  Cap{itulu}m 7^m de temp{or}e sumendi cibu{m} & potu{m}.
  Cap{itulu}m 8^m de q{ua}ntitate cibi & potus sumendoru{m}.
  Cap{itulu}m 9^m de pane eligendo.
  Cap{itulu}m 10^m de gen{er}ib{us} potagior{um} sumendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 11^m de carnib{us} vtendis & vitandis.
  Cap{itulu}m 12^m de ouis sumendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 13^m de lacticinijs vtend{is}.
  Cap{itulu}m 14^m de piscib{us} vtendis & vitand{is}.
  Cap{itulu}m 15^m de fructib{us} sumendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 16^m de co{n}dime{n}t{is} & sp{eci}ebus vtendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 17^m de potu eligendo.
  Cap{itulu}m 18^m de regimi{n}e replec{i}o{n}is & inanic{i}onis.
  Cap{itulu}m 19^m de vsu coitus.
  Cap{itulu}m 20^m de excercic{io} & q{u}iete.
  Cap{itulu}m 21^m de sompni & vigilie regimi{n}e.
  Cap{itulu}m 22^m de vsu acc{ide}nciu{m} anime.
  Cap{itulu}m 23^m de bona {con}suetudi{n}e diete tenenda.
  Cap{itulu}m 24^m de medic{in}is vicissim vtendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 25^m de adu{er}sis nature infortunijs p{re}cauendis.
  Cap{itulu}m 26^m de deo semp{er} colendo vt sanitate{m} melius
    tueatur.

  [“Unpacked” text, omitting signs of abbreviations or ligatures:]

    Incipit dietarium de sanitatis custodia preinclitissimo principi
    ac metuendissimo domino, domino humfrido, duci Gloucestrie,
    Alijsque preclaris titulis insignito, Scriptum & compilatum, per
    venerabilem doctorem, Magistrum Gilbertum Kymer, Medicinarum
    professorem, arcium ac philosophie Magistrum & in legibus
    bacallarium prelibati principis phisicum, Cuius dietarij
    colleccionem (?) dilucidancia & effectum viginti sex existunt
    capitula, quorum consequenter hic ordo ponitur Rubricarum.

Sharon Turner (_Hist. of England_, v. 498, note 35) says euphemistically
of the part of this treatise printed by Hearne, that “it implies how
much the Duke had injured himself by the want of self-government. It
describes him in his 45th year, as having a rheumatic affection in his
chest, with a daily morning cough. It mentions that his nerves had
become debilitated by the vehemence of his laborious exercises, and from
an immoderate frequency of pleasurable indulgences. It advises him to
avoid north winds after a warm sun, sleep after dinner, exercise after
society, frequent bathings, strong wine, much fruit, the flesh of swine,
and the weakening gratification to which he was addicted. The last
(chapter), ‘De Deo semper colendo, ut sanitatem melius tueatur,’ is
worthy the recollection of us all.” It is too late to print the MS. in
the present volume, but in a future one it certainly ought to appear.

Of Duke Humphrey’s character and proceedings after the Pope’s bull had
declared his first marriage void, Sharon Turner further says:

“Gloucester had found the rich dowry of Jacqueline wrenched from his
grasp, and, from so much opposition, placed beyond his attaining, and he
had become satiated with her person. One of her attendants, Eleanor
Cobham, had affected his variable fancy; and tho’ her character had not
been spotless before, and she had surrendered her honour to his own
importunities, yet he suddenly married her, exciting again the wonder of
the world by his conduct, as in that proud day every nobleman felt that
he was acting incongruously with the blood he had sprung from. His first
wedlock was impolitic, and this unpopular; and both were hasty and
self-willed, and destructive of all reputation for that dignified
prudence, which his elevation to the regency of the most reflective and
enlightened nation in Europe demanded for its example and its welfare.
This injudicious conduct announced too much imperfection of intellect,
not to give every advantage to his political rival the bishop of
Winchester, his uncle, who was now struggling for the command of the
royal mind, and for the predominance in the English government. He and
the duke of Exeter were the illegitimate brothers of Henry the Fourth,
and had been first intrusted with the king’s education. The internal
state of the country, as to its religious feelings and interest,
contributed to increase the differences which now arose between the
prelate and his nephew, who is described by a contemporary as sullying
his cultivated understanding and good qualities, by an ungoverned and
diseasing love of unbecoming pleasures. It is strange, that in so old a
world of the same continuing system always repeating the same lesson,
any one should be ignorant that the dissolute vices are the destroyers
of personal health, comfort, character, and permanent influence.”[24]

After narrating Duke Humphrey’s death, Turner thus sums up his
character:--

“The duke of Gloucester, amid failings that have been before alluded to,
has acquired the pleasing epithet of The Good; and has been extolled for
his promotion of the learned or deserving clergy. Fond of literature,
and of literary conversation, he patronized men of talent and erudition.
One is called, in a public record, his poet and orator; and Lydgate
prefaces one of his voluminous works, with a panegyric upon him, written
during the king’s absence on his French coronation, which presents to us
the qualities for which, while he was living, the poet found him
remarkable, and thought fit to commend him.”

These verses are in the Royal MS. 18 D 4, in the British Museum, and are
here printed from the MS., not from Turner:--

    [Fol. 4.]
  Eek in this lond--I dar afferme a thyng--
  Ther is a prince Ful myhty of puyssau{n}ce,
  A kynges sone, vncle to the kynge
  Henry the sexte which is now i{n} frau{n}ce,
  And is lieftenant, & hath the gouernau{n}ce
  Off our breteyne; thoruh was discrecion
  He hath conserued in this regiou{n}

  Duryng his tyme off ful hih{e}[A] prudence
  Pes and quiete, and sustened riht{e}.[A]
  Ȝit natwithstandyng his noble prouyde{n}ce
  He is in deede prouyd a good knyht,
  Eied as argus with reson and forsiht;
  Off hih{e} lectrure I dar eek off hym telle,
  And treuli deeme that he doth{e} excelle

  In vndirstondyng all othir of his age,
  And hath gret Ioie with clerkis to co{m}mune;
  And no man is mor expert off language.
  Stable in studie alwei he doth contune,
  Settyng a side alle chau{n}ges[B] of fortune;
  And wher he loueth{e}, ȝiff I schal nat tarie,
  With{e}oute cause ful loth{e} he is to varie.

  Duc off Gloucestre men this prince calle;
  And natwithstandyng his staat & dignyte,
  His corage neuer doth appalle
  To studie in bookis off antiquite;
  Therin he hath{e} so gret felicite
  Vertuousli hym silff to ocupie,
  Off vicious slouth to haue the maistrie.[25]

  And with his prudence & wit his manheed
  Trouthe to susteyne he fauour set a side;
  And hooli chirche meyntenyng in dede,
  That in this land no lollard dar abide.
  As verrai support, vpholdere, & eek guyde,
  Spareth non, but maketh{e} hym silff strong
  To punysshe alle tho that do the chirch{e} wrong.

  Thus is he both manly & eek wise,
  Chose of god to be his owne knyht{e};
  And off o thynge he hath a synguler[C] price,
  That heretik dar non comen in his siht{e}.
  In cristes feith{e} he stant so hol vpriht,
  Off hooli chirche defence and [c]hampion
  To chastise alle that do therto treson.

  And to do plesance to oure lord ih{es}u
  He studieht[D] eu{er}e to haue intelligence.
  Reedinge off bookis bringth{e} in vertu,--
  Vices excludyng, slouthe & necligence,--
  Maketh{e} a prince to haue experience
  To know hym silff i{n} many sundry wise,
  Wher he trespaseth, his errour to chastise.

    [Text Notes:
    A: These _e_-s represent the strokes through the _h_-s.
    B: MS. thau{n}ges.
    C: The _l_ is rubbed.
    D: So in MS.]

After mentioning that the duke had considered the book of ‘Boccasio, on
the Fall of Princes,’ he adds, ‘and he gave me commandment, that I
should, after my conning, this book translate him to do plesance.’ MS.
18 D 4.--Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. vi. pp. 55--7.


P.S. When printing the 1513 edition of Wynkyn de Worde’s _Boke of
Keruynge_, I was not aware of the existence of a copy of the earlier
edition in the Cambridge University Library. Seeing this copy afterwards
named in Mr Hazlitt’s new catalogue, I asked a friend to compare the
present reprint with the first edition, and the result follows.


NOTE ON THE 1508 EDITION OF

_The Boke of Keruynge_,

By The Rev. Walter Skeat, M.A.

The title-page of the older edition, of 1508, merely contains the words,
“¶ Here begynneth the boke of Keruynge;” and beneath them is--as in the
second edition of 1513--a picture of two ladies and two gentlemen at
dinner, with an attendant bringing a dish, two servants at a side table,
and a jester. The colophon tells us that it was “Enprynted by wynkyn de
worde at London in Flete strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of
our lorde M.CCCCC.VIII;” beneath which is Wynkyn de Worde’s device, as
in the second edition.

The two editions resemble each other very closely, running page for page
throughout, and every folio in the one begins at the same place as in
the other. Thus the word “moche” is divided into mo-che in both
editions, the “-che” beginning Fol. A. ii. b. Neither is altogether
free from misprints, but these are not very numerous nor of much
importance. It may be observed that marks of contraction are hardly ever
used in the older edition, the word “y^e” being written “the” at length,
and instead of “hãged” we find “hanged.” On the whole, the first edition
would seem to be the more carefully printed, but the nature of the
variations between them will be best understood by an exact collation of
the first two folios (pp. 151-3 of the present edition), where the
readings of the first edition are denoted by the letter A. The only
variations are these:--

  P. 151.
    _lyft_ that swanne] _lyfte_ that swanne A (_a misprint_).
    _frusshe_ that chekyn] _fruche_ that chekyn A.
    thye all maner _of_ small byrdes] A _omits_ of.
    _fynne_ that cheuen] _fyne_ that cheuen A.
    _transsene_ that ele] _trassene_ that ele A.
    Here _hendeth_, &c.] Here _endeth_, &c. A.
    _Butler_] Butteler A.

  P. 152,
    l. 5. _tre{n}choures_] trenchours A.
    l. 12. _ha{n}ged_] hanged A.
    l. 15. _cannelles_] canelles A.
    l. 18, 19. _y^e_] the (_in both places_) A.
    l. 20. _seasous_] seasons A.
    l. 23. _after_] After A.
    l. 27. _good_] goot A.
    l. 30. _y^e_] the A.
    l. 34. _modo{n}_] modon A.
    l. 36. _sourayne_] souerayne A.

  P. 153. _ye_] the A (_several times_).
    l. 5. _wyll_] wyl A.
    l. 9. _rede_] reed A. _reboyle_] reboyle not A.
    l. 12. _the_ reboyle] _they_ reboyle A.
    l. 17. _lessynge_] lesynge A.
    l. 20. _ca{m}polet_] campolet A.
    l. 21. _tyer_] tyerre A.
    l. 22. _ypocras_] Ipocras A (_and in the next line, and l. 26_).
    l. 24. _gy{n}ger_] gynger A.
    l. 27. _ren_] hange A.
    l. 29. _your_] youre A.
  _In l._ 33, A _has_ paradico, _as in the second edition._

It will be readily seen that these variations are chiefly in the
spelling, and of a trivial character. The only ones of any importance
are, on p. 151, _lyste_ (which is a misprint) for _lyft_, and _trassene_
for _transsene_ (cp. Fr. _transon_, a truncheon, peece of, Cot.); on p.
152, _goot_ for _good_ is well worth notice (if any meaning can be
assigned to _goot_), as the direction to beware of _good_ strawberries
is not obvious; on p. 153, we should note _lesynge_ for _lessynge_, and
_hange_ for _ren_, the latter being an improvement, though _ren_ makes
sense, as basins hung by cords on a perch may, like curtains hung on a
rod, be said to _run_ on it. The word _ren_ was probably caught up from
the line above it in reprinting.

The following corrections are also worth making, and are made on the
authority of the first edition:--

  P. 155,
    l. 10, _For_ treachour _read_ trenchour.
    l. 23. _For_ so _read_ se.
    l. 24. _For_ se’ _read_ se.
  P. 156,
    l. 1. _ony_] on A.
    l. 7. _For_ it _read_ is.
    l. 15. _y^e so_] and soo A.
      (_No doubt owing to confusion between & and_ y^e.)
    l. 16. _your_] you A.
    l. 29. _For_ bo _read_ be.
  P. 157,
    l. 20. _For_ wich _read_ with.
  P. 158,
    l. 3. _For_ fumosytces _read_ fumosytees.
    l. 7. _For_ pygous _read_ pynyons (whence it appears that
      the _pinion_-bones, not _pigeon’s_-bones, are meant).
    l. 25. The word “reyfe” is quite plain.

P. 160, ll. 18, &c. There is some variation here; the first edition
has, after the word _souerayne_, the following:--“laye trenchours before
hym / yf he be a grete estate, lay fyue trenchours / & he be of a lower
degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours,” &c.
This is better; the second edition is clearly wrong about _five_
trenchers. This seems another error made in reprinting, the words
_lower degre_ being wrongly repeated.

  P. 161,
    l. 6. It may be proper to note the first edition also has _broche_.
  P. 165,
    l. 8. _For_ for y^e _read_ for they.
  P. 165,
    l. 27. _the[y]_; _in_ A they _is printed in full._
  P. 166,
    l. 18. _For_ raysyus _read_ raysyns.
  P. 167,
    l. 21. _For_ slytee _read_ slytte.
  P. 169,
   ll. 10, 18. _carpentes_] carpettes A.
    l. 14. _shall_] shake A.
    l. 23. _blanked_] blanket A.

Nearly all the above corrections have already been made in the
side-notes. Only two of them are of any importance, viz. the
substitution of _pynyons_ on p. 158, and the variation of reading on
p. 160; in the latter case perhaps neither edition seems quite right,
though the first edition is quite intelligible.

In our Cambridge edition (see p. 170, l. 5) this line about the pope is
carefully struck out, and the grim side-note put “_lower down_”, with
tags to show to what estate he and the cardinal and bishops ought to be
degraded!


  NOTE TO p. xxiv. l. 10, “OUR WOMEN,”
  AND THEIR KNOWLEDGE OF LANGUAGES, p. xxv-vi.

    [These pages can be found under the headnote
    “NEGLECT OF EDUCATION BY MOTHERS”.]

The Ladies & Men of Queen Elizabeth’s Court.

    “I might here (if I would, or had sufficient disposition of matter
    conceiued of the same) make a large discourse of such honorable
    ports, of such graue councellors, and noble personages, as giue
    their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie there. I could
    in like sort set foorth a singular commendation of the vertuous
    beautie, or beautifull vertues of such ladies and gentlewomen as
    wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable countenances and
    costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a dailie conflict
    and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me to gesse,
    whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence. This
    further is not to be omitted, to the singular commendation of both
    sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, [a] that there
    are verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie
    speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not
    regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations
    were correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers
    (for the most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent
    gifts, so are manie of them the worst men when they come abroad,
    that anie man shall either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare
    thing with vs now, to heare of a courtier which hath but his owne
    language. [b] And to saie how many gentlewomen and ladies there
    are, that beside sound knowledge of the Gréeke and Latine toongs,
    are thereto no lesse skilfull in the Spanish, Italian, and French,
    or in some one of them, it resteth not in me: sith I am persuaded,
    that as the noble men and gentlemen doo surmount in this behalfe,
    so these come verie little or nothing at all behind them for their
    parts; which industrie God continue, and accomplish that which
    otherwise is wanting!

    [Sidenotes ([b] bracketed in original):
    [a] English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers.
    [[b] Ladies learned in languages.]]

    “[a] Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies
    and meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and
    auoid idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the
    needle, other in caul-worke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in
    continuall reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of
    our owne or forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing
    volumes of their owne, or translating of other mens into our
    English and Latine toong, [b] whilest the yoongest sort in the
    meane time applie their lutes, citharnes, prickesong, and all kind
    of musike, which they vse onelie for recreation sake, when they
    haue leisure, and are frée from attendance vpon the quéenes
    maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. [c] How manie of the eldest
    sort also are skilfull in surgerie and distillation of waters,
    beside sundrie other artificiall practises perteining to the
    ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might (if I listed
    to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I passe
    ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and
    currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will
    generallie saie of them all, that as [d] ech of them are cuning in
    somthing wherby they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so
    there is in maner none of them, but when they be at home, can
    helpe to supplie the ordinarie want of the kitchen with a number
    of delicat dishes of their owne deuising, [e] wherein the
    Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some of them are most
    commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth (by a tricke
    taken vp of late) [f] to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such and
    so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the
    whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo
    call a [g] memoriall, other a billet, but some a fillet, bicause
    such are commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or
    gentlewoman vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?”
    --1577, W. HARRISON, in _Holinshed’s Chronicles_, vol. I. p. 196,
    ed. 1586.

    [Sidenotes (all bracketed in original):
    [[a] Ancient ladies’ employments.]
    [[b] Young ladies’ recreations.]
    [[c] Old ladies’ skill in surgery, &c.]
    [[d] All are cunning [e] in cookery, helped by the Portuguese.]
    [[f] Introduction of the _Carte_, [g] Memorial, Billet or Fillet.]]


    [Footnote 1: This MS. contains a copy of “The Rewle of the Moone,”
    fol. 49-67, which I hope to edit for the Society.]

    [Footnote 2: The next treatise to Russell in this MS. is “The
    booke off the gou{er}naunce off Kyngis and Pryncis,” or _Liber
    Aristotiles ad Alexandrum Magnum_, a book of Lydgate’s that we
    ought to print from the best MS. of it. At fol. 74 b. is a
    heading,--

    Here dyed this translatour and noble poette Lidgate and the yong
    follower gan his prolog on this wys.]

    [Footnote 3: One can fancy that a cook like Wolsey’s (described by
    Cavendish, vol. i. p. 34), “a Master Cook who went daily in damask
    satin, or velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck” (a mark of
    nobility in earlier days), would be not _leef_ but _loth_ to obey
    an usher and marshal.]

    [Footnote 4: Warton, ii. 264-8, ed. 1840. For further details
    about the Duke see the Appendix to this Preface.]

    [Footnote 5: See one MS., “How to serve a Lord,” ab. 1500 A.D.,
    quoted in the notes to the Camden Society’s Italian Relation of
    England, p. 97.]

    [Footnote 6: For the Early English Text Society.]

    [Footnote 7: I have put figures before the motions in the dress
    and undress drills, for they reminded me so of “Manual and
    Platoon: by numbers.”]

    [Footnote 8: Mr Way says that the _planere_, l. 58, is an article
    new to antiquarians.]

    [Footnote 9: Randle Holme’s tortoise and snails, in No. 12 of his
    Second Course, Bk. III., p. 60, col. 1, are stranger still.
    “Tortoise need not seem strange to an alderman who eats turtle,
    nor to a West Indian who eats terrapin. Nor should snails, at
    least to the city of Paris, which devours myriads, nor of Ulm,
    which breeds millions for the table. Tortoises are good; snails
    excellent.” Henry H. Gibbs.]

    [Footnote 10: “It is nought all good to the goost that the gut
    asketh” we may well say with William who wrote _Piers Ploughmon_,
    v. 1, p. 17, l. 533-4, after reading the lists of things eatable,
    and dishes, in Russell’s pages. The later feeds that Phylotheus
    Physiologus exclaims against[*] are nothing to them: “What an
    _Hodg-potch_ do most that have Abilities make in their Stomachs,
    which must wonderfully oppress and distract Nature: For if you
    should take _Flesh_ of various sorts, _Fish_ of as many,
    _Cabbages_, _Parsnops_, _Potatoes_, _Mustard_, _Butter_, _Cheese_,
    a _Pudden_ that contains more then ten several Ingredents,
    _Tarts_, _Sweet-meats_, _Custards_, and add to these _Churries_,
    _Plums_, _Currans_, _Apples_, _Capers_, _Olives_, _Anchovies_,
    _Mangoes_, _Caveare_, _&c._, and jumble them altogether into one
    _Mass_, what Eye would not loath, what Stomach not abhor such a
    _Gallemaufrey?_ yet this is done every Day, and counted _Gallent
    Entertainment_.”]

      [Footnote 10*: Monthly Observations for the preserving of
      Health, 1686, p. 20-1.]

    [Footnote 11: See descriptions of a dinner in Parker’s Domestic
    Architecture of the Middle Ages, iii. 74-87 (with a good cut of
    the Cupboard, Dais, &c.), and in Wright’s _Domestic Manners and
    Customs_. Russell’s description of the Franklin’s dinner, l.
    795-818, should be noted for the sake of Chaucer’s Franklin, and
    we may also notice that Russell orders butter and fruits to be
    served on an empty stomach before dinner, l. 77, as a whet to the
    appetite. _Modus Cenandi_ serves potage first, and keeps the
    fruits, with the spices and biscuits, for dessert.]

    [Footnote 12: The extracts from Bulleyn, Borde, Vaughan, and
    Harington are in the nature of notes, but their length gave one
    the excuse of printing them in bigger type as parts of a Text. In
    the same way I should have treated the many extracts from Laurens
    Andrewe, had I not wanted them intermixed with the other notes,
    and been also afraid of swelling this book to an unwieldy size.]

    [Footnote 13: The Termes of a Kerver so common in MSS. are added,
    p. 151, and the subsequent arrangement of the modes of carving the
    birds under these Termes, p. 161-3. The Easter-Day feast (p. 162)
    is also new, the bit why the heads of pheasants, partridges, &c.,
    are unwholesome--’for they ete in theyr degrees foule thynges, as
    wormes, todes, and other suche,’ p. 165-6--and several other
    pieces.]

    [Footnote 14: _do the_, l. 115, is _clothe_ in the MS.; _grayne_,
    l. 576 (see too ll. 589, 597,) is _grayue_, Scotch _greive_, A.S.
    _gerefa_, a kind of bailiff; _resceyne_, ll. 547, 575, is
    _resceyue_, receive; &c.]

    [Footnote 15: This is doubtless a different book from Hugh
    Rhodes’s _Booke of Nurture & Schoole of Good Manners_, p. 71,
    below.]

    [Footnote 16: What this _Edyllys Be_ means, I have no idea, and
    five or six other men I have asked are in the same condition. A.S.
    _æþel_ is noble, _æþeling_, a prince, a noble; that may do for
    _edyllys_. _Be_ may be for A B C, alphabet, elementary grammar of
    behaviour.]

    [Footnote 17: P.S. Mr Hazlitt, iv. 366, notices two others in MS.
    Ashmole 59, art. 57, and in Cotton MS. Calig. A II. fol. 13, the
    latter of which and Ashmole 61, are, he says, of a different
    translation.]

    [Footnote 18: See Hazlitt, iv. 366.]

    [Footnote 19: The MS. has no title. The one printed I have made up
    from bits of the text.]

    [Footnote 20: Still one is truly thankful for the material in
    these unindexed books.]

    [Footnote 21: Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. v. pp.
    496-8.]

    [Footnote 22: This is the stanza quoted by Dr Reinhold Pauli in
    his _Bilder aus Alt-England_, c. xi. p. 349:

      “Herzog von Glocester nennen sie den Fürsten,
      Der trotz des hohen Rangs und hoher Ehren
      Im Herzen nährt ein dauerndes Gelüsten
      Nach Allem, was die alten Bücher lehren;
      So glücklich gross ist hierin sein Begehren,
      Dass tugendsam er seine Zeit verbringt
      Und trunkne Trägheit männiglich bezwingt.”

    The reader should by all means consult this chapter, which is
    headed “Herzog Humfrid von Glocester. Bruchstück eines
    Fürstenlebens im fünfzehnten Jahrhunderte” (Humphrey Duke of
    Gloucester. Sketch of the life of a prince in the fifteenth
    century). There is an excellent English translation of this book,
    published by Macmillan, and entitled “Pictures of Old England.”
    --W. W. Skeat.]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


COLLATIONS.


  These are given as a warning to other editors either to collate in
  foot-notes or not at all. The present plan takes up as much room
  as printing a fresh text would, and gives needless trouble to
  every one concerned.

[Transcriber’s Note:

Each of these Collations will be repeated in or after the appropriate
selection.]


p. 260. _The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated
by Mr Brock, omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here
be-gynneth{e} Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.”

  A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the
  B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode
  D,   „    „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat
  E,   „    „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons
  F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e}
  G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never
  H, _for_ in þine _read_ off
  I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde;
     _for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat
  K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves
  L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng;
     _for_ goodis _read_ woordys
  M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous;
     _for_ but as mesure wole it meeue
            _read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e}
  N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle
  O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e};
     _for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte
  Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous;
     _for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte
  R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte
  S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte
  T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e}
  V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche
  W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the

  ¶  _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs

  _Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se.
        Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen.


p. 265, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_, with part of the Advocates
Library MS., fol. 84, back (collated by Mr David Laing).

    l. 1, _for_ children̅ _read_ childur
    l. 2, _dele_ þat
    l. 3 _dele_ For
    l. 6, _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady
    l. 7, _for_ arn̅ _read_ byn
    l. 9, _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke
          and _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd
    l. 12, _for_ tylle _read_ to
    l. 13, _prefix_ And _to_ Loke
    l. 14, _is_, To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt
    l. 16, _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on
    l. 17, _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle
    l. 18, _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle
    l. 20, _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely
  p. 267,
    l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle
    l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of
    l. 30, _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the
           _for_ thy salte _read_ hit
    l. 31, _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a
    l. 32, _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the
           _and dele_ þyne
   ll. 33-4, _are_ Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe
                   Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe

The poem in the Advocates’ MS. has 108 lines, and fills 5 pages of the
MS. (Wynkyn de Worde’s version ends with this, after l. 105, ‘And in
his laste ende wyth the swete Ihesus. Amen. Here endeth the boke of
curtesye.’)


p. 265. _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ collated with the Cambridge
University MS., by Mr Henry Bradshaw. _Hem_ is always written for _him_
in this MS., and so with other words.

    l. 2, _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd
    l. 6, _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey
    l. 7, _for_ closide _read_ clodyd
    l. 10, _for_ on _read_ yn
    l. 11, 12, _for_ þou _read_ ye
    l. 14, _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt
    l. 15, _for_ þe _read_ they
    l. 16, _for_ on _read_ no
    l. 17, _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle
    l. 18, _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt
    l. 19, _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey
    l. 20, _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde
           _for_ esely _read_ all yesley
  p. 267,
    l. 23, _for_ Kerue not thy brede _read_ Kot they bred not
    l. 24, _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn
    l. 25, _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels;
           _for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost
    l. 26, _for_ in _read_ owt of
    l. 27, _for_ on _read_ yn
   ll. 28-30, _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys.
                    Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr
    l. 32, _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep
    l. 33, _for_ ne _read_ nother
    l. 34, _for_ If _read_ And
           _for_ come _read_ comest
    l. 35, _for_ And _read_ Seche
           _put the_ is _before_ yn
    l. 37, _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn
    l. 38, _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle; _omit_ done
    l. 40, _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe
    l. 42, _for_ þow put _read_ take owt
    l. 43, _for_ Ne _read_ Nether
    l. 44, _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell
    l. 45, _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys
    l. 46, _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle
    l. 47, _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte
    l. 48, _for_ karle þat _read_ charle
           _for_ cote _read_ cotte
    l. 50, _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be
    l. 51, _for_ sterke _read_ lowde
  p. 269,
    l. 52, _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe
    l. 53, _for_ at _read_ all
           _omit_ loke þou
    l. 54, _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye
    l. 55, _omit_ thy
           _for_ and _read_ ne
    l. 56, _for_ doo _read_ make
    l. 57, _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe
    l. 58, _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke
           _for_ mayst _read_ may
    l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner
           and _for the second_ ne _read_ not
    l. 60, _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not
    l. 61, _for_ thy _read_ the
    l. 66, _omit_ a
    l. 67, _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of
    l. 68, _for_ neþer _read_ neuer
           _omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk
    l. 69, _for_ þat _read_ they
    l. 73, _for_ þou see _read_ be saye
    l. 76, _for_ þou _read_ yow
           _for_ thow art _read_ yow ar
    l. 77, _for_ forthe _read_ before yow
    l. 78, _omit_ þow not
    l. 79, _for_ ynto _read_ yn
  p. 271,
    l. 83, _for_ ende _read_ hendyng
    l. 84, _for_ wasshen _read_ was
    l. 85, _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor
    l. 86, _for_ to- _read_ be-
           _omit_ &
           _for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey
   ll. 87, 88, 89, are omitted.
    l. 90, _for_ nether _read_ not
           _for_ ne _read_ ne with
    l. 91, _omit_ þi
           _for_ the hede _read_ they lorde
    l. 92, _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley
    l. 93, _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere
  p. 271,
    l. 94, _for_ no blame _read_ the same
    l. 95, _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter
    l. 96, _after_ that _add_ he ys
           _for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr
    l. 97, _omit_ And
           _for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise
    l. 99, _for_ Nether _read_ neuer
    l. 100, _for_ Ner _read_ ne
    l. 101, _after_ for _add_ sent
    l. 102, _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen
    l. 103, _omit_ and
            _for_ made _read_ wret
    l. 106, is omitted.

  p. 273,
    l. 107, _before_ vs _put_ hem and
    l. 108, _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all
            _for the_ Explicit &c. _read_
               Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey.



CORRIGENDA, ADDITIONAL NOTES, &c.


[Transcriber’s Note:

Where appropriate, changes listed have been incorporated into the
e-text; they are marked here in double brackets as [[corrected]].
Conversely, notes and larger corrections have been added to the main
text in [[double brackets]], with added footnotes shown as [[6a]],
[[10a]]... The bracketed paragraph, following, is from the original
text.]


[A few corrections of letters and figures have been made in this
Reprint.]

p. iv. l. 6. ‘Your Bele Babees are very like the _Meninos_ of the Court
of Spain, & _Menins_ of that of France, young nobles brought up with the
young Princes.’ H. Reeve. [[6a]]

p. v. last line. This is not intended to confine the definition of Music
as taught at Oxford to its one division of _Harmonica_, to the exclusion
of the others, _Rythmica, Metrica_, &c. The Arithmetic _said_ to have
been studied there in the time of Edmund the Confessor is defined in his
Life (MS. about 1310 A.D.) in my _E. E. Poems & Lives of Saints_, 1862,
thus,

  Arsmetrike is a lore: þat of figours al is
  & of drauȝtes as me draweþ in poudre: & in numbre iwis. [[10a]]

p. xviii. l. 16. The regular Cathedral school would have existed at
St David’s. [[24a]]

p. xix., note 4. “There are no French universities, though we find
every now and then some humbug advertising himself in the _Times_ as
possessing a degree of the Paris University. The old Universities belong
to the time before the Deluge--that means before the Revolution of 1789.
The University of France is the organized whole of the higher and middle
institutions of learning, in so far as they are directed by the State,
not the clergy. It is an institution more governmental, according to the
genius of the country, than our London University, to which, however,
its organization bears some resemblance. To speak of it in one breath
with Oxford or Aberdeen is to commit the ... error of confounding two
things, or placing them on the same line, because they have the same
name.” --E. Oswald, in _The English Leader_, Aug. 10, 1867. [[30a]]

p. xxiv. l. 9, _for_ 1574 _read_ 1577. [[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. xxv. l. 17, related apparently. “The first William de Valence married
Joan de Monchensi, sister-in-law to one Dionysia, and aunt to another.”
_The Chronicle_, Sept. 21, 1867. [[35a]]

p. xxvi. One of the inquiries ordered by the Articles issued by
Archbishop Cranmer, in A.D. 1548, is, “Whether Parsons, Vicars, Clerks,
and other beneficed men, having yearly to dispend an hundred pound, do
not find, competently, one scholar in the University of Cambridge or
Oxford, or some grammar school; and for as many hundred pounds as every
of them may dispend, so many scholars likewise to be found [supported]
by them; and what be their names that they so find.” Toulmin Smith, _The
Parish_, p. 95. Compare also in Church-Wardens Accompts of St
Margaret’s, Westminster (ed. Jn. Nichols, p. 41).

  1631.
  Item, to Richard Busby, a king’s scholler of Westminster, towards
  enabling him to proceed master of arts at Oxon, by consent of the
  vestrie    £6. 13. 4.

  1628.
  Item, to Richard Busby, by consent of the vestry, towards enabling
  him to proceed bachelor of arts    £5. 0. 0.

Nichols, p. 38. See too p. 37. [[38a]]

p. xxvii., last line. Roger Bacon died, perhaps, 11 June, 1292, or in
1294. _Book of Dates._ [[41a]]

p. xxvii., _dele_ note 3 [[41]]. ‘The truth is that, in his account of
Oxford and its early days, Mr Hallam quotes John of Salisbury, not as
asserting that Vacarius taught there, but as making “no mention of
Oxford at all”; while he gives for the statement about the law school no
authority whatever beyond his general reference throughout to Anthony
Wood. But the fact is as historical as a fact can well be, and the
authority for it is a passage in one of the best of the contemporary
authors, Gervaise of Canterbury. “Tunc leges et causidici in Angliam
primo vocati sunt,” he says in his account of Theobald in the Acts of
the Archbishops, “quorum primus era{t} magister Vacarius. Hic in
Oxonefordiâ legem docuit.”’ E. A. F.

p. xxxiii. note [[45]], l. 1, _for_ St Paul’s _read_ St Anthony’s
[[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. xxxiv., _for_ sister _read_ brother [[Corrected in reprint. The word
“brother” appears twice on this page: “brother of Anne Bulleyn” and
“Jane Seymour’s brother”.]]

p. xlv. l. 2, _for_ poor _read_ independent. ‘Fitz-Stephen says on the
parents of St Thomas, “Neque fœnerantibus neque officiose negotiantibus,
sed de redditibus suis honorifice viventibus.”’ E. A. F. [[Corrected;
Footnote 63a]]

p. liii. Thetford. See also p. xli.  [[Author’s intention unclear. List
on page liii shows Thetford grammar school, founded 1328. Page xli text
has “between 1091 and 1119 ... schools at Thetford”.]]

p. lxxix. last line. A Postscript of nine fresh pieces has been since
added, on and after p. 349, with ‘The Boris hede furst’ at p. 264*.
[[Section rewritten for reprint.]]


p. 6, l. 77, _for the note on_ plommys, damsons, _see_ p. 91, _note on
l. 177_. [[Note corrected from “177” to “77” in reprint; note
moved in e-text.]]

p. 7, l. 2 of notes, _for_ Houeshold _read_ Household [[Corrected in
reprint.]]

p. 27, l. 418, Areyse. Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough, but
he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II. p. 346
(E. E. T. Soc. 1866). [[Added to footnote 80.]]

p. 35, note 3 (to l. 521), _for_ end of this volume _read_ p. 145
[[Corrected in reprint.]]

p. 36, l. 536. _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for
vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason.
Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they make a
blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_, and that they
cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67.
[[127a]]

p. 58, l. 851; p. 168, l. 13, 14. Green sauce. There is a herb of an
acid taste, the common name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a
dozen miles from Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851,
vol. iii. p. 474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white
wine, is made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for
Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with Vineger or
Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke. Otherwise with
Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with Vineger. In Winter, the
same sawces are made with many spices, and little quantity of Garlicke,
and of the best Wine, and with a little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.”
_Reg. San. Salerni_, p. 67-8. [[Added to note 237.]]

p. 62, l. 909, ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and _‘his cloak
or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe, p. 65, l. 964. [[242a]]

p. 66, l. 969. Dogs. The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have been
may be judged of by the following payments in the Church-Wardens’
Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in _Nichols_, p. 34-5.

  1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs    0.  9.  8.
  1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing
         14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion       1.  9.  8.
  1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of
         24 dozen of dogs                                 1.  8.

See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._ i.
155. [[250a]]

p. 67, last line of note, _for_ Hoss _read_ Hog’s [[Corrected in
reprint]]

p. 71, side-note 12, _for_ King’s _read_ chief [[Corrected in reprint]]

p. 84, note to l. 51. Chipping or paring bread. “_Non comedas crustam,
colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to
beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or
melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And
therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature,
cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the
pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment
then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr.
_chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave. [[Added to note.]]

p. 85, note to l. 98, _Trencher_, should be to l. 52. [[Note corrected
to “52” in reprint; note moved in e-text.]]

p. 91, last note, on l. 177, should be on l. 77. [[See above under
“p. 6”.]]

p. 92, l. 6, _goddes good_. This, and _barme_, and _bargood_
(= beer-good) are only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so
called ‘because it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the
following extract, sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate
Assembly of Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.:

  “The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t
  alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this
  Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne
  ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good,
  w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for
  brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e valewe
  only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned, bicause it
  cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons of this Cite,
  callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their singler lucre &
  avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money for their seid
  goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it never so litle and
  insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore, an halfpeny or a
  peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e seid Goddis good
  at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde & laudable custome of
  alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite, to grete hurte &
  slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is ordeyned & provided,
  That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite shall from this time foorth
  take of eny p{er}son for lyvering, gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d
  goddis good, in money nor other rewarde, above y^e valewe of a
  ferthyng. He shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, warne,
  ne restregne y^e s^d goddis good to eny p{er}sone y^t will
  honestly & lefully aske it, & paye therefore y^e valewe of a
  ferthyng, &c.” [[Added as second footnote to note on l. 178.]]


p. 161, l. 4. Flawnes. ‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die . panis j’
(allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._ ed. Hale,
1865.  [[Added to editor’s Note on this word.]]

p. 296, col. 1, Clof. Can it be “cloth”? [[Added to Index. The entry is
in col. 2, not col. 1; the word occurs on p. 192.]]

p. 181, l. 144, Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The
Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it.
Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say
because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers; but as
probably from a superstitious custom of writing the alphabet in the form
of a cross, by way of charm. This was even solemnly practised by the
bishop in the consecration of a church. See Picart’s Religious
Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_.  [[8a.]]

p. 185, l. 267, _for_ be, falle, _read_ be-falle (it befalls, becomes)
[[Corrected]]

p. 189, l. 393, side-note, _Hall,_ should be _Hall._ Fires in Hall
lasted to _Cena Domini_, the Thursday before Easter: see l. 398.
Squires’ allowances of lights ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights,
or _candle_ of l. 839, would be only part of the allowances. The rest
would continue all the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous.
Book_. Dr Rock says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer
to the change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:--
“In die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is called
in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the manner in every
place of worship at this day _to do the fire out of the hall;_ and the
black winter brands, and all thing that is foul with smoke shall be done
away, and there the fire was, shall be gaily arrayed with fair flowers,
and strewed with green rushes all about, showing a great ensample to all
Christian people, like as they make clean their houses to the sight of
the people, in the same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away
the foul brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast
out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith and
charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord God at the
Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v. iii. pt. 2,
p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more fit for the
purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of deciduous trees.
I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet follow the custom, and
keep the grate filled with flowers and foliage till late in the autumn.”
--D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the
_Liber Festivalis_--“First if a man asked why Sherethursday is called
so, ye may say that in Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our
Lord’s Supper Day; for that day he supped with his disciples openly....
It is also in English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the
people would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll
their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock, _ib._,
p. 235.  [[Corrected; 15a. The Sidenote belongs to the Latin line
between 394, 395.]]

p. 192, l. 462-4, _cut out_ . _after_ hete; _put_ ; _after_ sett, _and_
, _after_ let; l. 468-9, _for_ sett, In syce, _read_ sett In syce;
l. 470, ? some omission after this line.  [[Corrected; 28a.]]

p. 200, l. 677, side-note, steel spoon _is more likely_ spoon handle
[[Corrected]]

p. 215, l. 14. _The _T_ of _T the_ is used as a paragraph mark in
the MS._

p. 274, l. 143-4, ? sense, reading corrupt.  [[Corrected; 63a.]]

p. 275, Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ the _Carmen
Juvenile_ of Sulpitius.  [[Corrected; 63b.]]


p. 312, col. 2, Holyn. Bosworth gives A.S. _holen_, a rush; Wright’s
Vocab., _holin_, Fr. _hous_; and that Cotgrave glosses ‘The Hollie,
Holme, or Huluer tree.’ _Ancren Riwle_, 418 note *, and _Rel. Ant._, ii.
280, have it too. See Stratmann’s Dict.

p. 317, col. 2, _The extract for_ Lopster _should have been under_
creuis _or_ crao.

p. 318, col. 1, Lorely may be _lorel-ly_, like a lorel, a loose,
worthless fellow, a rascal.

p. 339, col. 1, Syles _is_ strains. SILE, _v._, to strain, to purify
milk through a straining dish; Su.-Got. _sila_, colare.--SILE, s.,
a fine sieve or milk strainer; Su.-Got. _sil_, colum. Brockett. See
quotations in Halliwell’s Gloss., and Stratmann, who gives Swed. _sîla_,
colare.

On the general subject of diet in olden time consult “Regimen Sanitatis
Salernitanum, with an Introduction by Sir Alex. Croke, Oxford, 1830.”
H. B. Wheatley. On manners, consult _Liber Metricus Faceti Morosi_.
J. E. Hodgkin.


-> Ten fresh pieces relating more or less to the subjects of this volume
having come under my notice since the Index was printed and the volume
supposed to be finished, I have taken the opportunity of the delay in
its issue--caused by want of funds--to add nine of the new pieces as a
Postscript, and the tenth at p. 264*. An 11th piece, _Caxton’s Book of
Curtesye_, in three versions, too important to be poked into a
postscript, will form No. 3 of the Early English Text Society’s Extra
Series, the first Text for 1868.


POSTSCRIPT, 1894.

[18 Oct. 1894. Much has been done for the history of Education since I
put the foregoing notes together: see Arthur Leach’s articles in the
_Contemp. Review_, Sept. 1892, Nov. 1894; _Fortnightly Review_, Nov.
1892; _Westminster Gazette_, 26 July, 1894; and _National Observer_,
Sept. 1, 1894. Also Herbert Quick’s books, J. Bass Mullinger’s, Maria
Hackett’s (1814, 1816, &c.), and Foster Watson’s forthcoming _Writers on
Education in England_, 1500--1660.[1] See too Foss’s _Lives of the
Judges_; Jn. Smith’s _Lives of the Berkeleys_; the _Life of William of
Wykeham_; Lupton’s _Life of Colet_; articles in Thomassin’s
_Ecclesiastica Disciplina, Vetus et Nova_; Dr. P. Alford’s _Abbots of
Tavistock_, p. 119-120; R. N. Worth’s Calendar of the _Tavistock Parish
Records_ (1588-9), p. 37, 39, &c.; _Dugdale_, i. 82, ii. 142, iii. 10,
iv. 404-5; Leland, _Collectanea_, vol. i, pt. 2, p. 302; Ellis, _Orig.
Let._, 3rd Series, i. 333, ii. 243; Marston’s _Scourge of Villanie_
(1599), Works, ed. 1856, iii. 306; Cavendish’s _Life of Wolsey_,
Kelmscott Press, 1893, p. 24; John of Salisbury, Epist. XIX, ed. Giles;
_Churchwardens’ Accounts_, Somerset Record Soc. (1890), p. xix;
_Glastonbury Abbey Accounts_, p. 249; _Engl. Hist. Rev._, Jan. 1891, p.
24; _Songs & Carols_, Warton Club, 1855, p. 10; Dr. Woodford’s Report on
National Education in Scotland, 1868; _Macmillan’s Mag._, July 1870
(Scotch at Oxford); Essays on Grammar Schools, by members of the Free
Kirk in Scotland; Stevenson’s _Nottingham Boro’ Records_, iv. 272, 299,
302; Dr. Buelbring’s Introduction to Defoe’s _Compleat English
Gentleman_; Bradshaw on the _A B C_ as a School-book, Cambr. Antiq.
Soc., vol. iii.; &c., &c.

Much of my Forewords above, appeard in two numbers of the _Quarterly
Journal of Education_, no. 2, Aug. 1867, vol. i, p. 48-56, and no. 3,
Nov. 1867, p. 97-100.--F. J. F.]

The friend to whom this book was dedicated, C. H. Pearson, died, alas,
this year (1894) after his return from Melbourne, where he had organised
free education thro’ the whole State, and done much other good work.

    [Footnote 1: Department of Education, Washington, U.S.A.]


  Errata (noted by transcriber):

  Collations:
  _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke_ ... (Wynkyn de Worde ...)
    [_final parenthesis missing_]
    l. 59, _for_ first ne _read_ ner  [first]


  Corrigenda:
  p. 36, l. 536.  [l. 356]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


[Transcriber’s Note:

This second table of contents is as originally printed. Note that
Andrewe on Fish is a separate text, although listed in the Contents
as part of the linenotes to the Boke of Nurture.

To aid in text searching, the Headnotes from the Boke of Nurture are
interlaced with the table of contents. Each note will also appear in
the text at approximately its original location.

Large boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter.
Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the full
e-text.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

The

BOKE OF NURTURE

Folowyng Englondis gise

by me

JOHN RUSSELL,

  Sum Tyme Seruande With Duke Vmfrey Of Glowcetur,
  A Prynce Fulle Royalle, With Whom Vschere In
  Chambur Was Y, And Mershalle Also
  In Halle.


  _Edited from the Harleian MS. 4011 in the British Museum_

  by

  FREDERICK J. FURNIVALL,

  M.A., Trin. Hall. Camb.; Member of Council of the Philological
  and Early English Text Societies; Lover of Old Books.



  CONTENTS.
    [Line numbers added by transcriber]
                                                          Page    Line

  PROLOGUE                                                1          1
  INTRODUCTION. MEETING OF MASTER AND PUPIL               2-3       13
    [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.]

  THE PANTER OR BUTLER. HIS DUTIES                        3-9       41
    (And Herein of Broaching Wine, of Fruits and Cheese,
    and of the Care of Wines in Wood)
    [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.]
    [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.]
    [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.]
  NAMES OF SWEET WINES                                    9        117
  HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS                                     9-12     121
    [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.]
  THE BOTERY                                             12-13     177
    [Headnote: THE BOTERY.]
  HOW TO LAY THE TABLE-CLOTH, ETC.                       13-14     185
    [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.]
  HOW TO WRAP UP BREAD STATELY                           14-16     209
  HOW TO MAKE THE SURNAPE                                16-17     237
    [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.]
  HOW TO MANAGE AT TABLE                                 17-18     257

  SYMPLE CONDICIONS,                                     18-21     277
    (Or Rules for Good Behaviour for Every Servant)
    [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.]
  THE CONNYNGE OF KERVYNGE                               21-3      313
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.]
  FUMOSITEES                                             23-4      349
    [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.]
  KERUYNG OF FLESH                                       24-30     377
    [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.]
  BAKE METES (How to Carve)                              30-2      477
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS,
        SWAN, CAPON, &C.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.]
  FRIED METES; WITH L’ENVOY                              33-4      501
  POTAGES                                                34-5      517
    [Headnote: POTAGES.]
  DIUERCE SAWCES                                         35-7      529
    [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.]
  KERVYNG OF FISCH{E}                                    37-45     546
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.]
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.]

  OFFICE OF A SEWER                                      46-7      658
    (Or Arranger of the Dishes on the Table, etc.)
    [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.]
  A DYNERE OF FLESCH{E}:
    THE FURST COURSE                                     48        686
    [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]
    THE SECOND COURSE                                    49        693
    THE iij^D COURSE                                     49-50     705
    [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]
  A DINERE OF FISCH{E}:
    THE FURST COURSE                                     50-1      719
    [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.]
    THE SECOND COURSE                                    51        731
    THE THRID COURSE                                     52        744
    [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.]
    THE .iiij. COURSE OF FRUTE, WITH FOUR SOTELTEES      52-3      757
    THE SUPERSCRIPCIOUN OF THE SUTILTEES
        ABOUE SPECIFIED                                  53-4      787
  A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN                                  54-5      795
    [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.]
  SEWES ON FISH{E} DAYES                                 55-6      819
  SAWCE FOR FISCH{E}                                     56-9      831
    [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.]

  THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE                          59-64     863
    (How to Dress Your Lord, Prepare his Pew in Church,
        Strip his Bed, Prepare his Privy, etc.)
    [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.]
  THE WARDEROBES                                         64-6      939
    (How to Put Your Lord to Bed,
        and Prepare his Bedroom, etc.)
    [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.]
    [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.]
  A BATHE OR STEWE SO CALLED                             66-7      975
    (How to Prepare One for Your Lord)
    [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.]
  THE MAKYNG OF A BATH{E} MEDICINABLE                    67-9      991
    [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.]
  THE OFFICE OF VSSHER & MARSHALL{E}                     69-78    1001
    (With the Order of Precedency of All Ranks)
    [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF
        PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.]
    [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK
        AND DINE TOGETHER.]
    [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL
        AND PROPERTY.]
    [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.]

  THE SUMMARY                                            78-82    1173
    [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.]
    [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE
        CHIEF OFFICER.]
  L’ENVOY                                                82-3     1235
    (The Author Asks the Prayers of his Readers,
        and He or the Copier Commends this Book to Them)
    [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.]

  NOTES                                                         84-123
    (With Bits from Lawrens Andrewe, on Fish, &c.)

  ILLUSTRATIVE EXTRACTS.
    WILYAM BULLEYN ON BOXYNG AND NECKEWEEDE                      124-7
    ANDREW BORDE ON SLEEP, RISING, AND DRESS                    128-32
    WILLIAM VAUGHAN’S 15 DIRECTIONS TO PRESERVE HEALTH           133-7
    SIR JN. HARINGTON’s DYET FOR EVERY DAY                       138-9
    SIR JN. HARINGTON ON RISING, DIET, AND GOING TO BED          140-3



John Russells

Boke of Nurture.

[_Harl. MS. 4011, Fol. 171._]


    [Sidenote: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, God
    keep me! I am an Usher to a Prince, and delight in teaching the
    inexperienced.]

  ++In nomine patris, god kepe me / et filij for charite,
  Et spiritus sancti, wher{e} that y goo by lond or els by see!
  an vssher{e} y Am / ye may behold{e} /
        to a prynce of high{e} degre,
  þat enioyeth{e} to enforme & teche /
        all{e} þo thatt will{e} thrive & thee[1],                      4

  Of suche thyng{es} as her{e}-aft{ur} shall{e} be shewed
        by my diligence
  To them þat nought Can / w{i}t{h}-owt gret exsperience;
  Therfor{e} yf any mañ þ{a}t y mete with{e},
        þat[2] for fawt of necligence,
  y wyll{e} hym enforme & teche,
        for hurtyng{e} of my Conscience.                               8

    [Sidenote: It is charitable to teach ignorant youths. If any such
    won’t learn, give them a toy.]

  To teche vertew and co{n}nyng{e}, me thynketh{e} hit charitable,
  for moche youth{e} in co{n}nyng{e} / is bareñ & full{e} vnable;
  þer-for{e} he þ{a}t no good cañ / ne to nooñ will{e} be agreable.
  he shall{e} neu{er} y-thryve /
        þ{er}for{e} take to hym a babull{e}.                          12


  [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELL MEETS WITH HIS PUPIL.]

    [Sidenote: One May I went to a forest, and by the Forester’s leave
    walked in the woodland,]

  ++As y rose owt of my bed, in a mery sesou{n} of may,
  to sporte me in a forest /
        wher{e} sightes wer{e} fresch{e} & gay,
  y met w{i}t{h} þe forst{er} / y prayed hym to say me not nay,
  þat y mygh[t] walke in to his lawnde[3] where þe deer{e} lay.       16

    [Sidenote: where I saw three herds of deer in the sunshine.]

  as y wandered weldsomly[4] / in-to þe lawnd þat was so grene,
  þer lay iij. herdis of deer{e} / a semely syght for to sene;
  y behild oñ my right hand / þe soñ þat shoñ so shene;
  y saw wher{e} walked / a semely yong{e} mañ,
        þat sklendur was & leene;                                     20

    [Sidenote: A young man with a bow was going to stalk them, but I
    asked him to walk with me, and inquired whom he served.]

  his bowe he toke in hand toward þe deer{e} to stalke;
  y prayed hym his shote to leue / & softely w{i}t{h} me to walke.
  þis yong{e} mañ was glad / & louyd w{i}t{h} me to talke,
  he prayed þat he myȝt with{e} me goo /
        in to som herne[5] or halke[6];                               24

    [Sidenote: ‘No one but myself, and I wish I was out of this
    world.’]

  þis yong{e} mañ frayned[7] / w{i}t{h} hoom þ{a}t he wo{n}ned þañ,
  “So god me socour{e},” he said / “Sir, y serue myself /
        & els nooñ oþ{er} mañ.”
  “is þy gou{er}naunce good?” y said, / “soñ, say me ȝiff þow cañ.”
  “y wold y wer{e} owt of þis world” / seid he /
        “y ne rouȝt how sone whañ.”                                   28

    [Sidenote: ‘Good son, despair is sin; tell me what the matter is.
    When the pain is greatest the cure is nearest!’]

  “Sey nought so, good soñ, bewar{e} /
        me thynketh{e} þow menyst amysse;
  for god forbedith{e} wanhope, for þat a horrible synne ys,
  þerfor{e} Soñ, opeñ thyñ hert /
        for p{er}aveñtur{e} y cowd the lis[8];
  “wheñ bale is hext / þañ bote is next” /
        good sone, lerne well{e} þis.”                                32

    [Sidenote: ‘Sir, I’ve tried everywhere for a master; but because I
    know nothing, no one will take me.’]

  “In certeyñ, sir / y haue y-sought /
        Ferr{e} & ner{e} many a wilsom way
  to gete mete[9] a mastir; & for y cowd nouȝt /
        eu{er}y mañ seid me nay,
  y cowd no good, ne nooñ y shewd{e} /
        wher{e} eu{er} y ede day by day
  but wantouñ & nyce, recheles & lewd{e} /
        as Iangelyng{e} as a Iay.”                                    36

    [Sidenote: ‘Will you learn if I’ll teach you? What do you want
    to be?’]

  ++“Now, son, ȝiff y the teche,
        wiltow any thyng{e} ler{e}?                     [Fol. 171b.]
  wiltow be a s{er}uaunde, plowȝmañ, or a laborer{e},
  Courtyour or a clark / Marchaund /
        or masou{n}, or an artificer{e},
  Chamburlayn, or buttiller{e} / panter{e} or karver{e}?”             40

    [Sidenote: ‘A Butler, Sir, Panter, Chamberlain, and Carver. Teach
    me the duties of these.’]

  ++“The office of buttiler, sir, trewly /
        panter{e} or chamburlayne,
  The connyng{e} of a kerver{e}, specially /
        of þat y wold lerne fayne
  all{e} þese co{n}nyng{es} to haue / y say yow in certayñ,
  y shuld pray for your{e} sowle nevyr to come in payne.”             44


  [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE PANTER OR BUTLER.]

    [Sidenote: ‘I will, if you’ll love God and be true to your
    master.’]

  ++“Son, y shall{e} teche þe with{e} ryght a good will{e},
  So þat þow loue god & drede / for þat is ryght and skyll{e},
  and to þy mastir be trew /
        his good{es} þat þow not spill{e},
  but hym loue & drede /
        and hys co{m}maundementȝ dew / fulfylle.                      48

    [Sidenote: A Panter or Butler must have three knives: 1 to chop
    loaves, 1 to pare them, 1 to smooth the trenchers.]

  The furst yer{e}, my soñ, þow shall{e} be panter{e}
        or buttilar{e},
  þow must haue iij. knyffes kene /
        in pantry, y sey the, eu{er}mar{e}:
  Oñ knyfe þe loves to choppe, another{e} them for to pare,
  the iij. sharpe & kene to smothe
        þe trenchurs and squar{e}.[10]                                52

    [Sidenote: Give your Sovereign new bread, others one-day-old
    bread; for the house, three-day bread; for trenchers four-day
    bread;]

  alwey thy sou{er}aynes bred thow choppe,
        & þat it be newe & able;
  se all{e} oþ{er} bred a day old or þ{o}u choppe to þe table;
  all{e} howsold bred iij. dayes old / so it is p{ro}fitable;
  and trencher bred iiij. dayes is co{n}venyent & agreable.           56

    [Sidenote: Have your salt white, and your salt-planer of ivory,
    two inches broad, three long.]

  loke þy salte be sutill{e}, whyte, fayre and drye,
  and þy planer{e} for thy salte / shall{e} be made of yverye /
  þe brede þ{er}of ynches two / þen þe length, ynche told thrye;
  and þy salt seller{e} lydde / towche not thy salt bye.              60

    [Sidenote: Have your table linen sweet and clean, your knives
    bright, spoons well washed, two wine-augers some box taps, a
    broaching gimlet, a pipe and bung.]

  Good soñ, loke þat þy napery be soote / & also feyr{e} & clene,
  bordcloth{e}, towell{e} & napkyñ, foldyñ all{e} bydene.
  bryght y-pullished your{e} table knyve, semely in syȝt to sene;
  and þy spones fayr{e} y-wasch{e} / ye wote well{e} what y meene.    64
  looke þow haue tarrers[11] two / a mor{e} & lasse for wyne;
  wyne canels[12] accordyng{e} to þe tarrers, of box fetice & fyne;
  also a gymlet sharpe / to broche & perce /
        sone to turne & twyne,
  w{i}t{h} fawcet[13] & tampyne[14] redy /
        to stoppe whe{n} ye se tyme.                                  68

    [Sidenote: To broach a pipe, pierce it with an auger or gimlet,
    four fingers- breadth over the lower rim, so that the dregs may
    not rise.]

  So wheñ þow settyst a pipe abroche /
        good [sone,] do aft{ur} my lor{e}:
  iiij fyngur ou{er} /
        þe ner{e} chyne[15] þow may percer or bor{e};
  with tarrer{e} or gymlet perce ye vpward þe pipe ashor{e},[16]
  and so shall{e} ye not cawse þe lies vp to ryse,
        y warne yow eu{er} mor{e}.                                    72

  [Headnote: OF FRUITS BEFORE DINNER AND AFTER SUPPER.]

    [Sidenote: Serve Fruit according to the season, figs, dates,
    quince-marmalade, ginger, &c.]

  Good sone, all{e} man{er} frute /
        þat longeth{e} for sesoñ of þe yer{e},
  Fygg{es} / reysons / almand{es}, dat{es} /
        butt{ur}, chese[17] / nottus, apples, & per{e},
  Compost{es}[18] & confit{es}, char{e} de quync{es} /
        white & grene gynger{e};
  and ffor aft{ur} questyons, or þy lord sytte /
        of hym þow know & enquer{e}.                                  76

    [Sidenote: Before dinner, plums and grapes after, pears, nuts, and
    hard cheese. After supper, roast apples, &c.]

  Serve fastyng{e} / plommys / damsons / cheries /
        and grapis to plese;                             [Fol. 172.]
  aft{ur} mete / peer{es}, nottys /
        strawberies, wȳneberies,[19] and hardchese,
  also blawnderell{es},[20] pepyns / careawey in comfyte /
        Compost{es}[21] ar like to þese.
  aftur sopper, rosted apples, per{es},
        blaunche powd{er},[22] yo{ur} stomak for to ese.              80

    [Sidenote: In the evening don’t take cream, strawberries, or
    junket, unless you eat hard cheese with them.]

    [Footnote *: ‘at eve’ has a red mark through as if to cut it out]

  Bewar at eve[*] / of crayme of cowe & also of the goote,
        þauȝ it be late,
  of Strawberies & hurtilberyes /
        w{i}t{h} the cold Ioncate,[23]
  For þese may marr{e} many a mañ changyng{e} his astate,
  but ȝiff he haue aft{u}r, hard chese /
        wafurs, w{i}t{h} wyne ypocrate.[24]                           84

    [Sidenote: Hard cheese keeps your bowels open.]

  hard chese hath{e} þis condiciou{n} in his operaciou{n}:
  Furst he will{e} a stomak kepe in the botom opeñ,[25]
  the helth{e} of eu{er}y creatur{e} ys in his condiciou{n};
  yf he diete hym̅ thus dayly / he is a good co{n}clusiou{n}.         88

    [Sidenote: Butter is wholesome in youth and old age,
    anti-poisonous, and aperient.]

  buttir is an holsom mete / furst and eke last,[26]
  For he will{e} a stomak kepe / & helpe poyson a-wey to cast,
  also he norisheth{e} a mañ to be laske /
        and evy humer{us} to wast,
  and w{i}t{h} white bred / he will{e} kepe þy mouthe in tast.        92

    [Sidenote: Milk, Junket, Posset, &c., are binding. Eat hard cheese
    after them.]

  Milke, crayme, and crudd{es}, and eke the Ioncate,[27]
  þey close a ma{n}nes stomak / and so doth{e} þe possate;
  þerfor{e} ete hard chese aftir, yef ye sowpe late,
  and drynk romney modou{n},[28] for feere of chekmate.[29]           96

    [Sidenote: Beware of green meat; it weakens your belly.]

  bewar{e} of saladis, grene metis, & of frut{es} rawe
  for þey make many a mañ haue a feble mawe.
  Þ{er}for{e}, of suche fresch lust{es} set not an hawe,
  For suche wantou{n} appetit{es} ar not worth a strawe.             100

    [Sidenote: For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat almonds and
    cheese, but not more than half an ounce.]

  all{e} man{er} met{is} þat þy teth{e} oñ egge doth sette,
  take almond{es} þ{er}for{e}; & hard chese
        loke þ{o}u not for-gette.
  hit will{e} voide hit awey /
        but looke to moche þ{er}of not þ{o}u ete;
  for þe wight of half an vnce w{i}t{h}-owt rompney is gret.         104

    [Sidenote: If drinks have given you indigestion, eat a raw apple.
    Moderation is best sometimes, at others abstinence.]

  Ȝiff dyu{er}se drynk{es} of their{e} fumosite haue þe dissesid,
  Ete an appull{e} rawe, & his fumosite will{e} be cesed;
  mesur{e} is a mery meene / whañ god is not displesed;
  abstyne{n}s is to prayse what body & sowle ar plesed.              108

  [Headnote: THE TREATMENT OF WINES WHEN FERMENTING.]

    [Sidenote: Look every night that your wines don’t ferment or leak
    [the _t_ of the MS. has a _k_ over it.] Always carry a gimlet,
    adze, and linen cloths; and wash the heads of the pipes with cold
    water.]

  Take good hede to þe wynes / Red, white / & swete,
  looke eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} a Candell{e}
        þ{a}t þey not reboyle / nor lete;
  eu{er}y nyȝt w{i}t{h} cold wat{ur} wash{e} þe pipes hede,
        & hit not forgete,
  & all{e}-wey haue a gy{m}let, & a dise,[30]
        w{i}t{h} lynneñ clowt{es} small{e} or grete.                 112

    [Sidenote: If the wine boil over, put to it the lees of red wine,
    and that will cure it. Romney will bring round sick sweet wine.]

  Ȝiff þe wyne reboyle / þow shall{e} know by hys syngyng{e};
  þ{er}for{e} a pipe of colour{e} de rose[31] /
        þ{o}u kepe þ{a}t was spend in drynkyng{e}
  the reboyle to Rakke to þe lies of þe rose /
        þ{a}t shall{e} be his amendyng{e}.              [Fol. 172b.]
  Ȝiff swete wyne be seeke or pallid /
        put in a Rompney for lesyng{e}.[32]                          116


++Swete Wynes.[33]

    [Sidenote: _The names of Sweet Wines._]

  ++The namys of swete wynes y wold þ{a}t ye them knewe:
  Vernage, vernagell{e}, wyne Cute, pyment, Raspise,
        Muscadell{e} of grew,
  Rompney of modoñ, Bastard, Tyre, Oȝey, Torrentyne of Ebrew.
  Greke, Malevesyñ, Caprik, & Clarey whañ it is newe.                120


  [Headnote: HOW TO MAKE YPOCRAS.]

++Ypocras.

    [Sidenote: _Recipe for making Ypocras._ Take spices thus,
    Cinnamon, &c., long Pepper]

  ++Good soñ, to make ypocras, hit wer{e} gret lernyng{e},
  and for to take þe spice þ{er}to aft{ur} þe p{ro}porcionyng{e},

    [Sidenote: +for lord{es}[34] [MS].+]

    [Sidenote: +fo[r] co{m}mynte+]

  Gynger, Synamome / Graynis, Sugur /
        Turnesole, þ{a}t is good colouryng{e};
  For co{m}myñ peple / Gynger, Canell{e} / long{e} pepur /
        hony aft{ur} claryfiyng{e}.                                  124

    [Sidenote: Have three basins and three straining-bags to them;
    hang ’em on a perch.]

  look ye haue of pewt{ur} basons ooñ, two, & thre,
  For to kepe in you{re} powdurs /
        also þe lico{ur} þ{er}in to renne wheñ þ{a}t nede be;
  to iij. basou{n}s ye must haue iij bagges renners /
        so clepe ham we,
  & hang{e} þem̅ oñ a p{er}che, & looke þat Sur{e} they be.          128

    [Sidenote: Let your ginger be well pared, hard, not worm-eaten,
    (Colombyne is better than Valadyne or Maydelyne);]

  Se þat your{e} gynger be well{e} y-pared /
        or hit to powd{er} ye bete,
  and þ{a}t hit be hard / w{i}t{h}-owt worme /
        bytyng{e}, & good hete;
  For good gyng{er} colombyne / is best to drynke and ete;
  Gyng{er} valadyne & maydelyñ ar not so holsom in mete.             132

    [Sidenote: your sticks of Cinnamon thin, hot and sweet; Canel is
    not so good. Cinnamon is hot and dry, Cardamons are hot and
    moist.]

  looke þat yo{ur} stikk{es} of synamome be thyñ,
        bretill{e}, & fayr{e} in colewr{e},
  and in your{e} mowth{e}, Fresch{e}, hoot, & swete /
        þat is best & sure,
  For canell{e} is not so good in þis crafte & cur{e}.
  Synamome is hoot & dry in h{i}s worchyng{e}
        while he will{e} dur{e}.                                     136

    [Sidenote: Take sugar or sugar candy, red wine,]

  Graynes of p{ar}adise,[35] hoote & moyst þey be:
  Sugre of .iij. cute[36] / white /
        hoot & moyst in his p{ro}purte;
  Sugr{e} Candy is best of all{e}, as y telle the,
  and red wyne is whote & drye to tast, fele, & see,                 140

    [Sidenote: graines, ginger, pepper, cinnamon, spice, and
    turnesole, and put each powder in a bladder by itself.]

  Graynes[35] / gyng{er}, long{e} pepur, & sugr{e} /
        hoot & moyst in worchyng{e};[37]
  Synamome / Canelle[38] / red wyne /
        hoot & drye in þeir{e} doyng{e};
  Turnesole[39] is good & holsom for red wyne colowryng{e}:
  all{e} þese ingredyent{es}, þey ar for ypocras makyng{e}.          144

    [Sidenote: Hang your straining-bags so that they mayn’t
    touch,--first bag a gallon, others a pottle.]

  Good soñ, your{e} powdurs so made,
        vche by þam self in bledd{ur} laid,
  hang{e} sur{e} your{e} p{er}che & bagges
        þ{a}t þey from yow not brayd,
  & þat no bagge touche oþ{er} / do as y haue yow said{e};
  þe furst bag a galou{n} / all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e},
        vchoñ by oþ{er} teied.                                       148

    [Sidenote: Put the powders in two or three gallons of red wine;
    then into the runner, the second bag,]

  Furst put in a basou{n} a galou{n}
        ij. or iij. wyne so red;                         [Fol. 173.]
  þeñ put in your{e} powdurs, yf ye will{e} be sped,
  and aftyr in-to þe renner{e} so lett hym be fed,
  þañ in-to þe second bagge so wold it be ledde.                     152

    [Sidenote: (tasting and trying it now and then), and the third
    vessel.]

  loke þ{o}u take a pece in þyne hand eu{er}mor{e} among{e},
  and assay it in þy mouth{e} if hit be any thyng{e} strong{e},
  and if þow fele it welle boþe w{i}t{h} mouth{e} & tong{e},
  þañ put it in þe iij. vessell{e} / & tary not to long{e}.          156

    [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as
    wanted.]

  And þañ ȝiff þ{o}u feele it be not made p{ar}fete,
  þat it cast to moche gyng{er}, with synamome alay þ{a}t hete;
  and if hit haue synamome to moche,
        w{i}t{h} gyng{er} of iij. cute;
  þañ if to moche sigur{e} þ{er} be /
        by discressiou{n} ye may wete.                               160

    [Sidenote: If it’s not right, add cinnamon, ginger, or sugar, as
    wanted. Mind you keep tasting it. Strain it through bags of fine
    cloth,]

  Thus, son, shaltow make p{ar}fite ypocras, as y the say;
  but w{i}t{h} þy mowth{e} to prove hit, /
        be þow tastyng{e} all{e}-way;
  let hit renne in iiij. or vj bagg{es}[40];
        gete þem, if þow may,
  of bultell{e} cloth{e}[41], if þy bagg{es} be þe fyner{e}
        w{i}t{h}-owteñ nay.                                          164

    [Sidenote: hooped at the mouth, the first holding a gallon, the
    others a pottle,]

  Good soñ loke þy bagg{es} be hoopid at þe mothe a-bove,
  þe surer{e} mayst þow put in þy wyne vn-to þy behoue,
  þe furst bag of a galou{n} /
        all{e} oþ{er} of a potell{e} to prove;
  hang{e} þy bagg{es} sur{e} by þe hoopis; do so for my loue;        168

    [Sidenote: and each with a basin under it. The Ypocras is made.
    Use the dregs in the kitchen.]

  And vndur eu{er}y bagge, good soñ, a basou{n} cler{e} & bryght;
  and now is þe ypocras made / for to plese many a wight.
  þe draff of þe spicery / is good for Sewes in kychyn diȝt;
  and ȝiff þow cast hit awey, þow dost þy mastir no riȝt.            172


    [Sidenote: Put the Ypocras in a tight clean vessel, and serve it
    with wafers.]

  ++Now, good son, þyne ypocras is made p{ar}fite & well{e};
  y wold þan ye put it in staunche & a clene vessell{e},
  and þe mouth{e} þ{er}-off y-stopped eu{er} more wisely & fell{e},
  and s{er}ue hit forth w{i}t{h} wafurs boþe in chambur & Cell{e}.   176


  [Headnote: THE BOTERY.]

    [Sidenote: _The Buttery._]

++The botery.

    [Sidenote: Keep all cups, &c., clean. Don’t serve ale till it’s
    five days old.]

  ++Thy cuppes / þy pott{es}, þ{o}u se be clene
        boþe w{i}t{h}-in & owt;
  [T]hyne ale .v. dayes old er þow s{er}ue it abowt,
  for ale þat is newe is wastable w{i}t{h}-owteñ dowt:
  And looke þat all{e} þyng{e} be pure & clene þat ye go abowt.      180

    [Sidenote: Be civil and obliging, and give no one stale drink.]

  Be fayr{e} of answer{e} / redy to s{er}ue /
        and also gentell{e} of cher{e},
  and þañ meñ will{e} sey
        ‘þer{e} goth{e} a gentill{e} officer{e}.’
  be war{e} þat ye geue no p{er}sone palled[42] drynke,
        for feer{e}
  hit myȝt bryng{e} many a man in dissese /
        duryng{e} many a ȝer{e}.                                     184


  [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE CLOTH AND WRAP UP BREAD.]

    [Sidenote: _To lay the cloth_, &c. Wipe the table. Put a cloth
    on it (a cowche); you take one end, your mate the other;]

  ++Son, hit is tyme of þe day /
        þe table wold be layde.                         [Fol. 173b.]
  Furst wipe þe table w{i}t{h} a cloth{e}
        or þ{a}t hit be splayd,
  þañ lay a cloth{e} oñ þe table /
        a cowche[43] it is called & said:
  take þy felow ooñ ende þ{er}of /
        & þ{o}u þat other{e} that brayde,                            188

    [Sidenote: lay the fold of the second cloth(?) on the outer edge
    of the table, that of the third cloth(?) on the inner.]

  Thañ draw streight þy cloth{e}, & ley þe bouȝt[44]
        oñ þe vtt{ur} egge of þe table,
  take þe vpper part / & let hyt hang{e} evyñ able:
  þanñ take þe .iij. cloth{e}, & ley the bouȝt
        oñ þe Inner side plesable,
  and ley estate w{i}t{h} the vpper part,
        þe brede of half fote is greable.                            192

    [Sidenote: Cover your cupboard with a diaper towel, put one round
    your neck, one side on your left arm with your sovereign’s
    napkin;]

  Cover þy cuppeborde of thy ewery w{i}t{h}
        the towell{e} of diapery;
  take a towell{e} abowt thy nekke / for þat is curtesy,
  lay þ{a}t ooñ side of þe towaile oñ þy lift arme manerly,
  an oñ þe same arme ley þy sou{er}aignes napkyñ honestly;           196

    [Sidenote: on that, eight loaves to eat, and three or four
    trencher loaves: in your left the salt-cellar. In your right hand,
    spoons and knives.]

  þañ lay oñ þat arme viij. louys bred /
        w{i}t{h} iij. or iiij. trencher{e} lovis;
  Take þat oo ende of þy towaile /
        in þy lift hand, as þe man{er} is,
  and þe salt Seller{e} in þe same hand, looke þ{a}t ye do this;
  þat oþ{er} ende of þe towaile /
        in riȝt hand w{i}t{h} spones & knyffes y-wis;                200

    [Sidenote: Put the Salt on the right of your lord; on its left,
    a trencher or two; on their left, a knife, then white rolls,]

  Set your{e} salt oñ þe right side /
        wher{e} sitt{es} your{e} soverayne,
  oñ þe lyfft Side of your{e} salt /
        sett your{e} trencher oon & twayne,
  oñ þe lifft side of yo{ur} tr{e}nchour{e} lay
        your{e} knyffe syng{u}l{e}r & playñ;

    [Textnote: [* a space in the MS.]]

  and oñ þe ....[*] side of your{e} knyff{es} /
        ooñ by oñ þe white payne;                                    204

    [Sidenote: and beside them a spoon folded in a napkin. Cover
    all up. At the other end set a Salt and two trenchers.]

  your{e} spone vppoñ a napkyñ fayr{e} / ȝet foldeñ wold he be,
  besides þe bred it wold be laid, soñ, y telle the:
  Cover your spone / napkyñ, trencher, & knyff,
        þ{a}t no mañ hem se.
  at þe oþ{er} ende of þe table /
        a salt w{i}t{h} ij. trenchers sett ye.                       208


    [Sidenote: _How to wrap up your lord’s bread in a stately way._
    Cut your loaves all equal.]

    [Textnote: [† ? MS.]]

  +S+{ir},[†] ȝeff þow wilt wrappe þy sou{er}aynes bred stately,
  Thow must square & p{ro}porciou{n} þy bred clene & evenly,
  and þat no loof ne bunne be mor{e} þañ oþ{er} p{ro}porcionly,
  and so shaltow make þy wrappe for þy mast{er} man{er}ly;           212

    [Sidenote: Take a towel two and a half yards long by the ends,
    fold up a handful from each end,]

  þañ take a towaile of Raynes,[45] of ij. yard{es}
        and half wold it be,
  take þy towaile by the end{es} dowble /
        and fair{e} oñ a table lay ye,
  þañ take þe end of þ{a}t bought /
        an handfull{e} in hande, now her{e} ye me:
  wrap ye hard þat handfull{e} or mor{e} it is þe styffer,
        y telle þe                                                   216

    [Sidenote: and in the middle of the folds lay eight loaves or
    buns, bottom to bottom;]

  Þañ ley betwene þe endes so wrapped, in myddes of þat towell{e},
  viij loves or bonnes, botom to botom̅,
        forsothe it will{e} do well{e},
  and wheñ þe looff{es} ar betweñ,
        þañ wrappe hit wisely & fell{e};
  and for your{e} enformaciou{n}
        mor{e} playnly y will{e} yow tell{e},                        220

    [Sidenote: put a wrapper on the top, twist the ends of the towel
    together, smooth your wrapper,]

  ley it oñ þe vpper part of þe bred,
        y telle yow honestly;                            [Fol. 174.]
  take boþe endis of þe towell{e}, & draw þem straytly,
  and wrythe an handfull{e} of þe towell{e}
        next þe bred myghtily,
  and se þat thy wrapper{e} be made strayt & evyñ styffely.          224

    [Sidenote: and quickly open the end of it before your lord.]

  wheñ he is so y-graithed,[46] as riȝt befor{e} y haue saide,
  þeñ shall{e} ye opeñ hym thus / & do hit at a brayd,
  opeñ þe last end of þy wrapper{e} befor{e} þi sou{er}ayne laid,
  and your{e} bred sett in man{er} & forme:
        þeñ it is honestly arayd.                                    228


    [Sidenote: After your lord’s lay the other tables. Deck your
    cupboard with plate, your washing-table with basins, &c.]

  ++Soñ, wheñ þy sou{er}eignes table is drest in þus array,
  kou{er} all{e} oþ{er} bord{es} w{i}t{h} Salt{es};
        trenchers & cuppes þ{er}oñ ye lay;
  þan emp{er}iall{e} þy Cuppeborde /
        w{i}t{h} Silu{er} & gild full{e} gay,
  þy Ewry borde w{i}t{h} basons & lauo{ur},
        wat{ur} hoot & cold, eche oþ{er} to alay.                    232

    [Sidenote: Have plenty of napkins, &c., and your pots clean.]

  loke p{a}t ye haue napkyns, spones, & cuppis eu{er} y-nowe
  to your sou{er}aynes table, your{e} honeste for to allowe,
  also þat pott{es} for wyne & ale be as clene as þey mowe;
  be eu{er}more war{e} of flies & mot{es},
        y telle þe, for þy prowe.                                    236


  [Headnote: HOW TO LAY THE SURNAPE AND TABLE.]

    [Sidenote: Make the _Surnape_ with a cloth under a double napkin.]

  ++The surnape[47] ye shull{e} make w{i}t{h} lowly curtesye
  with a cloth{e} vndir a dowble of riȝt feir{e} napry;
  take thy towailes end{es} next yow w{i}t{h}-out vilanye,
  and þe ende of þe cloth{e} oñ þe vttur side
        of þe towell{e} bye;                                         240

    [Sidenote: Fold the two ends of your towel, and one of the cloth,
    a foot over, and lay it smooth for your lord to wash with.]

  Thus all{e} iij. end{es} hold ye at onis, as ye well{e} may;
  now fold ye all{e} ther{e} at oonys
        þ{a}t a pliȝt passe not a fote brede all{e} way,
  þañ lay hyt fayr{e} & evyñ þer{e} as ye cañ hit lay;
  þus aft{ur} mete, ȝiff yowr{e} mastir will{e} wasch{e},
        þat he may.                                                  244

    [Sidenote: The marshal must slip it along the table, and pull it
    smooth.]

  at þe riȝt ende of þe table ye must it owt gyde,
  þe marchall{e} must hit convey along{e} þe table to glide;
  So of all{e} iij clothes vppeward þe riȝt half þat tide,
  and þat it be draw strayt & evyñ boþe in length{e} & side.         248

    [Sidenote: Then raise the upper part of the towel, and lay it
    even, so that the Sewer (arranger of dishes) may make a state.]

  Then must ye draw & reyse / þe vpper p{ar}te of þe towell{e},
  Ley it w{i}t{h}-out ruffelyng{e} streiȝt
        to þat oþ{er} side, y þe telle;
  þañ at eu{er}y end þ{er}of convay half a yarde or an elle,
  þat þe sewer{e} may make[A] a state /
        & plese h{i}s mastir well{e}.                                252

    [Text note A: _make_ is repeated in the MS.]

    [Sidenote: When your lord has washed, take up the Surnape with
    your two arms, and carry it back to the Ewery.]

  whan þe state hath wasch{e}, þe surnap drawne playne,
  þeñ must ye ber{e} forþe þe surnape befor{e} your{e} souerayne,
  and so must ye take it vppe with{e} your{e} armes twayne,
  and to þe Ewery bere hit your{e} silf agayne.                      256

    [Sidenote: Carry a towel round your neck. Uncover your bread; see
    that all diners have knife, spoon, and napkin.]

  a-bowt your{e} nekke a towell{e} ye ber{e},
        so to s{er}ue your{e} lorde,
  þañ to hym make curtesie, for so it will{e} accorde.
  vnkeu{er} your{e} brede, & by þe salt
        sette hit euyñ oñ þe borde;
  looke þer{e} be knyfe & spone /
        & napkyñ w{i}t{h}-outy[{n}] any worde.                       260

    [Sidenote: Bow when you leave your lord. Take eight loaves from
    the bread-cloth, and put four at each end.]

  Eu{er} whañ ye dep{ar}te from your{e} sou{er}aigne,
        looke ye bowe yo{ur} knees;                     [Fol. 174b.]
  to þe port-payne[48] forth{e} ye passe,
        & þer{e} viij. loues ye leese:
  Set at eiþur end of þe table .iiij. loofes at a mese,
  þañ looke þat ye haue napkyñ &
        spone eu{er}y p{er}sone to plese.                            264

    [Sidenote: Lay for as many persons as the Sewer has set potages
    for, and have plenty of bread and drink.]

  wayte well{e} to þe Sewer{e} how many potag{es} keuered he;
  keu{er} ye so many p{er}sonis for your{e} honeste.
  þañ serve forth{e} your{e} table /
        vche p{er}sone to his degre,
  and þat þ{er} lak no bred / trenchour{e}, ale, & wyne /
        eu{er}mor{e} ye se.                                          268

    [Sidenote: Be lively and soft-spoken, clean and well dressed.
    Don’t spit or put your fingers into cups.]

  be glad of cher{e} / Curteise of kne / & soft of speche,
  Fayr{e} hand{es}, clene nayles / honest arrayed, y the teche;
  Coughe[*] not, ner spitte, nor to lowd ye reche,
  ne put your{e} fyngurs in the cuppe /
        moot{es} for to seche.                                       272

    [Footnote *: Mark over _h_.]

    [Sidenote: Stop all blaming and backbiting, and prevent
    complaints.]

  yet to all{e} þe lord{es} haue ye a sight /
        for groggy{n}g{e} & atwytyng{e}[49]
  of fellows þat be at þe mete, for þeir{e} bakbytyng{e};
  Se þey be s{er}ued of bred, ale, & wyne,
        for complaynyng{e},
  and so shall{e} ye haue of all{e} meñ /
        good loue & praysyng{e}.                                     276


  [Headnote: SYMPLE CONDICIONS: HOW TO BEHAVE.]

    [Sidenote: _General Directions for Behaviour._]

++Symple condicions.

    [Sidenote: Don’t claw your back as if after a flea; or your head,
    as if after a louse.]

  ++Symple Co{n}dicyons of a p{er}sone þ{a}t is not taught,
  y will{e} ye eschew, for eu{er}mor{e} þey be nowght.
  your{e} hed ne bak ye claw / a fleigh as þaugh{e} ye sought,
  ne your{e} heer{e} ye stryke, ne pyke /
        to prall{e}[50] for a flesch{e} mought.[51]                  280

    [Sidenote: See that your eyes are not blinking and watery. Don’t
    pick your nose, or let it drop, or blow it too loud,]

  Glowtyng{e}[52] ne twynkelyng{e} w{i}t{h} your{e} yȝe /
        ne to heuy of cher{e},
  watery / wynkyng{e} / ne droppyng{e} /
        but of sight cler{e}.
  pike not your{e} nose / ne þat hit be droppyng{e}
        w{i}t{h} no peerlis cler{e},
  Snyff nor snityng{e}[53] hyt to lowd /
        lest your{e} sou{er}ayne hit her{e}.                         284

    [Sidenote: or twist your neck. Don’t claw your cods, rub your
    hands,]

  wrye not your{e} nek a doyle[54] as hit wer{e} a dawe;
  put not your{e} hand{es} in your{e} hoseñ
        your{e} codwar{e}[55] fer to clawe,
  nor pikyng{e}, nor trifelyng{e} /
        ne shrukkyng{e} as þauȝ ye wold sawe;
  yo{ur} hond{es} frote ne rub /
        brydelynge w{i}t{h} brest vppoñ yo{ur} crawe;                288

    [Sidenote: pick your ears, retch, or spit too far. Don’t tell
    lies,]

  w{i}t{h} your{e} eris pike not / ner be ye slow of heryng{e};
  areche / ne spitt to ferr{e} / ne haue lowd laughyng{e};
  Speke not lowd / be war of mowyng{e}[56] & scornyng{e};
  be no lier w{i}t{h} your{e} mouth{e} /
        ne lykorous, ne dryvelyng{e}.                                292

    [Sidenote: or squirt with your mouth, gape, pout, or put your
    tongue in a dish to pick dust out.]

  w{i}t{h} your{e} mouthe ye vse nowþ{er} to squyrt, nor spowt;
  be not gapyng{e} nor ganyng{e}, ne w{i}t{h} þy mouth to powt
  lik not w{i}t{h} þy tong{e} in a disch, a mote to haue owt.
  Be not rasche ne recheles, it is not worth a clowt.                296

    [Sidenote: Don’t cough, hiccup, or belch, straddle your legs, or
    scrub your body.]

  w{i}t{h} your{e} brest / sigh{e}, nor cowgh{e} /
        nor brethe, your{e} sou{er}ayne befor{e};        [Fol. 175.]
  be yoxing{e},[57] ne bolkyng{e} /
        ne gronyng{e}, neu{er} þe more;
  w{i}t{h} your{e} feet trampelyng{e},
        ne settyng{e} your{e} leggis a shor{e}[58];
  w{i}t{h} your{e} body be not shrubbyng{e}[59];
        Iettyng{e}[60] is no loor{e}.                                300

    [Sidenote: Don’t pick your teeth, cast stinking breath on your
    lord, fire your stern guns, or expose your codware before your
    master.]

  Good soñ, þy teth{e} be not pikyng{e}, grisyng{e},[61]
        ne gnastynge[62];
  ne stynkyng{e} of breth{e} oñ your{e} sou{er}ayne castyng{e};
  w{i}t{h} puffyng{e} ne blowyng{e},
        nowþ{er} full{e} ne fastyng{e};
  and all{e} wey be war{e} of þy hyndur part
        from gu{n}nes blastyng{e}.                                   304

  These Cuttid[63] galaunt{es} with their{e} codwar{e};
        þat is añ vngoodly gise;--
  Other tacches[64] as towchyng{e} /
        y spar{e} not to mysp{ra}ue aft{ur} myne avise,--
  wheñ he shall{e} s{er}ue his mastir,
        befor{e} hym̅ oñ þe table hit lyes;
  Eu{er}y sou{er}eyne of sadnes[65]
        all{e} suche sort shall{e} dispise.                          308

    [Sidenote: Many other improprieties a good servant will avoid.’]

  Many moo condicions a mañ myght fynde /
        þañ now ar named her{e},
  þ{er}for{e} Eu{er}y honest s{er}uand /
        avoyd all{e} thoo, & worshipp{e} lat hym leer{e}.
  Panter, yomañ of þe Celler{e}, butler{e}, & Ewer{e},
  y will{e} þat ye obeye to þe marshall{e},
        Sewer{e}, & kerver{e}.[66]’                                  312


  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE, AND TO LAY TRENCHERS.]

    [Sidenote: ‘Sir, pray teach me how to carve, handle a knife, and
    cut up birds, fish, and flesh.’]

  “++Good syr, y yow pray þe connyng{e}[A]
        of kervyng{e} ye will{e} me teche,
  and þe fayr{e} handlyng{e} of a knyfe, y yow beseche,
  and all{e} wey wher{e} y shall{e} all{e} man{er} fowles /
        breke, vnlace, or seche,[67]
  and w{i}t{h} Fysch{e} or flesch{e},
        how shall{e} y demene me w{i}t{h} eche.”                     316

    [Text note: MS. comynge.]


    [Sidenote: ‘Hold your knife tight, with two fingers and a thumb,]

  ++“Soñ, thy knyfe must be bryght, fayr{e}, & clene,
  and þyne hand{es} fair{e} wasch{e}, it wold þe well{e} be sene.
  hold alwey thy knyfe sur{e}, þy self not to tene,
  and passe not ij. fyngurs & a thombe oñ thy knyfe so kene;         320

    [Sidenote: in your midpalm. Do your carving, lay your bread, and
    take off trenchers, with two fingers and thumb.]

  In mydde wey of thyne hande set the ende of þe haft Sur{e},
  Vnlasyng{e} & mynsyng{e} .ij. fyngur{s} w{i}t{h} þe thombe /
        þ{a}t may ye endur{e}.
  kervyng{e} / of bred leiyng{e} / voydyng{e} /
        of cromes & trenchewr{e},
  w{i}t{h} ij. fyngurs and a thombe / loke ye haue þe Cure.          324

    [Sidenote: Never touch others’ food with your right hand, but only
    with the left.]

  Sett neu{er} oñ fysch{e} nor flesch{e} / beest /
        nor fowle, trewly,
  Moor{e} þañ ij. fyngurs and a thombe, for þat is curtesie.
  Touche neu{er} w{i}t{h} your{e} right hande
        no man{er} mete surely,
  but w{i}t{h} your lyft hande / as y seid afor{e},
        for þ{a}t is goodlye.                                        328

    [Sidenote: Don’t dirty your table or wipe your knives on it.]

  All{e}-wey w{i}t{h} your{e} lift hand
        hold yo{ur} loof w{i}t{h} myght,                [Fol. 175b.]
  and hold your{e} knyfe Sur{e}, as y haue geue yow sight.
  enbrewe[68] not your{e} table / for þañ ye do not ryght,
  ne þ{er}-vppoñ ye wipe your{e} knyff{es},
        but oñ your{e} napkyñ plight.                                332

    [Sidenote: Take a loaf of trenchers, and with the edge of your
    knife raise a trencher, and lay it before your lord;]

  Furst take a loofe of trenchurs in þy lifft hande,
  þañ take þy table knyfe,[69] as y haue seid afor{e} hande;
  w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe
        your{e} trencher{e} vp be ye reysande
  as nyghe þe poynt as ye may,
        to-for{e} your{e} lord hit leyande;                          336

    [Sidenote: lay four trenchers four-square, and another on the top.
    Take a loaf of light bread,]

  right so .iiij. trenchers ooñ by a-nothur
        .iiij. squar{e} ye sett,
  and vppoñ þo trenchurs .iiij. a trenchur
        sengle w{i}t{h}-out lett;
  þañ take your{e} loof of light payne / as y haue said ȝett,
  and w{i}t{h} the egge of þe knyfe nygh{e} your hand ye kett.       340

    [Sidenote: pare the edges, cut the upper crust for your lord,]

  Furst par{e} þe quarters of the looff round all{e} a-bowt,
  þañ kutt þe vpper crust /
        for your{e} sou{er}ayne, & to hym alowt.
  Suffer{e} your{e} parell{e}[70] to stond still{e}
        to þe botom / & so nyȝe y-spend owt,
  so ley hym of þe cromes[A] a quarter of þe looff
        Sauncȝ dowt;                                                 344

    [Text note: MS. _may be_ coomes.]

    [Sidenote: and don’t touch it after it’s trimmed. Keep your table
    clean.]

  Touche neu{er} þe loof aft{ur} he is so tamed,
  put it, [on] a plater{e} or þe almes disch þ{er}-for{e} named.
  Make clene your{e} bord eu{er}, þañ shall{e} ye not be blamed,
  þañ may þe sewer{e} his lord s{er}ue /
        & neyth{ur} of yow be gramed[71]                             348


  [Headnote: FUMOSITEES.]

    [Sidenote: _Indigestibilities._]

Fumositees.

    [Sidenote: You must know what meat is indigestible, and what
    sauces are wholesome.]

  ++Of all{e} man{er} met{es} ye must thus know & fele
  þe fumositees of fysch, flesch{e},
        & fowles dyu{er}s & feele,
  And all{e} man{er} of Sawc{es} for fisch{e}
        & flesch{e} to p{re}serue yo{ur} lord in heele;
  to yow it behouyth to knew all{e} þese eu{er}y deele.”             352

  ++“Syr, hertyly y pray yow for to telle me Certenle
  of how many met{es} þat ar fumose in þeir{e} degre.”

    [Sidenote: These things are indigestible:]

  ++“In certeyñ, my soñ, þat sone shall{e} y shew the
  by letturs dyu{er}s told{e} by thries thre,                        356

    [Sidenote: Fat and Fried, Raw and Resty, Salt and Sour,]

  +F, R,+ and +S+ / in dyu{er}se tyme and tyde
  +F+ is þe furst / þat is, ++Fatt, ++Farsed, & ++Fried;
  +R+, ++raw / ++resty, and ++rechy, ar combero{us} vndefied;
  +S+ / ++salt / ++sowre / and ++sowse[72] /
        all{e} suche þow set a-side,                                 360

    [Sidenote: also sinews, skin, hair, feathers, crops, heads,
    pinions, &c., legs, outsides of thighs, skins;]

  w{i}t{h} other of the same sort, and lo thus ar thay,
  Senowis, skynnes / heer{e} / Cropyns[73] /
        yong{e} fedurs for certeñ y say,
  heedis / py{n}nyns, boonis / all{e} þese pyke away,
  Suffir neu{er} þy sou{er}ayne / to fele þem, y the pray /          364

    [Sidenote: these destroy your lord’s rest.’]

  All{e} man{er} leggis also, bothe of fowle and beestis,
  the vttur side of the thygh{e} or legge
        of all{e} fowlis in feest{is},
  the fumosite of all{e} man{er} skynnes
        y p{ro}mytt þe{e} by heestis,
  all{e} þese may benym[74] þy sou{er}ayne /
        from many nyght{is} rest{is}.”                               368


  [Headnote: KERUYNG OF FLESH.]

    [Sidenote: ‘Thanks, father, I’ll put your teaching into practice,
    and pray for you.]

  ++“Now fayr{e} befall{e} yow fadur / & well{e} must ye cheve,[75]
  For these poyntes by practik y hope full{e} well{e} to p{re}ve,
  and yet shall{e} y p{ra}y for yow / dayly while þat y leue /
  bothe for body and sowle / þat god yow gyde from greve;            372

    [Sidenote: But please tell me how to carve fish and flesh.’]

  Prayng{e} yow to take it, fadur / for no displesur{e},
  yf y durst desir{e} mor{e} / and þat y myght{e} be sur{e}
  to know þe kervyng{e} of fisch{e} & flesch{e} /
        aftur cock{es} cur{e}:
  y hed leu{er} þe sight of that /
        thañ A Scarlet hur{e}.”[76]                                  376


    [Sidenote: _Carving of Meat._]

Kervyng of flesh:

    [Sidenote: Cut _brawn_ on the dish, and lift slices off with your
    knife;]

  ++“Son, take þy knyfe as y taught þe while er{e},
  kut bravne in þe disch{e} riȝt as hit lieth{e} ther{e},
  and to þy sou{er}eynes trenchour{e} / w{i}t{h} þe knyfe /
        ye h{i}t ber{e}:
  pare þe fatt þ{er}-from / be war{e} of hide & heer{e}.             380

    [Sidenote: serve it with mustard. Venison with furmity.]

  Thañ whan ye haue it so y-leid / oñ þy lord{es} trenchour{e},
  looke ye haue good mustarde þ{er}-to and good licour{e};
  Fatt venesou{n} w{i}t{h} frumenty / hit is a gay plesewr{e}
  your{e} sou{er}ayne to s{er}ue with in sesou{n}
        to his honowr{e}:                                            384

    [Sidenote: Touch _Venison_ only with your knife, pare it, cross it
    with 12 scores,]

  Towche not þe venisou{n} w{i}t{h} no bare hand
  but with{e} þy knyfe; þis wise shall{e} ye be doand{e},
  with{e} þe fore part of þe knyfe looke ye be hit parand,
  xij. draught{es} w{i}t{h} þe egge
        of þe knyfe þe venison crossand{e}.                          388

    [Sidenote: cut a piece out, and put it in the furmity soup.]

  Thañ whañ ye þat venesou{n} so haue chekkid hit,      [Fol. 176b.]
  with þe fore p{ar}te of your{e} knyfe /
        þ{a}t ye hit owt kytt,
  In þe frume{n}ty potage honestly ye co{n}vey hit,
  in þe same forme w{i}t{h} pesyñ & bakeñ
        whañ sesou{n} þ{er}-to doth{e} sitt.                         392

    [Sidenote: Touch with your left hand, pare it clean, put away the
    sinews, &c.]

  With{e} your{e} lift hand touche beeff / Chyne[77] /
        motou{n}, as is a-for{e} said,
  & pare hit clene or þ{a}t ye kerve /
        or hit to yo{ur} lord be layd;
  and as it is showed afor{e} / bewar{e} of vpbrayd{e};
  all{e} fumosite, salt / senow /
        Raw / a-side be hit convayd{e}.                              396

    [Sidenote: _Partridges_, &c.: take up by the pinion, and mince
    them small in the sirrup.]

  In siripp{e} / p{ar}trich{e} / stokdove /
        & chekyns, in s{er}uyng{e},
  w{i}t{h} yo{ur} lifft hand take þem
        by þe pynoñ of þe whyng{e},
  & þat same w{i}t{h} þe fore p{ar}te
        of þe knyfe be ye vp reryng{e},
  Mynse hem small{e} in þe sirupp{e}:
        of fumosite algate be ye feeryng{e}.                         400

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE ROAST BIRDS, SWAN, CAPON, &C.]

    [Sidenote: Larger roast birds, as the _Osprey_, &c., raise up [?
    cut off] the legs, then the wings,]

  Good soñ, of all{e} fowles rosted y tell{e} yow as y Cañ,
  Every goos / teele / Mallard / Ospray / & also swanne,
  reyse vp þo leggis of all{e} þese furst, y sey the thañ,
  afft{ur} þat, þe whyng{es} large & rownd /
        þañ dar{e} blame þe no man;                                  404

    [Sidenote: lay the body in the middle, with the wings and legs
    round it, in the same dish.]

  Lay the body in mydd{es} of þe disch{e} /
        or in a-nod{ur} charger{e},
  of vche of þese w{i}t{h} whyng{es} in mydd{es},
        þe legg{es} so aftir ther{e}.
  of all{e} þese in .vj. lees[78] /
        if þat ye[A] will{e}, ye may vppe arer{e},
  & ley þem̅ betwene þe legg{es},
        & þe whyng{es} in þe same plater{e}.                         408

    [Text note: _MS. may be_ yo.]

    [Sidenote: _Capons:_ take off the wings and legs; pour on ale or
    wine, mince them into the flavoured sauce.]

  Capoñ, & hen of hawt grees[79], þus wold þey be dight:--
  Furst, vn-lace þe whynges, þe legg{es} þan in sight,
  Cast ale or wyne oñ þem̅, as þ{er}-to belo{n}geth of ryght,
  & mynse þem̅ þañ in to þe sawce w{i}t{h} powdurs kene of myght.    412

    [Sidenote: Give your lord the left wing, and if he want it, the
    right one too.]

  Take capou{n} or heñ so enlased, & devide;
  take þe lift whynge; in þe sawce mynce hit eueñ beside,
  and yf your{e} sou{er}ayne ete sau{er}ly /
        & haue þ{er}to appetide,
  þañ mynce þat oþur whyng{e} þ{er}-to
        to satisfye hym̅ þ{a}t tyde.                                 416

    [Sidenote: _Pheasants_, &c.: take off the wings, put them in the
    dish, then the legs.]

  Feysaunt, p{ar}trich{e}, plou{er}, & lapewynk, y yow say,
  areyse[80] þe whyng{es} furst / do as y yow pray;
  In þe disch{e} forth{e}-with{e}, boþe þat ye ham lay,
  þañ aftur þat / þe leggus / w{i}t{h}out lengur delay.              420

    [Sidenote: _Woodcocks_, Heronshaws, Brew, &c. break the pinions,
    neck, and beak.]

  wodcok / Betowr{e}[81] / Egret[82] / Snyte[83] / and Curlew,
  heyrou{n}sew[84] / resteratiff þey ar /
        & so is the brewe;[85]
  þese .vij. fowles / must be vnlaced, y tell{e} yow trew,
  breke þe pynons / nek, & beek, þus ye must þem shew.               424

    [Sidenote: Cut off the legs, then the wings, lay the body between
    them.]

  Thus ye must þem vnlace / & in thus manere:            [Fol. 177.]
  areyse þe leggis / suffir{e} þeir{e} feete still{e}
        to be oñ ther{e},
  þañ þe whyng{es} in þe disch{e} / ye may not þem forber{e},
  þe body þañ in þe middes laid / like as y yow leer{e}.             428

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE THE CRANE, FAWN, VENISON, &C.]

    [Sidenote: _Crane_: take off the wings, but not the trompe in his
    breast.]

  The Crane is a fowle / þat strong{e} is w{i}t{h} to far{e};
  þe whyng{es} ye areyse / full{e} large evyñ thar{e};
  of hyr{e} trompe[86] in þe brest / loke þ{a}t ye bewar{e}.
  towche not hir trompe / eu{er}mor{e} þat ye spar{e}.               432

    [Sidenote: _Peacocks_, &c.: carve like you do the Crane, keeping
    their feet on.]

  Pecok / Stork / Bustarde / & Shovellewr{e},
  ye must vnlace þem in þe plite[87] / of þe crane prest & pur{e},
  so þ{a}t vche of þem̅ haue þeyre feete aft{ur} my cur{e},
  and eu{er} of a sharpe knyff wayte þat ye be sur{e}.               436

    [Sidenote: _Quails_, larks, pigeons: give your lord the legs
    first.]

  Of quayle / sparow / larke / & litell{e} / m{er}tinet,
  pygeou{n} / swalow / thrusch{e} / osull{e} / ye not forgete,
  þe legges to ley to yo{ur} sou{er}eyne ye ne lett,
  and afturward þe whyngus if his lust be to ete.                    440

    [Sidenote: _Fawn_: serve the kidney first, then a rib. Pick the
    fyxfax out of the neck.]

  Off Foweñ / kid / lambe, / þe kydney furst it lay,
  Þañ lifft vp the shuldur, do as y yow say,
  Ȝiff he will{e} þ{er}of ete / a rybbe to hym̅ convay;
  but in þe nek þe fyxfax[88] þat þow do away.                       444
  venesou{n} rost / in þe disch{e} if your{e} sou{er}ayne hit chese,

    [Sidenote: _Pig_: 1. shoulder, 2. rib. _Rabbit_: lay him on his
    back; pare off his skin;]

  þe shuldir of a pigge furst /
        þañ a rybbe, yf hit will{e} hym plese;
  þe cony, ley hym oñ þe bak in þe disch, if he haue grece,
  while ye par awey þe skyñ oñ vche side /
        & þañ breke hym̅ or y[e] sece                                448

    [Sidenote: break his haunch bone, cut him down each side of the
    back, lay him on his belly, separate the sides from the chine, put
    them together again,]

  betwene þe hyndur legg{is} breke þe canell{e} booñ,[89]
  þañ w{i}t{h} your{e} knyfe areyse
        þe sides along{e} þe chyne Alone;
  so lay yo{ur} cony wombelong{e} vche side to þe chyne /
        by craft as y co{n}ne,
  betwene þe bulke, chyne, þe sid{es}
        to-gedur{e} lat þem be dooñ;                                 452

    [Sidenote: cutting out the nape of the neck; give your lord the
    sides.]

  The .ij. sides dep{ar}te from þe chyne, þus is my loor{e},
  þen ley bulke, chyne, & sides, to-gedir{e} /
        as þey wer{e} yor{e}.
  Furst kit owte þe nape in þe nek / þe shuldurs befor{e};
  w{i}t{h} þe sides serve your{e} sou{er}anyne /
        hit state to restor{e}.                                      456

    [Sidenote: Sucking rabbits: cut in two, then the hind part in two;
    pare the skin off, serve the daintiest bit from the side.]

  Rabett{es} sowkers,[90] þe furþ{er} p{ar}te
        from þe hyndur, ye devide;
  þañ þe hyndur part at tweyñ ye kut þat tyde,
  par{e} þe skyñ away / & let it not þer{e} abide,
  þañ s{er}ue your{e} sou{er}ayne of þe same /
        þe deynteist of þe side.                                     460

    [Sidenote: Such is the way of carving gross meats.]

  ++The man{er} & forme of kervyng{e} of met{es}
        þat byñ groos,                                  [Fol. 177b.]
  afftur my symplenes y haue shewed, as y suppose:
  yet, good soñ, amonge oþ{er} estat{es} eu{er} as þow goose,
  as ye se / and by vse of your{e} self / ye may gete yow loos.      464

    [Sidenote: Cut each piece into four slices (?) for your master to
    dip in his sauce.]

  But furþ{er}mor{e} enforme yow y must in metis kervyng{e};
  Mynse ye must iiij lees[91] / to ooñ morsell{e} hangyng{e},
  þat your{e} mastir may take w{i}t{h}
        .ij. fyngurs in his sawce dippyng{e},
  and so no napkyñ / brest, ne borcloth{e}[92],
        in any wise enbrowyng{e}.                                    468

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE LARGE AND SMALL BIRDS.]

    [Sidenote: Of large birds’ wings, put only three bits at once in
    the sauce.]

  Of gret fowle / in to þe sawce mynse þe whyng{e} this wise;
  pas not .iij. morcell{es} in þe sawc{e} at onis, as y yow avise;
  To your{e} sou{er}ayne þe gret fowles legge ley, as is þe gise,
  and þus mowe ye neu{er} mysse of all{e} co{n}nyng{e} s{er}uise.    472

    [Sidenote: Of small birds’ wings, scrape the flesh to the end of
    the bone, and put it on your lord’s trencher.]

  Of all{e} man{er} smale brydd{is},
        þe whyng{is} oñ þe trencher leying{e},
  w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyfe /
        þe flesch{e} to þe booñ end ye bryng{e},
  and so co{n}veye hit oñ þe trencher{e},
        þ{a}t wise yo{ur} sou{er}ayne plesyng{e},
  and w{i}t{h} fair{e} salt & trenchour{e} /
        hym̅ also oft renewyng{e}.                                   476


    [Sidenote: _How to carve Baked Meats._]

Bake metes.[93]

    [Sidenote: Open hot ones at the top of the crust, cold ones in the
    middle.]

  Almaner{e} bakemet{es} þat byñ good and hoot,
  Opeñ hem aboue þe brym of þe coffyñ[94] cote,
  and all{e} þat byñ cold / & lusteth your{e} sou{er}eyñ to note,
  alwey in þe mydway opeñ hem ye mote.                               480

    [Sidenote: Take Teal, &c., out of their pie, and mince their
    wings,]

  Of capoñ, chikeñ, or teele, in coffyñ bake,
  Owt of þe pye furst þat ye hem take,
  In a dische besyde / þat ye þe whyngus slake,
  thynk[95] y-mynsed in to þe same
        w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyfe ye slake,                              484

    [Sidenote: stir the gravy in; your lord may eat it with a spoon.]

  And ster{e} well{e} þe stuff þ{er}-in
        w{i}t{h} þe poynt of yo{ur} knyfe;
  Mynse ye thynne þe whyng{is}, be it in to veele or byffe;
  w{i}t{h} a spone lightely to ete
        yo{ur} sou{er}ayne may be leeff,
  So w{i}t{h} suche diet as is holsom
        he may length{e} his life.                                   488


    [Sidenote: Cut Venison, &c., in the pasty. Custard: cut in squares
    with a knife.]

  ++Venesou{n} bake, of boor or othur venur{e},          [Fol. 178.]
  Kut it in þe pastey, & ley hit oñ his trenchur{e}.
  Pygeoñ bake, þe legg{is} leid to your{e} lord sur{e},
  Custard,[96] chekkid buche,[97]
        squar{e} w{i}t{h} þe knyfe; þ{us} is þe cur{e}               492

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE DOWCETES AND PAYNE PUFF.]

    [Sidenote: Dowcets: pare away the sides; serve in a sawcer.]

  Þañ þe sou{er}ayne, w{i}t{h} his spone
        whañ he lusteth{e} to ete.
  of dowcet{es},[98] par{e} awey the sid{es}
        to þe botom̅, & þ{a}t ye lete,
  In a sawcer{e} afor{e} your{e} sou{er}ayne
        semely ye hit sett
  whañ hym̅ liketh{e} to atast: looke ye not forgete.                 496

    [Sidenote: Payne-puff: pare the bottom, cut off the top. Fried
    things are indigestible.]

  Payne Puff,[99] par{e} þe botom nyȝe þe stuff, take hede,
  Kut of þe toppe of a payne puff, do thus as y rede;

    [Textnote: (? p{ar}neys)]

  Also pety p{er}ueys[100] be fayr{e} and clene /
        so god be your{e} spede.
  off Fryed met{es}[101] be war{e}, for þey ar Fumose in dede.       500


Fried metes.

    [Sidenote: Poached-egg (?) fritters are best. Tansey is good hot.
    Don’t eat Leessez.]

  ++O Frutur{e} viant[102] / Frutur sawge,[102] byñ good /
        bett{ur} is Frut{ur} powche;[102]
  Appull{e} frutur{e}[103] / is good hoot /
        but þe cold ye not towche.
  Tansey[104] is good hoot / els cast it not in your{e} clowche.
  all{e} man{er} of leesseȝ[105] / ye may forber{e} /
        herber{e} in yow none sowche.                                504

_Len-voy_

    [Sidenote: Cooks are always inventing new dishes that tempt people
    and endanger their lives:]

  { Cook{es} w{i}t{h} þeir{e} newe co{n}ceyt{es},
          choppyng{e} / stampyng{e}, & gryndyng{e},
  { Many new curies / all{e} day
          þey ar co{n}tryvyng{e} & Fyndyng{e}
  { þ{a}t p{ro}voketh{e} þe peple to p{er}ell{es} of passage /
          þrouȝ peyne soor{e} pyndyng{e},
  { & þrouȝ nice excesse of suche receyt{es} /
          of þe life to make a endyng{e}.                            508

    [Sidenote: Syrups Comedies, Jellies, that stop the bowels.]

  { Some w{i}t{h} Sireppis[106] / Sawces /
          Sewes,[107] and soppes,[108]
  { Comedies / Cawdell{es}[109] cast in Cawdrons /
          ponnes, or pottes,
  { leesses / Ielies[110] / Fruturs / fried mete þat stoppes
  { and distempereth{e} all{e} þe body, bothe bak,
          bely, & roppes:[111]                                       512

    [Sidenote: Some dishes are prepared with unclarified honey.
    Cow-heels and Calves’ feet are sometimes mixed with unsugared
    leches and Jellies.]

  { Some man{er} cury of Cooke{s} crafft Sotelly y haue espied,
  { how þeir{e} dischmet{es} ar dressid w{i}t{h} hony not claryfied.
  { Cow heelis / and Calves fete / ar der{e} y-bouȝt some tide
  { To medill{e} among{e} leeches[112] & Ielies /
          whañ sug{er} shall{e} syt a-side.                          516


  [Headnote: POTAGES.]

Potages.[113]

    [Sidenote: Furmity with venison, mortrewes,]

  ++Wortus w{i}t{h} an henne / Cony /
        beef, or els añ haar{e},                        [Fol. 178b.]
  Frumenty[114] w{i}t{h} venesou{n} /
        pesyñ w{i}t{h} bakoñ, long{e} wort{es} not spar{e};
  Gr{ow}ell{e} of force[115] / Gravell{e} of beeff[116] /
        or motou{n}, haue ye no car{e};
  Gely, mortrows[117] / creyme of almond{es},
        þe mylke[118] {þer}-of is good fare.                         520

    [Sidenote: jussell, &c., are good. Other out-of-the-way soups set
    aside.]

  Iussell{e}[119], tartlett[120], cabag{es}[121],
        & nombles[122] of vennur{e},[A]
  all{e} þese potages ar good and sur{e}
  of oþ{er} sewes & potages þ{a}t ar not made by natur{e},
  all{e} Suche siropis sett a side your{e} heer{e} to endur{e}.      524

    [Text note: The long _r_ and curl for _e_ in the MS. look like
    f, as if for vennuf.]

    [Sidenote: Such is a flesh feast in the English way.]

  ++Now, soñ, y haue yow shewid somewhat of myne avise,
  þe service of a flesch{e} feest folowyng{e} englondis gise;
  Forgete ye not my loor{e} / but looke ye ber{e} good yȝes
  vppoñ oþur co{n}nyng{e} kervers: now haue y told yow twise.        528


  [Headnote: THE SAUCES FOR DIFFERENT DISHES.]

    [Sidenote: Sauces.]

Diuerce Sawces.[123]

    [Sidenote: Sauces provoke a fine appetite.]

  ++Also to know your{e} sawces for flesch{e} conveniently,
  hit p{ro}vokith{e} a fyne apetide if sawce your{e} mete be bie;
  to the lust of your{e} lord looke þ{a}t ye haue þer redy
  suche sawce as hym liketh{e} / to make hym glad & mery.            532

    [Sidenote: Have ready Mustard for brawn, &c., Verjuice for veal,
    &c., Chawdon for cygnet and swan, Garlic, &c., for beef and
    goose,]

  Mustard[124] is meete for brawne /
        beef, or powdred[125] motou{n};
  verdius[126] to boyled capou{n} / veel / chikeñ /or bakoñ;
  And to signet / & swañ, co{n}venyent is þe chawdoñ[127];
  Roost beeff / & goos / w{i}t{h} garlek, vinegr{e},
        or pepur,[[127a]] in co{n}clusiou{n}.                        536

    [Sidenote: Ginger for fawn, &c., Mustard and sugar for pheasant,
    &c., Gamelyn for heronsew, &c.,  Sugar and Salt for brew, &c.,]

  Gyng{er} sawce[128] to lambe, to kyd / pigge, or fawñ /
        in fere;
  to feysand, p{ar}trich{e}, or cony /
        Mustard w{i}t{h} þe sugur{e};
  Sawce gamelyñ[129] to heyroñ-sewe / egret / crane / & plover{e};
  also / brewe[130] / Curlew / sugre & salt /
        w{i}t{h} water{e} of þe ryver{e};                            540

    [Sidenote: Gamelyn for bustard, &c., Salt and Cinnamon for
    woodcock, thrushes, &c., and quails, &c.]

  Also for bustard / betowr{e} / & shoveler{e},[131]
        gamelyñ[132] is in sesou{n};
  Wodcok / lapewynk / M{er}tenet / larke, & venysou{n},
  Sparows / thrusches / all{e} þese .vij.
        w{i}t{h} salt & synamome:
  Quayles, sparowes, & snytes, whañ þeir{e} sesou{n} com,[133]       544
  Thus to p{ro}voke a{n} appetide
        þe Sawce hath{e} is op{er}aciou{n}.


  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE HERRINGS AND SALT FISH.]

    [Sidenote: _How to carve Fish._]

Kervyng of fische.[134]

    [Sidenote: With pea soup or furmity serve a Beaver’s tail, salt
    Porpoise, &c.]

  ++Now, good soñ, of kervyng{e} of fysch{e}
        y wot y must þe leer{e}:
  To pesoñ[135] or frumeñty take þe tayle of þe bever{e},[136]
  or ȝiff ye haue salt purpose[137] / ȝele[138] /
        torrentill{e}[139], deynteith{us} fulle der{e},              548
  ye must do aftur{e} þe forme of frumenty, as y said while er{e}.

    [Sidenote: Split up Herrings, take out the roe and bones, eat with
    mustard.]

  Bakeñ heryng{e}, dressid & diȝt w{i}t{h} white sugur{e};
  þe white heryng{e} by þe bak a brode ye splat hym̅ sur{e},
  bothe rough{e} & boon{us} / voyded /
        þeñ may your{e} lorde endur{e}                               552
  to ete merily w{i}t{h} mustard þ{a}t tyme to his plesur{e}.

    [Sidenote: Take the skin off salt fish, Salmon, Ling, &c., and let
    the sauce be mustard,]

  Of all{e} man{er} salt fisch{e}, looke ye par{e} awey the felle,
  Salt samou{n} / Congur[140], grone[141] fisch{e} /
        boþe lyng{e}[142] & myllewelle[143],
  & oñ your{e} sou{er}aynes trenche{ur} ley hit, as y yow telle.     556
  þe sawce þ{er}-to, good mustard, alway accordeth{e} well{e}.

    [Sidenote: but for Mackarel, &c., butter of Claynes or Hackney
    (?)]

  Saltfysch{e}, stokfisch{e}[144] / m{er}lyng{e}[145] /
        makerell{e}, butt{ur} ye may
  w{i}t{h} swete butt{ur} of Claynos[146] or els of hakenay,
  þe boon{us}, skynnes / & fynnes, furst y-fette a-way,              560
  þeñ sett your{e} dische þer{e}
        as your{e} sou{er}ey{n} may tast & assay.

    [Sidenote: Of Pike, the belly is best, with plenty of sauce.]

  Pike[147], to your{e} sou{er}eyñ y wold þat it be layd,
  þe wombe is best, as y haue herd it said{e},
  Fysch{e} & skyñ to-gedir be hit convaied                           564
  w{i}t{h} pike sawce y-noughe þ{er}-to /
        & h{i}t shall{e} not be denayd.

    [Sidenote: Salt Lampreys, cut in seven gobbets, pick out the
    backbones, serve with onions and galentine.]

  The salt lamprey, gobeñ hit a slout[148]
        .vij. pec{is} y assigne;
  þañ pike owt þe boon{us} nyȝe þe bak spyne,
  and ley hit oñ {your} lord{es} trencher{e}
        wheþ{er} he sowpe or dyne,                                   568
  & þat ye haue ssoddyñ ynons[149]
        to meddill{e} w{i}t{h} galantyne.[150]

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE PLAICE AND OTHER FISH.]

    [Sidenote: Plaice: cut off the fins, cross it with a knife, sauce
    with wine, &c.]

  Off playce,[151] looke ye put a-way þe wat{ur} clene,
  afft{ur} þat þe fynnes also, þat þey be not sene;
  Crosse hym þeñ w{i}t{h} yo{ur} knyffe þat is so kene;              572
  wyne or ale / powd{er} þ{er}-to,
        your{e} sou{er}ayñ well{e} to queme.

    [Sidenote: Gurnard, Chub, Roach, Dace, Cod, &c., split up and
    spread on the dish.]

  Gurnard / roche[152] / breme / chevyñ / base /
        melet / in her kervyng{e},
  Perche / rooche[153] / darce[154] / Makerell{e}, & whityng{e},
  Codde / haddok / by þe bak / splat þem̅ in þe disch{e} liyng{e},   576
  pike owt þe boon{us}, clense þe refett[155] in þe bely bydyng{e};

    [Sidenote: Soles, Carp, &c., take off as served.]

  Soolus[156] / Carpe / Breme de mer{e},[157] & trowt,  [Fol. 179b.]
  þey must be takyñ of as þey in þe disch{e} lowt,
  bely & bak / by gobyñ[158] þe booñ to pike owt,                    580
  so serve ye lord{es} trencher{e}, looke ye well{e} abowt.

    [Sidenote: Whale, porpoise, congur, turbot, Halybut, &c., cut in
    the dish,]

  Whale / Swerdfysch{e} / purpose / dorray[159] / rosted wele,
  Bret[160] / samoñ / Congur[161] / sturgeou{n} / turbut, & ȝele,
  þornebak / thurle polle / hound fysch[162] /
        halybut, to hy{m} þ{a}t hath{e} heele,                       584
  all{e} þese / cut in þe disch{e}
        as your{e} lord eteth{e} at meele.

    [Sidenote: and also Tench in jelly. On roast Lamprons cast
    vinegar, &c., and bone them.]

  Tenche[163] in Iely or in Sawce[164] /
        loke þe{re} ye kut hit so,
  and oñ your{e} lord{es} trencher{e} se þ{a}t it be do.
  Elis & lampurnes[165] rosted / wher{e} þ{a}t eue{r} ye go,         588
  Cast vinegr{e} & powd{er} þ{er}oñ /
        furst fette þe bon{us} þem̅ fro.

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE CRABS AND CRAYFISH.]

    [Sidenote: Crabs are hard to carve: break every claw, put all the
    meat in the body-shell,]

  Crabbe is a slutt / to kerve / & a wrawd[166] wight;
  breke eu{er}y Clawe / a sond{ur} / for þ{a}t is his ryght:
  In þe brode shell{e} putt your{e} stuff /
        but furst haue a sight                                       592
  þat it be clene from skyñ / & senow / or ye begyñ to dight.

    [Sidenote: and then season it with _vinegar or verjuice_ and
    powder. (?)]

  And what[167] ye haue piked / þe stuff owt of eu{er}y shell{e}
  w{i}t{h} þe poynt of your{e} knyff, loke ye temp{er} hit well{e},
  put vinegr{e} / þ{er}to, verdjus, or aysell{e},[168]               596
  Cast þ{er}-oñ powdur, the bettur it will{e} smell{e}.

    [Sidenote: Heat it, and give it to your lord. Put the claws,
    broken, in a dish.]

  Send þe Crabbe to þe kychyñ / þer{e} for to hete,
  agayñ hit facch{e} to þy sou{er}ayne sittyng{e} at mete;
  breke þe clawes of þe crabbe / þe small{e} & þe grete,             600
  In a disch þem̅ ye lay / if hit like yo{ur} sou{er}ayne to ete.

    [Sidenote: The sea Crayfish: cut it asunder, slit the belly of the
    back part, take out the fish,]

  Crevise[169] / þus wise ye must them dight:
  Dep{ar}te the crevise a-sondir{e} euyñ to your{e} sight,
  Slytt þe bely of the hyndur part / & so do ye right,               604
  and all{e} hoole take owt þe fisch{e},
        like as y yow behight.

    [Sidenote: clean out the _gowt_ in the middle of the sea
    Crayfish’s back; pick it out, tear it off the fish,]

  Par{e} awey þe red skyñ for dyu{er}s cawse & dowt,
  and make clene þe place also / þat ye call{e} his gowt,[170]
  hit lies in þe mydd{es} of þe bak / looke ye pike it owt;          608
  areise hit by þe þyknes of a grote / þe fisch{e} rownd abowt.

    [Sidenote: and put vinegar to it; break the claws and set them on
    the table.]

  put it in a disch{e} lees{e} by lees[171] /
        & þat ye not forgete
  to put vinegr{e} to þe same / so it towche not þe mete;
  breke þe gret clawes your{e} self / ye nede no cooke to trete,     612
  Set þem̅ oñ þe table / ye may / w{i}t{h}-owt any man{er} heete.

    [Sidenote: Treat the back like the crab, stopping both ends with
    bread.]

  The bak of þe Crevise, þus he must be sted:
  array hym̅ as ye doth{e} / þe crabbe, if þat any be had,
  and boþe end{es} of þe shell{e} /
        Stoppe them fast w{i}t{h} bred,                              616
  & s{er}ue / your{e} sou{er}eyñ þ{er} w{i}t{h} /
        as he liketh{e} to be fedd.

    [Sidenote: The fresh-water Crayfish: serve with vinegar and
    powder.]

  Of Crevis dewe douȝ[172] Cut his bely a-way,           [Fol. 180.]
  þe fisch{e} in A disch{e} clenly þat ye lay
  w{i}t{h} vineg{er} & powdur þ{er} vppoñ, þus is vsed ay,           620
  þañ your{e} sou{er}ayne / whañ hym semeth{e}, sadly he may assay.

  [Headnote: HOW TO CARVE WHELKS AND LAMPREYS.]

    [Sidenote: Salt Sturgeon: slit its joll, or head, thin. Whelk: cut
    off its head and tail, throw away its operculum, mantle, &c.,]

  The Iolle[173] of þe salt sturgeou{n} / thyñ /
        take hede ye slytt,
  & rownd about þe disch{e} dresse ye musteñ hit.
  Þe whelke[174] / looke þat þe hed / and tayle awey be kytt,        624
  his pyntill[175] & gutt / almond & mantill{e},[176]
        awey þ{er} fro ye pitt;

    [Sidenote: cut it in two, and put it on the sturgeon, adding
    vinegar.]

  Theñ kut ye þe whelk asond{ur}, eveñ pec{is} two,
  and ley þe pecis þ{er}of / vppoñ your{e} sturgeou{n} so,
  rownd all abowt þe disch / while þ{a}t hit will{e} go;             628
  put vinegr{e} þ{er}-vppoñ / þe bett{ur} þañ will{e} hit do.

    [Sidenote: Carve Baked Lampreys thus: take off the piecrust, put
    thin slices of bread on a Dish,]

  Fresch{e} lamprey bake[177] / þus it must be dight:
  Opeñ þe pastey lid, þ{er}-in to haue a sight,
  Take þeñ white bred þyñ y-kut & liȝt,                              632
  lay hit in a charger{e} / disch{e}, or plater, ryght;

    [Sidenote: pour galentyne over the bread, add cinnamon and red
    wine.]

  w{i}t{h} a spone þeñ take owt þe gentill{e} galantyne,[178]
  In þe disch{e}, oñ þe bred / ley hit, le{m}mañ myne,
  þeñ take powd{ur} of Synamome,
        & te{m}p{er} hit w{i}t{h} red wyne:                          636
  þe same wold plese a por{e} mañ / y suppose, well{e} & fyne.

    [Sidenote: Mince the lampreys, lay them on the sauce, &c., on a
    hot plate, serve up to your lord.]

  Mynse ye þe gobyns as thyñ as a grote,
  þañ lay þem̅ vppoñ your{e} galantyne stondyng{e}
        oñ a chaffir{e} hoote:
  þus must ye diȝt a lamprey owt of his coffyñ cote,                 640
  and so may your{e} sou{er}ayne ete merily be noote.

    [Sidenote: White herrings fresh; the roe must be white and tender
    serve with salt and wine.]

  White heryng{e} in a disch{e}, if hit be seaward & fressh{e},
  yo{ur} sou{er}eyñ to ete in seesou{n} of yer{e} /
        þ{er}-aft{ur} he will{e} Asch{e}.
  looke he be white by þe booñ / þe rough{e} white & nesch{e};       644
  w{i}t{h} salt & wyne s{er}ue ye hym̅ þe same /
        boldly, & not to bassh{e}.

    [Sidenote: Shrimps picked, lay them round a sawcer, and serve with
    vinegar.”]

  Shrympes well{e} pyked / þe scales awey ye cast,
  Round abowt a sawcer / ley ye þem in hast;
  þe vinegr{e} in þe same sawcer, þ{a}t your{e} lord may attast,     648
  þañ w{i}t{h} þe said fisch{e} / he may fede hym̅ /
        & of þem make no wast.”


    [Sidenote: “Thanks, father, I know about Carving now,]

  ++“Now, fadir, feir{e} falle ye / & crist yow haue in cure,
  For of þe nurtur{e} of kervyng{e}
        y suppose þat y be sur{e},                      [Fol. 180b.]
  but yet a-nod{ur} office þ{er} is / saue y dar not endure          652
  to frayne yow any further / for feer{e} of displesur{e}:

    [Sidenote: but I hardly dare ask you about a Sewer’s duties, how
    he is to serve.”]

  For to be a sewer{e} y wold y hed þe co{n}nyng{e},
  þañ durst y do my devoir{e} /
        w{i}t{h} any worshipfull{e} to be wo{n}nyng{e};
  señ þat y know þe course / & þe craft of kervyng{e},               656
  y wold se þe siȝt of a Sewer{e}[179] / what wey he /
        sheweth{e} in s{er}uyng{e}.”


  [Headnote: THE SEWER’S OR ARRANGER’S DUTIES.]

    [Sidenote: _The Duties of a Sewer._]

Office of a sewer.[180]

    [Sidenote: “Son, since you wish to learn, I will gladly teach
    you.]

  ++“Now sen yt is so, my son / þat science ye wold fayñ lere,
  drede yow no þyng{e} daungeresnes;
        þ{us}[A] y shall{e} do my dever{e}
  to enforme yow feithfully w{i}t{h} ryght gladsom cher{e},          660
  & yf ye woll{e} lysteñ my lor{e} / somewhat ye shall{e} her{e}:

    [Text note: Inserted in a seemingly later hand.]

    [Sidenote: Let the Sewer, as soon as the Master begins to say
    grace, hie to the kitchen.]

  Take hede whañ þe worshipfull{e} hed / þat is of any place
  hath wasch{e} afor{e} mete / and bigy{n}neth{e} to sey þe grace,
  Vn-to þe kechyñ þañ looke ye take your{e} trace,                   664
  Entendyng & at your{e} co{m}maundyng{e}
        þe s{er}uaund{es} of þe place;

    [Sidenote: I. Ask the Panter for fruits (as butter, grapes, &c.),]

  Furst speke w{i}t{h} þe panter{e} / or officer{e} of þe spicery
  For frutes a-fore mete to ete þem fastyng{e}ly,
  as butt{ur} / plommes / damesyns, grapes, and chery,               668
  Suche in sesons of þe yer{e} / ar served / to make meñ mery,

    [Sidenote:  if they are to be served. II. Ask the cook and
    Surveyor what dishes are prepared.]

  Serche and enquere of þem̅ /
        yf such{e} s{er}uyse shall{e} be þat day;
  þan co{m}myñ w{i}t{h} þe cooke /
        and looke what he will{e} say;
  þe surveyour{e} & he / þe certeynte tell{e} yow will{e} þay,       672
  what met{es} // & how many disches / þey dyd for{e} puruay.

    [Sidenote: III. Let the Cook serve up the dishes, the Surveyor
    deliver them]

  And whañ þe surveour{e}[181] & þe Cooke /
        w{i}t{h} yow done accorde,
  þen shall{e} þe cook dresse all{e} þyng{e}
        to þe surveyng{e} borde,
  þe surveour{e} sadly / & soburly /
        w{i}t{h}-owteñ any discorde                                  676
  Delyu{er} forth{e} his disches, ye to co{n}vey þem̅ to þe lorde;

    [Sidenote: and you, the Sewer, have skilful officers to prevent
    any dish being stolen.]

  And wheñ ye bith{e} at þe borde /
        of s{er}uyce and surveyng{e},                    [Fol. 181.]
  se þat ye haue officers boþe courtly and co{n}nyng{e},
  For drede of a disch{e} of your{e} course stelyng{e}[181],         680
  whych{e} myght cawse a vileny ligtly
        in your{e} s{er}uice sewyng{e}.

    [Sidenote: IV. Have proper servants, Marshals, &c., to bring the
    dishes from the kitchen. V. You set them on the table yourself.]

  And se þ{a}t ye haue s{er}uytours semely /
        þe disches for to ber{e},
  M{ar}chall{es}, Squyers / & s{er}geaunt{es} of armes[182],
        if þ{a}t þey be ther{e},
  þat your{e} lord{es} mete may be brought
        w{i}t{h}out dowt or der{e};                                  684
  to sett it surely oñ þe borde / your{e} self nede not feer{e}.


  [Headnote: FIRST COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: _A Meat Dinner._]

A dynere of flesche.[183]

    [Sidenote: _First Course._]

The Furst Course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Mustard and brawn. 2. Potage. 3. Stewed Pheasant and
    Swan, &c. 4. Baked Venison.]

  ++Furst set forth{e} mustard / & brawne /
        of boor{e},[184] þe wild swyne,
  Suche potage / as þe cooke hath{e} made /
        of yerbis / spice / & wyne,
  Beeff, motoñ[185] / Stewed feysaund /
        Swañ[186] w{i}t{h} the Chawdwyñ,[187]                        688
  Capou{n}, pigge / vensou{n} bake, leche lombard[188] /
        frutur{e} viaunt[189] fyne;

+A Sotelte+

    [Sidenote: 5. A Device of Gabriel greeting Mary.]

  {   And þan a Sotelte:
  { Maydoñ mary þat holy virgyne,
  { And Gabriell{e} gretyng{e} hur / w{i}t{h} an Ave.                692


    [Sidenote: _Second Course._]

The Second Course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Blanc Mange (of Meat). 2. Roast Venison, &c.
    3. Peacocks, heronsew,]

  T{w}o potag{es}, blanger manger{e},[190] & Also Iely[191]:
  For a standard / vensou{n} rost / kyd, favne, or cony,
  bustard, stork / crane / pecok in hakill{e} ryally,[192]
  heiron-sew or / betowr{e}, w{i}t{h}-s{er}ue wit{h} bred,
        yf þat drynk be by;                                          696

    [Sidenote: egrets, sucking rabbits, larks, bream, &c. 4. Dowcets,
    amber Leche, poached fritters.]

  Partrich{e}, wodcok / plover{e} / egret /
        Rabett{es} sowker{e}[193];
  Gret briddes / larkes / gentill{e} breme de mer{e},
  dowcett{es},[194] payne puff, w{i}t{h} leche /
        Ioly[195] Amber{e},
  Fretour{e} powche / a sotelte folowyng{e} in fer{e},               700

    [Sidenote: 5. A Device of an Angel appearing to three Shepherds on
    a hill.]

    þe course for to fullfylle,
  An angell{e} goodly kañ apper{e},
  and syngyng{e} w{i}t{h} a mery cher{e},
    Vn-to .iij. shep{er}d{es} vppoñ añ hill{e}.                      704


  [Headnote: 3RD COURSE OF A FLESH DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: _Third Course._]

The iij^d Course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Almond cream. 2. Curlews, Snipes, &c. 3. Fresh-water
    crayfish, &c. 4. Baked Quinces, Sage fritters, &c.]

  “Creme of almond{es}, & mameny, þe iij. course in coost,
  Curlew / brew / snyt{es} / quayles / sp{ar}ows /
        m{er}tenett{es} rost,
  P{er}che in gely / Crevise dewe douȝ /
        pety p{er}ueis[196] w{i}t{h} þe moost,
  Quynces bake / leche dugard / Frutur{e} sage /
        y speke of cost,                                             708

    [Sidenote: 5. Devices: The Mother of Christ, presented by the
    Kings of Cologne.]

    and soteltees full{e} soleyñ:
  þat lady þ{a}t conseuyd by the holygost
  hym̅ þ{a}t distroyed þe fend{es} boost,
    presentid plesauntly by þe kyng{es} of coleyñ.                   712

    [Sidenote: _Dessert._ White apples, caraways, wafers and Ypocras.]

    Afft{ur} þis, delicat{is} mo.
  Blaunderell{e}, or pepyns, w{i}t{h} carawey in confite,
  Waffurs to ete / ypocras to drynk w{i}t{h} delite.

    [Sidenote: _Clear the Table._]

  now þis fest is fynysched / voyd þe table quyte                    716
  Go we to þe fysch{e} fest while we haue respite,
    & þañ w{i}t{h} godd{es} g{ra}ce þe fest will{e} be do.


  [Headnote: 1ST COURSE OF A FISH DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: _A Fish Dinner._]

A Dinere of Fische.[197]

    [Sidenote: _First Course._]

The Furst Course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Minnows, &c. 2. Porpoise and peas. 3. Fresh
    Millwell. 4. Roast Pike.]

  “Musclade or[198] menows // w{i}t{h} þe Samou{n} bellows[199]//
        eles, lampurns in fer{e};
  Pesoñ w{i}t{h} þe purpose // ar good potage, as y suppose //       720
    as falleth{e} for tyme of þe yer{e}:
  Bakeñ herynge// Sugr{e} þ{er}oñ strewyng{e} //           [Fol. 182.]
    grene myllewell{e}, deynteth{e} & not der{e};
  pike[200] / lamprey / or Soolis
        // purpose rosted oñ coles[201] //                           724
    g{ur}nard / lamp{ur}nes bake / a leche, & a fritur{e};

    [Sidenote: 5. A Divice: A young man piping on a cloud, and called
    _Sanguineus_, or Spring.]

  a semely sotelte folowyng{e} evyñ þer{e}.
    A galaunt yong{e} mañ, a wanton wight,
    pypyng{e} & syngyng{e} / lovyng{e} & lyght,                      728
    Standyng{e} oñ a clowd, Sang{ui}neus he hight,
  þe begy{n}nyng{e} of þe sesoñ þ{a}t cleped is ver.”


    [Sidenote: _Second Course._]

The second course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Dates and Jelly, 2. Doree in Syrup, 3. Turbot, &c.
    4. Eels, Fritters,]

  “Dat{es} in confyte // Iely red and white //
    þis is good dewyng{e}[202];                                      732
  Cong{ur}, somoñ, dorray // In siripp{e} if þey lay //
    w{i}t{h} oþ{er} disches in sewyng{e}.
  Brett / turbut[203] / or halybut // Carpe, base /
        mylet, or trowt //
    Cheveñ,[204] breme / renewyng{e};                                736
  Ȝole / Eles, lampurnes / rost // a leche, a frytur{e},
        y make now bost //

    [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man of War, red and angry called
    _Estas_, or Summer.]

    þe seco{n}d / sotelte sewynge.
  A mañ of warr{e} semyng{e} he was,
    A rough{e}, a red, angry syr{e},                                 740
    An hasty mañ standyng{e} in fyr{e},
    As hoot as som{er} by his attyre;
  his name was þ{er}oñ, & cleped Estas.


  [Headnote: 3RD AND 4TH COURSES OF A FISH DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: _Third Course._]

The thrid course.

    [Sidenote: 1. Almond Cream, &c., 2. Sturgeon, Whelks, Minnows,
    3. Shrimps, &c., 4. Fritters.]

  Creme of almond[205] Iardyne // & mameny[206] // good & fyne //    744
    Potage for þe .iij^d s{er}uyse.
  Fresch sturgeñ / breme de mer{e} // P{er}che in Iely /
        oryent & cler{e} //
    whelk{es}, menuse; þ{us} we devise:
  Shrympis / Fresch heryng{e} bryled
        // pety p{er}ueis may not be exiled,                         748
    leche frytur{e},[207] a tansey gyse //

    [Sidenote: 5. A Device: A Man with a Sickle, tired, called
    Harvest.]

  The sotelte / a mañ w{i}t{h} sikell{e} in his hand{e},
        In a ryver{e} of watur stand{e} /
    wrapped in wed{es} in a werysom wyse,
  hauyng{e} no deynteith{e} to daunce:                               752
    þe thrid age of mañ by liklynes;
    hervist we clepe hym̅, full{e} of werynes
    ȝet þer folowyth{e} mo þat we must dres,
  regard{es} riche þ{a}t ar full{e} of plesaunce.                    756


    [Sidenote: _Fourth Course._]

The .iiij. course of frute.

    [Sidenote: Hot apples, Ginger, Wafers, Ypocras.]

  Whot appuls & peres w{i}t{h} sugr{e} Candy,           [Fol. 182b.]
  With{e} Gyng{re} columbyne, mynsed man{er}ly,
    Wafurs w{i}t{h} ypocras.
  Now þis fest is fynysched / for to make glad cher{e}:              760
  and þaugh{e} so be þat þe vse & maner{e}
    not afor{e} tyme be seyñ has,

    [Sidenote: The last Device, _Yemps_ or Winter, with grey locks,
    sitting on a stone.]

  Neu{er}thelese aft{ur} my symple affeccioñ
  y must conclude w{i}t{h} þe fourth co{m}pleccioñ,                  764
    ‘yemps’ þe cold terme of þe yer{e},
  Wyntur / w{i}t{h} his lokkys grey / febill{e} & old,
  Syttyng{e} vppoñ þe stone / bothe hard & cold,
    Nigard in hert & hevy of cher{e}.                                768


    [Sidenote: These Devices represent the Ages of Man: _Sanguineus_,
    the 1st age, of pleasure.]

  ++The furst Sotelte, as y said, ‘Sang{ui}ne{us}’ hight
      [T]he furst age of mañ / Iocond & light,
    þe sp{ri}ngyng{e} tyme clepe ‘ver.’

    [Sidenote: _Colericus_, the 2nd, of quarrelling.]

  ¶ The second course / ‘colericus’ by callyng{e},                   772
  Full{e} of Fyghtyng{e} / blasfemyng{e}, & brallyng{e},
    Fallyng{e} at veryaunce w{i}t{h} felow & fere.

    [Sidenote: _Autumpnus_ the 3rd, of melancholy.]

  ¶ The thrid sotelte, y declar{e} as y kan,
  ‘Autu{m}pnus,’ þat is þe .iij^d age of mañ,                        776
    With a flewisch{e}[208] countenaunce.

    [Sidenote: _Winter_, the 4th, of aches and troubles.]

  ¶ The iiij^th countenaunce[209], as y seid before,
  is wyntur w{i}t{h} his lokk{es} hoor{e},
    þe last age of mañ full{e} of grevaunce.                         780

    [Sidenote: These Devices give great pleasure, when shown in a
    house.]

  ++These iiij. soteltees devised in towse,[210]
  wher þey byñ shewed in an howse,
    hith{e} doth{e} gret plesaunce
  w{i}t{h} oþ{er} sightes of gret Nowelte                            784
  þañ hañ be shewed in Riall{e} feest{es} of solempnyte,
    A notable cost þe ordynaunce.


    [Sidenote: _Inscriptions for the Devices._]

The superscripcioun of þe sutiltees aboue specified, here folowethe
+Versus+

    [Sidenote: _Spring._]

+Sanguine{us}.+

    [Sidenote: Loving, laughing, singing, benign.]

  Largus, amans, hillaris, ridens, rubei q{ue} coloris,
  Cantans, carnos{us}, sat{is} audax, atque benignus.                788

    [Sidenote: _Summer._]

  +¶ Estas+

  +Colericus.+                                           [Fol. 183.]

    [Sidenote: Prickly, angry, crafty, lean.]

  Hirsutus, Fallax / irascens / p{ro}digus, sat{is} audax,
  Astutus, gracilis / Siccus / crocei q{ue} coloris.

    [Sidenote: _Autumn._]

  +¶ Autumpnus+

  +Fleumaticus.+

    [Sidenote: Sleepy, dull, sluggish, fat, white-faced.]

  Hic sompnolentus / piger, in sputamine multus,
  Ebes hinc sensus / pinguis, facie color albus.                     792

    [Sidenote: _Winter._]

  +¶ yemps+

  +Malencolicus.+

    [Sidenote: Envious, sad, timid, yellow-coloured.]

  Invidus et tristis / Cupidus / dextre que tenac{is},
  Non expers fraudis, timidus, lutei q{ue} coloris.


  [Headnote: A FEST FOR A FRANKLEN.]

    [Sidenote: _A Franklin’s Feast._]

+A fest for a franklen.+

    [Sidenote: Brawn, bacon and pease,]

  ++“A Frankleñ may make a feste Imp{ro}berabill{e},
  brawne w{i}t{h} mustard is con{c}ordable,                          796
    bakoñ s{er}ued w{i}t{h} pesoñ,

    [Sidenote: beef and boiled chickens,]

  beef or motoñ stewed s{er}uysable,
  Boyled Chykoñ or capoñ agreable,
    convenyent for þe sesoñ;                                         800

    [Sidenote: roast goose, capon, and custade.]

  Rosted goose & pygge full{e} profitable,
  Capoñ / Bakemete, or Custade Costable,
    wheñ eggis & crayme be gesoñ.

    [Sidenote: _Second Course._ Mortrewes,]

  Þerfor{e} stuffe of household is behoveable,                       804
  Mortrowes or Iussell{e}[211] ar delectable
    for þe second course by resoñ.

    [Sidenote: veal, rabbit, chicken, dowcettes,]

  Thañ veel, lambe, kyd, or cony,
  Chykoñ or pigeoñ rosted tendurly,                                  808
    bakemet{es} or dowcett{es}[212] w{i}t{h} all{e}.

    [Sidenote: fritters, or leche,]

  þeñ followyng{e}, frytowrs & a leche lovely;
  Suche s{er}uyse in sesou{n} is full{e} semely
    To s{er}ue w{i}t{h} bothe chambur & hall{e}.                     812

    [Sidenote: spiced pears, bread and cheese,]

  Theñ appuls & peris w{i}t{h} spices delicately
  Aft{ur} þe terme of þe yer{e} full{e} deynteithly,
    w{i}t{h} bred and chese to call{e}.

    [Sidenote: spiced cakes, bragot and mead.]

  Spised cak{es} and wafurs worthily                                 816
  with{e} bragot[213] & meth{e},[214] þus meñ may meryly
    plese well{e} bothe gret & small{e}.”


    [Sidenote: _Dinners on Fish-days._]

Sewes on fishe dayes.                                   [Fol. 183b.]

    [Sidenote: Gudgeons, minnows, venprides (?) musclade (?) of
    almonds, oysters dressed,]

  ++“Flowndurs / gogeons, muskels,[215] menuce in sewe,
  Eles, lampurnes, venprid{es} / quyk & newe,                        820
  Musclade in wortes / musclade[216] of almondes
        for stat{es} full{e} dewe,
  Oysturs in Ceuy[217] / oysturs in grauey,[218]
        your helth{e} to renewe,

    [Sidenote: porpoise or seal, pike cullis, jelly, dates, quinces,
    pears,]

  The baly of þe fresch{e} samoñ / els purpose, or seele[219],
  Colice[220] of pike, shrympus[221] /
        or p{er}che, ye know full{e} wele;                           824
  P{ar}tye gely / Creme of almond{es}[222] /
        dat{es} in confite / to rekeu{er} heele,
  Quinces & peris / Ciryppe w{i}t{h} p{ar}cely rot{es} /
        riȝt so bygyñ yo{ur} mele.

    [Sidenote: houndfish, rice, mameny. If you don’t like these
    potages, taste them only.]

  Mortrowis of houndfisch{e}[223] / & Rice standyng{e}[224] white,
  Mameny,[225] mylke of almond{es}, Rice rennyng{e} liquyte,--       828
  þese potages ar holsom for þem þat hañ delite
  þ{er}of to ete / & if not so / þeñ taste he but a lite.”


  [Headnote: SAUCE FOR FISH.]

    [Sidenote: _Fish Sauces._]

Sawce for fishe.[226]

    [Sidenote: Mustard for salt herring, conger, mackerel, &c.]

  ++“Yowr{e} sawces to make y shall{e} geue yow lerynge:
  Mustard is[A] / is metest w{i}t{h} all{e} man{er}
        salt heryng{e},                                              832
  Salt fysch{e}, salt Congur, samou{n}, w{i}t{h} sparlyng{e},[227]
  Salt ele, salt makerell{e}, & also with{e} m{er}lyng{e}.[228]

    [Text note: ? _is_ repeated by mistake.]

    [Sidenote: Vinegar for salt porpoise, swordfish, &c. Sour wine for
    whale, with powder.]

  ++Vynegur is good to salt purpose & torrentyne,[229]
  Salt sturgeoñ, salt swyrd-fysch{e} savery & fyne.                  836
  Salt Thurlepolle, salt whale,[230] is good w{i}t{h} egr{e} wyne,
  with{e} powdur put þ{er}-oñ shall{e} cawse ooñ well{e} to dyne.

    [Sidenote: Wine for plaice. Galantine for lamprey. Verjuice for
    mullet. Cinnamon for base, carp, and chub.]

  Playce w{i}t{h} wyne; & pike with{e} his reffett;
  þe galantyne[231] for þe lamprey / wher{e} þey may be gete;        840
  verdius[232] to roche / darce / breme / soles / & molett;
  Baase, flow[{n}]durs / Carpe / Cheveñ /
        Synamome ye þ{er}-to sett.

    [Sidenote: Garlic, verjuice, and pepper, for houndfish, stockfish,
    &c.]

  Garlek / or mustard, v{er}geus þ{er}to,
        pep{ur} þe {po}wderyng{e}--
  For þornebak / houndfysch{e} / & also fresch{e} heryng{e},         844
  hake[233], stokfysh{e}[234], haddok[235] /
        cod[236] / & whytyng{e}--
  ar moost metist for thes met{es}, as techith{e} vs þe wrytynge.

    [Sidenote: Vinegar, cinnamon, and ginger, for fresh-water
    crayfish, fresh porpoise, sturgeon, &c.]

  Vinegr{e} / powdur with{e} synamome / and gynger{e},   [Fol. 184.]
  to rost Eles / lampurnes / Creveȝ dew douȝ,
        and breme de mer{e},                                         848
  For Gurnard / for roche / & fresch{e} purpose, if hit appe{re},
  Fresch{e} sturgeoñ / shrympes / p{er}che /
        molett / y wold it wer{e} her{e}.


    [Sidenote: Green Sauce for green fish (fresh ling): Mustard is
    best for every dish.]

  ++Grene sawce[237] is good w{i}t{h} grene fisch[238],
        y her{e} say;
  botte lyng{e} / brett[239] & fresch{e} turbut /
        gete it who so may.                                          852
  yet make moche of mustard, & put it not away,
  For w{i}t{h} euery disch{e} he is dewest /
        who so lust to assay.

    [Sidenote: Other sauces are served at grand feasts, but the above
    will please familiar guests.”]

  Other sawces to sovereyns ar s{er}ued in som solempne festis,
  but these will plese them full{e} well{e} /
        þ{a}t ar but hoomly gestis.                                  856
  Now have y shewyd yow, my soñ, somewhat of dyu{er}se Iestis
  þat ar reme{m}bred in lord{es} courte /
        þer{e} as all rialte restis.”


    [Sidenote: “Fair fall you, father! You have taught me lovesomely;
    but please tell me, too, the duties of a Chamberlain.”]

  ++“Now fayre falle yow fadir / in fayth{e} y am full fayñ,
  For louesomly ye han lered me þe nurtur þat ye han sayñ;           860
  pleseth{e} it you to certifye me with ooñ worde or twayñ
  þe Curtesy to co{n}ceue conveniently for eu{er}y chamburlayñ.”


  [Headnote: THE OFFICE OFF A CHAMBURLAYNE.]

    [Sidenote: _The Chamberlain’s Duties._]

The office off a chamburlayne.[240]

    [Sidenote: He must be diligent, neatly dressed, clean-washed,
    careful of fire and candle,]

  ++“The Curtesy of a chamburlayñ is in office to be diligent,
  Clenli clad, his cloþis not all to-rent;                           864
  handis & face wascheñ fayr{e}, his hed well kempt;
  & war eu{er} of fyr{e} and candill{e} þat he be not neccligent.

    [Sidenote: attentive to his master, light of ear, looking out for
    things that will please.]

  To your{e} mastir looke ye geue diligent attendaunce;
  be curteyse, glad of cher{e}, & light of er{e}
        in eu{er}y semblaunce,                                       868
  eu{er} waytyng{e} to þat thyng{e} þat may do hym plesaunce:
  to these p{ro}purtees if ye will apply,
        it may yow well{e} avaunce.

    [Sidenote: The Chamberlain must prepare for his lord a clean
    shirt, under and upper coat and doublet, breeches, socks, and
    slippers as brown as a water-leech.]

  Se that your{e} sou{er}ayne haue clene shurt & breche,
  a petycote,[241] a dublett, a long{e} coote,
        if he wer{e} suche,                                          872
  his hosyñ well brusshed, his sokk{es} not to seche,
  his shoñ or slyppers as browne as is þe wat{ur}leche.

    [Sidenote: In the morning, must have clean linen ready, warmed
    by a clear fire.]

  In þe morow tyde, agaynst your{e} sou{er}ayne doth ryse,
  wayte hys lynnyñ þat hit be clene;
        þeñ warme h{i}t in þ{i}s wise,                               876
  by a cler{e} fyr{e} w{i}t{h}owt smoke /
        if it be cold or frese,
  and so may ye your{e} sou{er}ayñ plese at þe best asise.

    [Sidenote: When his lord rises, he gets ready the foot-sheet; puts
    a cushioned chair before the fire, a cushion for the feet,]

  Agayne he riseth vp, make redy your{e} fote shete
  in þ{i}s man{er} made greithe / & þat ye not forgete               880
  furst a chayer{e} a-for{e} þe fyr{e} / or som oþ{er} honest sete
  With{e} a cosshyñ þ{er} vppoñ /
        & a noþ{ur} for the feete                       [Fol. 184b.]

    [Sidenote: and over all spreads the foot-sheet: has a comb and
    kerchief ready,]

  aboue þe coschyñ & chayer{e} þe said shete ou{er} sprad
  So þat it keu{er} þe fote coschyñ and chayer{e}, riȝt as y bad;    884
  Also combe & kercheff / looke þer{e} bothe be had
  your{e} sou{er}eyñ hed to kymbe or he be graytly clad:


    [Sidenote: and then asks his lord to come to the fire and dress
    while he waits by.]

  ++Than pray your{e} sou{er}eyñ w{i}t{h} wordus mansuetely
  to com to a good fyr{e} and aray hym ther by,                      888
  and ther{e} to sytt or stand / to his p{er}sone plesauntly,
  and ye eu{er} redy to awayte w{i}t{h} maners metely.

    [Sidenote: 1. Give your master his under coat, 2. His doublet,
    3. Stomacher well warmed, 4. Vampeys and socks,]

  Furst hold to hym a petycote aboue your{e} brest and barme,
  his dublet þañ aftur to put in boþe hys arme,                      892
  his stomacher{e} well{e} y-chaffed to kepe hym fro harme,
  his vampeys[242] and sokkes, þañ all day he may go warme;

    [Sidenote: 5. Draw on his socks, breeches, and shoes, 6. Pull up
    his breeches, 7. Tie ’em up,]

  Theñ drawe oñ his sokkis / & hosyñ by the fur{e},
  his shoñ laced or bokelid, draw them̅ oñ sur{e};                   896
  Strike his hosyñ vppewarde his legge ye endur{e},
  þeñ trusse ye them vp strayte / to his plesur{e},

    [Sidenote: 8. Lace his doublet, 9. Put a kerchief round his neck,
    10. Comb his head with an ivory comb, 11. Give him warm water to
    wash with,]

  Then lace his dublett eu{er}y hoole so by & bye;
  oñ his shuldur about his nek a kercheff þer{e} must lye,           900
  and curteisly þañ ye kymbe his hed w{i}t{h} combe of yvery,
  and watur warme his hand{es} to wasche, & face also clenly.


    [Sidenote: 12. Kneel down and ask him what gown he’ll wear:
    13. Get the gown, 14. Hold it out to him;]

  ++Than knele a dowñ oñ your{e} kne /
        & þ{us} to your{e} sou{er}ayñ ye say
  “Syr, what Robe or govñ pleseth it yow to wer{e} to day?”          904
  Suche as he axeth for{e} / loke ye plese hym to pay,
  þañ hold it to hym̅ a brode, his body þ{er}-in to array;

    [Sidenote: 15. Get his girdle, 16. His Robe (see l. 957). 17. His
    hood or hat.]

  his gurdell{e}, if he wer{e}, be it strayt or lewse;
  Set his garment goodly / aftur as ye know þe vse;                  908
  take hym̅ hode or hatt / for his hed[[242a]] cloke or cappe de huse;
  So shall{e} ye plese hym̅ prestly, no nede to make excuse

    [Sidenote: 18. Before he goes brush him carefully.]

  Wheþ{ur} hit be feyr{e} or foule, or mysty all{e} with{e} reyñ.
  Or your{e} mastir depart his place, afor{e} þ{a}t þis be seyñ,     912
  to brusch{e} besily about hym̅; loke all be pur and playñ
  wheþur he wer{e} sateñ / sendell, vellewet, scarlet, or greyñ.

    [Sidenote: Before your lord goes to church, see that his pew is
    made ready, cushion, curtain, &c.]

  Prynce or p{re}late if hit be, or any oþ{er} potestate,
  or he entur in to þe church{e}, be it erly or late,                916
  p{er}ceue all þyng{e} for his pewe þ{a}t it be made p{re}p{ar}ate,
  boþe cosshyñ / carpet / & curteyñ /
        bed{es} & boke, forgete not that.


    [Sidenote: Return to his bedroom, throw off the clothes, beat the
    featherbed, see that the fustian and sheets are clean.]

  ++Thañ to your{e} sou{er}eynes chambur walke ye in hast;
  all þe cloþes of þe bed, them aside ye cast;                       920
  þe Fethurbed ye bete / w{i}t{h}out hurt, so no feddurs ye wast,
  Fustiañ[243] and shetis clene by sight and sans ye tast.

    [Sidenote: Cover the bed with a coverlet, spread out the bench
    covers and cushions, set up the headsheet and pillow, remove the
    urinal and basin,]

  Kover w{i}t{h} a keu{er}lyte clenly / þat bed so man{er}ly made;
  þe bankers & quosshyns, in þe chambur se þem̅ feir{e} y-sprad,      924
  boþe hedshete & pillow also, þat þe[y] be saaff vp stad,
  the vrnell{e} & basoñ also that they awey be had.

    [Sidenote: lay carpets round the bed, and with others dress the
    windows and cupboard, have a fire laid.]

  Se the carpett{is} about þe bed
        be forth spred & laid,                           [Fol. 185.]
  wyndowes & cuppeborde w{i}t{h} carpett{is} & cosshyns splayd;      928
  Se þer be a good fyr{e} in þe chambur conveyed,
  w{i}t{h} wood & fuell{e} redy þe fuyr{e} to bete & aide.


    [Sidenote: Keep the Privy sweet and clean, cover the boards with
    green cloth, so that no wood shows at the hole; put a cushion
    there,]

  ++Se þe privehouse for esement[244] be fayr{e}, soote, & clene,
  & þat þe bord{es} þ{er} vppoñ /
        be keu{er}ed with{e} clothe feyr{e} & grene,                 932
  & þe hool{e} / hym self, looke þer no borde be sene,
  þ{er}oñ a feir{e} quoschyñ / þe ordour{e} no mañ to tene

    [Sidenote: and have some blanket, cotton, or linen to wipe on;
    have a basin, jug, and towel, ready for your lord to wash when he
    leaves the privy.]

  looke þ{er} be blanket / cotyñ /
        or lynyñ to wipe þe neþ{ur} ende[245];
  and eu{er} wheñ he clepith{e}, wayte redy & entende,               936
  basou{n} and ewer{e}, & oñ yo{ur} shuldur a towell{e},
        my frende[246];
  In þis wise worship shall{e} ye wyñ /
        wher{e} þ{a}t eu{er} ye wende


  [Headnote: THE CHAMBERLAIN IN THE WARDEROBES.]

The warderober.[247]

    [Sidenote: In the Wardrobe take care to keep the clothes well,]

  ++In þe warderobe ye must muche entende besily
  the robes to kepe well / & also to brusche þem̅ clenly;            940
  w{i}t{h} the ende of a soft brusch{e} ye brusch{e} þem clenly,
  and yet ou{er} moche bruschyng{e} wereth{e} cloth lyghtly.

    [Sidenote: and brush ’em with a soft brush at least once a week,
    for fear of moths. Look after your Drapery and Skinnery.]

  lett neu{er} wollyñ cloth ne furr{e} passe a seuenyght
  to be vnbrossheñ & shakyñ / tend þ{er}to aright,                   944
  for mought{es} be redy eu{er} in þem to gendur & aliȝt;
  þerfore to drapery / & skynn{er}y eu{er} haue ye a sight.

    [Sidenote: If your lord will take a nap after his meal, have ready
    kerchief, comb, pillow and headsheet]

  your{e} souerayñ aftir mete / his stomak to digest
  yef he will{e} take a slepe / hym self þer{e} for to rest,         948
  looke bothe kercheff & combe / þat ye haue þer{e} prest,
  bothe pillow & hedshete / for hym̅ þe[y] must be drest;

    [Sidenote: (don’t let him sleep too long), water and towel.]

  yet be ye nott ferr{e} hym fro, take tent what y say,
  For moche slepe is not medcynable in myddis of þe day.             952
  wayte þat ye haue watur to wasch{e} / & towell{e} all{e} way
  aftur slepe and sege / honeste will not hit denay.


  [Headnote: TO PUT A LORD TO BED.]

    [Sidenote: When he goes to bed, 1. Spread out the footsheet,
    2. Take off your lord’s Robe and put it away.]

  ++Whañ your{e} sou{er}ayne hath{e} supped /
        & to chamb{ur} takith{e} his gate,
  þañ sprede forth{e} your{e} fote shete /
        like as y lered yow late;                                    956
  thañ his gowne ye gadir of, or garment of his estate,
  by his licence / & ley hit vpp in suche place as ye best wate.

    [Sidenote: 3. Put a cloak on his back, 4. Set him on his
    footsheet, 5. Pull off his shoes, socks, and breeches, 6. Throw
    the breeches over your arm,]

  vppoñ his bak a ma{n}tell ye ley / his body to kepe from cold,
  Set hym̅ oñ his fote shete[248] / made redy as y yow told;          960
  his shoñ, sokkis, & hosyñ / to draw of be ye bolde;
  þe hosyñ oñ your{e} shuldyr cast /
        oñ vppoñ yo{ur} arme ye hold;                   [Fol. 185b.]

    [Sidenote: 7. Comb his head, 8. Put on his kerchief and nightcap,
    9. Have the bed, and headsheet, &c., ready,]

  your{e} sou{er}eynes hed ye kembe / but furst ye knele to ground;
  þe kercheff and cappe oñ his hed / hit wolde be warmely wounde;    964
  his bed / y-spred / þe shete for þe hed /
        þe pelow prest þ{a}t stounde,
  þat wheñ your{e} sou{er}eyñ to bed shall go /
        to slepe þer{e} saaf & sounde,

    [Sidenote: 10. Draw the curtains, 11. Set the night-light,
    12. Drive out dogs and cats, 13. Bow to your lord,]

  The curteyns let draw þem̅ þe bed round about;
  se his morter[249] w{i}t{h} wax or p{er}cher{e}[250]
        þat it go not owt;                                           968
  dryve out dogge[[250a]] and catte, or els geue þem̅ a clovt;
  Of your{e} sou{er}ayne take no leue[251]; /
        but low to hym̅ alowt.

    [Sidenote: 14. Keep the night-stool and urinal ready for whenever
    he calls, and take it back when done with.]

  looke þat ye haue þe basoñ for ch{a}mbur & also þe vrnall{e}
  redy at all{e} howres wheñ he will{e} clepe or call{e}:            972
  his nede p{er}formed, þe same receue agayñ ye shall{e},
  & þus may ye haue a thank /
        & reward wheñ þ{a}t eu{er} hit fall{e}.


  [Headnote: TO MAKE A BATH.]

    [Sidenote: _How to prepare a Bath._]

A bathe or stewe so called.

    [Sidenote: Hang round the roof, sheets full of sweet herbs, have
    five or six sponges to sit or lean on,]

  Ȝeff your{e} sou{er}ayne will{e} to þe bath{e},
        his body to wasch{e} clene,
  hang shetis round about þe rooff; do thus as y meene;              976
  eu{er}y shete full of flowres & herbis soote & grene,
  and looke ye haue sponges .v. or vj. p{er}oñ to sytte or lene:

    [Sidenote: and one great sponge to sit on with a sheet over and a
    sponge under his feet. Mind the door’s shut.]

  looke þ{er} be a gret sponge, þ{er}-oñ
        your{e} sou{er}ayne to sytt;
  þ{er}oñ a shete, & so he may bathe hym̅ þer{e} a fytte;            980
  vndir his feete also a sponge, ȝiff þ{er} be any to putt;
  and alwey be sur{e} of þe dur, & se þat he be shutt.

    [Sidenote: With a basinful of hot herbs, wash him with a soft
    sponge, throw rose-water on him; let him go to bed.]

  A basyñ full in your{e} hand of herbis hote & fresch{e},
  & with a soft sponge in hand, his body þ{a}t ye wasch{e};          984
  Rynse hym̅ with rose watur warme & feir{e} vppoñ hym flasch{e},
  þeñ lett hym̅ go to bed / but looke it be soote & nesch{e};

    [Sidenote: Put his socks and slippers on, stand him on his
    footsheet, wipe him dry, take him to bed to cure his troubles.]

  but furst sett oñ his sokkis, his slyppers oñ his feete,
  þat he may go feyr{e} to þe fyr{e},
        þer{e} to take his fote shete,                               988
  þañ with{e} a clene cloth{e} / to wype awey all wete;
  thañ bryng{e} hym̅ to his bed, his bales ther{e} to bete.”


  [Headnote: THE MAKYNG OF A BATHE MEDICINABLE.]

    [Sidenote: _To make a Medicinal Bath._]

The makyng of a bathe medicinable.[252]

    [Sidenote: Boil together hollyhock centaury, herb-benet,
    scabious,]

  ++“Holy hokke / & yardehok[253] / p{er}itory[254] /
        and þe brown fenell{e},[255]                     [Fol. 186.]
  walle wort[256] / herbe Iohñ[257] / Sentory[258] /
        rybbewort[259] / & camamell{e},                              992

  hey hove[260] / heyriff[261] / herbe benet[262] /
        bresewort[263] / & smallache,[264]
  broke lempk[265] / Scabiose[266] / Bilgres[267] /
        wildflax / is good for ache;

    [Sidenote: withy leaves; throw them hot into a vessel, set your
    lord on it; let him bear it as hot as he can, and whatever disease
    he has will certainly be cured, as men say.]

  wethy leves / grene otes / boyled in fer{e} fulle soft,
  Cast þem̅ hote in to a vessell{e} /
        & sett your{e} soverayñ alloft,                              996

  and suffir{e} þat hete a while as hoot as he may a-bide;
  se þ{a}t place be cou{er}ed well{e} ou{er} /
        & close oñ eu{er}y side;

  and what dissese ye be vexed w{i}t{h}, grevaunce ouþ{er} peyñ,
  þis medicyne shall{e} make yow hoole surely, as meñ seyñ.”        1000


  [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: THE ORDER OF PRECEDENCE OF PERSONS.]

    [Sidenote: _The Duties of an Usher and Marshal._]

The office of ussher & marshalle.[268]

[A]my lorde, my master, of lilleshull{e} abbot[A]

    [Text note: This line is in a later hand.]

    [Sidenote: He must know the rank and precedence of all people.]

  ++“The office of a co{n}nyng{e} vscher{e} or marshall{e}
        w{i}t{h}-owt fable
  must know all{e} estat{es} of the church goodly & greable,
  and þe excellent estate of a kyng{e}
        w{i}t{h} his blode honorable:                               1004
  hit is a notable nurtur{e} /
        co{n}nyng{e}, curyouse, and commendable.


    [Sidenote: I. 1. The Pope. 2. Emperor. 3. King. 4. Cardinal.
    5. Prince. 6. Archbishop. 7. Royal Duke.]

    [Sidenote: II. Bishop, &c.]

+Thestate of a+

  +The pope+ hath no peere;
  { Emperowr{e} is nex hym eu{er}y wher{e};
  { Kyng{e} corespondent; þus nurtur{e} shall{e} yow lere.
  { high{e} Cardynell{e}, þe dignyte doth{e} requer{e};             1008
  { Kyngis soñe, prynce ye hym Call{e};
  { Archebischopp{e} is to hym p{er}egall{e}.
  { Duke of þe blod{e} royall{e},
  { bishopp{e} / Marques / & erle / coequall{e}.                    1012

    [Sidenote: III. 1. Viscount. 2. Mitred abbot. 3. Three Chief
    Justices. 4. Mayor of London.]

    [Sidenote: IV. (The Knight’s rank.) 1. Cathedral Prior, Knight
    Bachelor. 2. Dean, Archdeacon. 3. Master of the Rolls. 4. Puisné
    Judge. 5. Clerk of the Crown. 6. Mayor of Calais. 7. Doctor of
    Divinity. 8. Prothonotary. 9. Pope’s Legate.]

  { ++Vycount / legate / baroune / suffrigañ /
        abbot w{i}t{h} myt{ur} feyr{e},
  { barovñ of þescheker{e} / iij. þe cheff Iusticeȝ /
        of londoñ þe meyr{e};
  { Pryour{e} Cathedrall{e}, myt{ur} abbot w{i}t{h}out /
        a knyght bachiller{e}
  { P{ri}oure / deane / archedekoñ / a knyght /
        þe body Esquyer{e},                                         1016

  { Mastir of the rolles / riȝt þus rykeñ y,
  { Vndir Iustice may sitte hym by:
  { Clerke of the crowne / & thescheker{e} Co{n}venyently
  { Meyr{e} of Calice ye may p{re}ferr{e} plesauntly.               1020
  { Provynciall{e}, & doctur diuyne,                    [Fol. 186b.]
  { P{ro}thonot{ur}, ap{er}tli to-gedur þey may dyne.

    [Sidenote: V. (The Squire’s rank.) 1. Doctor of Laws. 2. Ex-Mayor
    of London. 3. Serjeant of Law. 4. Masters of Chancery.
    5. Preacher. 6. Masters of Arts. 7. Other Religious. 8. Parsons
    and Vicars. 9. Parish Priests. 10. City Bailiffs. 11. Serjeant at
    Arms. 12. Heralds (the chief Herald has first place),
    13. Merchants, 14. Gentlemen, 15. Gentlewomen may all eat with
    squires.]

  { ++Þe popes legate or collectour{e}, to-ged{ur} ye assigne,
  { Doctur of bothe lawes, beyng{e} in science digne.               1024

  { ++Hym þat hath byñ meyr{e} / & a londyner{e},
  { Sargeaunt of lawe / he may w{i}t{h} hym comper{e};
  { The mastirs of the Chauncery w{i}t{h} comford & cher{e},
  { Þe worshipfull{e} p{re}chour{e} of p{ar}dou{n}
        in þ{a}t place to apper{e}.                                 1028

  The clerk{es} of connyng{e} that hañ takeñ degre,
  And all{e} othur ordurs of chastite chosyñ, & also of pou{er}te,
  all{e} p{ar}sons & vicaries þat ar of dignyte,
  parisch{e} prest{es} kepynge cur{e}, vn-to þem loke ye se.        1032
  For þe baliff{es} of a Cite purvey ye must a space,
  A yemañ of þe crowne / Sargeaunt of armes w{i}t{h} mace,
  A herrowd of Armes as gret a dygnyte has,
  Specially kyng{e} harrawd /
        must haue þe p{ri}ncipall{e} place;                         1036

  Worshipfull{e} m{er}chaund{es} and riche artyficeris,
  Gentilmeñ well{e} nurtured & of good maneris,
  W{i}t{h} gentilwo{m}men / and namely lord{es} nurrieris,
  all{e} these may sit at a table of good squyeris.                 1040


  [Headnote: USHER & MARSHAL: WHAT PEOPLE RANK AND DINE TOGETHER.]

    [Sidenote: I have now told you the rank of every class, and now
    I’ll tell you how they may be grouped at table.]

  ++Lo, soñ, y haue shewid the aft{ur} my symple wytte
  euery state aftir þeir{e} degre,
        to þy knowleche y shall{e} co{m}mytte,
  and how þey shall{e} be s{er}ued, y shall{e} shew the ȝett,
  in what place aft{ur} þeir{e} dignyte how þey owght to sytte:     1044

    [Sidenote: I. Pope, King, Prince, Archbishop and Duke.]

+Thestate of a+

  { Pope, Emp{er}owr{e} / kyng{e} or cardynall{e},
  { Prynce w{i}t{h} goldyñ rodde Royall{e},
  { Archebischopp{e} / vsyñg to wer{e} þe palle,
  { Duke / all{e} þese of dygnyte owȝt not kepe þe hall{e}.         1048

    [Sidenote: II. Bishop, Marquis, Viscount, Earl. III. The Mayor of
    London, Baron, Mitred Abbot, three Chief Justices, Speaker,]

  Bisshoppes, M{er}ques, vicount, Erle goodly,
  May sytte at .ij. messeȝ yf þey be lovyng{e}ly.
  þe meyr{e} of londoñ, & a baroñ, an abbot myterly,
  the iij. chef Iusticeȝ, þe speker{e} of þe p{ar}lement,
        p{ro}purly                                                  1052

    [Sidenote: may sit together, two or three at a mess.]

  all{e} these Estat{es} ar gret and honorable,
  þey may sitte in Chambur or hall{e} at a table,
  .ij. or els iij. at a messe / ȝeff þey be greable:
  þus may ye in your{e} office to eu{er}y mañ be plesable.          1056

    [Sidenote: IV. The other ranks (three or four to a mess) equal to
    a Knight, unmitred Abbot, Dean, Master of the Rolls,]

  Of all{e} oþ{er} estat{es} to a messe /
        iij. or iiij. þus may ye sur{e},
  And of all{e} estatis þat ar egall{e} w{i}t{h} a knyght /
        digne & demur{e},
  Off abbot & p{ri}our{e} sauncȝ myt{ur},
        of co{n}vent þey hañ cur{e};
  Deane / Archedecoñ, mast{ur} of þe rolles,
        aft{ur} your{e} plesur{e},                                  1060

    [Sidenote: under Judges, Doctor of Divinity, Prothonotary, Mayor
    of Calais.]

  Alle the vndirIusticeȝ and barou{n}es
        of þe kyng{es} Eschekier{e},                     [Fol. 187.]
  a p{ro}vinciall{e} / a doctour{e} devine /
        or boþe lawes, þus yow ler{e},
  A p{ro}thonot{ur} ap{ert}li, or þe popis collectour{e},
        if he be ther{e},
  Also þe meyr{e} of þe stapull{e} /
        In like purpose þ{er} may apper{e}.                         1064

    [Sidenote: V. Other ranks equal to a Squire, four to a mess.
    Serjeants of Law, ex-Mayor of London, Masters of Chancery,]

  Of all{e} oþ{ur} estat{es} to a messe ye may sette
        four{e} / & four{e},
  as suche p{er}sones as ar p{er}egall{e}
        to a squyer{e} of honour{e}:
  Sargeaund{es} of lawe /
        & hym̅ þat hath byñ meyr{e} of londoñ aforne,
  and þe mastyrs of þe chauncery, þey may not be forborne.          1068

    [Sidenote: Preachers and Parsons, Apprentices of Law, Merchants
    and Franklins.]

  All{e} p{re}chers / residencers / and p{er}sones þat ar greable,
  Apprentise of lawe In courtis pletable,
  Marchaund{es} & Frankloñȝ, worshipfull{e} & honorable,
  þey may be set semely at a squyers table.                         1072

    [Sidenote: Each estate or rank shall sit at meat by itself, not
    seeing another.]

  These worthy[A] Estat{es} a-foreseid / high of renowne,
  Vche Estate syngulerly in hall{e} shall{e} sit a-downe,
  that none of hem se othur{e} /
        at mete tyme in feld nor in towne,
  but vche of þem̅ self in Chambur or in pavilowne.                  1076

    [Text note: royall{e} _is written over_ worthy.]


    [Sidenote: The Bishop of Canterbury shall be served apart from the
    Archbishop of York, and the Metropolitan alone.]

  ++Yeff þe bischopp{e} of þe p{ro}vynce of Caunturbury
  be in þe p{re}sence of the archebischopp{e}
        of yorke reu{er}ently,
  þeir{e} s{er}uice shall{e} be kou{er}ed /
        vche bisshopp{e} syngulerly,
  and in þe p{re}sence of þe metropolytan{e}
        none oþ{er} sicurly.                                        1080

    [Sidenote: The Bishop of York must not eat before the Primate of
    England.]

  yeff bischopps of yorke p{ro}vynce be fortune be syttyng{e}
  In þe p{re}sence of þe p{ri}mate of Englond þañ beyng{e},
  þey must be cou{er}ed in all{e} þeyr{e} s{er}uyng{e},
  and not in p{re}sence of þe bischopp{e}
        of yorke þer{e} apperyng{e}.                                1084


  [Headnote: USHER AND MARSHAL: OF BLOOD ROYAL AND PROPERTY.]

    [Sidenote: Sometimes a Marshal is puzzled by Lords of royal blood
    being poor, and others not royal being rich;]

  ++Now, soñ, y p{er}ceue þat for dyu{er}se cawses /
        as well{e} as for ignorau{n}ce,
  a m{er}chall{e} is put oft tymes in gret comberaunce
  For som lord{es} þat ar of blod royall{e} /
        & litell{e} of lyvelode p{er} chaunce,
  and some of gret lyvelode / & no blode royall{e} to avaunce;      1088

    [Sidenote: also by a Lady of royal blood marrying a knight, and
    _vice versâ_. The Lady of royal blood shall keep her rank; the
    Lady of low blood shall take her husband’s rank.]

  And som knyght is weddid / to a lady of royall{e} blode,
  and a poor{e} lady to blod ryall{e}, manfull{e} & myghty of mode:
  þe lady of blod royall{e} shall{e} kepe þe state /
        þat she afor{e} in stode,
  the lady of low blode & degre /
        kepe her lordis estate, y make h{i}t good.                  1092

    [Sidenote: Property is not so worthy as royal blood, so the latter
    prevails over the former, for royal blood may become King.]

  The substau{n}ce of lyvelode is not so digne /
        as is blode royall{e},
  Þ{er}for{e} blode royall{e} opteyneth þe sou{er}eynte
        in chambur & in hall{e},
  For blode royall{e} somtyme tiȝt to be kyng{e} in pall{e};
  of þe which{e} mater{e} y meve no more:
        let god gou{er}ne all{e}!                                   1096


    [Sidenote: The parents of a Pope or Cardinal must not presume to
    equality with their son,]

  ++There as pope or cardynall{e} in þeir{e} estate beyng{e},
  þat hañ fadur & mod{ur} by their{e} dayes lyvyng{e},
  þeir{e} fadur or modir ne may in any wise be p{re}sumyng{e}
  to be egall{e} w{i}t{h} their{e} soñ standyng{e} ne sittyng{e}:   1100

    [Sidenote: and must not want to sit by him, but in a separate
    room.]

  Therfor{e} fadir ne moder / þey owe not to desire
  to sytte or stond by þeyr{e} son /
        his state will{e} h{i}t not requir{e},
  but by þem self / a chambur assigned for them sur{e},
  Vn-to whom vche office ought gladly                  [Fol. 187b.]
        to do plesur{e}.                                            1104

    [Sidenote: A Marshal must look to the rank of every estate,]

  To the birth{e} of vche estate a m{er}shall{e} must se,
  and þeñ next of his lyne / for þeyr{e} dignyte;
  þen folowyng{e}, to officers affter{e} þeir{e} degre,
  As chaunceler{e}, Steward / Chamburleyñ / tresorer{e} if he be:   1108

    [Sidenote: and do honour to _foreign visitors_ and residents.]

  Mor{e} ou{er} take hede he must / to aliene /
        co{m}mers straungeres,
  and to straungers of þis land, resi[d]ent dwelleres,
  and exalte þem to honour{e} / if þe be of honest maneres;
  þeñ all{e} oþ{er} aft{ur} þeir{e} degre / like as cace requeres.  1112

    [Sidenote: A well-trained Marshal should think beforehand where to
    place strangers at the table.]

  In a man{er}able m{er}shall{e} þe co{n}nyng{e}
        is moost co{m}mendable
  to haue a for{e} sight to straungers, to sett þem at þe table;
  For if þey haue gentill{e} cher{e} / & gydyng{e} man{er}able,
  þe m{er}shall{e} doth his sou{er}eyñ honour{e} /
        & he þe mor{e} lawdable.                                    1116


    [Sidenote: If the King sends any messenger to your Lord receive
    him one degree higher than his rank.]

  ¶ Ȝeff þow be a m{er}shall{e} to any lord of þis land,
  yff þe kyng{e} send to þy sou{er}eyñ eny his s{er}uand by sand,

  +Yeff he be a+              +receve hym as a+
    { knyght                    { barouñ honorand
    { Squyer{e}                 { knyght w{i}t{h} hand
    { yomañ of þe crowñ         { Squyer{e}
    { grome                     { yemañ in maner{e}
    { page                      { grome goodly in fer{e}
    { Childe                    { grome gentill{e} lerner{e}.

    [Sidenote: The King’s groom may dine with a Knight or Marshal,]

  ¶ hit rebuketh not a knyght /
        þe knyg{es} grome to sytte at his table,                    1125
  no mor{e} hit doth{e} a m{er}shall{e} of maners plesable;
  and so from̅ þe hiest degre / to be lowest honorable,
  if þe m{er}shall{e} haue a sight þ{er}to, he is co{m}mendable.    1128

  [Headnote: THE DIFFERENCES OF MEN EQUAL IN RANK.]

    [Sidenote: A Marshal must also understand the rank of County and
    Borough officers,]

  ¶ Wisdom woll{e} a m{er}shall{e}
        man{er}abely þ{a}t he vndirstand
  all{e} þe worshipfull{e} officers of the comunialte of þis land,
  of Shires / Citees / borowes; like as þey ar ruland,
  þey must be sett aft{ur} þeir{e} astate dewe
        in degre as þey stand.                                      1132

    [Sidenote: and that a Knight of blood and property is above a poor
    Knight,]

  ¶ hit belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall{e} to haue a for{e} sight
  of all{e} estatis of þis land in eu{er}y place pight,
  For þestate of a knyght of blode, lyvelode, & myght,   [Fol. 188.]
  is not p{er}egall{e} to a symple & a poouere knyght.              1136

    [Sidenote: the Mayor of London above the Mayor of Queenborough,]

  ¶ Also þe meyr{e} of londoñ, notable of dignyte,
  and of queneborow[269] þe meir{e}, no þyng{e} like in degre,
  at one messe þey owght in no wise to sitt ne be;
  hit no þyng{e} besemeth{e} /
        þ{er}for{e} to suche semble ye se /                         1140

    [Sidenote: the Abbot of Westminster above the poor Abbot of
    Tintern,]

  ¶ Also þe abbote of Westmynster{e}, þe hiest of þ{is} lande /
  The abbot of tynterne[270] þe poorest,
        y vndirstande,                                  [Fol. 188a.]
  þey ar boþe abbot{es} of name, & not lyke of fame to fande;
  ȝet Tynterne w{i}t{h} Westmynster
        shall{e} nowþ{er} sitte ne stande.                          1144

    [Sidenote: the Prior of Canterbury above the Prior of Dudley,]

  ¶ Also þe Pryour{e} of Caunturbury,[271]
        a cheff churche of dignyte,
  And þe priour{e} of Dudley,[272] no þyng{e} so digne as he:--
  ȝet may not þe priour{e} of dudley, symple of degre,
  Sitte w{i}t{h} þe priour{e} of Caunturbury:
        þ{er} is why, a dyu{er}site.                                1148

    [Sidenote: the Prior who is Prelate of a Cathedral Church above
    any Abbot or Prior of his diocese,]

  ¶ And reme{m}br{e} eu{er}mor{e} / añ rule þ{er} is generall{e}:
  A p{ri}our{e} þat is a p{re}late of any churche Cathedrall{e},
  above abbot or priour{e}
        w{i}t{h}-in the diocise sitte he shall{e},
  In churche / in chapell{e} / in chambur / & in hall{e}.           1152

    [Sidenote: a Doctor of 12 years’ standing above one of 9 (though
    the latter be the richer),]

  ¶ Right so reu{er}end docturs, degre of xij. yer{e},
        þem ye must assigne
  to sitte aboue hym / þat co{m}mensed hath but .ix.
  and þaugh{e} þe yonger may larger spend gold red & fyne,
  ȝet shall{e} þe eldur sitte aboue /
        wheþ{ur} he drynke or dyne.                                 1156

    [Sidenote: the old Aldermen above the young ones, and 1. the
    Master of a craft, 2. the ex-warden.]

  ¶ like wise the aldremen, ȝef þey be eny wher{e},
  þe yonger{e} shall{e} sitte or stande
        benethe þe elder riȝt þer{e};
  and of eu{er}y crafft þe mastir aftur rule & maner{e},
  and þeñ þe eldest of þem, þ{a}t wardeñ was þe for{e} yer{e}.      1160

    [Sidenote: Before every feast, then, think what people are coming,
    and settle what their order of precedence is to be.]

  ¶ Soche poyntes, w{i}t{h} many oþ{er},
        belongeth{e} to a m{er}shall;
  þerfor{e} whensoeu{er} your{e} sovereyñ a feest make shall,
  demeene what estates shall{e} sitte in the hall,
  þañ resoñ w{i}t{h} your{e} self lest your{e} lord yow call{e};    1164

    [Sidenote: If in doubt, ask your lord or the chief officer,]

  ¶ Thus may ye devise your{e} marshallyng{e},
        like as y yow ler{e},
     þe honour{e} and worshipp{e}
        of your{e} sou{er}eyñ eu{er}y wher{e};
  And ȝeff ye haue eny dowt / eu{er} looke þ{a}t ye enquer{e},
  Resorte eu{er} to your{e} souereyn{e} /
        or to þe cheff officer{e};                                  1168

    [Sidenote: and then you’ll do wrong to no one, but set all
    according to their birth and dignity.]

  ¶ Thus shall{e} ye to any state / do wronge ne pr{e}iudice,
  to sette eu{er}y p{er}sone accordyng{e} w{i}t{h}-owteñ mys,
  as aftur þe birthe / livelode / dignite /
        a-fore y taught yow this,
  all{e} degrees of high{e} officer{e}, & worthy as he is.          1172


  [Headnote: THE DUTIES OF THE USHER AND MARSHAL.]

    [Sidenote: Now I have told you of Court Manners, how to manage in
    Pantry, Buttery, Carving, and as Sewer, and Marshal,]

  ¶ ++Now good soñ, y hau{e} shewed the / & brought þe in vre,
  to know þe Curtesie of court / & these þow may take in cur{e},
  In pantry / botery / or celler{e} /
        & in kervyng{e} a-for{e} a sovereyn{e} demewr{e},
  A sewer / or a m{er}shall{e}: in þes science /
        y suppose ye byñ sewr{e},                                   1176

    [Sidenote: as I learnt with a Royal Prince whose Usher and Marshal
    I was. All other officers have to obey me.]

  ¶ Which in my dayes y lernyd with{e} a prynce full{e} royall{e},
  with whom̅ vscher{e} in chambur was y,
        & m{er}shall{e} also in hall{e},
  vnto whom̅ all{e} þese officer{es} for{e}seid /
        þey eu{er} ente{n}d{e} shall{e},
  Evir to fulfill{e} my co{m}maundement wheñ þat y to þem call{e}:  1180

  [Headnote: THE USHER AND MARSHAL IS THE CHIEF OFFICER.]

    [Sidenote: Our office is the chief, whether the Cook likes it or
    not.]

  For we may allow & dissalow / our{e} office is þe cheeff
  In celler{e} & spicery / & the Cooke,
        be he looth{e} or leeff.[273]


    [Sidenote: All these offices may be filled by one man, but a
    Prince’s dignity requires each office to have its officer, and a
    servant under him,]

  ¶ ++Thus þe diligences of dyu{er}se officeȝ
        y haue shewed to þe allone,                     [Fol. 188b.]
  the which science may be shewed & dooñ
        by a syng{e}l{er}[274] p{er}sone;                           1184
  but þe dignyte of a prince req{ui}reth{e}
        vche office must haue ooñ
  to be rewler{e} in his rome / a s{er}uand hym̅ waytyng{e} oñ.

    [Sidenote: (all knowing their duties perfectly) to wait on their
    Lord and please his guests.]

  ¶ Moor{e}-ou{er} h{i}t requireth{e}
        eu{er}ich of þem in office to haue p{er}fite science,
  For dowt and drede doyng{e} his souereyñ displicence,             1188
  hym to attende, and his gest{is} to plese
        in place wher{e} þey ar p{re}sence,
  that his souereyñ þrough{e} his s{er}uice
        may make grete co{n}gaudence.

    [Sidenote: Don’t fear to serve a prince; take good heed to your
    duties, watch, and you need not fear.]

  ¶ For a prynce to s{er}ue, ne dowt he not /
        and god be his spede!
  Furþ{er} þañ his office / & þ{er}-to let hym̅ take good hede,     1192
  and his warde wayte wisely //
        & eu{er}mor{e} þ{er}-in haue drede;
  Þus doyng{e} his dewte dewly, to dowte he shall{e} not nede.


    [Sidenote: _Tasting_ is done only for those of royal blood, as a
    Pope, King, Duke, and Earl: not below.]

  ¶ ++Tastyng{e} and credence[275]
        longeth{e} to blode & birth royall{e},[276]
  As pope / emp{er}our{e} / E{m}p{er}atrice, and Cardynall{e},      1196
  kyng{e} / queene / prynce / Archebischoppe in palle,
  Duke / Erle and no mo / þat y to remembraunce / calle.

    [Sidenote: Tasting is done for fear of poison; therefore keep your
    room secure, and close your safe, for fear of tricks.]

  ¶ ++Credence is vsed, & tastyng{e}, for drede of poysenyng{e},
  To all{e} officers y-sworne / and grete oth{e} by chargyng{e};    1200
  þ{er}for{e} vche mañ in office kepe his rome sewr{e}, closyng{e}
  Cloos howse / chest / & gardevyañ[277],
        for drede of congettyng{e}.

    [Sidenote: A Prince’s Steward and Chamberlain have the oversight
    of all offices and of tasting,]

  ¶ ++Steward and Chamburlayñ of a p{r}ince of royalte,
  þey haue / knowleche of homages, s{er}uice, and fewte;            1204
  so þey haue ou{er}sight of eu{er}y office /
        aft{ur} þeir{e} degre,
  by wrytyng{e} þe knowleche / & þe Credence to ou{er}se;

    [Sidenote: and they must tell the Marshal, Sewer, and Carver how
    to do it.]

  ¶ Therfore in makyng{e} of his credence, it is to drede, y sey,
  To m{er}shall{e} / sew{e}r{e}[278] and kerver{e}
        þey must allowte allwey,                                    1208
  to teche hym̅ of his office / þe credence hym to prey:
  þus shall{e} he not stond in makyng{e}
        of his credence in no fray.

    [Sidenote: I don’t propose to write more on this matter. I tried
    this treatise myself,]

  ¶ ++Moor{e} of þis co{n}nyng{e} y Cast not me to contreve:
  my tyme is not to tary, hit drawest fast to eve.                  1212
  þis tretyse þat y haue entitled, if it ye entende to p{re}ve,
  y assayed me self in youth{e} w{i}t{h}-outeñ any greve.

    [Sidenote: in my youth, and enjoyed these matters, but now age
    compels me to leave the court; so try yourself.”]

  while y was yong{e} y-nough{e} & lusty in dede,
  y enioyed þese maters foreseid / & to lerne y toke good hede;     1216
  but croked age hath{e} co{m}pelled me /
        & leue court y must nede.
  þerfor{e}, son{e}, assay thy self / & god shall{e} be þy spede.”


    [Sidenote: “Blessing on you, Father, for this your teaching of me!
    Now I shall dare to serve where before I was afraid.]

  ++“Now feir{e} falle yow, fadur / & blessid mote ye be,
  For þis comenyng{e} / & þe co{n}nyng{e} /
        þat y[e] haue her{e} shewed me!                             1220
  now dar y do s{er}uice diligent / to dyu{er}s of dignyte,
  wher{e} for scantnes of conny{n}g{e} y durst no mañ y-se.

    [Sidenote: I will try, and shall learn by practice. May God reward
    you for teaching me!”]

  So p{er}fitely seth{e} y hit p{er}ceue /
        my parte y woll{e} p{re}ue and assay; /          [Fol. 189.]
  boþe by practike and ex{er}cise / yet som good lerne y may:       1224
  and for your{e} gentill{e} lernyng{e} / y am bound eu{er} to pray
  that our{e} lorde rewarde you in blis that lasteth aye.”


  [Headnote: IOHN RUSSELLS REQUEST TO THE READER.]

    [Sidenote: “Good son, and all readers of this _Boke of Nurture_,
    pray for the soul of me, John Russell, (servant of Humphrey, Duke
    of Gloucester;)]

  ++“Now good soñ, thy self w{i}t{h} other
        þ{a}t shall{e} þe succede,
  which{e} þus boke of nurtur{e} shall{e} note /
        lerne, & ou{er} rede,
  pray for the sowle of Iohñ Russell{e}, þat god do hym mede,
  Som tyme s{er}uaunde w{i}t{h} duke vmfrey,
        duc[A] of Glowcet{ur} in dede.

    [Text note: The _duc_ has a red stroke through it, probably to
    cut it out.]

    [Sidenote: also for the Duke, my wife, father, and mother, that we
    may all go to bliss when we die.”]

  For þat prynce pereles prayeth{e} / & for suche other mo,
  þe sowle of my wife / my fadur and modir also,                    1232
  vn-to Mary modyr and mayd / she fende us from owr{e} foe,
  and bryng{e} vs all{e} to blis wheñ we shall{e} hens goo.
                    +AMEN+.”


    [Sidenote: Little book, commend me to all learners, and to the
    experienced, whom I pray to correct its faults.]

  Go forth{e} lytell{e} boke, and lowly þow me co{m}mende
  vnto all{e} yong{e} gentilmeñ / þ{a}t lust to lerne or entende,   1236
  and specially to þem þat han exsperience,
        p{ra}yng{e} þe[m] to amend{e}
  and correcte þat is amysse, þer{e} as y fawte or offende.

    [Sidenote: Any such, put to my copying, which I have done as I
    best could.]

  ¶ And if so þat any be founde / as þrouȝ myñ necligence,
  Cast þe cawse oñ my copy / rude / & bar{e} of eloquence,          1240
  which{e} to drawe out [I] haue do my besy diligence,
  redily to reforme hit / by resoñ and bettur sentence.

    [Sidenote: The transcriber is not to blame; he copied what was
    before him, and neither of us wrote it,]

  ¶ As for ryme or resoñ, þe for{e}wryter was not to blame,
  For as he founde hit aforne hym̅, so wrote he þe same,            1244
  and þaugh{e} he or y in our{e} mater{e} digres or degrade,
  blame neithur of vs / For we neuyr{e} hit made;

    [Sidenote: I only corrected the rhyme. God! grant us grace to rule
    in Heaven with Thine elect!]

  ¶ Symple as y had insight / somwhat þe ryme y correcte;
  blame y cowde no mañ / y haue no p{er}sone suspecte.              1248
  Now, good god, graunt vs grace /
        our{e} sowles neu{er} to Infecte!
  þañ may we regne in þi regiou{n} /
        et{er}nally w{i}t{h} thyne electe.


[Some word or words in large black letter have been cut off at the
bottom of the page.]


    [Footnote 1: do, get on.]

    [Footnote 2: ? þat = nought can.]

    [Footnote 3: The Lawnd in woodes. _Saltus nemorum._ Baret, 1580.
    _Saltus_, a launde. Glossary in _Rel. Ant._, v. 1, p. 7, col. 1.
    _Saltus_, a forest-pasture, woodland-pasture, woodland; a forest.]

    [Footnote 4: at will. A.S. _wilsum_, free willed.]

    [Footnote 5: A.S. _hirne_, corner. Dan. _hiörne_.]

    [Footnote 6: Halke or hyrne. _Angulus_, _latibulum_; A.S. hylca,
    _sinus_ Promptorium Parvulorum and note.]

    [Footnote 7: AS. _fregnan_, to ask; Goth., _fraihnan_; Germ.,
    _fragen._]

    [Footnote 8: AS. _lis_ remissio, lenitas; Dan. _lise_, Sw. _lisa_,
    relief.]

    [Footnote 9: _for_ me to]

    [Footnote 10: In Sir John Fastolfe’s _Bottre_, 1455, are “ij.
    kerving knyves, iij. kneyves in a schethe, the haftys of every
    (ivory) withe naylys gilt ... j. trencher-knyfe.” _Domestic
    Arch._, v. 3, p. 157-8. _Hec mensacula_, a dressyng-knyfe, p. 256;
    trencher-knyves, _mensaculos_. Jn. de Garlande, Wright’s Vocab.
    p. 123.]

    [Footnote 11: An Augre, or wimble, wherewith holes are bored.
    Terebra & terebrum. _Vng tarriere._ Baret’s Alvearie, 1580.]

    [Footnote 12: A Cannell or gutter. _Canalis._ Baret. _Tuyau_,
    a pipe, quill, cane, reed, canell. Cotgrave. _Canelle_, the faucet
    [l. 68] or quill of a wine vessel; also, the cocke, or spout of a
    conduit. Cot.]

    [Footnote 13: A Faucet, or tappe, a flute, a whistle, a pipe as
    well to conueigh water, as an instrument of Musicke. _Fistula_ ...
    _Tábulus._ Baret.]

    [Footnote 14: _Tampon_, a bung or stopple. Cot. Tampyon for a
    gon--_tampon._ Palsg.]

    [Footnote 15: The projecting rim of a cask. Queen Elizabeth’s
    ‘yeoman drawer hath for his fees, all the lees of wine within
    fowre fingers of the _chine_, &c.’ _H. Ord._ p. 295, (referred to
    by Halliwell).]

    [Footnote 16. _Ashore_, aslant, see note to l. 299.]

    [_Labeled in text as “l. 71” and printed between notes 13, 14.
    The “note to l. 299” is Footnote 58._]

    [Footnote 17: ? This may be _butter-cheese_, milk- or
    cream-cheese, as contrasted with the ‘hard chese’ l. 84-5; but
    butter is treated of separately, l. 89.]

    [Footnote 18: Fruit preserves of some kind; not the stew of
    chickens, herbs, honey, ginger, &c., for which a recipe is given
    on p. 18 of _Liber Cure Cocorum._ Cotgrave has _Composte_: f.
    A condiment or composition; a wet sucket (wherein sweet wine was
    vsed in stead of sugar), also, a pickled or winter Sallet of
    hearbes, fruits, or flowers, condited in vinegar, salt, sugar, or
    sweet wine, and so keeping all the yeare long; any hearbes, fruit,
    or flowers in pickle; also pickle it selfe. Fr. _compote_, stewed
    fruit. The Recipe for _Compost_ in the Forme of Cury, Recipe 100
    (C), p. 49-50, is “Take rote of p{er}sel. pasternak of raseñs.
    scrape hem and waische he{m} clene. take rap{is} & caboch{is}
    ypared and icorne. take an erthen pa{n}ne w{i}t{h} clene wat{er},
    & set it on the fire. cast all þise þ{er}inne. whan þey buth
    boiled, cast þ{er}to peer{is}, & p{ar}boile hem wel. take þise
    thyng{is} up, & lat it kele on a fair cloth, do þ{er}to salt whan
    it is colde in a vessel; take vineg{ur}, & powdo{ur}, & safrou{n},
    & do þ{er}to, & lat alle þise þing{is} lye þ{er}in al nyȝt oþ{er}
    al day, take wyne greke and hony clarified togidur, lumbarde
    mustard, & raisou{n}s corance al hool. & grynde powdo{ur} of
    canel, powdo{ur} douce, & aneys hole. & fenell seed. take alle
    þise þing{is}, & cast togyd{ur} i{n} a pot of erthe. and take
    þ{er}of whan þ{o}u wilt, & s{er}ue forth.”]

    [Footnote 19: ? not A.S. _wínberie_, a wine-berry, a grape, but
    our _Whinberry_. But ‘Wineberries, currants’, Craven Gloss.; Sw.
    _vin-bär_, a currant. On _hard cheese_, see note to l. 86.]

    [Footnote 20: _Blandureau_, m. The white apple, called (in some
    part of England) a Blaundrell. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 21: See note to l. 75.]

    [Footnote 22: _Pouldre blanche_. A powder compounded of Ginger,
    Cinnamon, and Nutmegs; much in use among Cookes. Cotgrave. Is
    there any authority for the statement in _Domestic Architecture_,
    v. 1, p. 132; that sugar ‘was sometimes called _blanch powdre_’?
    P.S.--Probably the recollection of what Pegge says in the Preface
    to the _Forme of Cury_, “There is mention of _blanch-powder or
    white sugar_,” 132 [p. 63]. They, however, were not the same, for
    see No. 193, p. xxvi-xxvii. On turning to the Recipe 132, of
    “Peer{is} in confyt,” p. 62-3, we find “whan þei [the pears] buth
    ysode, take he{m} up, make a syrup of wyne greke. oþ{er} v{er}nage
    w{i}t{h} blau{n}che powd{ur}, oþ{er} white sug{ur}, and powdo{ur}
    gyng{ur}, & do the per{is} þ{er}in.” It is needless to say that if
    a modern recipe said take “sugar or honey,” sugar could not be
    said “to be sometimes called” honey. See Dawson Turner in Howard
    Household Books.]

    [Footnote 23: _Ioncade_: f. A certaine spoone-meat made of creame,
    Rose-water and Sugar. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 24: See the recipe to make it, lines 121-76; and in
    _Forme of Cury_, p. 161.]

    [Footnote 25: Muffett held a very different opinion. ‘Old and dry
    cheese hurteth dangerously: for it stayeth siege [stools],
    stoppeth the Liver, engendereth choler, melancholy, and the stone,
    lieth long in the stomack undigested, procureth thirst, maketh a
    stinking breath and a scurvy skin: Whereupon Galen and Isaac have
    well noted, That as we may feed liberally of ruin cheese, and more
    liberally of fresh Cheese, so we are not to taste any further of
    old and hard Cheese, then to close up the mouth of our stomacks
    after meat,’ p. 131.]

    [Footnote 26: In youth and old age. Muffett says, p. 129-30,
    ‘according to the old Proverb, _Butter is Gold in the morning,
    Silver at noon, and lead at night._ It is also best for children
    whilst they are growing, and for old men when they are declining;
    but very unwholesom betwixt those two ages, because through the
    heat of young stomacks, it is forthwith converted into choler
    [bile]. The Dutchmen have a by-Verse amongst them to this effect,

      _Eat Butter first, and eat it last,_
      _And live till a hundred years be past’_]

    [Footnote 27: See note to l. 82.]

    [Footnote 28: See ‘Rompney of Modoñ,’ among the sweet wines,
    l. 119.]

    [Footnote 29: _Eschec & mat._ Checke-mate at Chests; and
    (metaphorically) a remedilesse disaster, miserie, or misfortune.
    Cot.]

    [Footnote 30: _? ascia_, a dyse, Vocab. in _Reliq. Ant._ v. 1,
    p. 8, col. 1; _ascia_, 1. an axe; (2. a mattock, a hoe; 3. an
    instrument for mixing mortar). _Diessel_, ofte _Diechsel_,
    A Carpenter-axe, or a Chip-axe. Hexham.]

    [Footnote 31: ? The name of the lees of some red wine. Phillips
    has _Rosa Solis_, a kind of Herb; also a pleasant Liquor made of
    Brandy, Sugar, Cinnamon, and other Ingredients agreeable to the
    Taste, and comfortable to the Heart. (So called, as being at first
    prepared wholly of the juice of the plant ros-solis (sun-dew) or
    drosera. Dict. of Arts and Sciences, 1767.)]

    [Footnote 32: See note, l. 31.]

    [Footnote 33: See note on these wines at the end of the poem.]

    [Footnote 34: In the Recipe for Jussel of Flessh (Household Ord.,
    p. 462), one way of preparing the dish is ‘for a Lorde,’ another
    way ‘for Commons.’ Other like passages also occur.]

    [Footnote 35: Graines. _Cardamomum, Graine de paradis._ Baret.
    ‘Graines of Paradise; or, the spice which we call, Graines.’
    Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 36: _Cuite_, a seething, baking. Cot.]

    [Footnote 37: _Spices._ Of those for the Percy Household, 1512,
    the yearly cost was £25 19s. 7d., for _Piper_, Rasyns of Corens,
    Prones, _Gynger_, Mace, Clovvez, Sugour, _Cinamom_, Allmonds,
    Daytts, Nuttmuggs, _Granes_, _Tornesole_, Saunders, _Powder of
    Annes_, Rice, Coumfetts, _Galyngga_, _Longe Piper_, _Blaynshe
    Powder_, and Safferon, p. 19, 20. Household Book, ed. Bp. Percy.]

    [Footnote 38: Canel, spyce. _Cinamomum, amomum._ Promt. Parv.
    _Canelle_, our moderne Cannell or Cinnamom. Cot. (Named from its
    tube stalk?)]

    [Footnote 39: _Tourne-soleil._ Tornesole, Heliotropium. Cotgrave.
    Take bleue _turnesole_, and dip hit in wyne, that the wyne may
    catch the colour thereof, and colour the potage therwith. _H.
    Ord._, p. 465.... and take red _turnesole_ steped wel in wyne, and
    colour the potage with that wine, _ibid._ ‘And then with a little
    _Turnsole_ make it of a high murrey [mulberry] colour.’ Markham’s
    Houswife, p. 70.]

    [Footnote 40: Manche: f. A sleeue; also a long narrow bag (such as
    Hypocras is made in). Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 41: boulting or straining cloth. ‘ij bulteclothes.’
    Status Domus de Fynchall, A.D. 1360. _Dom. Arch._ v. 1, p. 136,
    note _f_.]

    [Footnote 42: Stale, dead. Pallyd, as drynke (palled, as ale).
    _Emortuus._ P. Parv. See extract from A. Borde in notes at end.]

    [Footnote 43: See _Dict. de L’Academie_, p. 422, col. 2, ed. 1835.
    ‘_Couche_ se dit aussi de Toute substance qui est étendue,
    appliquée sur une autre, de manière à la couvrir. _Revêtir un mur
    d’une_ couche _de plâtre, de mortier, &c._’]

    [Footnote 44: Fr. _repli_: m. A fould, plait, or _bought_.
    Cotgrave. cf. _Bow_, bend.]

    [Footnote 45: Fine cloth, originally made at Rennes, in Bretagne.]

    [Footnote 46: A.S. _gerǣdian_, to make ready, arrange, prepare.]

    [Footnote 47: See the mode of laying the Surnape in Henry VII.’s
    time described in _H. Ord._, p. 119, at the end of this Poem.]

    [Footnote 48: “A _Portpayne_ for the said Pantre, an elne longe
    and a yerd brode.” The _Percy_, or Northumberland Household Book,
    1512, (ed. 1827), p. 16, under _Lynnon Clothe_. ‘A _porte paine_,
    to beare breade fro the Pantree to the table with, _lintheum
    panarium_.’ Withals.]

    [Footnote 49: A.S. _ætwítan_, twit; _oðwítan_, blame.]

    [Footnote 50: ‘prowl, proll, to seek for prey, from Fr. _proie_ by
    the addition of a formative _l_, as kneel from knee.’ Wedgwood.]

    [Footnote 51: Louse is in English in 1530 ’Louse, a beest--_pov._
    Palsgrave. And see the note, p. 19, _Book of Quinte Essence_.]

    [Footnote 52: To look sullen (?). _Glowting_ round her rock, to
    fish she falls. _Chapman_, in Todd’s Johnson. Horrour and
    _glouting_ admiration. _Milton._ _Glouting_ with sullen spight.
    _Garth._]

    [Footnote 53: Snytyn a nese or a candyl. _Emungo, mungo._ Prompt.
    Parv. _Emungo_, to make cleane the nose. _Emunctio_, snuffyng or
    wypynge of the nose. Cooper. _Snuyt uw neus_, Blow your nose.
    Sewel, 1740; but _snuyven, ofte snuffen_, To Snuffe out the Snot
    or Filth out of ones Nose. Hexham, 1660. A learned friend, who in
    his bachelor days investigated some of the curiosities of London
    Life, informs me that the modern Cockney term is _sling_. In the
    dress-circle of the Bower Saloon, Stangate, admission 3d., he saw
    stuck up, four years ago, the notice, “_Gentlemen_ are requested
    not to _sling_,” and being philologically disposed, he asked the
    attendant the meaning of the word.]

    [Footnote 54: askew. _Doyle_, squint. Gloucestershire. Halliwell.]

    [Footnote 55: Codde, of mannys pryuyte (preuy membris). _Piga,
    mentula._ Promptorium Parvulorum.]

    [Footnote 56: Mowe or skorne, _Vangia vel valgia_. Catholicon, in
    P. P.]

    [Footnote 57: Ȝyxyñ _Singulcio_. Ȝyxynge _singultus_. P. P. To
    yexe, sobbe, or haue the hicket. _Singultio._ Baret. To yexe or
    sobbe, _Hicken_, To Hick, or to have the Hick-hock. Hexham.]

    [Footnote 58: ? shorewise, as shores. ‘Schore, undur settynge of a
    þynge þat wolde falle.’ P. Parv. Du. _Schooren_, To Under-prop.
    _Aller eschays_, To shale, stradle, goe crooked, or wide betweene
    the feet, or legs. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 59: Dutch _Schrobben_, To Rubb, to Scrape, to Scratch.
    Hexham.]

    [Footnote 60: Iettyn _verno_. P. Parv. Mr Way quotes from
    Palsgrave, “I _iette_, I make a countenaunce with my legges, _ie
    me iamboye_,” &c.; and from Cotgrave, “_Iamboyer_, to _iet_, or
    wantonly to go in and out with the legs,” &c.]

    [Footnote 61: grinding.]

    [Footnote 62: gnastyn (gnachyn) _Fremo, strideo_. Catholicon.
    Gnastyng of the tethe--_stridevr, grincement_. Palsg. Du.
    _gnisteren_, To Gnash, or Creake with the teeth. Hexham.]

    [Footnote 63: Short coats and tight trousers were a great offence
    to old writers accustomed to long nightgown clothes. Compare
    Chaucer’s complaint in the Canterbury Tales, The Parsones Tale,
    _De Superbiâ_, p. 193, col. 2, ed. Wright. “Upon that other syde,
    to speke of the horrible disordinat scantnes of clothing, as ben
    these cuttid sloppis or anslets, that thurgh her schortnes ne
    covereth not the schamful membre of man, to wickid entent. Alas!
    som men of hem schewen the schap and the boce of the horrible
    swollen membres, that semeth like to the maladies of hirnia, in
    the wrapping of here hose, and eek the buttokes of hem, that faren
    as it were the hinder part of a sche ape in the fulle of the
    moone.” The continuation of the passage is very curious. “Youre
    schort gownys thriftlesse” are also noted in the song in Harl. MS.
    372. See Weste, _Booke of Demeanour_, l. 141, below.]

    [Footnote 64: Fr. _tache_, spot, staine, blemish, reproach. C.]

    [Footnote 65: sobriety, gravity.]

    [Footnote 66: Edward IV. had ‘Bannerettes IIII, or Bacheler
    Knights, to be kervers and cupberers in this courte.’ _H. Ord._,
    p. 32.]

    [Footnote 67: See the _Termes of a Keruer_ in Wynkyn de Worde’s
    _Boke of Keruynge_ below.]

    [Footnote 68: to embrew. _Ferrum tingere sanguine._ Baret.]

    [Footnote 69: The table-knife, ‘Mensal knyfe, or borde knyfe,
    _Mensalis_,’ P. Parv., was, I suppose, a lighter knife than the
    trencher-knife used for cutting trenchers off very stale coarse
    loaves.]

    [Footnote 70: ? Fr. _pareil_, A match or fellow. C.]

    [Footnote 71: A.S. _gramian_, to anger.]

    [Footnote 72: Sowce mete, _Succidium_. P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 73: ? Crop or crawe, or cropon of a beste (croupe or
    cropon), _Clunis_. P. Parv. Crops are emptied before birds are
    cooked.]

    [Footnote 74: A.S. _beniman_, take away, deprive.]

    [Footnote 75: Fr. _achever_, To atchieue; to end, finish. Cot.]

    [Footnote 76: Hwyr, cappe (hure H.), _Tena_. A.S. _hufe_, a tiara,
    ornament. Promptorium Parv.]

    [Footnote 77: Chyne, of bestys bakke. _Spina._ P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 78: slices, strips.]

    [Footnote 79: ‘_De haute graisse_, Full, plumpe, goodlie, fat,
    well-fed, in good liking.’ Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 80: Fr. _arracher_. To root vp ... pull away by
    violence. Cotgrave. [[Compare, “and the Geaunte pulled and drough,
    but he myght hym not _a-race_ from the sadell.” _Merlin_, Pt. II.
    p. 346 (E. E. T. Soc. 1866).]] ]

    [Footnote 81: The Bittern or Bittour, _Ardea Stellaris_.]

    [Footnote 82: _Egrette_, as _Aigrette_; A foule that resembles a
    Heron. _Aigrette_ (A foule verie like a Heron, but white);
    a criell Heron, or dwarfe Heron. Cot. _Ardea alba_, A crielle or
    dwarfe heron. Cooper.]

    [Footnote 83: Snype, or snyte, byrde, _Ibex._ P. P. A snipe or
    snite: a bird lesse than a woodcocke. _Gallinago minor_,
    &c. Baret.]

    [Footnote 84: A small Heron or kind of Heron; Shakspere’s editors’
    _handsaw_. The spelling _heronshaw_ misled Cotgrave, &c.; he has
    _Haironniere_. A herons neast, or ayrie; a _herne_-shaw or shaw of
    wood, wherein herons breed. ‘An Hearne. _Ardea._ A hearnsew,
    _Ardeola_.’ Baret, 1580. ‘Fr. _heronceau_, a young heron, gives E.
    _heronshaw_,’ Wedgwood. I cannot find _heronceau_, only
    _heronneau_. ‘A yong _herensew_ is lyghter of dygestyon than a
    crane. A. Borde. _Regyment_, fol. F i, ed. 1567. ‘In actual
    application a _heronshaw_, _hernshaw_ or _hernsew_, is simply a
    Common Heron (Ardea Vulgaris) with no distinction as to age, &c.’
    Atkinson.]

    [Footnote 85: The Brewe is mentioned three times, and each time in
    connection with the Curlew. I believe it to be the Whimbrel
    (_Numenius Phæopus_) or Half Curlew. I have a recollection (or
    what seems like it) of having seen the name with a French form
    like Whimbreau. [Pennant’s British Zoology, ii. 347, gives _Le
    petit Courly, ou le Courlieu_, as the French synonym of the
    Whimbrel.] Morris (Orpen) says the numbers of the Whimbrel are
    lessening from their being sought as food. Atkinson.]

    [Footnote 86: “The singular structure of the windpipe and its
    convolutions lodged between the two plates of bone forming the
    sides of the keel of the sternum of this bird (the Crane) have
    long been known. The trachea or windpipe, quitting the neck of the
    bird, passes downwards and backwards between the branches of the
    merry-thought towards the inferior edge of the keel, which is
    hollowed out to receive it. Into this groove the trachea passes,
    ... and after making three turns passes again forwards and upwards
    and ultimately backwards to be attached to the two lobes of the
    lungs.” Yarrell, _Brit. Birds_ ii. 441. Atkinson.]

    [Footnote 87: Way, manner. Plyte or state (plight, P.). _Status._
    P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 88: A sort of gristle, the tendon of the neck. Germ.
    _flachse_, Brockett. And see Wheatley’s Dict. of Reduplicated
    Words.]

    [Footnote 89: The ‘canelle boon’ between the hind legs must be the
    pelvis, or pelvic arch, or else the _ilium_ or haunch-bone: and in
    cutting up the rabbit many good carvers customarily disjoint the
    haunch-bones before helping any one to the rump. Atkinson.]

    [Footnote 90: Rabet, yonge conye, _Cunicellus_. P. Parv. ‘The
    Conie beareth her _Rabettes_ xxx dayes, and then kindeleth, and
    then she must be bucked againe, for els she will eate vp hir
    _Rabets_. 1575. Geo. Turbervile, The Booke of Venerie, p. 178, ch.
    63.’ --H. H. Gibbs.]

    [Footnote 91: slices, or rather strips.]

    [Footnote 92: board-cloth, table-cloth.]

    [Footnote 93: Part IV. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 38-42, is ‘of
    bakun mete.’ On Dishes and Courses generally, see _Randle Holme_,
    Bk. III. Chap. III. p. 77-86.]

    [Footnote 94: rere a _cofyn_ of flowre so fre. _L. C. C._, p. 38,
    l. 8. The crust of a raised pie.]

    [Footnote 95: _for_ thin; _see line_ 486.]

    [Footnote 96: ? A dish of batter somewhat like our Yorkshire
    Pudding; not the _Crustade_ or pie of chickens, pigeons, and small
    birds of the _Household Ordinances_, p. 442, and Crustate of
    flesshe of _Liber Cure_, p. 40.]

    [Footnote 97: ? _buche de bois._ A logge, backe stocke, or great
    billet. Cot. I suppose the _buche_ to refer to the manner of
    _checkering_ the custard, buche-wise, and not to be a dish.
    Venison is ‘chekkid,’ l. 388-9. This rendering is confirmed by
    _The Boke of Keruynge’s_ “Custarde, cheke them inch square” (in
    Keruynge of Flesshe). Another possible rendering of _buche_ as a
    dish of batter or the like, seems probable from the ‘Bouce Jane,
    a dish in Ancient Cookery’ (Wright’s Prov^l. Dict^y.), but the
    recipe for it in Household Ordinances, p. 431, shows that it was a
    stew, which could not be checkered or squared. It consisted of
    milk boiled with chopped herbs, half-roasted chickens or capons
    cut into pieces, ‘pynes and raysynges of corance,’ all boiled
    together. In _Household Ordinances_, p. 162-4, _Bouche_, or
    _Bouche of court_, is used for allowance. The ‘Knights and others
    of the King’s Councell,’ &c., had each ‘for their _Bouch_ in the
    morning one chet loafe, one manchet, one gallon of ale; for
    afternoone, one manchett, one gallon of ale; for after supper, one
    manchett, &c.’]

    [Footnote 98: See the recipe, end of this volume. In Sir John
    Howard’s Household Books is an entry in 1467, ‘for viij boshelles
    of flour for _dowsetes_ vj s. viij d.’ p. 396, ed. 1841. See note
    5 to l. 699, below.]

    [Footnote 99: The last recipe in _The Forme of Cury_, p. 89, is
    one for Payn Puff, but as it refers to the preceding receipt, that
    is given first here.

      THE PETY P{ER}UAU{N}T.[*] XX IX.XV.[= 195]

    Take male Marow. hole parade, and kerue it rawe; powd{our} of
    Gyng{ur}, yolk{is} of Ayren{e}, dat{is} mynced, raisoñs of
    corañce, salt a lytel, & loke þ{a}t þ{o}u make þy past with ȝolkes
    of Ayren, & þat no wat{er} come þ{er}to; and fo{ur}me þy coffyn,
    and make up þy past.

      PAYN PUFF XX IX.XVI[= 196]

    Eodem m{odo} fait payn puff, but make it more tendre þ^e past, and
    loke þ^e past be rou{n}de of þ^e payn puf as a coffyn & a pye.

    Randle Holme treats of Puffe, Puffs, and Pains, p. 84, col. 1, 2,
    but does not mention _Payn Puff_. ‘Payn puffe, and pety-pettys,
    and cuspis and doucettis,’ are mentioned among the last dishes of
    a service on Flessh-Day (_H. Ord._, p. 450), but no recipe for
    either is given in the book.]

      [Footnote 99*: Glossed _Petypanel, a Marchpayne._ Leland,
      Coll. vi. p. 6. Pegge.]

    [Footnote 100: In lines 707, 748, the _pety perueys_ come between
    the fish and pasties. I cannot identify them as fish. I suppose
    they were pies, perhaps _The Pety Peruaunt_ of note 2 above; or
    better still, the fish-pies, _Petipetes_ (or _pety-pettys_ of the
    last note), which Randle Holme says ‘are Pies made of Carps and
    Eels, first roasted, and then minced, and with Spices made up in
    Pies.’]

    [Footnote 101: De cibi elecc{i}one: (Sloane MS. 1986, fol. 59 b,
    and elsewhere,) “Frixa nocent, elixa fouent, assata cohercent.”]

    [Footnote 102: Meat, sage, & poached, fritters?]

    [Footnote 103: Recipe in _L. Cure_, p. 39.]

    [Footnote 104: There is a recipe ‘for a Tansy Cake’ in _Lib. C._,
    p. 50. Cogan says of _Tansie_,-- “it auoideth fleume.... Also it
    killeth worms, and purgeth the matter whereof they be engendred.
    Wherefore it is much vsed among vs in England, about Easter, with
    fried Egs, not without good cause, to purge away the fleume
    engendred of fish in Lent season, whereof worms are soone bred in
    them that be thereto disposed.” Tansey, says Bailey (_Dict.
    Domesticum_) is recommended for the dissipating of wind in the
    stomach and belly. He gives the recipe for ‘A Tansy’ made of
    spinage, milk, cream, eggs, grated bread and nutmeg, heated till
    it’s as thick as a hasty pudding, and then baked.]

    [Footnote 105: Slices or strips of meat, &c., in sauce. See note
    to l. 516, p. 34.]

    [Footnote 106: Recipe ‘For Sirup,’ _Liber Cure_, p. 43, and ‘Syrip
    for a Capon or Faysant,’ _H. Ord._ p. 440.]

    [Footnote 107: potages, soups.]

    [Footnote 108: Soppes in Fenell, Slitte Soppes, _H. Ord._ p. 445.]

    [Footnote 109: Recipe for a Cawdel, _L. C. C._ p. 51.]

    [Footnote 110: Recipes for Gele in Chekyns or of Hennes, and Gele
    of Flesshe, _H. Ord._ p. 437.]

    [Footnote 111: A.S. _roppas_, the bowels.]

    [Footnote 112: “leeche” is a slice or strip, _H. Ord._ p. 472
    (440), p. 456 (399)--’cut hit on _leches_ as hit were pescoddes,’
    p. 439,--and also a stew or dish in which strips of pork, &c., are
    cooked. See Leche Lumbarde, _H. Ord._ p. 438-9. Fr. _lesche_,
    a long slice or shiue of bread, &c. Cot. _Hic lesca Ae_, scywe
    (shive or slice), Wright’s Vocab. p. 198: _hec lesca_, a schyfe,
    p. 241. See also Mr Way’s long note 1, Prompt. Parv., p. 292, and
    the recipes for 64 different “Leche vyaundys” in MS. Harl. 279,
    that he refers to.]

    [Footnote 113: For Potages see Part I. of _Liber Cure Cocorum_,
    p. 7-27.]

    [Footnote 114: Recipe for Potage de Frumenty in _H. Ord._ p. 425,
    and for Furmente in _Liber Cure_, p. 7, _H. Ord._ p. 462.]

    [Footnote 115: Recipe ‘For gruel of fors,’ _Lib. C._ p. 47, and
    _H. Ord._ p. 425.]

    [Footnote 116: ? minced or powdered beef: Fr. _gravelle_, small
    grauell or sand. Cot. ‘Powdred motoun,’ l. 533, means sprinkled,
    salted.]

    [Footnote 117: Recipes for ‘Mortrewes de Chare,’ _Lib. C._ p. 9;
    ‘of fysshe,’ p. 19; blanched, p. 13; and _H. Ord._ pp. 438, 454,
    470.]

    [Footnote 118: Butter of Almonde mylke, _Lib. C._ p. 15; _H. Ord._
    p. 447.]

    [Footnote 119: See the recipe, p. 145.]

    [Footnote 120: Recipe for _Tartlotes_ in _Lib. C. C._ p. 41.]

    [Footnote 121: Recipe for _Cabaches_ in _H. Ord._ p. 426, and
    _caboches_, p. 454, both the vegetable. There is a fish _caboche_
    in the 15th cent. Nominale in Wright’s Vocab. _Hic caput, A^e_,
    Caboche, p. 189, col. 1, the bullhead, or miller’s thumb, called
    in French _chabot_.]

    [Footnote 122: See two recipes for Nombuls in _Liber Cure_, p. 10,
    and for ‘Nombuls of a Dere,’ in _H. Ord._ p. 427.]

    [Footnote 123: For Sauces (_Salsamenta_) see Part II. of _Liber
    Cure_, p. 27-34.]

    [Footnote 124: Recipe ‘for lumbardus Mustard’ in _Liber Cure_,
    p. 30.]

    [Footnote 125: Fleshe _poudred_ or salted. _Caro salsa, vel
    salita_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 126: The juice of unripe grapes. See _Maison Rustique_,
    p. 620.]

    [Footnote 127: Chaudwyn, l. 688 below. See a recipe for “Chaudern
    for Swannes” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 441; and for “þandon
    (MS. chaudon [*]) for wylde digges, swannus and piggus,” in _Liber
    Cure_, p. 9, and “Sawce for swannus,” _Ibid._ p. 29. It was made
    of chopped liver and entrails boiled with blood, bread, wine,
    vinegar, pepper, cloves, and ginger.]

      [Footnote 127*: Sloane 1986, p. 48, or fol. 27 b. It is not safe
      to differ from Mr Morris, but on comparing the C of ‘Chaudoñ for
      swann{is},’ col. 1, with that of ‘Caudell{e} of almonde,’ at the
      top of the second col., I have no doubt that the letter is _C_.
      So on fol. 31 b. the C of Chaudon is more like the C of Charlet
      opposite than the T of Take under it. The _C_ of Caudel dalmo{n}
      on fol. 34 b., and that of _Cultellis_, fol. 24, l. 5, are of
      the same shape.]

    [[Footnote 127a: _Pepper_. “The third thing is Pepper, a sauce for
    vplandish folkes: for they mingle Pepper with Beanes and Peason.
    Likewise of toasted bread with Ale or Wine, and with Pepper, they
    make a blacke sauce, as if it were pap, that is called _pepper_,
    and that they cast vpon theyr meat, flesh and fish.” _Reg. San.
    Salerni_, p. 67.]]

    [Footnote 128: See the recipe “To make Gynger Sause” in _H. Ord._
    p. 441, and “For sawce gynger,” _L. C. C._ p. 52.]

    [Footnote 129: No doubt the “sawce fyne þat men calles camelyne”
    of _Liber Cure_, p. 30, ‘raysons of corouns,’ nuts, bread crusts,
    cloves, ginger, cinnamon, powdered together and mixed with
    vinegar. “Camelin, sauce cameline, A certaine daintie Italian
    sauce.” Cot.]

    [Footnote 130: A bird mentioned in _Archæologia_, xiii. 341. Hall.
    See note, l. 422.]

    [Footnote 131: Shovelars feed most commonly upon the Sea-coast
    upon cockles and Shell-fish: being taken home, and dieted with new
    garbage and good meat, they are nothing inferior to fatted Galls.
    _Muffett_, p. 109. _Hic populus_, a schevelard (the _anas
    clypeata_ of naturalists). Wright’s Voc., p. 253.]

    [Footnote 132: See note 6 to line 539, above.]

    [Footnote 133: Is not this line superfluous? After 135 stanzas of
    4 lines each, we here come to one of 5 lines. I suspect l. 544 is
    simply de trop. W. W. Skeat.]

    [Footnote 134: For the fish in the Poem mentioned by Yarrell, and
    for references to him, see the list at the end of this _Boke of
    Nurture_.]

    [Footnote 135: Recipes for “Grene Pesen” are in _H. Ord._
    p. 426-7, p. 470; and Porre of Pesen, &c. p. 444.]

    [Footnote 136: Topsell in his _Fourfooted Beasts_, ed. Rowland,
    1658, p. 36, says of Beavers, “There hath been taken of them whose
    tails have weighed four pound weight, and they are accounted a
    very delicate dish, for being dressed they eat like Barbles: they
    are used by the Lotharingians and Savoyans [says Bellonius] for
    meat allowed to be eaten on fish-dayes, although the body that
    beareth them be flesh and unclean for food. The manner of their
    dressing is, first roasting, and afterward seething in an open
    pot, that so the evill vapour may go away, and some in pottage
    made with Saffron; other with Ginger, and many with Brine; it is
    certain that the tail and forefeet taste very sweet, from whence
    came the Proverbe, _That sweet is that fish, which is not fish at
    all_.”]

    [Footnote 137: See the recipe for “Furmente with Purpeys,” _H.
    Ord._ p. 442.]

    [Footnote 138: I suppose this to be Seal. If it is Eel, see
    recipes for “Eles in Surre, Browet, Gravê, Brasyle,” in _H. Ord._
    p. 467-8.]

    [Footnote 139: Wynkyn de Worde has ‘a salte purpos or sele
    turrentyne.’ If this is right, torrentille must apply to ȝele, and
    be a species of seal: if not, it must be allied to the Trout or
    Torrentyne, l. 835.]

    [Footnote 140: Congur in Pyole, _H. Ord._ p. 469. ‘I must needs
    agree with Diocles, who being asked, _whether were the better
    fish, a Pike or a Conger_: That (said he) sodden, and this broild;
    shewing us thereby, that all flaggy, slimy and moist fish (as
    Eeles, Congers, Lampreys, Oisters, Cockles, Mustles, and
    Scallopes) are best broild, rosted or bakt; but all other fish of
    a firm substance and drier constitution is rather to be sodden.’
    _Muffett_, p. 145.]

    [Footnote 141: So MS., but _grone_ may mean _green_, see l. 851
    and note to it. If not, ? for Fr. _gronan_, a gurnard. The Scotch
    _crowner_ is a species of gurnard.]

    [Footnote 142: Lynge, fysshe, _Colin_, Palsgrave; but _Colin_,
    a Sea-cob, or Gull. Cotgrave. See Promptorium, p. 296.]

    [Footnote 143: Fr. _Merlus ou Merluz_, A Mellwell, or Keeling,
    a kind of small Cod whereof Stockfish is made. Cotgrave. And see
    Prompt. Parv. p. 348, note 4. “Cod-fish is a great Sea-whiting,
    called also a Keeling or Melwel.” Bennett’s Muffett on Food,
    p. 148.]

    [Footnote 144: Cogan says of stockfish, “Concerning which fish I
    will say no more than Erasmus hath written in his _Colloquio_.
    _There is a kind of fishe_, which _is called in English_
    Stockfish: _it nourisheth no more than a stock_. Yet I haue eaten
    of a pie made onely with Stockefishe, whiche hath been verie good,
    but the goodnesse was not so much in the fishe as in the cookerie,
    which may make that sauorie, which of it selfe is vnsavourie ...
    it is sayd a good Cooke can make you good meate of a whetstone....
    Therfore a good Cooke is a good iewell, and to be much made of.”
    “Stockfish whilst it is unbeaten is called Buckhorne, because it
    is so tough; when it is beaten upon the stock, it is termed
    stockfish.” _Muffett._ Lord Percy (A.D. 1512) was to have “cxl
    Stok fisch for the expensys of my house for an hole Yere, after
    ij.d. obol. the pece,” p. 7, and “Dccccxlij Salt fisch ... after
    iiij the pece,” besides 9 barrels of white and 10 cades of red
    herring, 5 cades of Sprats (_sprootis_), 400 score salt salmon, 3
    firkins of salt sturgeon and 5 cags of salt eels.]

    [Footnote 145: Fr. _Merlan_, a Whiting, a Merling. Cot. ‘The best
    Whitings are taken in Tweede, called _Merlings_, of like shape and
    vertue with ours, but far bigger.’ _Muffett_, p. 174.]

    [Footnote 146: MS. may be Cleynes. ? what place can it be;
    Clayness, Claynose? Claybury is near Woodford in Essex.]

    [Footnote 147: A recipe for Pykes in Brasey is in _H. Ord._
    p. 451. The head of a Carp, the _tail_ of a Pike, and the Belly of
    a Bream are most esteemed for their tenderness, shortness, and
    well rellishing. _Muffett_, p. 177.]

    [Footnote 148: Cut it in gobets or lumps a-slope. “Aslet or
    _a-slowte_ (asloppe, a slope), _Oblique_.” P. Parv. But _slout_
    may be _slot_, bolt of a door, and so _aslout_ = in long strips.]

    [Footnote 149: Onions make a man stink and wink. Berthelson, 1754.
    ‘The Onion, though it be the Countrey mans meat, is better to vse
    than to tast: for he that eateth euerie day tender Onions with
    Honey to his breakfast, shall liue the more healthfull, so that
    they be not too new.’ _Maison Rustique_, p. 178, ed. 1616.]

    [Footnote 150: Recipes for this sauce are in _Liber C._ p. 30, and
    _H. Ord._ p. 441: powdered crusts, galingale, ginger, and salt,
    steeped in vinegar and strained. See note to l. 634 below.]

    [Footnote 151: See “Plays in Cene,” that is, Ceue, chives, small
    onions somewhat like eschalots. _H. Ord._ p. 452. See note 5,
    l. 822. [Footnote 222 in this e-text.]]

    [Footnote 152: Of all sea-fish Rochets and Gurnards are to be
    preferred; for their flesh is firm, and their substance purest of
    all other. Next unto them Plaise and Soles are to be numbered,
    being eaten in time; for if either of them be once stale, there is
    no flesh more carrion-like, nor more troublesome to the belly of
    man. Mouffet, p. 164.]

    [Footnote 153: Roches or Loches in Egurdouce, _H. Ord._ p. 469.]

    [Footnote 154: _Or_ dacce.]

    [Footnote 155: _Rivet_, roe of a fish. Halliwell. Dan. _ravn,
    rogn_ (rowne of Pr. Parv.) under which Molbech refers to AS.
    _hræfe_ (raven, Bosworth) as meaning roe or spawn. G. P. Marsh.
    But see _refeccyon_, P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 156: See “Soles in Cyne,” that is, Cyue, _H. Ord._
    p. 452.]

    [Footnote 157: Black Sea Bream, or Old Wife. _Cantharus griseus_.
    Atkinson. “Abramides Marinæ. Breams of the Sea be a white and
    solid substance, good juice, most easie digestion, and good
    nourishment.” _Muffett_, p. 148.]

    [Footnote 158: gobbets, pieces, see l. 638.]

    [Footnote 159: Fr. _Dorée_: f. The Doree, or Saint Peters fish;
    also (though not so properly) the Goldfish or Goldenie. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 160: _Brett_, § xxi. He beareth Azure a _Birt_ (or
    _Burt_ or _Berte_) proper by the name of _Brit_.... It is by the
    Germans termed a _Brett-fish_ or _Brett-cock_. Randle Holme.]

    [Footnote 161: Rec. for Congur in Sause, _H. Ord._ p. 401; in
    Pyole, p. 469.]

    [Footnote 162: This must be Randle Holme’s “_Dog fish_ or _Sea Dog
    Fish_.” It is by the Dutch termed a _Flackhund_, and a
    _Hundfisch_: the Skin is hard and redish, beset with hard and
    sharp scales; sharp and rough and black, the Belly is more white
    and softer. Bk II. Ch. XIV. No. lv, p. 343-4. For names of Fish
    the whole chapter should be consulted, p. 321-345.]

    [Footnote 163: ‘His flesh is stopping, slimy, viscous, & very
    unwholesome; and (as Alexander Benedictus writeth) of a most
    unclean and damnable nourishment ... they engender palsies, stop
    the lungs, putrifie in the stomach, and bring a man that much eats
    them to infinite diseases ... they are worst being fried, _best
    being kept in gelly_, made strong of wine and spices.’ _Muffett_,
    p. 189.]

    [Footnote 164: Recipes for Tenches in grave, _L. C. C._ p. 25; in
    Cylk (wine, &c.), _H. Ord._ p. 470; in Bresyle (boiled with
    spices, &c.), p. 468.]

    [Footnote 165: Lamprons in Galentyn, _H. Ord._ p. 449. “Lampreys
    and Lamprons differ in bigness only and in goodness; they are both
    a very sweet and nourishing meat.... The little ones called
    Lamprons are best broild, but the great ones called Lampreys are
    best baked.” _Muffett_, p. 181-3. See l. 630-40 of this poem.]

    [Footnote 166: Wraw, froward, ongoodly. _Perversus ...
    exasperans._ Pr. Parv.]

    [Footnote 167: for _whan_, when.]

    [Footnote 168: A kind of vinegar; A.S. _eisile_, vinegar; given to
    Christ on the Cross.]

    [Footnote 169: _Escrevisse:_ f. A Creuice, or Crayfish [see
    l. 618]; (By some Authors, but not so properly, the Crab-fish is
    also tearmed so.) _Escrevisse de mer._ A Lobster; or, (more
    properly) a Sea-Creuice. Cotgrave. A _Crevice_, or a _Crefish_, or
    as some write it, a _Crevis Fish_, are in all respects the same in
    form, and are a Species of the Lobster, but of a lesser size, and
    the head is set more into the body of the _Crevice_ than in the
    _Lobster_. Some call this a Ganwell. R. Holme, p. 338, col. 1,
    § xxx.]

    [Footnote 170: No doubt the intestinal tract, running along the
    middle of the body and tail. Dr Günther. Of Crevisses and Shrimps,
    Muffett says, p. 177, they “give also a kind of exercise for such
    as be weak: for head and brest must first be divided from their
    bodies; then each of them must be dis scaled, and clean picked
    with much pidling; then the long gut lying along the back of the
    Crevisse is to be voided.”]

    [Footnote 171: slice by slice.]

    [Footnote 172: The fresh-water crayfish is beautiful eating, Dr
    Günther says.]

    [Footnote 173: Iolle of a fysshe, _teste_. Palsgrave. Ioll, as of
    salmon, &c., _caput_. Gouldm. in Promptorium, p. 264.]

    [Footnote 174: For to make a potage of welkes, _Liber Cure_,
    p. 17. “Perwinkles or Whelks, are nothing but sea-snails, feeding
    upon the finest mud of the shore and the best weeds.” _Muffett_,
    p. 164.]

    [Footnote 175: _Pintle_ generally means the penis; but Dr Günther
    says the whelk has no visible organs of generation, though it has
    a projecting tube by which it takes in water, and the function of
    this might have been misunderstood. Dr G. could suggest nothing
    for _almond_, but on looking at the drawing of the male Whelk
    (_Buccinum undatum_) creeping, in the Penny Cyclopædia, v. 9,
    p. 454, col. 2 (art. Entomostomata), it is quite clear that the
    _almond_ must mean the animal’s horny, oval _operculum_ on its
    hinder part. ‘Most spiral shells have an _operculum_, or lid, with
    which to close the aperture when they withdraw for shelter. It is
    developed on a particular lobe at the posterior part of the foot,
    and consists of horny layers sometimes hardened with shelly
    matter.’ _Woodward’s Mollusca_, p. 47.]

    [Footnote 176: That part of the integument of mollusca which
    contains the viscera and secretes the shell, is termed the
    _mantle_. Woodward.]

    [Footnote 177: Recipe “For lamprays baken,” in _Liber Cure_,
    p. 38.]

    [Footnote 178: A sauce made of crumbs, galingale, ginger, salt,
    and vinegar. See the Recipe in _Liber Cure_, p. 30.]

    [Footnote 179: See the duties and allowances of “A Sewar for the
    Kynge,” Edw. IV., in _Household Ordinances_, pp. 36-7; Henry VII.,
    p. 118. King Edmund risked his life for his assewer, p. 36.]

    [Footnote 180: The word Sewer in the MS. is written small, the
    flourishes of the big initial O having taken up so much room. The
    name of the office of _sewer_ is derived from the Old French
    _esculier_, or the _scutellarius_, i.e. the person who had to
    arrange the dishes, in the same way as the _scutellery_ (scullery)
    was by rights the place where the dishes were kept. _Domestic
    Architecture_, v. 3, p. 80 _n._]

    [Footnote 181: See the duties and allowances of “A Surveyour for
    the Kyng” (Edw. IV.) in _Household Ord._ p. 37. Among other things
    he is to see ‘that no thing be purloyned,’ (cf. line 680 below),
    and the fourty Squyers of Household who help serve the King’s
    table from ‘the surveying bourde’ are to see that ‘of every messe
    that cummyth from the dressing bourde ... thereof be nothing
    withdrawe by the squires.’ _ib._ p. 45.]

    [Footnote 182: Squyers of Houshold xl ... xx squires attendaunt
    uppon the Kings (Edw. IV.) person in ryding ... and to help serve
    his table from the surveying bourde. _H. Ord._ p. 45. Sergeauntes
    of Armes IIII., whereof ii alway to be attending uppon the Kings
    person and chambre.... In like wise at the conveyaunce of his
    meate at every course from the surveying bourde, p. 47.]

    [Footnote 183: Compare the less gorgeous feeds specified on pp.
    54-5 of _Liber Cure_, and pp. 449-50 of _Household Ordinances_.
    Also with this and the following ‘Dinere of Fische’ should be
    compared “the Diett for the King’s Majesty and the Queen’s Grace”
    on a Flesh Day and a Fish Day, A.D. 1526, contained in _Household
    Ordinances_, p. 174-6. Though Harry the Eighth was king, he was
    allowed only two courses on each day, as against the Duke of
    Gloucester’s three given here. The daily cost for King and Queen
    was £4. 3s. 4d.; yearly, £1520. 13s. 4d. See also in Markham’s
    Houswife, pp. 98-101, the ordering of ‘extraordinary great Feasts
    of Princes’ as well as those ‘for much more humble men.’]

    [Footnote 184: See Recipes for Bor in Counfett, Boor in Brasey,
    Bore in Egurdouce, in _H. Ord._ p. 435.]

    [Footnote 185: _Chair de mouton manger de glouton:_ Pro. Flesh of
    a Mutton is food for a glutton; (or was held so in old times, when
    Beefe and Bacon were your onely dainties.) Cot.]

    [Footnote 186: The rule for the succession of dishes is stated in
    _Liber Cure_, p. 55, as whole-footed birds first, and of these the
    greatest, as swan, goose, and drake, to precede. Afterwards come
    baked meats and other dainties.]

    [Footnote 187: See note to l. 535 above.]

    [Footnote 188: See the Recipe for Leche Lumbard in _Household
    Ordinances_, p. 438. Pork, eggs, pepper, cloves, currants, dates,
    sugar, powdered together, boiled in a bladder, cut into strips,
    and served with hot rich sauce.]

    [Footnote 189: Meat fritter ?, mentioned in l. 501.]

    [Footnote 190: See “Blaumanger to Potage” p. 430 of _Household
    Ordinances_; Blawmangere, p. 455; Blonc Manger, _L. C. C._ p. 9,
    and Blanc Maungere of fysshe, p. 19.]

    [Footnote 191: “Gele in Chekyns or of Hennes,” and “Gelle of
    Flesshe,” _H. Ord._ p. 437.]

    [Footnote 192: See the recipe “At a Feeste Roiall, Pecockes shall
    be dight on this Manere,” _H. Ord._ p. 439; but there he is to be
    served “forthe with the last cours.” The _hackle_ refers,
    I suppose, to his being sown in his skin when cold after
    roasting.]

    [Footnote 193: The fat of _Rabet-suckers_, and little Birds, and
    small Chickens, is not discommendable, because it is soon and
    lightly overcome of an indifferent stomack. _Muffett_, p. 110.]

    [Footnote 194: Recipe at end of this volume. Dowcet mete, or swete
    cake mete (bake mete, P.) _Dulceum, ductileus._ P. Parv. Dousette,
    a lytell flawne, _dariolle_. Palsgrave. Fr. _flannet_; m. A doucet
    or little custard. Cot. See note 1 to l. 494 above.]

    [Footnote 195: May be _Iely_, amber jelly, instead of a beautiful
    amber leche.]

    [Footnote 196: See the note to line 499.]

    [Footnote 197: Compare “For a servise on fysshe day,” _Liber
    Cure_, p. 54, and _Household Ordinances_, p. 449.]

    [Footnote 198: _For_ of. See ‘Sewes on Fische Dayes,’ l. 821.]

    [Footnote 199: ? for _bellies_: see ‘the baly of þe fresch
    samoun,’ l. 823 in Sewes on Fische Dayes; or it may be for the
    _sounds_ or breathing apparatus.]

    [Footnote 200: Pykes in Brasey, _H. Ord._ p. 451.]

    [Footnote 201: Purpesses, Tursons, or sea-hogs, are of the nature
    of swine, never good till they be fat ... it is an unsavoury meat
    ... yet many Ladies and Gentlemen love it exceedingly, bak’d like
    venison. _Mouffet_, p. 165.]

    [Footnote 202: ? due-ing, that is, service; not moistening.]

    [Footnote 203: _Rhombi._ Turbuts ... some call the Sea-Pheasant
    ... whilst they be young ... they are called Butts. They are best
    being sodden. _Muffett_, p. 173. “Pegeons, _buttes_, and elis,”
    are paid for as _hakys_ (hawks) _mete_, on x Sept. 6 R. H(enry
    VII) in the Howard Household Books, 1481-90, p. 508.]

    [Footnote 204: Gulls, Guffs, Pulches, _Chevins_, and
    Millers-thombs are a kind of jolt-headed Gudgins, very sweet,
    tender, and wholesome. Muffett, p. 180. Randle Holme says, ‘A
    _Chevyn_ or a _Pollarde_; it is in Latin called _Capitus_, from
    its great head; the Germans _Schwall_, or _Alet_; and _Myn_ or
    _Mouen_; a _Schupfish_, from whence we title it a _Chub fish_.’
    ch. xiv. § xxvii.]

    [Footnote 205: “Creme of Almond Mylk.” _H. Ord._ p. 447.]

    [Footnote 206: See the recipe, end of this volume.]

    [Footnote 207: Compare “leche fryes made of frit and friture,” _H.
    Ord._ p. 449; Servise on Fisshe Day, last line.]

    [Footnote 208: Melancholy, full of phlegm: see the superscription
    l. 792 below. ‘Flew, complecyon, (fleume of compleccyon, K. flewe,
    P.) _Flegma_,’ Catholicon in P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 209: Mistake for _Sotelte_.]

    [Footnote 210: The first letter of this word is neither a clear
    _t_ nor _c_, though more like _t_ than _c_. It was first written
    _Couse_ (as if for _cou_[r]_se_, succession, which makes good
    sense) or _touse_, and then a _w_ was put over the _u_. If the
    word is _towse_, the only others I can find like it are tow, ‘towe
    of hempe or flax,’ Promptorium; ‘_heruper_, to discheuell,
    _towse_, or disorder the haire.’ Cot.]

    [Footnote 211: See Recipe at end of volume.]

    [Footnote 212: See Recipe at end of volume.]

    [Footnote 213: See a recipe for making it of ale, honey, and
    spices, in [Cogan’s] Haven of Health, chap. 239, p. 268, in Nares.
    Phillips leaves out the ale.]

    [Footnote 214: Mead, a pleasant Drink made of Honey and Water.
    Phillips.]

    [Footnote 215: A recipe for Musculs in Sewe and Cadel of Musculs
    to Potage, at p. 445 _H. Ord._ Others ‘For mustul (? muscul or
    _Mustela_, the eel-powt, Fr. _Mustelle_, the Powte or Eeele-powte)
    pie,’ and ‘For porray of mustuls,’ in _Liber Cure_, p. 46-7.]

    [Footnote 216: ? a preparation of Muscles, as _Applade_ Ryal
    (Harl. MS. 279, Recipe Cxxxv.) of Apples, _Quinade_, Rec. Cxv of
    Quinces, _Pynade_ (fol. 27 b.) of Pynotis (a kind of nut); or is
    it _Meselade_ or _Meslade_, fol. 33, an omelette--’to euery good
    meslade take a þowsand eyroun or mo.’ _Herbelade_ (fol. 42 b.) is
    a liquor of boiled lard and herbs, mixed with dates, currants, and
    ‘Pynez,’ strained, sugared, coloured, whipped, & put into ‘fayre
    round cofyns.’]

    [Footnote 217: _Eschalotte_: f. A Cive or Chiue. _Escurs_, The
    little sallade hearb called, Ciues, or Chiues. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 218: For to make potage of oysturs, _Liber Cure_, p. 17.
    Oysturs in brewette, p. 53.]

    [Footnote 219: Seales flesh is counted as hard of digestion, as it
    is gross of substance, especially being old; wherefore I leave it
    to Mariners and Sailers, for whose stomacks it is fittest, and who
    know the best way how to prepare it. _Muffett_, p. 167.]

    [Footnote 220: Cullis (in Cookery) a strained Liquor made of any
    sort of dress’d Meat, or other things pounded in a Mortar, and
    pass’d thro’ a Hair-sieve: These Cullises are usually pour’d upon
    Messes, and into hot Pies, a little before they are serv’d up to
    Table. Phillips. See also the recipe for making a coleise of a
    cocke or capon, from the _Haven of Health_, in Nares. Fr.
    _Coulis_: m. A cullis, or broth of boiled meat strained; fit for a
    sicke, or weake bodie. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 221: Shrimps are of two sorts, the one crookbacked, the
    other straitbacked: the first sort is called of Frenchmen
    _Caramots de la santé_, healthful shrimps; because they recover
    sick and consumed persons; of all other they are most nimble,
    witty, and skipping, and of best juice. _Muffett_, p. 167. In
    cooking them, he directs them to be “unscaled, to vent the
    windiness which is in them, being sodden with their scales;
    whereof lust and disposition to venery might arise,” p. 168.]

    [Footnote 222: See the recipe for “Creme of Almonde Mylk,”
    _Household Ordinances_, p. 447.]

    [Footnote 223: “Mortrewes of Fysshe,” _H. Ord._ p. 469; “Mortrews
    of fysshe,” _L. C. C._ p. 19.]

    [Footnote 224: See “Rys Lumbarde,” _H. Ord._ p. 438, l. 3, ‘and if
    thow wilt have hit stondynge, take rawe ȝolkes of egges,’ &c.]

    [Footnote 225: See the Recipe at the end of this volume.]

    [Footnote 226: ‘Let no fish be sodden or eaten without salt,
    pepper, wine, onions or hot spices; for all fish (compared with
    flesh) is cold and moist, of little nourishment, engendring
    watrish and thin blood.’ _Muffett_, p. 146, with a curious
    continuation. _Hoc Sinapium, An^ce._ mustarde.

      Salgia, sirpillum, piper, alia, sal, petrocillum,
      Ex hiis sit salsa, non est sentencia falsa.
        15th cent. Pict. Vocab. in Wright’s Voc. p. 267, col. 1.]

    [Footnote 227: Spurlings are but broad Sprats, taken chiefly upon
    our Northern coast; which being drest and pickled as Anchovaes be
    in Provence, rather surpass them than come behind them in taste
    and goodness.... As for Red Sprats and Spurlings, I vouchsafe them
    not the name of any wholesome nourishment, or rather of no
    nourishment at all; commending them for nothing, but that they are
    bawdes to enforce appetite, and serve well the poor mans turn to
    quench hunger. _Muffett_, p. 169.]

    [Footnote 228: A Whiting, a Merling, Fr. _Merlan_. ‘_Merling_:
    A _Stock-fish_, or _Marling_, else _Merling_; in Latine _Marlanus_
    and _Marlangus_.’ R. Holme, p. 333, col. 1.]

    [Footnote 229: After searching all the Dictionaries and Glossaries
    I could get hold of in the Museum for this _Torrentyne_, which was
    the plague of my life for six weeks, I had recourse to Dr Günther.
    He searched Rondelet and Belon in vain for the word, and then
    suggested ALDROVANDI as the last resource. In the _De Piscibus_,
    Lib. V., I accordingly found (where he treats of _Trout_),
    “Scoppa, gra{m}maticus Italus, _Torentinam_ nominat, rectius
    _Torrentinam_ vocaturus, à torrentibus nimirum: in his n[ominatim]
    & riuis montanis abundat.” (ed. 1644, cum indice copiosissimo.)]

    [Footnote 230: _Whales_ flesh is the hardest of all other, and
    unusuall to be eaten of our Countrymen, no not when they are very
    young and tenderest; yet the livers of Whales, Sturgeons, and
    Dolphins smell like violets, taste most pleasantly being salted,
    and give competent nourishment, as Cardan writeth. _Muffett_,
    p. 173, ed. Bennet, 1655.]

    [Footnote 231: See the recipe in _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 30; and
    Felettes in Galentyne, _H. Ord._ p. 433.]

    [Footnote 232: Veriuse, or sause made of grapes not full ripe,
    _Ompharium_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 233: Hakes be of the same nature [as Haddocks],
    resembling a Cod in taste, but a Ling in likeness. _Muffett_,
    p. 153.]

    [Footnote 234: ‘Stocke fysshe, they [the French] have none,’ says
    Palsgrave.]

    [Footnote 235: Haddocks are little Cods, of light substance,
    crumbling flesh, and good nourishment in the Sommer time,
    especially whilst Venison is in season. _Muffett_, p. 153.]

    [Footnote 236: Keling. R. Holme, xxiv, p. 334, col. 1, has “He
    beareth Cules a _Cod Fish_ argent. by the name of _Codling_. Of
    others termed a _Stockfish_, or an _Haberdine_: In the North part
    of this Kingdome it is called a _Keling_, In the Southerne parts a
    _Cod_, and in the Westerne parts a _Welwell_.”]

    [Footnote 237: See the Recipes for ‘Pur verde sawce,’ _Liber
    Cure_, p. 27, and ‘Vert Sause’ (herbs, bread-crumbs, vinegar,
    pepper, ginger, &c.), _H. Ord._ p. 441. Grene Sause, condimentum
    harbaceum. Withals. [[There is a herb of an acid taste, the common
    name for which ... is _green-sauce_ ... not a dozen miles from
    Stratford-on-Avon. _Notes & Queries_, June 14, 1851, vol. iii. p.
    474. “of Persley leaues stamped withe veriuyce, or white wine, is
    made a _greene sauce_ to eate with roasted meat ... Sauce for
    Mutton, Veale and Kid, is _greene sauce_, made in Summer with
    Vineger or Verjuyce, with a few spices, and without Garlicke.
    Otherwise with Parsley, white Ginger, and tosted bread with
    Vineger. In Winter, the same sawces are made with many spices, and
    little quantity of Garlicke, and of the best Wine, and with a
    little Verjuyce, or with Mustard.” _Reg. San. Salerni_, p.
    67-8.]] ]

    [Footnote 238: Ling perhaps looks for great extolling, being
    counted the beefe of the Sea, and standing every fish day (as a
    cold supporter) at my Lord Maiors table; yet it is nothing but a
    long Cod: whereof the greater sised is called Organe Ling, and the
    other Codling, because it is no longer then a Cod, and yet hath
    the taste of Ling: _whilst it is new it is called_ GREEN-FISH;
    when it is salted it is called Ling, perhaps of lying, because the
    longer it lyeth ... the better it is, waxing in the end as yellow
    as the gold noble, at which time they are worth a noble a piece.
    _Muffett_, p. 154-5.]

    [Footnote 239: A brit or turbret, _rhombus_. Withals, 1556. Bret,
    Brut, or Burt, a Fish of the Turbot-kind. Phillips.]

    [Footnote 240: These duties of the Chamberlain, and those of him
    in the Wardrobe which follow, should be compared with the chapter
    _De Officio Garcionum_ of “The Boke of Curtasye” ll. 435-520
    below. See also the duties and allowances of ‘A Chamberlayn for
    the King.’ _H. Ord._ p. 31-2. He has only to see that the men
    under him do the work mentioned in these pages. See office of
    Warderobe of Bedds, _H. O._ p. 40; Gromes of Chambyr, x, Pages of
    Chambre, IIII, _H. O._, p. 41, &c. The arraying and unarraying of
    Henry VII. were done by the Esquires of the Body, _H. Ord._
    p. 118, two of whom lay outside his room.]

    [Footnote 241: A short or small coat worn under the long
    over-coat. _Petycote, tunicula_, P. P., and ‘.j. _petticote_ of
    lynen clothe withought slyves,’ there cited from Sir J. Fastolfe’s
    Wardrobe, 1459. Archæol. xxi. 253. _subucula, le, est etiam genus
    intimæ vestis_, a peticote. Withals.]

    [Footnote 242: Vamps or _Vampays_, an odd kind of short Hose or
    Stockings that cover’d the Feet, and came up only to the Ancle,
    just above the Shooe; the Breeches reaching down to the Calf of
    the Leg. Whence to graft a new Footing on old Stockings is still
    call’d _Vamping_. Phillips. Fairholt does not give the word. The
    Vampeys went outside the sock, I presume, as no mention is made of
    them with the socks and slippers after the bath, l. 987; but
    Strutt, and Fairholt after him, have engraved a drawing which
    shows that the Saxons wore the sock over the stocking, both being
    within the shoe. ‘Vampey of a hose--_auant pied_. Vauntpe of a
    hose--_uantpie_.’ Palsgrave. A.D. 1467, ‘fore _vaunpynge_ of a
    payre for the said Lew vj.d.’ p. 396, _Manners & Household
    Expenses_, 1841.]

    [Footnote 242a: ? _perhaps a comma should go after _hed_, and
    _‘his cloak or cape’_ as a side-note. But see _cappe_, p. 65,
    l. 964._]

    [Footnote 243: Henry VII. had a fustian and sheet under his
    feather bed, over the bed a sheet, then ‘the over fustian above,’
    and then ‘a pane of ermines’ like an eider-down quilt. ‘A head
    sheete of raynes’ and another of ermines were over the pillows.
    After the ceremony of making the bed, all the esquires, ushers,
    and others present, had bread, ale, and wine, outside the chamber,
    ‘and soe to drinke altogether.’ _H. Ord._ p. 122.]

    [Footnote 244: A siege house, _sedes excrementorum_. A draught or
    priuie, _latrina_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 245: An arse wispe, _penicillum_, -li, vel _anitergium_.
    Withals. From a passage in William of Malmesbury’s autograph _De
    Gestis Pontificum Anglorum_ it would seem that water was the
    earlier cleanser.]

    [Footnote 246: In the MS. this line was omitted by the copier, and
    inserted in red under the next line by the corrector, who has
    underscored all the chief words of the text in red, besides
    touching up the capital and other letters.]

    [Footnote 247: See the ‘Warderober,’ p. 37, and the ‘office of
    Warderobe of Robes,’ in _H. Ord._ p. 39.]

    [Footnote 248:

      þo lord{e} schalle shyft hys gown{e} at nyȝt,
      Syttand on foteshete tyl he be dyȝt.
      _The Boke of Curtasye_, l. 487-8.]

    [Footnote 249: Morter ... a kind of Lamp or Wax-taper. _Mortarium_
    (in old Latin records) a Mortar, Taper, or Light set in Churches,
    to burn over the Graves or Shrines of the Dead. Phillips.]

    [Footnote 250: Perchers, the Paris-Candles formerly us’d in
    England; also the bigger sort of Candles, especially of Wax, which
    were commonly set upon the Altars. Phil.]

    [[Footnote 250a: The nuisance that the number of Dogs must have
    been may be judged of by the following payments in the
    Church-Wardens’ Accounts of St Margaret’s, Westminster, in
    _Nichols_, p. 34-5.

      1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of dogs  0. 9. 8.
      1625 Item paid to the dog-killer more for killing
             14 dozen and 10 dogs in time of visitacion     1. 9. 8.
      1625 Item paid to the dog-killer for killing of
             24 dozen of dogs                               1. 8.

    See the old French satire on the Lady and her Dogs, in _Rel. Ant._
    i. 155.]]

    [Footnote 251: The Boke of Curtasye (l. 519-20) lets the (chief)
    usher who puts the lord to bed, go his way, and says

      Ȝomo{n} vssher be-fore þe dore
      In vtter chamb{ur} lies on þe flor{e}.]

    [Transcriber’s Note:
    Footnote 252 contains supplementary notes for some items in this
    stanza, lines 991-994. Note that there is no independent Footnote
    260 (“hey hove”), and that “bilgres” was not marked. Numbers in
    parentheses are the note numbers as originally printed.]

    [Footnote 252: See note at end. Mr Gillett, of the Vicarage,
    Runham, Filby, Norwich, sends me these notes on the herbs for this
    Bathe Medicinable: --253 (2): “YARDEHOK = Mallow, some species.
    They are all more or less mucilaginous and emollient. If Yarde =
    _Virga_; then it is Marshmallow, or Malva Sylvestris; if yarde =
    erde, earth; then the rotundifolia. --254 (3): PARITORY is
    Pellitory of the wall, _parietaria_. Wall pellitory abounds in
    nitrate of potass. There are two other pellitories: ‘P. of
    Spain’--this is _Pyrethrum_, which the Spanish corrupted into
    _pelitre_, and we corrupted _pelitre_ into pellitory. The other,
    bastard-pellitory, is _Achillea Ptarmica_. --255 (4): BROWN
    FENNELLE = probably _Peucedanum officinale_, Hog’s fennel,
    a dangerous plant; certainly not _Anethum Graveolens_, which is
    always dill, dyle, dile, &c. --259 (8): RYBBEWORT, _Plantago
    lanceolata_, mucilaginous. --260 (9): HEYHOVE = _Glechoma
    hederacea_, bitter and aromatic, abounding in a principle like
    camphor. --261 (10): HEYRIFF = harif = _Galium Aparine_, and
    allied species. They were formerly considered good for scorbutic
    diseases, when applied externally. Lately, in France, they have
    been administered internally against epilepsy. --263 (12):
    BRESEWORT; if = brisewort or bruisewort, it would be _Sambucus
    Ebulus_, but this seems most unlikely. --265 [_unlabeled, 1 on
    next page_] BROKELEMPK = brooklime. _Veronica Beccabunga_,
    formerly considered as an anti-scorbutic applied externally. It is
    very inert. If a person fed on it, it might do some good, i.e.
    about a quarter of the good that the same quantity of water-cress
    would do. --267 [_unlabeled_] BILGRES, probably = henbane,
    _hyoscysmus niger_. Compare Dutch [Du. _Bilsen_, Hexham,] and
    German _Bilse_. _Bil_ = byle = boil, modern. It was formerly
    applied externally, with marsh-mallow and other mucilaginous and
    emollient plants, to ulcers, boils, &c. It might do great good if
    the tumours were unbroken, but is awfully dangerous. So is
    _Peucedanum officinale_. My Latin names are those of Smith:
    _English Flora_. Babington has re-named them, and Bentham again
    altered them. I like my mumpsimus better than their sumpsimus.”]

    [Footnote 253: ‘The common Mallowe, or the tawle wilde Mallow, and
    the common Hockes’ of Lyte’s Dodoens, 1578, p. 581, _Malua
    sylvestris_, as distinguished from the _Malua sativa_, or “_Rosa
    vltramarina_, that is to say, the Beyondesea Rose, in Frenche,
    _Maulue de iardin_ or _cultiuée_ ... in English, Holyhockes, and
    great tame Mallow, or great Mallowes of the Garden.” The “Dwarffe
    Mallowe ... is called _Malua syluestris pumila_.”]

    [Footnote 254: Peritory, _parietaria_, _vrseolaris_, _vel
    astericum_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 255: ? The sweet Fennel, _Anethum Graveolens_, formerly
    much used in medicine (Thomson). The gigantic fennel is (_Ferula_)
    _Assafœtida_.]

    [Footnote 256: _Sambucus ebulus_, Danewort. See Mr Gillett’s note
    for Book of Quintessence in Hampole’s Treatises. Fr. _hieble_,
    Wallwort, dwarfe Elderne, Danewort. Cotgr.]

    [Footnote 257: Erbe Iõn’, or Seynt Ionys worte. _Perforata, fuga
    demonum_, _ypericon_. P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 258: Centaury.]

    [Footnote 259: Ribwort, _arnoglossa_. Ribwoort or ribgrasse,
    _plantago_. Withals. _Plantain petit_. Ribwort, Ribwort Plantaine,
    Dogs-rib, Lambes-tongue. Cotgrave. _Plantago lanceolata_, AS.
    _ribbe_.]

    [Footnote 260: _No separate note: see Footnote 252, above._]

    [Footnote 261: Haylife, an herbe. Palsgr. _Galium aparine_, A.S.
    _hegerifan corn_, grains of hedgerife (hayreve, or hayreff), are
    among the herbs prescribed in _Leechdoms_, v. 2, p. 345, for “a
    salve against the elfin race & nocturnal [goblin] visitors, & for
    the woman with whom the devil hath carnal commerce.”]

    [Footnote 262: _Herba Benedicta_. Avens.]

    [Footnote 263: _Herbe a foulon_. Fullers hearbe, Sopewort,
    Mocke-gillouers, Bruisewort. Cotgrave. “AS. 1. _brysewyrt_,
    pimpernel, _anagallis_. _Anagallis_, brisewort.” Gl. Rawlinson,
    c. 506, Gl. Harl. 3388. Leechdoms, vol. 1, p. 374. 2. _Bellis
    perennis_, MS. Laud. 553, fol. 9. Plainly for Hembriswyrt, daisy,
    AS. _dæges eage_. “Consolida minor. Daysie is an herbe þat sum men
    callet hembrisworte oþer bonewort.” Gl. Douce, 290. Cockayne.
    _Leechdoms_, v. 2, Glossary.]

    [Footnote 264: _Persil de marais_. Smallage; or, wild water
    Parseley. Cot.]

    [Footnote 265: Brokelyme _fabaria_. Withals. _Veronica Becabunga_,
    Water-Speedwell. _Hleomoce_, _Hleomoc_, brooklime (where lime is
    the Saxon name (_Hleomoc_) in decay), _Veronica beccabunga_, with
    _V. anagallis_ ... “It waxeth in brooks” ... Both sorts _Lemmike_,
    Dansk. They were the greater and the less “brokelemke,” Gl.
    Bodley, 536. “Fabaria domestica _lemeke_.” Gl. Rawl. c. 607....
    Islandic _Lemiki_. Cockayne. Gloss. to _Leechdoms_, v. 2. It is
    prescribed, with the two centauries, for suppressed menses, and
    with _pulegium_, to bring a dead child away, &c. _Ib._ p. 331.]

    [Footnote 266: Scabiosa, the Herb _Scabious_, so call’d from its
    Virtue in curing the Itch; it is also good for Impostumes, Coughs,
    Pleurisy, Quinsey, &c. Phillips.]

    [Footnote 267: _See footnote 258, above._]

    [Footnote 268: See the duties and allowances of ‘The Gentylmen
    Usshers of Chaumbre .IIII. of Edw. IV.’, in _H. Ord._ p. 37; and
    the duties of Henry VIII’s Knight Marshal, _ib._ p. 150.]

    [Footnote 269: Queenborough, an ancient, but poor town of Kent, in
    the Isle of Sheppey, situated at the mouth of the river Medway.
    The chief employment of the inhabitants is oyster-dredging.
    _Walker’s Gazetteer, by Kershaw_, 1801.]

    [Footnote 270: The Annual Receipts of the Monastery “de Tinterna
    in M{ar}chia Wallie,” are stated in the _Valor Eccl._ vol. iv.
    p. 370-1, and the result is
                                            £      s.  d.
      S{u}m{m}a to{ta}lis clar{e}
          val{oris} dec’ predict’       cclviij    v   x  ob’
      Decima inde                           xxv  xvj  vj  ob’q’

    Those of the Monasteriu{m} Sancti Petri Westm. are given at v. 1,
    p. 410-24, and their net amount stated to be £4470 0 2d.

    [Transcriber’s Note:
    Roman numerals shown as ^x were printed as superscripts
    (iij^c = CCC).]
                                        £           s.   d.
      Et reman{ent} clare      M^lM^lM^liiij^clxx  --   ij  q’
      Decima inde                      iij^cxlvij  --   --  q’]

    [Footnote 271: The clear revenue of the Deanery of Canterbury
    (Decan’ Cantuar’) is returned in Valor Eccl. v. 1, p. 27-32,
    at £163 0 21d.
                                 £     s.   d.
      Rem’                    clxiij  --  xxi
      Decima p{ar}s inde         xvj  vj   ij

    while that of Prioratus de Dudley is only

                                     £        s.    d.
      S{u}m{m}a de claro          xxxiiij    --   xvj
      Decima p{ar}s inde              iij  viij     j  ob’q’

            _Valor Ecclesiasticus_, v. 3, p. 104-5.]

    [Footnote 272: Dudley, a town of Worcestershire, insulated in
    Staffordshire, containing about 2000 families, most of whom are
    employed in the manufacture of nails and other iron wares.
    _Walker_, 1801.]

    [Footnote 273: Two lines are wanting here to make up the stanza.
    They must have been left out when the copier turned his page, and
    began again.]

    [Footnote 274: The word in the MS. is _syngle_ or _synglr_ with a
    line through the _l_. It may be for {syng}u{ler}, _singulus_, _i._
    _unus per se_, sunderly, vocab. in _Rel. Ant._ v. 1, p. 9,
    col. 1.]

    [Footnote 275: _Credence as creance_ ... a taste or essay taken of
    another man’s meat. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 276: Compare _The Boke of Curtasye_, l. 495-8,

      No mete for mo{n} schall{e} sayed be
      Bot for kynge or prynce or duke so fre;
      For heiers of paraunce also y-wys
      Mete shall{e} be seyed.]

    [Footnote 277: _Gardmanger_ (Fr.) a Storehouse for meat. Blount,
    ed. 1681, _Garde-viant_, a Wallet for a Soldier to put his
    Victuals in. Phillipps, ed. 1701.]

    [Footnote 278: The Boke of Curtasye makes the Sewer alone assay or
    taste ‘alle the mete’ (line 763-76), and the Butler the drink
    (line 786).]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


NOTES.

[Transcriber’s Note:

Numbering of linenotes does not always correspond exactly to a word’s
place in the main text. References that are off by only a line or two
have not been corrected.]


l. 11-12. John Russell lets off his won’t-learns very easily. Willyam
Bulleyn had a different treatment for them. See the extract from him on
“Boxyng & Neckweede” after these _Notes_.

l. 49. See the interesting “Lord Fairfax’s Orders for the Servants of
his Houshold” [after the Civil Wars], in Bishop Percy’s notes to the
Northumberland Household Book, p. 421-4, ed. 1827.

l. 51. Chip. ‘other .ij. pages ... them oweth to chippe bredde, but not
too nye the crumme.’ _H. Ord._ p. 71-2. The “Chippings of
Trencher-Brede” in Lord Percy’s household were used “for the fedyinge of
my lords houndis.” _Percy H. Book_, p. 353. [[“_Non comedas crustam,
colorem quia gignit adustam_ ... the Authour in this Text warneth vs, to
beware of crusts eating, because they ingender a-dust cholor, or
melancholly humours, by reason that they bee burned and dry. And
therefore great estates the which be [_orig._ the] chollerick of nature,
cause the crustes aboue and beneath to be chipped away; wherfore the
pith or crumme should be chosen, the which is of a greater nourishment
then the crust.” _Regimen Sanitatis Salerni_, ed. 1634, p. 71. Fr.
_chapplis_, bread-chippings. Cotgrave.]]

l. 52. _Trencher._ The College servant ‘Scrape Trencher,’ R. Holme, Bk.
III., Chap. iv., p. 099 [199], notes the change of material from bread
to wood. [[Note renamed and moved from l. 94; see Corrigenda]]

l. 56. _Trencher bread._ ITEM that the _Trencher Brede_ be maid of the
Meale as it cummyth frome the Milne. _Percy Household Book_, p. 58.

l. 66. Cannell, a Spout, a tap, a cocke in a conduit. _Epistomium. Vne
canelle, vn robinet._ Baret.

l. 68. Faucet. Also he [the yeoman of the Butler of Ale] asketh
allowaunce for tubbys, treyes, and _faucettes_, occupied all the yeare
before. _H. Ord._ p. 77.

l. 74. _Figs._ A. Borde, _Introduction_, assigns the gathering of figs
to “the Mores whych do dwel in Barbary,” ... “and christen men do by
them, & they wil be diligent and wyl do al maner of seruice, but they be
set most comonli to vile things; they be called slaues, thei do gader
grapes and _fygges_, and with some of the _fygges_ they wyl wip ther
tayle, & put them in the frayle.” Figs he mentions under Judæa. “Iury is
called y^e lande of Iude, it is a noble countre of ryches, plenty of
wine & corne ... _Figges_ and Raysions, & all other frutes.” In his
_Regyment_, fol. M. iii., Borde says of ‘Fygges ... They doth stere a
man to veneryous actes, for they doth auge and increase the seede of
generacion. And also they doth prouoke a man to sweate: wherfore they
doth ingendre lyce.’

ll. 74-95. _Chese._ ‘there is iiij. sortes of Chese, which is to say,
grene Chese, softe chese, harde chese, or spermyse. Grene chese is not
called grene by y^e reason of colour, but for y^e newnes of it, for the
whay is not half pressed out of it, and in operacion it is colde and
moyste. Softe chese not to new nor to olde, is best, for in operacion it
is hote and moyste. Harde chese is hote and drye, and euyll to dygest.
Spermyse is a Chese the whiche is made with curdes and with the Iuce of
herbes.... Yet besydes these .iiij natures of chese, there is a chese
called a Irweue [rewene, ed. 1567] chese, the whiche, if it be well
ordered, doth passe all other cheses, none excesse taken.’ A. Borde,
_Reg._ fol. I. i. See note on l. 85.

l. 77. In his chapter _Of Prunes and Damysens_, Andrew Borde says, Syxe
or seuen Damysens eaten before dyner, be good to prouoke a ma{n}nes
appetyde; they doth mollyfie the bely, and be abstersyue, the skynne and
the stones must be ablated and cast away, and not vsed. _Regyment_, N.
i. b. [[Note renamed and moved from l. 177; see Corrigenda]]

l. 78, 83. The Bill-berry or _Windberry_, R. Holme, Bk. II., p. 52, col.
1; p. 79, col. 1; three Wharl Berries or Bill-Berries ... They are
termed Whortle Berries or _Wind Berries_, p. 81, col. 2. § xxviii. See
the prose Burlesques, _Reliq. Antiq._, v. 1, p. 82. Why hopes thu nott
for sothe that ther stode wonus a coke on Seynt Pale stepull toppe, and
drewe up the strapuls of his brech. How preves thu that? Be all the
.iiij. doctors of _Wynbere hylles_, that is to saye, Vertas, Gadatryme,
Trumpas, and Dadyltrymsert.

l. 79. _Fruits._ These officers make provysyons in seasons of the yere
accordynge for fruytes to be had of the Kinges gardynes withoute prises;
as cherryes, peares, apples, nuttes greete and smalle, for somer season;
and lenten, wardens, quinces and other; and also of presentes gevyn to
the Kinge; they be pourveyours of _blaundrelles_, pepyns, and of all
other fruytes. _H. Ord._ p. 82.

l. 80. Mr Dawson Turner’s argument that the “ad album pulverem” of the
Leicester Roll, A.D. 1265, was white sugar pounded (Pref. to Household
Expenses, ed. 1841, p. li., proves only that the _xiiij lib. Zucari_
there mentioned, were not bought for making _White powder_ only.

ll. 81-93. _Crayme._ ‘Rawe crayme undecocted, eaten with strawberyes, or
hurttes, is a rurall mannes ba{n}ket. I haue knowe{n} such bankettes
hath put me{n} i{n} ieobardy of theyr lyues.’ A. Borde, _Regyment_, fol.
I. ij.

l. 82, l. 93. Junket. The auncient manner of grateful suitors, who,
hauing prevailed, were woont to present the Judges, or the Reporters, of
their causes, with Comfets or other _Jonkets_. Cotgrave, w. _espice_.

l. 85. Cheese. Whan stone pottes be broken, what is better to glew them
againe or make them fast, nothing like the Symunt made of Cheese; know
therfore it will quickly build a stone in a drie body, which is ful of
choler adust. And here in Englande be diuers kindes of Cheeses, as Suff.
Essex, Banburie .&c. according to their places & feeding of their
cattel, time of y^e yere, layre of their Kine, clenlinesse of their
Dayres, quantitie of their Butter; for the more Butter, the worse
Cheese. _Bullein_, fol. lxxxv.

l. 89. _Butter._ A. Borde, _Introduction_, makes the _Flemynge_ say,

  Buttermouth Flemyng, men doth me call.
  Butter is good meate, it doth relent the gall.

    [[Note on l. 52 originally printed here: see Corrigenda.]]

l. 94. _Posset_ is hot Milk poured on Ale or Sack, having Sugar, grated
Bisket, Eggs, with other ingredients boiled in it, which goes all to a
Curd. R. Holme.

l. 94. _Poset_ ale is made with hote mylke and colde ale; it is a
temperate drynke. A. Borde, _Reg. G._ iij.

l. 105. Hot wines & sweet or confectioned with spices, or very strong
Ale or Beere, is not good at meales, for thereby the meat is rather
corrupted then digested, and they make _hot and stinking vapours_ to
ascend vp to the braines. Sir Jn. Harrington. _Pres. of Health_, 1624,
p. 23.

l. 109. Reboyle. ‘If any wynes be corrupted, _reboyled_, or unwholsome
for mannys body, then by the comtroller it to be shewed at the counting
bourde, so that by assent all suche pypes or vesselles defectife be
dampned and cast uppon the losses of the seyd chiefe Butler.’ _H. Ord._
p. 73.

l. 109. Lete, leek. ‘Purveyours of Wyne ... to ride and oversee the
places there as the Kinges wynes be lodged, that it be saufely kept from
peril of _leeking_ and breaking of vessels, or lacke of hoopinge or
other couperage, and all other crafte for the rackinge, coynynge,
rebatinge, and other salvations of wynes, &c.’ _H. Ord._ p. 74.


SWETE WYNES, p. 8, l. 118-20.[*]

    [Footnote *: See _Maison Rustique_ or The Country Farme, p. 630-1,
    as to the qualities of Sweet Wines.]

α. Generally:

Halliwell gives under _Piment_ the following list of wines from MS.
Rawlinson. C. 86.

  _Malmasyes_, _Tires_, and _Rumneys_,
  With _Caperikis_, Campletes[†], and _Osueys_,
  _Vernuge_, _Cute_, and _Raspays_ also,
  Whippet and Pyngmedo, that that ben lawyers therto;
  And I will have also wyne de Ryne,
  With new maid _Clarye_, that is good and fyne,
  _Muscadell_, _Terantyne_, and _Bastard_,
  With _Ypocras_ and _Pyment_ comyng afterwarde.
                                          MS. Rawl. C. 86.

    [Footnote †: See _Campolet_ in “The Boke of Keruyng.”]

And under _Malvesyne_ this:

  Ye shall have Spayneche wyne and Gascoyne,
  _Rose coloure_, whyt, _claret_, rampyon,
  _Tyre_, _capryck_, and _malvesyne_,
  Sak, _raspyce_, alycaunt, _rumney_,
  _Greke_, _ipocrase_, new made _clary_,
  Suche as ye never had.
        Interlude of the Four Elements (no date).

Of the wine drunk in England in Elizabeth’s time, Harrison (Holinshed’s
Chron. v. 1, p. 167, col. 2, ed. 1586) says, “As all estates doo exceed
herin, I meane for strangenesse and number of costlie dishes, so these
forget not to vse the like excesse in wine, in so much as there is no
kind to be had (neither anie where more store of all sorts than in
England, although we have none growing with us, but yearlie to the
proportion of 20,000 or 30,000 tun and vpwards, notwithstanding the
dailie restreincts of the same brought over vnto vs) wherof at great
meetings there is not some store to be had. Neither do I meane this of
small wines onlie, as _Claret_, White, Red, French, &c., which amount to
about fiftie-six sorts, according to the number of regions from whence
they come: but also of the thirtie kinds of Italian, Grecian, Spanish,
Canarian, &c., whereof _Vernage_, _Cate_, _pument_, _Raspis_,
_Muscadell_, _Romnie_, _Bastard_, _Tire_, _Oseie_, _Caprike_, _Clareie_,
and _Malmesie_, are not least of all accompted of, bicause of their
strength and valure. For as I haue said in meat, so the stronger the
wine is, the more it is desired, by means wherof in old time, the best
was called _Theologicum_, because it was had from the cleargie and
religious men, vnto whose houses manie of the laitie would often send
for bottels filled with the same, being sure that they would neither
drinke nor be serued of the worst, or such as was anie waies mingled or
brued by the vintener: naie the merchant would haue thought that his
soul{e} should haue gone streight-waie to the diuell, if he should haue
serued them with other than the best.”

On Wine, see also Royal Rolls, B.M. 14 B. xix.

β. Specially: The following extracts are from Henderson’s _History of
Ancient and Modern Wines_, 1824, except where otherwise stated:--

1. _Vernage_ was a red wine, of a bright colour, and a sweetish and
somewhat rough flavour, which was grown in Tuscany and other parts of
Italy, and derived its name from the thick-skinned grape, _vernaccia_
(corresponding with the _vinaciola_ of the ancients), that was used in
the preparation of it (See Bacci. Nat. Vinor. Hist., p. 20, 62). It is
highly praised by Redi.[*]

    [Footnote *: Vernage was made in the Genoese territory. The best
    was grown at San Gemignano, and in Bacci’s time was in great
    request at Rome. The wine known as Vernaccia in Tuscany was always
    of a white or golden colour. _Henderson_, p. 396.]

2. _Vernagelle_ is not mentioned by Henderson. The name shows it to have
been a variety of Vernage.

3. l. 118. _Cute._ “As for the _cuit_ named in Latin Sapa, it commeth
neere to the nature of wine, and in truth nothing els it is, but Must or
new wine boiled til one third part and no more do remain; & this _cuit_,
if it be made of white Must is counted the better.” _Holland’s Plinies
Nat. Hist._, p. 157. “(of the dried grape or raisin which they call
Astaphis).... The sweet _cuit_ which is made thereof hath a speciall
power and virtue against the Hæmorrhois alone, of all other serpents,”
p. 148. “Of new pressed wine is made the wine called _Cute_, in Latin,
_Sapa_; and it is by boiling the new pressed wine so long, as till that
there remaine but one of three parts. Of new pressed wine is also made
another _Cute_, called of the Latines _Defrutum_, and this is by boiling
of the new wine onely so long, as till the halfe part be consumed, and
the rest become of the thicknesse of honey.” _Maison Rustique_, p. 622.
‘Cute. A.S. _Cæren_, L. _carenum_, wine boiled down one-third, and
sweetened.’ Cockayne, Gloss. to Leechdoms.

4. _Pyment._ In order to cover the harshness and acidity common to the
greater part of the wines of this period, and to give them an agreeable
flavour, it was not unusual to mix honey and spices with them. Thus
compounded they passed under the generic name of _piments_,[†] probably
because they were originally prepared by the _pigmentarii_ or
apothecaries; and they were used much in the same manner as the
_liqueurs_ of modern times. _Hend._ p. 283.

    [Footnote †: See the recipe for making Piment in Halliwell’s
    Dictionary, s.v.]

The varieties of Piment most frequently mentioned are the

_Hippocras & Clarry._ The former was made with either white or red wine,
in which different aromatic ingredients were infused; and took its name
from the particular sort of bag, termed Hippocrates’s Sleeve, through
which it was strained.... _Clarry_, on the other hand, which (with wine
of _Osey_) we have seen noticed in the Act 5 Richard II. (St. 1, c. 4,
_vin doulce, ou clarre_), was a claret or mixed wine, mingled with
honey, and seasoned in much the same way, as may be inferred from an
order of the 36th of Henry III. respecting the delivery of two casks of
white wine and one of red, to make _Clarry_ and other liquors for the
king’s table at York (duo dolia albi vini et garhiofilacum et unum
dolium rubri vini ad _claretum_ faciend{um}). _Henderson_, p. 284.
_Hippocras_, vinum Aromaticum. Withals. “Artificiall stuffe, as
_ypocras_ & wormewood wine.” _Harrison, Descr. Brit._, p. 167, col. 2,
ed. 1586.

_Raspice._ “Vin Rapé,” says Henderson, p. 286, note _y_, “a rough
sweetish red wine, so called from its being made with unbruised grapes,
which, having been freed from the stalks, are afterwards fermented along
with them and a portion of other wine.”[*] Ducange has _Raspice._
RASPATICIUM, Ex racemis vinum, cujus præparationem tradit J. Wecker.
Antidot. special. lib. 2, § 6, page 518 et 519. Paratur autem illud ex
_raspatiis_ et vinaceis, una cum uvis musto immissis. _Raspatia_ itaque
sunt, quæ Varroni et Columellæ _scopi, scopiones_, si bene legitur; unde
nostrum _Raste. Ducange_, ed. 1845. _Raspecia_ ...Sed ex relato longiori
contextu palam est, _Raspeciam_ nihil aliud esse quam vinum mixtis
acinis aliisve modis renovatum, nostris vulgo _Râpé_; hujuscemodi enim
vinum alterationi minus obnoxium est, ut hic dicitur de _Raspecia_. Vide
mox _Raspetum_, Vinum _recentatum_, Gallis _Raspé_. Charta Henrici Ducis
Brabantiæ pro Communia Bruxellensi ann. 1229: _Qui vinum supra uvas
habuerit, quod _Raspetum_ vocatur, in tavernis ipsum vendere non
potest._ Vide _Recentatum_. Ducange, ed. 1845.

    [Footnote *: Besides this meaning of _rapé_ (same as _raspé_),
    Cotgrave gives first “A verie small wine comming of water cast
    uppon the mother of grapes which have been pressed!”]

The highly-praised _Raspatum_ of Baccius, p. 30-2, of which, after
quoting what Pliny says of secondary wines, he declares, “id primùm
animaduerti volumus à nostra posteritate, quod Lora Latinorum, qua{m}
deuterium cum Græcis, et secundarium Vinum dixit Plinius, δευτερία, seu
ποτιμὸν Dioscorides, quodque τρυγὸν vocauit Galenus, cum Aquatis quibus
hodie vtimur in tota Italia, & cum nouo genere, quod à delectabili in
gustu asperitate, _Rasputum_ vocat; similem omnes hæ Voces habent
significantiam factitii .s. ex aqua Vini. p. 30. Quod uini genus in
Italia, ubi alterius uini copia non sit, parari simpliciter consuevit
colore splendido rubentis purpuræ, sapore austero, ac dulcacido primis
mensibus mox tamen exolescente, p. 31-2, &c.” _Raspice_ was also a name
for Raspberries. Item, geuene to my lady Kingstone s{er}u{au}nte
bringing Strawberes and _Respeces_ to my lad{ys} grace xij d. _Privy
Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary_, p. 31; and in his Glossary to this
book Sir F. Madden says, ‘In a closet for Ladies 12mo. London, 1654, is
a receipt “To preserve _Raspices_,” and they are elsewhere called
“_Raspisberries_.” See “Delights for Ladies,” 12mo. 1654.’

6. _Muscadelle of Grew: Bastard: Greke: Malvesyn._ “The wines which
Greece, Languedoc, and Sapine doe send vs, or rather, which the
delicacie and voluptuousnesse of our French throats cause to be fetched
from beyond the Sea, such as are Sacks, _Muscadels_ of Frontignan,
_Malmesies_, _Bastards_ (which seeme to me to be so called, because they
are oftentimes adulterated and falsified with honey, as we see wine
Hydromell to be prepared) and Corsick wines, so much vsed of the
Romanes, are very pernicious unto vs, if we vse them as our common
drinke. Notwithstanding, we proue them very singular good in cold
diseases ... but chiefly and principally Malmesey.” Stevens and
Liebault’s _Maison Rustique_, or The Countrey Farme, by R. Surflet,
reviewed by Gerv. Markham, 1616. _Muscadell_, vinum apianum. Withals.
Mulsum, _wine and honie sodden together, swiete wine, basterde or
Muscadell_. Withals. William Vaughan says, “Of Muscadell, Malmesie, and
browne Bastard. These kindes of wines are onely for maried folkes,
because they strengthen the back.” _Naturall and Artificial Directions
for Health_, 1602, p. 9.

Andrewe Borde, of Physicke, Doctor, in his Regyment or Dyetary of helth
made in Mou{n}tpylior, says, “Also these hote wynes, as Malmesey, wyne
corse, wyne greke, Romanyke, Romney, Secke, Alygaune, Basterde, Tyre,
Osaye, Muscadell, Caprycke, Tynt, Roberdany, with other hote wynes, be
not good to drynke with meate, but after mete and with Oysters, with
Saledes, with fruyte, a draughte or two may be suffered ... Olde men may
drynke, as I sayde, hygh wynes at theyr pleasure. Furthermore all swete
wynes, and grose wynes, doth make a man fatte.”

7. _Rompney._ Henderson, p. 288, says, “Another of the above-mentioned
wines (in _the Squire of Low Degree_) designated by the name of the
grape, was the Romenay, otherwise Romenay, Rumney, Romaine, or Romagnia.
That it could not be the produce of the Ecclesiastical State, as the two
last corruptions of the word would seem to imply, may be safely averred;
for at no period, since the decline of the empire, has the Roman soil
furnished any wines for exportation; and even Bacci, with all his
partiality, is obliged to found his eulogy of them on their ancient
fame, and to confess that, in his time, they had fallen into disrepute.”
He argues also against the notion that this wine came from Romana in
Aragon, and concludes that it was probably a Greek wine, as Bacci (_Nat.
Vin. Hist._ p. 333) tells us that the wine from the Ioinan Islands and
adjoining continent was called in Italian _Romania_,--from the Saracen
_Rum-ili_. Now this is all very well, but how about the name of _Rompney
of Modene_ or Modena, just outside the Western boundary of the
Romagna,--not Meudon, in France, “amongst all the wines which we use at
Paris, as concerning the red, the best are those of Coussy, Seure,
Vaunes, and _Meudon_.” Maison Rustique, p. 642.--Who will hold to John
Russell, and still consider _Romney_ an Italian wine? _Rumney_, vinum
resinatum. Withals.

8. _Bastard._ Henderson argues against the above-quoted (No. 6)
supposition of Charles Etienne’s (which is supported by Cotgrave’s _Vin
miellé_, honied wine, _bastard_, Metheglin, sweet wine), and adopts
Venner’s account (_Via Recta ad Vitam Longam_), that “Bastard is in
virtue somewhat like to muskadell, and may also in stead thereof be
used; it is in goodness so much inferiour to muskadell, as the same is
to malmsey.” It took its name, Henderson thinks, from the grape of which
it was made, probably a bastard species of muscadine. “One of the
varieties of vines now cultivated in the Alto Douro, and also in
Madeira, is called _bastardo_, and the must which it yields is of a
sweetish quality.” Of the Bastard wine there were two sorts,--white and
brown (brown and white bastard, _Measure for Measure_, Act iii. sc. 2),
both of them, according to Markham’s report, “fat and strong; the tawny
or brown kind being the sweetest.” In _The Libelle of Englysch Polycye_,
A.D. 1436 (Wright’s _Political Songs_, v. 2, p. 160), ‘wyne bastarde’ is
put among the commodyetees of Spayne.

9. _Tire_, if not of Syrian growth, was probably a Calabrian or Sicilian
wine, manufactured from the species of grape called _tirio_. _Tyre_,
vinum Tyrense, ex Tyro insula. Withals.

10. _Ozey._ Though this is placed among the “commodities of Portugal”
in some verses inserted in the first volume of Hackluyt’s Voyages,
p. 188--Her land hath wine, _osey_, waxe, and grain,--yet, says
Henderson, “a passage in Valois’ Description of France, p. 12, seems to
prove, beyond dispute, that _oseye_ was an Alsatian wine; _Auxois_ or
_Osay_ being, in old times, the name constantly used for Alsace. If
this conjecture is well-founded, we may presume that _oseye_ was a
luscious-sweet, or straw-wine, similar to that which is still made in
that province. That it was a rich, high-flavoured liquor is sufficiently
shown by a receipt for imitating it, which may be seen in Markham
(_English Housewife_, 1683, p, 115), and we learn from Bacci p. 350)
that the wines which Alsace then furnished in great profusion to England
as well as different parts of the continent, were of that description.
In the ‘Bataille des Vins’ we find the ‘Vin d’_Aussai_’ associated with
the growths of the Moselle.” _Osey_ is one ‘Of the commoditees of
Portingalle,’ _Libelle_, p. 163.

11. _Torrentyne of Ebrew._ Is this from Tarentum, Tarragon, or Toledo?
Whence in Ebrew land did our forefathers import wine? Mr G. Grove says,
“I should at first say that Torrentyne referred to the wine from some
wady (Vulgate, _torrens_) in which peculiarly rich grapes grew, like the
wady of Eschcol or of Sorek; but I don’t remember any special valley
being thus distinguished as ‘_The_ Torrent’ above all others, and the
vineyards are usually on hill-sides, not in vallies.”

12. _Greke Malevesyñ._ “The best dessert wines were made from the
Malvasia grape; and Candia, where it was chiefly cultivated, for a long
time retained the monopoly,” says Henderson. He quotes Martin Leake to
explain the name. Monemvasia is a small fortified town in the bay of
Epidaurus Limera. “It was anciently a promontory called Minoa, but is
now an island connected with the coast of Laconia by a bridge. The name
of _Monemvasia_, derived from the circumstances of its position (μόνη
ἐμβασία, single entrance), was corrupted by the Italians to _Malvasia_;
and the place being celebrated for the fine wines produced in the
neighbourhood, _Malvasia_ changed to _Malvoisie_ in French, and
_Malmsey_ in English came to be applied to many of the rich wines of the
Archipelago, Greece, and other countries.” (_Researches in Greece_,
p. 197.) _Maulmsey_, vinum creticum, vel creteum. Withals.

13. _Caprik_ may have been a wine from the island of Capri, or Cyprus.

14. _Clarey._ See above under _Pyment_, and the elaborate recipe for
making it, in Household Ordinances, p. 473, under the heading “Medicina
optima et experta pro Stomacho et pro Capite in Antiquo hominem.”
_Claret Wine_, vinum sanguineum subrubrum, vel rubellum. Withals. “The
seconde wine is pure _Claret_, of a cleare Iacent, or Yelow choler; this
wine doth greatly norish and warme the body, and it is an holsome wine
with meate.” _Bullein_, fol. xj.

l. 122. _Spice_; l. 171. _Spicery._ Of “The commoditees and nyoetees of
Venicyans and Florentynes,” the author of the Libelle says, p. 171,

  The grete galees of Venees and Florence
  Be wel ladene wyth thynges of complacence,
  Alle _spicerye and of grocers ware_,
  _Wyth swete wynes_, alle maners of cheffare,
  Apes, and japes, and marmusettes taylede,
  Nifles, trifles, that litelle have availede,
  And thynges wyth which they fetely blere oure eye,
  Wyth thynges not enduryng that we bye.

l. 123. _Turnsole._ Newton’s Herbal, plate 49, gives Yellow Turnsole
G(erarde), the Colouring Turnsole P(arkinson).

l. 123. _Tornesole. Achillea tormentosa_, A.S. _Solwherf_. ‘This wort
hath with it some wonderful divine qualities, that is, that its blossoms
turn themselves according to the course of the sun, so that the blossoms
when the sun is setting close themselves, and again when he upgoeth,
they open and spread themselves.’ _Leechdoms_, ed. Cockayne, v. 1,
p. 155.

l. 123, 141. _Granes_ are probably what are now called “Granes of
Paradise,” small pungent seeds brought from the East Indies, much
resembling Cardamum seeds in appearance, but in properties approaching
nearer to Pepper. See Lewis’s _Materia Medica_, p. 298; in _North. H.
Book_.

l. 131-2. I cannot identify these three sorts of Ginger, though Gerarde
says: “Ginger groweth in Spaine, Barbary, in the Canary Islands, and the
Azores,” p. 6. Only two sorts of Ginger are mentioned in Parkinson’s
Herbal, p. 1613. ‘Ginger grows in China, and is cultivated there.’
Strother’s Harman, 1727, v. 1, p. 101.

l. 141. Peper. “Pepir blake” is one of the commoditees of the Januays
(or Genoese). _Libelle_, p. 172.

    [[Note on l. 77 originally printed here: see Corrigenda.]]

l. 178. _Ale._ See the praise of the unparalleled liquor called Ale,
Metheglin, &c., in Iohn Taylor’s _Drink and Welcome_, 1637. In his
_Regiment_, A. Borde says, “Ale is made of malte and water; and they the
whiche do put any other thynge to ale than is rehersed, except yest,
barme, or goddes good,[*] [†] doth sophysticall there ale. Ale for an
Englysshe man is a naturall drynke. Ale muste haue these properties, it
must be fresshe and cleare, it muste not be ropy, nor smoky, nor it
muste haue no werte nor tayle. Ale shulde not be dronke under .v. dayes
olde. Newe Ale is vnholsome for all men. And sowre ale, and dead ale,
and ale the whiche doth stande a tylte, is good for no man. Barly malte
maketh better Ale than Oten malte or any other corne doth: it doth
ingendre grose humours: but it maketh a man stronge.

    [Footnote *: Halliwell says it means _yeast_. It cannot do so
    here.]

    [Footnote †: This, and _barme_, and _bargood_ (= beer-good) are
    only equivalents for ‘yeast.’ Goddes-good was so called ‘because
    it cometh of _the_ grete grace of God’: see the following extract,
    sent me by Mr Gillett, from the Book of the Corporate Assembly of
    Norwich, 8 Edw. IV.:

      “The Maior of this Cite com{m}aundeth on the Kynges bihalve, y^t
      alle man{er} of Brewers y^t shall brewe to sale w^tynne this
      Cite, kepe y^e assise accordyn to y^e Statute, & upon peyne
      ordeyned. And wheras berme, otherwise clepid goddis good,
      w^toute tyme of mynde hath frely be goven or delyv{er}ed for
      brede, whete, malte, egges, or other honest rewarde, to y^e
      valewe only of a ferthyng at y^e uttermost, & noon warned,
      bicause it cometh of y^e grete grace of God, Certeyn p{er}sons
      of this Cite, callyng themselves com{m}on Brewers, for their
      singler lucre & avayll have nowe newely bigonne to take money
      for their seid goddis good, for y^e leest parte thereof, be it
      never so litle and insufficient to s{er}ve the payer therefore,
      an halfpeny or a peny, & ferthermore exaltyng y^e p{ri}ce of y^e
      seid Goddis good at their p{ro}p{e}r will, ageyns the olde &
      laudable custome of alle Englande, & sp{eci}ally of this Cite,
      to grete hurte & slaunder of y^e same Cite. Wherefore it is
      ordeyned & provided, That no man{er} of brewer of this Cite
      shall from this time foorth take of eny p{er}son for lyvering,
      gevyng, or grauntyng of y^e s^d goddis good, in money nor other
      rewarde, above y^e valewe of a ferthyng. He shall, for no malice
      feyned ne sought, colour, warne, ne restregne y^e s^d goddis
      good to eny p{er}sone y^t will honestly & lefully aske it, &
      paye therefore y^e valewe of a ferthyng, &c.”]

Beere is made of malte, of hoppes, and water. It is a naturall drynke
for a doche man. And nowe of late dayes [1557 ?] it is moche vsed in
England to the detryment of many Englysshe men; specyally it kylleth
them the whiche be troubled with the Colycke and the stone, and the
strayne coylyon; for the drynke is a cold drynke. Yet it doth make a man
fatte, and doth inflate the belly, as it doth appere by the doche mennes
faces and belyes.” A. Borde, _Regyment_, fol. G. ii.

l. 194. Neck-towel. The _neck-towelles_ of the pantrey, ewerye,
confectionarye, comters, hangers, liggers, and all that is the Kinges
stuffe. _H. Ord._ p. 85.

l. 201. _Salts._ Other two groomes in this office [of Panetry] to help
serve the hall, or other lordes, in absence of the yoman, and to cutte
trenchours, to make _saltes_, &c. _H. Ord._, p. 71.

l. 213. Raynes. Towelles of _raygnes_, towelles of worke, and of playne
clothe. _H. Ord._, pp. 72, 84.

l. 237. _The Surnape._ In the Articles ordained by King Henry VII. for
the Regulation of his Household, 31 Dec., 1494, are the following
directions, p. 119.

As for the Sewer and Usher, and laying of the Surnape.

The sewer shall lay the surnape on the board-end whereas the bread and
salte standeth, and lay forth the end of the same surnape and towell;
then the usher should fasten his rodd in the foresaid surnape and
towell, and soe drawing it downe the board, doeing his reverence afore
the Kinge till it passe the board-end a good way, and there the sewer
kneeling at the end of the board, and the usher at the other, stretching
the said surnape and towell, and soe the usher to laie upp the end of
the towell well on the boarde, and rise goeing before the Kinge, doeing
his reverence to the King on the same side the surnape bee gone uppon,
and on that side make an estate with his rodd; and then goeing before
the Kinge doeing his reverence, and soe make another estate on the other
side of the King, and soe goeing to the boards end againe, kneele downe
to amend the towell, that there bee noe wrinkles save the estates; and
then the usher doeing his due reverence to the King; goeing right before
the Kinge with his rodd, the side of the same towell there as the bason
shall stand; and doeing his reverence to the Kinge, to goe to the boards
end againe; and when the King hath washed, to bee ready with his rodd to
putt upp the surnape and meete the sewer against the Kinge, and then the
sewer to take it upp. (The French name was _Serre-nape_.)

l. 253. _State._ Divers Lords and _Astates_, p. 155; divers _astates_
and gentils, p. 160. _Wardrobe Accounts of King Edward IV_.

l. 262. The Pauntry Towells, _Purpaynes_, Coverpaynes, Chipping-knyffs.
Percy or Northumberland Hd. Book, p. 387.

l. 277. _Symple Condicions._ Compare these modern directions to a
serving man: “While waiting at dinner, never be picking your nose, or
scratching your head, or any other part of your body; neither blow your
nose in the room; if you have a cold, and cannot help doing it, do it on
the outside of the door; but do not sound your nose like a trumpet, that
all the house may hear when you blow it; still it is better to blow your
nose when it requires, than to be picking it and snuffing up the
_mucus_, which is a filthy trick. Do not yawn or gape, or even sneeze,
if you can avoid it; and as to hawking and spitting, the name of such a
thing is enough to forbid it, without a command. When you are standing
behind a person, to be ready to change the plates, &c., do not put your
hands on the back of the chair, as it is very improper; though I have
seen some not only do so, but even beat a kind of tune upon it with
their fingers. Instead of this, stand upright with your hands hanging
down or before you, but not folded. Let your demeanour be such as
becomes the situation which you are in. Be well dressed, and have light
shoes that make no noise, your face and hands well washed, your
finger-nails cut short and kept quite clean underneath; have a
nail-brush for that purpose, as it is a disgusting thing to see black
dirt under the nails. Let the lapels of your coat be buttoned, as they
will only be flying in your way.” 1825. T. Cosnett. Footman’s Directory,
p. 97-8. Lord A. Percy’s Waiters were changed every quarter. See the
lists of them in the _Percy Household Book_, p. 53-4.

l. 280. Lice. See Thomas Phaire’s Regiment of Life, The boke of
Chyldren, H. h. 5; and A. Borde’s Introduction, of the Irishe man,

  Pediculus other whyle do byte me by the backe,
  Wherfore dyvers times I make theyr bones cracke.

And of the people of Lytle Briten,

  Although I iag my hosen & my garment round abowt,
  Yet it is a vantage to pick _pendiculus_ owt.

    [Transcriber’s Note:
    Line note “67/991”, originally printed here, has been renamed
    “l. 991” and moved to the appropriate location.]

l. 300. Jet.

  Rogue why Winkest thou,
  Jenny why _Jettest_ thou.

are among R. Holme’s Names of Slates, Bk. III. ch. v. p. 265, col. 1.

l. 328. Forks were not introduced into England till Coryat’s time. See
his _Crudities_ p. 90-1, 4to. London, 1611, on the strange use of the
Fork in Italy. “I observ’d a custom in all those Italian Cities and
Townes through the which I passed, that is not used in any other country
that I saw in my travels, neither do I thinke that any other nation of
Christendome doth use it, but only Italy. The Italian and also most
Strangers that are comorant in Italy, doe always at their meals use a
_Little Forke_ when they cut their meat.” Percy’s notes, p. 417-18,
North. H. Book.

l. 348-9. Fumositees. But to wash the feete in a decoction of Baye
leaues, Rosemary, & Fenel, I greatly disalow not: for it turneth away
from the head vapours & _fumes_ dimming and ouercasting the mynde. Now
the better to represse _fumes_ and propulse vapours fro{m} the Brain, it
shalbe excelle{n}t good after Supper to chaw w{i}t{h} the teeth (the
mouth being shut) a few graynes of Coriander first stieped in veneiger
wherin Maiora{m} hath bin decocted, & the{n} thinly crusted or couered
ouer w{i}t{h} Sugar. It is scarrce credible what a special co{m}moditye
this bri{n}geth to y^e memory. No lesse vertuous & soueraign is the
co{n}fection of Conserue of Quinces. Quinces called _Diacidonion_, if a
prety quantity thereof be likewise taken after meate. For it disperseth
_fumes_, & suffreth not vapours to strike vpwarde, T. Newton, _Lemnie’s
Touchstone_, ed. 1581, fol. 126. See note on l. 105 here.

l. 358. _Forced_ or _Farced_, a Forced Leg of Mutton, is to stuff or
fill it (or any Fowl) with a minced Meat of Beef, Veal, &c., with Herbs
and Spices. _Farcing_ is stuffing of any kind of Meats with Herbs or the
like; some write it _Forsing_ and Farsing. To _Farce_ is to stuff
anything. R. Holme.

l. 378. Brawn. In his chapter on Pygge, Brawne, Bacon, Andrew Borde says
of bacon as follows: “Bacon is good for Carters, and plowe men, the
which be euer labouryng in the earth or dunge; but & yf they haue the
stone, and vse to eate it, they shall synge ‘wo be to the pye!’
Wherefore I do say that coloppes and egges is as holsome for them as a
talowe candell is good for a horse mouth, or a peece of powdred Beefe is
good for a blere eyed mare. Yet sensuall appetyde must haue a swynge at
all these thynges, notwithstandynge.” _Regyment_, fol. K. iii. b.

l. 382 & l. 515. _Venison._ I extract part of Andrewe Borde’s chapter on
this in his _Regyment_, fol. K. 4, b.

    ¶ Of wylde Beastes fleshe.

¶ I haue gone rounde about Chrystendome, and ouerthwarte Chrystendome,
and a thousande or two and moore myles out of Chrystendome, Yet there is
not so moche pleasure for Harte and Hynde, Bucke and Doe, and for
Roo-Bucke and Doe, as is in Englande lande: and although the flesshe be
dispraysed in physicke, _I praye God to sende me parte of flesshe to
eate, physicke notwithstanding_ ... all physicions (phyon suchons,
_orig._) sayth that Venson ... doth ingendre colorycke humours; and of
trueth it doth so: Wherefore let them take the skynne, and let me haue
the flesshe. I am sure it is a Lordes dysshe, and I am sure it is good
for an Englysheman, for it doth anymate hym to be as he is: whiche is
stronge and hardy. But I do aduertyse euery ma{n}, for all my wordes,
not to kyll and so to eate of it, excepte it be lawfully, for it is a
meate for great men. And great men do not set so moche by the meate, as
they doth by the pastyme of kyllynge of it.

l. 393. _Chine_, the Back-bone of any Beast or Fish. R. Holme.

l. 397. Stock Dove, _Columba œnas_, Yarrell ii. 293.

Doues haue this propertie by themselues, to bill one another and kisse
before they tread. Holland’s Plinie, v. 1, p. 300.

l. 401. Osprey or Fishing Hawk (the Mullet Hawk of Christchurch Bay),
_Pandion Haliæëtus_, Y. i. 30.

l. 401, 482. Teal, _Anas crecca_, Y. iii. 282.

l. 402. Mallard or Wild Duck, _Anas boschas_, Y. iii. 265.

l. 421, 542. _Betowre._ Bittern, the Common, _Botaurus stellaris_, Y.
ii. 571. In the spring, and during the breeding season, the Bittern
makes a loud booming or bellowing noise, whence, probably, the generic
term _Botaurus_ was selected for it; but when roused at other times, the
bird makes a sharp, harsh cry on rising, not unlike that of a Wild
Goose. _Yarrell_, ii. 573. The Bittern was formerly in some estimation
as an article of food for the table; the flesh is said to resemble that
of the Leveret in colour and taste, with some of the flavour of wild
fowl. Sir Thomas Browne says that young Bitterns were considered a
better dish than young Herons ... ii. 574. ‘Hearon, Byttour, Shouelar.
Being yong and fat, be lightlier digested then the Crane, & y^e Bittour
sooner then the Hearon.’ Sir T. Eliot, _Castell of Health_, fol. 31.

l. 422. Heron. Holland (Plinie, p. 301) gives--1. A Criell or dwarfe
Heron; 2. Bittern; 3. Carion Heron, for Pliny’s--1. _Leucon_; 2.
_Asterias_; 3. _Pellon_.

l. 437. _Martins_ are given in the Bill of Fare of Archbp. Nevill’s
Feast, A.D. 1466, 3rd Course. R. Holme, p. 78.

l. 449. Cannell Bone. ‘Susclavier. Vpon the _kannell bone_; whence Veine
susclaviere. The second maine ascendant branch of the hollow veine.’
Cot.

l. 457. Compare _Rabbet Ronners_ 1 doz., 2 s., temp. Hen. VIII., a^o 33.
_H. Ord._ p. 223.

l. 492. _Custard_, open Pies, or without lids, filled with Eggs and
Milk; called also Egg-Pie. R. Holme.

See the Recipes for ‘Crustade Ryal,’ ‘Crustade’ (with Chikonys y-smete
or smal birdys), and ‘Crustade gentyle’ (with ground pork or veal), fol.
43, Harl. MS. 279. The Recipe for Crustade Ryal is, “Take and pike out
þe marow of bonys as hool as þou may. þen take þe bonys an seþe hem in
Watere or þat þe broþe be fat y-now. þen take Almaundys & wayssche hem
clene & bray hem, & temp{er} hem vppe w{i}t{h} þe fat broþe; þan wyl þe
mylke be broun. þen take pouder Canelle, Gyngere, & Suger, & caste
þer-on. þen take Roysonys of coraunce & lay in þe cofynne, & taylid
Datys & kyt a-long. þen take Eyroun a fewe y-straynid, & swenge among þe
Milke þe ȝolke. þen take the botmon of þe cofynne þer þe Marow schal
stonde, & steke þ{er} gret an long gobettys þ{er}on vppe ryȝt. & lat
bake a whyle. þen pore in comade þer-on halful, & lat bake, & whan yt
a-rysith, it is ynow, þen serue forth.”

Sir F. Madden in his note on _Frees_ pasties, in his Privy Purse
Expenses of the Princess Mary, p. 131, col. 1, says, “The different
species of Confectionary then in vogue are enumerated by Taylor the
Water Poet, in his Tract intitled ‘The Great Eater, or part of the
admirable teeth and stomack’s exploits of Nicholas Wood,’ &c., published
about 1610. ‘Let any thing come in the shape of fodder or eating-stuffe,
it is wellcome, whether it be Sawsedge, or _Custard_, or Eg-pye, or
Cheese-cake, or Flawne, or Foole, or Froyze,[*] or Tanzy, or Pancake, or
Fritter, or Flap iacke,[†] or Posset, or Galleymawfrey, Mackeroone,
Kickshaw, or Tantablin!’”

    [Footnote *: Froize, or pancake, _Fritilla_, Frittur, rigulet.
    Baret. _Omlet of Eggs_ is Eggs beaten together with Minced suet,
    and so fried in a Pan, about the quantity of an Egg together, on
    one side, not to be turned, and served with a sauce of Vinegar and
    Sugar. An _Omlet_ or _Froise_. R. Holme.]

    [Footnote †: Flapjack is “a fried cake made of butter, apples,
    &c.” Jennings. It is not a pancake here, evidently. “Untill at
    last by the skill of the cooke, it is transform’d into the forme
    of a _flapjack_, which in our translation is cald a _pancake_.”
    Taylor’s Jack-a-lent, i. p. 115, in Nares.]

l. 500, 706, 730. Pety Perueis. _Perueis_ should be _Perneis_, as the
Sloane MS. 1985 shows. Alter text accordingly. Under the head of _bake
Metis or Vyaunde Furneȝ_, in Harl. MS. 279, fol. 40 b, we have No. xiiij
_Pety Pernollys_. Take fayre Floure Cofyns. þen take ȝolkys of Eyroun &
trye hem fro þe whyte. & lat þe ȝolkys be al hole & noȝt to-broke. & ley
.iij. or .iiij. ȝolkys in a cofyn. and þan take marow of bonys, to or
.iij. gobettys, & cowche in þe cofynn. þen take pouder Gyngere, Sugre,
Roysonys of corau{n}ce, & caste a-boue, & þan kyuere þin cofyn w{i}t{h}
þe same past. & bake hem & frye hem in fayre grece & s{erve} f{orth}.

xx _Pety Peruaaunt_. Take fayre Flowre, Sugre, Safroun, an Salt. & make
þ{er}offe fayre past & fayre cofyng{is}. þan take fayre y-tryid ȝolkys
Raw & Sugre an pouder Gyngere, & Raysonys of Coraunce, & myncyd Datys,
but not to small. þan caste al þis on a fayre bolle, & melle al
to-gederys, & put in þin cofyn, & lat bake oþer Frye in Freyssche grece.
Harl. MS. 279.

l. 501, 701. _Powche_. I suppose this to be poached-egg fritters; but it
may be the other _powche_; ‘Take the Powche and the Lyno{ur} [? liver]
of haddok, codlyng, and hake.’ Forme of Cury, p. 47. Recipe 94.

l. 501. _Fritters_ are small Pancakes, having slices of Apples in the
Batter. R. Holme. Frutters, Fruter Napkin, and Fruter Crispin, were
dishes at Archbp. Nevill’s Feast, 7 Edw. IV. 1467-8 A.D.

l. 503. _Tansy Cake_ is made of grated Bread, Eggs, Cream, Nutmeg,
Ginger, mixt together and Fried in a Pan with Butter, with green Wheat
and Tansy stamped. R. Holme. ‘To prevent being Bug-bitten. Put a sprig
or two of _tansey_ at the bed head, or as near the pillow as the smell
may be agreeable.’ T. Cosnett’s Footman’s Directory, p. 292.

l. 504, 511, &c. _Leach_, a kind of Jelly made of Cream, Ising-glass,
Sugar, and Almonds, with other compounds (the later meaning, 1787). R.
Holme.

l. 517-18. _Potages._ All maner of liquyde thynges, as Potage, sewe and
all other brothes doth replete a man that eteth them with ventosyte.
_Potage is not so moche vsed in all Chrystendome as it is vsed in
Englande._ Potage is made of the licour in the whiche flesshe is sod in,
with puttynge to, chopped herbes, and Otmell and salte. A. Borde, _Reg._
fol. H. ii.

l. 517, 731. _Jelly_, a kind of oily or fat liquor drawn from Calves or
Neats feet boiled. R. Holme.

l. 519. _Grewel_ is a kind of Broth made only of Water, Grotes brused
and Currans; some add Mace, sweet Herbs, Butter and Eggs and Sugar: some
call it Pottage Gruel. R. Holme.

l. 521. _Cabages._ ’Tis scarce a hundred years since we first had
cabbages out of Holland; Sir Anthony Ashley, of Wiburg St Giles, in
Dorsetshire, being, as I am told, the first who planted them in England.
Jn. Evelyn, Acetaria, § 11. They were introduced into Scotland by the
soldiers of Cromwell’s army. 1854. Notes and Queries, May 6, p. 424,
col. 1.

l. 533. _Powdered_ is contrasted with _fresh_ in Household Ordinances:
‘In beef daily or moton, fresh, or elles all _poudred_ is more availe,
5d.’ _H. Ord._ p. 46. In Muffett (p. 173) it means pickled, ‘As
Porpesses must be baked while they are new, so Tunny is never good till
it have been long _pouldred_ with salt, vinegar, coriander, and hot
spices.’ In p. 154 it may be either salt or pickled; ‘Horne-beaks are
ever lean (as some think) because they are ever fighting; yet are they
good and tender, whether they be eaten fresh or _poudred_.’ _Powdered_,
says Nicolas, meant sprinkled over, and “powdered beef” i.e. beef
sprinkled with salt, is still in use. _Privy Purse expenses of Elizabeth
of Yorke, &c._, p. 254, col. 1. See note to l. 378, 689, here.

l. 535-688. _Chaudoun._ MS. Harl. 1735, fol. 18, gives this Recipe. Ԧ
Chaudo{n} sauz of swannes. ¶ Tak y^e issu of y^e swannes, & wasch{e} hem
wel, skoure y^e guttys w{i}t{h} salt, sethz al to-gidre. Tak of y^e
fleysch{e}; hewe it smal, & y^e guttys w{i}t{h} alle. Tak bred,
gynger{e} & galingale, Canel, grynd it & tempre it vp w{i}t{h} bred;
colo{u}r it w{i}t{h} blood or{e} w{i}t{h} bre{n}t bred, seson it vp
w{i}t{h} a lytyl vinegre; welle it al to-gyder{e}.’ And see the
Chaudou{n} potage of Pygys, fol. 19, or p. 37.

l. 540. Crane, the Common, _Crus cinerea_, Y. ii. 530.

l. 540. Egret, or Great White Heron, _Ardea alba_ Y. ii. 549.
(Buff-coloured, Buff-backed, and Little Egret, are the varieties.)

l. 540. Hernshaw or Common Heron, _Ardea cinerea_. Y. ii. 537 (nine
other varieties).

l. 541. Plover, the Great (Norfolk Plover and Stone Curlew), _Ædicnemus
crepitans_, Y. ii. 465 (10 other varieties).

l. 541. Curlew the Common, _Numenius arquata_, Y. ii. 610 (there are
other varieties).

l. 542. Bustard, the Great, _Otis tarda_, Y. ii. 428; the Little (rare
here) ii. 452.

l. 542. Shoveler (blue-winged, or Broad-Bill), _Anas clypeata_, Y. iii.
247. Snipe, the Common, _Scolopax gallinago_, Y. iii. 38 (11 other
sorts).

l. 543. Woodcock, _Scolopax rusticola_, Y. iii. 1.

l. 543. Lapwing or Peewit, _Vanellus cristatus_, ii. 515.

l. 543. The Martin, or House Martin, _Hirundo urbica_, Y. ii. 255; the
Sand or Bank Martin, _Hirundo riparia_, ii. 261.

l. 544. Quail, the Common, _Coturnix vulgaris_, Y. ii. 413.

l. 546. On Fish wholesome or not, see Bullein, fol. lxxxiij., and on
Meats, fol. 82.

l. 548. Torrentille: Mr Skeat suggests ‘? Torrent-eel.’ Though the
spelling of Randle Holme’s A _Sandile_ or a _Sandeele_ (Bk. II.,
p. 333), and Aldrovandi’s (p. 252 h.) “De _Sandilz_ Anglorum” may help
this, yet, as Dr Günther says, eels have nothing to do with torrents.
_Torrentille_ may be the Italian _Tarentella_: see note on Torrentyne,
l. 835 below.

l. 555. _Ling._ There shall be stryken of every Saltfische called a Lyng
Fische vj Stroks after iij Strooks in a Side. _Percy Household Book_,
p. 135.

l. 558. _Stockfish._ Vocatur autem ‘Stockfisch’ à trunco, cui hic piscis
aridus tundendus imponitur. ariditate enim ita riget, ut nisi
præmaceratus aqua, aut prætunsus, coqui non possit. _Gesner_, p. 219.
‘_Ie te frotteray à double carillon._ I will beat thee like a
_stockfish_, I will swinge thee while I may stand ouer thee.’ Cotgrave.
‘The tenne chapitule’ of ‘The Libelle of Englysch Polycye’ is headed ‘Of
the coundius _stokfysshe_ of Yselonde,’ &c., &c., and begins

  Of Yseland to wryte is lytille nede,
  Save of _stockfische_.

A. Borde, in his Introduction to Knowledge, under Islond, says,

  And I was borne in Islond, as brute as a beest;
  Whan I ete candels ends I am at a feest;
  Talow and raw _stockefysh_ I do loue to ete,
  In my countrey it is right good meate.

... In stede of bread they do eate _stocfyshe_, and they wyll eate rawe
fyshe & fleshe; they be beastly creatures, vnmannered and vntaughte. The
people be good fyshers; muche of theyr fishe they do barter with English
men for mele, lases, a{n}d shoes & other pelfery. (See also under
Denmarke.)

l. 559. _Mackerel._ See Muffett’s comment on them, and the English and
French ways of cooking them, p. 157.

l. 569. Onions. Walnuts be hurtfull to the Memory, and so are _Onyons_,
because they annoy the Eyes with dazeling dimnesse through a hoate
vapour. T. Newton, _Touchstone_, ed. 1581, fol. 125 b.

l. 572. A _Rochet_ or _Rotbart_ is a red kind of _Gurnard_, and is so
called in the South parts of England; and in the East parts it is called
a _Curre_, and a _Golden polle_. R. Holme.

l. 575. A _Dace_ or a Blawling, or a Gresling, or a Zienfische, or
Weyfisch; by all which the Germans call it, which in Latin is named
_Leucorinus_. And the French _Vengeron_, which is English’d to me a
_Dace_, or _Dace-fish_. R. Holme.

l. 577. _Refett._ “I thought it clear that _refett_ was roe, and I do
not yet give it up. But see P. P., _Refeccyon_, where the editor gives
‘_refet of_ fisshe K., _refet or_ fishe H., _reuet_ P.,’ from other
manuscripts, and cites in a note Roquefort from Fr. _reffait_ (refait)
as meaning a fish, the _rouget_, &c., &c. The authority of Roquefort is
not much, and he gives no citation. If, however, in K. H. and P. these
forms are used instead of the spelling _refeccyon_, and defined
_refectio, refectura_, it rather embarrasses the matter. Halliwell cites
no authority for _rivet_, roe.” G. P. Marsh. See note to l. 839 here,
p. 108.

l. 580. _Gobbin_, or _Gobbet_, or _Gubbins_: Meat cut in large peeces,
as large as an Egg. R. Holme.

l. 584. A _Thornbacke_, soe called from the Sharp Crooked Pricks set on
Studs, all down the middle of the Back. R. Holme.

l. 584. _Hound Fysch._ A Sow-Hound-Fish ... So it is called from its
resemblance of a _Dog_, and its fatness like to a _Swine_: though most
term it a _Dog-Fish_. It hath a small Head, great Eyes; wide Mouth,
rough, sharp and thick skinned. R. Holme.

l. 584, l. 830. _Thorlepolle._ Aldrovandi, describing the _Balæna vera
Rondel[etii]_ says: Hec belua Anglis, (vt dixi) Hore vocatur, & alio
nomine Horlepoole & VVirlepoole etiam, ni fallor, earu{m} nimiru{m}
omnium significatione, quòd impetuo suo & flatu vorticosas in mari
tanquam palude procellas excitet. Oleum ex ea colligi aiunt. p. 677. See
Holland’s Plinie on the Whales and Whirlepooles called Balænæ, which
take up in length as much as foure acres or arpens of land, v. 1,
p. 235, &c.

Thornback, _Raja_. Thornback, which Charles Chester merily and not
unfitly calleth Neptune’s beard, was extolled by Antiphanes in Athenæus
history for a dainty fish; indeed it is of a pleasant taste, but of a
stronger smell than Skate, over-moist to nourish much, but not so much
as to hinder lust, which it mightily encreaseth. Muffett, p. 172.

l. 596. _Verjuice_ is the juice of Crabs or sour Apples. R. Holme.

l. 622. _Jole of Sturgion or Salmon_ is the two quarters of them, the
head parts being at them. R. Holme.

l. 630. _Lamprey pie._ In the Hengrave Household Accounts is this entry
“for presenting a _lamprey pye_ vj d.” “It{e}m. the xiiij day of January
[1503] to a servant of the Pryour of Lanthony in reward for brynging of
two bakyn laumpreys to the Quene v s. Nicolas’s Elizabeth of York,
p. 89, and Glossary.”

Under ‘How several sorts of Fish are named, according to their Age or
Growth,’ p. 324-5, R. Holme gives

An _Eel_, first a Fauser, then a Grigg, or Snigg, then a Scaffling, then
a little Eel; when it is large, then an _Eel_, and when very large,
a _Conger_.

A _Pike_, first a Hurling pick, then a Pickerel, then a _Pike_, then a
_Luce_ or _Lucie_.

A Smelt or _Sparling_, first a Sprat, then a small Sparling, then a
_Sparling_.

A Codd, first a Whiting, then a Codling, then a Codd.

A _Lamprey_, first a Lampron Grigg, then a Lampret, then a Lamprell,
then a _Lamprey_.

A _Lampron_, first a Barle, than a Barling, then a Lamprell, and then a
_Lamprey_ or _Lampron_.

A _Crevice_, first a Spron Frey, then a Shrimp, then a Sprawn, and when
it is large, then called a _Crevice_.

The curious Burlesques, pp. 81-2, 85-6, vol. 1 of _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_,
contain a great many names of fish.

l. 631. _Pasty_ is paste rouled broad, and the Meat being laid in Order
on it, it is turned over, and made up on three sides, with garnishes
about. R. Holme.

l. 634, note. [Footnote 178 in this e-text] _Galingale._ Harman (ed.
Strother, 1727) notices three varieties, _Cyperus rotundus_, round
Galingal; _Galanga major_, Galingal; _Galanga minor_, lesser Galingal.

Gallinga, Lat. Galanga, says Bp Percy, is the root of a grassy-leaved
plant brought from the East Indies, of an aromatic smell and hot biting
bitterish Taste, anciently used among other Spices, but now almost laid
aside. Lewis, _Mat. Med._ p. 286. See Mr Way’s note 4 in Pr. Parv.
p. 185.

‘_Galendyne_ is a sauce for any kind of roast Fowl, made of Grated
Bread, beaten Cinnamon and Ginger, Sugar, Claret-wine, and Vinegar, made
as thick as Grewell.’ Randle Holme, Bk. III., chap. III., p. 82, col. 2.
See also Recipes in Markham’s Houswife, the second p. 70, and the first
p. 77.

l. 657. A sewer, _appositor ciborum. Appono_, to sette vpon the table.
Withals.

l. 686. See Randle Holme’s ‘relation of the Feast made by George Nevill,
Arch-Bishop of York, at the time of his Consecration, or Installation,
7. Edw. IV. 1467-8,’ and his other Bills of Fare, p. 77-81, Book III.
Chap. III.

l. 686. _Mustard_ is a kind of sharp biting sauce, made of a small seed
bruised and mixed with Vinegar. R. Holme.

l. 686. _Dynere._ Compare the King’s dinner in _The Squyr of Lowe
Degree_.

The Squyer

  He toke a white yeard in his hande,
  Before the kynge than gane he stande,
  And sone he sat hym on his knee,
  And serued the kynge ryght royally
  With deynty meates that were dere,
  With Partryche, Pecocke, and Plouere,
  With byrdes in bread ybake,
  The Tele, the Ducke, and the Drake,
  The Cocke, the Corlewe, and the Crane,
  With Fesauntes fayre, theyr ware no wane,
  Both Storkes and Snytes ther were also,
  And venyson freshe of Bucke and Do,
  And other deyntés many one,
  For to set afore the kynge anone.
        l. 312-27, _E. Popular Poetry_, v. 2, p. 36.

Several of the names of the dishes in Russell are used burlesquely in
the Feest of the Turnament of Tottenham, _E. Pop. P._, v. 3, pp. 94-6,
“saduls sewys, mashefatts in mortrewys, mylstones in mawmary, iordans in
iussall, chese-crustis in charlett,” &c.

l. 688, _Swan._ “Cap. xxviij. The Swan{n}e is veri a fayr birde,
w{i}t{h} whyte feders / & it hath a blacke skinne & flesshe / the
mariner seeth hy{m} gladly / for whan he is mery, the mariner is without
sorowe or dau{n}ger; & all his strengthe is in his wy{n}ges / and he is
coleryke of complexio{n} / & whan they will engender, than they stryke
wyth theyr nebbys toged{er}, and cast theyr neckes ouer eche other as yf
thei wolden brace eche other; so come they togeder, but the male doth
hurt {the} female; & as sone as he beknoweth that he hathe hurte her,
tha{n} he departeth frome her co{m}pani in all the haste possible / and
she pursueth after for to reuenge it / but {the} anger is sone past, &
she wassheth her with her bylle in the water / and clenseth herselfe
agayne.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. sign. m. 1.

l. 688, _Feysaund._ “Cap. xlvi. Fascian{us} is a wyld cocke or a
fesa{n}t cocke that byde in the forestes, & it is a fayre byrde with
goodly feders. but he hath no co{m}mbe as other cockes haue / and they
be alway alone except whane they wylle be by the henne. and they that
will take this bird / and in many places the byrders doth thus, they
pay{n}te the figure of this fayre byrde in a cloth, & holdeth it before
hym / & whan this birde seeth so fayr a figure of hym selfe / he goeth
nother forward nor bacwarde / but he standeth still, staringe vpon his
figure / & sodenly commeth another, and casteth a nette ouer his hede,
and taketh hym. Thys byrde morneth sore in fowle weder, & hideth hym
from the rayne vnder {the} busshes. Towarde {the} morninge and towardes
night, than com{m}eth he out of the busshe, and is ofte{n}times so
taken, & he putteth his hede in the grou{n}d, & he weneth that all his
boddy is hyden / and his flessh is very light and good to disiest.” --L.
Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. (m. 4.)

l. 689. _Vensoun bake_, or Venison Pasty. Of the Hart and Hinde, Topsel
says, “The flesh is tender, especially if the beast were libbed before
his horns grew: yet is not the juice of that flesh very wholesome, and
therefore _Galen_ adviseth men to abstain as much from Harts flesh as
from Asses, for it engendereth melancholy; yet it is better in Summer
then in Winter. _Simeon Sethi_, speaking of the hot Countries,
forbiddeth to eat them in Summer, because then they eat Serpents, and so
are venemous; which falleth not out in colder Nations, and therefore
assigneth them rather to be eaten in Winter time, because the concoctive
powers are more stronger through plenty of inward heat; but withal
admonisheth, that no man use to eat much of them, for it will breed
Palsies and trembling in mans body, begetting grosse humors, which stop
the Milt and Liver: and _Auicen_ proveth, that by eating thereof men
incur the quartane Ague; wherefore it is good to powder them with salt
before the dressing, and then seasoned with Peper and other things,
known to every ordinary Cook and woman, they make of them Pasties in
most Nations,” p. 103, ed. 1658.

l. 694. _Blanchmanger_, a made dish of Cream, Eggs, and Sugar, put into
an open puff paste bottom, with a loose cover. _Blamanger_, is a Capon
roast or boile, minced small, planched (sic) Almonds beaten to paste,
Cream, Eggs, Grated Bread, Sugar and Spices boiled to a pap. R. Holme.

l. 694. _Po = tage_ is strong Broth of Meat, with Herbs and Spices
Boiled. _Pottage_ is the Broth of Flesh or Fowl, with Herbs and Oatmeal
boiled therein. R. Holme.

l. 694, _Vensoun_; and l. 696, _Heironsew_.

  But many men byn nowe so lekerous
  That they can not leve by store of howse,
  As brawne, bakyn, or powderd beef;
  Such lyvelod now ys no man leef,
  But venyson, wyldfowle or heronsewes,
  So newfanggell be these men of her thewes;
  Moche medlyd wyne all day men drynke;
  j haue wyste wyldfowle sum tyme stynke.

_Piers of Fullham_, ll. 171-8, p. 8, v. 2, of _Early Popular Poetry_,
ed. Hazlitt, 1866.

l. 695, _Bustard._ “Cap. xv. The Bistarda is a birde as great as an
egle, of {th}e maner of an egle, and of suche colour, saue in {th}e
winges & in the tayle it hath some white feders; he hath a crooked byll,
& longe talants. and it is slowe of flight / & wha{n} he is on the
grownde, than must he ryse .iij. or iiij. tymes or he can come to any
fulle flight. he taketh his mete on the erth; for .v. or .vi. of them
togeder be so bold that they festen on a shepe & tere hy{m} a-sonder / &
so ete the flesshe of him / & this birde dothe ete also of dede bestes &
stinkyn caryon, and it eteth also grasse & grene erbes / & it layth his
eggis vpon the grou{n}de, & bredeth the{m} out the while that {th}e
corne groweth on the felde.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, L ij back.

l. 695, _Crane._ “Cap. lix. The Crane is a great byrde / and whan they
flye, they be a greate many of them to-gyder in ordre, and a-monge
the{m} they chose a kynge the whiche they obey / whan the crane sleepth,
than standeth he vpon one fote w{i}t{h} his hede vnder his winges / &
ther is one {tha}t kepeth the wache w{i}t{h} his hede vpryght to-wardes
{th}e ayre / & wha{n} they ete, tha{n} the kynge kepeth the wache fore
them, and than the cranes ete w{i}t{h}out sorowe. Aristotiles sayth
{tha}t aboue Egipt in farre lo{n}des come the cranes in the wi{n}ter /
and there the fight w{i}t{h} the pygmeis as before is shewed in {th}e
.c. & .xvi. chapter.[*]

    [Footnote *: Pigmeis be men & women, & but one cubite longe,
    dwellinge in {th}e mountaynes of ynde | they be full growen at
    their third yere, & at their seue{n} yere they be olde | & they
    gader them in may a grete co{m}pany togeder, & arme them in theyr
    best maner | and tha{n} go they to the water syde, & where-so-euer
    they fynde any cranes nestis they breake all the egges, & kyll all
    the yonges {tha}t they fynde | and this they do because {th}e
    cranes do them many displeasures, & fight with them oftentymes, &
    do the{m} great scathe | but these folke couer their houses
    w{i}t{h} the cranes feders & egshels. fol. h. ij. back.]


  The Operacion.

Rasi. The flesshe of him is grosse, & not good to disiest / & it maketh
mela{n}colious blode. ¶ The crane that is kille in somer shalbe hanged
vp one daye / and in winter season .ij. dayes or it be eten, and than it
is the more disiestious.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._ Pt. II. (n. iij.)

l. 695, _peacock._ “Paon revestu. A Peacocke flayed, parboyled, larded,
and stucke thicke with Cloues; then roasted, with his feet wrapped vp to
keepe them from scorching; then couered againe with his owne skinne as
soone as he is cold, and so vnderpropped that, as aliue, hee seemes to
stand on his legs: In this equipage a gallant, and daintie seruice.”
--1611, _Cotgrave._

l. 695, _Peacock._ “Pauo / the pecocke is a very fayre byrde / and it
hath a longe necke, and hath on his hede feders lyke a lytell crowne /
he hathe a longe tayle the whyche he setteth on hye very rycheli, but
whan he loketh on hys lothly fete, he lateth his tayle sinke. Be nyght,
whan the Pecocke can nat see hymselfe, tha{n} he cryeth ernefully, and
thynketh that he hath lost hys beautye / and with his crye he feareth
all serpentes / in suche maners {tha}t they dare nat abyde in those
places whereas they here hym crye / and whan the pecocke cly{m}meth hye,
that is a token of rayne ... also the pecocke is envious & wylle nat
knowe his yonges tyll that they haue {th}e crowne of feders vpon theyr
hede, and that they begynne to lyken hym.... The flesshe of hy{m} will
nat lightely rote nor stynke / and it is euyll flesshe to disiest, for
it can nat lightely be rosted or soden ynough.” --L. Andrewe, _Noble
Lyfe_ (o. iv.), Cap. xci.

l. 696, _Heironsew._ Ardea is a byrde that fetcheth his mete in y^e
water, & yet he byldeth vpo{n} the hyest trees that he can. This birde
defendeth his yonges from y^e goshawke, castinge his dou{n}ge vpon him /
& tha{n} the fedders of the goshawke rote of y^e dounge of ardea as far
as it touchet[h]. _Nob. Lyfe_, L. ij.

l. 696, _Partrich._ “Cap. xcvi. Perdix is a byrde very wylye, & the
cockes feght oftentymes for the he{n}nes. and these byrdes flye of no
heght / and they put theyr hedes in the erthe, & they thinke {tha}t they
tha{n} be well hyde{n}, for wha{n} she seeth nobody she thinketh {tha}t
nobody seeth here. & she bredeth out other p{ar}triches egges / for
wha{n} she hath lost her eges, tha{n} she steleth other egges & bredeth
the{m} / & wha{n} they be hatched {tha}t they can go on the grou{n}de /
than this da{m}me setteth the{m} out of {th}e nest / but whan they be
a-brode, & here the wyse of theyr owne da{m}mes, inco{n}tinent they leue
theyr da{m}me {tha}t brought the{m} up, & go to their owne natural
da{m}me / & tha{n} she {tha}t brought the{m} vp hath lost her labour.
The Operacion. The flesshe of a p{ar}triche is most holsomest of all
wylde fowles, {the}brest & vppermoste parte of {th}e bodie is the
swetest, & hathe the best sauoure / but {th}e hinder parte is nat so
swete.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, sign. p. i. & back.

l. 698, _Lark._ Alauda: the larke is a lytel birde, & w{i}t{h} euery man
well beknowen through his songe / in {th}e somer {the}i begy{n}neth to
singe in the dawning of {th}e day, geuynge knowlege to the people of
{th}e cominge of the daye; and in fayre weder he reioyseth sore / but
wha{n} it is rayne weder, than it singeth selden / he singeth nat
sittinge on the grownde nouther / but whan he assendith vpwarde, he
syngeth mereli / & in the descending it falleth to the grownde lyke a
stone. The Operacion. The larkes flesshe hardeneth the beli, and the
brothe of hym that he was soden in, slaketh the beli. L. Andrewe, _Noble
Lyfe_, sign. L. iv. back, and L. i.

l. 706, _Snyte_ or Snipe. “Cap. lxxxiiij. Nepa is a byrde w{i}t{h} a
longe byll / & he putteth his byll in {th}e erthe for to seke the worms
in the grou{n}de / and they put their bylles in {th}e erthe sometyme so
depe {tha}t they can nat gete it vp agayne / & tha{n} they scratche
theyr billes out agayn w{i}t{h} theyr fete. This birde resteth betimes
at nyght / and they be erly abrode on the morninge / & they haue swete
flesshe to be eaten.” L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe._

l. 706, _Sparow._ “Passer / The Sparowe is a lytell byrde / and wha{n}
{th}e cucko fyndeth the sparowes nest / tha{n} he suppeth vp {th}e
egges, & layeth newe egges hym self therin agayne / & the sparowe
bredeth vp these yo{n}ge cuckoes tyl they can flee; tha{n} a great many
of olde sparowes geder to-geder to thente{n}t {tha}t thei sholde holde
vp the yo{n}ge sparowes that can nat flee / & theyr mete is wormes of
{th}e erthe.... All sparowes flesshe is euyl / and their egges also.
The flessh is very hote, and moueth to the operacion of lechery.”
L. Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_ (o. iv.), Cap. xci.

l. 713. _Comfits_ are round, long or square pellets of Sugar made by the
Art of a Confectioner. R. Holme.

l. 737, _Eles._ Trevisa in his _Higden_ says of Britain ‘þe lond ys
noble, copious, & ryche of noble welles, & of noble ryvers wiþ plente of
fysch. þar ys gret plente of smal fysch & of _eeles_, so þat cherles in
som place feedeþ sowes wiþ fysch.’ _Morris’s Specimens_, p. 334.

  Comyth ther not al day owt of hollond and flaundre
  Off fatte _eles_ full many a showte,
  And good chepe, who that wayteth the tyddys abowte?

  _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 71-3, _Early Pop. Poetry_, v. 2, p. 4
  (and see ll. 7-10).

l. 747, 812. _Minoes_, so called either for their littleness, or (as Dr.
Cajus imagined) because their fins be of so lively a red, as if they
were died with the true Cinnabre-lake called _Minium_: They are less
than Loches, feeding upon nothing, but licking one another ... they are
a most delicate and light meat ... either fried or sodden. _Muffett_,
p. 183.

l. 758. _Towse._ Can this be a form of _dough_? G. P. Marsh.

l. 782. Sotiltees were made of sugar and wax. Lel. Coll. VI. p. 31.
Pegge.

l. 788-795, _Sanguineus, Colericus, Fleumaticus, Malencolicus._ Men were
divided into these four classes, according to their humours. Laurens
Andrewe says, in his _Noble Lyfe_, “And the bodij of man is made of many
diuers sortes of ly{m}mes / as senewes / vaynes / fatte / flesshe &
skynne. And also of the foure moistours / as sanguyne / flematyke /
coleryke & melancoly.” (fol. a iv. back) col. 2. In his Chapter “Howe
that man co{m}meth into the house of dethe,” he has drawings of these
four types of man, on either side of King Death & the skeleton under
him. Men die, he says in thre ways. 1. by one of the four elements of
which they are made, overcoming the others; 2. by _humidum radicale_ or
‘naturall moystour’ forsaking them; 3. by wounds; “& these thre maners
of dethes be co{n}tained in the four co{m}plexcions of man / as in the
sa{n}guyne / colerike / flematike / & mela{n}coly. The sanguyne wareth
ofte{n}tymes so olde through gode gouernau{n}ce / that he must occopy
spectacles, & liue longe or hu{m}midu{m} radicale departe frome him /
but than he dyeth. The colerike co{m}meth oftentymes to[*] dethe be
accide{n}tall maner through his hastines, for he is of nature hote &
drye. The flematike co{m}meth often to dethe thorough great excesse of
mete & drinke, or other great labours doinge / for his nature is colde
and moyste, & can not well disiest. And mela{n}coly is heuy / full of
care & heuynes / whereof he engendereth moche euyll blode that causeth
great sekenes, which bringeth him vnto dethe. Thus go we al vnto the
howse of dethe / the one thrugh ensuynge of his co{m}plexion / the other
through the ordenances of almyghty god. The thirde through the planetis
& signes of the firmame{n}t.” fol. a vi.

    [Footnote *: _orig._ do.]

l. 799, _Beef._ Laurens Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, sign. C. i., Pt. i. says,
“Of the oxce, ca. xiiij. The oxce is a co{m}panable beste, & amonge his
co{m}pani he is very meke / & alwaye he seketh his felowe that was wont
to go in the plowghe wyth hym / and whan he fyndeth nat his felow, than
cryeth he wyth a lowde voyce, makyng gret mone / as it were one {tha}t
wolde make a mourninge co{m}playnt. A bull lyueth .xv. yere, and a oxce
.xx. yere. ¶ Isaac sayth that an oxce flessh is the dryest flesshe
amonge all other / & his blode is nat holsome to be eten, for it wyll
nat lightly disieste. & therfore it fedeth sore, & it maketh euyll
hu{m}oures, & bredeth mela{n}coly / & they melancolicus that eat moche
suche metes be like to suffer many diseases, as to gete an harde mylte /
the febris quartayn / the dropcy / mangnies, lepry, &c.”

l. 799, _Mutton._ Wether mutton was rightly held the best. See “The
operacion” below. “¶ Of the Ramme or weddr. Ca. iij. Ysydorus sayth that
the ra{m}me or wedder is the lodysman of other shepe / and he is the
male or man of the oye, and is stronger than the other shepe / & he is
also called a wedder because of a worme that he hath in his hede / &
whan that begi{n}neth for to stirre, than wyll he tucke and feght / and
he fereth naturally the thonder, as other shepe dothe. For whan a shepe
is with frute, hering the thonder, she casteth her frute, and bryngeth
it dede to the worlde. and the wedder in the tyme that he bespryngeth
the oye, than is it in the tyme of loue amonge the shepe / and the
Ra{m}me or wedder wyl feght boldly for theyr wyues one with another....


    The Operacion.

¶ The flesshe of a yo{n}ge wether that is gelded is moch better than any
other motton / for it is nat so moyste as other motton, and it is hoter,
and whan it disgesteth well it maketh gode blode / but the flessh of an
oled ra{m}me wyll nat lightely disgest, & that is very euyll.” L.
Andrewe, _Noble Lyfe_, Pt. I. sign. b. i. back.

l. 800, _Chykon._ On the cocke & hen L. Andrewe discourses as follows:
“the Cocke is a noble byrde with a combe on his hed & vnder his iawes /
he croweth in {th}e night heuely & light in {th}e morni{n}ge / & is fare
herd w{i}t{h} the wi{n}de. The lyon is afrayd of the cocke / & specially
of the whyte / the crowyng of the cocke is swete & profitable; he
wakeneth {th}e sleper / he conforteth the sorowful / & reioyseth the
wakers in tokenynge {tha}t the night is passed.... The flesshe of the
coscke is groser tha{n} the flesshe of the he{n}ne or capon. Nota / the
olde cockes flesshe is tenderer than the yonge. The capons flesshe is
mightiest of all fowles & maketh gode blode. Auicea{n}na. The cokerels
flesshe {tha}t neuer crewe is bett{er} than {th}e olde cockes flesshe:
the stones be gode for the{m} that haue to light a disiestyon / the
brothe of hym is gode for the payn in {th}e mawe {tha}t co{m}meth of
wynde.” _Noble Lyfe_, n. i. back. Of the hen, L. Andrewe says: “the
he{n}ne is {th}e wyfe of the cocke / & ye shall lay odde egges vnder her
for to hatche / ... The flesshe of the yonge he{n}ne or she haue layde /
is better than of the olde he{n}ne / also the grese of the cheken is
moche hoter than of the he{n}ne.” _Noble Lyfe_, n. i. back.

l. 802, _Goose._ “The tame gese ... be heuy in fleinge, gredi at their
mete, & diligent to theyr rest / & they crye the houres of y^e night, &
therwith they fere y^e theues. In the hillis of alpis be gese as great,
nere ha{n}de, as an ostriche: they be so heuy of body that they cannat
flee, & so me take them with the hande.... The gose flessh is very grose
of nature in disiestion.” _Noble Lyfe_, L. i. back. Part ii. cap. 10.

l. 803, _Capon._ “Gallinacius / the capon is a gelded cocke / & because
{tha}t he is gelded he waxeth the soner fatte / & though he go with the
hennes, he dothe nat defende them / nor he croweth nat.” L. Andrewe,
_Noble Lyfe_, fol. n. ij.

l. 804, _Eggis._ “the new lyde egges be better than the olde / the henne
egges be better tha{n} ani other egges, whan thei be fresshe, &
specialli whan thei be rere, tha{n} they make gode blode / but the egges
that be harde rosted be of {th}e grose metis.


    The Operacion.

All maners of egges waken a man to the worke of lecherie, & specialli
sparowes egges. Auice{n}na: The ducke egges & suche like make grose
humoures. The best of the egges is the yolke, & that causeth sperma /
the white of the egge enclineth to be cole. whan an he{n}ne shall brede,
take hede of those egges that be blont on bothe endes, & thei shal be
he{n}ne chekens / & those that be longe & sharpe on bothe endes shall be
cocke chekens.” L. Andrewe. _Noble Lyfe_ (o iij. back).

l. 808, _Lamb._ Laurens Andrewe, Pt. i. says. ¶ Of the La{m}me. Cap.
p{ri}mo. In the begi{n}nynge we haue the La{m}me, because he is the
moste mekest beste leuinge, for it offe{n}deth nobody / and all that he
hathe on him is gode / y^e flesshe for to eate, the skynne to make
parcheme{n}t or ledder / the donge for to do{n}ge the felde / the clawes
& hornes be medicinable / he dredeth the wolfe sore / & he knoweth his
da{m}me best be her bleting, though she be amonge many shepe.


    The Operacion.

The Lam{m}e that soucketh his dam{m}e hath his flesshe very slymie, &
nat lowable / and it will nat be disgested, principally of them that
haue cold stomakes. la{m}mes of a yere olde be better & lighter to
disgest / & they make gode blode / and specyally they be gode for theym
that be hote & drye of complexcyon & dwell in a hote & drye lande /
la{m}mes flesshe is very gode for one that is hole & lusti, but for
theim {tha}t be seke it is very euyll: though it lightely disgest and
descende out of the man / yet it is euyll for other partes of the body,
for it maketh slimy humours. sign. b. i.

l. 808, _Cony._ “The coney is a lytel beste dwellynge in an hole of the
erthe / & thore as he vseth he encreaseth very moche, and therfore he is
profitable for man, for he casteth oftentymes in the yere ... Ysaac
sayth. That conys flesshe hath properli {th}e vertue to strengen {th}e
mawe and to dissolue the bely / and it casseth moche vryne.” _The Noble
Lyfe_, sign. e. i.

l. 811. _Mead_ or _Meath_, a drink made of Ginger, Sugar, Honey and
Spring water boiled together. R. Holme.

_Metheglin_, a drink made of all sorts of wholesome Herbs boiled and
strained with Honey and Water, and set to work with Bearm, as Ale or
Beer. _R. Holme._ Dan. _miod._

l. 811. _Braggot._ This drinke is of a most hot nature, as being
compos’d of Spices, and if it once scale the sconce, and enter within
the circumclusion of the _Perricranion_, it doth much accelerate nature,
by whose forcible atraction and operation, the drinker (by way of
distribution) is easily enabled to afford blowcs to his brother. In
Taylor. _Drink & Welcome_, 1637, A 3, back.

l. 812. Mussels (_Mityli_, _Chamæ_) were never in credit, but amongst
the poorer sort, till lately the lilly-white Mussel was found out about
Romers-wall, as we sail betwixt Flushing and Bergen-up-Zon, where indeed
in the heat of Sommer they are commonly and much eaten without any
offence to the head, liver, or stomach: yea my self (whom once twenty
Mussels had almost poisoned at Cambridg, and who have seen sharp,
filthy, and cruel diseases follow the eating of English Mussels) did
fill my self with those Mussels of the Low Country, being never a whit
distempered with my bold adventure. _Muffett_, p. 159.

l. 824, _Samon._

  Also sumtyme where samons vsen for to haunte,
  Lampreys, luces, or pykkes plesaunte,
  wenyth the fyscher suche fysche to fynde.
    _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 11-13.

l. 835, 4 [Footnote 235 in this e-text] _Torrentyne._ The passage before
that quoted from Aldrovandi, de Piscibus, p. 585, in the note, is,
“Trutta, siue ut Platina scribit Truta, siue Trotta Italicu{m} nome{n}
est, à Gallis, quibus Troutte vel potius Truette, vel ab Anglis quib{us}
à Trute, vel Trovvt appella{n}t, acceptum. Rhæti qui Italica lingua
corrupta vtuntur, Criues vocant, teste Gesnero.” The special fish from
the Tarentine gulf is the “Tarentella, Piscis genus. Tract. MS. de Pisc.
cap. 26 ex Cod. reg. 6838. C.: _Magnus thunnus, is scilicet qui a
nostris_ Ton _vocatur ... dicitur Italis Tarentella, a_ Tarentino, _unde
advehitur, sinu_.” Ducange, ed. 1846.

l. 845. _Hake. Merlucius_ (or _Gadus_) _vulgaris_ Y. ii. 258, ‘the
Seapike ... It is a coarse fish, not admitted to the tables of the
wealthy; but large quantities are anuually preserved both by salting and
drying, part of which is exported to Spain.’ ‘Fish, samon, _hake_,
herynge’ are some of the commoditees of Irelonde mentioned in the
_Libelle_ (A.D. 1436), p. 186.

l. 839, _reffett._ In the following extract _refete_ has the
_Promptorium_ meaning:

  eteth of the [full grown] fysche, and be not so lykerous,
  Let the yong leve that woll be so plenteous;
  ffor though the bottomles belyes be not ffyllyd with such _refete_,
  Yet the saver of sauze may make yt good mete.
      _Piers of Fullham_, ll. 80-3, _E. Pop. P._, v. 2, p 5.

l. 842. _breme._

  ... y schall none pondes with pykes store,
  _Breme_, perche, ne with tenche none the more.--_Ibid._ ll. 51-2.

l. 843, _flowndurs._

  But now men on deyntees so hem delyte,
  To fede hem vpon the fysches lyte,
  As _flowndres_, perches, and such pykyng ware;
  Thes can no man gladly now-a-day spare
  To suffyr them wex vnto resonable age.--_Ibid._ ll. 74-8.

l. 867. _Hose._ For eight pair of _hosen_ of cloth of divers colours, at
xiij s. iiij d. the pair; and for four pair “of sokks of fustian” at iij
d. the pair (p. 118) ... for making and lyning of vj pair of _hosen_ of
puke lyned with cloth of the goodes of the saide Richard, for lynyng of
every pair iij s. iiij d. xx s. Wardrobe Accounts of Edw. IV. (ed.
Nicolas) p. 120.

l. 879. Combing the head was specially enjoined by the doctors. See
A. Borde, Vaughan, &c., below.

l. 915. _Fustian._ March, 1503, ‘for v yerdes _fustyan_ for a cote at
vij d. the yerd ij s. xj d.’ Nicolas’s Elizabeth of York, p. 105. See
A. Borde, below. ‘Coleyne threde, _fustiane_, and canvase’ are among the
‘commodites ... fro Pruse ibroughte into Flaundres,’ according to the
_Libelle_, p. 171,

  But tha Flemmyngis amonge these thinges dere
  In comen lowen beste bacon and bere:
  Thus arn thy hogges, and drynkye wele staunt;
  Fare wele Flemynge, hay, horys, hay, avaunt.
    (See _n._ p. 131, below.)

A. Borde, in his _Introduction_, makes one of the Januayes (Genoese)
say,

  I make good treacle, and also _fustian_,
  With such thynges I crauft with many a pore man.

l. 941-5. See the extracts from Andrew Borde, W. Vaughan, &c., below.

l. 945. The Motte bredethe amonge clothes tyll that they have byten it a
sonder / & it is a maniable worm, and yet it hydeth him in y^e clothe
that it can scantly be sene / & it bredethe gladly in clothes that haue
ben i{n} an euyll ayre, or in a rayn or myst, and so layde vp without
hanging in the sonne or other swete ayre after.


    The Operacyon.

The erbes that be bitter & well smelli{n}ge is good to be layde amo{n}ge
suche clothes / as the baye leuis, cypres wode. _The Noble Lyfe_ (i. 3.)
Pt. i. Cap. c.xlij. sign. i. 3.

l. 969. _Catte._ The mouse hounter or catte is an onclene beste, & a
poyson ennemy to all myse / and whan she hath goten [one], she playeth
therwith / but yet she eteth it / & y^e catte hath lo{n}ge here on her
mouthe / and whan her heres be gone, than hathe she no boldnes / and she
is gladli in a warme place / and she licketh her forefete & wassheth
therwith her face. Laurens Andrewe, _The Noble Lyfe_ (g. iv.), Part I.
cap. c.i.

l. 970, _dogge._ Here is the first part of Laurens Andrewe’s Chapter.

    Of the dogge. ca. xxiiij.

The dogge is an onclenly beste / {tha}t eteth so moche that he vomyteth
it out & eteth vp agayne / it is lightly angry, and byteth gladly
strau{n}ge dogges / he barketh moche / he kn[oweth] his name well / he
is hered [all over his b]ody, he loueth his mast[er, and is eselye]
lerned to many games / & be night he kepeth the house. There be many
hou{n}des {tha}t for the loue of theyr maister they wyll ro{n}ne in
their owne dethe / & whan the dogge is seke / he seketh grasse or other
erbes / & that he eteth, and heleth himselfe so / and there be many
maner of dogges or hou{n}des to hawke & hunt, as grayhou{n}des / braches
/ spanyellis, or suche other, to hunt hert and hynde / & other bestes of
chace & venery, &c. and suche be named ge{n}tyll hou{n}des. The bitche
hath mylke .v. or vij. dayes or she litter her whelpes / and that milke
is thicker tha{n} any other mylke excepte swynes mylke or hares mylke.
fol. c. iv.

l. 970, _Catte._ L. Andrewe says

    “Of the Catte. ca. xxv.

The catte is a beste {tha}t seeth sharpe, and she byteth sore / and
scratcheth right perylously / & is principall ennemye to rattis & myce /
& her colour is of nature graye / and the cause {tha}t they be other
wyse colowred, that co{m}methe through chaunge of mete, as it is well
marked by the house catte, for they be selden colored lyke the wylde
catte. & their flesshe is bothe nesshe & soffte.” _Noble Lyfe_, Part II.
c. iv.

l. 983. Bathe. ‘Bathing is harmful to them [who are splenitie] chiefly
after meat, and copulation (following) on surfeit ... Let him also bathe
himself in sweet water. Without, he is to be leeched and smeared with
oil of roses, and with onlayings (or poultices made of) wine and grapes,
and often must an onlay be wrought of butter, and of new wax, and of
hyssop and of oil; mingle with goose grease or lard of swine, and with
frankincense and mint; and when he bathes let him smear himself with
oil; mingle (it) with saffron.’ _Leechdoms_, v. 2, p. 245.

l. 987. _Scabiosa_, so named of old tyme, because it is giuen in drinke
inwardly, or ointmentes outwardly, to heale scabbes, sores, corrupcion
in the stomacke, yea, and is most frend emong all other herbes in the
tyme of the Pestilence, to drinke the water with Mithridatum a mornynges
... the flowers is like a Blewe or white thrummed hatte, the stalk
rough, the vpper leaues ragged, and the leaues next the grose rootes be
plainer. Under whom often tymes, Frogges will shadowe theim selues, from
the heate of the daie: hoppyng and plaiyng vnder these leaues, whiche to
them is a pleasaunt Tente or pauillion, saieth Aristophanes, whiche maie
a plade (= made a play), wherein Frogges made pastime. _Bullein’s
Bulwarke_, 1562, or, _The booke of Simples_, fol. xvj. b.

    [Transcriber’s Note:
    The following note was originally labeled “67/991” (page 67, line
    991) and was printed between the notes for l. 280 and l. 300.]

l. 991. Rosemary is not mentioned among the herbs for the bath; though a
poem in praise of the herb says:

  Moche of this herbe to seeth thu take
  In water, and a bathe thow make;
  Hyt schal the make lyȝt and joly,
  And also lykyng and ȝowuly.

  _MS. of C. W. Loscombe, Esq., in Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, i. 196.

l. 995. _Bilgres._ Can this be _bugloss_? I find this, as here, in
juxtaposition with _scabiose_, in Bullein’s _Bulwarke of Defence_, Book
of Simples, fol xvj. b. G. P. Marsh.

l. 1004. For Selden’s Chapter on Precedence, see his _Titles of Honour_,
ch. xi. Rouge Dragon (Mr G. Adams) tells me that the order of precedence
has varied from time to time, and that the one now in force differs in
many points from Russell’s.

l. 1040. _Nurrieris._ I find no such name in Selden’s chap. ix., Of
Women. Does the word mean ‘foster-mothers or fathers,’ from the Latin
“Nutricarii, Matricularii, quibus enutriendi ac educandi infantes
projectos cura incumbebat: _Nourissiers._ Vita S. Goaris cap. 10:
_Hæcque consuetudo erat, ut quando aliquis homo de ipsis infantibus
projectis misericordia vellet curam habere, ab illis, quos_ Nutricarios
_vocant, matriculariis S. Petri compararet, et illi Episcopo ipsum
infantem præsentare deberent, et postea Episcopi auctoritas eumdem
hominem de illo_ Nutricario _confirmabat_. _Id clarius explicatur a
Wandelberto in Vita ejusdem Sancti_, cap. 20.” Ducange, ed. 1845.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

The following list of Names of Fish, from Yarrell, may be found
convenient for reference.

_Names of Fish from Yarrell’s History of British Fish, 1841, 2nd ed._


  English Names                Latin Names.             Yar., vol., page

  Basse                       _Perca labrax_                       i   8
  Bleak                       _Luciscus_, or                       i 419
                                _Cyprinus alburnus_
  Bream or Carp-Bream         _Abramis_, or _Cyprinus brama_       i 382
    „   the common Sea-       _Pagellus centrodontus_              i 123
  Brill, or Pearl, Kite,      _Rhombus vulgaris_, or
    BRETT, Bonnet-Fleuk         _Pleuronectes rhombus_            ii 231
  Butt, Flook, or Flounder    _Pleuronectes flesus_, or           ii 303
                                _Platessa flesus_
  Common Cod, or Keeling      _Morrhua vulgaris_, or              ii 221
                                _Gadus morrhua_ (Jenyns)
  Green Cod                   _Merlangus virens_ (Cuvier)         ii 256
                              _Gadus virens_ (Linnæus)
  Conger                      _Conger vulgaris_, or               ii 402
                                _Muræna conger_
  Dace, Dare, or Dait         _Leuciscus vulgaris_, or             i 404
                                _Cyprinus leuciscus_
  Dog Fish (the common),      _Spinax acanthias_, or              ii 524
      The Picked Dog-Fish,      _Squalus acanthias_
      or Bone Dog (Sussex),
      Hoe (Orkney)
    Small Spotted Dog Fish    _Scyllium canicula_, or             ii 487
      or Morgay (Scotl.),       _Squalus canicula_
      Robin Huss (Sussex
      Coast)
    Large Spotted Dog Fish,   _Scyllium stellaris_                ii 493
      or Bounce (Scotl. &
      Devon)
    Black-mouthed Dog-Fish,   _Scyllium melanostomum_             ii 495
      or Eyed Dog-Fish
      (Cornwall)
    The Smooth Hound or       _Squalus mustelus_,                 ii 512
      Shate-toothed Shark,      or _Mustelus lævis_
      Ray-mouthed Dog
      (Cornwall)
  Dory, or Dorée              _Zeus faber_                         i 183
  Sharp-nosed Eel             _Anguilla acutirostris_,            ii 381
                                or _vulgaris_
  Broad-nosed Eel             _Anguilla latirostris_              ii 396
  Flounder, or Flook          _Platessa flesus_                   ii 303
      (Merret). Mayock,
      Fluke (Edinb.), Butt.
  Grayling                    _Thymallus vulgaris_,               ii 136
                                or _Salmo thymallus_
  Gudgeon                     _Gobio fluviatilis_,                 i 371
                                or _Cyprinus gobio_
  Red Gurnard                 _Trigla cuculus_, or               i 38-63
                                _lineata_
  Haddock                     _Morrhua æglefinus_,                ii 233
                                or _Gadus æglefinus_
  Hake                        _Merlucius vulgaris_,               ii 253
                                or _Gadus merlucius_
  Herring                     _Clupea harengus_                   ii 183
  Holibut                     _Hippoglossus vulgaris_,            ii 321
                                or _Pleuronectes hippoglossus_
  Hornfish, GARFISH,          _Belone vulgaris_, or                i 442
      Sea-pike, Long Nose, &c.  _Esox belone_
  Keeling. See Common Cod                                         ii 221
  Lampern, or River           _Petromyzon fluviatilis_            ii 604
      Lamprey[*]
  Lamprey                     _Petromyzon marinus_                ii 598
  Ling                        _Lota molva_ (Cuvier),              ii 264
                                or _Gadus molva_ (Linnæus)
  Luce, or PIKE               _Esox lucius_                        i 434
  Lump-fish                                                       ii 365
  Mackarel                    _Scomber scombrus_,                  i 137
                                or _vulgaris_
  Merling, or Whiting         _Merlangus vulgaris_ (Cuvier),      ii 244
                                or _Gadus merlangus_ (Linnæus)
  Minnow                      _Leuciscus_,                         i 423
                                or _Cyprinus phoxinus_
  Mullet, grey, or Common     _Mugil capito_, or _cephalus_        i 234
  Muræna                      _Muræna Helena_                     ii 406
  Perch                       _Perca fluviatilis_                  i   1
  Pike                        _Esox lucius_                        i 434
  Plaice                      _Platessa vulgaris_                 ii 297
  Roach                       _Cyprinus rutilis_                   i 399
  Salmon                      _Salmo Salar_                       ii   1
  Smelt. _Spirling_ and       _Salmo Sperlanus_, or          ii 75 & 129
      _Sparling_ in            _Osmerus Sperlanus_
      Scotland
  Sturgeon, the Common        _Acipenser Sturio_                  ii 475
     „      the Broad-nosed   _Acipenser latirostris_             ii 479
  Swordfish                   _Xiphias gladius_                    i 164
  Tench                       _Tinca vulgaris_, or                 i 375
                                _Cyprinus tinca_
  Thornback                   _Raia clavata_                      ii 583
  Trout, Common               _Salmo fario_                       ii  85
  Turbot, or Rawn Fleuk       _Rhombus maximus_, or               ii 324
      and Bannock Fluck         _Pleuronectes maximus_
      (Scotl.)
  Vendace or Vendis           _Coregonus Willughbii_, or          ii 146
      (? Venprides, l. 820,      _Coregonus Marænula_
      Russell)                   (Jenyns)
  Whiting, or Merling         _Merlangus vulgaris_ (Cuvier)       ii 244
                              _Gadus merlangus_ (Linnæus)

    [Footnote *: The Lamperns have been taken in the Thames at
    Teddington this autumn (1866) in extraordinary quantities.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Errata (noted by transcriber):

  Main text:

  l. 1061 Alle the vndirIusticeȝ  [_text unchanged_]
  l. 1166    þe honour{e} and worshipp{e}
    [_extra blank space at beginning of line_]

  Footnotes:

  114: ... _H. Ord._ p. 462.  [_“p.” missing_]
  162: ... _Sea Dog / Fish  [_close quote missing_]
  236: ... Cules a _Cod Fish_ argent  [_text unchanged_]
  263: ... AS. _dæges eage_.  [dœges eage]
  265: ... _Hleomoce_  [‘_Hleomoce_]
  268: ... of Edw. IV.’  [_close quote missing_]

  Linenotes:

  ll. 109ff. (Notes on wines):
    5. _Raspice._  [_“5.” added by transcriber_]
    ... mox tamen exolescente, p. 31-2, &c.”  [_close quote missing_]
    8. _Bastard._ ... sweetish quality.”  [_close quote missing_]
  l. 548: ... see note on Torrentyne, l. 835 below  [_l. 828_]
  l. 577: ... See note to l. 839 here, p. 108.
    [_l. 840_]
  l. 799: ... The oxce is  [“The oxce]
  l. 915: (See _n._ p. 131, below.)
    [_Andrew Borde, “Sleep, Rising and Dress”, footnote 5_]

  Table of fish names:

  Venprides l. 820  [821]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


[Transcriber’s Note:

Andrewe on Fish, listed in the Contents as part of the linenotes to the
Boke of Nurture, is a separate text.

Boldface initials are marked with a double ++ before the letter.
Further details about the transcription are at the beginning of the
Preface.]


  Extracts about Fish from “The noble lyfe & natures of man,
  Of bestes / serpentys / fowles & fisshes y^t be moste knowen.”

A very rare black-letter book, without date, and hitherto undescribed,
except perhaps incorrectly by Ames (vol. 1, p. 412, and vol. 3,
p. 1531), has been lent to me by Mr Algernon Swinburne. Its title is
given above: “The noble lyfe and natures of man” is in large red
letters, and the rest in smaller black ones, all surrounded by woodcuts
of the wonderful animals, mermaids, serpents, birds, quadrupeds with
men’s and women’s heads, a stork with its neck tied in a knot, and other
beasts “y^t be most knowen.” The illustrations to each chapter are
wonderfully quaint. The author of it says in his Prologus “In the name
of ower sauiour criste Iesu, maker & redemour of al ma{n}kynd /
I Lawre{n}s A{n}drewe of {th}e towne of Calis haue translated for
Joh{an}nes doesborrowe, booke prenter in the cite of Andwarpe, this
p{re}sent volume deuyded in thre partes, which were neuer before in no
maternall langage prentyd tyl now /” As it is doubtful whether another
copy of the book is known, I extract from the Third Part of this
incomplete one such notices of the fish mentioned by Russell or Wynkyn
de Worde, as it contains, with a few others for curiosity’s sake:--

here after followeth of the natures of the fisshes of the See whiche be
right profitable to be vndersta{n}de / Wherof I wyll wryte be {th}e
helpe and grace of almighty god, to whose laude & prayse this mater
ensueth.


CAP. PRIMO.

    [Sidenote: _Abremon_, ? not _Bream_ (see Cap. xiii; p. 115 here)]

A Bremon[*] is a fruteful fisshe that hathe moche sede / but it is nat
through mouynge of the he / but only of the owne proper nature / and
than she rubbeth her belly upon the grou{n}de or sande / and is sharpe
in handelinge / & salt of sauour / and this fisshe saueth her yonges in
her bely whan it is tempestius weder / & when the weder is ouerpast,
than she vomyteth them out agayne.

    [Footnote *: ἀβραμις, a fish found in the sea and the Nile, perhaps
    the _bream_, Opp. Hal. i. 244. Liddell & Scott.]


Cap. ij.

    [Sidenote: _Eel_ (Russell, l. 719). Is of no sex; is best
    roasted.]

++Anguilla / the Ele is lyke a serpe{n}t of fascyon, & may leue eight
yere, & without water vi. dayes whan the wind is in the northe / in the
wint{er} they wyll haue moche water, & that clere / amo{n}ge them is
nouther male nor female / for they become fisshes of {th}e slyme of
other fisshes / they must be flayne / they suffer a longe dethe / they
be best rosted, but it is longe or they be ynouge / the droppi{n}ge of
it is gode for paines in the eares.


Cap. iij.

    [Sidenote: _Herring_ (Russell, l. 722). Is delicious when fresh,
    (Russell, l. 748) or salted. Dies when it feels the air.]

++Alec, the heringe, is a Fisshe of the see / & very many be taken
betweene bretayn & germaia / & also i{n} denmarke aboute a place named
schonen / And he is best from thebegi{n}nynge of August to december /
and when he is fresshe take{n} / he is a very delicious to be eten. And
also wha{n} he hath ben salted he is a specyall fode vnto man / He can
nat leue w{i}t{h}out wat{er}, for as sone as he feleth the ayre he is
dede / & they be taken in gret hepis togeder / & specially where they se
light, there wyll they be, than so they be taken with nettis / which
commeth be the diuyne Prouydens of almighty God.


Cap. v.

    [Sidenote: _Whale?_ (Russell, l. 582). Shipmen cast anchor on him,
    and make a fire on him. He swims away, and drowns them.]

+A+ Spidochelo{n} / as Phisiolog{us} saith, it is a mo{n}strous thinge
in the see, it is a gret whale fisshe, & hath an ouer-growe{n} rowgh
ski{n}ne / & he is moste parte w{i}t{h} his bake on hye aboue the water
in such maner that some shypmen {tha}t see him, wene that it is a lytell
ylande / & whan they come be it, they cast their ankers upo{n} him / &
go out of theyr shippes & make a fyre upon hym to dresse theyr metys /
and as sone as he feleth the hete of the fyre / tha{n}ne he swy{m}meth
fro the place, & drowneth them, & draweth the shippe to the grounde /
And his proper nature is, whan he hath yonges, {tha}t he openeth his
mouthe wyde open / & out of it fleeth a swete ayre / to {the} which the
fisshes resorte, and tha{n} he eteth them.


    [Sidenote: _Goldenpoll?_]

++Aauratais a fysshe in the see {tha}t hathe a hede shinynge lyke golde.


Cap. xi.

    [Sidenote: _Ahuna._ When the Ahuna is in danger, he puts his head
    in his belly, and eats a bit of himself.]

++Ahuna is a mo{n}ster of the see very glorisshe, as Albert{us} saith /
what it eteth it tourneth to greas in his body / it hathe no mawe but a
bely / & that he filleth so full that he speweth it out agayne / & that
can he do so lyghtely / for hehath no necke / whan he is in peryl of
dethe be other fisshes / than he onfacyoneth himselfe as rou{n}de as a
bowle, w{i}t{h}drawynge his hede into his bely / wha{n} he hathe then
hounger / He dothe ete a parte of himselfe rather than {th}e other
fisshes sholde ete him hole and all.


Cap. xiii.

    [Sidenote: _Borbotha._]

++Borbotha be fisshes very slepery, somewhat lyke an ele / haui{n}ge
wyde mouthes & great hedes / it is a swete mete / and whan it is xij.
yere olde, than it waxeth bigge of body.

    [Sidenote: _Butt_, or _Flounder_ (Russell, l. 735, and note 2).]

Nota / Botte that is a flounder of the fresshe water / & they swi{m}me
on the flatte of their body, & they haue finnes rou{n}de about theyr
body & w{i}t{h} a sothern wynde they waxe fatte /

    [Sidenote: _Bream_ (Russell, l. 745, 578).]

& they have rede spottis. Bre{n}na is a breme, & it is a fisshe of the
riuer / & whan he seeth the pyke that wyll take hym / than he sinketh to
the botom of {th}e wat{er} & maketh it so trobelous that the pyke can
nat se hym.


Cap. xiiii.

    [Sidenote: _Balena._ (The woodcut is a big Merman. See note,
    p. 123, here. ? Whale. Russell, l. 582.) Are seen most in winter;
    breed in summer. In rough weather Balena puts her young in her
    mouth.]

++Balena is a great beste in the see, and bloweth moche water from him,
as if it were a clowde / the shippes be in great dau{n}ger of him
somtyme / & they be sene moste towardes winter / for in the somer they
be hidden in swete brod places of the wat{er} where it casteth her
yo{n}ges, & suffereth so grete payne {tha}t tha{n} he fleteth aboue the
water as one desiringe helpe / his mouth is in the face, & therefore he
casteth the more water / she bringeth her yonges forthe lyke other
bestis on erthe, & it slepeth / in te{m}pestius weder she hydeth her
yo{n}ges in her mouthe / and wha{n} it is past she voydeth them out
agayne / & they growe x. yere.


Cap. xvi.

    [Sidenote: _Crevice_ (Sea and Fresh Water Crayfish). (Russell,
    l. 602, l. 618.) How they engender, and hybernate. How the
    Crayfish manages to eat Oysters.]

++Cancer the creuyce is a Fishe of {th}e see that is closed in a harde
shelle, hauyng many fete and clawes / and euer it crepeth bacward / &
the he hathe two py{n}nes on his bely, & {th}e she hathe none / whan he
wyll engender, he cli{m}meth on her bake, and she turneth her syde
towardes him, & so they fulfyll their workes. In maye they chaunge their
cotes, & in wi{n}ter they hyde the{m} fiue monethes duringe / wha{n} the
creues hath dro{n}ken milke it may leue lo{n}ge w{i}t{h}out wat{er}.
when he is olde, he hathe ij. stones in his hed with rede spottes that
haue great vertue / for if they be layde in drynke / they withdryue the
payne frome the herte. thecreuyce eteth the Oysters, & geteth the{m} be
policye / for whan the oyster gapeth, he throweth lytell stones in him,
and so geteth his fishe out, for it bydeth than open.


    The Operacion.

    [Sidenote: Fresh-Water Crayfish is hard to digest.]

¶ The Asshes of hym is gode to make white tethe / & to kepe the motes
out of the clothes / it w{i}t{h}dryueth byles, & heleth mangynes. The
creuyce of the fresshe water geueth gret fode, but it is an heuy mete to
disieste.


Cap. xviij.

    [Sidenote: Caucius.]

++Cauci{us} is a fisshe that will nat be taken w{i}t{h} no hokes / but

    [Sidenote: Capitaius.]

eteth of {th}e bayte & goth his way quyte. Capitai{us} is a lytel fisshe
w{i}t{h} a great hede / a wyde rou{n}de mouthe / &

    [Sidenote: _Carp._ Is difficult to net.]

it hydeth him vnder the stones. Nota. Carpera is a carpe, & it is a
fysshe that hathe great scales / and the female hathe a great rowghe, &
she can bringe forthe no yonges tyll she haue receyued mylke of her make
/ & that she receyueth at the mouth / and it is yll for to take / for
whan it perceyueth that it shalbe taken w{i}t{h} the net, tha{n} it
thrusteth the hede into the mudde of the water / and than the nette
slyppeth ouer him whiche waye soeuer it come; & some holde them fast be
the grounde, grasse / or erbis, & so saue themselfe.


Cap. xix.

    [Sidenote: _Whale._ Likes Harmony. Gets harpooned, rubs the
    harpoon into himself, and slays himself.]

++Cetus is the greatest whale fisshe of all / his mouthe is so wyde that
he bloweth vp the water as yf it were a clowde / wherw{i}t{h} he
drowneth many shippes / but whan the maryners spye where he is / than
thei acco{m}pany them a gret many of shyppes togeder about him with
diuers i{n}strume{n}tis of musike, & they play with grete armonye / &
the fische is very gladde of this armonye / & co{m}meth fletynge a-boue
the watere to here the melody, & than they haue amonge them an
instrument of yron, {th}e whiche they feste{n} in-to the harde ski{n}ne,
& the weght of it synketh downwarde in to {th}e fat & grese / & sodenly
w{i}t{h} that al {th}e instrumentes of musike be styll, and {th}e
shyppes departe frome thens, & anone he sinketh to the grownde / & he
feleth {tha}t the salt watere smarteth in {th}e wou{n}de, tha{n} he
turneth his bely vpwaerd and rubbeth his wownde agay{n}st {th}e
grou{n}d, & the more he rubbeth, the depere it entreth / & he rubbeth so
longe {tha}t he sleeth hymself / and whan he is dede, than co{m}meth he
vp agayne and sheweth him selfe dede / as he dyd before quicke / and
than the shippes gader them togeder agayne, and take, & so lede hym to
lo{n}de, & do theyr profyte with hym.


Cap. xxij.

    [Sidenote: Conche, or _Muscle_.]

++Conche be abydynge in {th}e harde shellis: as {th}e mone growth or
waneth, so be the conches or muscles fulle or nat full, but smale / &
there be many sortes of conches or musclys / but {th}e best be they that
haue the perles in.


Cap. xxiij.

    [Sidenote: Sea-snails.]

++Coochele / is a snayle dwelli{n}ge in the water & also on the lo{n}de
/ they go out of theyr howses / & they thruste out .ij. longe hornes
wherwith they fele wether they go / for they se nat where they crepe.


Cap. xxiiij.

    [Sidenote: _Conger._]

++The Conger is a se fisshe facioned like an ele / but they be moche
greter in qua{n}tyte / & whan it bloweth sore, than

    [Sidenote: Polippus.]

waxe they fatte. ¶ Polippus is also a stronge fisshe {tha}t onwarse he
wyl pull a man out of a shyp. yet {th}e conger is so stronge that he
wyll tere polippu{m} asonder w{i}t{h} his teth, & in winter {th}e conger
layth in {th}e depe cauernes or holes of the water. & he is nat taken
but in somer. ¶ Esculapius sayth.

    [Sidenote: Corets.]

Coretz is a fisshe that hydeth hym in the depe of {th}e water whan it
rayneth / for yf he receiued any rayne, he sholde waxe blynde, and dye
of it. ¶ Iorath sayth. The fisshes that be

    [Sidenote: _Sea-crevice._]

named se craues / wha{n}ne they haue yo{n}ges / they make suche noise
{tha}t through theyr noyse they be fou{n}de and taken.


Cap. xxvij.

    [Sidenote: Dolphin or Mermaid.]

++Delphin{us} is a mo{n}ster of the see, & it hath no voyce, but it
singheth lyke a man / and towarde a tempest it playeth vpon the water.
Some say whan they be taken that they wepe. The delphin hath none cares
for to here / nor no nose for to smelle / yet it smelleth very well &
sharpe. And it slepeth vpon the water very hartely, that thei be hard
ronke a farre of / and thei leue C.xl. yere. & they here gladly
play{n}ge on instrumentes, as lutes / harpes / tabours / and pypes. They
loue their yonges very well, and they fede them lo{n}ge with the mylke
of their pappes / & they haue many yonges, & amonge the{m} all be .ij.
olde ones, that yf it fortuned one of {th}e yonges to dye, tha{n} these
olde ones wyll burye them depe in the gorwnd [_sic_] of the see /
because othere fisshes sholde nat ete thys dede delphyn; so well they
loue theyr yonges. There was ones a kinge {tha}t had take{n} a delphin /
whyche he caused to be bounde w{i}t{h} chaynes fast at a hauen where as
the shippes come in at / & there was alway the pyteoust wepynge / and
lamentynge, that the kinge coude nat for pyte / but let hym go agayne.


Cap. xxxi.

    [Sidenote: Echeola, a Muscle.]

++Echeola is a muskle / in whose fysshe is a precious stone /
& be night they flete to the water syde / and there they receyue the
heuenly dewe, where throughe there groweth in the{m} a costly margaret
or orient perle / & they flete a great many togeder / & he {tha}t
knoweth {th}e water best / gothe before & ledeth the other / & whan he
is taken, all the other scater a brode, and geteth them away.


Cap. xxxvi.

    [Sidenote: Echinus.]

++Echyn{us} is a lytell fysshe of half a fote longe / & hath sharpe
prykcles vnder his bely in stede of fete.


Cap. xxxvii.

    [Sidenote: Esox.]

++Ezox is a very grete fisshe in that water danowe be the londe of
hu{n}garye / he is of suche bygnes that a carte with .iiij. horses can
nat cary hym awaye / and he hath nat many bones, but his hede is full /
and he hath swete fisshe lyke a porke, and whan this fysshe is taken,
tha{n}ne geue hym mylke to drynke, and ye may carye hym many a myle, and
kepe hym longe quicke.


xxxviii.

    [Sidenote: Phocas. Kills his wife and gets another.]

++Focas is a see bulle, & is very stro{n}ge & dangerous / and he
feghteth euer with his wyf tyll she be dede / and whan he hath kylled
her, than he casteth her out of his place, & seketh another, and leueth
with her very well tyl he dye / or tyll his wyfe ouercome him and kylle
hy{m} / he bydeth alway in one place / he and his yonges leue be suche
as they can

    [Sidenote: Halata. Takes her young out of her womb to look at
    ’em.]

gete. ¶ Halata is a beste that dothe on-naturall dedys / for wha{n} she
feleth her yo{n}ges quycke, or stere in her body / tha{n} she draweth
the{m} out & loketh vpon the{m} / yf she se they be to yo{n}ge, tha{n}
she putteth the{m} in agayne, & lateth them grow tyll they be bygger.


Cap. xl.

    [Sidenote: Sword-Fish.]

++Gladi{us} is a fisshe so named because he is mouthed after the
fascyo{n} of a sworde poynt / and ther-fore often tymes he perseth {th}e
shyppes thorough, & so causeth them to

    [Sidenote: Gastarios.]

be drowned. Aristotiles. Gastarios is a fisshe lyke the scorpion / and
is but lytell greter than a spyder / & it styngeth many fisshes w{i}t{h}
her poyson so that they ca{n} nat endure nowhere / and he styngeth the
dolphin on the hede {tha}t

    [Sidenote: Glaucus.]

it entreth in-to {th}e brayne. ¶ Isidorus. Glaucus is a whyte fissh that
is but selden sene except in darke rayne weder / and is nat in season
but in the howndes dayes.


Cap. xli.

    [Sidenote: _Gudgeon._]

++Gobio is a smale longe fissh with a rou{n}de body / full of scales and
litell blacke spottys / and some saye they leue of drou{n}de caryo{n} /
& the fisshers say contrarye, {tha}t they leue in clere watere in sandye
graueil / and it is a holsom

    [Sidenote: Gravus.]

mete. ¶ Grauus is a fisshe that hath an iye aboue on hys hede, and
therw{i}t{h} he loketh vp, and saueth hym from the{m} that wyll eat hym.


liii.

    [Sidenote: _Pike:_ eats venomous beasts; is begotten by a West
    Wind.]

++Lucius is a pike / a fisshe of {th}e riuer w{i}t{h} a wyde mouthe &
sharpe teth: whan {th}e perche spieth him / he turneth his tayle
towardes him / & than {th}e pike dare nat byte him because of his
finnes, or he can nat swalowe him because he is so sharpe / he eteth
venimo{us} bestes, as todes, frogges, & suche like; yet it is sayde
{tha}t he is very holsom for seke peple. He eteth fisshes almost as
moche as himselfe / wha{n} they be to bigge, tha{n} he byteth the{m} in
ij. peces, & swaloweth the one halfe first, & tha{n} the other / he is
engendered w{i}t{h} a westerne wynde.


Cap. lvii.

    [Sidenote: Sea-Mouse Musculus is the cock of Balena.]

++Mus marin{us}, the see mouse, gothe out of the water, & there she
laith her egges in a hole of the erthe, & couereth the eges, & goth
her way & bydeth frome them xxx. dayes, and than commeth agayne and
oncouereth them, & than there be yo{n}ges, and them she ledeth into
{th}e water, & they be first al blynde. Muscul{us} is a fisshe {tha}t
layth harde shellis, and of it the great monster balena receyueth her
nature, & it is

    [Sidenote: Sea-weazle.]

named to be the cocke of balena. Mustela is the see wesyll / she
casteth her yonges lyke other bestes / & whan she hath cast them, yf
she perceiue that they shall be fou{n}de, she swaloweth them agayne
into her body, and than seketh a place wher as they may be surer
without dau{n}ger / & than she speweth them out agayne.


Cap. lix.

    [Sidenote: _Lamprey._ Must be boiled in wine.]

++Murena is a lo{n}ge fisshe w{i}t{h} a weke skinne lyke a serpent /
& it conceyueth of the serpe{n}t vipera / it liueth longest in the
tayle, for wha{n} that is cut of, it dyeth inco{n}tinent / it must be
soden in gode wyne w{i}t{h} herbes & spices, or ellis it is very
dau{n}gero{us} to be eten, for it hath many venymous humours, and it is
euyll to disieste.


Cap. lxi.

    [Sidenote: Mulus: has 2 beards.]

++Mulus is a see fysshe {tha}t is smale of body / & is only a mete for
gentils: & there be many maners of these / but the best be those {tha}t
haue ij. berdes vnd{er} the mouthe / & whan it is fayre weder, than they
waxe fatte / whan he is dede than he is of many colours.


Cap. lxiiij.

    [Sidenote: Nereids.]

++Nereydes be monsters of {th}e see, all rowghe of body / & whan any of
them dyeth, tha{n} the other wepe. of this is spoke{n} in balena, the
.xiiij. chapter.

    [Sidenote: Orchun. Is Balene’s deadly enemy.]

¶ ++Orchu{n} is a monster of {th}e se / whose lykenes can nat lightely
be shewed / & he is mortal e{n}nemye to {th}e balene, & tereth asonder
the bely of the balene / & the balene is so boystous {tha}t he can nat
turne hym to defende him, and {tha}t costeth him his lyfe / for as sone
as he feleth hi{m} selfe wou{n}ded, than he si{n}keth doune to the botom
of the water agayne / & the Orchu{n} throweth at him w{i}t{h} stones / &
thus balena endith his lyfe.


Cap. lxvi.

    [Sidenote: Pearl-Oyster.]

++Ostreñ is an oyster that openeth his shell to receyue {th}e dewe &
swete ayre. In {th}e oyster groweth naturall orient perles that
oftentymes laye on the see stronde, & be but lytell regarded, as
Isidorus saith.


Cap. lxvij.

    [Sidenote: Pagrus.]

++Pagrus is a fisshe that hath so harde tethe {tha}t he byteth {th}e
oyster shelles in peces, & eteth out the fisshe of the{m}.

    [Sidenote: Sea-Peacock.]

Nota. Pauus maris is the Pecocke of the Se, & is lyke the pecocke of the
londe, bothe his backe, necke, & hede / & the

    [Sidenote: Percus.]

nether body is fisshe Nota. Percus is of diuers colours, & swift in
ro{n}nynge in {th}e water, & hathe sharpe finnes, & is a

    [Sidenote: Pecten: winks.]

holsome mete for seke people. Pecten is a fisshe that is in sandy
grou{n}de, & wha{n} he is meued or stered, he wynketh.


Cap. lxx.

    [Sidenote: Pinna. How he catches small fishes.]

++Pinna is a fisshe {tha}t layeth alwaye in the mudde, and hathe alway a
lodisma{n}, & some name it a lytel hoge, & it hathe a rou{n}de body, &
it is in a shell lyke a muscle; it layth in the mone as it were dede,
gapyng open / and than the smale fisshes come into his shel, weni{n}g of
him to take their repaste / but whan he feleth {tha}t his shell is
almoste ful / than he closeth his mouthe, & taketh them & eteth them /
& parteth

    [Sidenote: _Plaice._]

them amo{n}ge his felowes. The playce is well knowen fisshe, for he is
brode & blake on the one syde, and whyte on the other.


Cap. lxvij.

    [Sidenote: Polippus.]

++Polippus hath gret strength in his fete / what he therin cacheth, he
holdeth it fast / he spri{n}geth somtyme vp to the shippes syde, &
snacheth a ma{n} w{i}t{h} him to the grou{n}de of the see, & there eteth
him / & that {tha}t he leueth, he casteth it out of his denne agayn /
they be moche in the se about Venis / & he is taken in barellis where
hartys hornes be layd in / for he is gladly be those hornes.


Cap. lxxvij.

    [Sidenote: Rumbus.]

++Rumbus is a great fisshe stronge & bolde / but he is very slow in
swi{m}mi{n}ge, therfor can he gete his mete but soberly w{i}t{h}
swi{m}myng / therfor he layth him down in the grou{n}de or mudde, &
hideth him there / and all the fisshes that he can ouercome / co{m}mynge
forby him, he taketh and eteth them.


Cap. lxxviij.

    [Sidenote: Rubus.]

++Rubus is a fisshe of the grekes se & of the sees of ytaly /
they be rou{n}de lyke a ringe, & haue many rede spottes /
& is full of sharpe finnes & pinnis / he is slow in swi{m}mynge because
he is so brode / he gothe be the grou{n}de, & wayteth there his praye /
& suche fisshes as he can gete he burieth in

    [Sidenote: Ryache.]

the sandes, & it is a very swete fisshe. Ryache be fisshes that be
rou{n}de / somtyme they be in length & brede two cubites / & it hath a
long tayle / theron be sharpe pinnes / & it is slowe in swi{m}mynge.


Cap. lxxix.

    [Sidenote: _Salmon._]

++Salmo is a fysshe engendred in the swete water, & he waxeth longe &
gret / & also he is heuy / & his colour nor sauour is nat gode tyll he
haue ben in the salt wat{er} & proued it / thus draweth the samon to
the water agaynst {th}e streme; he neuer seaseth tyll he haue ben i{n}
the se and returned agayn to

    [Textnote: [A ? fleshe.]]

his olde home, as Phisiologua saith / his fisshe[A] is rede, & he may
nat liue in a swet sta{n}dinge water / he must be in a fresshe riuer
that he may playe up and dou{n}e at his plesure.

    [Sidenote: Salpa. _Stockfish?_]

++Salpa is a fowle fisshe and lytell set by / for it will neuer be
ynough for no maner of dressinge tyll it haue ben beten with grete
hamers & staues.


Cap. lxxij.

    [Sidenote: Serra. Cuts through ships with his fins.]

++Serra is a fysshe with great tethe, and on his backe he hathe sharpe
fynnes lyke the combe of a cocke / and iagged lyke a sawe wherew{i}t{h}
thys monstrous fisshe cutteth a ship thorough, & whan he seeth a shippe
co{m}mynge, than he setteth vp his fi{n}nes & thi{n}keth to sayl with
the shippe as fast as it / but whan he seeth that he can nat co{n}tinue
/ tha{n} he latteth his finnes fall agayn & destroieth the shippe with

    [Sidenote: Scylla.]

the people, and tha{n} eteth the dede bodyes. Nota. Scilla is a monster
in the see betwene Italye & Sicill / it is great ennemye vnto ma{n}. It
is faced & handed lyke a gentylwoman / but it hath a wyde mouthe &
ferfull tethe / & it is belied like a beste, & tayled lyke a dolphin /
it hereth gladly singinge. It is in the wat{er} so stronge that it can
nat be ouercome / but on {th}e lond it is but weke.


Cap. lxxxiij.

    [Sidenote: Siren. Siren is like an eagle below, sings sweet songs
    to mariners, and tears them to pieces.]

++Syrene, the mermayde is a dedely beste that bringeth a man gladly to
dethe / frome the nauyll vp she is lyke a woman w{i}t{h} a dredfull face
/ a long slymye here, a grete body, & is lyke the egle i{n} the nether
parte / haui{n}ge fete and tale{n}tis to tear asonder suche as she
geteth / her tayl is sealed like a fisshe / and she singeth a maner of
swete song, and therwith deceyueth many a gode mariner / for wha{n} they
here it, they fall on slepe co{m}monly / & than she co{m}meth, and
draweth them out of the shippe, and tereth them asonder / they bere
their yo{n}ges in their armes, & geue them souke of their papis whiche
be very grete, ha{n}ginge at their brestis / but {th}e wyse maryners
stoppe their eares whan they se her / for whan she playth on the
wat{er}, all they be in fear, & than they cast out an empty to{n}ne to
let her play w{i}t{h} it tyll they be past her / this is specifyed of
the{m} {tha}t haue sene it. Ther be also in

    [Sidenote: +Sirens, serpents.+]

some places of arabye, serp{n}tis named sirenes, that ronne faster than
an horse, & haue wynges to flye.


[Cap. lxxxv.]

    [Sidenote: Solaris.]

++Solaris is a fishe so named because it is gladly be the londes syde in
the so{n}ne / he hathe a great hede, a wyde mouth, & a blake skine, &
slipper as an ele / it waxeth gret, & is gode

    [Sidenote: _Sole._]

to be eten. Solea is the sole, that is a swete fisshe and holsom for
seke people.


Cap. lxxxvi.

    [Sidenote: Solopendria.]

++Solope{n}dria is a fisshe / whan he hathe swalowed i{n} an angle, than
he spueth out al his guttes till he be quyt of

    [Sidenote: Sea-Scorpion.]

the hoke / and than he gadereth i{n} all his guttes agayne. The[A]
Scorpion of the see is so named because wha{n} he is taken in any mannys
handes he pricketh him w{i}t{h} his stinge of his tayle. Plini{us} saith
that the dede creuyce that layeth on the drye sonde be the see syde,
beco{m}meth scorpyons.

    [Text note: [A _orig._ Tge]]


Cap. lxxxix.

    [Sidenote: _Sturgeon._ Eats no food, has no mouth, grows fat on
    east wind. Has no bones in his body.]

++Sturio / the sturgio{n} is a gret fisshe in the ro{n}ninge waters /
and he taketh no fode i{n} his body, but lyueth of {th}e styl and swete
ayres therfore he hathe a small bely / w{i}t{h} a hede and no mouthe,
but vnder his throte he hathe a hole {tha}t he closeth whan he wyll / he
openeth it whan it is fayre weder / & with an east wynde he waxeth fat /
and whan that the north winde bloweth, than falleth he to the grou{n}de
/ it is a fisshe of ix. fote longe whan he is ful growen / he hath whyte
swete flesshe & yolow fatte / & he hathe no bone in all his body but
only in his hede.


Cap. xcij.

    [Sidenote: _Tench._]

++Tecna is a tenche of the fresshe water, and is fedde in the mudde lyke
{th}e ele / & is moche lyke of colours: it is a

    [Sidenote: Tintinalus.]

swete fisshe, but it is euyll to disiest. ¶ Tintinalus is a fayre mery
fisshe, & is swete of sauour, & well smellinge lyke the

    [Sidenote: Torpedo.]

tyme, where of it bereth the name. ¶ ++Torpido is a fisshe. but who-so
handeleth hym shalbe lame & defe of ly{m}mes / that he shall fele no
thyng / & it hathe a maner of Squitana {tha}t is spoke{n} of in {th}e
lxxxiiii. chapter[1], and his nature.


Cap. xciij.

    [Sidenote: _Trout._]

    [Textnotes:
    [A _for_ Trutta]
    [B ? flesshe]]

... ¶ ++Trncka[A] / the trowte is a fisshe of the ryuer, & hathe scales,
& vpo{n} his body spottys of yelow and blodye coloure. & his fisshe[B]
is rede frome {th}e monthe of July to the monthe of Noue{m}ber / and is
moche sweter than {th}e fresshe samo{n}; and all the other part of the
yere his fisshe[B] is whyte.


Cap. xcv.

    [Sidenote: Testudo.]

++Testudo is a fysshe in a shelle / & is in {th}e se of Inde / & his
shelle is very great & like a muskle / & be nyght they go out for theyr
mete / & whan they haue eten theyr bely full / tha{n} they slepe
swy{m}mi{n}g vpon the wat{er}. tha{n} ther come iij. fisshers botes / of
{th}e wiche .iij. twayn take one of these muskles. Solinus sayth. {tha}t
this muskle hathe his vppermest shell so brode that it may couere a
howse / where many folke may hyde them vnder / And it gothe out the
wat{er} vpon the londe / & there it layth an hondred egges as grete as
gose eggis / and couer the{m} w{ith} erth / & oftentymes be night it
gothe to the eggys & layeth vpo{n} the{m} w{i}t{h} her brest, & than
become they yo{n}ges.


[This copy of Admiral Swinburne’s _Andrewe_ ends with the next column of
this page, sign. v. i. back, with an illustration not headed, but which
is that to Cap. xcvij.]

    [Footnote 1: Squatin{us} is a fisshe in {th}e se, of fiue cubites
    longe: his tayle is a fote brode, & he hideth him in the slimy
    mudde of {th}e se, & marreth al other fisshes that come nigh him:
    it hath so sharpe a ski{n}ne that in som places they shaue wode
    with it, & bone also / on his ski{n}ne is blacke short here. The
    nature hathe made him so harde that he can nat almoste be persed
    with nouther yron nor stele.]


    [Note to _Balena_, p. 115. þar [in þe se of Brytain] buþ ofte
    ytake dolphyns & se-calves, & _balenes_, (gret fysch, as hyt were
    of whaales kinde) & dyvers manere schyl-fysch, among þe whoche
    schyl-fysch buþ moskles þat habbeþ wiþynne ham margey perles of al
    manere colour of huȝ, of rody & red, of purpre & of bluȝ, &
    specialych & moost of whyte. Trevisa’s Higden, in Morris’s
    _Specimens_, p. 334. For ‘the cocke of Balena’ see Musculus,
    p. 119, above; and for its ‘mortal ennemye,’ Orchun, p. 120.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Erratum:

  Cap. xl.  [xv]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


Contents of this Section [added by transcriber]

  Wilyam Bulleyn on Boxyng and Neckeweede                          124
  Andrew Borde on Sleep, Rising, and Dress                         128
  William Vaughan’s Fifteen Directions to preserve Health          133
  The Dyet for every Day
      (from Sir John Harington’s Schoole of Salerne)               138
  On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed (from the same)                140
  Recipes (for Fritters, Jussell, and Mawmeny)                     145
  Recipes (for Hares and Conies in Civeye, and for Doucettes)      146

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Wilyam Bulleyn on

  Boxyng & Neckeweede.

  (From _The Booke of Compoundes_, fol. lxviii.)


_Sicknes._

Will boxyng doe any pleasure?

_Health._

Yea forsothe, verie moche: As example, if you haue any [a]sausie
loughte, or loitryng lubber within your house, that is either to busy of
his hand or tongue: and can do nothing but plaie one of the partes of
the .24. orders of knaues. [b]There is no pretier medicen for this, nor
soner prepared, then boxyng is: iii. or .iiii. tymes well set on, a span
long on bothe the chekes. And although perhaps this will not alter his
lubberly condicio{n}s, yet I assure you, it wil for a time chau{n}ge his
knauishe complexio{n}, and helpe him of the grene sicknes: and euery man
maie practise this, as occasion shall serue hym in his familie, to
reforme them. _Bulleins Bulwarke of Defence_, 1562.

    [Sidenote: [a] For saucy louts, [b] the best cure is Boxing.]


(From _The booke of Simples_, fol. xxvii. back.)


_Marcellus._

There is an herbe whiche light fellowes merily will call [a]
Gallowgrasse, Neckeweede, or the Tristrams knot, or Saynt Audres lace,
or a bastarde brothers badge, with a difference on the left side,
&c. you know my meaning.

_Hillarius._

What, you speake of Hempe? mary, you t{e}rme it with manie pretie names.
I neuer heard the like termes giuen to any simple, as you giue to this;
you cal it neckwede. A, well, I pray you, woulde you know the propertie
of this [b] Neckeweede in this kinde? beinge chaunged into such a lace,
this is his vertue. Syr, if there be any yonkers troubled with idelnesse
and loytryng, hauyng neither learnyng, nor willyng handes to labour: or
that haue studied Phisicke so longe that [c] he or they can giue his
Masters purse a Purgacion, or his Chist, shoppe, and Countinghouse,
a strong vomit; yea, if he bee a very cunning practicioner in false
accomptes, he may so suddenly and rashely minister, that he may smite
his Father, his Maister, or his friende &c. into a sudden incurable
consumption, that he or they shall neuer recouer it againe, but be
vtterly vndone, and cast either into miserable pouertie, prisonment,
bankeroute &c. If this come to passe, then the [1: Fol. xxviii.] best
rewarde for this practicioner, is this Neckeweede: [d] if there be any
swashbuckler, common theefe, ruffen, or murtherer past grace, y^e nexte
remedie is this Lace or Corde. For them which neuer loued concored,
peace nor honestie, this wil ende all the mischief; this is a purger,
not of Melancholy, but a finall banisher of [e] all them that be not fit
to liue in a common wealth, no more then Foxes amonge sheepe, or
Thistles amonge good Corne, hurters of trew people. This Hempe, I say,
passeth the new Diat, bothe in force and antiquitee. [f] If yonge
wantons, whose parentes haue left them fayre houses, goods and landes,
whiche be visciously, idle, vnlearnedly, yea or rather beastly brought
vp: [g] after the death of their saied parentes, their fruites wil
spryng foorth which they haue learned in their wicked youthe: then
bankets and brothels will approche, [h] the Harlots will be at hande,
with dilightes and intisementes, the Baude will doe hir diligence,
robbyng not onlie the pursses, but also the hartes of suche yongemen,
whiche when they be trapped, can neuer skape, one amonge an hundredth,
vntill Hempe breaketh the bande amonge these loytring louers. [i] The
Dice whiche be bothe smalle and light, in respecte vnto the Coluering,
or double Cannon shotte or Bollet, yet with small force and noyse can
mine, break downe, and destroy, and caste away their one Maisters
houses, faire feldes, pleasaunt Woddes, and al their money, yea frendes
and al together, this can the Dice do. And moreouer, [k] can make of
worshipfull borne Gentilmen, miserable beggars, or theefes, yet for the
time “a-loft syrs, hoyghe childe and tourne thee, what should youth do
els: [l] I-wisse, not liue like slaues or pesantes, but all golden,
glorious, may with dame Venus, my hartes delight” say they. “What a
sweete heauen is this: Haue at all, kockes woundes, bloud and nayles,
caste the house out at the window, and let the Diuell pay the Malte man:
a Dogge hath but a day, a good mariage will recouer all together:” or
els with a Barnards blowe, [m] lurkyng in some lane, wodde, or hill top,
to get that with falshead in an hower, whiche with trueth, labour, &
paine, hath bene gathered for perhappes .xx. yeares, to the vtter
vndoyng of some honest familie. Here thou seest, gentle Marcellus,
a miserable Tragedie of a wicked shamelesse life. I nede not bring forth
the example of the Prodigall childe. Luke .xvi. Chapter, whiche at
length came to grace: It is, I feare me, in vaine to talke of him, [n]
whose ende was good; but a greate nomber of these flee from grace, and
come to endes moste vngracious, finished only life by this [o] Hempe.
Although sometime the innocente man dieth that way, through periurie for
their one propper gooddes, as Naboth died for his owne Vineyarde,
miserable in the eies of the worlde, but precious in the sight of God.
This is one seruice whiche Hempe doeth.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] The names of Hemp.
    [b] Neckweed (a halter) [c] is good for thievish apprentices,
    [d] for swashbucklers past grace, [e] and all scamps.
    [f] Also for young spendthrifts [g] who after their parents’ death
    [h] waste their all with harlots [i] and in gambling [k] which
    makes men beggars, or thieves.
    [l] A life of reckless debauchery [m] and robbery [n] ends with
    [o] Hemp.]

[a] Also this worthy noble herbe Hempe, called _Cannabis_ in Latten, can
not bee wanted in a common wealth, [b] no Shippe can sayle without
Hempe, y^e sayle clothes, the shroudes, staies, tacles, yarde lines,
warps & Cables can not be made. [c] No Plowe, or Carte can be without
ropes [1: Fol. xxviii.b.] halters, trace &c. [d] The Fisher and Fouler
muste haue Hempe, to make their nettes. [e] And no Archer can wante his
bowe string: and the Malt man for his sackes. With it the belle is rong,
to seruice in the Church, with many mo thynges profitable whiche are
commonly knowen of euery man, be made of Hempe.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] The use of Hemp [b] to the Sailor, [c] Plowman, [d] Fisher and
    [e] Archer.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Andrew Borde on

  Sleep, Rising, and Dress.

  [From his +Regyment+, ? 1557.]


[Fol. E.i.] Whole men of what age or complexion so euer they be of,
shulde take theyr naturall rest and slepe in the nyght: and to eschewe
merydyall sleep. But and nede shall compell a man to slepe [a] after his
meate: let hym make a pause, and than let hym stande & lene and [b]
slepe agaynst a cupborde, or els let hym sytte upryght in a chayre and
slepe. Slepynge after a full stomacke doth ingendre dyuers infyrmyties,
it doth hurte the splene, it relaxeth the synewes, it doth ingendre the
dropses and the gowte, and doth make a man looke euyll colored. [Fol.
E.i.b.] Beware of veneryous actes before the fyrste slepe, and specyally
beware of suche thynges after dyner or after a full stomacke, for it
doth ingendre the crampe and the gowte and other displeasures. [c] To
bedwarde be you mery, or haue mery company ahoute you, so that to
bedwarde no angre, nor heuynes, sorowe, nor pensyfulnes, do trouble or
dysquyet you. [d] To bedwarde, and also in the mornynge, vse to haue a
fyre in your chambre, to wast and consume the euyl vapowres within the
chambre, for the breath of man may putryfye the ayre within the
cha{m}bre: I do advertyse you not to stande nor to sytte by the fyre,
[e] but stande or syt a good way of from the fyre, takynge the flauour
of it, for fyre doth aryfie and doth drye vp a mannes blode, and doth
make sterke the synewes and ioyntes of man. [f] In the nyght let the
wyndowes of your howse, specyallye of your cha{m}bre, be closed. Whan
you [Fol. E.ii.] be in your bedde,[1] [f] lye a lytle whyle on your
lefte syde, and slepe on your ryght syde. And whan you do wake of your
fyrste slepe, make water yf you feel your bladder charged, & than slepe
on the lefte side; and looke as ofte as you do wake, so oft turne your
selfe in the bedde from one syde to theother. [g] To slepe grouellynge
vpon the stomacke and bely is not good, oneles the stomacke be slowe and
tarde of dygestion; but better it is to laye your hande, or your
bedfelowes hande, ouer your stomacke, than to lye grouellynge. [h] To
slepe on the backe vpryght[2] is vtterly to be abhorred[1]: whan that
you do slepe, let not your necke, nother your sholders, nother your
ha{n}ds, nor feete, nor no other place of your bodye, lye bare
vndiscouered. Slepe not with an emptye stomacke, nor slepe not after
that you haue eaten meate one howre or two after. In your bed lye with
your head somwhat hyghe, leaste that the [* Fol. E. ii.b.] meate whiche
is in your stomacke, thorowe eructuacions or some other cause, ascende
to the oryfe (_sic_) of the stomacke. [i] Letyour nyght cap be of
scarlet: and this I do aduertyse you, to cause to be made a good thycke
quylte of cotton, or els of [k] pure flockes or of cleane wolle, and let
the couerynge of it be of whyte fustyan, and laye it on the fetherbed
that you do lye on; and in your bed lye not to hote nor to colde, but in
a temporaunce. Olde auncyent Doctors of physicke sayth .viii. howres of
slepe in so{m}mer, and ix. in wynter, is suffycent for any man: but I do
thynke that slepe oughte to be taken as the complexion of man is. [l]
Whan you doryse in the mornynge, ryse with myrth and remembre God. Let
your hosen be brusshed within & without, and flauer the insyde of them
agaynst the fyre; vse lynnen sockes, [m] or lynnen hosen nexte your
legges: whan you be out of your bedde, [n] stretche forth your [Fol.
E. iii.] legges & armes, & your body; cough, and spytte, and than [o] go
to your stoole to make your egestyon, and exonerate youre selfe at all
tymes, that nature wolde expell. For yf you do make any restryction in
kepynge your egestyon or your vryne, or ventosyte, it maye put you to
dyspleasure in breadynge dyuers infyrmyties.After you haue euacuated
your bodye, & [p] trussed your poyntes,[3] kayme your heade oft, and so
do dyuers tymes in the day. [q] And wasshe your ha{n}des & wrestes, your
face, & eyes, and your teeth, with colde water; and after y^t you be
apparayled, [r] walke in your gardyn or parke, a thousande pase or two.
And than great and noble men doth vse to here masse, & other men that
can not do so, but muste applye theyr busynes, doth [s] serue god
w{i}t{h} some prayers, surrendrynge thankes to hym for hys manyfolde
goodnes, with askynge mercye for theyr offences. And before you go to
your refecti[Fol. E. iii.b.]on, moderatly exercise your body with some
labour, or [t] playeng at the tennys, or castyng a bowle, or paysyng
weyghtes or plo{m}mettes of leede in your handes, or some other thyng,
to open your poores, & to augment naturall heate. [v] At dyner and
supper[4] vse not to drynke sundry drynkes, and eate not of dyuers
meates: but [x] feede of .ii. or .iii. dysshes at the moste. After that
you haue dyned and supte, laboure not by and by after, but make a pause,
syttynge or standynge vpryght the space of an howre or more with some
pastyme: drynke not moch after dyner. [y] At your supper, vse lyght
meates of dygestyon, and refrayne from grose meates; go not to bed with
a full nor an emptye stomacke. And after your supper make a pause or you
go to bed; and go to bed, as I sayde, with myrth.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] After Dinner, sleep standing [b] against a cupboard.
    [c] Before bedtime be merry.
    [d] Have a fire in your bedroom, [e] but stand a good way off it.
    [f] Shut your windows.
    [f] Lie first on your left side.
    [g] To sleep groveling on the belly, is bad; [h] on the back
    upright, is worse.
    [i] Wear a scarlet nightcap.
    [k] Have a flock bed over your featherbed.
    [l] On rising, remember God, brush your breeches, put on [m] your
    hose, [n] stretch, [o] go to stool.
    [p] Truss your points, comb your head, [q] wash your hands and
    face, [r] take a stroll, [s] pray to God.
    [t] Play at tennis, or wield weights.
    [v] At meals, [x] eat only of 2 or 3 dishes; [y] let supper-dishes
    be light.]

Furthermore as concernynge your apparell. In wynter, next your shert vse
you to [a] weare a petycote of scarlet: your dowb[Fol. E.iv.]let vse
at plesure: But I do aduertyse you to [b] lyne your Iacket vnder this
fasshyon or maner. Bye you fyne skynnes of whyte lambe & blacke lambe.
And let your skyn{n}er cut both y^e sortes of the skynnes in smale peces
triangle wyse, lyke halfe a quarell of a glasse wyndowe. And than sewe
togyther a [* MS. _a a_] whyte pece and a blacke, lyke a whole quarell
of a glasse wyndowe: and so sewe vp togyther quarell wyse as moche as
wyll lyne your Iacket: this furre, for holsommes, is praysed aboue
sables, or any other fur. Your exteryall aparel vse accordyng to your
honour. In som{m}er vse to were a scarlet petycote made of stamell or
lynse wolse. In wynter and so{m}mer kepe not your bed to hote, nor bynde
it to strayte; [c] kepe euer your necke warme. In somer kepe your necke
and face from the sonne; vse to [d] wear gloues made of goote skyn,
perfumed with Amber degrece. And beware in sta{n}dyng or lyeng on
the [Fol. E.iv.b.] grounde in the reflection of the son{n}e, but be
mouable. If thou shalt com{m}on or talke w{i}t{h} any man: [e] stande
not styll in one place yf it be vpon y^e bare grou{n}de, or grasse, or
stones: but be mouable in suche places. Stande nor syt vpon no stone or
stones: Stande nor syt longe barehed vnder a vawte of stone. Also beware
that you do not lye in olde cha{m}bres which be not occupyed, [f]
specyally suche chambres as myse and rattes and snayles resorteth vnto:
lye not in suche chambres, the whiche be depreued cleane from the sonne
and open ayre; nor lye in no lowe Chambre, excepte it be boorded. Beware
that you [g] take no colde on your feete and legges. And of all weather
beware that you do not ryde nor go in great and Impytous wyndes. (_A
Compe{n}dyous Regyment or a Dyetary of helth, made in Mou{n}tpylior:
Compyled by Andrewe Boorde, of Physicke Doctor._ (Colophon.) Imprinted
by me Robert Wyer: Dwellynge at the sygne of seynt Johñ Euangelyst, in
S. Martyns Parysshe, besyde Charynge Crosse.)

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Wear a scarlet petycote.
    [b] Line a jacket with white and black lambskin sewn diamond-wise.
    [c] Keep your neck warm.
    [d] Wear goatskin gloves.
    [e] Don’t stand long on grass or stones.
    [f] Don’t sleep in ratty rooms.
    [g] Don’t take cold in your feet.]


[Footnote 1-1: Compare what Bulleyn says: --slepe. The night is the best
time: the daie is euill: to slepe in the fielde is perilous. But vpon,
or in the bedde, liyng firste vpon the right side, untill you make
water: then vpon the lefte side, is good. [a]But to lye vpon the backe,
with a gaping mouth, is daungerous: and many thereby are made starke ded
in their slepe: through apoplexia, and obstruccion of the sinewes, of
the places vitalle, animall, and nutrimentalle. _Bullein’s Bulwarke, The
booke of the vse of sicke men and medicenes_, fol. lxx. See also Sir
John Harrington’s directions from Ronsovius: “They that are in health,
must first sleepe on the right side, because the meate may come to the
liuer, which is to the stomack as a fire vnder the pot, and thereby is
digested. To them which haue but weake digestion, it is good to sleepe
prostrate on their bellies, or to [b] haue their bare hands on their
stomackes: and to lye vpright on the backe, is to bee vtterly abhorred.”
p. 19.

    [Sidenotes to Footnote:
    [a] How to lie in bed.
    [b] Who should put their hands on their stomachs.]]

[Footnote 2: This wenche lay _upright_, and faste slepte. Chaucer. _The
Reeves Tale_, l. 4192, ed. Wright.]

[Footnote 3: [a] Fricacion is one of the euacuacions, yea, or
clensynges of mankinde, as all the learned affirmeth: that mankinde
should rise in the mornyng, and haue his apparell warme, stretchyng
foorthe his handes and legges. Preparyng the bodie to the stoole, and
then [b] begin with a fine Combe, to kembe the heere vp and down: then
with a course warme clothe, to chafe or rubbe the hedde, necke, breast,
armeholes, bellie, thighes, &c., and this is good to open the pores.
1562 _Bullein’s Bulwarke_, The booke of the vse of sicke men and
medicenes, fol. lxvij. See Vaughan below, No. 2, p. 133.

    [Sidenotes to Footnote:
    [a] Of Frication [b] and combing the head.]]

[Footnote 4: Drunkards, bench-wislers, that will quaffe untill thei are
starcke staring madde like Marche Hares: Fleming-like Sinckars;
brainlesse like infernall Furies. Drinkyng, braulyng, tossyng of the
pitcher, staryng, pissyng[*], and sauyng your reuerence, beastly spuyng
vntill midnight. Therefore let men take hede of dronke{n}nes to bedward,
for feare of sodain death: although the Flemishe[†] nacion vse this
horrible custome in their vnnaturall watching all the night. _Bullein_,
fol. lxix-lxx, see also fol. xj.]

    [Footnote 4*: Compare A. Borde of the “base Doche man,” in his
    _Introduction_.]

    [Footnote 4†:
    I am a Flemyng, what for all that
    Although I wyll be dronken other whyles as a rat.
          A. Borde, _Introduction_.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  William Vaughan’s

  Fifteen Directions to preserve Health.

  (From his _Naturall & Artificial Directions for health_,
    1602, p. 57-63.)


Declare vnto mee a dayly dyet, whereby I may liue in health, and not
trouble my selfe in Physicke.

(1) I will: first of all in the morning when you are about to rise vp,
stretch your self strongly: for thereby the animall heate is somewhat
forced into the outward partes, the memorie is quickned, and the bodie
strengthened.

(2) Secondarily, rub and chafe your body with the palmes of your hands,
or with a course linnen cloth; the breast, back, and belly, gently: but
the armes, thighes, and legges roughly, till they seem ruddy and warme.

(3) Euacuate your selfe.

(4) Put on your apparell: which in the summer time must be for the most
part silke, or buffe, made of buckes skinne, for it resisteth venime and
contagious ayres: in winter your vpper garment must be of cotton or
friezeadow.

(5) When you have apparelled your selfe hansomely, combe your head
softly and easily with an Iuorie combe: for nothing recreateth the
memorie more.

    [Sidenotes:
    1. Stretch yourself. 2. Rub yourself. 3. Go to stool. 4. Put on
    your clothes. 5. Comb your head.]

(6) Picke and rub your teeth: and because I would not haue you to bestow
much cost in making dentrifices for them; [a] I will aduertise you by
foure rules of importance how to keepe your teeth white and vncorruyt
(_sic_), and also to haue a sweete breath. First, wash well your mouth
when you haue eaten your meat: secondly, sleepe with your mouth somewhat
open. Thirdly, spit out in the morning that which is gathered together
that night in the throate: then take a linnen cloth, and rub your teeth
well within and without, to take away the fumositie of the meat and the
yellownesse of the teeth. For it is that which putrifieth them and
infecteth the breath. But least peraduenture your teeth become loose and
filthy, I will shew you [b] a water farre better then pouders, which
shall fasten them, scoure the month, make sound the gums, and cause the
flesh to growe againe, if it were fallen away. Take halfe a glasse-full
of vineger, and as much of the water of the mastick tree (if it may
easily be gotten) of rosemarie, myrrhe, mastick, bole Armoniake, Dragons
herbe, roche allome, of each of them an ounce; of fine cinnamon halfe an
ounce, and of fountaine water three glassefulles; mingle all well
together and let it boile with a small fire, adding to it halfe a pound
of honie, and taking away the scumme of it; then put in a little
bengwine, and when it hath sodden a quarter of an houre, take it from
the fire, and keepe it in a cleane bottle, and wash your teeth
therewithall as well before meate as after; if you hould some of it in
your mouth a little while, it doth much good to the head, and sweetneth
the breath. I take this water to be [c] better worth then a thousand of
their dentifrices.

    [Sidenotes:
    6. Clean your teeth.
    [a] (How to keep the teeth sound and the breath sweet. [b] Use
    Vaughan’s Water made after this recipe. [c] It’s better than
    1000 Dentrifices.)]

(7) Wash your face, eyes, eares and hands, with fountaine water. I have
knowne diuers students which vsed to bathe their eyes onely in well
water twise a day, whereby they preserued their eyesight free from all
passions and bloudsheds, and sharpened their memories maruaylously. You
may sometimes bathe your eyes in rosewater, fennell water, or eyebright
water, if you please; but I know for certaintie, that you neede them not
as long as you vse good fountaine water. Moreouer, least you by old age
or some other meanes doe waxe dimme of sight, I will declare vnto you,
[a] the best and safest remedie which I knowe, and this it is: Take of
the distilled waters of verueine, bettonie, and fennell one ounce and a
halfe, then take one ounce of white wine, one drachme of Tutia (if you
may easilie come by it) two drachmes of sugarcandy, one drachme of Aloes
Epatick, two drachmes of womans milke, and one scruple of Camphire: beat
those into pouder, which are to be beaten, and infuse them together for
foure and twenty houres space, and then straine them, and so vse it when
you list.

    [Sidenotes:
    7. Wash. [a] The best remedy for dim sight.]

(8) When you haue finished these, say your morning prayers, and desire
God to blesse you, to preserue you from all daungers, and to direct you
in all your actions. For the feare of God (as it is written) is the
beginning of wisedome: and without his protection whatsoeuer you take in
hand, shall fall to ruine. Therefore see that you be mindfull of him,
and remember that to that intent you were borne, to weet, to set foorth
his glorie and most holy name.

(9) Goe about your businesse circumspectly, and endeauour to banish all
cares and cogitations, which are the onely baits of wickednesse. [a]
Defraud no man of his right: for what measure you giue vnto your
neighbour, that measure shall you receiue. And finally, imprint this
saying deepely in your mind: A man is but a steward of his owne goods;
wherof God one day will demaund an account.

    [Sidenotes:
    8. Say your Prayers. 9. Set to work. [a] Be honest.]

(10) Eate three meales a day vntill you come to the age of fourtie
yeares: as, your breakefast, dinner, and supper; yet, that betweene
breakefast and dinner there be the space of foure houres, and betwixt
dinner and supper seauen houres: the breakfast must be lesse then
dinner, and the dinner somewhat lesse then supper.

    [Sidenote:
    10. Eat only three meals a day.]

[a] In the beginning of meales, eate such meates as will make the belly
soluble, and let grosse meats be the last. Content your selfe with one
kind of meate, for diuersities hurt the body, by reason that meats are
not all of one qualitie: Some are easily digested, others againe are
heauy, and will lie a long time vpon the stomack: also, the eating of
sundrie sorts of meat require often [b] pottes of drinke, which hinder
concoction; like as we see often putting of water into the meat-potte to
hinder it from seething. Our stomack is our bodies kitchin, which being
distempered, how can we liue in temperate order: drinke not aboue foure
times, and that moderately, at each meale: least the belly-God hale you
at length captiue into his prison house of gurmandise, where you shall
be afflicted with as many diseases as you haue deuoured dishes of sundry
sorts. [c] The cups whereof you drinke, should be of siluer, or siluer
and gilt.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Eat light food before heavy. [b] Drink hinders digestion.
    [c] Use silver cups.]

(11) Labour not either your mind or body presently after meales: rather
sit a while and discourse of some pleasant matters: when you haue ended
your confabulations, wash your face and mouth with cold waters, then go
to your chamber, and make cleane your teeth with your tooth-picker,
which should be either of iuorie, silver, or gold. Watch not too long
after supper, but depart within two hours to bed. But if necessitie
compell you to watch longer then ordinary, then be sure to augment your
sleepe the next morning; that you may recompence nature, which otherwise
through your watching would not a little be impaired.

    [Sidenote:
    11. Don’t work directly after meals, but talk, wash, and clean
    your teeth.]

(12) Put of your clothes in winter by the fire side: and cause your bed
to bee heated with a warming panne: vnless your pretence bee to harden
your members, and to apply your selfe vnto militarie discipline. This
outward heating doth wonderfully comfort the inward heat, it helpeth
concoction, and consumeth moisture.

    [Sidenote:
    12. Undress by the fire in winter.]

(13) Remember before you rest, to chew down two or three drachmes of
mastick: for it will preserue your body from bad humours.

(14) Pray feruently to God, before you sleepe, to inspire you with his
grace, to defend you from all perils and subtelties of wicked fiends,
and to prosper you in all your affaires: and then lay aside your cares
and businesse, as well publicke as priuate: for that night, in so doing,
you shall slepe more quietly. Make water at least once, and cast it out:
but in the morning [a] make water in an vrinal: that by looking on it,
you may ghesse some what of the state of your body. Sleep first on your
right side with your mouth open, and [b] let your night cappe haue a
hole in the top, through which the vapour may goe out.

(15) In the morning remember your affayres, and if you be troubled with
rheumes, as soone as you haue risen, vse diatrion piperion, or eate
white pepper now and then, and you shall be holpen.


  FINIS.

    [Sidenotes:
    13. Before bed, chew Mastic, and 14. Pray to God. [a] Look at your
    water in a Urinal. [b] Have a hole in your nightcap. 15. Against
    rheums, eat white pepper.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The Dyet for every Day.

  (FROM

  Sir John Harington’s ‘Schoole of Salerne,’
    2nd part.
  The Preservation of Health, or a Dyet for the Healthfull Man,
    1624, p. 358.)


. . first I will begin with the dyet for every day.

In the beginning when you arise from the bed, [a] extend forth all your
members, for by this meanes the _animal_ spirits are drawne to the
outward members, the [* Page 36.] braine is made subtill, & the body
strengthened. Then [b] rub the whole body somewhat with the palmes, the
brest, back and belly gently, but the armes and legs with the hands,
either with warm linnen: [c] next, the head is to be scrubbed fro{m} the
forepart to the hinderpart very lightly. After you are risen, I will
that you [d] defend with all care and diligence your head, necke, and
feet, from all cold in the morning; for there is no doubt, but in the
morning and euening the cold doth offend more, then it doth about noone
tide, by reason of the weaknes of the Sun-beames. [e] Put on your
clothes neat and cleane: in the Summer season, first wash with cleane
pure water, before described; [f] but in the Winter season sit somewhat
by the fire, not made with turfe or stinking coale, but with oake or
other wood that burneth cleare, for our bodies are somewhat affected
with our clothes, and as strength is increased by the vse of meat and
drinke, and our life defended and preserued; and so our garments doe
conserue the heat of our hodies, and doe driue away colds: so that as
diet and apparel may seeme alike, so in either of them a like diligence
is to be preferred.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Stretch your limbs, [b] rub your body [c] and head; [d] protect
    yourself from cold; [e] dress, washing in Summer, [f] warming
    yourself in Winter.]

[a] In the Summer-time I chiefly commend garments [Page 37.] of
Harts-skinnes, and Calues-skins, for the Hart is a creature of long
life, and resisteth poyson and Serpents; therefore I my selfe vse
garments of the like sort for the winter season, also neuerthelesse
lined with good linnen. Next I doe iudge it not to bee much amisse to
vse garments of Silke or Bombace, or of purple: also of Martyn or [b]
Wolfe-skinnes, or made of Fox skinnes, I suppose to be good for the
winter; notwithstanding in the time of Pestilence, apparell of Silke and
skinnes is condemned, because it doth easily admit and receiue the
contagious ayre, and doth retain it long. After the body is well
clothed, [c] kembe your head wel with an Iuory comb, from the forehead
to the backe-part, drawing the comb some forty times at the least; then
[d] wash all the instruments of the sences, as the eies, the ears, the
nostrils, the mouth, the tongue, the teeth, and all the face with cold
water; and the eyes are not only to be washed, but being open plainly,
immerg’d: and [e] the gumme and foulnes of the eie-lids that do there
stick, to remoue; somtimes also to besprinkle the water with Rose-water
or Fenel-water, also [f] rubb the neck well with [* Page 38.] a linnen
napking somewhat course, for these things doe confirme the whole body;
it maketh the mind more cheerefull, and conserueth the sight. In this
place it pleaseth me to adioyne some Dentifrices or clensers of teeth,
waters not only to make the teeth white, but also to conserue them, with
some medicines also to conserue the sight.....

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] In Summer wear deer’s and calves’ skins, [b] in Winter, wolf
    and fox skins. [c] Comb your head 40 times, [d] wash your face,
    [e] clean your eyelids, [f] rub your neck well.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed.

  (FROM

  Sir John Harington’s ‘Schoole of Salerne,’
    2nd part.

  The Preservation of Health, or a Dyet for the Healthfull Man,
    1624, p. 358.)


Also to prosecute our former purpose, [a] when you arise in the morning,
to auoyd all superfluities, as well by vrine as by the belly, which doe
at the least euery day. Auoid also from the nostrils and the lungs all
filthy matter, as wel by clensing, as by spittle, and [b] clense the
face, head, and whole body; & loue you to be cleane and wel apparelled,
for from our cradles let vs abhor vncleannes, which neither nature or
reason can endure. Whe{n} you haue done these things, remember to [c]
powre foorth your prayers vnto God with a cleare voice, that the day may
be happy and prosperous vnto you, that God may direct your actions to
the glory of his name, the profit of your country, & the conseruation of
your bodies. Then [d] walke ye gently, and [e] what excrements soeuer do
slip down to the inferiour parts, being excited by [* Page 42.] naturall
heate, the excretion thereof shall the better succeed.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] On rising, empty your bladder and belly, nose and lungs.
    [b] Cleanse your whole body.
    [c] Say your Prayers.
    [d] Walk gently, [e] go to stool.]

As for your businesses, whether they be publike or priuate, let them be
done with a certaine honesty; then afterwards let your hunting iourneyes
bee performed; [a] apply your selues to studie and serious businesse the
houres of the fore-noone, and so likewise in the after-noone, till twoor
three houres before supper: [b] alwaies in your hands vse eyther Corall
or yellow Amber, or a Chalcedonium, or a sweet Pommander, or some like
precious stone to be worne [c] in a ring vpon the little finger of the
left hand: haue in your rings eyther a Smaragd, a Saphire, or a
Draconites, which you shall beare for an ornament: for in stones, as
also in hearbes, there is great efficacie and vertue, but they are not
altogether perceived by vs: [d] hold sometime in your mouth eyther a
Hyacinth, or a Crystall, or a Granat, or pure Gold, or Siluer, or else
sometimes pure Sugar-candy. For _Aristotle_ doth affirme, and so doth
Albertus Magnus, that a Smaragd worne about the necke, is good against
the Falling-sicknes: for [e] surely the vertue of an hearbe is great,
but much more the vertue of a precious [* Page 43.] stone, which is
very likely that they are endued with occult and hidden vertues.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Work in the forenoon. [b] Always wear a precious stone
    [c] in a ring; [d] hold a crystal in your mouth; [e] for the
    virtue of precious stones is great.]

[a] Feede onely twice a day, when yee are at mans age: neuerthelesse to
those that are subiect to choller, it is lawfull to feede often: beginne
alwayes your dinner and supper with the more liquid meates, sometimes
with drinkes. [b] In the time betweene dinner and supper, abstain
altogether from cups, vnlesse necessitie or custome doe require the
same: notwithstanding the same custome being so vitious, must be by
little and little changed.

[c] I would not that you should obserue a certaine houre, either for
dinners or suppers, as I haue sufficiently told you before, lest that
daily custome should be altered into nature: and after this intermission
of this custome of nature, hurt may follow; for custome doth imitate
nature, and that which is accustomable, the very same thing is now
become naturall.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Eat only twice a day. [b] Don’t drink between dinner and
    supper. [c] Don’t have one fixed hour for your meals.]

Take your meate in the hotte time of Summer in cold places, but
[a] in the Winter let there bee a bright fire, and take it in hotte
places, your parlors or Chambers being first purged and ayred with
suffumigations, which I would not haue you to [* Page 44.] enter before
the suffumigation bee plainely extinct, lest you draw the fume by reason
of the odour.

And seeing one and the same order of diet doth not promiscuously agree
with all men, take your meate in order, as is before said, and [b]
sometimes also intermit the vse of meats for a whole day together,
because through hunger, the faults of the stomacke which haue beene
taken eyther by much drinking or surfetting, or by any other meanes, may
be depelled and remoued.

By this meanes also your bodies shall be better accustomed to endure and
suffer hunger and fasting, eyther in iourneyes or wars. [c] Let your
suppers bee more larger then your dinners, vnlesse nightly diseases or
some distilations doe afflict you.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] In Winter eat in hot well-aired places. [b] Fast for a day
    now and then. [c] Eat more at supper than dinner.]

[a] After meat taken, neither labour in body nor mind must be vsed, and
wash the face and mouth with cold water, clense the teeth either with
Iuory, or a Harts horne, or some picker of pure siluer or gold.

After your banquets, [b] passe an houre or two in pleasant talkes, or
walke yee very gently and soberly, [c] neither vse much watchings long
in the night, but the space of two howres goe to your bed; but if honest
[* Page 45.] businesse doe require you to watch, then sleepe afterwards
so much the longer, that your sleepe may well recompence your former
watchings. [d] Before that you go to your bed, [e] gently smooth down
your head, armes, and shoulders, the back and all the body, with a
gentle and soft rubbing, vnlesse you meane to do it in the morning to
mooue distribution, whose time is best to be done in the morning.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] After meals, wash your face, and clean your teeth, [b] chat
    and walk soberly. [c] Don’t sit up late. [d] Before bed, [e] rub
    your body gently.]

[a] In the Winter, sitting by the fire, put off your garments, and dry
your feet by the fire, neuerthelesse auoyd the heat and the smoke,
because it is very hurtfull both to the lungs, and the eyes.

In the Winter time, [b] warme well your garments at the fire, and warm
the linings of the same, for it helpeth concoction, and remoueth all
humidity and moysture. But my father did not allow of this custome,
warning men of strength, and those that are borne for the Common-wealth,
not to accustom themselves to such kind of softnesse, which doe weaken
our bodies. Also [c] when you put off your garments to go to bed, then
put away all your cogitations, & lay them aside, whether they be publike
or priuate, for when all your [* Page 46.] members be free from all
cares, you shall then sleep the quieter, concoction and the other
naturall actions shall best be performed.

But [d] in the morning when you rise againe, resume to your selues your
former dayes thoughts and cares; for this precept my Father had often in
his mouth, therfore I deliuer it vnto you as the more worthy of your
obseruation.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Undress by a fire in Winter, [b] and warm your garments well.
    [c] Put off your cares with your clothes, [d] and take them up
    again in the morning.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Recipes.

  [_From Harleian MS._ 5401, _ab._ 1480-1500 A.D.]


  FRUTURS. (page 194 or fol. 69 b.)

R{ecipe} [1] þe cromys of whyte brede, & swete apyls, & ȝokk{is} of
egg{is}, & bray þa{m} wele, & temp{er} it w{i}t{h} wyne, & make it to
sethe; & when it is thyk, do þ{er}-to gode spyces, gyng{er} & gali{n}gay
& canyll & clows, & s{erve} it forth{e}. (See also _Liber Cure Cocorum_,
p. 39-40.)


  FRUTURS OF FYGIS. (p. 197 or fol. 98.)

R{ecipe} & make bature of flour{e}, ale, pep{er} & saferon, w{i}t{h}
oþ{er} spices; þan cast þa{m}[2] in to a frying pann w{i}t{h} bat{ur}, &
ole, & bake þa{m} & s{erve}. (See another recipe in _Household
Ordinances_, p. 450, under the head “Turtelettys of Fruture.”)


  IUSSELL. (p. 198 or fol. 98 b.)

R{ecipe} brede gratyd, & egg{is}; & swyng þa{m} to-gyder{e}, & do
þ{er}to sawge, & saferon, & salt; þan take gode broth{e}, & cast it
þ{er}-to, & bole it enforesayd, & do þ{er}-to as to charlete &c. (See
also _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 11; Jussel of Flesh, _Household
Ordinances_, p. 462; Jussel enforsed, p. 463; Jussel of Fysshe, p. 469.)


  MAWMENY. (p. 201 or fol. 100.)

R{ecipe} brawne of Capons or of he{n}nys, & dry þa{m} wele, & towse
þa{m} small{e}; þan take thyk mylk of almonds, & put þe saide brawñ
þ{er}-to, & styr it wele ou{er} þe fyre, & seson it w{i}t{h} sug{er}, &
powd{er} of Canell{e}, w{i}t{h} mase, quibibs, & anneys in co{n}fete, &
s{erve} it forth{e}. (See also the recipe “For to make momene” in _Liber
Cure Cocorum_, p. 26; for “Mawmene for xl. Mees” in _Household
Ordinances_, p. 455; and “Mawmene to Potage,” p. 430.)


  FRETOURE. (_Harl. MS._ 276.)

  +Vyaunde leche. L.iiii.+

+Fretoure+ Take whete Floure, Ale, Ȝest, Safroun, & Salt, & bete alle
to-gederys as þikke as þ{o}u schuldyst make oþ{er} bature in fleyssche
tyme, & þan take fayre Applys, & kut hem in maner of Fretourys, & wete
hem in þe bature vp on downe, & frye hem in fayre Oyle, & caste hem in a
dyssche, & caste Sugr{e} þer-on, & serue forth. [The recipe for “Tansye”
is No. l.vi.]



  Recipes.

  [_From Harl. MS._ 279, _ab._ 1430-40 A.D.
  _A pretty MS. that ought to be printed._]


  +Potage dyuers .lxiij.+ (fol. 15 a.)

+Harys in cyueye.+ Take Harys, & Fle hem, & make hem clene, an hacke hem
in gobettys, & sethe hem in Watere & Salt a lytylle; þan take Pepyr, an
Safroun, an Brede, y-grounde y-fere, & temper it wyth Ale. þan take
Oynonys & Percely y-mynced smal to-gederys, & sethe hem be hem self, &
afterward take & do þer-to a porcyon of vynegre, & dresse in. (See also
the recipe for “Harus in Cyue” in _Liber Cure Cocorum_, p. 21, & that
for “Conyngus in cyue” p. 20. _Chive_ is a kind of small onion.)


  +.lxxiii.+ (fol. 16 a.)

+Conyngys in cyveye.+ Take Conyngys, an fle hem & seþe hem, & make lyke
þou woldyst make a sewe, saue alle to-choppe hem, & caste Safroun & lyer
þer-to, & Wyne. (See also “Conyngus in cyue” in _L. C. C._, p. 20; and
“Conynges in Cyue” in _Household Ordinances_, p. 434.)


  +xv.+ (fol. 39 b.)

+Doucettes.+ Take Creme a gode cupfulle, & put it on a straynoure, þanne
take ȝolkys of Eyroun, & put þer-to, & a lytel mylke; þen strayne it
þrow a straynoure in-to a bolle; þen take Sugre y-now, & put þer-to, or
ellys hony for defaute [fol. 40.] of Sugre; þan coloure it w{i}t{h}
Safroun; þan take þin cofyns, & put it in þe ovynne lere, & lat hem ben
hardyd; þan take a dyssshe y-fastenyd on þe pelys ende, & pore þin
comade in-to þe dyssche, & fro þe dyssche in-to þe cofyns; & whan þey
don a-ryse Wel, teke hem out, & serue hem forth.


  +xxxvij.+ (fol. 43 b.)

+Doucettes.+ Take Porke & hakke it smal, & Eyroun y-mellyd to-gederys, &
a lytel Milke, & melle hem to-gederys w{i}t{h} Hony & Pepir, & bake hem
in a cofyn, & serue forth.


  +xxxviij.+

+Doucettes a-forcyd.+ Take Almaunde Milke & ȝolkys of Eyroun y-mellid
to-gederys, Safroun, Salt, & Hony: dry þin cofyn, & ley þin Maribonys
þer-on, & s{erue} f{orth}.


    [Footnote 1: The þ is always y in Harl. 5401.]

    [Footnote 2: that is, the figs.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata (noted by transcriber):

  Andrewe:
  ++Aaurata is a fysshe in the see
    [_text unchanged: each paragraph in original has large display
    capital followed by capital second letter of word_]
  Cap. lxvij.
    [_text unchanged: error for lxxij?_]
  Cap. lxxix. ... as Phisiologua saith
    [_text unchanged: error for ’Phisiologus’?_]

  Vaughan, Fifteen Directions:
    one drachme of Tutia  [_Tntia_]

  Harington, On Rising, Diet, and Going to Bed:
    till twoor three houres / before supper  [_spacing unchanged_]

  Recipes:
    þan take a dyssshe y-fastenyd  [_text unchanged_]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


The Boke of Keruynge.


[Transcriber’s Note:

Sidenotes, generally marked with lower-case letters [a] [b], are grouped
after each section. Those that began with numbers in the original text
are marked with bracketed numerals [1] [2]. There are no numbered
footnotes in this selection. Textnotes have been marked with capital
letters and grouped at the end, after the editor’s Notes. Headnotes are
interlaced with the table of contents; they will also appear in their
original locations in the text.

Apart from notes and their references, all bracketed text is in the
original.]


  The

  Boke of Keruynge,

  [that is to say,

  The boke of Seruyce & Keruynge and Sewynge
  & all Maner of Offyce in his kynde
  vnto a Prynce or ony other Estate,
  & all the Feestes in the yere.]

  Enprynted by Wynkyn de Worde at London in
  Flete Strete at the sygne of the Sonne. The
  yere of our Lorde God. M.CCCC.xiij.

  [and now reprinted, 1867.]


CONTENTS.

(_From the Headings in the Text, &c._)

                                                                  PAGE
  Termes of a Keruer                                               151
  Butler and Panter (Yoman of the Seller and Ewery)                152
    [Headnote: THE BUTLER AND PANTER’S DUTIES.]
  The Names of Wynes                                               153
  For to make Ypocras                                              153
    [Headnote: FOR TO MAKE YPOCRAS, AND LAYE THE CLOTH.]
  To laye the Clothe                                               154
    [Headnote: HOW TO WAIT AT TABLE.]
  To wrappe your Soueraynes Brede stately                          155
  Of the Surnape                                                   155
  Sewynge of Flesshe, & Seruyce (Succession of Dishes)             156
    [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FLESSHE.]
  The Keruynge of Flesshe, & Seruyce (How to carve)                157
    [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FLESSHE.]
  Sauces for all maner of Fowles                                   159
    [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FOWLES.]
  Feestes and Seruyce from Eester vnto Whytsondaye                 160
    [Headnote: FEESTES AND SERUYCE.]
  Keruyng of all maner of Fowles                                   161
    [Headnote: KERUYNG OF ALL MANER OF FOWLES.]
  Of the First & Second Courses, & the Sauces for them             163
  Feestes and Seruyce from the feest of
      Saynt Iohn the Baptist vnto Myghelmasse                      164
    [Headnote: THE SERVICE FROM MIDSUMMER TO CHRISTMAS.]
  Feestes and Seruyce from the feest of Saynt Myghell
      vnto the feest of Chrystynmasse                              164
  Of the skin & wholesomeness of certain Birds                     165
  Sewynge of Fysshe                                                166
    [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FYSSHE.]
  Keruynge of Fysshe                                               166
    [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FYSSHE.]
  Sauces for all maner of Fysshe                                   168
    [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FYSSHE.]
  The Chaumberlayne                                                168
    [Headnote: THE CHAUMBERLAYNE.]
  Of the Marshall and the Vssher                                   170
    [Headnote: OF THE MARSHALL AND THE VSSHER.]
  Notes                                                            173


  [Fol. A 1.] The Boke of Keruynge.


[Fol. A 1b.] ¶ Here begynneth the boke of keruynge and sewynge / and
all the feestes in the yere, for the seruyce of a prynce or ony other
estate, as ye shall fy{n}de eche offyce, the seruyce accordynge, in the
boke folowynge.

    [Sidenote:
    _The Book of Carving and Arranging; and the Dishes for all the
    Feasts in the year._]


¶ Termes of a Keruer.

  ++Breke that dere
  [a] lesche y^t brawne
  rere that goose
  lyft that swanne
  sauce that capon
  [b] spoyle that henne
  frusshe that chekyn
  [c] vnbrace that malarde
  vnlace that cony
  dysmembre that heron
  dysplaye that crane
  dysfygure that pecocke
  vnioynt that bytture
  [d] vntache that curlewe
  alaye that fesande
  wynge that partryche
  wynge that quayle
  mynce that plouer
  thye that pegyon
  [e] border that pasty
  thye that wodcocke
  [f] thye all maner of small byrdes
  tymbre that fyre

  tyere that egge
  chyne that samon
  strynge that lampraye
  [g] splatte that pyke
  sauce that playce
  sauce that tenche
  splaye that breme
  syde that haddocke
  tuske that barbell
  culpon that troute
  [h] fynne that cheuen
  transsene that ele
  traunche that sturgyon
  vndertraunche y^t purpos
  tayme that crabbe
  [i] barbe that lopster

  ¶ Here hendeth the goodly termes.

    [Sidenotes:
    Terms of a Carver:
    [a] Slice brawn, [b] spoil a hen, [c] unbrace a mallard,
    [d] untache a curlew, [e] border a pasty, [f] thigh small birds,
    [g] splat a pike, [h] fin a chub, [i] barb a lobster]


    [Headnote: THE BUTLER AND PANTER’S DUTIES.]

  ¶ Here begynneth
  Butler and Panter.

[a] ++Thou shalte be Butler and Panter all the fyrst yere / and ye muste
haue thre pantry knyues / one knyfe to square tre{n}choure loues / an
other to be a [Fol. A ii.] chyppere / the thyrde shall be sharpe to make
smothe tre{n}choures / than chyppe your soueraynes brede hote, and all
other brede let it be a daye olde / housholde brede thre dayes olde /
[b] trenchour brede foure dayes olde / than loke your salte by whyte and
drye / the planer made of Iuory, two inches brode & thre inches longe /
& loke that youre salte seller lydde touche not the salte / tha{n} loke
your table clothes, towelles, and napkyns, be fayre folden in a cheste
or ha{n}ged vpon a perche / than loke your table knyues be fayre
pullysshed, & your spones clene / [c] than loke ye haue two tarryours, a
more & a lesse, & wyne cannelles of boxe made accordynge / a sharpe
gymlot & faucettes. And whan ye sette a pype on broche, do thus / set it
foure fynger brede aboue y^e nether chyme vpwardes aslaunte / and than
shall y^e lyes neuer a-ryse. [d] Also loke ye haue in all seasons[A]
butter, chese, apples, peres, nottes, plommes, grapes, dates, fygges &
raysyns, compost, grene gynger and chardequynce. Serue fastynge butter,
plommes, damesons, cheryes, and grapes, after mete, peres, nottes,
strawberyes, hurtelberyes, & hard chese. Also brandrels or pepyns with
carawey in confetes. After souper, rost apples & peres, with blaunche
poudre, & harde chese / [e] be ware of cowe creme, & of good
strawberyes, hurtelberyes, Iouncat, for these wyll make your souerayne
seke but he ete harde chese / [f] harde chese hath these operacyo{n}s /
it wyll kepe y^e stomacke open / butt{er} is holsome fyrst & last, for
it wyll do awaye all poyso{ns} / [g] mylke, creme, & Iouncat, they wyll
close the mawe, & so dooth a posset / therfore ete harde chese, & drynke
romney modo{n} / beware of grene sallettes & rawe fruytes, for they wyll
make your sourayne seke / therfore set no mo-[Fol. A ii.b.]che [h] by
suche metes as wyll set your tethe on edge; therfore ete an almonde &
harde chese / but ete non moche chese without romney modon. Also yf
dyuers dry{n}kes, yf theyr fumosytees haue dyspleased your souerayne,
[i] let hy{m} ete a rawe apple, and y^e fumosytees wyll cease: mesure is
a mery mene & it be well vsed / abstyne{n}ce is to be praysed wha{n} god
therwith is pleased. [k] Also take good hede of your wynes euery nyght
with a candell, bothe rede wyne and swete wyne, & loke they reboyle nor
leke not / & wasshe y^e pype hedes euery nyght w{i}t{h} colde water / &
loke ye haue a chynchynge yron, addes, and lynen clothes, yf nede be /
[l] & yf the[y] reboyle, ye shall knowe by the hyssynge / therfore kepe
an empty pype with y^e lyes of coloured rose, & drawe the reboyled wyne
to y^e lyes, & it shal helpe it. Also yf your swete wyne pale, drawe it
in to a romney vessell for lessynge.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] The Butler has 3 knives: 1. a squarer, 2. a chipper,
    3. a smoother. [b] Trencher-bread must be 4 days old; the
    Salt-Planer of ivory; table cloths kept in a chest, or hung on a
    perch. [c] To broach a Pipe, have 2 augers, funnels, and tubes,
    and pierce the Pipe 4 inches from the bottom. [d] Always have
    ready fruits and hard cheese. [e] Beware of cow cream. [f] Hard
    cheese is aperient, and keeps off poison. [g] Milk and Junket
    close the Maw. [h] For food that sets your teeth on edge, eat an
    almond and hard cheese. [i] A raw apple will cure indigestion.
    [k] See every night that your wines don’t boil over or leak.
    [l] You’ll know their fermenting by their hissing.]


¶ Here foloweth the names of wynes.

¶ Reed wyne / whyte wyne / clared wyne / osey / capryke / ca{m}polet /
renysshe wyne / maluesey / bastarde / tyer, romney / muscadell / clarrey
/ raspys / vernage / vernage wyne cut / pymente and ypocras.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Names of Wines_
    Campolet, Rhenish, &c]


    [Headnote: FOR TO MAKE YPOCRAS, AND LAYE THE CLOTH.]

    [Headnote: HOW TO WAIT AT TABLE.]

For to make ypocras.

¶ [a] Take gy{n}ger / peper / graynes / canell / synamon / suger and
tornsole / than loke ye haue fyue or syxe bagges for your ypocras to
renne in, & a perche that your renners may ren on / than muste ye haue
.vi. peautre basyns to stande vnder your bagges / than loke your spyce
be redy / & your gynger well pared or it be beten [Fol. A iii.] to
poudre / [b] than loke your stalkes of synamon be well coloured; & swete
canell is not so gentyll in operacyon; synamon is hote and drye /
graynes of paradico[B] be{n} hote and moyste / gynger / graynes / longe
peper / and suger, ben hote and moyst / synamo{n} / canell, & rede wyne,
ben hote and drye / tornsole is holsome / for reed wyne colourynge. Now
knowe ye the proporcyons of your ypocras / [c] than bete your poudres
eche by themselfe, & put them in bladders, & hange your bagges sure,
that no bage touche other / but let eche basyn touche other; let the
fyrste basyn be of a galon, and eche of the other of a potell / than put
in your basyn a galo{n} of reed wyne, put thereto your poudres, and
styre them well / than put them in to the fyrste bagge, and let it renne
/ than put them in to the seconde bagge / than take a pece in your
hande, and assaye yf it be stronge of gynger / and alaye it with synamon
/ and it be stro[{n}]ge of synamon / alaye it with suger / and loke ye
lette it renne thrughe syxe renners / & your ypocras shall be the fyner
/ than put your ypocras in to a close vessell, and [d] kepe the receyte
/ for it wyll serue for sewes / than serue your souerayne with wafers
and ypocras. [e] Also loke your composte be fayre and clene / and your
ale fyue dayes olde or men drynke it / tha{n} kepe your hous of offyce
clene, & be curtoys of answere to eche persone, and loke ye gyue no
persone noo dowled drynke / for it wyll breke y^e scabbe. [f] And whan
ye laye the clothe, wype y^e borde clene with a cloute / than [g] laye a
cloth, a couche, it is called, take your felawe that one ende, & holde
you that other ende, than drawe the clothe straught, the bought on y^e
vtter edge / take the vtter parte, & hange it euen / than take the
thyrde clothe, and lay y^e bought on the inner [Fol. A iii.b.] edge /
and laye estat with the vpper parte halfe a fote brode / than [h] couer
thy cupborde and thyn ewery with the towell of dyaper / than take thy
towell about thy necke, and laye that one syde of y^e towell vpon thy
lefte arme / and there-on laye your soueraynes napkyn / and laye on thyn
arme seuen loues of brede, with thre or foure trenchour loues, with the
ende of y^e towell in the lefte hande, as the maner is / than [i] take
thy salte seller in thy lefte hande, and take the ende of y^e towell in
your ryght hande to bere in spones and knyues / than [k] set your salt
on the ryght syde where your souerayne shall sytte, and on y^e lefte
syde the salte set your trenchours / than [l] laye your knyues, & set
your brede, one lofe by an other / your spones, and your napkyns fayre
folden besyde your brede / than couer your brede and trenchoures, spones
and knyues / & at euery ende of y^e table set a salte seller with two
treachour [C] loues / [m] and yf ye wyll wrappe your soueraynes brede
stately, ye muste [n] square and proporcyon your brede, and se that no
lofe be more than an other / and than shall ye make your wrapper
man[er]ly / than take a towell of reynes of two yerdes and an halfe, and
take the towell by y^e endes double, and laye it on the table / than
take the ende of y^e bought a handfull in your hande, and wrappe it
harde, and laye the ende so wrapped bytwene two towelles; vpon that ende
so wrapped, lay your brede, botom to botom, syxe or seuen loues / than
set your brede manerly in fourme / and whan your soueraynes table is
thus arayed, [o] couer all other bordes with salte, trenchoures, &
cuppes. [p] Also so[D] thyn ewery be arayed with basyns & ewers, & water
hote & colde / and se’ ye haue napkyns, cuppes, & spones / & se your
pottes for wyne [Fol. A 4.] and ale be made clene, and [q] to y^e
surnape make ye curtesy with a clothe vnder a fayre double napry /
tha{n} take þe towelles ende nexte you / & the vtter ende of the clothe
on the vtter syde of the table, & holde these thre endes atones, & folde
them atones, that a plyte passe not a fote brode / than laye it euen
there it sholde lye. [r] And after mete wasshe with that that is at y^e
ryghte ende of the table / ye muste guyde it out, and the marshall must
conuey it / and loke on eche clothe the ryght syde be outwarde, & drawe
it streyght / than must ye reyse the vpper parte of y^e towell, & laye
it w{i}t{h}-out ony gronynge / and at euery ende of y^e towell [s] ye
must conuey halfe a yerde that y^e sewer may make estate reuerently, and
let it be. [t] And whan your souerayne hath wasshen, drawe y^e surnape
euen / than bere the surnape to the myddes of the borde & take it vp
before your souerayne, & bere it in to y^e ewery agayne. [v] And whan
your souerayne it[E] set, loke your towell be aboute your necke / than
make your souerayne curtesy / than vncouer your brede & set it by the
salte & laye your napkyn, knyfe, & spone, afore hym / than knele on your
knee tyll the purpayne passe eyght loues / & loke ye set at y^e endes of
y^e table foure loues at a messe / and se that euery persone haue napkyn
and spone / [x] & wayte well to y^e sewer how many dysshes be couered;
y^e so many cuppes couer ye / than serue ye forth the table manerly y^t
euery man may speke your curtesy.

    [Sidenotes:
    _To make Ypocras._
    [a] Take spices; put 6 bags on a perch, 6 pewter basins under,
    ginger and cinnamon. [b] (Of the qualities of spices.) [c] Pound
    each spice separately, put ’em in bladders, and hang ’em in your
    bags, add a gallon of red wine to ’em, stir it well, run it
    through two bags, taste it, pass it through 6 runners, and put it
    in a close vessel. [d] Keep the dregs for cooking. [e] Have your
    Compost clean, and your ale 5 days old, but not dead.
    [f] _To lay the Cloth._
    [g] Put on a _couch_, then a second cloth, the fold on the outer
    edge; a third, the fold on the inner edge. [h] Cover your
    cupboard, put a towel round your neck, one side lying on your left
    arm; on that, 7 loaves of eating bread and 4 trencher loaves. [i]
    In your left hand a saltcellar, in your right the towel. [k] Set
    the saltcellar on your lord’s right, and trenchers on the left of
    it. [l] Lay knives, bread, spoons, napkins, and cover ’em up.
    [m] _To wrap your Lord’s bread stately._
    [n] Square the loaves; take a Reynes towel 2½ yards long by the
    ends; put it on the table, pinch up a handful of one end, and lay
    it between 2 towels, and on it lay your 6 or 7 loaves bottom to
    bottom. [o] Put salt, cups, &c., on the other tables. [p] See that
    your _Ewery_ is properly supplied, and your ale-pots kept clean.
    [q] _To arrange the Surnape._
    Put a cloth under a double towel, hold 3 ends together, fold them
    in a foot-broad pleat, and lay it smooth. [r] After washing, the
    Marshal must carry the surnape out. [s] Leave out half a yard to
    make estate. [t] When your lord has washed, remove the Surnape.
    [v] When he is seated, salute him, uncover your bread, kneel on
    your knee till 8 loaves are served out (?) [x] Provide as many
    cups as dishes.]


    [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FLESSHE.]

  ¶ Here endeth of the Butler and Panter, yoman of the seller and ewery.
  And here foloweth sewynge of flesshe.

[Fol. A 4b.] ++The [a] sewer muste sewe, & from the borde conuey all
maner of potages, metes, & sauces / & euery daye comon with the coke,
and vndersta{n}de & wyte how many dysshes shall be, and speke with the
panter and offycers of y^e spycery for fruytes that shall be ete{n}
fastynge. Than goo to the borde of sewynge, and se ye haue offycers redy
to conuey, & seruauntes for to bere, your dysshes. Also yf marshall,
squyers, and seruauntes of armes, bo[F] there, tha{n} serue forth your
souerayne withouten blame.

    [Sidenote:
    _ewynge of_]


  ¶ Seruyce.

¶ [1] Fyrste sette ye forthe mustarde and brawne, potage, befe, motton
stewed. [2] Fesande / swanne / capon / pygge, venyson bake / custarde /
and leche lombarde. [3] Fruyter vaunte, with a subtylte, two potages,
blau{n}che ma{n}ger, and gelly. [4] For standarde, venyson roste, kydde,
fawne & cony / bustarde, storke, crane, pecocke with his tayle,
hero{n}sewe, bytture, woodcocke, partryche, plouer, rabettes, grete
byrdes, larkes / [5] doucettes, paynpuffe, whyte leche, ambre / gelly,
creme of almondes, curlewe, brewe, snytes, quayle, sparowes, martynet,
perche i{n} gelly / petyperuys[G], quy{n}ces bake / leche dewgarde,
fruyter fayge, blandrelles or pepyns with carawaye in co{n}fettes,
wafers and ypocras, they be a-greable. [b] Now this feest is done, voyde
ye the table.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] The _Sewer_ or arranger of dishes must ascertain what dishes
    and fruits are prepared daily for dinner; and he must have people
    ready to carry up the dishes.
    _The Succession of Dishes._
    1. Brawn, &c. 2. Pheasant, &c. 3. Meat Fritters, &c 4. For a
    standard, a peacock with his tail. 5. Doucettes, Paynpuff, Brew,
    Snipe, Petyperuys and Fayge, Caraways, &c.
    [b] Clear the table]


    [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FLESSHE.]

  ¶ Here endeth the sewynge of flesshe.
  And begynneth the keruynge of flesshe.

++The keruer must knowe the keruynge and the fayre ha{n}dlynge of a
knyfe, and how ye shall seche al maner of fowle / your knyfe muste be
fayre and [Fol. A 5.] [a] your ha{n}des muste be clene; & passe not two
fyngers & a thombe vpon your knyfe. In y^e myddes of your ha{n}de set
the halfe sure, vnlassynge y^e mynsy{n}ge wich[H] two fy{n}gers & a
thombe; keruynge of brede, layenge, & voydynge of crommes, with two
fyngers and a thombe / loke ye haue y^e cure / set neuer on fysshe /
flesshe / beest / ne fowle, more than two fyngers and a thombe / than
take your lofe in your lefte hande, & holde your knyfe surely; enbrewe
not the table clothe / but [b] wype vpon your napkyn / than take your
trenchouer lofe in your lefte ha{n}de, and with the edge of your table
knyfe take vp your trenchours as nye the poynt as ye may / [c] tha{n}
laye foure trenchours to your soferayne, one by an other / and laye
theron other foure trenchours or elles twayne / than take a lofe in your
lyfte hande, & pare y^e lofe rou{n}de aboute / tha{n} cut the ouer
cruste to your souerayne, and cut the nether cruste, & voyde the
parynge, & touche the lofe no more after it is so serued / than clense
the table that the sewer may serue youre souerayne. [d] Also ye muste
knowe the fumosytces[I] of fysshe, flesshe, and foules, & all maner of
sauces accordynge to theyr appetytes / these ben the fumosytes / salte,
soure, resty, fatte, fryed, senewes, skynnes, hony, croupes, yonge
feders, heddes, pygous[K] bones, all maner of legges of bestees & fowles
the vtter syde; for these ben fumosytees; laye them neuer to your
souerayne.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Keruynge of Flesshe._
    [a] Your hands must be clean; only two fingers and a thumb should
    be put on your knife, or on fish, flesh, or fowl. [b] Wipe your
    knife on your napkin. [c] Lay 4 trenchers for your lord, with 2 or
    4 on them and the upper crust of a fine loaf. [d] Give heed to
    what is indigestible, as resty, fat things, feathers, heads, legs,
    &c.]


  ¶ Seruyce.

¶ [a] Take your knyfe in your ha{n}de, and cut brawne in y^e dysshe as
it lyeth, & laye it on your soueraynes trenchour, & se there be
mustarde. [b] Venyson with fourme{n}ty is good for your souerayne:
touche not the venyson with your ha{n}de, but with your knyfe cut it
.xii. draugh[Fol. A 5b.]tes with the edge of your knyfe, and cut it out
in to y^e fourmenty / doo in the same wyse with pesen & bacon, befe
chyne and motto{n} / pare the befe, cut the motto{n} / & laye to your
souerayne / beware of fumosytees / salte, senewe, fatte, resty & rawe.
In syrupe, [c] fesande, partryche, stockdoue, & chekyns / in the lefte
ha{n}de take them by the pynyo{n}, & with the foreparte of your knyfe
lyfte vp your wy{n}ges / than mynce it in to the syrupe / beware of
sky{n}ne rawe & senowe. [d] Goos, tele, malarde, & swa{n}ne, reyse
[L] the legges, than the wynges / laye the body in y^e myddes or in a
nother plater / the wynges in the myddes & the legges; after laye the
brawne bytwene the legges / & the wynges in the plater. [e] Capo{n} or
henne of grece, lyfte the legges, tha{n} the wynges, & caste on wyne or
ale, than mynce the wynge & giue your souerayne. Fesande, partryche,
[f] plouer or lapwynge, reyse y^e wynges, & after the legges. woodcocke,
[g] bytture, egryt, snyte, curlewe & heronsewe, vnlace them, breke of
the pynyons, necke & becke / tha{n} reyse the legges, & let the fete be
on styll, than the wynges. [h] A crane, reyse the wynges fyrst, & beware
of the trumpe in his brest. Pecocke, storke, bustarde & [i] shouyllarde,
vnlace them as a crane, and let y^e fete be on styll. [k] Quayle,
sparow, larke, martynet, pegyon, swalowe, & thrusshe, y^e legges fyrst,
tha{n} y^e wynges. [l] Fawne, kyde, and lambe, laye the kydney to your
souerayne, tha{n} lyfe vp the sholder & gyue your souerayne a rybbe.
[m] Venyson roste, cut it in the dysshe, & laye it to your souerayne.
[n] A cony, lay hy{m} on the backe, cut away the ventes bytwene the
hy{n}der legges, breke the canell bone, than reyse the sydes, than lay
the cony on y^e wombe, on eche syde the chyne y^e two sydes departed
from the chy{n}e, tha{n} laye the bulke, chyne, & sydes, in y^e dysshe.
[Fol. A 6.] [o] Also ye must my{n}ce foure lesses to one morcell of
mete, that your soverayne may take it in the sauce. [p] All bake metes
that ben hote, open them a-boue the coffyn; & all that ben colde, ope{n}
theym in the mydwaye. [q] Custarde, cheke them inche square that your
souerayne may ete therof. [r] Doucettes, pare awaye the sydes & the
bottom: beware of fumosytes. [s] Fruyter vaunte, fruyter say, be good;
bett{er} is fruyter pouche; apple fruyters ben good hote / and all colde
fruters, touche not. Ta{n}sey is good / hote wortes, or gruell of befe
or of motto{n} is good. [t] Gelly, mortrus, creme almondes, blau{n}che
manger, Iussell, and charlet, cabage, and nombles of a dere, ben good /
& all other potage beware of.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Keruynge of Flesshe._
    [a] How to carve Brawn, [b] Venison, (cut it in 12 bits and slice
    it into the furmity,) [c] Pheasant, Stockdoves, (mince the wings
    into the syrup,) [d] Goose, Teal, &c., (take off the legs and
    wings,) [e] Capon, (mince the wing with wine or ale,) [f] Plover,
    Lapwing, [g] Bittern, Egret. [h] How to carve a Crane, (mind the
    trump in his breast,) [i] Shoveler, [k] Quail, Martins, Swallow,
    [l] Fawn, Kid, [m] Roast Venison, [n] Cony, (lay him on his belly
    with his two cut-off sides, on each side of him.)
    [o] Cut 4 strips to each bit of meat, for your lord to pick it up
    by. [p] Open hot Meat-Pies at the top; cold in the middle. [q] Cut
    Custards in inch blocks. [r] Doucettes, pare off sides and bottom.
    [s] Fritters hot are good, cold bad. Tansey is good. [t] Jelly,
    Blanche Manger, Charlet, &c., are good, and no other potages.]



    [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FOWLES.]

  ¶ Here endeth y^e keruynge of flesshe.
  And begy{n}neth sauces for all maner of fowles.

[a] ++Mustarde is good with brawne, befe, chyne, bacon, & motton.
[b] Vergius is good to boyled chekyns and capon / swanne with cawdrons /
[c] rybbes of befe with garlycke, mustarde, peper, vergyus; [d] gynger
sauce to la{m}be, pygge, & fawne / mustarde & suger to fesande,
partryche, and conye / sauce gamelyne to hero{n}sewe, egryt, plouer, &
crane / to brewe, curlewe, [e] salte, suger, & water of tame / to
bustarde, shouyllarde, & bytture, sauce gamelyne: [f] woodcocke,
lapwynge, larke, quayle, mertynet, venyson, and snyte, with whyte salte
/ sparowes & throstelles with salte & synamo{n} / thus with all metes,
sauce shall haue the operacyons.

¶ Here endeth the sauces for all maner of fowles and metes.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Sauces for all maner of Fowles._
    [a] Mustard for beef; [b] Verjuice for boiled chickens; Cawdrons
    for swans; [c] Garlick, &c., for beef. [d] Ginger for lamb;
    Gamelyne for heronsewe, &c.; [e] Salt, Sugar and Water of Tame for
    brew, &c. [f] White salt for lapwings, &c. Cinnamon and salt for
    thrushes &c.]


    [Headnote: FEESTES AND SERUYCE.]

  [Fol. A 6b.] ¶ Here begynneth the feestes and seruyce from Eester
  vnto whytsondaye.

++On Eester daye & so forthe to Pe{n}tycost, after y^e seruy{n}ge of the
table there shall be set brede, tre{n}chours, and spones, after the
estymacyo{n} of them that shall syt there; and thus ye shall serue your
souerayne; [a] laye [six or eight[L*]] tre{n}chours / & yf he be of a
lower degre [or] estate, laye fyue trenchours / & yf he be of lower
degre, foure trenchours / & of an other degre, thre trenchours /
[b] than cut brede for your souerayne after ye knowe his condycyons,
wheder it be cutte in y^e myddes or pared, or elles for to be cut in
small peces. Also ye must vndersta{n}de how y^e mete shall be serued
before youre souerayne, & namely [c] on Eester daye after the
gouernaunce & seruyce of y^e countree where ye were borne. [d] Fyrste on
that daye he shall serue a calfe soden and blessyd / and than sode{n}
egges with grene sauce, and set them before the most pryncypall estate /
and that lorde by cause of his hyghe estate shall departe them all
aboute hym / than serue potage, as wortes, Iowtes, or browes, with befe,
motto{n}, or vele / & capo{n}s that ben coloured with saffron, and bake
metes. [e] And the seconde course, Iussell with mamony, and rosted,
endoured / & pegyons with bake metes, as tartes, chewettes, & flawnes, &
other, after the dysposycyon of the cokes. [f] And at soupertyme dyuers
sauces of motto{n} or vele in broche[M], after the ordynaunce of the
stewarde / and than chekyns with bacon, vele, roste pegyons or lambe, &
kydde roste with y^e heed & the portenaunce on lambe & pygges fete, with
vinegre & percely theron, & a ta{n}sye fryed, & other bake metes / ye
shall vndersta{n}de this maner of seruyce [Fol. B i.] dureth to
Pentecoste, saue fysshe dayes. Also take hede how ye shall araye these
thynges before your souerayne / [g] fyrst ye shall se there be grene
sauces of sorell or of vynes, that is holde a sauce for the fyrst course
/ and ye shall begyn to reyse the capon.

    [Sidenotes:
    _The Dinner Courses from Easter to Whitsunday._
    From Easter to Pentecost, set bread, trenchers and spoons: [a] 6
    or 8 trenchers for a great lord, 3 for one of low degree. [b] Then
    cut bread for eating. [c] For Easter-day Feast: [d] First Course:
    A Calf, boiled and blessed; boiled Eggs and green sauce; Potage,
    with beef, saffron-stained Capons. [e] Second Course: Mameny,
    Pigeons, Chewets, Flawnes. [f] Supper: Chickens, Veal, roast Kid,
    Pigs’-Feet, a Tansey fried. [g] Green Sauces of sorrel or vines,
    for the first course.]


    [Headnote: KERUYNG OF ALL MANER OF FOWLES.]

  ¶ Here endeth the feest of Eester tyll Pentecoste.
  And here begynneth keruyng of all maner of fowles.

  ¶ Sauce that capon.

¶ Take vp a capon, & lyfte vp the ryght legge and the ryght wynge, & so
araye forth & laye hym in the plater as he sholde flee, & serve your
souerayne / & knowe well that capons or chekyns ben arayed after one
sauce; the chekyn shall be sauced with grene sauce or vergyus.

  ¶ Lyfte that swanne.

¶ Take and dyghte hym as a goose, but let hym haue a largyour brawne, &
loke ye haue chawdron.

  ¶ Alaye that fesande.

¶ Take a fesande, and reyse his legges & his wynges as it were an henne,
& no sauce but onely salte.

  ¶ wynge that partryche.

¶ Take a partryche, and reyse his legges and his wynges as a henne / &
ye mynce hym, sauce hym with wyn, poudre of gynger, & salte / that set
it vpon a chaufyng-dysshe of coles to warme & serue it.

  ¶ wynge that quayle.

¶ Take a quayle, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and no
sauce but salte.

  Dysplaye that crane.

¶ Take a crane, and vnfolde his legges, and cut of his wynges by the
Ioyntes: than take vp hys wynges and his legges, and sauce hym with
poudres of gynger, mustarde, vynegre, and salte.

  [Fol. B i.b.] Dysmembre that heron.

¶ Take an heron, and reyse his legges and his wynges as a crane, and
sauce hym with vynegre, mustarde, poudre of gynger, and salte.

  Vnioint that bytture.

¶ Take a bytture, and reyse his legges & his wynges as an heron, & no
sauce but salte.

  Breke that egryt.

¶ Take an egryt, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an heron, and no
sauce but salte.

  Vntache that curlewe.

¶ Take a curlewe, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and
no sauce but salte.

  ¶ Vntache that brewe.

¶ Take a brewe, and reyse his legges and his wynges in the same maner,
and no sauce but onely salte, & serue your souerayne.

  Vnlace that cony.

¶ Take a cony, and laye hym on the backe, & cut awaye the ventes / than
reyse the wynges and the sydes, and laye bulke, chyne, and the sydes
togyder; sauce, vynegre and poudre of gynger.

  Breke that sarcell.

¶ Take a sarcell or a teele, and reyse his wynges & his legges, and no
sauce but salte onely.

  Mynce that plouer.

¶ Take a plouer, and reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne, and no
sauce but onely salt.

  A snyte.

¶ Take a snyte, and reyse his wynges, his legges, and his sholdres, as a
plouer; and no sauce but salte.

  [Fol. B ij.] ¶ Thye that woodcocke.

Take a woodcocke, & reyse his legges and his wynges as an henne; this
done, dyght the brayne. And here begynneth the feest from Pentecost vnto
mydsomer.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Keruyng of all maner of Fowles._
    _How to carve a Capon._ Sauce: green sauce or verjuice.
    _Swan._ Chawdron is the sauce for him.
    _Pheasant._ No sauce but Salt.
    _Partridge._ Sauce for Partridges.
    _How to carve a Quail._ Sauce: salt.
    _Crane._ Sauce: ginger, mustard, vinegar, and salt.
    _Heron._ Sauce as before.
    _Rittern._ Salt, the sauce.
    _Egret._ Salt, the sauce.
    _Curlew._ Salt, as sauce.
    _Brew._ Salt, as sauce.
    _Cony (or Rabbit.)_ Sauce: vinegar and ginger.
    _Sarcel or Teal._
    _Plover._
    _Snipe._
    _Woodcock._]


[a] ++In the seconde course for the metes before sayd ye shall take for
your sauces, wyne, ale, vynegre, and poudres, after the mete be; &
gynger & canell from Pentecost to the feest of saynt Iohn baptyst.
[b] The fyrst course shall be befe, motton soden with capons, or rosted
/ [c] & yf the capons be soden, araye hym in the maner aforesayd. And
whan he is rosted, thou must caste on salte, with wyne or with ale /
tha{n} take the capon by the legges, & caste on the sauce, & breke hym
out, & laye hym in a dysshe as he sholde flee. Fyrst ye shall cut the
ryght legge and the ryght sholdre, & bytwene the foure membres laye the
brawne of the capon, with the croupe in the ende bytwene the legges, as
it were possyble for to be Ioyned agayne togyder / & other bake metes
after: [d] And in the seconde course, potage shall be, Iussell, charlet,
or mortrus, with yonge geese, vele, porke, pygyons or chekyns rosted,
with payne puffe / fruyters, and other bake metes after the ordynau{n}ce
of the coke. [e] Also the goose ought to be cut membre to membre,
begynnynge at the ryght legge, and so forth vnder the ryght wynge, & not
vpon the Ioynte aboue / [f] & it ought for to be eten with grene
garlyke, or with sorell, or tender vynes, or vergyus in somer season,
after the pleasure of your souerayne. Also ye shall vnderstande that all
maner of fowle that hath hole fete sholde be reysed vnder the wynge, and
not aboue.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Sauces for the Second Course. [b] First Course: Beef and
    Capons. [c] How to sauce and carve a Roast capon: lay him out as
    if ready to fly. [d] Second Course: Potage, Charlet, young Geese,
    Payne Puff, &c. [e] How to carve a Goose. [f] Goose must be eaten
    with green garlic or verjuice.]


    [Headnote: THE SERVICE FROM MIDSUMMER TO CHRISTMAS.]

  ¶ Here endeth the feest from Pentecost to mydsomer.
  And here begynneth from the feest of saynt Iohn the baptist
  vnto Myghelmasse.

[a] ++In the fyrst course, potage, wortes, gruell, & fourmenty, with
venyson, and mortrus and pestelles of porke with grene sauce. Rosted
capon, swanne with chawdron. [b] In the seconde course, potage after the
ordynaunce of the cokes, with rosted motton, vele, porke, chekyns or
endoured pygyons, heron-sewes, fruyters or other bake metes / [c] & take
hede to the fesande: he shall be arayed in the maner of a capon / but it
shall be done drye, without ony moysture, and he shall be eten with
salte and pouder of gynger. And the heronsewe shall be arayed in the
same maner without ony moysture, & he shulde be eten with salte and
poudre. [d] Also ye shall vnderstande that all maner of fowles hauynge
open clawes as a capon, shall be tyred and arayed as a capon and suche
other.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Dinner Courses from the Nativity[*] of St John the Baptist_,
    (June 24,) _to Michaelmas._
    [a] First Course: soups, vegetables, legs of Pork, &c. [b] Second
    Course: roast Mutton, glazed Pigeons, Fritters, &c. [c] Serve a
    Pheasant dry, with salt and ginger: a Heronsewe with salt and
    powder (blanche?) [d] Treat open-clawed birds like capons.]

      [Footnote *: The feast of St John’s Beheading is on Aug. 29.]


¶ From the feest of saynt Myghell vnto the feest of Chrystynmasse.

[a] ++In the fyrst course, potage, befe, motton, bacon, or
pestelles of porke, or with goose, capon, mallarde, swanne, or fesande,
as it is before sayd, with tartes, or bake metes, or chynes of porke.
[b] In the second course, potage, mortrus, or conyes, or sewe / than
roste flesshe, motton, porke, vele, pullettes, chekyns, pygyons, teeles,
wegyons, mallardes, partryche, woodcoke, plouer, bytture, curlewe,
heronsewe / venyson roost, grete byrdes, snytes, feldefayres, thrusshes,
fruyters, chewettes, befe with sauce gelopere, roost with sauce pegyll,
& other ba[Fol. B iii.]ke metes as is aforesayde. And yf ye kerue afore
your lorde or your lady ony soden flesshe, [c] kerue awaye the sky{n}ne
aboue / tha{n} kerue resonably of y^e flesshe to your lorde or lady, and
[d] specyally for ladyes, for y^e[N] wyll soone be angry, for theyr
thoughtes ben soone changed / and some lordes wyll be sone pleased, &
some wyll not / as they be of co{m}pleccyo{n}. [e] The goos & swanne may
be cut as ye do other fowles y^t haue hole fete, or elles as your lorde
or your lady wyll aske it. Also a swa{n}ne w{i}t{h} chawdron, capo{n},
or fesande, ought for to be arayed as it is aforesayd / but the skynne
must be had awaye / & whan they be{n} kerued before your lorde or your
lady / for generally [f] the skynne of all maner clove{n} foted fowles
is vnholsome / & the skynne of all maner hole foted fowles be{n} holsome
for to be eten. Also wete ye well that all maner hole foted fowles that
haue theyr lyuy{n}g vpon the water, theyr skynnes ben holsome & clene,
for by y^e clenes of the water / & fysshe, is theyr lyuynge. And yf that
they ete ony stynkynge thynge, it is made so clene with y^e water that
all the corrupcyon is clene gone away frome it. [g] And the sky{n}ne of
capo{n}, henne, or chekyn, ben not so clene, for the[y] ete foule
thynges in the strete / & therfore the skynnes be{n} not so holsome /
for it is not theyr kynde to entre in to y^e ryuer to make theyr mete
voyde of y^e fylth. [h] Mallarde, goose, or swanne, they ete vpon the
londe foule mete / but a-no{n}, after theyr ky{n}de, they go to the
ryuer, & theyr they clense them of theyr foule stynke. A fesande as it
is aforesayd / but y^e sky{n}ne is not holsome / [i] than take y^e
heddes of all felde byrdes and wood byrdes, as fesande, pecocke,
partryche, woodcocke, and curlewe, for they ete in theyr degrees foule
thynges, as wormes, todes, and other suche.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Dinner Courses from Michaelmas to Christmas._
    [a] First Course: legs of Pork, &c. [b] Second Course: Widgeon,
    Fieldfares, Chewets, Beef, with sauces Gelopere and Pegyll. [c]
    Cut the skin off boiled meats. [d] Carve carefully for Ladies;
    they soon get angry [e] Carve Goose and Swan like other birds. [f]
    The skin of cloven-footed birds is unwholsome; of whole-footed
    birds wholesome, because the water washes all corruption out of
    ’em. [g] Chicken’s skin is not so pure, because their nature is
    not to enter into the river. [h] River birds cleanse their foul
    stink in the river. [i] Take off the heads of all field birds, for
    they eat worms, toads, and the like.]


    [Headnote: SEWYNGE OF FYSSHE.]

  ¶ Here endeth the feestes and the keruynge of flesshe,
  And here begynneth the sewynge of fysshe.

  ¶ The fyrst course.

++To go to sewynge of fysshe: musculade, menewes in sewe of porpas or of
samon, bacon hery{n}ge w{i}t{h} suger, grene fysshe, pyke, lampraye,
salens, porpas rosted, bake gurnade, and lampraye bake.

  ¶ The seconde course.

¶ Gelly whyte and rede, dates in confetes, congre, samon, dorrey,
brytte, turbot, halybut / for standarde, base, troute, molette, cheuene,
sele, eles & lamprayes roost, tenche in gelly.

  ¶ The thyrde course.

¶ Fresshe sturgyon, breme, perche in gelly, a Ioll of samon, sturgyon,
and welkes; apples & peres rosted with suger candy. Fygges of malyke, &
raysyns, [O] dates capte w{i}t{h} mynced gynger / wafers and ypocras,
they ben agreable / this feest is done, voyde ye the table.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Sewynge of Fysshe._
    _First Course:_
    _Musculade._ Salens, &c., baked Gurnet.
    _Second Course:_
    Jelly, dates, &c. For a standard, Mullet, Chub, Seal, &c.
    _Third Course:_
    Bream, Perch, Whelks; and pears in sugar candy. Figs, dates capped
    with minced ginger, &c.
    All over! Clear the table.]


    [Headnote: KERUYNGE OF FYSSHE.]

  [Fol. B iii.b.] ¶ Here endeth sewynge of fysshe.
  And here foloweth keruynge of fysshe.


[a] ++The keruer of fysshe must se to pessene & fourmentye the tayle
and y^e lyuer: ye must loke [b] yf there be a salte purpos, or sele
turrentyne, & do after y^e fourme of venyson / baken herynge, laye it
hole vpon your soueraynes trenchour / whyte hery{n}ge in a disshe, open
it by y^e backe, pyke out the bones & the rowe, & se there be mustarde.
Of salte fysshe, grene fysshe, salt samon & congre, pare away y^e skyn /
salte fysshe, stocke fysshe, marlynge, makrell, and hake, with butter:
take awaye the bones & the skynnes. A pyke, laye y^e wombe vpon his
trenchour w{i}t{h} pyke sauce ynoughe. A salte [Fol. B 4.] lampraye,
gobone it flatte in .vii. or .viii. peces, & lay it to your souerayne.
A playce, put out the water / than crosse hym with your knyfe, caste on
salte & wyne or ale. [c] Gornarde, rochet, breme, cheuene, base, molet,
roche, perche, sole, makrell & whytynge, haddocke and codlynge, reyse
them by the backe, & pyke out the bones, & clense the refet in y^e bely.
[d] Carpe, breme, sole, & troute, backe & belly togyder. Samon, congre,
sturgyon, turbot, thorpole, thornebacke, hou{n}de-fysshe, & halybut, cut
them in the dysshe as y^e porpas aboute / tenche in his sauce, cut it /
eles & lamprayes roost, pull of the skynne, pyke out y^e bones, put
therto vyneger & poudre. [e] A crabbe, breke hym a-sonder in to a
dysshe, make y^e shelle clene, & put in the stuffe agayne, tempre it
with vynegre & pouder, than couer it with brede, and sende it to the
kytchyn to hete / than set it to your souerayne, and breke the grete
clawes, and laye them in a disshe. [f] A creues, dyght hym thus: departe
hym a-sonder, & slytee[P] the belly, and take out y^e fysshe; pare away
the reed skynne, and mynce it thynne; put vynegre in the dysshe, and set
in on y^e table w{i}t{h}out hete. A Iol of sturgyon, cut it in thynne
morselles, & lay it rou{n}de aboute the dysshe. Fresshe lampraye bake:
open y^e pasty / than take whyte brede, and cut it thynne, & lay it in a
dysshe, & [g] with a spone take out galentyne, & lay it vpon the brede
with reed wyne & poudre of synamon / than cut a gobone of the lampraye,
& mynce the gobone thynne, and laye it in the galentyne; than set it
vpo{n} the fyre to hete. [h] Fresshe herynge with salte & wyne /
shrympes wel pyked, flou{n}dres, gogyons, menewes & musceles, eles and
lamprayes: [i] sprottes is good in sewe / musculade in wortes / oystres
i{n} ceuy, oysters in grauy, menewes in porpas, samo{n} & seele, gelly
[Fol. B 4b.] whyte and reede, creme of almo{n}des, [k] dates in
comfetes, peres and quynces in syrupe, with percely rotes; mortrus of
houndes fysshe, ryse standynge.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Carving and Dressing of Fish_
    [a] Put tails and livers in the pea broth and furmity. [b] How to
    carve Seal Turrentyne, baked Herring, white Herring, Green Fish,
    Merling, Hake, Pike, salt Lamprey, Plaice. [c] Gurnard, Bream,
    Roach, Whiting, Codling. [d] Carp, Trout, Conger, Thornback,
    Halibut, Tench, and Crab. [e] How to dress and serve up a Crab.
    [f] How to dress and carve a Crayfish, a Joll of Sturgeon, a fresh
    Lamprey, pasty. [g] (sauce, Galentyne with red wine and powdered
    cinnamon.) [h] Fresh Herring, &c. [i] Sprats, Musculade in worts,
    Oysters. [k] Dates, pears, Mortrewes of Dogfish.]


    [Headnote: SAUCES FOR FYSSHE.]

  ¶ Here endeth the keruynge of fysshe.
  And here begy{n}neth sauces for all maner of fysshe.

[a] ++Mustarde is good for salte herynge / salte fysshe, salte congre,
samo{n}, sparlynge, salt ele & lynge: [b] vynegre is good with salte
porpas, turrentyne salte / sturgyo{n} salte, threpole, & salt wale /
[c] lampray with galentyne / vergyus to roche, dace, breme, molet, base,
flounders, sole, crabbe, and [d] cheuene, with poudre of synamo{n}; to
thornebacke, herynge, houndefysshe, haddocke, whytynge, & codde,
vynegre, poudre of synamon, & gynger; [e] grene sauce is good with grene
fysshe & halybut, cottell, & fresshe turbot / put not your grene sauce
awaye, for it is good with mustarde.

  ¶ Here endeth for all maner of sauces for fyssche accordynge to
  theyr appetyte.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Sauces for Fish._
    [a] Mustard for Salmon, &c.; [b] Vinegar for salt Whale, &c.;
    [c] Galentyne for Lamprey; Verjuice for Roach, &c.; [d] Cinnamon
    for Chub, &c.; [e] Green Sauce for Halibut, &c.]


    [Headnote: THE CHAUMBERLAYNE.]

¶ The chaumberlayne.

++The caumberlayne muste be dylyge{n}t & clenly in his offyce, with his
heed kembed, & so to his souerayne that he be not recheles, & se that he
haue a clene sherte, breche, petycote, and doublet / tha{n} brusshe his
hosen within & without, & se his shone & slyppers be made clene / [a] &
at morne whan your souerayne wyll aryse, warme his sherte by the fyre /
& se ye haue a fote shete made in this maner. Fyrst set a chayre by the
fyre with a cuysshen, an other vnder his fete / tha{n} sprede a shete
ouer the chayre, and se there be redy a kerchefe [Fol. B 5.] and a combe
/ than [b] warme his petycote, his doublet, and his stomachere / [c] &
than put on his hosen & his shone or slyppers, than stryke vp his hosen
manerly, & tye them vp, than lace his doublet hole by hole, & laye the
clothe aboute his necke & kembe his hede / than loke ye haue a basyn, &
an ewer with warme water, and a towell, and wasshe his handes / than
knele vpon your knee, & aske your souerayne what robe he wyll were, &
brynge him such as your souerayne co{m}mau{n}deth, & put it vpon hym;
than doo his gyrdell aboute hym, & take your leue manerly, & [d] go to
the chyrche or chapell to your soueraynes closet, & laye carpentes &
cuysshens, & lay downe his boke of prayers / than drawe the curtynes,
and take your leue goodly, & go to youre soueraynes chambre, & cast all
the clothes of his bedde, & bete the feder bedde & the bolster / but
loke ye waste no feders; than shall the blankettes, & se the shetes be
fayre & swete, or elles loke ye haue clene shetes / than [e] make vp his
bedde manerly, than lay the hed shetes & the pyllowes / than take vp the
towel & the basyn, & laye carpentes aboute the bedde, or wyndowes &
cupbordes layde with carpettes and cuysshyns. Also loke there be a good
fyre brennynge bryght / & [f] se the hous of hesement be swete & clene,
& the preuy borde couered with a grene clothe and a cuysshyn / tha{n} se
there be blanked, donne, or cotton, for your souerrayne / & [g] loke ye
haue basyn, & euer with water, & a towell for your souerayne / than take
of his gowne, & brynge him a mantell to kepe hym fro colde / than brynge
hym to the fyre, & take of his shone & his hosen; than take a fayre
kercher of reynes / & [h] kembe his heed, & put on his kercher and his
bonet / than sprede downe his bedde, laye the heed shete and the
pyllowes / & whan your souerayne is to bedde [Fol. B 5b.] drawe the
curtynes / than se there be morter or waxe or perchoures be redy / than
dryue out dogge or catte, & loke there be basyn and vrynall set nere
your souerayne / than take your leue manerly that your souerayne may
take his rest meryly.

  ¶ Here endeth of the chaumberlayne.

    [Sidenotes:
    _The Duties of a Chamberlain._
    He must be cleanly, and comb his hair; see to his Lord’s clothes,
    and brush his hose; [a] in the morning warm his shirt, and prepare
    his footsheet; [b] warm his petycote, &c.; [c] put on his shoes,
    tie up his hose, comb his head, wash his hands, put on the robe he
    orders. [d] Make ready his Closet in the Church or Chapel, then
    come home to his Bed-chamber, take off the bed-clothes. [e] Make
    his lord’s bed again with clean sheets, and lay hangings round the
    bed, and windows, &c. [f] Keep the privy clean, and the board
    covered with green cloth, and provide down or cotton for wiping.
    [g] When he goes to bed, let him wash; put him on a mantle, take
    off his shoes, &c. [h] Comb his head, put on his night-cap, draw
    the curtains round him, drive out the dogs and cats, set the
    urinal near, and then take leave.]


    [Headnote: OF THE MARSHALL AND THE VSSHER.]

  ¶ Here foloweth of the Marshall and the vssher.


++The Marshall and the vssher muste knowe all the estates of the
chyrche, and the hyghe estate of a kynge, with the blode royall.

¶ The estate of a Pope hath no pere.

¶ The estate of an Emperour is nexte.

¶ The estate of a kynge.

¶ The estate of a cardynall.

¶ The estate of a kynges sone, a prynce.

¶ The estate of an archebysshop.

¶ The estate of a duke

¶ The estate of a bysshop

¶ The estate of a marques

¶ The estate of an erle

¶ The estate of a vycount

¶ The estate of a baron.

¶ The estate of an abbot with a myter

¶ The estate of the thre chefe Iuges & the Mayre of London.

¶ The estate of an abbot without a myter

¶ The estate of a knyght bacheler

¶ The estate of a pryour, dene, archedeken, or knyght

[Fol. B 6.]

¶ The estate of the mayster of the rolles.

¶ The estate of other Iustices & barons of the cheker

¶ The estate of the mayre of Calays.

¶ The estate of a prouyncyall, a doctour dyvyne,

¶ The estate of a prothonat: he is aboue the popes collectour, and a
doctour of bothe the lawes.

¶ The estate of him that hath ben mayre of London and seruaunt of the
lawe.

¶ [a] The estate of a mayster of the chauncery, and other worshypfull
prechours of pardon, and clerkes that ben gradewable / & all other
ordres of chastyte, persones & preestes, worshypfull marchauntes &
gentylmen, all this may syt at the squyers table.

¶ [b] An archebysshop and a duke may not kepe the hall, but eche estate
by them selfe in chaumbre or in pauylyon, that neyther se other.

¶ [c] Bysshoppes, Marques, Erles, & Vycou{n}tes, all these may syt two
at a messe.

¶ [d] A baron, & the mayre of London, & thre chefe Iuges, and the speker
of the parlyament, & an abbot with a myter, all these may svt two or
thre at a messe

¶ [e] And all other estates may syt thre or foure at a messe

¶ [f] Also the Marshall muste vnderstande and knowe the blode royall,
for some lorde is of blode royall & of small lyuelode. And some knyght
is wedded to a lady of royal blode; she shal kepe the estate that she
was before. And a lady of lower degree shal kepe the estate of her
lordes blode / & therfore the royall blode shall haue the reuere{n}ce,
as I haue shewed you here before.

¶ Also a marshall muste take hede of the byrthe, and nexte of the lyne,
of the blode royall.

¶ [g] Also he must take hede of the kynges offycers, of the Chaunceler,
Stewarde, Chamberlayne, Tresourer, and Controller.

¶ Also the marshall must take heed vnto straungers, & put them to
worshyp & reuerence; for and they haue good chere it is your soueraynes
honour.

¶ Also a Marshall muste take hede yf the kynge sende to your souerayne
ony message; and yf he send a knyght, receyue hym as a baron; and yf he
sende a squyre, receyue hym as a knyght / and yf he sende you a yoman,
receyue hym as a squyer / and yf he sende you a grome, receyue hym as a
yoman.

¶ Also it is noo rebuke to a knyght to sette a grome of the kynge at his
table.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Marshal and Usher._
    He must know the orders of precedence of all ranks.
    A Cardinal before a Prince.
    The Mayor of London ranks with the 3 Chief Justices.
    The Knight’s equals.
    The ex-Mayor of London.
    [a] The Esquire’s equals. [b] Who must dine alone, [c] who 2
    together, [d] who 2 or 3, [e] who 3 or 4. [f] The Marshall must
    know who are of royal blood, for that has the reverence. [g] He
    must take heed of the King’s officers, do honour to strangers, and
    receive a Messenger from the King as if one degree higher than he
    is, for a King’s groom may sit at a Knight’s table.]


¶ Here endeth the boke of seruyce, & keruynge, and sewynge, and all
maner of offyce in his kynde vnto a prynce or ony other estate, & all
the feestes in the yere. Enprynted by wynkyn de worde at London in Flete
strete at the sygne of the sonne. The yere of our lorde god
M.CCCCC.xiij.

  [+Wynkyn .de. worde’s+ device here.]

    [Sidenotes:
    Here ends this Book printed by Wynkyn de Worde. A.D. 1513.]



NOTES.


Wynkyn de Worde introduces some dishes, sauces, fish, and one wine, not
mentioned by Russell.

The new _Dishes_ are--

_Fayge_ (p. 157, l. 10). This may be for _Sage_, the herb, or a variety
of Fritter, like _Fruyter vaunte_ (p. 157, l. 2; p. 159, l. 24),
_fruyter say_ (p. 159, l. 24), or a dish that I cannot find, or a way of
spelling figs.

_Fruyter say_, p. 159, l. 24. If _say_ is not for _Sage_, then it may be
a fish, contrasted with the _vaunte_, which I suppose to mean ‘meat.’
_Sey_ is a Scotch name for the Coalfish, _Merlangus Carbonarius_.
Yarrell, ii. 251.

_Charlet_ (p. 159, l. 28). The recipe in ‘Household Ordinances,’ p. 463,
is, Take swete cowe mylk and put into a panne, and cast in therto ȝolkes
of eyren and the white also, and sothen porke brayed, and sage; and let
hit boyle tyl hit crudde, and colour it with saffron, and dresse hit up,
and serve hit forthe.” Another recipe for Charlet Enforsed follows, and
there are others for Charlet and Charlet icoloured, in Liber Cure,
p. 11.

_Jowtes_, p. 160, last line. These are broths of beef or fish boiled
with chopped boiled herbs and bread, _H. Ord._ p. 461. Others are made
‘with swete almond mylke,’ _ib._ See ‘Joutus de Almonde,’ p. 15, _Liber
Cure_. For ‘Joutes’ p. 47; ‘for oþer ioutes,’ p. 48.

_Browes_, p. 160, last line. This is doubtless the Brus of Household
Ordinances, p. 427, and the _bruys_ of Liber Cure, p. 19, l. 3, brewis,
or broth. Brus was made of chopped pig’s-inwards, leeks, onions, bread,
blood, vinegar. For ‘Brewewes in Somere’ see _H. Ord._ p. 453.

_Chewettes_, p. 161, l. 4, were small pies of chopped-up livers of pigs,
hens, and capons, fried in grease, mixed with hard eggs and ginger, and
then fried or baked. _Household Ordinances_, p. 442, and _Liber Cure_,
p. 41. The Chewets for fish days were similar pies of chopped turbot,
haddock, and cod, ground dates, raisins, prunes, powder and salt, fried
in oil, and boiled in sugar and wine. _L. Cure_, p. 41. Markham’s Recipe
for ‘A Chewet Pye’ is at p. 80-1 of his _English Houswife_. _Chewit_, or
small Pie; minced or otherwise. R. Holme. See also two recipes in MS.
Harl. 279, fol. 38.

_Flaunes_ (p. 161, l. 4) were Cheesecakes, made of ground cheese beaten
up with eggs and sugar, coloured with saffron, and baked in ‘cofyns’ or
crusts. ‘A Flaune of Almayne’ or ‘Crustade’ was a more elaborate
preparation of dried or fresh raisins and pears or apples pounded, with
cream, eggs, bread, spices, and butter, strained and baked in ‘a faire
coffyn or two.’ _H. Ord._ p. 452. [[‘Pro Caseo ad _flauns_ qualibet die
. panis j’ (allowance of). _Register of Worcester Priory_, fol. 121 _a._
ed. Hale, 1865.]]

Of new _Sauces_, Wynkyn de Worde names _Gelopere_ & _Pegyll_ (p. 165,
l. 4). Gelopere I cannot find, and can only suggest that its _p_ may be
for _f_, and that “cloves of gelofer,” the clove-gillyflower, may have
been the basis of it. These cloves were stuck in ox tongues, see “Lange
de beof,” _Liber Cure_, p. 26. Muffett also recommends Gilly-flour
Vinegar as the best sauce for sturgeon in summer, p. 172; and Vinegar of
Clove-Gilliflowers is mentioned by Culpepper, p. 97, Physical Directory,
1649.

_Pegylle_ I take to be the _Pykulle_ of Liber Cure Cocorum, p. 31, made
thus;

  ‘Take droppyng of capone rostyd wele
  With wyne and mustarde, as have Þou cele [bliss],
  With onyons smalle schrad, and sothun in grece,
  Meng alle in fere, and forthe hit messe.’

The new _Wine_ is _Campolet_, p. 153. Henderson does not mention it;
Halliwell has ‘_Campletes_. A kind of wine, mentioned in a curious list
in MS. Rawl. C. 86.’ [See the list in the Notes to Russell, above,
p. 86.] I suppose it to be the wine from ‘_Campole_. The name of a
certaine white grape, which hath very white kernels.’ Cotgrave.

Of new _Fish_ W. de Worde names the _Salens_ (p. 166, l. 8), _Cottell_
and _Tench_ (p. 167). Torrentyne he makes _sele turrentyne_ (p. 166,
l. 8 from bottom) seemingly, but has _turrentyne salte_ as a fish
salted, at p. 168, l. 7.

_Cottell_, p. 168, l. 14, the cuttlefish. Of these, _Sepiæ vel
Lolligines calamariæ_, Muffet says, they are called also ‘sleewes’ for
their shape, and ‘scribes’ for their incky humour wherewith they are
replenished, and are commended by Galen for great nourishers; their
skins be as smooth as any womans, but their flesh is brawny as any
ploughmans; therefore I fear me Galen rather commended them upon
hear-say then upon any just cause or true experience.

For the _Salens_ I can only suggest thunny. Aldrovandi, _de Piscibus_,
treating of the synonyms of the Salmon, p. 482, says, “Græcam salmonis
nomenclaturam non inuenio, neq{ue} est quod id miretur curiosus lector,
cum in Oceano tantu{m} flumi{n}ibusq{ue} in eum se exonerantibus
reperiatur, ad quæ veteres Græci nunquam penetr{a}runt. Qui voluerit,
_Salangem_ appellare poterit. Σαλάχξ enim boni, id est, delicati piscis
nomen legitur apud Hesychium, nec præterea qui sit, explicatur: aut a
migrandi natura κατανάδρομος, vel δρόμας fluviatilis dicatur, nam
Aristoteles in mari dromades vocat Thunnos aliosq{ue} gregales, qui
aliunde in Pontum excurrunt, et vix vno loco conquiescunt; aut nomen
fingatur a saltu, & ἄλμων dicitur. Non placet tamen, salmonis nomen a
saltu deduci, aut etiam á sale, licet saliendi natura ei optimè quadret
saleq{ue} aut muria inueturaria etiam soleat. Non enim latine sed a
Germanis Belgisuè Rheni accolis, aut Gallis Aquitanicis accepta vox
est.” See also p. 318, ‘Scardula, et Iucohia ex Pigis, et Plota,
Sale{n}a.’ _Gesner, de Piscibus_, p. 273. Can _salens_ be the Greek
‘σωλην, a shell-fish, perhaps like the razor-fish. Epich.
p. 22.’--Liddell and Scott--? I presume not. ‘_Solen._ The flesh is
sweet; they may be eaten fryed or boiled.’ 1661, R. Lovell, _Hist. of
Animals_, p. 240. ‘_Solen_: A genus of bivalve mollusks, having a long
slender shell; razor-fish.’ Webster’s Dict.

_Sele turrentyne_, p. 166, l. 8 from bottom. Seemingly a variety of
seal, or of eel or sole if _sele_ is a misprint. But I cannot suggest
any fish for it.

_Rochets_, p. 167, l. 5. _Rubelliones._ _Rochets_ (or rather Rougets,
because they are so red) differ from Gurnards and Curs, in that they are
redder by a great deal, and also lesser; they are of the like flesh and
goodness, yet better fryed with onions, butter, and vinegar, then
sodden. Muffett, p. 166.


    [Footnote L*: See above, in the Keruynge of Flesshe, p. 157,
    lines 5 and 4 from the bottom.  [“laye foure trenchours to your
    soferayne, one by an other / and laye theron other foure trenchours
    or elles twayne”]]

    [Textnotes:
    A _Orig._ seasous
    B _sic_: o _for_ e
    C _sic_: a _for_ n
    D _for_ se, _see_.
    E _for_ is
    F _for_ be
    G ? u _for_ n
    H _for_ with
    I _sic_: c _for_ e
    K _sic_: u _for_ n
    L The top of the _s_ is broken off, making the letter look like
      an _l_ rubbed at the top.
    M ? brothe
    N _for_ they
    O _Orig._ raysyus
    P _sic_]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The

  Boke of Curtasye.

  FROM THE SLOANE MS. 1986 IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM, AB. 1460 A.D.


[Transcriber’s Note:

In this selection, sidenotes are identified by verse lines. They are
grouped by text headers (generally in Latin), as shown in the Table
of Contents.]


  CONTENTS.

                                                                  PAGE
  Here begynneth{e} þe FYRST BOKE of CURTASYE                      177
      [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT TABLE.]
      [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT MEALS.]
  THE SECOND BOOK                                                  181
      [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT CHURCH, TO PARENTS, ETC.]
      [Headnote: THE RULE OF GOOD MANNERS.]
  THE THIRD BOOK:
    De officiarijs in curijs d{omi}no{rum}                         187
    De Ianitor{e}                                                  188
      [Headnote: OF THE PORTER, AND MARSHAL OF THE HALL.]
    De Marescallo aule                                             188
    P{er} q{uan}tu{m} te{m}p{us} armig{er}i h{ab}eb{un}t
        lib{er}ata{m} {et} ignis ardeb{i}t i{n} a{ul}a             189
    De pinc{er}nario, panetario,
        {et} cocis sibi s{er}uie{n}tib{us}                         190
      [Headnote: OF THE BUTLER AND PANTER.]
    De offic{i}o pinc{er}narij                                     190
    De hostiario {et} suis s{er}uientib{us}                        190
    De Offic{i}o garc{i}onu{m}                                     191
      [Headnote: OF THE GROOMS AND USHER OF THE CHAMBER.]
    De seneschallo                                                 194
      [Headnote: OF THE STEWARD.]
    De cont{ra}rotulatore                                          195
    De sup{er}uisore                                               195
    De Clerico coquine                                             195
    De cancellario                                                 195
      [Headnote: OF THE CHANCELLOR AND TREASURER.]
    De thesaurizario                                               196
    De receptore firmar{um}                                        197
    De Auenario                                                    197
    De pistore                                                     198
      [Headnote: OF THE BAKER AND HUNTSMAN.]
    De venatore {et} suis canib{us}                                198
    De aquario                                                     199
    Qui d{eb}ent manus lauar{e}
        {et} i{n} q{u}or{um} domib{us}                             199
    De panetario                                                   200
      [Headnote: OF THE PANTER, THE LORD’S KNIVES, ETC.]
    De Cultellis d{omi}ni                                          200
    De Elemosinario                                                201
      [Headnote: OF THE ALMONER AND DISH-SERVER.]
    De ferculario                                                  202
    De candelario                                                  204
      [Headnote: OF THE CARVER, SURNAPE-LAYERS, AND CHANDLER.]


  The boke of Curtasye.


  ++Here begynneth{e} þe fyrst boke of curtasye.

  ++Qwo so wylle of curtasy ler{e},                     [Fol. 12.]
  In this boke he may hit her{e}!
  Yf thow be gentylmon, ȝomo{n}, or knaue,
  The nedis nurture for to haue.                                       4
  Wheñ thou comes to a lordis ȝate,
  The porter þ{o}u shall{e} fynde ther-ate;
  Take hym thow shalt þy wepyn tho,
  And aske hym leue in to go                                           8

  ¶ To speke w{i}t{h} lorde, lady, squyer, or grome.
  Ther-to the nedys to take the tome[1];
  For yf he be of logh{e} degre,
  Than hym falles to come to the;                                     12

  ¶ Yf he be gentylmo{n} of kyñ,
  The porter wille lede the to hym.
  When thow come tho halle dor to,
  Do of thy hode, thy gloues also;                                    16

  ¶ Yf þo halle be at the furst mete,
  This lessou{n} loke thow noȝt for-ȝete:
  Þe stuard, countroller, and tresurer{e},
  Sittand at de deshe, þ{o}u haylse in fere.                          20

  ¶ W{i}t{h}iñ þe hall{e} sett on ayther side,
  Sitten other ge{n}tylme{n} as fall{es} þ{a}t tyde;
  Enclyne þe fayre to hom also,
  First to the ryȝht honde þ{o}u shall{e} go,                         24

  ¶ Sitthen to þo left honde þy neghe þ{o}u cast;
  To hom þ{o}u bogh{e} w{i}t{h}outen wrast[2];
  Take hede to ȝomo{n} on þy ryght honde,
  And sithen byfor{e} the screne þ{o}u stonde                         28

  ¶ In myddys þe halle opon þe flore,
  Whille marshall{e} or vssher come fro þe dore,
  And bydde the sitte, or to borde the lede.
  Be stabull{e} of chere for menske[3], y rede;                       32

    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT TABLE.]

  ¶ Yf he þe sette at gentilmo{n}nes borde,
  Loke þ{o}u be hynde[4] and lytull{e} of worde.
  Pare þy brede and kerue in two,
  Tho ou{er} crust þo nether fro;                                     36

  ¶ In fowre þ{o}u kutt þo ou{er} dole,
  Sett hom to-gedur as h{i}t where hole;
  Sithen kutt þo nether crust in thre,
  And t{ur}ne h{i}t dowñ, lerne þis at me.                            40

  ¶ And lay thy trencho{ur} þe be-fore,
  And sitt vp-ryȝht for any sore.
  Spare brede or wyne, drynke or ale,
  To thy messe of kochyñ be sett in sale;                             44

  ¶ Lest men sayne þ{o}u art hong{ur} beteñ,
  Or ellis a gloten þ{a}t all{e} me{n} wyteñ,
  Loke þy naylys ben clene in blythe,
  Lest þy felagh{e} lothe ther-wyth.                                  48

  ¶ Byt not on thy brede and lay h{i}t dou{n},--
  That is no curteyse to vse in towñ;--
  But breke as mych{e} as þ{o}u wyll{e} ete,
  The remelant to pore þ{o}u shall{e} lete.                           52

  ¶ In peese þ{o}u ete, and eu{er} eschewe
  To flyte[5] at borde; þ{a}t may þe rewe.
  Yf þ{o}u make mawes[6] on any wyse,
  A velany þ{o}u kacches or eu{er} þ{o}u rise.                        56

  ¶ Let neu{er} þy cheke be Made to grete               [Fol. 13.]
  W{i}t{h} morsell{e} of brede þ{a}t þ{o}u shall{e} ete;
  An apys mow men sayne he makes,
  Þ{a}t brede and flesshe in hys cheke bakes.                         60

  ¶ Yf any mañ speke þ{a}t tyme to the,
  And þ{o}u schall{e} onsware, h{i}t will{e} not be
  But waloande, and a-byde þ{o}u most;
  Þ{a}t is a schame for alle the host.                                64

  ¶ On bothe halfe þy mouthe, yf þ{a}t þ{o}u ete,
  Mony a skorne shall{e} þ{o}u gete.
  Þ{o}u shall{e} not lauȝhe ne speke no þyng{e}
  Whille þi mouthe be full{e} of mete or drynke;                      68

  ¶ Ne suppe not w{i}t{h} grete sowndyng{e}
  Noþer potage ne oþer þyng{e}.
  Let not þi spone stond in þy dysche,
  Wheþ{er} þ{o}u be s{er}ued w{i}t{h} fleshe or fische;               72

  ¶ Ne lay hit not on thy dishe syde,
  But clense h{i}t honestly w{i}t{h}-outen pride.
  Loke no browyng{e} on þy fyng{ur} þore
  Defoule þe clothe þe be-fore.                      [p. 27, bot.]    76

  ¶ In þi dysche yf þ{o}u wete þy brede,
  Loke þ{er}-of þat noȝt be lede
  To cast agayne þy dysche in-to;
  Þ{o}u art vn-hynde yf þ{o}u do so.                                  80

  ¶ Drye þy mouthe ay wele {and} fynde
  When þ{o}u schall{e} drynke oþ{er} ale or wyne.
  Ne calle þ{o}u noȝt a dysche a-ȝayne,
  Þ{a}t ys take fro þe borde in playne;                               84

  ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u sp[i]tt ou{er} the borde, or ell{es} opoñ,
  Þ{o}u schall{e} be holden an vncurtayse mon;
  Yf þy nowñ dogge þ{o}u scrape or clawe,
  Þ{a}t is holden a vyse emong men knawe.                             88

  ¶ Yf þy nose þ{o}u clense, as may be-falle,
  Loke þy honde þ{o}u clense, as wyth{e}-alle,
  Priuely w{i}t{h} skyrt do hit away,
  Oþ{er} ellis thurgh{e} thi tepet þ{a}t is so gay.                   92

  ¶ Clense not thi tethe at mete sittande,
  W{i}t{h} knyfe ne stre, styk ne wande.
  While þ{o}u holdes mete i{n} mouthe, be war
  To drynke, þ{a}t is an-honest[7] char,                              96

  ¶ And also fysike for-bedes hit,
  And sais þ{o}u may be choket at þ{a}t byt;
  Yf hit go þy wrang throte into,
  And stoppe þy wynde, þ{o}u art fordo.                              100

  ¶ Ne telle þ{o}u neu{er} at borde no tale
  To harme or shame þy felawe i{n} sale;
  For if he then w{i}t{h}holde his methe[8],
  Eftsons he wyll{e} forcast þi dethe.                               104

  ¶ Where-ser{e} þ{o}u sitt at mete in borde,
  Avoide þe cat at on bar{e} worde
  For yf þ{o}u stroke cat oþ{er} dogge,
  Þ{o}u art lyke an ape teyȝed w{i}t{h} a clogge.                    108

  ¶ Also {es}chewe, w{i}t{h}-outen stryfe,
  To foule þe borde clothe w{i}t{h} þi knyfe;
  Ne blow not on þy drynke ne mete,
  Neþ{er} for colde, neþer for hete;                                 112

  ¶ W{i}t{h} mete ne bere þy knyfe to mowthe,
  Wheþ{er} þ{o}u be sett be strong or couthe;
  Ne w{i}t{h} þo borde clothe þi tethe þ{o}u wype,      [Fol. 14.]
  Ne þy nyen þ{a}t rennen rede, as may betyde.                       116

  ¶ Yf þ{o}u sitt by a ryȝht good mañ,
  Þis lessoñ loke þou þenke apoñ:
  Vndur his theȝghe þy kne not pit,
  Þ{o}u ar full{e} lewed yf þ{o}u dose hit.                          120

  ¶ Ne bacwarde sittande gyf noȝt þy cupe,
  Noþ{er} to drynke, noþ{er} to suppe;
  Bidde þi frende take cuppe and drynke,
  Þ{a}t is holden an-honest thyng.                                   124

  ¶ Lene not on elbowe at þy mete,
  Noþ{er} for colde ne for hete;
  Dip not þi thombe þy drynke i{n}to,
  Þ{o}u art vncurtayse yf þ{o}u hit do;                              128

  ¶ In salt saler yf þ{a}t þ{o}u pit
  Oþ{er} fisshe or flesshe þ{a}t me{n} may wyt,
  Þ{a}t is a vyce, as me{n} me telles,
  And gret wonder h{i}t most be elles.                               132

  ¶ After mete when þ{o}u shalt wasshe,
  Spitt not in basyn, ne wat{er} þ{o}u dasshe;
  Ne spit not lorely, for no kyn mede,
  Be-fore no mo{n} of god for drede.                                 136

  ¶ Who so eu{er} despise þis lessoun ryȝt,
  At borde to sitt he hase no myȝt.
  Here endys now our{e} fyrst talkyng,
  Crist graunt vs alle his der{e} blessyng!                          140

  ¶ Her{e} endith{e} þe [first] boke of curtasye.

    [Sidenotes:
    [2] In this book you may learn Courtesy. Every one needs it.
    [5] On reaching a Lord’s gate, give the Porter your weapon, and
    ask leave to go in. [11] If the master is of low degree, he will
    come to you: [13] if of high, the Porter will take you to him.
    [15] At the Hall-door, take off your hood and gloves, greet the
    Steward, &c., at the dais, [22] bow to the Gentlemen on each side
    of the hall [24] both right and left; [27] notice the yeomen, then
    stand before the screen till the Marshal or Usher leads you to the
    table. [33] Be sedate and courteous if you are set with the
    gentlemen. [35] Cut your loaf in two, the top from the bottom; cut
    the top crust in 4, and the bottom in 3. [37] cut the top crust in
    4, and the bottom in 3. [41] Put your trencher before you, and
    [43] don’t eat or drink till your Mess is brought from the
    kitchen, [45] lest you be thought starved or a glutton. [47] Have
    your nails clean. [49] Don’t bite your bread, but break it.
    [53] Don’t quarrel at table, or make grimaces. [57] Don’t cram
    your cheeks out with food like an ape, [61] for if any one should
    speak to you, you can’t answer, but must wait. [65] Don’t eat on
    both sides of your mouth. [67] Don’t laugh with your mouth full,
    [69] or sup up your potage noisily. [71] Don’t leave your spoon in
    the dish or on its side, but clean your spoon. [75] Let no dirt
    off your fingers soil the cloth. [77] Don’t put into the dish
    bread that you have once bitten. [81] Dry your mouth before you
    drink. [83] Don’t call for a dish once removed, [85] or spit on
    the table: that’s rude. [87] Don’t scratch your dog. [89] If you
    blow your nose, clean your hand; wipe it with your skirt or put it
    through your tippet. [93] Don’t pick your teeth at meals, or drink
    with food in your mouth, [97] as you may get choked, or killed, by
    its stopping your wind. [101] Tell no tale to harm or shame your
    companions. [106] Don’t stroke the cat or dog. [109] Don’t dirty
    the table cloth with your knife. [111] Don’t blow on your food, or
    put your knife in your mouth, or wipe your teeth or eyes with the
    table cloth. [117] If you sit by a good man, don’t put your knee
    under his thigh. [121] Don’t hand your cup to any one with your
    back towards him. [125] Don’t lean on your elbow, [127] or dip
    your thumb into your drink, [129] or your food into the salt
    cellar: That is a vice. [133] Don’t spit in the basin you wash in
    or loosely (?) before a man of God.]


    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT CHURCH, TO PARENTS, ETC.]

  THE SECOND BOOK.

  Yf that þ{o}u be a ȝong enfaunt,
  And thenke þo scoles for to haunt,
  This lessou{n} schall{e} þy maist{ur} þe merke,
  Croscrist[[8a]] þe spede in all{e} þi werke;                       144
  Sytthen þy _pater n{oste}r_ he wille þe teche,
  As cristes owne postles con preche;
  Aft{ur} þy Aue mar{ia} and þi crede,
  Þat shall{e} þe saue at dome of drede;                             148

  ¶ Theñ aft{ur} to blesse þe w{i}t{h} þe t{r}inité,
  In no{m}i{n}e p{at}ris teche he wille þe;
  Þen w{i}t{h} marke, mathew, luke, {and} Ion,
  W{i}t{h} þe þ{er} cruc{is} and the hegh name;                      152

  ¶ To schryue þe in gen{er}al þ{o}u schall{e} lere
  Þy Confiteor and misereat{ur} in fer{e}.
  To seche þe kyngdam of god, my chylde,
  Þ{er}to y rede þ{o}u be not wylde.                                 156

  ¶ Ther-for{e} worschip god, bothe olde {and} ȝong,
  To be in body and soule yliche strong{e}.
  When þ{o}u comes to þo chirche dore,
  Take þe haly wat{er} stondand on flor{e};                          160

  ¶ Rede or synge or byd p{ra}yeris
  To crist, for all{e} þy crysten ferys;
  Be curtayse to god, and knele dou{n}
  On bothe knees w{i}t{h} grete deuociou{n}.                         164

  ¶ To mo{n} þ{o}u shall{e} knele opon þe toñ,
  Þe toþ{er} to þy self þ{o}u halde aloñ.
  When þ{o}u ministers at þe hegh{e} aut{er}e,
  W{i}t{h} bothe hondes þ{o}u s{er}ue þ{o} p{re}st in fere,          168
  Þe ton to stabull{e} þe toþ{er}
  Lest þ{o}u fayle, my dere broþ{er}.

  ¶ Anoþ{er} curtayse y wylle þe teche,
  Thy fadur And modur, w{i}t{h} mylde speche,           [Fol. 15.]   172
  In worschip and s{er}ue w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt,
  Þ{a}t þou dwelle þe lengur in erthely lyȝt.

  ¶ To anoþ{er} ma{n} do no mor{e} amys
  Then þ{o}u woldys be doñ of hym {and} hys;                         176
  So crist þ{o}u pleses, {and} get{es} þe loue
  Of meñ {and} god þ{a}t sytt{is} aboue.

  ¶ Be not to meke, but i{n} mene þe holde,
  For ellis a fole þ{o}u wyll{e} be tolde.                           180
  He þ{a}t to ryȝtwysnes wylle enclyne,
  As holy wryȝt says vs wele and fyne,
  His sede schall{e} neu{er} go seche hor brede,
  Ne suffur of mo{n} no shames dede.                                 184

  ¶ To for-gyf þ{o}u shall{e} þe hast;
  To veniaunce loke þ{o}u come on last;
  Draw þe to pese w{i}t{h} all{e} þy strengþe;
  Fro stryf and bate draw þe on lengþe.                              188

  ¶ Yf mo{n} aske þe good for goddys sake,
  And þe wont thyng{e} wher-of to take,
  Gyf hym bon{er} wordys on fayre maner{e},
  W{i}t{h} glad semblaunt[A] {and} pure good cher.                   192

    [Textnote A: MS. semblamt]

  ¶ Also of s{er}uice þ{o}u shall{e} be fre
  To eu{er}y mo{n} in hys degré.
  Þ{o}u schall{e} neu{er} lose for to be kynde;
  That on forȝet{is}, anoþ{er} hase in mynde.                        196

  ¶ Yf Any ma{n} haue part w{i}t{h} þe i{n} gyft,
  W{i}t{h} hym þ{o}u make an euen skyft;
  Let hit not henge in honde for glose,
  Þ{o}u art vncurtayse yf þ{o}u hyt dose.                            200

  ¶ To saynt{is} yf þ{o}u þy gate hase hyȝt,
  Thou schall{e} fulfylle h{i}t w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt,
  Lest god þe stryk w{i}t{h} grete veniaunce,
  And pyt þe in-to sore penaunce.                                    204

  ¶ Leue not all{e} me{n} that speke þe fayre,
  Wheþ{er} þ{a}t h{i}t ben comyns, burges, or mayr{e};
  In swete wordis þe nedder was closet,
  Disseyuaunt euer and mysloset;                                     208
  Þ{er}-fore þ{o}u art of adams blode,
  W{i}t{h} wordis be ware, but þ{o}u be wode:
  A schort worde is comynly sothe
  Þ{a}t fyrst slydes fro mo{n}nes tothe.                             212

  ¶ Loke lyȝer neu{er} þ{a}t þ{o}u be-come,
  Kepe þys worde for all{e} and somme.
  Lawȝe not to of[t] for no solace,
  For no kyn myrth{e} þ{a}t any ma{n} mase;                          216
  Who lawes all{e} þ{a}t me{n} may se,
  A schrew or a fole hym semes to be.

  ¶ Thre enmys in þys worlde þ{er} ar{e}
  Þ{a}t coueyteñ alle me{n} to for-fare,--                           220
  The deuel, þe flesshe, þe worlde also,
  That wyrkyn mankynde ful mykyl wo:
  Yf þ{o}u may strye þes þre enmys,
  Þ{o}u may be secur of heueñ blys.                                  224

    [Headnote: THE RULE OF GOOD MANNERS.]

  ¶ Also, my chylde, a-gaynes þy lorde
  Loke þ{o}u stryfe w{i}t{h} no kyn w{o}rde,
  Ne waiour non w{i}t{h} hym þ{o}u lay,
  Ne at þe dyces w{i}t{h} hym to play.                               228

  ¶ Hym that þ{o}u knawes of grett{er} state,
  Be not hys felaw in rest ne bate.                     [Fol. 16.]
  Ȝif þ{o}u be stad in strange contré,
  Enserche no fyr þen fall{es} to the,                               232
  Ne take no more to do on honde
  Þen þ{o}u may hafe menske of all{e} i{n} londe.

  ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u se any mon fal by strete,
  Lawegh{e} not þer-at in drye ne wete,
  But helpe hym vp w{i}t{h} all{e} þy myȝt,
  As seynt Ambrose þe teches ryȝt;
  Þ{o}u that stondys so sure on sete,
  War{e} lest þy hede falle to þy fete.                              240

  ¶ My chylde, yf þ{o}u stonde at þo masse,
  At vndur stondis bothe more and lasse,
  Yf þo prest rede not at þy wylle,
  Rep{re}ue hym noȝt, but holde þe stylle.                           244

  ¶ To any wyȝt þy counsell{e} yf þ{o}u schewe,
  Be war þ{a}t he be not a schrewe,
  Lest he disclaundyr þe w{i}t{h} tong
  Amonge alle me{n}, bothe olde {and} ȝong.                          248

  ¶ Bekenyng, fynguryng, no{n} þ{o}u vse,
  And pryué rownyng loke þ{o}u refuse.
  Yf þ{o}u mete knyȝt, ȝomo{n}, or knaue,
  Haylys hym a-non, “syre, god ȝou saue.”                            252
  Yf he speke fyrst opon þe þor{e},
  Onsware hym gladly w{i}t{h}-oute{n} mor{e}.

  ¶ Go not forth{e} as a dombe freke,
  Syn god hase laft the tonge to speke;                              256
  Lest meñ sey be sibbe or couthe,[9]
  “Ȝond is a mo{n} w{i}t{h}-outen mouthe.”

  ¶ Speke neu{er} vnhonestly of woma{n} kynde,
  Ne let hit neu{er} renne in þy mynde;                              260
  Þe boke hym call{es} a chorle of chere,
  That vylany spekes be weme{n} sere:
  For all{e} we ben of wymme{n} borñ,
  And oure fadurs vs be-forne;                                       264
  Þ{er}for{e} hit is a vnhonest thyng
  To speke of hem in any hethyng.[10]

  ¶ Also a wyfe be-falle of ryȝt
  To worschyp hyr husbonde bothe day {and} nyȝt,                     268
  To his byddyng be obediente,
  And hym to s{er}ue w{i}t{h}-outen offence.

  ¶ Yf two brether be at debate,
  Loke noþ{er} þ{o}u forþ{er} in hor hate,                           272
  But helpe to staunche hom of malice;
  Þen þ{o}u art frende to bothe I-wys.

  ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u go w{i}t{h} a-noþ{er} at þo gate,
  And ȝe be bothe of on astate,                                      276
  Be curtasye and let hym haue þe way,
  That is no vylanye, as me{n} me say;
  And he be come{n} of gret kynraden,
  Go no be-fore þawgh þ{o}u be beden;                                280
  And yf þ{a}t he þy mayst{ur} be,
  Go not be-fore, for curtasé,
  Noþ{er} in fylde, wode, noþ{er} launde,
  Ne euen hym w{i}t{h}, but he c{om}maunde.                          284

  ¶ Yf þ{o}u schalle on pilg{ri}mage go,
  Be not þe thryd felaw for wele ne wo;
  Thre oxen in plowgh may neu{er} wel drawe,            [Fol. 17.]
  Noþ{er} be craft, ryȝt, ne lawe.                                   288

  ¶ Ȝif þ{o}u be p{ro}fert to drynk of cup,
  Drynke not al of, ne no way sup;
  Drynk menskely and gyf agayne,
  Þ{a}t is a curtasye, to speke in playne.                           292

  ¶ In bedde yf þou falle herberet to be,
  W{i}t{h} felawe, maystur, or her degré,
  Þ{o}u schalt enquer{e} be curtasye
  In what p{ar}[t] of þe bedde he wylle lye;                         296
  Be honest and lye þ{o}u fer hym fro,
  Þ{o}u art not wyse but þ{o}u do so.

    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE.]

  ¶ W{i}t{h} woso men, boþe fer and negh,
  The falle to go, loke þ{o}u be slegh                               300
  To aske his nome, and qweche he be,
  Whidur he will{e}: kepe welle þes thre.

  ¶ W{i}t{h} freres on pilg{ri}mage yf þ{a}t þ{o}u go,
  Þ{a}t þei will{e} ȝyme,[11] wilne þ{o}u also;                      304
  Als on nyȝt þ{o}u take þy rest,
  And byde þe day as tru ma{n}nes gest.

  ¶ In no kyn house þ{a}t rede mon is,
  Ne womo{n} of þo same colour y-wys,                                308
  Take neu{er} þy Innes for no kyn nede,
  For þose be folke þ{a}t ar to drede.

  ¶ Yf any thurgh sturnes þe oppose,
  Onswere hym mekely {and} make hym glose:                           312
  But glosand wordys þ{a}t falsed is,
  Forsake, and alle that is omys.

  ¶ Also yf þ{o}u haue a lorde,
  And stondes by-for{e} hym at þe borde,                             316
  While þ{a}t þ{o}u speke, kepe well{e} þy honde,
  Thy fete also in pece let stonde,

  ¶ His curtasé nede he most breke,--
  Stirraunt fyngurs toos whe{n} he shall{e} speke.                   320
  Be stabull{e} of cher{e} and sumwhat lyȝt,
  Ne ou{er} alle wayue þ{o}u not thy syȝt;

  ¶ Gase not on walles w{i}t{h} þy neghe[12],
  Fyr ne negh, logh ne hegh{e};                                      324
  Let not þe post be-cum þy staf,
  Lest þ{o}u be callet a dotet daf;
  Ne delf þ{o}u neu{er} nose thyrle
  W{i}t{h} thombe ne fyngur, as ȝong gyrle;                          328

  ¶ Rob not þy arme ne noȝt hit claw,
  Ne bogh not dou{n} þy hede to law;
  Whil any man spekes w{i}t{h} grete besenes,
  Herken his wordis w{i}t{h}-oute{n} distresse.                      332

  ¶ By strete or way yf þ{o}u schalle go,
  Fro þes two þynges þ{o}u kepe þe fro,
  Noþ{er} to harme chylde ne best,
  W{i}t{h} castyng, turnyng west ne est;                             336
  Ne chaunge þ{o}u not in face coloure,
  For lyghtnes of worde in halle ne bour{e};
  Yf þy vysage chaunge for noȝt,
  Men say ‘þe trespas þ{o}u hase wroȝght.’                           340

  ¶ By-for{e} þy lorde, ne mawes þ{o}u make
  Ȝif þ{o}u wyll{e} curtasie w{i}t{h} þe take.
  W{i}t{h} hondes vnwasshen take neu{er} þy mete;
  Fro alle þes vices loke þ{o}u þe kepe.                             344

  ¶ Loke þ{o}u sytt--{and} make no stryf--              [Fol. 18.]
  Wher{e} þo est[B] co{m}mau{n}dys, or ellis þo wyf.
  Eschewe þe heȝest place w{i}t{h} wyn,[13]
  But þ{o}u be beden to sitt þ{er}-in.                               348
  Of curtasie her{e} endis þe secu{n}de fyt,
  To heuen crist mot our{e} saules flyt!

    [Text note B: Read _ost_]

    [Sidenotes:
    [141] If you go to school you shall learn: 1. Cross of Christ, 2.
    Pater Noster, 3. Hail Mary and the Creed, 4. In the name of the
    Trinity, 5. of the Apostles, 6. the Confession. [155] Seek the
    kingdom of God, and worship Him. [159] At church, take holy water;
    pray for all Christian companions; kneel to God on both knees, to
    man only on one. [167] At the Altar, serve the priest with both
    hands. [171] Speak gently to your father and mother, and honour
    them. [175] Do to others as you would they should do to
    you. [179] Don’t be foolishly meek. [181] The seed of the
    righteous shall never beg or be shamed. [185] Be ready forgive,
    and fond of peace. [189] If you cannot give an asker goods, give
    him good words. [193] Be willing to help every one. [197] Give
    your partner his fair share. [201] Go on the pilgrimages (?) you
    vow to saints, lest God take vengeance on you. [205] Don’t believe
    all who speak fair: the Serpent spoke fair words (to Eve).
    [210] Be cautious with your words, except when angry. [213] Don’t
    lie, but keep your word. [215] Don’t laugh too often, or you’ll be
    called a shrew or a fool. [219] Man’s 3 enemies are: the Devil,
    the Flesh, and the World. [223] Destroy these, and be sure of
    heaven. [225] Don’t strive with your lord, or bet or play with
    him. [231] In a strange place don’t be too inquisitive or fussy.
    [235] If a man falls, don’t laugh, but help him up: [240] your own
    head may fall to your feet. [241] At the Mass, if the priest
    doesn’t please you, don’t blame him. [245] Don’t tell your secrets
    to a shrew. [249] Don’t beckon, point, or whisper. [251] When you
    meet a man, greet him, or answer him cheerily if he greets you:
    don’t be dumb, lest men say you have no mouth. [259] Never speak
    improperly of women, for we and our fathers were all born of
    women. [267] A wife should honour and obey her husband, and serve
    him. [271] Try to reconcile brothers if they quarrel. [275] At a
    gate, let your equal precede you; go behind your superior and your
    master unless he bids you go beside him. [285] On a pilgrimage
    don’t be third man: 3 oxen can’t draw a plough.  [289] Don’t drink
    all that’s in a cup offered you; take a little. [293] If you sleep
    with any man, ask what part of the bed he likes, and lie far from
    him. [299] If you journey with any man, find out his name, who he
    is, where he is going. [303] With friars on a pilgrimage, do as
    they do. [307] Don’t put up at a red (haired and faced) man or
    woman’s house. [312] Answer opponents meekly, but don’t tell lies.
    [315] Before your lord at table, keep your hands, feet, and
    fingers still. [322] Don’t stare about, or at the wall, or lean
    against the post. [327] Don’t pick your nose, scratch your arm, or
    stoop your head. [331] Listen when you’re spoken to. [335] Never
    harm child or beast with evil eye (?) [337] Don’t blush when
    you’re chaffed, or you’ll be accused of mischief. [341] Don’t make
    faces. [342] Wash before eating. [345] Sit where the host tells
    you; avoid the highest place unless you’re told to take it.]


    [Headnote: OF THE PORTER, AND MARSHAL OF THE HALL.]

  THE THIRD BOOK.

  ¶ De officiarijs in curijs d{omi}nor{um}.

  ++Now speke we wylle of officiers
  Of court, and als of her mestiers.                                 352
  Foure me{n} þ{er} beñ þ{a}t ȝerdis schall{e} bere,
  Port{er}, marshall{e}, stuarde, vsshere;
  The port{er} schall{e} haue þe lengest wande,
  The marshall{e} a schort{er} schall{e} haue i{n} hande;            356
  The vssher of chamb{ur} smallest schall{e} haue,
  The stuarde in honde schall{e} haue a stafe,
  A fyngur gret, two whart{er}s long,
  To reule þe meñ of court ymong.                                    360

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Officers in Lords’ Courts._
    [353] Four bear rods; three wands: 1. Porter, the longest,
    2. Marshal, 3. Usher, the shortest, 4. Steward, a staff, a finger
    thick, half a yard long.]


  ¶ De Ianitor{e}.[14]

  ¶ The port{er} falle to kepe þo ȝate,
  Þe stokkes w{i}t{h} hym erly {and} late;
  Ȝif any mañ hase in court mys-gayne,
  To port{er} warde he schall{e} be tane,                            364
  Þ{er} to a-byde þe lordes wyll{e},
  What he wille deme by ryȝtwys skyll{e}.
  For wessell{e} clothes, þ{a}t noȝt be solde,
  Þe po[r]ter hase þ{a}t warde in holde.                             368
  Of strang{er}s also þ{a}t comen to court,
  Þo porter schall{e} warne s{er} at a worde.
  Lyu{er}ay he hase of mete and drynke,
  And sett{is} w{i}t{h} hym who so hym thynke.                       372
  When so eu{er} þo lorde remewe schall{e}
  To castell{e} til oþ{er} as h{i}t may falle,
  For cariage þe port{er} hors schall{e} hyre,
  Foure pens a pece w{i}t{h}-in þo schyr{e};                         376
  Be statut he schall{e} take þ{a}t on þe day.
  Þ{a}t is þe kyng{is} crye in faye.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Porter._
    [361] He keeps the Gate and Stocks, takes charge of misdoers
    till judged, also of clothes, and warns strangers. [371] He is
    found in meat and drink. [373] On his lord’s removing, he hires
    horses at 4d. a piece, the statute price.]


  ¶ De Marescallo aule.[15]

    [Text note: [C MS. spekle.]]

  ¶ Now of marschall{e} of hall{e} wyll{e} I spelle,[C]
  And what falle to hys offyce now wyll{e} y telle;                  380
  In absence of stuarde he shall{e} arest
  Who so eu{er} is rebell{e} in court or fest;
  Ȝomo{n}-vsshere, and grome also,
  Vndur hym ar þes two:                                              384
  Þo grome for fuell{e} þ{a}t schall{e} brenne
  In hall{e}, chambur, to kechyn, as I þe kenne,
  He shall{e} delyu{er} hit ilke a dele,
  In hall{e} make fyre at yche a mele                                388
  Borde, trestuls, and formes also,
  Þe cupborde in his warde schall{e} go,
  Þe dosurs cortines to henge i{n} halle.
  Þes offices nede do he schall{e};                                  392
  Bryng in fyre on alhalawgh day,
  To condulmas euen, I dar well{e} say.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Marshal of the Hall_
    [381] He shall arrest rebels, when the steward is away.
    Yeoman-Usher and Groom are under him. [385] The Groom gets fuel
    for the fire, and makes one in all for every meal; looks after
    tables, trestles, forms, the cup-board, and hangings of the Hall.
    [393] Fires last from Allsaints’ Day to Candlemas Eve, (Nov. 1
    to Feb. 2.) [395] and thus long, Squires receive their daily
    candle? (see l. 839.) [403] The Marshal shall seat men in the
    Hall.]


  ¶ P{er} q{uan}tu{m} te{m}p{us} armig{er}i h{ab}eb{un}t lib{er}ata{m}
  {et} ignis ardeb{i}t i{n} a{ul}a.

    [Sidenote:
    _How long Squires shall have allowances, and Fire shall burn
    in the Hall[[15a]]._]

  So longe squier{s} lyu{er}és shall{e} hafe,[16]
  Of grome of halle, or ellis his knafe;                             396
  But fyre shall{e} brenne in hall{e} at mete,
  To _Cena d{omi}ni_ þ{a}t me{n} base ete;
  Þ{er} browȝt schall{e} be a holyn kene,               [Fol. 19.]
  Þ{a}t sett schall{e} be in erber grene,                            400
  And þ{a}t schall{e} be to alhalawgh day,
  And of be skyfted, as y þe say.
  In hall{e} marshalle all{e} men schall{e} sett
  After here degré, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lett.[17]                       404


    [Headnote: OF THE BUTLER AND PANTER.]

  ¶ De pinc{er}nario, panetario, {et} cocis sibi s{er}uie{n}tib{us}.

  ¶ The botelar, pantrer, and cokes also,
  To hym ar s{er}uaunt{is} w{i}t{h}-oute{n} mo;
  Þ{er}-fore on his ȝerde skor{e} shall{e} he[19]
  Alle messys in halle þ{a}t s{er}uet be,                            408
  Co{m}maunde to sett bothe brede {and} ale
  To all{e} men þ{a}t seruet ben i{n} sale;

  ¶ To gentilme{n} w{i}t{h} wyne I-bake,
  Ellis fayles þo seruice, y vnder-take;                             412
  Iche messe at vj^d breue shall{e} he
  At the countyng house w{i}t{h} oþ{er} mené;
  Yf þo koke wolde say þ{a}t were more,
  Þ{a}t is þo cause þ{a}t he hase hit in skore.                      416
  Þe panter[18] also yf he wolde stryfe,
  For rewarde þ{a}t sett schall{e} be be-lyue.
  Wheñ brede faylys at borde aboute,
  The marshall{e} gares sett w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute                  420
  More brede, þ{a}t calde is a rewarde,
  So shall{e} h{i}t be preuet be-fore stuarde.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Butler, Panter, and Cooks serving him._
    [405] They are the Marshal’s servants. [406] He shall score up
    all messes served, and order bread and ale for men, but wine for
    gentlemen. [413] Each mess shall be reckoned at 6d. [415] and be
    scored up to prevent the cook’s cheating. [419] If bread runs
    short, the Marshal orders more, ‘a reward.’]


  ¶ De offic{i}o pinc{er}narij.[19]

  ¶ Botler shall{e} sett for yche a messe
  A pot, a lofe, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} distresse;                         424
  Botler, pantrer, felawes ar ay,
  Reken hom to-gedur full{e} wel y may.
  The marshall{e} shall{e} herber all{e} men in fere,
  That ben of court of any mestere;                                  428
  Saue þe lordys chamb{ur}, þo wadrop to,
  Þo vssher of chamb{ur} schall{e} tent þo two.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Butler’s duties._
    [423] He shall put a pot and loaf to each mess. [425] He is the
    panter’s mate. [427] The Marshal shall see to men’s lodging.
    [429] The Lord’s Chamber and Wardrobe are under the Usher of
    the Chamber.]


  ¶ De hostiario {et} suis s{er}uientib{us}.[20]

  ¶ Speke I wylle A lytull{e} qwyle
  Of vssher of chambur, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} gyle.                       432
  Þ{er} is gentylme{n}, ȝomo{n}-vssher also,
  Two gromes at þo lest, A page þ{er}-to.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Usher and Grooms of the Chamber._
    [432] 1. Usher, 2. Yeoman-usher, 3. Two grooms and a Page.]


    [Headnote: OF THE GROOMS AND USHER OF THE CHAMBER.]

  ¶ De Offic{i}o garc{i}onu{m}.[21]

  ¶ Gromes palett{is} shyn fyle {and} make liter{e},[22]
  ix fote on lengthe w{i}t{h}-out diswer{e};                         436
  vij fote y-wys hit shall{e} be brode,
  Wele wat{er}ed, I-wrythen, be craft y-trode,
  Wyspes drawen out at fete {and} syde,
  Wele wrethyn and t{ur}nyd a-ȝayne þ{a}t tyde;                      440
  On legh vnsonken hit shall{e} be made,
  To þo gurdylstode hegh on lengthe {and} brade.
  For lordys two beddys schall{e} be made,
  Bothe vtter and inner, so god me glade,                            444
  Þ{a}t henget shall{e} be w{i}t{h} hole sylo{ur},[23]
  W{i}t{h} crochett{is}[24] and loupys sett on lyour;[25]

  ¶ Þo valance on fylour[26] shall{e} henge w{i}t{h} wy{n},
  iij curteyns streȝt drawen w{i}t{h}-inne,                          448
  Þ{a}t reche schall{e} euen to grounde a-boute,
  Noþ{er} mor{e}, noþ{er} lesse, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute;
  He strykes hom vp w{i}t{h} forket wande,
  And lappes vp fast a-boute þe lyft hande;                          452
  Þo knop vp turnes, and closes on ryȝt,

  ¶ As bolde by nek þ{a}t henges full{e} lyȝt.          [Fol. 20.]
  Þo count{ur}pynt he lays on beddys fete,
  Qwysshenes on sydes shyn lye full{e} mete.                         456
  Tapet{is}[27] of spayne on flor{e} by syde,
  Þ{a}t sprad shyn be for pompe and pryde;
  Þo chambur sydes ryȝt to þo dor{e},
  He henges w{i}t{h} tapet{is} þ{a}t ben full{e} stor{e};            460
  And fuel to chymné hym fall{e} to gete,
  And screnes in clof to y-saue þo hete
  Fro þo lorde at mete when he is sett;
  Borde, trestuls, and fourmes, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} let,                464

  ¶ Alle thes þynges kepe schall{e} he,
  And wat{er} in chafer for laydyes fre;
  iij p{er}chers of wax þen shall{e} he fet,
  A-boue þo chymné þ{a}t be sett                                     468
  In syce[28]; ichoñ from oþ{er} shall{e} be
  Þe lenghthe of oþ{er} þ{a}t me{n} may se,[[28a]]
  To brenne, to voide, þ{a}t dronkyn is,
  Oþ{er} ellis I wote he dose Amys.                                  472
  Þo vssher alle-way shall{e} sitt at dor{e}
  At mete, and walke schall{e} on þe flor{e},
  To se þat all{e} be s{er}uet on ryȝt,
  Þat is his office be day {and} nyȝt,                               476
  And byd set borde when tyme schall{e} be,
  And take hom vp when tyme ses he.

  ¶ The wardrop[29] he herbers and eke of chamb{ur}
  Ladyes w{i}t{h} bedys of corall{e} and lamb{ur},                   480
  Þo vsshere schall{e} bydde þo wardroper{e}
  Make redy for all{e} nyȝt be-for{e} þe fere;
  Þen bryng{is} he forthe nyȝt gou{n} also,
  And spredys a tapet and qwysshens two,                             484
  He layes hom þen opon a fourme,
  And foteshete þ{er}-on {and} hit returne.

  ¶ Þo lorde schall{e} skyft hys gowñ at nyȝt,
  Syttand on foteshete tyl he be dyȝt.                               488
  Þen vssher gose to þo botré,
  “Haue in for all{e} nyȝt, syr,” says he;
  Fyrst to þe chaundeler he schall{e} go,
  To take a tortes lyȝt hym fro;                                     492

  ¶ Bothe wyne and ale he tase indede,
  Þo botler says, w{i}t{h}-outen drede,
  No mete for mo{n} schall{e} sayed[30] be,
  Bot for kynge or prynce or duke so fre;                            496
  For heiers of paraunce also y-wys,
  Mete shall{e} be sayed, now thenkys on this.
  Þen to pantré he hyȝes be-lyue,

  ¶ “Syrs, haue in w{i}t{h}-oute{n} stryffe;”                        500
  Manchet and chet[31] bred he shalle take,
  Þo panter{e} assayes þat h{i}t be bake;
  A mort{er} of wax ȝet will{e} he bryng,
  Fro chamb{ur}, syr, w{i}t{h}-out lesyng;                           504
  Þ{a}t alle nyȝt brennes in bassyn cler{e},
  To saue þo chamb{ur} on nyȝt for fyre.

  ¶ Þen ȝomo{n} of chambur shynne voyde w{i}t{h} ryme,
  The torches han holden wele þ{a}t tyme;                            508
  Tho chamb{ur} dore stekes þo vssher thenne,
  W{i}t{h} p{re}ket and tortes þ{a}t conne brenne;
  Fro cupborde he brynges both{e} brede {and} wyne,
  And fyrst assayes hit wele a[nd] fyne.                             512
  But fyrst þe lorde shall{e} vasshe I-wys,
  Fro þo fyr hous when he come{n} is;                   [Fol. 21.]
  Þen kneles þe vssher {and} gyfes hym drynke,
  Brynges hym in bed wher{e} he shall{e} wynke;                      516
  In strong styd on palet he lay,
  At home tase lefe {and} gose his way;
  Ȝomo{n} vssher be-for{e} þe dore,
  In vttur chamb{ur} lies on þe flore.                               520

    [Sidenotes:
    _The Duties of the Grooms of the Chamber._
    [435] They shall make palets of litter 9 ft. long, 7 broad,
    watered, twisted, trodden, with wisps at foot and side, twisted
    and turned back; from the floor-level to the waist. [443] For
    lords, 2 beds, outer and inner, hung with hangings, hooks and eyes
    set on the binding; the valance hanging on a rod (?), four
    curtains reaching to the ground; these he takes up with a forked
    rod. [455] The counterpane is laid at the foot, cushions on the
    sides, tapestry on the floor and sides of the room. [461] The
    Groom gets fuel, and screens. [463] The Groom keeps the table,
    trestles, and forms for dinner; and water in a heater. [467] He
    puts 3 wax-lights over the chimney, all in different syces.
    [473] _The Usher of the Chamber_ walks about and sees that all is
    served right, [477] orders the table to be set and removed, takes
    charge of the Wardrobe and Bedchamber, bids the _Wardroper_ get
    all ready before the fire, nightgown, carpet, 2 cushions, a form
    with a footsheet over it; on which the lord changes his gown.
    [489] The Usher orders what’s wanted from the Buttery: a link from
    the Chandler, and ale and wine. [495] (No meat shall be assayed
    except for King, Prince, Duke or Heirs-apparent.) [498] From the
    Pantry the Usher takes fine and coarse bread, and a wax-light that
    burns all night in a basin. [507] (The Yeoman-Usher removes the
    torches.) [509] The Usher puts lights on the Bedroom door, brings
    bread and wine, (the lord washing first,) offers the drink
    kneeling; puts his lord to bed, and then goes home himself. The
    Yeoman-Usher sleeps at the Lord’s door.]


    [Headnote: OF THE STEWARD.]

  ¶ De seneschallo.[32]

  ¶ Now speke I wyll{e} of þo stuarde als,

    [Text note: [D MS. _and_]]

  Few ar trew, but fele ar[D] fals.
  Þo clerke of kechyn, countrollo{ur},
  Stuarde, coke, and surueyour,                                      524
  Assente{n} in counsell{e}, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} skorne,
  How þo lorde schall{e} fare at mete þo morne.
  Yf any deyntethe in countré be,
  Þo stuarde schewes h{i}t to þo lorde so fre,                       528
  And gares by hyt for any cost,
  Hit wer{e} grete syn and hit wer{e} lost.
  Byfore þe cours þo stuarde comes þen,
  Þe seruer h{i}t next of alle kyn me{n}                             532
  Mays way and stondes by syde,
  Tyl all{e} be s{er}ued at þ{a}t tyde.
  At countyng stuarde schall{e} ben,
  Tylle all{e} be breuet of wax so grene,                            536
  Wrytten in-to bokes, w{i}t{h}-out let,
  Þ{a}t be-fore in tabuls hase ben sett,
  Tyl countes also þ{er}-on ben cast,
  And somet vp holy at þo last.                                      540

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Steward._
    [522] Few are true, but many false. He, the clerk, cook and
    surveyor consult over their Lord’s dinner. [527] Any dainty that
    can be had, the Steward buys. [531] Before dishes are put on, the
    Steward enters first, then the Server. [535] The Steward shall
    post into books all accounts written on tablets, and add them up.]


  ¶ De cont{ra}rotulatore.[33]

  ¶ The Countrollo{ur} shall{e} wryte to hym,
  Taunt resceu, no more I myn;
  And taunt dispendu þ{a}t same day,
  Vncountabull{e} he is, as y ȝou say.                               544

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Controller._
    [541] He puts down the receipt and consumption of every day.]


  ¶ De sup{er}uisore.[34]

  ¶ Surueour and stuarde also,
  Thes thre folke and no mo,
  For noȝt resayue{n} bot eu{er} sene
  Þ{a}t noþyng fayle {and} alle be whene;                            548
  Þ{a}t þo clerke of kechyn schulde not mys,
  Þ{er}-fore þo countrollo{ur}, as hafe I blys,
  Wrytes vp þo somme as eu{er}y day,
  And helpes to count, as I ȝou say.                                 552

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Surveyor._
    [546] He, the steward, and controller, receive nothing, but see
    that all goes straight. [550] The Controller checks daily the
    Clerk of the kitchen’s account.]


  ¶ De Clerico coquine.[35]

  ¶ The clerke of þe cochyñ shall{e} all{e} þyng breue,
  Of men of court, bothe lothe and leue,
  Of achat_is and_ dispenses þen wrytes he,
  And wages for gromes and ȝeme{n} fre;                              556
  At dresso{ur} also he shalle stonde,
  And fett forthe mete dresset w{i}t{h} honde;
  Þe spicery and store w{i}t{h} hym shall{e} dwelle,
  And mony thynges als, as I noȝt telle,                             560
  For clethyng of officers alle i{n} fere,
  Saue þe lorde hym self and ladys dere.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Clerk of the Kitchen._
    [553] He shall keep account of all purchases, and payments, and
    wages, shall preside at the Dresser, and keep the spices, stores,
    &c., [561] and the clothes of the officers.]


    [Headnote: OF THE CHANCELLOR AND TREASURER.]

  ¶ De cancellario.[36]

  ¶ The chaunceler answer{es} for hor clothyng,
  For ȝome{n}, faukeners, {and} hor horsyng,                         564
  For his wardrop and wages also;
  And asseles patenti{s} mony {and} mo;                 [Fol. 22.]
  Yf þo lorde gyf oȝt to t{er}me of lyf,
  The chaunceler h{i}t seles w{i}t{h}-oute{n} stryf;                 568

    [Text note: [E MS. þ{er}]]

  _Tan come nos plerra_ me{n} seyne,
        þ{at}[E] is _q{ua}n{do} nob{is} placet_,
  Þ{a}t is, whille vs lykes hym noȝt omys;
  Ou{er}-se hys londes þ{a}t all{e} be ryȝt:
  On of þo grete he is of myȝt.                                      572

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Chancellor._
    [563] He looks after the servants’ clothes, and horses, seals
    patents, and grants of land, &c., for life, or during the lord’s
    pleasure. [571] He oversees the land too, and is a great man.]


  ¶ De thesaurizario.[37]

  ¶ Now speke y wylle of tresurer{e},
  Husbonde and houswyf he is in fer{e};
  Of þe resayu{er} he shall{e} resayue,
  All{e} þ{a}t is gedurt of baylé and grayue,[38]                    576
  Of þe lordes courtes and forfet{is} als,
  Wheþ{er} þay ben ryȝt or þay ben fals.
  To þo clerke of cochen he payes moné
  For vetayle to bye opon þo countré:                                580
  The clerke to kat{er} and pult{er} is,
  To baker and butler bothe y-wys
  Gyffys seluer to bye in all{e} thyng
  Þ{a}t longes to here office, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lesyng.              584
  Þe tresurer schall{e} gyfe alkyn wage,
  To squyer, ȝomo{n}, grome, or page.
  Þo resayuer and þo tresurer,
  Þo clerke of cochyn and chaunceler,                                588
  Grayuis, and baylys, and parker,
  Schone come to acountes eu{er}y ȝere
  By-fore þo audito{ur} of þo lorde onone,
  Þ{a}t schulde be trew as any stone;                                592
  Yf he dose hom no ryȝt lele,
  To A baron of chekker þay mu{n} h{i}t pele.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Treasurer._
    [574] He takes from the Receiver what is collected from bailiff
    and grieve, courts and forfeits. [579] He gives the Kitchen clerk
    money to buy provisions with, and the clerk gives some to the
    baker and butler. [585] The Treasurer pays all wages. [587] He,
    the Receiver, Chancellor, Grieves, &c., [590] account once a year
    to the Auditor, from whom they can appeal to a Baron of the
    Exchequer.]


  ¶ De receptore firmar{um}.

  ¶ Of þe resayuer speke wyll{e} I,
  Þ{a}t fermys[39] resayuys wytt{ur}ly                               596
  Of grayuys, and hom aquetons makes,
  Sex pons þ{er}-fore to feys he takes,
  And pays feys to parkers als I-wys,

    [Text note: [F _Or_ loned.]]

  Þ{er}-of at acountes he loued[F] is,                               600
  And ou{er}-seys castels, man{er}s a-boute,
  Þ{a}t noȝt falle w{i}t{h}-in ne w{i}t{h}-oute.
  Now let we þes officers be,
  And telle we wylle of smaller mené.                                604

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Receiver of Rents._
    [597]: He gives receipts, and gets a fee of 6d. [599] He pays fees
    to park-keepers, and looks after castles and manor-houses.]


  ¶ De Auenario.[40]

  ¶ Þe Aueyn{er} schall{e} ordeyn p{ro}uande[41] good won,
  For þo lordys horsis eu{er}ychon;
  Þay schyn haue two cast[42] of hay,
  A pek of p{ro}uande on a day;                                      608
  Eu{er}y horse schall{e} so muche haue,
  At racke and mang{er} þ{a}t standes w{i}t{h} staue.
  A mayst{ur} of horsys a squyer[43] þ{er} is,
  Aueyn{er} and fero{ur} vnd{ur} hym I-wys;                          612
  Þose ȝome{n} þ{a}t olde sadels schyn haue,
  Þ{a}t schyn be last for knyȝt and knaue,
  For yche a hors þ{a}t ferrour{e}[44] schall{e} scho,
  An halpeny on day he takes hym to;                                 616
  Vnd{ur} ben gromes and pages mony one,
  Þat ben at wage eu{er}ychone;
  Som at two pons on a day,                             [Fol. 23.]
  and som at iij ob., I ȝou say;                                     620
  Mony of hem fote-me{n} þer ben,
  Þ{a}t renne{n} by þe brydels of ladys shene.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Avener._
    [605] He shall give the horses in the stable two armsful of hay
    and a peck of oats, daily. [611]: A Squire is Master of the Horse;
    under him are Avener and Farrier, (the Farrier has a halfpenny a
    day for every horse he shoes,) and grooms and pages hired at 2d.
    a day, or 3 halfpence, and footmen who run by ladies’ bridles.]


    [Headnote: OF THE BAKER AND HUNTSMAN.]

  ¶ De pistore.[45]

  ¶ Of þo baker now speke y wylle,
  And wat longes his office vntylle;                                 624
  Of a lunden buschell{e} he shall{e} bake
  xx louys, I vndur-take;

    [Text note: [G _Read_ broun, brown.]]

  Manchet and chet to make brom[G] bred hard,
  For chaundeler and grehoundes {and} hu{n}tes reward.               628

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Baker._
    [625] Out of a London bushel he shall bake 20 loaves, fine and
    coarse.]


  ¶ De venatore {et} suis canib{us}.

  ¶ A halpeny þo hunte takes on þe day
  For eu{er}y hounde, þo soth{e} to say:
  Þo vewt{er}, two cast of brede he tase,
  Two lesshe of grehoundes yf þ{a}t he hase;                         632
  To yche a bone, þat is to telle,
  If I to ȝou þe sothe shall{e} spelle;
  By-syde hys vantage þ{a}t may be-fall{e},
  Of skynnes and oþ{er} thynges w{i}t{h}-all{e},                     636
  Þat hunt{er}es con tell{e} bett{er} þa{n} I,
  Þ{er}-fore I leue h{i}t wytt[{ur}]ly.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Huntsman and his Hounds._
    [629] He gets a halfpenny a day for every hound. [631] The
    Feuterer 2 lots of bread if he has 2 leash of Greyhounds, and a
    bone for each, besides perquisites of skins, &c.]


  ¶ De aquario.[46]

  ¶ And speke I wyll{e} of oþ{er} myster{e}
  Þ{a}t falles to court, as ȝe mu{n} her{e};                         640
  An euwer{e} in hall{e} þere nedys to be,
  And chandelew schall{e} haue and all{e} naper{e};
  He schall{e} gef wat{er} to gentilme{n},
  And als in all{e} ȝome{n}.                                         644

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Ewerer or Water-bringer._
    [641] He has all the candles and cloths and gives water to every
    one.]


  ¶ Qui d{eb}ent manus lauar{e} {et} i{n} q{u}or{um} domib{us}.

  ¶ In kynges court and dukes also,
  Þ{er} ȝome{n} schynne wasshe and no mo;--
  In duke Ionys house a ȝoma{n} þ{er} was,
  For his rewarde p{ra}yde suche a g{ra}ce;                          648
  Þe duke gete graunt þ{er}-of in londe,
  Of þe kyng his fader, I vndudurstonde.--(_so_)
  Wosoeuer gefes wat{er} in lordys chaunber,
  In p{re}sens of lorde or leuedé dere,                              652
  He schall{e} knele downe opoñ his kne,
  Ellys he forȝetes his curtasé;
  Þis euwer schall{e} hele his lordes borde,
  W{i}t{h} dowbull{e} napere at on bar{e} worde:                     656
  The seluage to þo lordes syde w{i}t{h}-i{n}ne,
  And douñ schall{e} heng þ{a}t oþ{er} may wynne;
  Þo ou{er} nape schall{e} dowbull{e} be layde,
  To þo vttur syde þe seluage brade;                                 660
  Þo ou{er} seluage he schall{e} replye,[47]
  As towell{e} h{i}t were fayrest in hye;
  Browers[48] he schall{e} cast þ{er}-opon,
  Þ{a}t þe lorde schull{e} clense his fyngers [on],                  664
  Þe leuedy and whoseuer syttes w{i}t{h}-inne,
  All{e} browers schynne haue bothe mor{e} {and} myñ.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Who may wash his hands, and where._
    [651] The bringer of Water shall kneel down. [655] The Ewerer
    shall cover the lord’s table with a double cloth, the lower with
    the selvage to the lord’s side; the upper cloth shall be laid
    double, the upper selvage turned back as if for a towel. [664] He
    shall put on cleaners for every one.]


    [Headnote: OF THE PANTER, THE LORD’S KNIVES, ETC.]

  ¶ De panetario.

  ¶ Þenne comes þe pantere w{i}t{h} loues thre,
  Þat squar{e} are coruyn of trencho{ur} fre,                        668
  To sett w{i}t{h}-inne {and} oon w{i}t{h}-oute,
  And saller y-cou{er}yd and sett in route;
  W{i}t{h} þo ouemast lofe h{i}t shall{e} be sett,      [Fol. 24.]
  W{i}t{h}-oute forthe square, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lett;                672
  Two keruyng knyfes w{i}t{h}-oute one,
  Þe thrydde to þo lorde, and als a spone.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Panter._
    [667] He carries 3 loaves cut square for trenchers, and the
    covered Saltcellar, 2 Carving-knives, and sets the 3rd, and a
    spoon to his lord.]


  ¶ De Cultellis d{omi}ni.

  ¶ Of þo two þo haftes schynne outwarde be,
  Of þe thrydd þe hafte inwarde lays he,                             676
  Þe spony stele þ{er} by schall{e} be layde;
  Moo loues of trenchirres at a brayde
  He settes, {and} seruys euyr in fer{e}
  To duches his wyne þ{a}t is so der{e}.                             680
  Two loues of trenchors {and} salt þo,
  He settes be-fore his son also;
  A lofe of trencho{ur}s and salt on last,
  At bordes ende he settes in hast.                                  684
  Þen brede he brynges, in towell{e} wrythyñ,
  Thre lofys of þo wyte schall{e} be geuyñ;
  A chet lofe to þo elmys dyshe,
  Weþ{er} he seruyd be w{i}t{h} flesshe or fysche;                   688
  At aþ{er} ende he castes a cope,
  Layde dowñ on borde, þe endys plyed vp.
  That he assayes knelande on kne,
  Þo keru{er} hym parys a schyu{er} so fre;                          692
  And touches þo louys y{n} quer{e} a-boute,
  Þo pantere hit etys w{i}t{h}-oute dowte;
  Þo euwer{e} thurgh towell{e} syles[49] clene
  His wat{er} into þo bassynges shene;                               696
  Þo ou{er} bassyn þ{er}-on schall{e} close,
  A towell{e} þ{er}-on, as I suppose,
  Þ{a}t folden schall{e} be w{i}t{h} full{e} grete lore,
  Two quart{er}s on lenketh{e} and su{m}dele mor{e};                 700
  A qwyte cuppe of tre þ{er}-by shall{e} be,
  Þ{er}-w{i}t{h} þ{o} wat{er} assay schall{e} he;
  Quelmes[50] h{i}t agayn by-for{e} all{e} me{n};
  Þo keru{er} þe bassynges tase vp þenne;                            704
  Annaunciande sq{u}ier, or ellis a knyȝt,
  Þo towell{e} dowñ tase by full{e} good ryȝt;
  Þo cuppe he tase in honde also,
  Þo keru{er} powres wat[er] þe cuppe into;                          708
  The knyȝt to þo keru{er} haldes anon,
  He says h{i}t ar he m{o}r{e} schall{e} doñ;
  Þo cuppe þen voyde is in þo flette,[51]
  Þe euwer h{i}t takes w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lette.                       712
  The towell{e} two knyȝht{is} schyn halde i{n} fer{e},
  Be-fore þe lordes sleues, þat ben so der{e};
  The ou{er} bassyn þay halde neu{er} þe queder,
  Quyll{e} þo keru{er} powre wat{er} in-to þe ned{ur}.               716
  For a pype þ{er} is insyde so clene,
  Þ{a}t wat{er} deuoydes, of selu{er} schene;
  Þen settes he þe nethyr, I vnd[u]rstonde,
  In þe ou{er}, and voydes w{i}t{h} bothe is honde;                  720
  And brynges to þe euwer þ{er} he come fro;
  To þo lordys bordes aȝayn con go;
  And layes iiij trencho{ur}s þo lorde be-fore,
  Þe fyft aboue by good lore;                                        724
  By hym self thre schall{e} he dresse,
  To cut opon þe lordes messe;                          [Fol. 25.]
  Smale towell{e} a-boute his necke shall{e} bene,
  To clens his knyfys þ{a}t ben so kene.                             728

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Lord’s Knive, (_Bread, and Washing.)_
    [675] The hafts of 2 are laid outwards, that of the 3rd inwards,
    and the spoon handle by it. [678] More trencher loaves are set,
    and wine served to the Duchess. [681] 2 Trencher-loaves, and salt,
    to the lord’s son; and 1 loaf and saltcellar set at the end of
    the table. [685] Then 3 loaves of white bread are brought, and
    1 coarse loaf is put in the Alms-dish. [691] To assay bread, the
    Panter kneels, the Carver cuts him a slice, and he eats it.
    [695] The Ewerer strains water into his basins, on the upper one
    of which is a towel folded dodgily. [701] Then the water is
    assayed in a cup of white wood. [704] The Carver takes up the
    basins; a knight takes down the towel, and wipes the cup, into
    which the Carver pours water; the knight hands it to him; he
    assays it, and empties the cup. [713] Two knights hold the towel
    before the lord’s sleeves, and hold the upper basin while the
    Carver pours water into the lower; then he puts the lower into
    the upper, and empties both, takes them to the Ewerer, returns
    to the lord’s table, lays 4 trenchers for him, with 1 above.
    [725] The Carver takes 3 to cut the lord’s messes on, and has a
    cloth round his neck to wipe his knives on.]


    [Headnote: OF THE ALMONER AND DISH-SERVER.]

  ¶ De Elemosinario.[52]

  ¶ The aumener{e} by þis hathe sayde g{ra}ce,
  And þo almes dysshe hase sett in place;
  Þ{er}-in þe keru{er} a lofe schall{e} sette,
  To s{er}ue god fyrst w{i}t{h}-oute{n} lette;                       732
  Þese oþ{er} lofes he parys a-boute,
  Lays h{i}t myd dysshe w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute.
  Þe small{e} lofe he cutt{is} eue{n} i{n} twynne,
  Þo ou{er} dole in two lays to hym.                                 736
  The aumener{e} a rod schall{e} haue in honde,
  As office for almes, y vndurstonde.
  Alle þe broken met he kepys y wate,
  To dele to por{e} me{n} at þe ȝate.                                740
  And drynke þ{a}t leues s{er}ued in halle;
  Of ryche {and} pore bothe grete {and} small{e}.
  He is sworne to ou{er}-se þe s{er}uis wele,
  And dele hit to þe pore eu{er}y dele;                              744
  Selu{er} he deles rydand by way;
  And his almys dysshe, as I ȝou say,
  To þe porest ma{n} þ{a}t he can fynde,
  Oþ{er} ellys I wot he is vnkynde.                                  748

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Almoner._
    [729]: He says grace, sets down the Alms-dish, and the Carver
    puts the first loaf in it. [733] The other loaves he pares round,
    cuts one in two, and gives the upper half in halves to him.
    [737] The Almoner has a staff in his hand. [739] He keeps the
    broken food and wine left, for poor men at the gate, and is sworn
    to give it all to them. [745] He distributes silver as he rides.]


  ¶ De ferculario.

  ¶ This wyle þo squyer to kechyn shall{e} go,
  And brynges a bof for assay þo;
  Þo Coke assayes þe mete vngryȝt,
  Þo sewer he takes and kou{er}s on ryȝt;                            752
  Wo so eu{er} he takes þ{a}t mete to bere,
  Schall{e} not so hardy þo cou{er}tour{e} rer{e},
  For colde ne hote, I warne ȝou all{e},
  For suspecyoñ of tresou{n} as may befalle.                         756
  Yf þo sylu{er} dyssh{e} wyll{e} algate brenne,
  A sotelté I wylle þe kenne,
  Take þe bredde coruyn {and} lay by-twene,
  And kepe þe well{e} h{i}t be not sene;                             760

  ¶ I teche hit for no curtayse,
  But for þyn ese.
  When þe sewer comys vnto þe borde,
  Alle þe mete he sayes at on bare worde,                            764
  Þe potage fyrst w{i}t{h} brede y-coruyn,
  Cou{er}ys hom agayn lest þey ben storuyn;
  W{i}t{h} fyssh{e} or flessh yf [they] be s{er}ued,
  A morsell{e} þ{er}-of shalle he be keruyd;                         768
  And touche þe messe ou{er} all{e} aboute,
  Þo sewer h{i}t et{is} w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute.
  W{i}t{h} baken mete yf he s{er}uyd be þo,
  Þo lydes vp-rered or he fyr go,                                    772
  Þe past or pye he sayes w{i}t{h}-inne,
  Dippes bredde in graué no mor{e} ne mynne;
  Ȝif þe baken mete be colde, as may byfall{e},
  A gobet of þo self he sayes w{i}t{h}-all{e}.                       776
  But þ{o}u þ{a}t berys mete in hande,
  Yf þo sewer stonde, loke þ{o}u stande;
  Yf he knele, knele þ{o}u so longe for oȝt,

  ¶ Tylle mete be sayde þ{a}t þ{o}u hase broght.        [Fol. 26.]   780
  As oft at hegh borde yf brede be nede,
  The butler two louys takys indede;
  Þat on settes down, þ{a}t oþer agayn
  He barys to cupborde in towell{e} playn.                           784
  As oft as þe keru{er} fettys drynke,
  Þe butler assayes h{i}t how good hy{m} thynke;
  In þe lordys cupp þ{a}t leuys vndrynken,
  Into þe almesdisshe h{i}t schall{e} be sonken.                     788
  The keru{er} anon w{i}t{h}-oute{n} thouȝt,

    [Headnote: OF THE CARVER, SURNAPE-LAYERS, AND CHANDLER.]

  Vnkou{er}s þe cup þ{a}t he hase brouȝt;
  Into þe cou{er}tour{e} wyn he powr{e}s owt,
  Or in-to a spare pece, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} doute;                     792
  Assayes, an gefes þo lorde to drynke,
  Or settes h{i}t doun as hym goode thynke.
  Þo keru{er}[53] schall{e} kerue þo lordes mete,
  Of what kyn pece þ{a}t he wyll{e} ete;                             796
  And on hys trenchour he hit layes,
  On þys maner w{i}t{h}-out displayes;
  In almesdysshe he layes yche dele,
  Þ{a}t he is w{i}t{h} serued at þo mele;                            800
  But he sende h{i}t to ony stronger{e},
  A pese þ{a}t is hym leue and dere,
  And send hys potage also,
  Þ{a}t schall{e} not to þe almes go.                                804
  Of keru{er} more, yf I shulde telle,
  Anoþ{er} fytt þenne most I spelle,
  Ther-fore I let h{i}t her{e} ou{er} passe,
  To make oure talkyng su{m}medelasse.                               808
  When þe lorde hase eten, þo sewer schall{e} bryng
  Þo surnape on his schulder bryng,
  A narew towell{e}, a brode be-syde,
  And of hys hondes he lettes h{i}t slyde;                           812
  Þe vssher ledes þ{a}t on hed ryȝt,
  Þo aumener þo oþ{er} away shall{e} dyȝt.
  When þe vssher comys to þe borde ende,
  Þo narow towell{e} he strecches vnkende;                           816
  Be-for{e} þo lorde and þe lady so dere,
  Dowbell{e} he playes þo towell{e} þere;
  Whenne þay haue wasshen and g{ra}ce is sayde,
  Away he takes at a brayde;                                         820
  Awoydes þo borde in-to þo flore,
  Tase away þo trest{is} þ{a}t ben so store.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Sewer (or setter-on of Dishes)._
    [751] The Cook assays the meat before it’s dished. [752] The
    Sewer puts the cover on it, and the cover must never be raised
    for fear of treason. [757] (A Dodge: If the silver dish burns you,
    put bits of bread under it.) [763] The Sewer assays all the food:
    potage with a piece of bread; fish or flesh, he eats a piece;
    baked meats hot, he lifts up the crust, and dips bread in the
    gravy; baked meats cold, he eats a bit. [777] The meat-bearer
    stands or kneels as the Sewer does. [782] When bread is wanted,
    the Butler puts one loaf on the table, the other on the cupboard.
    [785] The Butler assays all the wine. [787] What is left in the
    lord’s cup goes to the Alms-dish. [790 The Carver fills the empty
    cup, assays it, and gives it the lord or puts it down. [795] He
    carves the lord’s meat, and lays it on his trencher, putting a
    piece of every thing in the Alms-dish, except any favourite piece
    or potage sent to a stranger. [805] (To say more about the Carver
    would require another section, so I pass it over.) [809] After
    dinner the Sewer brings the Surnape, a broad towel and a narrow,
    and slides it down. [813] The Usher takes one end of the broad
    one, the Almoner the other, and when it is laid, he folds the
    narrow towel double before his lord and lady. [819] After grace
    removes them, lays the table on the floor, and takes away the
    trestles.]


  ¶ De candelario.[54]

  ¶ Now speke I wylle a lytull{e} whyle
  Of þo chandeler, w{i}t{h}-oute{n} gyle,                            824
  Þ{a}t torches[55] {and} tortes[56] {and} preketes[57] con make,
  P{er}chours,[58] smale condel, I vnder-take;
  Of wax þese candels all{e} þat brenne{n},
  And morter of wax þ{a}t I wele kenne;                              828
  Þo snof of hom dose a-way
  W{i}t{h} close sesours, as I ȝow say;
  Þe sesours ben schort {and} rownde y-close,
  W{i}t{h} plate of irne vp-on bose.                                 832
  In chamb{ur} no lyȝt þ{er} shall{e} be brent,
  Bot of wax þ{er}-to, yf ȝe take tent;
  In hall{e} at soper schall{e} caldels ({so}) brenne   [Fol. 27.]
  Of parys, þ{er}-in þ{a}t all{e} me{n} kenne;                       836
  Iche messe a candell{e} fro alhalawgh{e} day
  To candelmesse, as I ȝou say;
  Of candel liu{er}ay squiyers schall{e} haue,
  So long, if hit is mon will{e} kraue.                              840
  Of brede and ale also þo boteler
  Schall{e} make lyu{er}é thurgh-out þe ȝere
  To squyers, and also wyn to knyȝt,
  Or ellys he dose not his office ryȝt.                              844
  Her{e} endys the thryd speche.
  Of all{e} oure synnes cryst be oure leche,
  And bryng vs to his vonyng place!
  Ame{n}, sayes ȝe, for hys grete grace!                             848

  ¶ Amen, par charite.

    [Sidenotes:
    _Of the Chandler._
    [825] He can make all kinds of candles, little and big, and
    mortars of wax. [829] He snuffs them with short scissors. [833] In
    bed-chambers wax lights only shall be burnt; in hall, Candles of
    Paris, each mess having one from Nov. 1 to Feb. 2 (see l. 393),
    and squires one too. [841] The Butler shall give Squires their
    daily bread and ale all the year, and Knights their wine.
    [846] May Christ bring us to His dwelling-place. Amen!]


    [Footnote 1: Toom or rymthe. _Spacium, tempus, oportunitas._
    P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 2: AS. _wræsten_, to writhe, twist.]

    [Footnote 3: grace, civility; from AS. _mennise_, human; cp. our
    double sense of _humanity_. H. Coleridge.]

    [Footnote 4: courteous.]

    [Footnote 5: AS. _flytan_, dispute, quarrel.]

    [Footnote 6: Mowe, or skorne. _Vangia, vel valgia, cachinna._
    Promptorium.]

    [Footnote 7: _an_ privative, unhonest.]

    [Footnote 8: AS. _mod_, mood, passion, violence.]

    [[Footnote 8a: Croscrist. _La Croix de par Dieu._ The
    Christs-crosse-row; or, the hornebooke wherein a child learnes it.
    Cotgrave. The alphabet was called the _Christ-cross-row_, some say
    because a cross was prefixed to the alphabet in the old primers;
    but as probably from a superstitious custom of writing the
    alphabet in the form of a cross, by way of charm. This was even
    solemnly practised by the bishop in the consecration of a church.
    See Picart’s Religious Ceremonies, vol. i. p. 131. _Nares_.]]

    [Footnote 9: to relation or friend.]

    [Footnote 10: contempt, scorn, O.N. _heðung._ H. Coleridge.]

    [Footnote 11: AS. _gýman_, attend, regard, observe, keep.]

    [Footnote 12: thine eye]

    [Footnote 13: AS. _win_, contention, labour, war; _win_, _wyn_,
    joy, pleasure.]

    [Footnote 14: See the duties of Prince Edward’s Porters, A.D.
    1474, in _Household Ordinances_, p. *30, and of Henry VIII.’s
    Porters, _ibid._ p. 239.]

    [Footnote 15: Though Edward IV. had Marshals (_Household
    Ordinances_, p. 84, &c.), one of whom made the Surnape when the
    King was in the Hall (p. 32), or Estate in the Surnape (p. 38),
    yet there is no separate heading or allowance for them in the
    _Liber Niger_. Two yeomen Ushers are mentioned in p. 38, but the
    two yeomen Ewars, their two Grooms and Page, p. 84, perform
    (nearly) the duties given above to the Usher and his Grooms.]

    [[Footnote 15a: Fires in Hall lasted to _Cena Domini_, the
    Thursday before Easter: see l. 398. Squires’ allowances of lights
    ended on Feb. 2, I suppose. These lights, or _candle_ of l. 839,
    would be only part of the allowances. The rest would continue all
    the year. See _Household Ordinances & North. Hous. Book_. Dr Rock
    says that the _holyn_ or holly and _erbere grene_ refer to the
    change on Easter Sunday described in the _Liber Festivalis_:-- “In
    die paschẽ. Good friends ye shall know well that this day is
    called in many places God’s Sunday. Know well that it is the
    manner in every place of worship at this day _to do the fire out
    of the hall;_ and the black winter brands, and all thing that is
    foul with smoke shall be done away, and there the fire was, shall
    be gaily arrayed with fair flowers, and strewed with green rushes
    all about, showing a great ensample to all Christian people, like
    as they make clean their houses to the sight of the people, in the
    same wise ye should cleanse your souls, doing away the foul
    brenning (burning) sin of lechery; put all these away, and cast
    out all thy smoke, dusts; and strew in your souls flowers of faith
    and charity, and thus make your souls able to receive your Lord
    God at the Feast of Easter.” --Rock’s _Church of the Future_, v.
    iii. pt. 2, p. 250. “The holly, being an evergreen, would be more
    fit for the purpose, and makes less litter, than the boughs of
    deciduous trees. I know some old folks in Herefordshire who yet
    follow the custom, and keep the grate filled with flowers and
    foliage till late in the autumn.” --D. R. On Shere-Thursday, or
    _Cena Domini_, Dr Rock quotes from the _Liber Festivalis_--“First
    if a man asked why Sherethursday is called so, ye may say that in
    Holy Church it is called ‘Cena Domini,’ our Lord’s Supper Day; for
    that day he supped with his disciples openly.... It is also in
    English called Sherethursday; for in old fathers’ days the people
    would that day sheer their heads and clip their beards, and poll
    their heads, and so make them honest against Easter-day.” --Rock,
    _ib._, p. 235.]]

    [Footnote 16: Edward IV.’s Esquiers for the Body, IIII, had ‘for
    wynter lyverey from All Hallowentide (Nov. 1) tyll Estyr, one
    percher wax, one candell wax, ij candells Paris, one tallwood and
    dim{idium}, and wages in the countyng-house.’ _H. Ord._ p. 36. So
    the Bannerettes, IIII, or Bacheler Knights (p. 32), who are
    kervers and cupberers, take ‘for wynter season, from
    Allhallowentyde till Estyr, one tortays, one percher, ii candelles
    wax, ii candelles Paris, ii talwood, ii faggotts,’ and rushes,
    litter, all the year; which the Esquiers have too. The Percy
    household allowance of Wax was cciiij score vij lb. dimid. of Wax
    for th’ expensys of my House for oone hole Yere. Viz. Sysez,
    _Pryketts_, Quarions, and _Torches_ after ix d. the lb. by
    estimacion; p. 12.]

    [Footnote 17: The Liber Niger of Edw. IV. assigns this duty to one
    of the Gentylmen Usshers. _H. Ord._ p. 37.]

    [Footnote 18: See the Office of Panetry, _H. Ord._ p. 70.]

    [Footnote 19: See the Office of Butler of Englond, _H. Ord._
    p. 73.]

    [Footnote 20: See Gentylmen Usshers of Chaumbre, IIII, _H. Ord._
    p. 37. ‘This name ussher is a worde of Frenshe,’ p. 38.]

    [Footnote 21: Compare _H. Ord._ p. 39. ‘Yeomen of Chambre, IIII,
    to make beddes, to bere or hold torches, to sette bourdes, to
    apparayle all chaumbres, and suche other servyce as the
    chaumberlayn, or usshers of chambre command or assigne.’ Liber
    Niger Edw. IV. See also _H. Ord._ p. 40, Office of Warderobe of
    Beddes, p. 41, Gromes of Chambyr, X; and the elaborate directions
    for making Henry VII.’s bed, _H. Ord._ p. 121-2.]

    [Footnote 22: _Hoc stramentum_, lyttere, (the straw with which the
    bed was formerly made) p. 260, col. 2, Wright’s Vocabularies.]

    [Footnote 23: Sylure, of valle, or a nother thynge (sylure of a
    walle), _Celatura_, _Celamen_, Catholicon, in P. Parv. Fr. _Ciel_,
    Heauen, pl. _Ciels_, a canopie for, and, the Testerne and Valances
    of a Bed. Cotgrave. A tester over the beadde, _canopus_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 24: _Crochet_, a small hooke.]

    [Footnote 25: Lyowre, to bynde wythe precyows clothys.
    _Ligatorium._ P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 26: Fylowre, of barbours crafte, _Acutecula_,
    _filarium_. P. Parv. See note 3, p. 160.]

    [Footnote 27: Tapet, a clothe, _tappis_. Palsgrave, 1530. _Tapis_,
    Tapistrie, hangings, &c., of Arras. Cotgrave, 1611. _Tapis_,
    carpet, a green square-plot. Miege, 1684. The hangynges of a house
    or chambre, in plurali, _aulæa ... Circundo cubiculum aulæis_, to
    hange the chambre. The carpettes, _tapetes_. Withals.]

    [Footnote 28: And he (a Grome of Chambyr) setteth nyghtly, after
    the seasons of the yere, torchys, tortays, candylles of wax,
    mortars; and he setteth up the _sises_ in the King’s chambre,
    _H. Ord._ p. 41, ‘these torches, five, seven, or nine; and as many
    _sises_ sett upp as there bee torches,’ _ib._ p. 114; and dayly
    iiii other of these gromes, called wayters, to make fyres, to sett
    up tressyls and bourdes, with yomen of chambre, and to help dresse
    the beddes of sylke and arras. _H. Ord._ p. 41.]

    [[Footnote 28a: ? some omission after this line.]]

    [Footnote 29: Wardroppe, or closet--_garderobe_. Palsgrave.]

    [Footnote 30: See the duties of Edward IV.’s Sewar, _H. Ord._
    p. 36.]

    [Footnote 31: Manchet was the fine bread; chet, the coarse. Fr.
    _pain rouffet_, Cheat, or boulted bread; houshold bread made of
    Wheat and Rie mingled. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 32: See the ‘Styward of Housholde,’ _H. Ord._ p. 55-6:
    ‘He is head officer.’]

    [Footnote 33: See the ‘Countroller of this houshold royall,’
    _H. Ord._ p. 58-9.]

    [Footnote 34: See the duties and allowances of A Surveyour for the
    Kyng, in _Household Ordinances_, p. 37.]

    [Footnote 35: See the ‘chyef clerke of kychyn,’ t. Edw. IV.,
    _H. Ord._ p. 70; and Henry VIII.’s Clerke of the Kitchen, A.D.
    1539, _ib._ p. 235.]

    [Footnote 36: The duties of the Chauncellor of Englond are not
    stated in Edw. IV.’s Liber Niger, _H. Ord._ p. 29; but one of the
    two Clerkys of Grene-Clothe was accustomed to ‘delyver the
    clothinge of housholde,’ p. 61.]

    [Footnote 37: See the ‘Thesaurere of Housholde’ in Edw. IV.’s
    Liber Niger, _H. Ord._ p. 56-8: ‘the grete charge of polycy and
    husbandry of all this houshold growyth and stondyth moste part by
    hys sad and dylygent pourveyaunce and conduytes.’]

    [Footnote 38: AS. _gerefa_, reeve, steward, bailiff.]

    [Footnote 39: Rents, in kind or money; AS. _feorme_, food, goods.]

    [Footnote 40: The Avener of Edw. IV. is mentioned in _H. Ord._
    p. 69. See the Charge of Henry VIII.’s Stable, A.D. 1526, _ib._
    p. 206-7.]

    [Footnote 41: Prouender or menglid corne--fovrraige ...
    _provende_. Palsgrave.]

    [Footnote 42: See ‘two _cast_ of brede,’ l. 631. ‘One caste of
    brede’ for the Steward’s yeoman, _H. Ord._ p. 56, &c.]

    [Footnote 43: Mayster of the horses--_escvier de escvirie_.
    Palsg.]

    [Footnote 44: See Rogers’s _Agriculture and Prices in England_,
    v. 1, p. 280-1. The latest prices he gives for shoeing are in 1400;
    “Alton Barnes, Shoeing 5 horses, a year, 6s. 8d. Takley, Shoeing 2
    cart horses [a year] 1s. 8d.” A.D. 1466, ‘fore shoyinge ij.d.’
    _Manners and Household Expenses_ (ed. Dawson Turner), 1841,
    p. 380. (Sir Jn. Howard, Knt., 1462-9.) The Percy allowance in
    1512 was “ij s viiij d. every Hors Shoynge for the hole Yere by
    estimacion, Viz. a Hors to be shodd oons in iij moneths withowt
    they jornay.” p. 24. A horse’s daily allowance was ‘a Peck of
    Oats, or 4d. in B{re}ade after iiij Loiffes, 4d. for Provaunder,
    from 29th Septr. 8 Hen. VIII. to 3rd May following,’ p. 266.]

    [Footnote 45: See Edw. IV.’s Office of Bakehouse, _H. Ord._
    p. 68-70. ‘The sergeaunt of thys office to make continually of
    every busshell, halfe chiete halfe rounde, besydes the flowre for
    the Kinges mouthe, xxvii loves, every one weying, after one daye
    olde, xxiii ounces of troye weyghtes.’ p. 69.]

    [Footnote 46: In Edward the Fourth’s Court, ‘Knyghts of Household,
    XII, bachelers sufficiant, and most valient men of that ordre of
    every countrey’ had ‘to serve the King of his bason.’ _H. Ord_.
    p. 33.]

    [Footnote 47: _Replier_, To redouble, to bow, fould, or plait into
    many doublings. Cotgrave.]

    [Footnote 48: Napkins? O. Fr. _brueroi_ is _bruyère_, heath.]

    [Footnote 49: ? Du. _zijgen_ (_door een zifte ofte Stramijn_), to
    runne (through a Sift or a Strainer.). _een Suyle_ a Pale or a
    Water-pale. Hexham.]

    [Footnote 50: covers. ‘Ovyr quelmyd or ouer hyllyde. _Obvolutus._’
    P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 51: A.S. _flett_, room, hall.]

    [Footnote 52: See The Almonry of Henry VIII. A.D. 1526, _H. Ord._
    p. 154, and p. 144; A.D. 1539, _H. Ord._ p. 239.]

    [Footnote 53: Edward IV. had ‘Bannerettes, IIII, or Bacheler
    Knights, to be kervers and cupberers in his Courte.’ ‘The kerver
    at the boarde, after the King is passed it, may chese for hymself
    one dyshe or two, that plentie is among.... Theis kervers and
    cupberers ... them nedeth to be well spede in taking of degree in
    _the schole of urbanytie_.’ _H. Ord._ p. 32-3.]

    [Footnote 54: See the ‘Office of Chaundlerye,’ _H. Ord._ p. 82-3.
    Paris candles, torches, morters, tortayes, sizes, and smalle
    lightes, are mentioned there.]

    [Footnote 55: Torche. _Cereus._ P. Parv.]

    [Footnote 56: ? same as _tortayes_, p. 192, note 2 [[28]];
    p. 204, _n._ [[54]] ]

    [Footnote 57: Pryket, of a candylstykke, or other lyke. _Stiga_,
    P. Parv. Candlesticks (says Mr Way) in ancient times were not
    fashioned with nozzles, but with long spikes or _prykets_....
    (See wood cut at the end of this book.) In the Memoriale of Henry,
    prior of Canterbury, A.D. 1285, the term _prikett_ denotes, not
    the candlestick, but the candle, formed with a corresponding
    cavity at one end, whereby it was securely fixed upon the spike.
    p. 413, n. 1. Henry VIII.’s allowance ‘unto our right dere and
    welbilovede the Lady Lucy,’ July 16, 1533, included ‘at our
    Chaundrye barr, in Wynter, every night oon _preket_ and foure
    syses of Waxe, with eight Candells white lights, and oon Torche.’
    _Orig. Letters_, ed. Ellis, Series I., vol. ii. p. 31.]

    [Footnote 58: See note 1, p. 189. [[16]] ]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *


NOTES TO THE BOOK OF CURTASYE.

[Transcriber’s Note:

This section originally appeared near the end of the volume, immediately
before the General Index.]


p. 188, l. 377-8, _Statut._ The only Statute about horse-hire that I can
find, is 20 Ric. II. cap. 5, A.D. 1396-7, given below. I suppose the
_Foure pens_ of l. 376 of the _Boke of Curtasye_ was the price fixed
by “the kyngis crye” or Proclamation, l. 378, or by the sheriff or
magistrates in accordance with it as the “due Agreement to the party”
required by the Statute.

“_Item._ Forasmuch as the Commons have made Complaint, that many great
Mischiefs Extortions & Oppressions be done by divers people of evil
Condition, which of their own Authority take & cause to be taken royally
Horses and other Things, and Beasts out of their Wains Carts and Houses,
saying & devising that they be to ride on hasty Messages & Business,
where of Truth they be in no wise privy of any Business or Message, but
only in Deceit & Subtilty, by such Colour and Device to take Horses, and
the said Horses hastily to ride & evil entreat, having no Manner of
Conscience or Compassion in this Behalf, so that the said Horses become
all spoiled and foundered, paying no manner of Thing nor penny for the
same, nor giving them any manner of sustenance; and also that some such
manner of people, changing & altering their Names, do take and ride such
Horses, and carry them far from thence to another Place, so that they
to whom they belong, can never after by any mean see, have again,
nor know their said Horses where they be, to the great Mischief Loss
Impoverishment & Hindrance of the King’s poor People, their Husbandry,
and of their Living: Our Lord the King willing, for the Quietness and
Ease of his People, to provide Remedy thereof, will & hath ordained,
That none from henceforth shall take any such Horse or Beast in Such
Manner, against the Consent of them to whom they be; and if any that do,
and have no sufficient Warrant nor Authority of the King, he shall be
taken and imprisoned till he hath made due Agreement to the Party.”

That this seizing of horses for the pretended use of the king was no
fancied grievance, even in much later times, is testified by Roger
Ascham’s letter to Lord Chancellor Wriothesley (? in 1546 A.D.)
complaining of an audacious seizure of the horse of the invalid Master
of Peterhouse, Cambridge, on the plea that it was to carry the king’s
fish, whereas the seizer’s own servant was the nag’s real burden:
“tentatum est per hominem apud nos valde turbulentum, nomine Maxwellum.”
_Ascham’s Works_, ed. Giles, v. 1, p. 99. In vols. ix., x., and xi. of
Rymer, I find no Proclamation or Edict about horse-hire. In 1413 Henry
V.’s _Herbergeator_ is to provide Henry le Scrop, knight, with all that
he wants “Proviso semper quòd idem Henricus pro hujusmodi Fœnis, Equis,
Carectis, Cariagiis, & aliis necessariis, per se, seu Homines &
Servientes suos prædictos, ibidem capiendis, fideliter solvat &
satisfaciat, ut est justum.” _Rymer_, ix. 13.

The general rule shown by the documents in Rymer is that reasonable
payments be made.

  _De Equis pro Cariagio Gunnorum Regis capiendis._

A.D. 1413 (1 Sept.), An. 1. Hen. V. Pat. 1, Hen. V. p. 3, m. 19. Rex,
Dilectis sibi, _Johanni Sprong_, Armigero, & _Johanni Louth_ Clerico,
Salutem.

Sciatis quod Assignavimus vos, conjunctim & divisim, ad tot Equos,
Boves, Plaustra, & Carectas, quot pro Cariagio certorum Gunnorum
nostrorum, ac aliarum Rerum pro eisdem Gunnis necessarium, a Villa
Bristolliæ usque Civitatem nostram Londoniæ, indiguerint, tàm infra
Libertates, quàm extea (Feodo Ecclesiæ dumtaxat excepto) pro Denariis
nostris, in hac parte rationabiliter solvendis Capiendum & Providendum.
_Rymer_, ix. p. 49.

So in 1417 the order to have six wings plucked from the wing of every
goose (except those commonly called _Brodoges_--? brood geese--) to make
arrows for our archers, says that the feathers are _rationabiliter
solvendis_. See also p. 653.

p. 188, l. 358. _The stuarde_ and his _stafe_. Cp. Cavendish’s Life of
Wolsey (ed. Singer, i. 34), “he had in his hall, daily, three especial
tables furnished with three principal officers; that is to say, a
Steward, which was always a dean or a priest; a Treasurer, a knight;
and a Comptroller, an esquire; _which bare always within his house their
white staves._

“Then had he a cofferer, three marshals, two yeomen ushers, two grooms,
and an almoner. He had in the hall-kitchen two clerks of his kitchen,
a clerk comptroller, a surveyor of the dresser, a clerk of his spicery.”
See the rest of Wolsey’s household officers, p. 34-9.

p. 190, l. 409. _Ale._ See in _Notes on the Months_, p. 418, the Song
“Bryng us in good ale,” copied from the MS. song-book of an Ipswich
Minstrel of the 15th century, read by Mr Thomas Wright before the
British Archæological Association, August, 1864, and afterwards
published in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_. P.S.--The song was first
printed complete in Mr Wright’s edition of _Songs & Carols_ for the
Percy Society, 1847, p. 63. He gives Ritson’s incomplete copy from Harl.
MS. 541, at p. 102.

        Bryng us in good ale, and bryng us in good ale;
        For owr blyssyd lady sak, bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no browne bred, fore that is made of brane,
  Nor bryng us in no whyt bred, for therin is no game;
        But bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no befe, for there is many bonys;
  But bryng us in good ale, for that goth downe at onys,
        And bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no bacon, for that is passing fate;
  But bryng us in good ale, and gyfe us i-nought of that,
        And bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no mutton, for that is often lene,
  Nor bryng us in no trypes, for thei be syldom clene;
        But bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no eggys, for ther ar many schelles;
  But bryng us in good ale, and gyfe us no[th]yng ellys,
        And bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng vs in no butter, for therin ar many herys
  Nor bryng us in no pygges flesch, for that will make us borys;
        But bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no podynges, for therin is al Godes-good;
  Nor bryng us in no venesen, for that is not for owr blood;
        But bryng us in good ale.

  Bryng us in no capons flesch, for that is ofte der;
  Nor bryng us in no dokes flesche, for thei slober in the mer;
        But bryng us in good ale.

See also the other ale song at p. 81 of the same volume, with the burden

        Doll thi ale, doll; doll thi ale, doll;
        Ale mak many a mane to have a doty poll.

p. 191, l. 435, _Gromes._ “the said four groomes, or two of them at the
least, shall repaire and be in the King’s privy chamber, at the farthest
between six and seven of the clock in the morning, or sooner, as they
shall have knowledge that the King’s highnesse intendeth to be up early
in the morning; which groomes so comen to the said chamber, shall not
onely avoyde the pallets, but also make ready the fire, dresse and straw
the chamber, purgeing and makeing cleane of the same of all manner of
filthynesse, in such manner and wise as the King’s highnesse, at his
upriseing and comeing thereunto, may finde the said chamber pure,
cleane, whollsome, and meete, without any displeasant aire or thing,
as the health, commodity, and pleasure of his most noble person doth
require.” _Household Ordinances_, p. 155, cap. 56, A.D. 1526.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata (noted by transcriber):

de Worde, _Boke of Keruynge_

  M.CCCC.xiij.  [_text unchanged: end of selection has “CCCCC“_]
  [Sidenote: _ewynge of_]
    [_text shown as printed: probably “Sewynge of Flesshe”
    with printing defect_]
  [Sidenote: _Keruynge of Flesshe._]
    [_editor’s spelling; the same sidenote is used in the “Seruyce”
    section, following_]
  [Sidenote: _Rittern._ Salt, the sauce.]
    [_text unchanged: error for “Bittern“?_]
  [Sidenote: Carp, Trout, Conger, Thornback]
    [_comma after “Carp” added_]
  The Marshall and the vssher muste knowe ...
    [_in the list following, line-final punctuation is as in the
    original_]
  all these may svt two or thre
     [_text unchanged: printing error for “syt”?_]
  Σαλαγξ  [Σαλάχξ]
  _Sele turrentyne_, p. 166, l. 8  [l, 8]

_Boke of Curtesye_

  l. 201
  [Sidenote: Go on the pilgrimages (?) ....]
    [_“pilgrim / ages” at line break with room for hyphen_]
    [_question mark in original_]
  l. 267 Also a wyfe be-falle of ryȝt
    [_corrected by editor from “be, falle”_]
  l. 394-5 (unnumbered header between lines) Sidenote
    Fire shall burn in the Hall.
    [_corrected by editor from final comma; Corrigenda gives line
    reference as 393_]
  ll. 462-64 ... hete  ... sett;  ... let,
    [_Line-ending punctuation changed by editor from_
    ... hete.  ... sett,  ... let;]
  ll. 468-69 ... sett / In syce;
    [_Punctuation changed by editor from_
    ... set, / In syce]
  l. 676
  [Sidenote: ... and the spoon handle by it.]
    [_“spoon handle” changed by editor from “steel spoon”_]
  [Footnote 15: ... p. *30]
    [_asterisked number in original_]
  [Footnote 27: ... P. Parv. See note 3, p. 160.]
    [_reference is to P. Parv., not to present book_]
  [Footnote 34: See the ‘Countroller of this houshold royall,’ ...]
    [“Countroller...]
  [Footnote 55: ... _H. Ord._ p. 32-3.]
    [_final period (full stop) missing_]
  [Footnote 58: ...]
  [Footnote 60: ...]
    [_footnote numbers in double brackets added by transcriber_]

_Boke of Curtesye_: notes

  the order to have six wings plucked from the wing of every goose
    [_text unchanged: error for “six feathers”?_]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


                  The Booke of
                    Demeanor

                      and

               the Allowance and
                 Disallowance

                       of

             certaine Misdemeanors

                       in

                   Companie,


  [From the reprint by Bensley & Sons (in 1817) of
  “The Booke of Demeanor from Small Poems entitled
  _The Schoole of Vertue_ by Richard Weste,” 1619, 12mo.]



To the Reader.

  R Ightly conceiue me, and obserue me well,
  I Doe what heere is done for Childrens good,
  C Hrist in his Gospell (as S. Marke doth tell)
  H Ath not forbidden Children, nor withstood
  A Ny that should but aske the ready way,
  R Egarding Children, not to say them nay.
  D Irecting all that came, how faith should be,

  W Hat they should crave of Gods high Majestie,
  E Ven Salvation, through their faithful Prayer,
  S Ending their contemplations into the ayre,
  T O his high throne, whose love so guide us all
  E Ven to the end we neuer cease to call.


  [N.B.--The stops and sidenotes are those of the original,
  but that has no Headlines.]



  The Booke of

  Demeanor.


    [Sidenote: Serving at the table.]

  Stand straight vpright, and both thy feet
    together closely standing,
  Be sure on’t, ever let thine eye
    be still at thy commanding.                                        4

  Observe that nothing wanting be
    which should be on the bord.

    [Sidenote: Silence]

  Vnlesse a question moved be,
    be carefull: not a word.                                           8

    [Sidenote: Serving or filling drinke.]

  If thou doe give or fill the drinke,
    with duty set it downe,
  And take it backe with manlike cheere
    not like a rusticke Lowne.                                        12

    [Sidenote: [p. 6.]]

    [Sidenote: If on an errand.]

  If on an errand thou be sent,
    make haste and doe not stay,
  When all have done, observe the time,
    serve God and take away.                                          16

    [Sidenote: To schoole againe.]

  When thou hast done and dined well,
    remember thou repaire
  To schoole againe with carefulnesse,
    be that thy cheefest care.                                        20

  And marke what shall be read to thee,
    or given thee to learne,
  That apprehend as neere as may be,
    wisdome so doth warne.                                            24

  With stedfast eye and carefull eare,
    remember every word
  Thy Schoole master shall speake to thee,
    as memory shall afford.                                           28

    [Sidenote: [p. 7.]]

    [Sidenote: To use the browes.]

  Let not thy browes be backward drawn,
    it is a signe of pride,
  Exalt them not, it shewes a hart
    most arrogant beside.                                             32

    [Sidenote: The eyes.]

  Nor let thine eyes be gloting downe,
    cast with a hanging looke:
  For that to dreamers doth belong,
    that goodnesse cannot brooke.                                     36

    [Sidenote: The forehead.]

  Let forehead joyfull be and full,
    it shewes a merry part,
  And cheerefulnesse in countenance,
    and pleasantnesse of heart.                                       40

    [Sidenote: Countenance.]

  Nor wrinckled let thy countenance be,
    still going to and fro:
  For that belongs to hedge-hogs right,
    they wallow even so.                                              44

    [Sidenote: [p. 8.]]

    [Sidenote: The nose.]

  Nor imitate with Socrates,
    to wipe thy snivelled nose
  Vpon thy cap, as he would doe,
    nor yet upon thy clothes.                                         48

  But keepe it cleane with handkerchiffe,
    provided for the same,
  Not with thy fingers or thy sleeve,
    therein thou art too blame.                                       52

    [Sidenote: Blowing or breathing.]

  Blow not alowd as thou shalt stand,
    for that is most absurd,
  Iust like a broken winded horse.
    it is to be abhord.                                               56

    [Sidenote: Snuffling in the nose when you speake.]

  Nor practize snufflngly to speake,
    for that doth imitate
  The brutish Storke and Elephant,
    yea and the wralling cat.                                         60

    [Sidenote: [p. 9.]]

    [Sidenote: Neezing.]

  If thou of force doe chance to neeze,
    then backewards turne away
  From presence of the company,
    wherein thou art to stay.                                         64

    [Sidenote: The Cheekes.]

  Thy cheekes with shamefac’t modesty,
    dipt in Dame Natures die,
  Not counterfet, nor puffed out,
    observe it carefully.                                             68

    [Sidenote: Breathing.]

  Keepe close thy mouth, for why, thy breath
    may hap to give offence,
  And other worse may be repayd
    for further recompence.                                           72

    [Sidenote: Lips.]

  Nor put thy lips out like a foole
    as thou wouldst kisse a horse,
  When thou before thy betters art,
    and what is ten times worse,                                      76

    [Sidenote: [p. 10.]]

    [Sidenote: Yawning.]

  To gape in such unseemely sort,
    with ugly gaping mouth,
  Is like an image pictured
    a blowing from the south.                                         80

  Which to avoyd, then turne about,
    and with a napkin hide
  That gaping foule deformity,
    when thou art so aside.                                           84

    [Sidenote: Laughing.]

  To laugh at all things thou shalt heare,
    is neither good nor fit,
  It shewes the property and forme
    of one with little wit.                                           88

    [Sidenote: Biting the lip.]

  To bite the lip it seemeth base,
    for why, to lay it open,
  Most base dissembling doggednesse,
    most sure it doth betoken.                                        92

    [Sidenote: [p. 11.]]

    [Sidenote: Biting the upper lip.]

  And so to bite the upper lip
    doth most uncomely shew,
  The lips set close (as like to kisse)
    in manner seeme not so.                                           96

    [Sidenote: The tongue.]

  To put the tongue out wantonly,
    and draw it in agen,
  Betokens mocking of thy selfe,
    in all the eyes of men,                                          100

    [Sidenote: Spitting.]

  If spitting chance to move thee so
    thou canst it not forbeare,
  Remember do it modestly,
    consider who is there.                                           104

  If filthiness, or ordure thou
    upon the floore doe cast,
  Tread out, and cleanse it with thy foot,
    let that be done with haste.                                     108

    [Sidenote: [p. 12.]]

    [Sidenote: Hammering in speech.]

  If in thy tale thou hammering stand,
    or coughing twixt thy words,
  It doth betoken a liers smell,
    that’s all that it affords.                                      112

    [Sidenote: Belching.]

  To belch or bulch like _Clitipho_,
    whom _Terence_ setteth forth,
  Commendeth manners to be base,
    most foule and nothing worth.                                    116

    [Sidenote: Vomiting.]

  If thou to vomit be constrain’d,
    avoyd from company:
  So shall it better be excus’d,
    if not through gluttony.                                         120

    [Sidenote: Keeping the teeth cleane.]

  Keep white thy teeth, and wash thy mouth
    with water pure and cleane,
  And in that washing, mannerly
    observe and keep a meane.                                        124

    [Sidenote: Kembing the head.]

    [Sidenote: [p. 13.]]

  Thy head let that be kembd and trimd,
    let not thy haire be long,
  It is unseemely to the eye,
    rebuked by the tongue.                                           128

    [Sidenote: Hanging down the head]

  And be not like a slothfull wight,
    delighted to hang downe
  The head, and lift the shoulders up,
    nor with thy browes to frowne.                                   132

    [Sidenote: Carriage of the body.]

  To carry up the body faire,
    is decent, and doth shew
  A comely grace in any one,
    Where ever he doth goe.                                          136

    [Sidenote: Hanging the head aside.]

  To hang the head on any side,
    doth shew hypocrisie:
  And who shall use it trust him not,
    he deales with policie.                                          140

    [Sidenote: [p. 14.]]

    [Sidenote: Privy members.]

  Let not thy privy members be
    layd open to be view’d,
  It is most shamefull and abhord,
    detestable and rude.                                             144

    [Sidenote: Urine or winde.]

  Retaine not urine nor the winde,
    which doth thy body vex,
  So it be done with secresie,
    let that not thee perplex.                                       148

    [Sidenote: Sitting.]

  And in thy sitting use a meane,
    as may become thee well,
  Not straddling, no nor tottering,
    and dangling like a bell.                                        152

    [Sidenote: Curtesie.]

  Observe in Curtesie to take
    a rule of decent kinde,
  Bend not thy body too far foorth,
    nor backe thy leg behind.                                        156

    [Sidenote: The gate in going.]

    [Sidenote: [p. 15.]]

  In going keep a decent gate,
    not faining lame or broken,
  For that doth seeme but wantonnesse,
    and foolishnesse betoken.                                        160

    [Sidenote: Apparrell.]

  Let thy apparrell not exceede,
    to passe for sumptuous cost,
  Nor altogether be too base,
    for so thy credit’s lost.                                        164

  Be modest in thy wearing it,
    and keep it neat and cleane,
  For spotted, dirty, or the like,
    is lothsome to be seene.                                         168

  This for thy body may suffice,
    how that must ordred be:
  Now at the Church thou shalt observe
    to God how all must be.                                          172


  [_No doubt incomplete, or to be inserted before _Cap. v._
  of _Weste’s Schoole of Vertue_, at the end of this Part._ F. J. F.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

+Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes.+

  [_Sloane MS._ 1986, _p._ 193, _ab._ 1450-60.
  _The last page mentions the 19th year of Henry VI.,_ A.D. 1440-1.]

[Transcriber’s Note:

The _Statutes_ were printed as a single paragraph. The text has been
broken up for readability, using the original paragraph marks ¶.
Sidenotes that do not correspond to numbered items are marked with
lower-case letters. The first three sidenotes, from the original MS,
were printed in larger type.]


Incipiunt statuta familie bone Memorie do{m}pni Rob{er}ti Grossetest,
lincoln{i}e ep{iscop}i.

[a] Let alle men be warned þ{a}t s{er}uen ȝou, and warnyng be ȝeue to
all{e} me{n} that be of howseholde, to {ser}ue god and ȝou trewly &
diligently and to p{er}formyng, or the wyllyng of god to be p{er}formed
and fulfyllydde.

  [Sidenote: +p{ri}m{us} u{e}r{sicu}l{us}+]

[b] Fyrst let s{er}uaunt{is} doo p{er}fytely in all{e} thyng{is}
youre wylle, and kepe they ȝoure {com}maundement{is} after god and
ryȝthwysnesse, and w{i}t{h}-oute co{n}dicioñ and also w{i}t{h}-oute gref
or offense. And sey ȝe, that be p{ri}ncipall{e} heuede or prelate to
all{e} ȝoure s{er}uaunt{is} both{e} lesse and mor{e}, that they doo
fully, reedyly, and treuly, w{i}t{h}-oute offense or ayenseyng, all{e}
youre wille & co{m}maundement that is not ayeynys god.

  [Sidenote: +2^us+]

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] All servants should serve truly God and their Master;
    [b] doing fully all that their Master orders, without answering.]

T the secunde ys, that [a] ȝe co{m}maunde them that kepe and haue kepyng
of ȝoure howseholde, a-fore ȝoure meynye, that bothe w{i}t{h}-in and
w{i}t{h}-oute the meynye be trewe, honest, diligent, both{e} chast and
p{ro}fitabulle.

  [Sidenote: +3^us+]

¶ the thrydde: co{m}maunde ye that [b] nomañ be admittyd in ȝoure
howseholde, nother inwarde nother vtwarde, but hit be trustyd and leuyd
that ȝe be trewe and diligent, and namely to that office to the whiche
he is admyttyd; Also þ{a}t he be of goode man{er}s

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] The upper servants must be honest and diligent, [b] and engage
    no untrusty or unfit man.]

¶ The fowreth{e}: be hit sowȝht and examined ofte tymys yf ther be
ony [a] vntrewman, vnkunnyng, vnhonest, lecherous, stryffull{e},
drunke[p. 194]lewe, vnp{ro}fitabull{e}, yf there be ony suche yfunde or
diffamydde vppon these thyng{is}, that they be caste oute or put fro the
howseholde.

    [Sidenotes:
    iv. [a] Dishonest, quarrelsome, and drunken servants must be
    turned out.]

¶ The fyft: co{m}maunde ȝe that in no wyse be in the howseholde men
debatefull{e} or stryffull{e}, but that all{e} be of ooñ a-corde, of ooñ
wylle, euen lyke as in them ys oon mynde and oon sowle.

¶ The sixte: co{m}maunde ȝe that all{e} tho that s{er}uen in ony offyce
be obedient, and redy, to the{m} that be a-bofe them in thyng{is} that
p{er}teynyñ to there office.

¶ The seuenth{e}: co{m}maunde ȝe that ȝoure gentilmen yome{n} and other,
dayly bere and were there robis in ȝoure p{re}sence, and namely at the
mete, for ȝoure worshyppe, and not oolde robis and not cordyng to the
lyu{er}ey, nother were they oolde schoon ne fylyd.

    [Sidenotes:
    v. All must be of one accord, vi. obedient to those above them,
    vii. dress in livery, and not wear old shoes.]

¶ The viij: Commaunde ȝe that ȝoure almys be kepyd, & not sende not to
boys and knafis, nother in the hall{e} nothe out{e} of þe hall{e},
ne be wasted in soperys ne dyners of gromys, but wysely, temp{er}atly,
w{i}t{h}-oute bate or betyng, be hit distribute and the[n] dep{ar}tyd to
powre meñ, beggers, syke folke and febull{e}.

¶ The ix.: Make ȝe ȝoure owne howseholde to sytte in the all{e}, as
muche as ye mow or may, at the bordis of oon p{ar}te and of the other
p{ar}te, and lette them sitte to-gedur as mony as may, not here fowre
and thre there: and when youre chef maynye be sett, then all{e} gromys
may [p. 195] entre, sitte, And ryse

    [Sidenotes:
    viii. Order your Alms to be given to the poor and sick. ix. Make
    all the household dine together in the Hall.]

¶ The x.: Streytly for-bede ȝe that no wyfe[A] be at ȝoure mete. [a] And
sytte ȝe eu{er} in the myddul of the hye borde, that youre fysegge and
chere be schewyd to all{e} meñ of bothe p{ar}tyes, and that ȝe may see
lyȝhtly the s{er}uic{is} and defawt{is}: and diligently see ȝe that
eu{er}y day in ȝoure mete seson be two men ordeyned to ou{er}-se youre
mayny, and of that they shall{e} drede ȝou

¶ The xi: co{m}maunde ȝe, and yeue licence as lytul tyme as ye may
w{i}t{h} honeste to them that be in ȝoure howseholde, to go home. And
whenne ȝe yeue licence to the{m}, Assigne ȝe to them a short day of
comyng a yeyne vnd{ur} peyne of lesyng ther{e} s{er}uice. [b] And yf ony
mañ speke ayen or be worth{e},[B] say to hym, “what! wille ye be lorde?
ye wylle þ{a}t y s{er}ue you after ȝoure wylle.” and they that wylle not
here that ȝe say, effectually be they ywarnyd, and ye shall{e} p{ro}uide
other s{er}uant{is} the which{e} shall{e} s{er}ue you to your{e} wylle
or plesyng.

    [Sidenotes:
    x. Let no woman dine with you. [a] Let the Master show himself to
    all. [b] Don’t allow grumbling. xi. Let your servants go to their
    homes.

¶ The xij is: {comman}d the panyt{r}ere w{i}t{h} youre brede, & the
botelare w{i}t{h} wyne and ale, come to-gedur afore ȝou at the tabull{e}
afore gracys, [a] And let be there thre yome{n} assigned to s{er}ue the
hye tabull{e} and the two syde tabullis in solenne dayes;

¶ And ley they not the vessels deseruyng for ale and wyne vppon the
tabull{e},[p. 196] but afore you, But be thay layid vnder þe tabull{e}.

¶ The 13: co{m}maunde ye the stywarde þ{a}t he be besy and diligent
to kepe the maynye i{n} hys owne p{er}sone i{n}warde and vtwarde, and
namely in the hall{e} and at mete, that they be-haue them selfe
honestly, w{i}t{h}-out stryffe, fowlespekyng, and noyse; And that
they that be ordeynyd to sette messys, [b] bryng them be ordre and
c{on}tinuelly tyl all{e} be s{er}ued, and not inordinatly, And thorow
affeccion [C] to p{er}sonys or by specialte; And take ȝe hede to this
tyl messys be fully sett in the hall{e}, and aft{er} tende ye to ȝoure
mette.

    [Sidenotes:
    xii. Tell your Panter and Butler to come to the table before
    grace. [a] Tell off three yeomen to wait at table. xiii. Tell the
    Steward to keep good order in the Hall, [b] and serve every one
    fairly.]

¶ The xiiij: c{om}maunde ȝe þ{a}t youre dysshe be well{e} fyllyd and
hepid, and namely of ent{er}mes, and of pitance w{i}t{h}-oute fat,
carkyng that ȝe may p{ar}te coureteysly to thoo that sitte beside, bothe
of the ryght hande and the left, thorow all{e} the hie tabulle, and to
other as plesyth{e} you, thowȝght they haue of the same that ye haue. At
the sop{er} be s{er}uant{is} s{er}uid of oon messe, & byȝth met{is}, &
aft{er} of chese. ¶ And yf the[r] come gest{is}, s{er}uice schall{e} be
haued as nedyth{e}. ¶ The xv: co{m}maunde ye the officers that they
admitte youre knowlechyd men, familiers frendys, and strangers, w{i}t{h}
mery chere, the wh[i]che they knowen you to wille for to admitte and
receyue, and to them the whiche wylle you worschipe, and [p. 197] they
wylleñ to do that ye wylle to do, that they may know them selfe to haue
be welcome to ȝou, and to be welle plesyd that they be come. ¶ And al so
much{e} as ȝe may w{i}t{h}-oute p{er}il of sykenes & werynys ete ȝe in
the halle afore ȝoure meyny,

¶ For that schall{e} be to ȝou p{ro}fyte and worshippe.

    [Sidenotes:
    xiv. Have your dish well filled that you may help others to it.
    xv. Always admit your special friends, and show them you are glad
    to see them.]

¶ The xvj: when your{e} ballyfs comyn a-fore ȝoure, speke to the{m}
fayr{e} and gentilly in opyñ place, and not in p{ri}uey,

¶ And shew them mery cher{e}, & serche and axe of them “how fare owr{e}
meñ & tenaunt{is}, & how cornys dooñ, & cart{is}, and of owr{e} stor{e}
how hit ys m{u}ltiplyed,” Axe suche thyng{is} ope{n}ly, and knowe ȝe
certeynly that they wille the more drede ȝou.

¶ The xvij: co{m}maunde ȝe that din{er}is and sopers p{ri}uely i{n} hid
plase be not had, & be thay forbeden that there be no suche dyn{er}s
nother sopers oute of the hall{e}, For of such{e} cometh{e} grete
destr[u]ccion, and no worshippe therby growyth{e} to the lorde.

¶ Expliciu{n}t Statuta Familie bone Memorie.

    [Sidenotes:
    xvi. Talk familiarly to your Bailiffs, ask how your tenants and
    store do. xvii. Allow no private meals; only those in Hall.]

    [Textnotes:
    A MS. wyse
    B t.i. wroth
    C MS. affecciori]


Prof. Brewer has, I find, printed these _Statuta_ in his most
interesting and valuable _Monumenta Franciscana_, 1858, p. 582-6. He
differs from Mr Brock and me in reading _drunkelewe_ (drunken, in
Chaucer, &c.) as ‘drunke, lewe,’ and _vessels_ as ‘bossels,’ and in
adding _e_’s[1] to some final _g_’s. He says, by way of Introduction,
that, “Though entitled Ordinances for the Household of Bishop Grostete,
this is evidently a Letter addressed to the Bishop on the management of
his Household by some very intimate friend. From the terms used in the
Letter, it is clear that the writer must have been on confidential terms
with the Prelate. I cannot affirm positively that the writer was Adam de
Marisco, although to no other would this document be attributed with
greater probability. No one else enjoyed such a degree of Grostete’s
affection; none would have ventured to address him with so much
familiarity. Besides, the references made more than once by Adam de
Marisco in his letters to the management of the Bishop’s household,
greatly strengthen this supposition. See pp. 160, 170 (_Mon.
Francisc._). The MS. is a small quarto on vellum, in the writing of the
15th century. It is in all probability a translation from a Latin
original.”

    [Footnote 1: In this he is probably right. The general custom of
    editors justifies it. Our printers want a pig-tailed or curly _g_
    to correspond with the MS. one.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Stanzas and Couplets of Counsel.


  [_From the Rawlinson MS., C. 86, fol. 31,
  in the Bodleian Library._]


  Vtter thy langage wyth good avisement;
  Reule the by Reasou{n} in thy termoȝ all{e};

    [Sidenote: Never mistrust or fail your friend.]

  Mystruste not thy frende for non{e} accusement,
  Fayle him neu{er} at nede, what so eu{er} befall{e};               4
  Solace þi selfe when men{n} to sporte þee call{e};

    [Sidenote: Don’t talk too much.]

  Largely to speke be wele ware for þ{a}t cause;
  Roll{e} faste this reasou{n} & thynke wele on þ{i}s clause.


    [Sidenote: Spare your master’s goods as your own.]

  What man{n} þ{o}u s{er}uyst, all{e} wey him drede;                 8
  His good as þyñ owne, eu{er} þ{o}u spare.
  Lette neu{er} þy wyll{e} þy witt ou{er} lede,
  But be glad of eu{er}y mannys welfare.


  Folus lade polys; wisemen{n} ete þe fysshe;                       12
  Wisemen{n} hath in þ{er} hondis ofte þ{a}t folys aft{er} wyssh{e}.


    [Sidenote: A lawless youth, a despised old age.]

  Who so in youthe no vertu vsith,
  In age all{e} hono{ur} him refusith.


  Deame þ{e}e best in eu{er}y doute                                 16
  Tyl þe trouthe be tryed oute.


    [Sidenote: A Gentleman says the best he can of every one.]

  It is þe properte of A gentilman{n}
  To say the beste þ{a}t he can{n}.

  Si vieȝ doler{e} tua crimina die miserer{e}                         20
  Permiserere mei frangitur ira dei


  [Follows:--Policronica.

  Josephus of Iewes þ{a}t Nobyl was, the firste Aucto{ur} of
  the booke of Policronica, &c.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The schoole

  of Vertue, and booke of

  good Nourture for chyldren, and
  youth to learne theyr dutie by,
  Newely perused, corrected,
  and augmented by the
  fyrst Auctour
  F. S.[eager]


  With a briefe declaracion of the
  dutie of eche degree.


Anno. 1557.

  Dispise not councel, rebuking foly
  Esteme it as, nedefull and holy.


  ¶ Imprinted at London in Paules
  Churchyarde at the signe of
  the Hedgehogge by
  Wyllyam Seares.


  ¶ THE AUCTOURS NAME IN VERDYT.

  [S]  Saye well some wyll   by this my labour
  [E]  Euery man yet         Wyll not say the same
  [A]  Amonge the good       I doubt not fauour
  [G]  God them forgeue      For it me blame
  [E]  Eche man I wyshe      It shall offende
  [R]  Reade and then iudge  Where faulte is amende

  Face aut Tace.


[Transcriber’s Note:

Headnotes are interlaced with the table of contents; they will also
appear in their original locations in the text. On the title page the
name SEAGER was printed vertically, enclosed in a single box.

The verse lines described in the editor’s note have been re-split
for this e-text. Line numbers that were omitted or skipped have been
regularized to multiples of 4, as in other selections. Large-print
(original) sidenotes are shown with a smaller indentation; almost all
are names or Biblical citations.]


CONTENTS.

(_Taken from the headings in the Text._)

                                                                    PAGE
  The mornynge prayer                                                225
  Cap. i. Howe to order thy selfe when thou rysest,
      and in apparelynge thy body                                    226
    [Headnote: HOW TO RISE AND DRESS IN THE MORNING.]
  Cap. ii. Howe to behaue thy selfe in going by the streate
      and in the schoole                                             227
    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE IN SCHOOL AND STREET.]
  Cap. iii. Howe to behaue thi selfe in seruynge the table           229
    [Headnote: HOW TO SERVE AT DINNER.]
  Cap. iiii. Howe to order thy selfe syttynge at the table           231
    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT ONE’S OWN DINNER.]
  Cap. v. Howe to order thy selfe in the Churche                     233
  Cap. vi. The fruites of gamynge, vertue and learnynge              234
    [Headnote: AGAINST GAMING, AND FOR VIRTUE.]
  Cap. vii. How to behaue thy selfe in taulkynge with any man        235
  Cap. viii. How to order thy selfe being sente of message           236
    [Headnote: HOW TO CARRY A MESSAGE.]
  Cap. ix. A-gainste Anger, Enuie, and malice                        236
  Cap. x. The fruites of charitie, loue, and pacience                237
  Cap. xi. A-gainge (_so_) the horrible vice of swearynge            238
    [Headnote: AGAINST SWEARING.]
  Cap. xii. A-gainste the vice of filthy talkynge                    239
  Cap. xiii. A-gainste the vice of lyinge                            239
    [Headnote: AGAINST LYING.]
  A praier to be saide when thou goest to bedde                      240
    [Headnote: A NIGHTLY PRAYER.]
  The dutie of eche degred. (_so_) brefely declared                  241
    [Headnote: THE DUTY OF ALL DEGREES OF MEN.]


[N.B. The even lines (2, 4, &c.) of the original are printed here
opposite the odd ones (1, 3, &c.), instead of after them, to save space.
The lines must therefore be read right across the page. The sidenotes in
large type, ‘Cato, Isocra, &c.,’ are those of the original. The rest are
the editor’s, and he has added headlines, some stops, &c.]


The schoole of vertue.

    [Sidenote: First, say this prayer: “O God!]

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. ii.]]

  First in the mornynge
  when thou dost awake,
  To God for his grace
  thy peticion then make;                              4
  This prayer folowynge
  vse dayly to say,
  Thy harte lyftynge vp;
  Thus begyn to pray                                   8


        ¶ The mornynge prayer.

  ++“O God, from whom
  al good gifts procede!

    [Sidenote: enable us to follow virtue.]

  To thee we repayre
  in tyme of our nede,                                12
  That with thy grace
  thou wouldst vs endue
  Vertue to folowe
  and vyce to exchue:                                 16
  Heare this our request,
  and graunt our desyre,

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. ii.b.]]

  O lorde! moste humbly
  we do the requyre!                                  20

    [Sidenote: Defend us this day.]

  This day vs defende,
  that we walkynge aryght
  May do the thynge
  acceptable in thy syght,                            24
  That as we in yeares
  And body do growe,

    [Sidenote: Let us abound with virtues, flee from vice,
    and go forward in good doing to our live’s end.”]

  So in good vertues
  we may lykewyse flowe                               28
  To thy honour,
  and ioy of our parentes,
  Learninge to lyue well,
  and kepe thy co{m}maund mentes;                     32
  In flyinge from all
  Vice, synne, and cryme,
  Applyinge our bookes,
  not losynge our tyme,                               36
  May fructifye and go forwarde
  here in good doynge
  In this vale of miserie
  vnto oure lyuees endynge,                           40

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. iii.]]

  That after this lyfe
  here transitory
  We may attayne
  to greater glory.”                                  44

    [Sidenote: Repeat the Lord’s Prayer night and morning.]

  The Lordes prayer then
  se thou recyte,
  So vsynge to do
  at mornynge and nyght.                              48


    [Headnote: HOW TO RISE AND DRESS IN THE MORNING.]

    [Sidenote: _How to wash and dress yourself._]

  ¶ Howe to order thy selfe when thou rysest,
  and in apparelynge thy body.

  Capitulo .i.

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  ++Flye euer slouthe
  and ouer much slepe;

    [Sidenote: Don’t sleep too long.]

  In health the body
  therby thou shalte kepe.                            52
  Muche slepe ingendereth
  diseases and payne,
  It dulles the the wyt
  and hurteth the brayne.                             56

    [Sidenote: Rise early; cast up your bed, and don’t let it lie.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. iii.b.]]

  Early in the mornynge
  thy bed then forsake,
  Thy rayment put on,
  thy selfe redy make.                                60
  To cast vp thy bed
  It shalbe thy parte,
  Els may they say
  that beastly thou art;                              64
  So to departe
  and let the same lye,
  It is not semynge
  nor yet manerly.                                    68

    [Sidenote: Go down, salute your parents, wash your hands,
    comb your head, brush your cap and put it on.]

  Downe from thy chamber
  when thou shalte go,
  Thy parentes salute thou,
  and the famely also;                                72
  Thy handes se thou washe,
  and thy hed keame,
  And of thy rayment
  se torne be no seame;                               76

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. iiii.]]

  Thy cappe fayre brusht,
  thy hed couer than,
  Takynge it of
  In speakynge to any man.                            80

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  Cato doth councel thee
  thyne elders to reuerence
  Declarynge therby
  thy dutye and obedience.                            84

    [Sidenote: Tie on your shirt-collar, fasten your girdle, rub your
    breeches, clean your shoes, wipe your nose on a napkin, pare your
    nails, clean your ears, wash your teeth.]

  Thy shyrte coler fast
  to thy necke knyt;
  Comely thy rayment
  loke on thy body syt.                               88
  Thy gyrdell about
  thy wast then fasten,
  Thy hose fayre rubd
  thy showes se be cleane.                            92
  A napkyn se that
  thou haue in redines
  Thy nose to clense
  from all fylthynes.                                 96

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. iiii.b.]]

  Thy nayles, yf nede be,
  se that thou payre;
  Thyne eares kepe cleane,
  thy teath washe thou fayre.                        100

    [Sidenote: Have your torn clothes mended, or new ones obtained.]

  If ought about thee
  chaunce to be torne,
  Thy frendes therof shewe
  howe it is worne,                                  104
  And they wyll newe
  for thee prouyde,
  Or the olde mende,
  In tyme beinge spyde,                              108

    [Sidenote: Get your satchell and books, and haste to School,
    taking too pen, paper, and ink, which are necessary for use at
    school.]

  This done, thy setchell
  and they bokes take,
  And to the scole
  haste see thou make.                               112
  But ere thou go,
  with thy self forthynke.
  That thou take with thee
  pen, paper, and ynke;                              116
  For these are thynges
  for thy study necessary,
  Forget not then
  with thee them to cary.                            120
  The souldiar preparynge
  hym selfe to the fielde

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. v.]]

  Leaues not at home
  his sworde and his shielde,                        124
  No more shulde a scoler
  forget then truly
  what he at scole
  shulde nede to occupy.                             128

    [Sidenote: Then start off.]

  These thynges thus had,
  Take strayght thy way
  Vnto the schole
  without any stay.                                  132


    [Sidenote: _How to behave going to, and at, School._]

  Howe to behaue thy selfe in going by
  the streate and in the schoole .ii.

    [Sidenote: Take off your cap to those you meet; give way to
    passers by.]

  ++In goynge by the way
  and passynge the strete,

  [Sidenote: Isocra.]

  Thy cappe put of,
  Salute those ye mete;                              136

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  In geuynge the way
  to suche as passe by,
  It is a poynte
  of siuilitie.                                      140

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. v.b.]]

    [Sidenote: Call your playmates on your road.]

  And thy way fortune
  so for to fall,
  Let it not greue thee
  thy felowes to call.                               144

    [Sidenote: At School salute your master, and the scholars.]

  when to the schole
  thou shalte resort,
  This rule note well
  I do the exhort:                                   148
  Thy master there beynge,
  Salute with all reuerence,
  Declarynge thereby
  thy dutye and obedience;                           152
  Thy felowes salute
  In token of loue,
  Lest of inhumanitie
  they shall the reproue.                            156

    [Sidenote: Go straight to your place, undo your satchell, take out
    your books and learn your lesson; stick well to your books.]

  Vnto thy place
  appoynted for to syt,
  Streight go thou to,
  and thy setchel vnknyt,                            160
  Thy bokes take out,
  thy lesson then learne

    [Text note: [A _Orig._ Huubly]]

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. vi.]]

  Humbly [A] thy selfe
  Behaue and gouerne.                                164
  Therein takynge payne,
  with all thyne industry
  Learnynge to get
  thy boke well applye:                              168
  All thynges seme harde
  when we do begyn,

  [Sidenote: Virgil.]

  But labour and diligence
  yet both them wyn;                                 172
  we ought not to recken
  and coumpt the thyng harde
  That bryngeth ioye
  and pleasure afterwarde;                           176

    [Sidenote: If you don’t work, you’ll repent it when you grow up.]

  Leaue of then laboure,
  and the lacke rue,
  Lament and repent
  when age doth insue.                               180

    [Sidenote: Who could now speak of famous deeds of old, had not
    Letters preserved them?]

  Deades that deserued
  Fame and greate prayse,
  Buried had ben,
  we se in olde dayes;                               184

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. vi.b.]]

  If letters had not then
  brought them to lyght                              188
  The truth of suche thynges
  who coulde nowe resyght?
  Applye thy minde
  to learnynge and scyence,

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  For learnynge in nede
  wyll be thy defence.                               192
  Nothinge to science
  compare we may well,

  [Sidenote: Cicero.]

  The swetenes wherof
  all thynges doth excell.                           196
  And Cato the wyse
  this worthy sayinge hath,

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  That man wantinge learnynge
  is as the image of death.                          200

  [Sidenote: Aristot.]

  The rootes of learnynge
  most bytter we deme;
  The fruites at last
  Moste pleasaunt doth seme.                         204

    [Sidenote: Work hard then, and you’ll be thought worthy to serve
    the state.]

  Then labour for learnynge
  whyle here thou shalt lyue,

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. vii.]]

  The ignoraunt to teache,
  and good example geue;                             208
  So shalte thou be thought
  A membre most worthy
  The common welth to serue

    [Text note: [B _Orig._ ryme]]

  In tyme[B] of necessitie.                          212
  Experience doth teache
  And shewe to thee playne

    [Sidenote: Men of low birth win honour by Learning, and then are
    doubly happy.]

  That many to honour
  By learninge attayne                               216
  That were of byrthe
  But symple and bace,--
  Suche is the goodnes
  Of Gods speciall grace,--                          220
  For he that to honour
  by vertue doth ryse,
  Is double happy,
  and counted most wyse.                             224

    [Sidenote: When you doubt, ask to be told.]

  If doubte thou doest,
  Desyre to be toulde,
  No shame is to learne,
  Beinge neuer so oulde;                             228

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. vii.b.]]

  Ignoraunce doth cause
  Great errors in vs
  For wantynge of knowledge
  Doubts to discusse;                                232
  Then learne to discerne
  the good from the yll,

    [Sidenote: Wish well to those who warn you.]

  And suche as thee warne,
  Bere them good will.                               236

    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE IN SCHOOL AND STREET.]

    [Sidenote: On your way home walk two and two orderly (for which
    men will praise you); don’t run in heaps like a swarm of bees
    like boys do now.]

  when from the schoole
  ye shall take your waye,
  Or orderly then go ye,
  twoo in aray,                                      240
  your selues matchynge
  So equall as ye may,
  That men it seynge
  May well of you saye                               244
  In commendynge this
  your laudable wayes,
  whiche must nedes sounde
  to your great prayse,                              248
  Not runnynge on heapes
  as a swarme of bees,
  As at this day
  Euery man it nowe sees;                            252

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. viii.]]

  Not vsynge, but refusynge,
  Suche foolyshe toyes
  As commonly are vsed
  In these dayes of boyes,                           256

    [Sidenote: Don’t whoop or hallow as in fox-hunting don’t chatter,
    or stare at every new fangle, but walk soberly, taking your cap
    off to all, and being gentle.]

  As hoopynge and halowynge
  as in huntynge the foxe,
  That men it hearynge
  Deryde them with mockes.                           260
  This foolyshnes forsake,
  this folly exchewynge,
  And learne to followe
  this order insuynge.                               264
  In goynge by the way
  Neyther talke nor iangle,
  Gape not nor gase not
  at euery newe fangle,                              268
  But soberly go ye
  with countinaunce graue;

  [Sidenote: Isocra.]

  Humblye your selues
  towarde all men behaue;                            272

    [Sidenote: [sign. A. viii.b.]]

  Be free of cappe
  and full of curtesye;
  Greate loue of al men
  you shall wyn therby.                              276
  Be lowly and gentyll
  and of meke moode;
  Then men con not
  but of you say good.                               280

    [Sidenote: Do no man harm; speak fair words.]

  In passynge the strete
  Do no man no harme;
  Vse thou fewe wordes,
  and thy tounge charme,                             284
  Then men shal see
  that grace in the groweth
  From whom vertues
  So aboundantly floweth.                            288

    [Sidenote: On reaching home salute your parents reverently.]

  when thou arte come
  where thy parentes do dwell,
  Thy leaue then takynge
  Byd thy felowes farewell;                          292
  The house then entrynge,
  In thy parence presence

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. i.]]

  Humbly salute them
  with all reuerence.                                296


    [Sidenote: _How to wait at table._]

  ¶ Howe to behaue thi selfe in seruynge
  the table. Cap. iii.

  ++VVhen thy parentes downe
  to the table shall syt,
  In place be ready
  For the purpose moste fyt:                         300

    [Sidenote: Look your parents in the face, hold up your hands,
    and say]

  With sober countinaunce
  Lokynge them in the face,
  Thy handes holdynge vp,
  this begyn grace:                                  304


  [Sidenote: Grace before meate.]

  ++“Geue thankes to God
  with one accorde
  For that shall be
  Set on this borde.                                 308

    [Sidenote: Grace before Meat.]

  And be not carefull
  what to eate,
  To eche thynge lyuynge
  the Lorde sends meate;                             312
  For foode he wyll not
  Se you peryshe,

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. i.b.]]

  But wyll you fede,
  Foster, and cheryshe;                              316
  Take well in worth
  what he hath sent,
  At this tyme be                                    320
  therwith content,
  Praysynge God.”

  ¶ So treatablie speakyng
  as possible thou can,                              324
  That the hearers therof
  May thee vnderstan.

    [Sidenote: Make a low curtesy; wish your parents’ food may
    do ’em good.]

  Grace beynge sayde,
  Lowe cursie make thou,                             328
  Sayinge “muche good
  May it do you.”

    [Headnote: HOW TO SERVE AT DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: If you are big enough, bring the food to table.]

  Of stature then
  yf thou be able,                                   332
  It shall become thee
  to serue the table
  In bringynge to it
  Suche meate as shall nede                          336

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. ii.]]

  For thy parence vpon
  that tyme to fede.

    [Sidenote: Don’t fill dishes so full as to spill them on your
    parents’ dress, or they’ll be angry.]

  Disshes with measure
  thou oughtest to fyll,                             340
  Els mayste thou happen
  thy seruyce to spyll
  On theyr apparell
  Or els on the cloth,                               344
  whiche for to doe
  wolde moue them to wroth.

    [Sidenote: Have spare trenchers ready for guests.]

  Spare trenchers with napkyns
  haue in redynes                                    348
  To serue afterwarde,
  If there come any gesse.
  Be circumspecte;
  see nothynge do wante;                             352

    [Sidenote: See there’s plenty of everything wanted.]

  Of necessary thynges
  that there be no skant,
  As breade and drynke,
  se there be plentie;                               356

    [Sidenote: Empty the Voiders often.]

  The voyders with bones
  Ofte se thou emptie.

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. ii.b.]]

  At hande be ready,
  If any do call,                                    360

    [Sidenote: Be at hand if any one calls.]

  To fetche or take vp,
  If ought fortune to fall.

    [Sidenote: When the meat is over, clear the table: 1. cover the
    salt, 2. have a tray by you to carry things off on, 3. put the
    trenchers, &c., in one Voider, 4. sweep the crumbs into another,
    5. set a clean trencher before every one, 6. put on Cheese, Fruit,
    Biscuits, and 7. serve Wine, Ale or Beer.]

  when they haue done,
  then ready make                                    364
  The table vp fayre
  In order to take:
  Fyrste the saulte
  Se that thou couer,                                368
  Hauynge by thee
  Eyther one or other
  thynges from thy handes
  then to conuaye                                    372
  That from the table
  thou shalt take awaye.
  A voyder vpon
  the table then haue,                               376
  The trenchers and napkyns
  therein to receaue;
  The croomes with a napkyn
  together them swepe,                               380

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. iii.]]

  It at the tables ende
  In a voyder them kepe.
  Then before eche man
  A cleane treanchour lay,                           384
  The best fyrste seruynge,
  As iudge thou soone may;
  Then cheese with fruite
  On the table set,                                  388
  With Bisketes or Carowayes,
  As you may get.
  Wyne to them fyll,
  Els ale or beare;                                  392
  But wyne is metest,
  If any there were.

    [Sidenote: When these are finished, clear the table, and fold up
    the cloth.]

  Then on the table
  Attende with all diligence,                        396
  It for to voyde
  when done haue thy parence:
  Eche syde of the clothe
  Do thou tourne in,                                 400
  Foldynge it vp,
  At the hygher ende begin.

    [Sidenote: Then spread a clean towel, bring bason and jug, and
    when your parents are ready to wash, and when your parents are
    ready to wash, pour out the water.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. iii. b.]]

  A cleane towell then
  On the table spreade,--                            404
  The towell wantynge,
  the cloth take in steade,--
  The bason and ewer
  to the table then brynge,                          408
  In place conuenient
  theyr pleasure abydynge.
  when thou shalt see
  them redy to washe,                                412
  The ewer take vp,
  and be not to rashe
  In powrynge out water
  More then wyll suffise.                            416

    [Sidenote: Clear the table; make a low curtsey.]

  The table then voyde
  that they may ryse.
  All thynges thus done,
  forget not thy dutie,                              420
  Before the table
  Make thou lowe cursie.


    [Headnote: HOW TO BEHAVE AT ONE’S OWN DINNER.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. iiii.]]

    [Sidenote: _How to behave at your own dinner._]

  ¶ Howe to order thy selfe syttynge at the table.

  Capitulo .iiii.

  ++O Chyldren! geue eare
  your duties to learne,                             424
  Howe at the table
  you may your selues gouerne.

    [Sidenote: Socra. Cato.]

  Presume not to hyghe,
  I say, in no case;                                 428

    [Sidenote: Let your betters sit above you.]

  In syttynge downe,
  to thy betters geue place.

    [Sidenote: See others served first, then wait a while before
    eating.]

  Suffer eche man
  Fyrste serued to be,                               432
  For that is a poynte
  Of good curtesie.
  when they are serued,
  then pause a space,                                436
  For that is a sygne
  of nourture and grace.

    [Sidenote: Take salt with your knife, cut your bread, don’t fill
    your spoon too full, or sup your pottage.]

  Saulte with thy knyfe
  then reache and take,                              440

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. iiii.b.]]

  The breade cut fayre,
  And do not it breake.
  Thy spone with pottage
  to full do not fyll,                               444
  For fylynge the cloth,
  If thou fortune to spyll,
  For rudnes it is
  thy pottage to sup,                                448
  Or speake to any,
  his head in the cup.

    [Sidenote: Have your knife sharp.]

  Thy knyfe se be sharpe
  to cut fayre thy meate;                            452
  Thy mouth not to full
  when thou dost eate;

    [Sidenote: Don’t smack your lips or gnaw your bones: avoid such
    beastliness.]

  Not smackynge thy lyppes,
  As comonly do hogges,                              456
  Nor gnawynge the bones
  As it were dogges;
  Suche rudenes abhorre,
  Suche beastlynes flie,                             460
  At the table behaue
  thy selfe manerly.

    [Sidenote: Keep your fingers clean, wipe your mouth before
    drinking.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. v.]]

  Thy fyngers se cleane
  that thou euer kepe,                               464
  Hauynge a Napkyn
  thereon them to wype;
  Thy mouth therwith
  Cleane do thou make,                               468
  The cup to drynke
  In hande yf thou take,
  Let not thy tongue
  At the table walke,                                472

  [Sidenote: Plato.]

    [Sidenote: Don’t jabber or stuff.]

  And of no matter
  Neyther reason nor talke.
  Temper thy tongue
  and belly alway,                                   476
  For “measure is treasure,”
  the prouerbe doth say,

  [Sidenote: Cicero.]

  And measure in althynges
  Is to be vsed;                                     480
  what is without measure
  Ought to be refused.

    [Sidenote: Silence hurts no one, and is fitted for a child at
    table.]

  For silence kepynge
  thou shalt not be shent,                           484

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. v.b.]]

  where as thy speache
  May cause thee repent.

  [Sidenote: Isocra.]

  Bothe speache and silence
  are commendable,                                   488
  But sylence is metest
  In a chylde at the table.

  [Sidenote: Cato.]

  And Cato doth saye,
  that “in olde and yonge                            492
  The fyrste of vertue
  Is to kepe thy tonge.”

    [Sidenote: Don’t pick your teeth, or spit too much.]

  Pyke not thy teethe
  at the table syttynge,                             496
  Nor vse at thy meate
  Ouer muche spytynge;
  this rudnes of youth
  Is to be abhorde;                                  500

    [Sidenote: Behave properly.]

  thy selfe manerly
  Behaue at the borde.

    [Sidenote: Don’t laugh too much.]

  If occasion of laughter
  at the table thou se,                              504
  Beware that thou vse
  the same moderately.

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. vi.]]

    [Sidenote: Learn all the good manners you can.]

  Of good maners learne
  So muche as thou can;                              508
  It wyll thee preferre
  when thou art a man.

  [Sidenote: Aristot.]

  Aristotle the Philosopher
  this worthy sayinge writ,                          512

    [Sidenote: They are better than playing the fiddle, though that’s
    no harm, but necessary; yet manners are more important.]

  That “maners in a chylde
  are more requisit
  then playnge on instrumentes
  and other vayne pleasure;                          516
  For vertuous maners
  Is a most precious treasure.”
  Let not this saynge
  In no wyse thee offende,                           520
  For playnge of instrumentes
  He doth not discommende,
  But doth graunt them
  for a chylde necessary,                            524
  Yet maners muche more
  see here he doth vary.
  Refuse not his councell,
  Nor his wordes dispise;                            528

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. vi.b.]]

  To vertue and knowledge
  By them mayste thou ryse.


    [Sidenote: _How to behave at Church._]

  ¶ Howe to order thy selfe in the Churche.

  Cap. .v.

  ++Vvhen to the Churche
  thou shalt repayer,                                532

    [Sidenote: Pray kneeling or standing.]

  Knelynge or standynge,
  to God make thy prayer;
  All worldely matters
  From thy mynde set apart,                          536
  Earnestly prayinge,
  to God lyfte vp thy hart.

    [Sidenote: Psal. 1.]

  A contrite harte
  He wyll not dispyse,                               540
  whiche he doth coumpt
  A sweete sacrifice.

    [Sidenote: Confess your sins to God.]

  To hym thy sinnes
  shewe and confesse,                                544
  Askynge for them
  Grace and forgyuenes;

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. vii.]]

    [Sidenote: He knows your disease.]

  He is the Phisition
  that knoweth thy sore,                             548
  And can to health
  A-gayne thee restore.

    [Sidenote: Iames the .i.]

    [Sidenote: Ask in faith, and what you ask you shall have; He is
    more merciful than pen can tell.]

  Aske then in fayth,
  Not doubtynge to haue;                             552
  The thynges ye desyre
  ye shall then receaue;
  So they be lawfull
  Of God to requyre,                                 556
  He wyll the heare
  and graunt thy desyre;
  More mercifull he is
  then pen can expresse,                             560
  The aucthor and geuer
  here of all goodnesse.

    [Sidenote: Math. x.]

  “All ye that laboure
  and burdened be,                                   564
  I wyll you refreshe
  In commynge to me.”
  These are Chrystes wordes,
  the scripture is playne,                           568

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. vii.b.]]

  Spoken to all suche
  as here suffre payne;
  Our wylles to his worde
  then let vs frame,                                 572
  The heauenly habytacion
  therby we may clame.

    [Sidenote: Behave nicely in church, and don’t talk or chatter.]

  In the churche comly
  thy selfe do behaue,                               576
  In vsage sober,
  thy countinaunce graue.
  whyle you be there,
  taulke of no matter,                               580
  Nor one with an other
  whisper nor chatter.

    [Sidenote: Behave reverently; the House of Prayer is not to be
    made a fair.]

  Reuerently thy selfe
  Order alwaye                                       584
  when to the Churche
  thou shalt come to pray:
  Eche thynge hath his tyme,
  Consyder the place,                                588

    [Sidenote: Luke .xix.]

  For that is a token
  of vertue and grace,

    [Sidenote: [sign. B viii.]]

  The Lorde doth call it
  the house of prayer                                592
  And not to be vsed
  As is a fayer.


    [Headnote: AGAINST GAMING, AND FOR VIRTUE.]

  ¶ The fruites of gamynge, vertue and learnynge.
  Capitulo .vi.

    [Sidenote: Avoid dicing and carding.]

  ++O Lytle chylde,
  Eschewe thou euer game,--                          596
  For that hath brought
  Many one to shame,--
  As dysynge, and cardynge,
  And suche other playes,                            600
  which many vndoeth,
  as we se nowe a dayes.

  [Sidenote: Cicero.]

  But yf thou delyght
  In any earthly thynge,                             604

    [Sidenote: Delight in Knowledge, Virtue, and Learning.]

  Delyght in knowledge,
  Vertue, and learnynge,
  For learnynge wyll leade thee
  to the schoole of vertue,                          608

    [Sidenote: [sign. B. viii.b.]]

  And vertue wyll teache thee
  Vice to subdue.
  Vice beynge subdued,
  thou canst not but floryshe;                       612

    [Sidenote: Happy is he who cultivates Virtue.]

  Happy is the man
  that vertue doth norysh.
  By knowledge lykewyse
  thou shalt doubtes discerne,                       616
  By vertue agayne
  thy lyfe well gouerne.
  These be the frutes
  By them we do take,                                620

    [Sidenote: Cursed is he who forsakes it.]

  Cursed is he then
  that doth them forsake.
  But we erre in wyt
  In folowynge our wyll,                             624
  In iudgynge that good
  which playnly is yll.

    [Sidenote: Let reason rule you, and subdue your lusts.]

  Let reason thee rule,
  and not will thee leade                            628
  To folowe thy fansie,
  A wronge trace to treade.
    [Sidenote: [sign. C. i.]]

  But subdue thy luste,
  and conqeur thy wyll                               632
  If it shall moue thee
  to doe that is yll;

    [Sidenote: These ills come from gambling: strife, murder, theft,
    cursing and swearing.]

  For what hurte by game
  to many doth growe,                                636
  No wyse man I thynke
  but doth it well knowe.
  Experience doth shewe
  and make it manifeste                              640
  That all good men
  can it but deteste,
  As strife and debate,
  murder and thefte,                                 644
  whiche amonge christians,
  wolde god were lefte,
  with cursynge and bannynge,
  with swearyng and tearyng,                         648
  That no honest harte
  can abyde the hearyng:
  These be the fruites
  that of them doth sprynge,                         652

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. i.b.]]

  with many more as euill
  that cometh of gamynge.


    [Sidenote: _How to behave when conversing._]

  ¶ How to behaue thy selfe in taulkynge with any man. Capitulo .vii.

  ++If a man demaunde
  a question of thee,                                656

  [Sidenote: Isocra.]

  In thine aunswere makynge
  be not to hastie;

    [Sidenote: Understand a question before you answer it; let a man
    tell all his tale.]

  waie well his wordes,
  the case vnderstande                               660
  Eare an answere to make
  thou take in hande,
  Els may he iudge
  in thee little wit,                                664
  To answere to a thynge
  and not heare it.
  Suffer his tale
  whole out to be toulde,                            668
  Then speake thou mayst,
  and not be controulde;

    [Sidenote: Then bow to him, look him in the face, and answer
    sensibly, not staring about or laughing, but audibly and
    distinctly, your words in due order, or you’ll straggle off,
    or stutter, or stammer, which is a foul crime.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. ii.]]

  Low obeisaunce makyng,
  lokinge him in the face,                           672
  Tretably speaking,
  thy wordes see thou place.
  with countinaunce sober
  thy bodie vprighte                                 676
  Thy fete iuste to-gether,
  thy handes in lyke plight;
  Caste not thyne eies
  on neither syde.                                   680
  when thou arte praised,
  therin take no pryde.
  In tellynge thy tale,
  neither laugh nor smyle,                           684
  Such folly forsake thou,
  banish and exyle;
  In audible voice
  thy wordes do thou vtter,                          688
  Not hie nor lowe,
  but vsynge a measure.


  Thy wordes se that
  thou pronounce plaine,                             692

    [Headnote: HOW TO CARRY A MESSAGE.]

    [Text note: [C _orig._ thai]]

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. ii.b.]]

  And that [C] they spoken
  Be not in vayne;
  In vttryng wherof
  Kepe thou an order,                                696
  Thy matter therby
  thou shalte much forder;
  whiche order yf thou
  Do not obserue,                                    700
  From the purpose
  nedes must thou swarue.
  And hastines of speche
  wyll cause thee to erre,                           704
  Or wyll thee teache
  to stut or stammer.
  To stut or stammer
  is a foule crime,                                  708
  Learne then to leaue it,
  take warnyng in tyme;
  How euyll a chylde
  it doth become,                                    712
  Thy selfe beynge iudge,
  hauinge wisedome;

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. iii.]]

  And sure it is taken
  by custome and vre,                                716
  whyle yonge you be
  there is helpe and cure.
  This generall rule
  yet take with the,                                 720

    [Sidenote: Always keep your head uncovered.]

  In speakynge to any man
  Thy head vn-couered be.
  The common prouerbe
  remember ye oughte,                                724

    [Sidenote: Better unfed than untaught.]

  “Better vnfedde
  then vn-taughte.”


    [Sidenote: _How to take a Message._]

  ¶ How to order thy selfe being sente of message.
  Cap. viii.

  ++If of message
  forthe thou be sente,                              728

    [Sidenote: Listen to it well; don’t go away not knowing it.]

  Take hede to the same,
  Geue eare diligente;
  Depart not awaye
  and beyng in doute,                                732

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. iii.b.]]

  Know wel thy message
  before thou passe out;

    [Sidenote: Then hurry away, give the message; get the answer,
    return home, and tell it to your master exactly as it was told
    to you.]

  with possible spede
  then hast thee right sone;                         736
  If nede shall requirr it
  so to be done.
  After humble obeisaunce,
  the message forth shewe                            740
  Thy wordes well placinge
  in vttringe but fewe
  As shall thy matter
  serue to declare.                                  744
  Thine answere made,
  then home againe repare,
  And to thy master
  therof make relacion                               748
  As then the answere
  shall geue thee occasion.

  [Sidenote: Socra.]

  Neither adde nor deminish
  any thynge to the same,                            752
  Lest after it proue
  to thy rebuke and shame,

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. iiii.]]

  But the same vtter
  so nere as thou can;                               756
  No faulte they shall fynde
  to charge thee with than,
  In most humble wyse
  loke done that it be,                              760
  As shall become beste
  a seruantes degre.


    [Sidenote: _Against Anger, &c._]

  ¶ A-gainste Anger, Enuie, and malice.

  Cap. ix.

    [Sidenote: The slave of Anger must fall.]

  ++If thou be subiecte
  and to anger thrall,                               764
  And reason thee rule not,
  nedes must thou fall.

  [Sidenote: Pericles.]

  Conquer thy wyll
  and subdue thy luste,                              768
  Thy fansy not folowing,
  thy cause though be iuste;

    [Sidenote: Anger’s deeds are strange to wise men.]

  For anger and furie
  wyll thee so chaunge                               772

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. iiii.b.]]

  That thy doynges to wise men
  wyll appear straunge.
  Thine anger and wrath
  seke then to appeace,                              776

  [Sidenote: Plato.]

  For wrath, saith Plato,
  Leades shame in a leace.

  [Sidenote: Isocra.]

  The hastie man
  wantes neuer trouble,                              780

    [Sidenote: A hasty man is always in trouble.]

  His mad moody mynde
  his care doth double.
  And malyce thee moue
  to reuenge thy cause,                              784
  Dread euer god,
  and daunger of the lawes.

    [Sidenote: Take no revenge, but forgive.]

  Do not reuenge,
  though in thy power it be,                         788
  Forgeue the offender
  being thine enemie.
  He is perfectely pacient,
  we may repute plaine,                              792

  [Sidenote: Plato.]

  [That] From wrath and furye
  himselfe can refrayne.

    [Sidenote: Envy no one.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. v.]]

  Disdayne nor enuie
  The state of thy brother,                          796

  [Sidenote: Seneca.]

  In worde nor dede
  not hurtyng one an other.

    [Sidenote: An ill body breeds debate.]

  Debate and disceate,
  contencion and enuie,                              800
  Are the chiefe frutes
  of an euyll bodie.

  [Sidenote: Salomon.]

  And Salomon saithe
  “The harte full of enuie,                          804
  Of him selfe hath
  no pleasure nor commoditie.”


    [Sidenote: _The Fruits of Charity, &c._]

  ¶ The fruites of charitie, loue, and pacience.

  Cap. x.

    [Sidenote: Charity seeketh not her own, but bears patiently.]

  ++Charitie seketh not
  that to her doth belonge,                          808
  But paciently a-bydinge,
  sustainynge rather wronge;

    [Sidenote: Charity seeketh not her own, but bears patiently.]

  Not enuiynge, but bearinge
  with loue and pacience,--                          812

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. v.b.]]

  So noble is her nature,--
  forgeuing all ofence.

    [Sidenote: Love incites to Mercy.]

  And loue doth moue
  the mynde to mercie,                               816
  But malice againe
  doth worke the contrarie.
  whiche in the wicked
  wyll euer beare stroke,                            820

    [Sidenote: Patience teaches forbearance.]

  Pacience thee teacheth
  therof to beare the yoke.
  where pacience and loue
  to-gether do dwell                                 824
  All hate and debate,
  with malice, they expell.

  [Sidenote: Pithagoras.]

  Loue constant and faithfull,
  Pithagoras doth call                               828
  To be a vertue
  most principall.

  [Sidenote: Plato.]

  Plato doth speake
  almoste in effecte                                 832
  ‘where loue is not,
  no vertue is perfecte.’

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. vi.]]

    [Sidenote: Pray God to give thee Charity and Patience, to lead
    thee to Virtue’s School, and thence to Eternal Bliss.]

  Desire then god
  to assiste thee with his grace                     836
  Charitie to vse
  and pacience to imbrace;
  These three folowinge
  will thee instructe,                               840
  That to vertues schoole
  they wyll thee conducte,
  And from vertues schoole
  to eternall blisse                                 844
  where incessaunt ioie
  continually is.


    [Headnote: AGAINST SWEARING.]

    [Sidenote: _Against Swearing._]

  ¶ A-gainge (_so_) the horrible vice of swearynge.

  Cap. xi.

    [Sidenote: Take not God’s name in vain, or He will plague thee.]

  ++In vaine take not
  the name of god;                                   848
  Swere not at all
  for feare of his rod.
  The house with plagues
  he threteneth to visit                             852

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. vi.b.]]

  where othes are vsed:
  they shall not escape it.
  Iuste are his iudgementes,
  and true is his worde,                             856
  And sharper then is
  a two edged sworde;

    [Sidenote: Beware of His wrath, and live well in thy vocation.]

  wherfore beware thou
  his heauy indignacion,                             860
  And learne to lyue well
  in thy vocacion
  wherin that god
  shall thee set or call;                            864
  Rysinge againe--
  if it fortune to fall--
  By prayer and repentance,
  whiche is the onely waie.                          868
  Christ wolde not the death
  of a sinner, I saye,
  But rather he turne
  From his wickednesse,                              872
  And so to lyue
  in vertue and goodnesse.

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. vii.]]

    [Sidenote: What is the good of swearing?]

  what better art thou
  for this thy swearyng                              876
  Blasfamouslye,
  the name of god tearyng?

    [Sidenote: It kindles God’s wrath against thee.]

  Prouokynge his yre
  and kyndlinge his wrath                            880
  Thee for to plauge,
  that geuinge the hath
  Knowlage and reason
  thy selfe for to rule,                             884
  And for to flee
  the thynge that is euyl.

  [Sidenote: Seneca.]

  Senica doth councell thee
  all swerynge to refrayne,                          888
  Although great profite
  by it thou mighte gaine:

  [Sidenote: Pericles.]

  Pericles, whose wordes
  are manifeste and playne,                          892
  From sweryng admonisheth
  thee to obstaine;

    [Sidenote: God’s law forbids swearing, and so does the counsel
    of Philosophers.]

  The lawe of god,
  and commaundement he gaue,                         896

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. vii.b.]
  Swearynge amongst vs
  in no wyse wolde haue.
  The councell of philosoph[ers]
  I haue here expreste,                              900
  Amongest whom sweryng
  was vtterly deteste;
  Much lesse amongest christians
  ought it to be vsed,                               904
  But vtterly of them
  cleane to be refused.


    [Sidenote: _Against filthy talking._]

  ¶ A-gainste the vice of filthy talkynge.
  Cap. xii.

    [Sidenote: Never talk dirt.]

  ++No filthy taulke
  in no wise vse,                                    908
  Thy tonge therby
  for to abuse.

    [Sidenote: For every word we shall give account at the Day of
    Doom, and be judged according to our deeds.]

  Of euery idell worde
  an accumpte we shall render;--                     912
  All men I woulde
  this sayinge to remember;--

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. viii.]]

  To god for it
  at the generall daie                               916
  In earnest or sporte
  we shall speake or saie;
  whiche daye to the iuste
  shallbe most ioyfull,                              920
  And to the wicked
  againe as wofull.
  As we here doe,
  so shall we receaue,                               924
  Vnles we repente
  and mercy of god craue.
  If god wyll deale
  with vs so straight                                928
  For thinges that be
  of so small waight,

    [Sidenote: Let lewd livers then fear.]

  Then haue we cause
  to feare and dreade,                               932
  Our lyues lewdly
  if we haue leade.

    [Sidenote: Keep your tongue from vain talking.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. C. viii.b.]]

  Thy tonge take hede
  thou doe refrayne                                  936
  From speakyng wordes
  that are moste vayne;

  [Sidenote: Aristot.]

  Thy wyll and witte
  to goodnes applie,                                 940
  Thy mynde exercise
  in vertuous studie.


    [Headnote: AGAINST LYING.]

    [Sidenote: _Against Lying._]

  ¶ A-gainste the vice of lyinge.
  Capitulo .xiii.

  [Sidenote: Plato.]

  ++To forge, to fayne,
  to flater and lye,                                 944
  Requiere diuers collours
  with wordes fayre and slye,

    [Sidenote: To speak the truth needs no study, therefore always
    practise it and speak it.]

  But the vtteraunce of truthe
  is so simple and playne                            948
  That it nedeth no studie
  to forge or to fayne;
  wherfore saye truth,
  how euer stand the case,                           952
  So shalte thou fynde
  more fauour and grace.
  Vse truthe, and say truth,
  in that thou goest aboute,                         956
  For tyme of althinges
  the truthe wyll bringe out.

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. i.]]

    [Sidenote: Shame is the reward of lying.]

  Shame is the rewarde
  For lying dewe;                                    960
  Then auoyde shame,
  and vtter wordes trewe.
  A lyar by his lying
  this profet doth get,                              964
  That whan he saith truth
  no man wyll him credet;

    [Sidenote: Always speak the truth.]

  Then let thy talke
  with the truth agree,                              968
  And blamed for it
  thou shalte neuer bee.

    [Sidenote: Who can trust a liar?]

  Howe maie a man
  a lyer ought truste?                               972
  But doubte his dedes,
  his woordes being vniuste.
  In tellyng of truth
  there lougeth no shame,                            976
  Where vttring of lyes
  deserueth much blame;

    [Sidenote: If a lie saves you once, it deceives you thrice.]

  And though a lye
  from stripes ye once saue,                         980

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. i.b.]]

  Thrise for that once
  it wyll the desceue;
  Truste then to truth,
  and neither forge nor fayne,                       984
  And followe these preceptes:
  from liyng do refraine.


    [Headnote: A NIGHTLY PRAYER.]

    [Sidenote: _A bedward Prayer._]

  ¶ A praier to be saide when thou goest to bedde.

    [Sidenote: God of mercy, take us into Thy care.]

  ++O Mercifull god!
  heare this our requeste,                           988
  And graunte vnto vs
  this nighte quiet reste.
  Into thy tuicion,
  oh lorde, do vs take!                              992
  Our bodies slepynge,
  our myndes yet maie wake.

    [Sidenote: Forgive us our sins.]

  Forgeue the offences
  this daye we haue wroughte                         996
  A-gainste thee and our neighbour
  in worde, dede, and thoughte!
  And graunte vs thy grace
  hense forth to flie sinne,                        1000

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. ii.]]

    [Sidenote: Deliver us from evil, and our enemy the Devil.]

  And that a newe lyfe
  we maie nowe beginne!
  Deliuer and defende vs
  this night from all euell,                        1004
  And from the daunger
  of our enemie, the diuell,
  whiche goeth a-boute
  sekyng his praie,                                 1008
  And by his crafte
  whom we maie betraie.

    [Sidenote: Assist us to conquer him and ascribe all honour
    to Thee.]

  Assiste vs, oh lorde,
  with thy holy sprite,                             1012
  That valiantly against him
  we maie euer fighte;
  And winning the victorie,
  maie lifte vp our voice,                          1016
  And in his strength
  faithfully reioice,
  Saying, “to the lorde
  be all honour and praise                          1020
  For his defence
  bothe now and alwaies!”


[Transcriber’s Note:

In the following segment, the numbers 1, 2, 3... from the original
text are used as sidenote markers. There are no footnotes.]


    [Headnote: THE DUTY OF ALL DEGREES OF MEN.]

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. ii.b.]]

    [Sidenote: _Each one’s Duty._]

  ¶ the dutie of eche degred. (_so_) brefely declared.

    [Sidenote: The Duty of [1] Princes, [2] Judges, [3] Prelates,
    [4] Parents, [5] Children, [6] Masters, [7] Servants,
    [8] Husbands.]

  1 ++Ye princes, that the earth
  rule and gouerne,                                 1024
  Seke ye for knowledge
  doubtes to discerne.
  2 Ye iudges, geue iudgement
  according to righte                               1028
  As may be founde
  acceptable in the lordes sight.
  3 Ye prelates, preache purely
  the worde of our lorde,                           1032
  That your liuings & prechinges
  in one maie accorde.
  4 Ye fathers and mothers,
  so your children instructe                        1036
  As maye them to grace
  and uertue conducte.

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. iii.]]

  5 Ye chyldren, lykewyse
  obey your pare{n}tes here;                        1040
  In all godlinesse
  see that ye them feare.
  6 Ye maisters, do you
  the thynge that is righte                         1044
  Not lokynge what
  ye may do by mighte.
  7 Ye seruauntes, applie
  your busines and arte,                            1048
  Doinge the same
  in singlenesse of harte.
  8 Ye husbandes, loue your wyues,
  and with them dwell,                              1052
  All bitternesse set aparte,
  vsing wordes gentell.

    [Sidenote: The Duty of [9] Wives, [10] Parsons and Vicars,
    [11] Men of Law, [12] Craftsmen, [13] Landlords, [14] Merchants,
    [15] Subjects, [16] Rich Men, [17] Poor Men, [18] Magistrates,
    [19] Officers,]

  9 Ye wyues, to your husbandes
  be obedient alwaie,                               1056

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. iii.b.]]

  For they are your heades,
  and ye bounde to obeie.
  10 Ye persons and vickers
  that haue cure and charge,                        1060
  Take hede to the same,
  and roue not at large.
  11 Ye men of lawe,
  in no wyse delaie                                 1064
  The cause of the poore,
  but helpe what ye maie.
  12 Ye that be craftes men,
  vse no disceite,                                  1068
  Geuing to all men
  tale, measure, and weighte.
  13 Ye that be landlordes
  and haue housen to let,                           1072
  At reasonable rentes
  do them forth set.

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. iiii.]]

  14 Ye merchauntes that vse
  the trade of merchandise,                         1076
  Vse lawfull wares
  and reasonable prise.
  15 Ye subiectes, lyue ye
  in obedience and awe,                             1080
  Fearyng gods stroke,
  and daunger of the lawe.
  16 Ye rych, whom god
  hath goods vnto sente,                            1084
  Releue the poore
  and helpe the indigente.
  17 Ye that are poore,
  with your state be contente,                      1088
  Not hauinge wherwith
  to lyue competente.
  18 Ye magestrates, the cause
  of the widdow and fatherles                       1092

    [Sidenote: [sign. D. iiii.b.]]

  Defende againste suche
  as shall them opresse.
  19 All ye that are called
  to any other office,                              1096
  Execute the same
  acordinge to iustice.

    [Sidenote: The Duty of all Men.]

  20 Let eche here so liue
  in his vocacion,                                  1100
  As maie his soule saue,
  and profet his nacion.

    [Sidenote: God grant us all to live and die well!]

  21 This graunting god,
  that sitteth on hie,                              1104
  we shall here well lyue
  and after well die.

    +Famam virtutis mors
    Abolire nequit quod. F. S.+


  ¶ Imprinted at London in Paules
  Churchyearde. By william
  Seares.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Whate-ever thow sey, avyse thee welle!

  [_MS._ O. 9. 38. _Trinity College, Cambridge._]

  Almyȝty godde, conserue vs fram care!
  Where ys thys worle A-wey y-wente?

    [Sidenote: A man must mind what he says; hearts are fickle
    and fell.]

  A man that schold speke, had nede to be ware,
  ffor lytyl thyng he may be schente;                                  4
  Tonggys beth y-turne to lyther entente;
  Hertys, they beth bothe fykel and felle;
  Man, be ware leste thow repente!
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                             8


    [Sidenote: Take care what you say.]

  A-vyse the, man, yn whate place and whare
  A woord of conseyl thow doyst seyne;

    [Sidenote: A false friend may hear it, and after a year or two
    will repeat it.]

  Sum man may ley ther-to hys ere;
  Thow wenyst he be thy frend; he ys thy foo c{er}teyne;              12
  P{er}aventor aftyr A ȝere or tweyne--
  Thow trowyst as tru as eny stele,--
  Thys woord yn wreth thow schalt hyre A-gayne!
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            16


    [Sidenote: Hasty speech hurts hearer and speaker.]

  Meny man spekyth yn hastenys:
  hyt hyndryth hym and eke hys frende;
  hym were well{e} beter his tong{e} to sese
  Than they both ther-for be schende.                                 20
  Suche wordys beth not to be had yn meynde,
  hyt makyȝt comforte w{i}t{h} care to kele:

    [Sidenote: In the beginning, think on the end.]

  Man, yn the begynnyng thenk on þe eynde!
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            24


    [Sidenote: You tell a man a secret, and he’ll betray it
    for a drink of wine.]

  To sum man thow mayste tel a pryuy tale:
  Whan he fro the ys wente A-way,
  ffor a drawȝt of wyne other ale
  he woll{e} the wrey, by my fay,                                     28
  And make hyt worse (hyt ys noo nay)
  Than eu{er} hyt was, A thowsend dele.

    [Sidenote: Mind what you say.]

  Thys ys my song{e} both nyȝt & day,
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            32


    [Sidenote: Avoid backbiting and flattering; refrain from malice,
    and bragging.]

  Be ware of bagbytynge, y the rede;
  ley flateryng{e} vndyr thy foote, loke;
  Deme the beste of eu{er}y dede
  Tyll{e} trowth haue serchyd truly þe roote;                         36
  Rrefrayne malyce cruell{e} & hoote;
  Dyscretly and wysly speende thy spelle;
  Boost ne brag{e} ys worth A Ioote;
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            40


    [Sidenote: A venomous tongue causes sorrow.]

  Dysese, wharre, sorowe and debate,
  ys caused ofte by venemys tong{e};

    [Sidenote: When words are said, regret is too late.]

  haddywyst cometh eu{er} to late
  Whan lewyd woordis beth owte y-sprong{e}.                           44
  The kocke seyth wysly on his song{e}
  ‘hyre and see, and hold the stylle,’
  And eu{er} kepe thys lesson A-mong{e},

    [Sidenote: Mind what you say.]

  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            48


    [Sidenote: Had men thought of this, many things done in England
    would never have been begun.]

  y dere well{e} swery by the sonne,
  yf eu{er}y man had thys woord yn thowȝt
  Meny thynggis had neu{er} be by-gunne
  That ofte yn Ingelond hath be y-wroȝt.                              52

    [Sidenote: See _The Wise Man_, in _Babees Boke_, &c. p. 48.]

  The wyse man hath hys sone y-tawȝtte
  yn ryches, poorte, woo, and welle,
  Thys worthy reson for-ȝete thow noȝt,
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            56


    [Sidenote: To speak aright observe six things: 1. what;
    2. of whom; 3. where; 4. to whom; 5. why; 6. when.]

  yf that thow wolte speke A-ryȝt,
  Ssyx thynggys thow moste obserue then:
  What thow spekyst, & of what wyȝt,
  Whare, to wham, whye, and whenne.                                   60
  Thow noost how soone thow schalt go henne;
  As lome be meke, as serpent felle;

    [Sidenote: In every place mind what you say.]

  yn eu{er}y place, A-monge all{e} men,
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            64


    [Sidenote: Almighty God, grant me grace to serve Thee!]

  “Almyȝty god yn personys thre,
  W{i}t{h} herte mylde mekly y praye,
  Graunte me grace thy seruant to be
  Yn woorde and dede eu{er} and aye!                                  68

    [Sidenote: Mary, mother, send me grace night and day!]

  Mary, moder, blessyd maye,
  Quene of hevyn, Imp{er}es of helle,
  Sende me grace both nyȝt and daye!”
  Whate eu{er} thow sey, A-vyse the welle!                            72


    EXPLICIT &c.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  A Dogg Lardyner, & a Sowe Gardyner.

  [_MS._ O. 9. 38. _Trinity College, Cambridge._]

  _Printed in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ, v. i. p. 233_,
  from MS. Lansdowne No. 762, fol. 16 b._


    [Sidenote: A dog in a larder, a sow in a garden, a fool with
    wise men, are ill matcht.]

hoo so makyȝt at crystysmas A dogg{e} lardyner, And yn march
A sowe gardyner, And yn may A foole of every wysmanys counsayll{e},
he schall{e} neu{er} haue goode larder, ne fayre gardyn, nother
counsayll{e} well{e} y-keptt.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Maxims in -ly.


  [_MS. Lansdowne 762, fol. 16 b, written as prose.
  Printed in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ, v. i. p. 233_.]


  Aryse erly,
  serue God devowtely
  and the worlde besely,
  doo thy werk wisely,
  yeue thyn{e} almes secretely,
  goo by the waye sadly,
  answer the people demuerly,
  goo to thy mete apetitely,
  sit therat discretely,
  of thy tunge be not to lib{er}ally,
  arise therfrom temp{er}ally,
  go to thy supper soberly
  and to thy bed merely,
  be in thyn Inne iocundely,
  please thy loue duely,
  and Slepe suerly.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Roger Ascham’s Advice

  to

  Lord Warwick’s Servant.


With the different counsels to babees, pages, and servants,
throughout this volume, may be compared Roger Ascham’s advice to his
brother-in-law, Mr C. H., when he put him to service with the Earl
of Warwick, A.D. 1559. Here follows part of it, from Whitaker’s Hist.
of Richmondshire, p. 282.


First and formost, in all your thoughts, words, and deeds, [a]have
before your eyes the feare of God..... [b] love and serve your lord
willingly, faithfullye, and secretlye; love and live with your fellowes
honestly, quiettlye, curteouslye, that noe man have cause either to hate
yow for your stubborne frowardnes, or to malice yow for your proud
ungentlenes, two faults which co{m}monly yonge men soones[t] fall into
in great men’s service. [c] Contemne noe poore man, mocke noe simple
man, w{hi}ch proud fooles in cort like and love to doe; find fault with
your selfe and with none other, the best waye to live honestlye and
quiettly in the court. [d] Carrye noe tales, be noe co{m}mon teller of
newes, be not inquisitive of other menn’s talke, for those that are
desirous to heare what they need not, co{m}monly be readye to babble
what they shold not. [e] Vse not to lye, for that is vnhonest; speake
not everye truth, for that is vnneedfull; yea, in tyme and place a
harmlesse lye is a greate deale better then a hurtfull truth. [f] Use
not dyceing nor carding; the more yow use them the lesse yow wilbe
esteemed; the cunninger yow be at them the worse man yow wilbe counted.
[g] for pastime, love and learne that w{hi}ch your lord liketh and vseth
most, whether itt be rydeing, shooteing, hunting, hawkeing, fishing or
any such exercise. Beware of secrett corners and night sitting vp, the
two nurses of mischiefe, unthriftines, losse, and sicknes. [h] Beware
cheifely of ydlenes, the great pathway that leadeth directly to all
evills; be diligent alwayes, be present every where in your lord’s
service, [i] be at hand to call others, and be not ofte sent for
yourselfe; for marke this as part of your creed, that the good service
of one whole yeare shall never gett soe much as the absence of one howre
may lose, when your lord shall stand in need of yow to send. if yow
consider alwayes that absence and negligence must needes be cause of
greife and sorrowe to your selfe, of chideing and rueing to your lord,
and that [k] dutye done diligently and presently shall gaine yow
profitt, and purchase yow great praise and your lord’s good countenance,
yow shall ridd me of care, and wynne your selfe creditt, make me a gladd
man, and your aged mother a ioyfull woman, and breed your freinds great
comforth. [l] Soe I comitt and co{m}mend yow to God’s mercifull
protecc{i}on and good guidance, who long preserve Your ever loving and
affectionate brother in lawe.

  R. ASKAM.

To my loveing Brother in Lawe, Mr C. H., Servant to the Rt. Ho{n}. the
Earle of Warwick, these.

    [Sidenotes:
    [a] Fear God, [b] serve your lord faithfully, be courteous to your
    fellows. [c] Despise no poor man. [d] Carry no tales. [e] Tell no
    lies. [f] Don’t play at dice or cards. [g] Take to your lord’s
    favourite sport. [h] Beware of idleness. [i] Always be at hand
    when you’re wanted. [k] Diligence will get you praise. [l] God
    be with you!]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata (noted by transcriber):

_Booke of Demeanor_:

  [Sidenote: [p. 11.]]  [p. 1.]

_Bp. Grossetest’s Household Statutes_:

  Incipiunt statuta familie bone Memorie do{m}pni
    [_{m} damaged or unclear: looks like n with following space_]
  T the secunde ys
    [_from editor’s Corrigenda:_
    _The_ T _of_ T the is used as a paragraph mark in the MS.]

_The Schoole of Vertue_:

  ll. 27-40
  [Sidenote: ... to our live’s end.”]  [_apostrophe unchanged_]
  l. 32 and kepe thy co{m}maundmentes;
    [_“co{m}maund/mentes” at line break without hyphen_]
  l. 55 It dulles the the wyt  [_text unchanged_]
  l. 40, 48, 82, 976  [_line number missing_]
  l. 305
  [Sidenote: Grace before meate.]
    [_This sidenote is in large type and was in the original book;
    the following “Grace before Meat” is in ordinary small type and
    was added by the editor._]
  ll. 321, 322  [_The absent line is shown as 321._]
  l. 1104
    [_misprinted 1102, and see Transcriber’s Note at beginning
    of selection_]

_Ascham’s Advice_:

  in great men’s service  [_’ invisible_]


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


  The Babees Book,

  OR A ‘LYTYL REPORTE’ OF HOW YOUNG PEOPLE SHOULD BEHAVE.

  [_MS. Harl._ 5086, _fol._ 86-90; _ab._ 1475 A.D.]

[Transcriber’s Note:

In the printed book, some line numbers were shifted to avoid collision
with the pilcrow symbol at the beginning of each seven-line stanza.
For this e-text, line numbers have been regularized to multiples of 4.]


  ++In this tretys the which{e} I thenke to wryte
  Out of latyn in-to my comvne langage,
  He me supporte (sen I kan nat endyte),
  The which{e} only after his owne ymage                               4
  Fourmyd man-kynde! For alle of tendre age
  In curtesye Resseyve shulle document,
  And vertues knowe, by this lytil coment.

    [Sidenote: My God, support me while I translate this treatise
    from Latin. It shall teach those of tender age.]


  ¶ And Facett seyth{e} the Book of curtesye,                          8
  Vertues to knowe, thaym forto haue and vse,
  Is thing moste heelfull{e} in this worlde trevly.
  Therfore in feyth{e} I wole me nat excuse
  From this labour ywys, nor hit Refuse;                              12
  For myn owne lernynge wole I say su{m}me thing
  That touchis vertues and curtesye havyng.

    [Sidenote: To know and practise virtues is the most profitable
    thing in the world.]


  ¶ But, O yonge Babees, whom{e} bloode Royall{e}
  With{e} grace, Feture, and hyh{e} habylite                          16
  Hath{e} eno{ur}myd, on yow ys that I call{e}
  To knowe this Book; for it were grete pyte,
  Syn that in yow ys sette sovereyne beaute,
  But yf vertue and nurture were with{e} all{e};                      20
  To yow therefore I speke in specyall{e},

    [Sidenote: Young Babies, adorned with grace, I call on you to
    know this book (for Nurture should accompany beauty),]


  ¶ And nouht{e} to hem of elde that ben{e} experte
  In governau{n}ce, nurture, and honeste.
  For what nedys to yeve helle peynes smerte,                         24
  Ioye vnto hevene, or water vnto the see,

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 86b.]]

  Heete to the Fyre that kan nat but hoote be?
  It nedys nouht{e}: therfore, O Babees yynge,
  My Book only is made for youre lernynge.                            28

    [Sidenote: and not on aged men expert therein. Why add pain to
    hell, water to the sea, or heat to fire? Babies, my book is for
    you only,]


  ¶ Therfore I pray that no man Reprehende
  This lytyl Book, the which{e} for yow I make;
  But where defaute ys, latte ylke man amende,
  And nouht{e} deme yt; [I] pray thaym for youre sake.                32
  For other mede ywys I kepe noon{e} take
  But that god wolde this Book myht{e} yche man plese,
  And in lernynge vnto yow do{n}ne so{m}me ese.

    [Sidenote: and so I hope no one will find fault with it, but
    only amend it. The only reward I seek is that my book may please
    all and improve you.]


  ¶ Eke, swete children, yf ther{e} be eny worde                      36
  That yee ke{n}ne nouht{e}, spyrre whils yee yt ken;
  Wha{n}ne yee yt knowe, yee mowe holde yt in horde,
  Thus thurh{e} spyrryng yee mowe lerne at wyse men.
  Also thenke nouht{e} to st{ra}ungely at my penne,                   40
  In this metre for yow lyste to procede,
  Men vsen yt; therfore on hit take hede.

    [Sidenote: If you don’t know any word in it, ask till you do,
    and then keep hold of it. And do not wonder at this being in
    metre.]


  ¶ But amonge alle that I thenke of to telle,
  My purpos ys first only forto trete                                 44
  How yee Babees in housholde that done duelle
  Shulde haue your{e} sylf whe{n}ne yee be sette at mete,
  And how yee shulde, whe{n}ne men lyste yow Rehete,
  Haue wordes lovly, swete, bleste, and benyngne.                     48
  In this helpe me O Marie, Modir dyngne!

    [Sidenote: I must first describe how you Babies who dwell in
    households should behave at meals, and be ready with lovely and
    benign words when you are spoken to.]


  ¶ And eke, O lady myn, Facecia!
  My pe{n}ne thow guyde, and helpe vnto me shewe;

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 87.]]

  For as the firste off alle lettres ys the A,                        52
  So Artow firste Modir of alle vertue.
  Off myn vnku{n}nynge, swete lady, now Rewe;
  And thouh{e} vntauht{e} I speke of governau{n}ce,
  With{e} thy swete helpe supporte myn ygnorau{n}ce.                  56

    [Sidenote: Lady Facetia, help me! Thou art the Mother of all
    Virtue. Help the ignorance of me untaught!]


  ++A, Bele Babees, herkne now to my lore!
  Whe{n}ne yee entre into yo{ur} lordis place,
  Say first, “god spede;” And alle that ben byfore
  Yow in this stede, salue with{e} humble Face;                       60
  Stert nat Rudely; ko{m}me Inne an esy pace;
  Holde vp youre heede, and knele but on oone kne
  To youre sovereyne or lorde, whedir he be.

    [Sidenote: Fair Babies, when you enter your lord’s place, say
    “God speed,” and salute all there. Kneel on one knee to your
    lord.]


  ¶ And yf they speke with{e} yow at youre komynge,                   64
  With{e} stable Eye loke vpon{e} theym Riht{e},
  To theyre tales and yeve yee goode herynge
  Whils they haue seyde; loke eke with{e} alle yo{ur} myht{e}
  Yee Iangle nouht{e}, also caste nouht{e} yo{ur} syht{e}             68
  Aboute the hovs, but take to theym entent
  With{e} blyth{e} vysage, and spiryt diligent.

    [Sidenote: If any speak to you, look straight at them, and listen
    well till they have finished; do not chatter or let your eyes
    wander about the house.]


  ¶ Whe{n}ne yee Answere or speke, yee shull{e} be purveyde
  What yee shall{e} say / speke eke thing fructuous;                  72
  On esy wyse latte thy Reson{e} be sayde

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 87b.]]

  In wordes gentyll{e} and also compendious,
  For many wordes ben riht{e} Tedious
  To ylke wyseman that shall{e} yeve audience;                        76
  Thaym to eschewe therfore doo diligence.

    [Sidenote: Answer sensibly, shortly, and easily. Many words are
    a bore to a wise man.]


  ¶ Take eke noo seete, but to stonde be yee preste;
  Whils forto sytte ye haue in komau{n}dement,
  Youre heede, youre hande, yo{ur} feet, holde yee in reste;          80
  Nor thurh{e} clowyng, yo{ur} flesshe loke yee nat Rent;
  Lene to no poste whils that ye stande present
  Byfore yo{ur} lorde, nor handyll{e} ye no thyng
  Als for that tyme vnto the hovs touching.                           84

    [Sidenote: Stand till you are told to sit: keep your head, hands,
    and feet quiet: don’t scratch yourself, or lean against a post,
    or handle anything near.]


  ¶ At eu{er}y tyme obeye vnto youre lorde
  Whe{n}ne yee answere, ellis stonde yee styl as stone
  But yf he speke; loke with{e} oon accorde
  That yf yee se ko{m}me Inne eny p{er}sone                           88
  Better tha{n}ne yee, that yee goo bak anoone
  And gyff him place; your{e} bak eke in no way
  Turne on no wiht{e}, as ferforth{e} as ye may.

    [Sidenote: Bow to your lord when you answer. If any one better
    than yourself comes in, retire and give place to him. Turn your
    back on no man.]


  ¶ Yiff that youre lorde also yee se drynkynge,                      92
  Looke that ye be in riht{e} stable sylence
  With{e}-oute lowde lauht{e}re or Iangelynge,
  Rovnynge, Iapynge, or other Insolence.
  Yiff he komau{n}de also in his presence                             96
  Yow forto sytte, fulfill{e} his wylle belyve,
  And for youre seete, looke nat with{e} other stryve,

    [Sidenote: Be silent while your lord drinks, not laughing,
    whispering, or joking. If he tells you to sit down, do so at
    once.]


  ¶ Whe{n}ne yee er sette, take noon{e} vnhoneste tale;

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 88.]]

  Eke forto skorne eschewe with{e} alle yo{ur} myht{e};              100
  Latte ay youre chere be lowly, blyth{e}, and hale,
  With{e}-oute chidynge as that yee wolde fyht{e}.
  Yiff yee p{er}ceyve also that eny wiht{e}
  Lyst yow ko{m}mende that better be tha{n}ne yee,                   104
  Ryse vp anoon{e}, and thanke him with{e} herte free.

    [Sidenote: Then don’t talk dirt, or scorn any one, but be meek
    and cheerful. If your better praises you, rise up and thank him
    heartily.]


  ¶ Yif that yee se youre lorde or y{o}ure lady
  Touching the housholde speke of eny thinge,
  Latt theym alloone, for that is curtesy,                           108
  And entremete yow nouht{e} of theyre doynge,
  But be Ay Redy with{e}-oute feynynge
  At hable tyme to done yo{ur} lorde service,
  So shall{e} yee gete anoon{e} a name of price.                     112

    [Sidenote: When your lord or lady is speaking about the household,
    don’t you interfere, but be always ready to serve at the proper
    time,]


  ¶ Also to brynge drynke, holde liht{e} wha{n}ne tyme ys,
  Or to doo that which{e} ouht{e} forto be done,
  Looke yee be preste, for so yee shall{e} ywys
  In nurture gete a gentyl name ful sone;                            116
  And yif ye shulde at god aske yow a bone
  Als to the worlde, better in noo degre
  Miht{e} yee desire tha{n}ne nurtred forto be.

    [Sidenote: to bring drink, hold lights, or anything else, and so
    get a good name. The best prayer you can make to God is to be well
    mannered.]


  ¶ Yif that youre lorde his owne coppe lyste co{m}mende             120
  To yow to drynke, ryse vp wha{n}ne yee it take,
  And resseyve it goodly with{e} booth{e} youre hende;
  Of yt also to nõõne other profre ye make,
  But vnto him that brouht{e} yt yee hit take                        124

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 88b.]]

  Whe{n}ne yee haue done, for yt in no kyn wyse
  Auht{e} comvne be, as techis vs the wyse.

    [Sidenote: If your lord offers you his cup, rise up, take it with
    both hands, offer it to no one else, but give it back to him that
    brought it.]


  ¶ Now must I telle in shorte, for I muste so,
  Youre observau{n}ce that ye shall{e} done at none;                 128
  Whe{n}ne that ye se youre lorde to mete shall{e} goo,
  Be redy to fecche him water sone;
  Su{m}me helle[1] water; su{m}me holde to he hath{e} done
  The cloth{e} to him; And from him yee nat pace                     132
  Whils he be sette, and haue herde sayde the grace.

    [Sidenote: At Noon, when your lord is ready for dinner, some pour
    water on him, some hold the towel for him till he has finished,
    and don’t leave till grace is said.]


  ¶ Byfore him stonde whils he komau{n}de yow sytte,
  With{e} clene handes Ay Redy him to serve;
  Whe{n}ne yee be sette, yo{ur} knyf with{e} alle yo{ur} wytte       136
  Vnto youre sylf both{e} clene and sharpe conserve,
  That honestly yee mowe yo{ur} owne mete kerve.
  Latte curtesye and sylence with{e} yow duelle,
  And foule tales looke noone to other telle.                        140

    [Sidenote: Stand by your lord till he tells you to sit, then keep
    your knife clean and sharp to cut your food. Be silent, and tell
    no nasty stories.]


  ¶ Kutte with{e} yo{ur} knyf yo{ur} brede,
          and breke yt nouht{e};
  A clene Trenchour byfore yow eke ye lay,
  And whe{n}ne yo{ur} potage to yow shall{e} be brouht{e},
  Take yow sponys, and soupe by no way,                              144
  And in youre dysshe leve nat yo{ur} spone, I pray,
  Nor on the borde lenynge be yee nat sene,
  But from embrowyng the cloth{e} yee kepe clene.

    [Sidenote: Cut your bread, don’t break it. Lay a clean trencher
    before you, and eat your broth with a spoon, don’t sup it up.
    Don’t leave your spoon in your dish. Don’t lean on the table, or
    dirty the cloth.]


  ¶ Oute ou{er}e youre dysshe yo{ur} heede yee nat hynge,            148
  And with{e} fulle mouth{e} drynke in no wyse;
  Youre nose, yo{ur} teeth{e}, yo{ur} naylles, from pykynge,

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 89.]]

  Kepe At your mete, for so techis the wyse.
  Eke or ye take in youre mouthe, yow avyse,                         152
  So mekyl mete but that yee riht{e} well{e} mowe
  Answere, And speke, whe{n}ne men speke to yow.

    [Sidenote: Don’t hang your head over your dish, or eat with a full
    mouth, or pick your nose, teeth, and nails, or stuff your mouth so
    that you can’t speak.]


  ¶ Wha{n}ne ye shall{e} drynke,
          yo{ur} mouthe clence with{e} A cloth{e};
  Youre handes eke that they in no manere                            156
  Imbrowe the cuppe, for tha{n}ne shull{e} noon{e} be loth{e}
  With{e} yow to drynke that ben with{e} yow yfere.
  The salte also touche nat in his salere
  With{e} nokyns mete, but lay it honestly                           160
  On youre Trenchoure, for that is curtesy.

    [Sidenote: Wipe your mouth when you drink, and don’t dirty the
    cup with your hands. Don’t dip your meat in the salt-cellar,]


  ¶ Youre knyf with{e} mete to yo{ur} mouthe nat bere,
  And in youre hande nor holdẽ yee yt no way;
  Eke yf to yow be brouht{e} goode metys sere,                       164
  Luke curteysly of ylke mete yee assay,
  And yf yo{ur} dysshe with{e} mete be tane away
  And better brouht{e}, curtesye wole certeyne
  Yee late yt passe and calle it nat ageyne.                         168

    [Sidenote: or put your knife in your mouth. Taste every dish
    that’s brought to you, and when once your plate is taken away,
    don’t ask for it again.]


  ¶ And yf st{ra}ungers with{e} yow be sette at mete,
  And vnto yow goode mete be brouht{e} or sente,
  With{e} parte of hit goodely yee theym Rehete,
  For yt ys nouht{e} ywys convenyent                                 172
  With{e} yow at mete, wha{n}ne other ben present,
  Alle forto holde that vnto yow ys brouht{e},
  And as wrecches on other vouchesauf nouht{e}.

    [Sidenote: If strangers dine with you, share all good food sent
    to you with them. It’s not polite to keep it all to yourself.]


      [Sidenote: [Fol. 89b.]]

  ¶ Kutte nouht{e} youre mete eke as it were Felde men,              176
  That to theyre mete haue suche an appetyte
  That they ne rekke in what wyse, where ne when,
  Nor how vngoodly they on theyre mete twyte;
  But, swete children, haue al-wey yo{ur} delyte                     180
  In curtesye, and in verrey gentylnesse,
  And at youre myht{e} eschewe boystousnesse.

    [Sidenote: Don’t cut your meat like field labourers, who have
    such an appetite they don’t care how they hack their food. Sweet
    children, let your delight be courtesy, and eschew rudeness.]


  ¶ Wha{n}ne chese ys brouht{e}, A Trenchoure ha ye clene
  On which{e} with{e} clene knyf [ye] yo{ur} chese mowe kerve;       184
  In your fedynge luke goodly yee be sene.
  And from Iangelyng yo{ur} tunge al-wey conserve,
  For so ywys yee shall{e} a name deserve
  Off gentylnesse and of goode governau{n}ce,                        188
  And in vertue al-wey youre silf avau{n}ce.

    [Sidenote: Have a clean trencher and knife for your cheese, and
    eat properly. Don’t chatter either, and you shall get a good
    repute for gentleness.]


  ¶ Wha{n}ne that so ys that ende shall{e} kome of mete,
  Youre knyffes clene, where they ouht{e} to be,
  Luke yee putte vp{pe}; and holde eke yee yo{ur} seete              192
  Whils yee haue wasshe, for so wole honeste.
  Whe{n}ne yee haue done, looke tha{n}ne goodly that yee
  With{e}-oute lauht{e}r{e}, Iapynge, or boystous worde,
  Ryse vp{pe}, and goo vnto youre lordis borde,                      196

    [Sidenote: When the meal is over, clean your knives, and put them
    in their places; keep your seats till you’ve washed; then rise up
    without laughing or joking, and go to your lord’s table.]


  ¶ And stonde yee there, and passe yee him nat fro
  Whils grace ys sayde and brouht{e} vnto an ende,
  Tha{n}ne so{m}me of yow for water owe to goo,
  So{m}me holde the clothe, so{m}me poure vpõn his hende.            200

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 90.]]

  Other service tha{n}ne this I myht{e} comende
  To yow to done, but, for the tyme is shorte,
  I putte theym nouht{e} in this lytyl Reporte,

    [Sidenote: Stand there till grace is said. Then some of you go for
    water, some hold the towel, some pour water over his hands. Other
    things I shall not put in this little Report,]


  ¶ But ou{er}e I passe, prayyng with{e} spyrit gladde               204
  Of this labour that no wiht{e} me detray,
  But where to lytyl ys, latte him more adde,
  And whe{n}ne to myche ys, latte him take away;
  For thouh{e} I wolde, tyme wole that I no more say;                208
  I leve therfore, And this Book I directe
  To eu{er}y wiht{e} that lyste yt to correcte.

    [Sidenote: but skip over, praying that no one will abuse me for
    this work. Let readers add or take away: I address it to every
    one who likes to correct it.]


  ¶ And, swete children, for whos love now I write,
  I yow beseche with{e} verrey lovande herte,                        212
  To knowe this book that yee sette yo{ur} delyte;
  And myht{e}full{e} god, that suffred peynes smerte,
  In curtesye he make yow so experte,
  That thurh{e} yo{ur} nurture and youre governau{n}ce               216
  In lastynge blysse yee mowe yo{ur} self auau{n}ce!

    [Sidenote: Sweet children, I beseech you know this book, and may
    God make you so expert therein that you may attain endless bliss.]


    [Footnote 1: _helde_, pour out; A.S. _hyldan_, to incline, bend.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  ¶ Lerne or be Lewde.


      [Sidenote: [Fol. 90b.]]

  To Amerous, to Au{n}terous, ne Angre the nat to muche;
  To Bolde, ne to Besy, ne Bourde nat to large;
  To Curteys, to Cruell{e}, ne Care nat to sore;
  To Dulle, ne to Dredefull{e}, ne Drynke nat to offte;                4
  To Elenge, to Excellent, ne to Carefulle neythur;
  To Fers, ne to Famuler, but Frendely of Chere;
  To gladde, ne to Glorious, and Gelousy thow hate;
  To Hasty, to Hardy, ne to Hevy in thyn Herte;                        8
  To Iettyng, ne to Iangelyng, and Iape nat to ofte;
  To Kynde, ne to Kepyng, and warr{e} Knavis tacches;
  To Loth{e}, ne to Lovyng, ne to Lyberall{e} of goode;
  To Medlous, to Mury, but as goode Maner askith{e};                  12
  To noyous, ne to Nyce, ne to Newfangyll{e};
  To Orped, to Overtwert, and Othes, s{ir}, thow hate;
  To Preysyng, to Preve with{e} Prynces and Dukes;
  To Queynt, to Querelous, and Queme well{e} thy maistre;             16
  To Riotous, to Revelyng, ne Rage nat to muche;
  To Strau{n}ge, ne to Steryng, ne Stare nat abroode;
  To Toyllous, to Talevys, for Temp{er}au{n}ce it hatith{e};
  To Vengable, to Envious, and waste nat to muche;                    20
  To Wylde, to Wrathefull{e}, and Wade nat to depe;
  A Mesurable Mene way ys beste for vs alle;

  ¶ Yitte. Lerne. or. Be. Lewde.


    [Sidenotes:
    Don’t be too loving or angry, bold or busy, courteous or cruel
    or cowardly, and don’t drink too often, [E] or be too lofty or
    anxious, but friendly of cheer. [G] Hate jealousy, be not too
    hasty or daring; joke not too oft; ware knaves’ tricks. Don’t
    be too grudging or too liberal, too meddling, [N] too particular,
    new-fangled, or too daring. Hate oaths and [P] flattery.
    [Q] Please well thy master. Don’t be too rackety, [S] or go out
    too much. [V] Don’t be too revengeful or wrathful, and wade not
    too deep.
    The middle path is the best for us all.]


[A Dietary given ‘vnto Kyng Herry v^te’ ‘by Sigismounde, Emp{er}our
of Rome,’ follows, leaf 91. The colophon (leaf 98, back) is ‘¶ Thus
endith{e} this Dyetarye Compyled And made by Plato and Petrus
Lucratus, Grete Philosophers and Astronomers.’]


_A complete copy of the A B C Alliterative Poem of which the foregoing
LERNE OR BE LEWDE is a fragment, occurs in the Lambeth MS. 853, and is
therefore added here._

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The A B C of Aristotle.

  [_Lambeth _MS. 853_, ab. 1430 A.D., page 30, written without breaks._]


  ++Who-so wilneþ to be wijs, & worschip desiriþ,
  Lerne he oo lettir, & looke on anothir
  Of þe .a. b. c. of aristotil: argue not aȝen þat:
  It is cou{n}cel for riȝt manye clerkis & knyȝtis a þousand,          4
  And eek it myȝte ameende a man ful ofte
  For to leerne lore of oo lettir, & his lijf saue;
  For to myche of ony þing was neu{er}e holsum.
  Reede ofte on þis rolle, & rewle þ{o}u þer aftir;                    8
  Who-so be greued in his goost, gou{er}ne hi{m} bettir;
  Blame he not þe barn þat þis .a. b. c. made,
  But wite he his wickid will & his werk aftir;
  It schal neu{er}e greue a good man þouȝ þe gilti be meendid.        12
  Now herkeneþ & heeriþ how y bigy{n}ne.

      [Sidenote: [Page 31.]]

  +A+ to amerose, to au{n}terose, ne argue not to myche.
  +B+ to bolde, ne to bisi, ne boorde not to large.
  +C+ to curteis, to cruel, ne care not to sore.
  +D+ to dul, ne to dreedful, ne drinke not to ofte.
  +E+ to elenge, ne to excellent, ne to eernesful neiþ{er}.
  +F+ to fers, ne to famuler, but freendli of cheere.
  +G+ to glad, ne to gloriose, & gelosie þou hate.
  +H+ to hasti, ne to hardi, ne to heuy in þine herte.
  +I+ to iettynge, ne to iangelinge, ne iape not to ofte.
  +K+ to kinde, ne to kepynge, & be waar of knaue tacchis.
  +L+ to looth for to leene, ne to liberal of goodis.
  +M+ to medelus, ne to myrie, but as mesure wole it meeue.
  +N+ to noiose, ne to nyce, ne use no new iettis.
  +O+ to orped, ne to ou{er}þwart, & ooþis þou hate.
  +P+ to pr{e}sing, ne to p{re}uy w{i}t{h} p{ri}ncis ne w{i}t{h} dukis;

    [Sidenote: * Page 32.]

  +Q+ to queynte, ne[*] to quarelose, but queeme weel ȝoure souereyns.
  +R+ to riotus, to reueling, ne rage not to rudeli.
  +S+ to strau{n}ge, ne to stirynge, ne strau{n}geli to stare.
  +T+ to toilose, ne to talewijs, for temperau{n}ce is beest.
  +V+ to venemose, ne to ve{n}iable, & voide al vilonye.
  +W+ to wielde, ne to wraþful, neiþ{er} waaste, ne waade not to depe,

      ¶ For a mesurable meene is eu{er}e þe beste of alle.


  [“Whi is þis world biloued” follows.]

  _See two other copies of this _A B C_ in Harl. MS. 541,
  fol. 213 and 228._

The copy on fol. 213 has the exordium as prose, thus:

Who so wyll{e} be wyse, and worspyp{pe} to wynne, leerñ he on lettur,
and loke vpon an other of the .A. B. C. of Arystotle; nooñ Argument
agaynst that. ffor it is counsell{e} for clerk{is} and knyght{is} a
thowsand{e}. And also it myght{e} amend{e} a meane man, fulle oft the
lernyng of A lettur, and his lyf save. It shal not greve a good man
though gylt be amend{e}. rede on this ragment / and rule the
theraft{e}r. The copy on fol. 228 has no Introduction.


  COLLATION

[Transcriber’s Note:

The following text is repeated from its original location in the
Collations and Corrigenda section immediately after the Preface.]

_The A B C of Aristotle_, Harl. MS. 1706, fol. 94, collated by Mr Brock,
omits the prologue, and begins after l. 14 with, “Here be-gynneth{e}
Arystoles A B C. made be mayster Benett.”

  A, _for_ argue not _read_ Angre the
  B, _omit_ ne; _for_ not to large _read_ thou nat to brode
  D,   „    „ ; _for_ not _read_ thow nat
  E,   „    „ ; _for_ to eernesful _read_ ne curyons
  F, _for_ fers, famuler, freendli, _read_ Ferde, familier, frenfull{e}
  G, _omit_ to; _for_ & gelosie þou hate, _read_ Ne to galaunt never
  H, _for_ in þine _read_ off
  I, _for_ iettynge _read_ Iocunde;
     _for_ iape not to _read_ Ioye thow nat
  K, _omit_ to _and_ &; _for_ knaue _read_ knaves
  L, _for_ for to leene _read_ ne to lovyng;
     _for_ goodis _read_ woordys
  M, _for_ medelus _read_ Mellous;
     _for_ but as mesure wole it meeue
            _read_ ne to besynesse vnleffull{e}
  N, _for_ ne use no new iettis _read_ ne nought{e} to neffangle
  O, _for_ ouerþwart _read_ ouertwarth{e};
     _for_ & ooþis þou hate _read_ Ne othez to haunte
  Q, _for_ quarelose _read_ querelous;
     _for_ weel ȝoure souereyns _read_ men all{e} abowte
  R, _omit the second_ to; _for_ not to rudeli _read_ thou nat but lyte
  S, _for_ ne straungeli to stare _read_ Ne starte nat abowte
  T, _for_ for temperaunce is best _read_ But temp{er}ate euer{e}
  V, _for_ ne &c. _read_ ne violent Ne waste nat to moche
  W, _for_ neiþer &c. _read_ Ne to wyse deme the

  ¶  _for_ is euere þe beste of _read_ ys best for vs

  _Add_ =X Y Z= x y wych{e} esed & p{er} se.
        Tytell{e} Tytell{e} Tytell{e} thañ Esta Amen.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  Urbanitatis.

  [_MS. Cott. Calig. A. II., ab. 1460 A.D., fol. 88, col. 2._]


  Who-so wyll{e} of nurtur lere,
  Herken to me & ȝe shall{e} here.
  [a] When þ{o}u comeste be-fore a lorde
  In halle, yn bowre, or at þe borde,                                  4
  [b] Hoode or kappe þ{o}u of þo.
  Ere þ{o}u come hym all{e} vn-to,
  [c] Twyse or þryse w{i}t{h}-oute{n} dowte
  To þ{a}t lorde þ{o}u moste lowte,                                    8
  W{i}t{h} þy Ryȝth kne lette h{i}t be do,
  Thy worshyp þ{o}u mayst saue so.
  [d] Holde of þy cappe & þy hood also
  Tyll{e} þ{o}u be byden h{i}t on to do;                              12
  All{e} þe whyle þ{o}u spekest w{i}t{h} hym,
  [e] Fayr & louely holde vp þy chyn{n},
  So aft{ur} þe nurtur of þe book
  [f] In h{i}s face louely þ{o}u loke;                                16
  [g] Foot & hond þ{o}u kepe full{e} stylle
  Fro clawyng or tryppy{n}g, h{i}t ys skylle;
  [h] Fro spettyng & snetyng kepe þe also;
  [i] Be p{ri}uy of voydance, & lette h{i}t go.                       20
  And loke þ{o}u be wyse & fell{e},
  [k] And þ{er}to also þ{a}t þow gouerne þe well{e}.
  [l] In-to þe halle when þ{o}u dost wende
  Amonge þe genteles gode & hende,                                    24
  [m] Prece þ{o}u not vp to hyȝ for no þy{n}g,
  Nor for þy hyȝ blood, ner{e} for þy ko{n}ny{n}g,
  Noþ{ur} to sytte, neþ{ur} to lene,
  For h{i}t ys neyþ{ur} good ne clene.                                28
  [n] Lette not þy co{n}tynaunce also abate,
  For good nurt{ur} wyll{e} saue þy state;
  Fadyr & modyr, what eu{ur} þey be,
  Well{e} ys þe chylde þ{a}t may the:                                 32
  [o] In halle, in chambur, or{e} wher{e} þ{o}u gon,
  Nurtur & good maners makeþ man.
  To þe nexte degre loke þ{o}u wysely
  [p] To do hem Reu{er}ence by and by:                                36
  Do hem no Reu{er}ens, but sette all{e} i{n} Rowe
  But ȝyf þ{o}u þe bett{ur} do hym knowe.

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 86, back, col. 1.]]

  To þe mete when þ{o}u art sette,
  Fayre & honestly thow ete hyt:                                      40
  [q] Fyrste loke þ{a}t þy handes be clene,
  And þ{a}t þy knyf be sharpe & kene;
  And cutte þy breed & all{e} þy mete
  Ryȝth euen as þ{o}u doste h{i}t ete.                                44
  [r] If þ{o}u sytte be a worthyor man
  Then þy self thow art on,
  Suffre hym fyrste to towche þe mete
  Er{e} þy self any þ{er}-of gete;                                    48
  [s] To þe beste morsell{e} þ{o}u may not stryke
  Thowȝ þ{o}u neu{ur} so well{e} h{i}t lyke.
  [t] Also kepe þy hondys fayr{e} & well{e}
  Fro fylynge of the towell{e},                                       52
  Ther-on þ{o}u shalt not þy nose wype;
  Noþ{ur} at þy mete þy toth þ{o}u pyke;
  [v] To depe i{n} þy cuppe þ{o}u may not synke
  Thowȝ þ{o}u haue good wyll{e} to drynke,                            56
  Leste þy eyen water þer{e} by,
  Then ys hyt no curtesy.
  [x] Loke yn þy mowth be no mete
  When þ{o}u begy{n}neste to dry{n}ke or speke;                       60
  Also when þ{o}u sest any man drynkyng
  That taketh hede of þy karpyng,
  Soone a-non þ{o}u sece þy tale,
  Wheþ{ur} he drynke wyne or Ale.                                     64
  [y] Loke also þ{o}u skorne no mon
  In what þe[gre] [A] þ{o}u se hym gon;
  Nor þ{o}u shalte no mon Repreue [B]
  Ȝyf þ{o}u wylt þy owen worshyp saue,                                68
  For suche wordys þ{o}u myȝth out kaste
  Sholde make þe to lyue i{n} euell{e} reste;
  [z] Close þyn honde yn þy feste,
  And kepe þe well{e} from hadde-y-wyste.                             72

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 86, back, col. 2.]]

  [aa] In chamb{ur} among ladyes bryȝth,
  Kepe þy tonge & spende þy syȝth;
  [ab] Lawȝe þ{o}u not w{i}t{h} no grette cry,
  Ne Rage þ{o}u not w{i}t{h} Rybawdry.                                76
  Pley þ{o}u not but w{i}t{h} þy peres;
  [ac] Ne telle þ{o}u not þ{a}t þ{o}u heres,
  Nor dyskeuer{e} þ{o}u not [C] þyn owen dede
  For no myrth nor for no mede;                                       80
  [ad] W{i}t{h} fayr speche þ{o}u may haue þy wyll{e},
  And w{i}t{h} þy speche þ{o}u may þe spyll{e}.
  [ae] Ȝyf þ{o}u suwe a wordyer mon
  Then þy self þ{o}u art on,                                          84
  Lette þy Ryȝth shold{ur} folow h{i}s bakke,
  For nurt{ur} þ{a}t ys, w{i}t{h}-owten lakke.
  [af] When he doth speke, holde þe style;
  When he hath don, say þy wyll{e};                                   88
  [ag] Loke yn þy speche þ{o}u be fell{e},
  And what þou sayste a-vyse þe well{e};
  [ah] And be-refe þ{o}u no mon h{i}s tale,
  Noþ{ur} at wyne ner{e} at Ale.                                      92
  [ai] Now, c{ri}ste of h{i}s grette g{ra}ce
  Ȝeue vs all{e} both{e} wytte & space
  Well{e} þ{i}s to knowe & Rede,
  [ak] And heuen to haue for o{ur} mede!                              96
  Amen, Amen, so moot h{i}t be,
  So saye we all{e} for charyte!

      EXPLICIT T{RA}CTUS VRBANITATIS.


    [Sidenotes:
    [a] When you come before a lord [b] take off your cap or hood,
    [c] and fall on your right knee twice or thrice. [d] Keep your cap
    off till you’re told to put it on; [e] hold up your chin; [f] look
    in the lord’s face; [g] keep hand and foot still; [h] don’t spit
    or snot; [i] get rid of it quietly; [k] behave well. [l] When you
    go into the hall, [m] don’t press up too high. [n] Don’t be
    shamefaced. [o] Wherever you go, good manners make the man.
    [p] Reverence your betters, but treat all equally whom you don’t
    know. [q] See that your hands are clean, and your knife sharp.
    [r] Let worthier men help themselves before you eat. [s] Don’t
    clutch at the best bit. [t] Keep your hands from dirtying the
    cloth, and don’t wipe your nose on it, [v] or dip too deep in your
    cup. [x] Have no meat in your mouth when you drink or speak; and
    stop talking when your neighbour is drinking. [y] Scorn and
    reprove no man. [z] Keep your fingers from what would bring you
    to grief. [aa] Among ladies, look, don’t talk. [ab] Don’t laugh
    loud, or riot with ribalds. [ac] Don’t repeat what you hear.
    [ad] Words make or mar you. [ae] If you follow a worthier man, let
    your right shoulder follow his back, and [af] don’t speak till he
    has done. [ag] Be austere (?) in speech; [ah] don’t stop any man’s
    tale. [ai] Christ gives us all wit to know this, [ak] and heaven
    as our reward. Amen!]

    [Text notes:
    A Marg. has _gre_ for insertion.
    B _repraue_ is written above the line.
    C _not_ put in by a later hand.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The Boris hede furst.

  [_Porkington MS. No. 10, fol. 202; ? ab. 1460-70 A.D._]


  Hey, hey, hey, hey, þe borrys hede is armyd gay![1]
  The boris hede i{n} hond I bryng
  W{i}tt garlond gay in porttoryng.

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 202b.]]

  I pray yow all w{i}tt me to synge
        W{i}tt hay.

  ¶¶ Lordys, knyȝtt{is}, and skyers,
  Persons, prystis and wycars,
  The boris hede ys þe fur[s]t mes,
        W{i}tt hay.

  ¶¶ The boris hede, as I yow say,
  He takis his leyfe, & gothe his way
  Soñ aft{ur} þe xij theylffyt day,
        W{i}tt hay.

  ¶¶ The{n} co{m}mys i{n} þe secund kowrs w{i}th mekyll pryde,
  þe crann{is} & þe heyrrou{n}s, þe bytt{ur}is by þe syde,
  þe p{ar}trychys & þe plowers, þe wodcok{is} & þe snyt,
        W{i}tt hay.

  ¶¶ Larkys i{n} hoot schow,[2] ladys for to pyk,
  Good drynk þ{er}to, lycyvs and fyñ,
  Blwet of allmayñ,[3] ro{m}nay and wyin,
        W{i}tt hay.

  ¶¶ Gud[4] bred, alle & wyin, da{er} I well say,
  þ^e boris hede w{i}tt musterd armyd soo gay,

  ¶¶ furm̅a{n}te to po^tdtage,[5] w{i}tt we{n}nissu{n} fyñ,
  & þ^e ho{m}buls of þe dow, & all þ{a}t eu{er} co{m}mis in,

  ¶¶ Cappons I-bake w{i}tt þ^e pesys of þ^e roow,
  Reysons of corrans, w{i}tt odyr{e} spysis moo,

      [_incomplete._]


    [Footnote 1: “When you print I recommend that the first line of
    the MS. ‘Hey, hey,’ &c. should stand alone in two lines. They are
    the burthen of the song, and were a sort of accompaniment, or
    under-song, sung throughout, while an upper voice sang the words
    and tune. You will see numbers of the same kind in Wright’s Songs
    and Carols printed by the Percy Society. It was common in the 14th
    and 15th centuries.” --WM. CHAPPELL.

    This Carol is printed in _Reliq. Antiq._, vol. ii., and is
    inserted here--copied from and read with the MS.--to fill up a
    blank page. The title is mine.]

    [Footnote 2: ? sewe, stew.]

    [Footnote 3: ? the name of a wyne. Recipes for the dish _Brouet of
    Almayne_ (H. O.), _Brewet of Almony_, _Breuet de Almonde_, are in
    Household Ordinances, p. 456; Forme of Cury, p. 29, and Liber Cure
    Cocorum, p. 12.]

    [Footnote 4: ? MS. End.]

    [Footnote 5: Recipe for _Potage de Frumenty_ in Household
    Ordinances, p. 425.]

    [po^tdtage: small “t” printed above “o”]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata (noted by transcriber):

  _The Babees Book_
  _In the printed book, some line numbers were shifted to avoid
  collision with the pilcrow symbol at the beginning of the stanza.
  For this e-text, numbers have been restored to multiples of 4._


       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


[Transcriber’s Note:

The following two selections, _The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or
Edyllys be_ and _The Young Children’s Book_, were printed on facing
even/odd pages. They are here presented one after the other, with
sidenotes grouped at the end of each selection.

_Edyllys Be_ is given twice: first with all collations and line numbers,
then with sidenotes only.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys be.

    [_Harl. MS. 541, fol. 210; and Egerton MS. 1995; ab. 1480 A.D._]


  [Text with collations: see Transcriber’s Note above.

  Numbered footnotes give readings from the alternative MS, Egerton
  1995. Footnotes 9 (three references) and 23 each read:
      “The parts between square brackets [] are from the Egerton MS.”
  This explanation is also given in an unnumbered note on a later page.

  Readings in [[double brackets]] are taken from the Collations
  section immediately after the Preface, with the MSS. abbreviated
  here as Adv.:
    “... part of the Advocates Library MS., fol. 84, back”,
  and Cam.:
    “... the Cambridge University MS. ... _Hem_ is always written
    for _him_ in this MS., and so with other words.”]


  Lytyll{e} children{e}, here ye may lere]
  Moche curtesy þ{a}t is wrytyn{e} here;
  For clerk{is} that the vij arteȝ cunne,
  Seyn[1] þ{a}t curtesy from hevyn come                                4
  Whan Gabryell{e} oure lady grette,
  And Eliȝabeth with mary mette.
        l. 1: [[Adv. childur]
        l. 2: [[Adv. _dele_ þat]]
              [[Cam. _for_ wrytyne _read_ brekeyd]]
        l. 3: [[Adv. _dele_ For]]
        l. 4: [1: Egerton MS. 1995, Synne]
              [[Adv. _for_ with mary, _read_ oure Lady]]
              [[Cam. _for_ Elizabeth _read_ cortesey]]
  All{e} vertues arn{e}[2] closid{e} yn curtesye,
  And all{e} vices yn vylonye.                                         8
  Loke þyne hond{is} be[3] wasshe clene,
  That no fylth{e} on[4] thy nayles be sene.
  Take þ{o}u no mete tyll{e} grace[5] be seyd{e},
  And tyll{e} þ{o}u see all{e} thyng arayed{e}.                       12
        l. 7: [2: ben closyde]
              [[Adv. _for_ arñ _read_ byn]]
              [[Cam. _for_ closide _read_ clodyd]]
        l. 9: [[Adv. _prefix_ Forst _to_ Loke]]
              [3: that thy hondys benne]
              [[Adv. _for_ wasshe _read_ wasshyd]]
        l. 10: [4: in]
               [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ yn]]
        l. 11: [5: the fyrste gracys]
               [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ ye]]
        l. 12: [[Adv. _for_ tylle _read_ to]]
               [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ ye]]
  Loke, my son, þ{a}t thow not sytte]
  Tyll{e} þe ruler of þe hous the bydde;[6]
  And at thy[7] mete, yn þ{e} begynnyng,
  Loke on[8] pore men that thow thynk,                               16
  For the full{e} wombe w{i}t{h}out[[9] any faylys]
  Wot full{e} lytyl[[9] what the hungery aylys.]
        l. 13: [[Adv. _prefix_ And _to_ Loke]
        l. 14: [6: the halle the bytte]
               [[Adv. To he y^t reweleth y^e howse y^e bytt]]
               [[Cam. _for_ hous the bydde _read_ hall þe beyt]]
        l. 15: [7: Atte the]
               [[Cam. _for_ þe _read_ they]]
        l. 16: [8: a-pon (and omits _that_)]
               [[Adv. _put the_ that _between_ loke _and_ on]]
               [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ no]]
        l. 17: [[Adv. _for_ without any faylys _read_ withowtte fayle]]
               [[Cam. _for_ any faylys _read_ fayle]]
        l. 18: [[Adv. _for_ hungery aylys _read_ empty ayle]]
               [[Cam. _for_ aylys _read_ heydyt]]
  Ete[[9] not thy mete to hastely,
  A-byde and ete esely.                                               20
        l. 19: [[Cam. _for_ Ete ... hastely _read_ yet ... hastey]]
        l. 20: [[Adv. _for_ ete esely _read_ etett eysely]]
               [[Cam. _prefix_ Bot _to_ Abyde]]
               [[Cam. _for_ esely _read_ all yesley]]
  Tylle þ{o}u haue thy fulle seruyse,
  Touche noo messe in noo wyse.
  Kerue not thy brede to thynne,
  Ne breke hit not on twynne:                                         24
  The mosselle that þ{o}u begynnysse to touche,
  Cast them not in thy pouche.
        l. 23: [[Cam. _for_ Kerue not thy brede
                 _read_ Kot they bred not]]
        l. 24: [[Cam. _is_ Ne to theke bat be-tweyn]]
        l. 25: [[Adv. _for_ mosselle _read_ morsselle]]
               [[Cam. _for_ mosselle _read_ mossels]]
               [[Cam. _for_ begynnysse to _read_ dost]]
        l. 26: [[Adv. _for_ in _read_ owt of]]
               [[Cam. _for_ in _read_ owt of]]
  Put not thy fyngerys on thy dysche,
  Nothyr in flesche, nothyr in fysche.                                28
        l. 27: [[Cam. _for_ on _read_ yn]]
        l. 28: [[Adv. _for_ Into thy _read_ nor in the;]]
               [[Adv. _for_ thy salte _read_ hit]]
               [[Cam. 28-30 _are_ Ne yn they met, feys, ne fleys.
                     Put not thy mete yn þey salt seleyr]]
  Put not thy mete in-to the salte,
  In-to thy Seler that thy salte halte,]

               [Sidenote: [Fol. 210, back.]]

  But ley it fayr{e}[10] on þi trencher{e}
  The byfore,[11] and þat is þyn{e} honor{e}.                         32
        l. 31: [10: Egerton MS. omits _fayre_]
               [[Adv. _for_ fayre on þi _read_ on a]]
        l. 32: [11: To-fore the]
               [[Adv. _for_ The byfore _read_ Byfore the]]
               [[Adv. _dele_ þyne]]
               [[Cam. _is_ Be-fore the, that ys worschep]]
  Pyke not þyn{e} Eris ne thy nost{re}ll{is};
  If[12] þ{o}u do, men woll{e} sey þ{o}u come of cherl{is}.[13]
  And[14] whyll{e} þi mete yn þi mouth is,
  Drynk þow not; for-gete not this.                                   36
        l. 33: [[Cam. _for_ ne _read_ nother]]
        l. 34: [12: And]
               [13: comyste of karlys]
               [[Cam. _for_ If _read_ And]]
               [[Cam. _for_ come _read_ comest]]
               [[Adv. Pyke not y^i tethe wyth y^i knyfe
                    Whyles y^u etyst be y^i lyfe]]
        l. 35: [14: But]
               [[Cam. _for_ And _read_ Seche]]
               [[Cam. _put the_ is _before_ yn]]
  Ete þi mete by small{e} mosselles;
  [m] Fylle not thy mouth as done[15] brothell{is}.
  [n] Pyke not þi teth{e} with thy knyfe;
  In no company begynne þow stryfe.[16]                               40
        l. 37: [[Cam. _for_ Ete ... by _read_ Kot ... yn]]
        l. 38: [15: dothe]
               [[Cam. _prefix_ And _to_ Fylle;]]
               [[Cam. _omit_ done]]
        l. 40: [16: Whyle þ{o}u ettyste by thy lyffe]
               [[Cam. _is_ Weyles thou hetys, bey they leyffe]]
  And whan þ{o}u hast þi potage doon{e},[17]
  Out of thy dyssh þow put thi spone.
  Ne spitte þow not[18] over the[19] tabyll{e},
  Ne therupon, for that is no þing abyll{e}.[20]                      44
        l. 41: [17: Idone]
        l. 42: [[Cam. _for_ þow put _read_ take owt]]
        l. 43: [18: Spette not]
               [19: thy]
               [[Cam. _for_ Ne _read_ Nether]]
        l. 44: [20: Nor a-pon hyt, for hyt ys not able]
               [[Cam. _is_ For no cortesey het ys not habell]]
  Ley not þyn{e} Elbowe nor[21] thy fyst
  Vpon the tabyll{e} whyl{is} þ{a}t thow etist.[22]
  Bulk not as a Been{e} were yn þi throte,
  [As a ka]rle þ{a}t comys oute of a cote.                            48
        l. 45: [21: nothyr]
               [[Cam. _for_ Elbowe ... fyst _read_ Elbowhes ... fystys]]
        l. 46: [22: whyle þ{o}u este]
               [[Cam. _for_ whylis þat _read_ wheyle]]
        l. 47: [[Cam. _is_ Bolk not as a bolle yn the crofte]]
        l. 48: [[Cam. _for_ karle þat _read_ charle]]
               [[Cam. _for_ cote _read_ cotte]]
  [[23] And thy mete be o]f grete pryce,
  [Be ware of hyt, or þ{o}u arte n]ot wyse.
  [Speke noo worde stylle ne sterke;
  And honowre and curtesy loke þ{o}u kepe,                            52
  And at the tabylle loke þ{o}u make goode chere;
  Loke þ{o}u rownde not in nomannys ere.
        l. 50: [[Cam. _for_ of hyt or þou art _read_ the or ye be]]
        l. 51: [[Cam. _for_ sterke _read_ lowde]]
        l. 52: [[Cam. _is_ all of curtesy loke ye carpe]]
        l. 53: [[Cam. _for_ at _read_ all]]
               [[Cam. _omit_ loke þou]]
        l. 54: [[Cam. _for_ Loke þou rownde not _read_ And loke ye]]
  W{i}t{h} thy fyngerys þ{o}u towche and taste
  Thy mete; And loke þ{o}u doo noo waste.                             56
  Loke þ{o}u laughe not, nor grenne;
  And w{i}t{h} moche speche þ{o}u mayste do synne.
        l. 55: [[Cam. _omit_ thy]]
        l. 56: [[Cam. _for_ and _read_ ne]]
               [[Cam. _for_ doo _read_ make]]
        l. 57: [[Cam. _for_ laughe not _read_ noþer laughe]]
        l. 58: [[Cam. _for_ with moche speche _read_ thow meche speke]]
               [[Cam. _for_ mayst _read_ may]]
  Mete ne drynke loke þ{o}u ne spylle,
  But sette hit downe fayre and stylle.]                              60
        l. 59: [[Cam. _for_ first ne _read_ ner]]
               [[Cam. _for the second_ ne _read_ not]]
        l. 60: [[Cam. _for_ fayre and stylle _read_ stere het not]]

               [Sidenote: [Fol. 207.]]

  Kepe thy cloth clene the byforn{e},
  And bere the so[24] thow haue no scorn{e}.
  Byte not þi mete, but kerve it[25] clene,
  Be well{e} war{e} no[26] drop be sene.                              64
  Whan þ{o}u etyst, gape not to wyde
  That þi mouth be sene on ych{e} a[27] syde.
        l. 61: [[Cam. _for_ thy _read_ the]]
        l. 62: [24: that]
        l. 63: [25: cut hit]
        l. 64: [26: that noo]
        l. 66: [27: be in euery]
               [[Cam. _omit_ a]]
  And son, bewar{e}, I rede, of[28] on thyng,
  Blow neþ{er}[29] yn thi mete nor yn þi[30] drynk.                   68
  And yif thi lord drynk at þat tyde,
  Drynk þ{o}u not, but hym abyde;
  Be it at Evyn{e}, be it at noone,[31]
  Drynk þ{o}u not tyll{e} he haue done.                               72
        l. 67: [28: be ware of]
               [[Cam. _for_ I rede of _read_ of j redde þe of]]
        l. 68: [29: þ{o}u not]
               [30: mete not]
               [[Cam. _for_ neþer _read_ neuer]]
               [[Cam. _omit_ yn þi _before_ drynk]]
        l. 69: [[Cam. _for_ þat _read_ they]]
        l. 71: [31: morowe, (and omits next line.)]
  Vpon þi trencher no fyllth{e} þ{o}u see,[32]
  It is not honest, as I telle the;
  Ne drynk[33] behynd{e} no mannes bakke,
  For yf þ{o}u do, thow art to lakke.[34]                             76
        l. 73: [32: be sene]
               [[Cam. _for_ þou see _read_ be saye]]
               [[Cam. _for_ þou _read_ yow]]
        l. 75: [33: Drynke þ{o}u not]
        l. 76: [34: blame]
               [[Cam. _for_ thow art _read_ yow ar]]
  And chese com{e} forthe,[35] be not to gredy,[36]
  Ne cutte þow not therof to hastely.[37]
  Caste not þi bones ynto the flore,
  But ley þem[38] fayre on þi trenchor{e}.                            80
        l. 77: [35: by-fore the]
               [36: redy]
               [[Cam. _for_ forthe _read_ before yow]]
        l. 78: [37: To cut there-of be not to gredy.]
               [[Cam. _omit_ þow not]]
        l. 79: [[Cam. _for_ ynto _read_ yn]]
        l. 80: [38: hem]
  Kepe clene þi cloth byfor{e} þe[39] alle;
  And sit þ{o}u stylle, what so be-falle,[40]
  Tyll{e} grace be said vnto þe ende,
  And tyll{e} þ{o}u haue wasshen w{i}t{h} þi frend.                   84
        l. 81: [39: _þe_ omitted.]
        l. 82: [40: stylle w{i}t{h}alle]
        l. 83: [[Cam. _for_ ende _read_ hendyng]]
        l. 84: [[Cam. _for_ wasshen _read_ was]]
  Let the more worthy þan[41] thow
  Wassh to-fore[42] þe, & that is þi prow;
  And spitte not yn[43] þi basyn{e},
  My swete son, þ{a}t þow wasshist yn{e};                             88
        l. 85: [41: thenne]
               [[Cam. _for_ worthy _read_ wortheyor]]
        l. 86: [42: by-for{e}]
               [[Cam. _for_ to- _read_ be-]]
               [[Cam. _omit_ &]]
               [[Cam. _for_ þi prow _read_ gentyll cortesey]]
        l. 87: [43: Spete not on (and omits next line.)]
  And aryse up soft & stylle,[44]
  And iangyll{e} nether with Iak ne Iylle,
        l. 89: [[Cam. 88, 89, are omitted.]]
               [44: And ryse w{i}t{h} hym that sate w{i}t{h} the stylle,
                    And thanke hym fayre and welle:
                    Aftyr, Iangely not w{i}t{h} Iacke ne gylle.]
        l. 90: [[Cam. _for_ nether _read_ not]]
               [[Cam. _for_ ne _read_ ne with]]

               [Sidenote: [Fol. 207, back.]]

  But take þi leve of the hede[45] lowly,
  And þank hym w{i}t{h} thyn{e} hert hyghly,                          92
  And all{e} þe gentyll{is}[46] togydr{e} yn same,
  And bare the so[47] thow haue no blame;
  Than men wyll{e}[48] say therafter
  That a gentyll{e}man was heere.                                     96
        l. 91: [45: lorde]
               [[Cam. _omit_ þi]]
               [[Cam. _for_ the hede _read_ they lorde]]
        l. 92: [[Cam. _for_ hyghly _read_ mekeley]]
        l. 93: [46: _þe gentylles_ omitted.]
               [[Cam. _for_ togydre ynsame _read_ yn the same manere]]
        l. 94: [47: soo that]
               [[Cam. _for_ no blame _read_ the same]]
        l. 95: [48: wylle they sey]
               [[Cam. _for_ therafter _read_ hereafter]]
        l. 96: [[Cam. _after_ that _add_ he ys]]
               [[Cam. _for_ was heere _read_ þere aftyr]]
  And he þ{a}t dispiseth this techyng,
  He is not worthy, w{i}t{h}oute lesyng,
  Nether at[49] good mannes tabull{e} to[50] sitte,
  Ner[51] of no worship{e} for to wytte.                 100
        l. 97: [[Cam. _omit_ And]]
               [[Cam. _for_ dispiseth _read_ dispise]]
        l. 99: [49: Neuyr at a]
               [50: for to]
               [[Cam. _for_ Nether _read_ neuer]]
        l. 100: [51: Nothyr]
                [[Cam. _for_ Ner _read_ ne]]
                [[Cam. _after_ for _add_ sent]]
  And therfor{e}, chyldren, for[52] charyte,
  Louyth this boke though yt lytil be![53]
        l. 101: [52: pur]
        l. 102: [53: Lernythe thys boke that ys callyd Edyllys be]
                [[Cam. _for_ Louyth this boke _read_ Loren this lesen]]
  And pray for hym þ{a}t made it thus,[54]
  That hym may helpe swete Ih{esus}                                  104
  To lyve & dye among his frendes,
  [55] And neu{er} to be combred w{i}t{h} no fendes;
  And geve vs grace yn Ioy to be;
  Amen, Amen, for charytee![55]                                      108
        l. 103: [54: made thys]
                [[Cam. _omit_ and]]
                [[Cam. _for_ made _read_ wret]]
        l. 106: [[Cam. is omitted.]]
        l. 107: [[Cam. _before_ vs _put_ hem and]]
        l. 108: [[Cam. _for the first_ Amen _read_ Sey all]]
                [55-55: And vs graunte in Ioy to a-byde!
                       Say ye alle Amen for charyde in euery syde]

      EXPLICIT. lerne or be lewde q{uod} Whytyng.[56]

        Expl.: [56: AMEN.
        Here endythe the boke of Curtesy that ys fulle necessary
        vnto yonge chyldryn that muste nedys lerne the
        maner of curtesy.
        EXPLICIT. AMEN.]
               [[Cam. _for the_ Explicit &c.
               _read_ Expleycyt the Boke of cortesey.]]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The Lytylle Childrenes Lytil Boke or Edyllys be.

  [Text with sidenotes: see Transcriber’s Note at beginning of
  previous text. Passages in [brackets] are from the Egerton MS;
  lower-case letters in brackets are sidenote references.]

    [_Harl. MS. 541, fol. 210; and Egerton MS. 1995; ab. 1480 A.D._]


  Lytyll{e} children{e}, here ye may lere
  Moche curtesy þ{a}t is wrytyn{e} here;
  For clerk{is} that the vij arteȝ cunne,
  Seynþ{a}t curtesy from hevyn come                                    4
  Whan Gabryell{e} oure lady grette,
  And Eliȝabeth with mary mette.
  All{e} vertues arn{e}closid{e} yn curtesye,
  And all{e} vices yn vylonye.                                         8
  Loke þyne hond{is} be wasshe clene,
  That no fylth{e} on thy nayles be sene.
  Take þ{o}u no mete tyll{e} grace be seyd{e},
  And tyll{e} þ{o}u see all{e} thyng arayed{e}.                       12
  Loke, my son, þ{a}t thow not sytte
  Tyll{e} þe ruler of þe hous the bydde;
  And at thy mete, yn þ{e} begynnyng,
  Loke on pore men that thow thynk,                                   16
  For the full{e} wombe w{i}t{h}out [any faylys]
  Wot full{e} lytyl [what the hungery aylys.]
  Ete [not thy mete to hastely,
  A-byde and ete esely.                                               20
  Tylle þ{o}u haue thy fulle seruyse,
  Touche noo messe in noo wyse.
  Kerue not thy brede to thynne,
  Ne breke hit not on twynne:                                         24
  The mosselle that þ{o}u begynnysse to touche,
  Cast them not in thy pouche.
  Put not thy fyngerys on thy dysche,
  Nothyr in flesche, nothyr in fysche.                                28
  Put not thy mete in-to the salte,
  In-to thy Seler that thy salte halte,]
  But ley it fayr{e} on þi trencher{e}
  The byfore, and þat is þyn{e} honor{e}.                             32
  Pyke not þyn{e} Eris ne thy nost{re}ll{is};
  If þ{o}u do, men woll{e} sey þ{o}u come of cherl{is}.
  Andwhyll{e} þi mete yn þi mouth is,
  Drynk þow not; for-gete not this.                                   36
  Ete þi mete by small{e} mosselles;
  Fylle not thy mouth as done brothell{is}.
  Pyke not þi teth{e} with thy knyfe;
  In no company begynne þow stryfe.                                   40
  And whan þ{o}u hast þi potage doon{e},
  Out of thy dyssh þow put thi spone.
  Ne spitte þow notover thetabyll{e},
  Ne therupon, for that is no þing abyll{e}.                          44
  Ley not þyn{e} Elbowe northy fyst
  Vpon the tabyll{e} whyl{is} þ{a}t thow etist.
  Bulk not as a Been{e} were yn þi throte,
  [As a ka]rle þ{a}t comys oute of a cote.                            48
  [And thy mete be o]f grete pryce,
  [Be ware of hyt, or þ{o}u arte n]ot wyse.
  [Speke noo worde stylle ne sterke;
  And honowre and curtesy loke þ{o}u kepe,                            52
  And at the tabylle loke þ{o}u make goode chere;
  Loke þ{o}u rownde not in nomannys ere.
  W{i}t{h} thy fyngerys þ{o}u towche and taste
  Thy mete; And loke þ{o}u doo noo waste.                             56
  Loke þ{o}u laughe not, nor grenne;
  And w{i}t{h} moche speche þ{o}u mayste do synne.
  Mete ne drynke loke þ{o}u ne spylle,
  But sette hit downe fayre and stylle.]                              60
  Kepe thy cloth clene the byforn{e},
  And bere the sothow haue no scorn{e}.
  Byte not þi mete, but kerve itclene,
  Be well{e} war{e} nodrop be sene.                                   64
  Whan þ{o}u etyst, gape not to wyde
  That þi mouth be sene on ych{e} asyde.
  And son, bewar{e}, I rede, ofon thyng,
  Blow neþ{er}yn thi mete nor yn þidrynk.                             68
  And yif thi lord drynk at þat tyde,
  Drynk þ{o}u not, but hym abyde;
  Be it at Evyn{e}, be it at noone,
  Drynk þ{o}u not tyll{e} he haue done.                               72
  Vpon þi trencher no fyllth{e} þ{o}u see,
  It is not honest, as I telle the;
  Ne drynkbehynd{e} no mannes bakke,
  For yf þ{o}u do, thow art to lakke.                                 76
  And chese com{e} forthe, be not to gredy,
  Ne cutte þow not therof to hastely.
  Caste not þi bones ynto the flore,
  But ley þemfayre on þi trenchor{e}.                                 80
  Kepe clene þi cloth byfor{e} þealle;
  And sit þ{o}u stylle, what so be-falle,
  Tyll{e} grace be said vnto þe ende,
  And tyll{e} þ{o}u haue wasshen w{i}t{h} þi frend.                   84
  Let the more worthy þanthow
  Wassh to-foreþe, & that is þi prow;
  And spitte not ynþi basyn{e},
  My swete son, þ{a}t þow wasshist yn{e};                             88
  And aryse up soft & stylle,
  And iangyll{e} nether with Iak ne Iylle,
  But take þi leve of the hedelowly,
  And þank hym w{i}t{h} thyn{e} hert hyghly,                          92
  And all{e} þe gentyll{is}togydr{e} yn same,
  And bare the sothow haue no blame;
  Than men wyll{e}say therafter
  That a gentyll{e}man was heere.                                     96
  And he þ{a}t dispiseth this techyng,
  He is not worthy, w{i}t{h}oute lesyng,
  Nether atgood mannes tabull{e} tositte,
  Nerof no worship{e} for to wytte.                                  100
  And therfor{e}, chyldren, forcharyte,
  Louyth this boke though yt lytil be!
  And pray for hym þ{a}t made it thus,
  That hym may helpe swete Ih{esus}                                  104
  To lyve & dye among his frendes,
  And neu{er} to be combred w{i}t{h} no fendes;
  And geve vs grace yn Ioy to be;
  Amen, Amen, for charytee!                                          108

      EXPLICIT. lerne or be lewde q{uod} Whytyng.


  Here endythe the boke of Curtesy that ys fulle necessary
  vnto yonge chyldryn that muste nedys lerne the
  maner of curtesy.


    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [3] Clerks say that courtesy came from heaven when
    Gabriel greeted our Lady. [7] All virtues are included in it.
    [9] See that your hands and nails are clean. [11] Don’t eat till
    grace is said, or sit down till you’re told. [15] First, think on
    the poor; the full belly wots not what the hungry feels. [19] Don’t
    eat too quickly. [21] Touch nothing till you are fully helped.
    [23] Don’t break your bread in two, [26] or put your pieces in your
    pocket, your fingers in the dish, or your meat in the salt-cellar.
    [33] Don’t pick your ears or nose, [35] or drink with your mouth
    full, [38] or cram it full. [39] Don’t pick your teeth with your
    knife. [41] Take your spoon out when you’ve finished soup.
    [43] Don’t spit over or on the table, that’s not proper. [45] Don’t
    put your elbows on the table, [47] or belch as if you had a bean in
    your throat. [49] Be careful of good food; and be courteous and
    cheerful. [54] Don’t whisper in any man’s ear. Take your food with
    your fingers, and don’t waste it. [57] Don’t grin, or talk too
    much, or spill your food. [61] Keep your cloth before you. [63] Cut
    your meat, don’t bite it. [65] Don’t open your mouth too wide when
    you eat, [68] or blow in your food. [69] If your lord drinks,
    always wait till he has done. [73] Keep your trencher clean.
    [75] Drink behind no man’s back. [77] Don’t rush at the cheese,
    [79] or throw your bones on the floor. [82] Sit still till grace
    is said [84] and you’ve washed your hands, [87] and don’t spit in
    the basin. [89] Rise quietly, don’t jabber, [91] but thank your
    host and all the company, [95] and then men will say, ‘A gentleman
    was here!’ [97] He who despises this teaching isn’t fit to sit at
    a good man’s table. [101] Children, love this little book, [103]
    and pray that Jesus may help its author to die among his friends,
    and not be troubled with devils, but be in joy for ever. Amen!]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

  The Young Children’s Book.

  [_From the Ashmolean MS. 61 (Bodleian Library), ab. 1500 A.D.,
  fol. 20._]


  Who so eu{er} wyll{e} thryue or the,
  Muste v{er}tus lerne, & c{ur}tas be;
  For{e} who in ȝowth{e} no v{er}tus vsythe,
  Yn Age All men hy{m} refusythe.                                      4
  Clerkys þ{a}t ca{n}ne þe scyens seuen{e},
  Seys þ{a}t c{ur}tasy came fro heue{n}
  When gabryell owre lady grette,
  And elyȝabeth w{i}t{h} her{e} mette.                                 8
  All v{er}tus be closyd{e} in c{ur}tasy,
  And All{e} vyces i{n} vilony.

    Aryse be tyme oute of thi bedde,
  And blysse þi brest & thi forhede,                                  12
  Than wasche thi hond{es} & thi face,
  Keme þi hede, & Aske god g{ra}ce
  The to helpe in All þi werkes;
  Thow schall spede bett{er} what so þ{o}u carpes.                    16
  Than go to þe chyrch{e}, & here A messe,
  Ther{e} aske m{er}sy for{e} þi trespasse.
  To whom þ{o}u metys come by þe weye,
  Curtasly ‘gode morne’ þ{o}u sey.                                    20
  When þ{o}u hast done, go breke thy faste
  W{i}t{h} mete & drynke of god{e} repaste:
  Blysse þi mouthe or þ{o}u it ete,
  The bett{er} schall{e} be þi dyete.                                 24
  Be-for{e} þi mete sey þ{o}u þi g{ra}ce,
  Yt ocupys bot lytell space;--
  For{e} oure mete, & drynke, & vs,
  Thanke we owre lord Ih{esu}s;--                                     28
  A pat{er} nost{er} & Aue mary
  Sey for{e} þe saulys þ{a}t in peyn{e} ly;
  Than go labo{ur} as þ{o}u arte bownde,
  And be not Idyll{e} in no stounde:                                  32
  Holy scrypto{ur} þ{us} it seyth
  To þe þ{a}t Arte of cristen feyth,
  “Yff{e} þ{o}u labo{ur}, þ{o}u muste ete
  That w{i}t{h} þi hond{es} þ{o}u doyst{e} gete;”                     36
  A byrd{e} hath weng{es} forto fle,
  So man hath Armes laboryd to be.
  Luke þ{o}u be trew in word{e} & dede,
  Yn All{e} þi werkes þa{n} schall þ{o}u spede:                       40
  Treuth wyt neu{er} his mast{er} schame,
  Yt kepys hy{m} out off{e} sy{n}ne & blame.
  The weys to heue{n} þ{e}i bene þ{us} tweyn{e},
  M{er}cy & treuthe, As clerk{es} seyn{e};                            44
  Who so wyll come to þe lyfe of blysse,
  To go þe weys he may not mysse.
  Make no p{ro}mys bot it be gode,
  And kepe þ{o}u it w{i}t{h} myght & mode;                            48
  For{e} eu{er}y p{ro}mys, it is dette,
  That w{i}t{h} no falsed muste be lette.
  God & þi neybores lufe all wey;
  Welle is þe, than may þ{o}u sey,                                    52
  For{e} so þ{o}u kepys All þe lawe
  W{i}t{h}-oute Any fer{e}, drede, o{r} awe.
  Vn-callyd go þ{o}u to no counsell{e};
  That long{es} to þe, w{i}t{h} þ{a}t thow melle.                     56
  Scorne not þe pore, ne hurte no man{e};
  Lerne of hy{m} þ{a}t the tech{e} cane;
  Be no gloser{e} no{r} no moker{e},
  Ne no s{er}ua{n}t{es} no wey loker{e}.                              60
  Be not prowd, bot meke & lynd,
  And w{i}t{h} thi bett{er} go þ{o}u be-hynd.
  When þi bett{er} schewys his wylle,
  To he haue seyd þ{o}u muste be stylle.                              64
  When þ{o}u spekes to Any man{e},
  Hand{e}, fote, & fyng{er}, kepe þ{o}u styll þan,
  And luke þ{o}u vppe i{n} to his face,
  And c{ur}tase be in eu{er}y place.                                  68
  W{i}t{h} þi fyng{er} schew þ{o}u no thyng{e},
  No{r} be not lefe to telle tydinge.
  Yff Any man sey welle of þe,
  Or of thi frend{es}, thankyd muste be.                              72
  Haue few word{es}, & wysly sette,
  For{e} so þ{o}u may thi worschyppe gete.
  Vse no sueryng{e} noþ{er} lyeng{e},
  Yn thi sellyng{e} & thi byeng{e},                                   76
  For{e} & þ{o}u do þ{o}u arte to blame,
  And at þe last þ{o}u wyll{e} haue scham{e}.
  Gete þi gowd w{i}t{h} trewe[t]h & wy{n}ne,
  And kepe þe out of dette & sy{n}ne.                                 80
  Be loth to greue, & leffe to ples;
  Seke þe pes, & lyfe in es.
  Off{e} whom{e} þ{o}u spek{es}, wher{e} & when,
  A-vyse þe welle, & to what men.                                     84
  When þ{o}u co{m}mys vn to A dore,
  Sey “god be here,” o{r} þ{o}u go ferre:
  W{er}-eu{er} þ{o}u co{m}mys, speke honestly
  To s{er} or dame, or þ{er} meny.                                    88
  Stand, & sytte not furth-w{i}t{h}-all{e}
  Tyll{e} he byde þe þ{a}t rewlys þe halle;
  Wher{e} he bydis, þ{er} must þ{o}u sytte,
  And for{e} non{e} oþ{er} change ne flyte;                           92
  Sytt vp-ryght And honestly,
  Ete & drinke, & be feleyly,
  Parte w{i}t{h} hem þ{a}t sytes þe by;
  Thus teches þe dame c{ur}tasy.                                      96
  Take þe salt w{i}t{h} thi clen{e} knyfe;
  Be cold of spech, & make no stryfe;
  Bakbyte no man þ{a}t is A-wey{e},
  Be glad of All{e} men wele to sey.                                 100
  Here & se, & sey thou nought,
  Than schall þ{o}u not to p{ro}fe be brought.
  W{i}t{h} mete & drynke be-for{e} þe sette,
  Hold þe plesyd, & aske no bette.                                   104
  Wype thi mouthe when þ{o}u wyll drinke,
  Lest it foule thi copys brinke;
  Kepe clen{e} thi fyng{er}es, lypes, & chine,
  For{e} so þ{o}u may thi wyrschype wy{n}ne.                         108
  Yn þi mouth when þi mete is,
  To drinke, o{r} speke, o{r} lauȝh, I-wys
  Dame c{ur}tasy for{e}-byd{es} it the:
  Bot p{ra}yse thi fare, w{er}-so-eu{er} þ{o}u be,                   112
  For{e} be it gode o{r} be it badde,
  Yn gud worth it muste be had.
  Whe{n} þ{o}u spyt{es}, be welle were
  Wher{e} so þ{o}u spyt{es}, nyȝe or fer{e};                         116
  Hold þi hand be-fore thi mouth
  When þ{o}u spyt{es}, & hyde it couth.
  Kepe þi knyfe both clen{e} & scherpe,
  And be not besy forto kerpe;                                       120
  Clens þi knyfe w{i}t{h} som{e} cutte bred,
  Not w{i}t{h} thi cloth, As I þe rede:
  W{i}t{h} Any fylth to fowle þe clothe,
  A c{ur}tase man{e} he wyll{e} be lothe.                            124
  In þi dysch sett{e} not þi spone,
  Noþ{er} on þe brynk{e}, as vn-lernyd don{e}.
  When þ{o}u sopys, make no no[y]se
  W{i}t{h} thi mouth As do boys.                                     128
  The mete þ{a}t on þi trencher is,
  Putt{e} it not in-to þi dysch.
  Gete þe sone A voyd{er},
  And sone A-voyd þ{o}u thi trencher{e}.                             132
  When thi bett{er} take þe tho coppe,
  Drinke thi selffe, & sett{e} it vppe,
  Take tho coppe w{i}t{h} thi hond{es}.
  Lest it fall{e} þ{er} As þ{o}u stond{es}.                          136
  When thi bett{er} spek{es} to the,
  Do off{e} thi cape & bow þi kne.
  At thi tabull noþ{er} crache ne claw,
  Than men wyll{e} sey þ{o}u arte A daw.                             140
  Wype not thi nose nor þi nos-thirlys,
  Than men{e} wyll{e} sey þ{o}u com{e} of cherlys.
  Make þ{o}u noþ{er} cate ne hond (_so in MS._) [[1a]]
  Thi felow at þ{o}u tabull round; ( „  „ )                          144
  Ne pley{e} w{i}t{h} spone, trencher{e}, ne knyffe.
  Yn honesty & clenys lede þ{o}u thi lyffe.
  This boke is made fo{r} chyld{er} ȝong{e}
  At the scowle þ{a}t byde not long{e}:                              148
  Sone it may be conyd & had,
  And make them gode iff þ{e}i be bad.
  God gyff{e} them g{ra}ce, v{er}tuos to be,
  For{e} than þ{e}i may both thryff & the.                           152

        Amen! q{uod} Kate.


    [Sidenotes (by line number):
    [1] Whoever will thrive, must be courteous, and begin in his
    youth. [5] Courtesy came from heaven, and contains all virtues, as
    rudeness does all vices. [11] Get up betimes; cross yourself; wash
    your hands and face; comb your hair; say your prayers; [17] go to
    church and hear Mass. [19] Say ‘Good Morning’ to every one you
    meet. [21] Then have breakfast, first crossing your mouth. [25] Say
    grace, thank Jesus for your food, [29] and say an Ave for the souls
    in pain. [31] Then set to work, and don’t be idle. [33] Scripture
    tells you, if you work, you must eat what you get with your hands.
    [39] Be true in word and deed; [41] truth keeps a man from blame.
    [44] Mercy and Truth are the two ways to heaven, fail not to go by
    them. [47] Make only proper promises, and keep them without
    falsehood. [51] Love God and your neighbours, and so fulfil all the
    Law. [55] Meddle only with what belongs to you. [57] Scorn not the
    poor; flatter no one; [60] oppress (?) not servants. Be meek, and
    [63] wait till your better has spoken. [65] When you speak to a man,
    keep still, and look him in the face. [70] Don’t be a tale-bearer.
    [71] Thank all who speak well of you. [73] Use few words; don’t
    swear or lie in your dealings. [79] Earn money honestly, and keep
    out of debt. [81] Try to please; seek peace; mind whom you speak
    to and what you say. [85] Wherever you enter, say “God be here;”
    and speak courteously to master and man. [89] Stand till you are
    told to sit at meat, and don’t leave your seat before others.
    [93] Sit upright; be sociable, and share with your neighbours.
    [97] Take salt with a clean knife; [99] talk no scandal, but speak
    well of all. [101] Hear and see; don’t talk. [103] Be satisfied with
    what’s set before you. [105] Wipe your mouth before you drink;
    [107] keep your fingers and lips clean. [109] Don’t speak with your
    mouth full. [112] Praise your food for whether it’s good or bad, it
    must be taken in good part. [115] Mind where you spit, [117] and put
    your hand before your mouth. [119] Keep your knife clean, and don’t
    wipe it on the cloth. [125] Don’t put your spoon in the dish, or
    make a noise, like boys, when you sup. [129] Don’t put meat off
    your plate into the dish, but into a voider. [133] If your superior
    hands you a cup, drink, but take the cup with two hands. [137] When
    he speaks to you, doff your cap and bend your knee. [139] Don’t
    scratch yourself at table, wipe your nose, [145] or play with your
    spoon, &c. [147] This book is for young children who don’t stay
    long at school. [151] God grant them grace to be virtuous!]

    [[Footnote 1a: ? sense, reading corrupt.]]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

[Transcriber’s Note:

The following two versions of _Stans Puer ad Mensam_ were printed
on facing even/odd pages. They are here presented twice: first as
consecutive independent texts, and then in alternating stanzas. In
the first version, text notes are grouped after each seven-line stanza.
In the original book, the editor’s sidenotes were printed only on the
right-hand pages; they have been duplicated here.]


  Stans Puer ad Mensam.

  ASCRIBED TO JOHN LIDGATE.[[1a]]

  [MS. Harl. 2251, ? about 1460 A.D., fol. 153 or 148. The parts
  between brackets [ ], and various readings, are from Mr Halliwell’s
  print in _Reliquiæ Antiquæ_, v. 1, p. 156-8, of a 15th-century MS.
  Q. Γ. 8, fol. 77, r^o, in the Library of Jesus College, Cambridge.]

    [[Footnote 1a: Lowndes calls the original of _Stans Puer ad
    Mensam_ the _Carmen Juvenile_ of Sulpitius.]]


  ¶ [My dere childe, first thiself enable
  With all thin herte to vertuous disciplyne
  Afor thi soverayne standing at the table,
  Dispose thi youth aftir my doctryne                                  4
  To all norture thi corage to enclyne.
  First when thu spekist be not rekles,
  Kepe feete and fingeris and handes still in pese.]

    [Sidenote: When you stand before your sovereign, speak not
    recklessly, and keep your hands still.]

  ++Be symple of chiere, cast nat thyn ye aside,                       8
  Agenst the post lete nat thy bak abyde;
  Gaase nat aboute, to{ur}nyng ou{er}all{e};
  Make nat thy myrro{ur} also of the wall{e},
  Pyke nat thy nose, and in especiall{e}                              12
  Be right wele ware, and sette hieron thi thought,
  By-fore thy sou{er}ayne cracche ne rubbe nought.

    [Sidenote: Don’t stare about, lean against a post, look at the
    wall, pick your nose, or scratch yourself.]

  ¶ Who spekith{e} to the in any man{er} place,
  Rudely[1] cast nat thyn ye[2] adowne,                               16
  But with a sadde chiere loke hym in the face;
  Walke demurely by strete in the towne,
  Advertise the with{e} wisdom and Reasoun{e}.
  With{e} dissolute laughters do thow non offence                     20
  To-fore thy sou{er}ayn, whiles he is in presence.

    [Sidenote: When spoken to, don’t lumpishly look at the ground.
    Walk demurely in the streets, and don’t laugh before your lord.]

        [1: _Rel. Ant._, Lumbisshly]
        [2: hede]

  ¶ Pare clene thy nailes, thyn handes wassh{e} also
  To-fore mete, and whan thow dooest arise;
  Sitte in that place thow art assigned to;                           24
  Prease nat to hye in no man{er} wise;
  And til thow se afore the thy service,
  Be nat to hasty on brede for to byte,
  Of gredynesse lest men wolde the endwyte.[3]                        28

    [Sidenote: Clean your nails and wash your hands. Sit where you’re
    told to, and don’t be too hasty to begin eating.]

        [3: a-wite.]

  ¶ Grennyng and mowes at the table eschowe;
  Cry nat to lowde; kepe honestly silence;
  To enboce thy Iowis with{e} mete[4] is nat diewe;
  With{e} ful mowth{e} speke nat, lest thow do offence;               32
  Drynk nat bretheles[5] for hast ne necligence;
  Kepe clene thy lippes from fat of flessh{e} or fissh{e};
  Wype clene[6] thi spone, leve it nat in thy dissh{e}.

    [Sidenote: Don’t grin, shout, or stuff your jaws with food, or
    drink too quickly. Keep your lips clean, and wipe your spoon.]

        [4: brede it]
        [5: bridlid]
        [6: fayre]

  ¶ Of brede I-byten no soppis that thow make;                        36
  In ale nor wyne with{e} hande leve no fattenes;
  With{e} mowth{e} enbrewed thy cuppe thow nat take;
  Enbrewe[7] no napery for no rekelesnes;
  For to souppe [loude] is agenst gentiles;                           40
  [N]eu{er} at mete begynne thow nat[8] stryf;
  Thi teth{e} also thow pike nat with{e} no knyf.

    [Sidenote: Don’t make sops of bread, or drink with a dirty mouth.
    Don’t dirty the table linen, or pick your teeth with your knife.]

      [Sidenote: [Fol. 153, back.]]

        [7: Foul]
        [8: be warre gynne no]

  ¶ Of honest myrth{e} late be thy daliaunce;
  Swere none othes, speke no ribawdrye;                               44
  The best morsel, have in remembraunce,
  Hole to thyself alwey do nat applie;
  Part with{e} thy felaw, for that is curtesie:
  Laade nat thy trencho{ur} with{e} many remyssailes;                 48
  And from blaknes alwey kepe thy nayles.

    [Sidenote: Don’t swear or talk ribaldry, or take the best bits;
    share with your fellows. Eat up your pieces, and keep your nails
    clean.]

¶ Of curtesye also agenst the lawe,
  With{e} sowne[9] dishonest for to do offence;
  Of old surfaytes abrayde nat thy felawe;                            52
  Toward thy sou{er}ayne alwey thyn aduertence;
  Play with{e} no knyf, take heede to my sentence;
  At mete and soupp{er} kepe the stille and soft;
  Eke to and fro meve nat thy foote to oft.                           56

    [Sidenote: It’s bad manners to bring up old complaints. Don’t play
    with your knife, or shuffle your feet about.]

        [9: Which sou]

  ¶ Droppe nat thi brest with{e} sawce ne with{e} potage;
  Brynge no knyves vnskoured to the tab