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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of - the English Nation. Vol. XIII. America. Part II.
Author: Hakluyt, Richard, 1552-1616
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of - the English Nation. Vol. XIII. America. Part II." ***
The Principal
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
And
Discoveries
Of The English Nation
Collected By
Richard Hakluyt, Preacher
And Edited By
Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S.
Vol. XIII. America. Part II.
CONTENTS
Transcriber’s Note.
Part I.
I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.
II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie,
and of furthering new discoueries, &c.
III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.
IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the
Southwest of Cape Briton.
V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April,
1583. for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the
Moscouian companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the
furniture of the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne
of gaine, albeit their said particular disbursements are required but
in very slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li.
10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.
VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of
the Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon
his intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of
America.
VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea,
made for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship
called the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts
called the Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods
helpe this yeere 1591.
VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14
of September. 1591.
IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.
X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife
vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe,
1593. Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.
XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.
XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest
of Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for
the barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
Shipmaster of Bristoll.
XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton
and the Isle of Ramea.
XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.
XV. A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the
commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada,
Hochelaga, Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France,
with the particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.
XVI. The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier,
1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.
XVII. A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques
Noel of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid
discouery.
XVIII. Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth
is written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris
from Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.
XIX. Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand
Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230.
leagues, obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to
Monsieur Roberual, 1542.
XX. The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual,
to the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall
Ships, and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in
April, 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the
next winter.
XXI. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto
Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.
XXII. A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt,
1584.
XXIII. The letters patents, granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M.
Walter Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands
and Countries, to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more.
XXIV. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written
by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at
whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth.
XXV. The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile, for Sir Walter Ralegh,
to Virginia, in the yeere 1585.
XXVI. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt
Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia.
XXVII. An account of the particularities of the imployments of the
English men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of
Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585.
vntil the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey;
sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
Part II.
XXVIII. The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the
reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir
Walter Ralegh.
XXIX. A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of
the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as
others: Written by Thomas Heriot, seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a
member of the Colony, and there imployed in discouering a full
tweluemonth.
XXX. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in yere 1587.
Wherein was transported the second Colonie.
XXXI. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely
arriued in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni
Reginæ Elizabethæ. 29.
XXXII. A letter from John White to M. Richard Hakluyt.
XXXIII. The fift voyage of M. Iohn White into the West Indies and parts
of America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590.
XXXIV. The relation of John de Verrazano of the land by him discovered.
XXXV. A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine
French Captaines into Florida: Wherein the great riches and
fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto
concealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by
Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French Kings
Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter.
XXXVI. The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis
Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned
sixe yeeres, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by
Master Richard Hakluyt 1586.
XXXVII. The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir
Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he
had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriots hearing.
XXXVIII. Virginia Richly Valued, by the Description of the Maine Land
of Florida, Her Next Neighbour: Out of the Foure Yeeres Continuall
Trauell and Discouuerie, For Aboue One Thousand Miles East and West, of
Don Ferdinando De Soto, and Sixe Hundred Able Men in his Companie.
Footnotes
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE.
This book is a transcription of a 17th century book, which had the
spelling and printing conventions of that time: our “v” was often printed
as a “u”, and sometimes vice versa, our “j” was printed as an “i”, etc.
Those have been preserved in this book. There are other conventions which
are converted into more modern usage; for instance, several words (such as
“Lord” and “which”) were often printed in abbreviated form (such as an “L”
and a superscript “d”, or “w” with a superscript “ch”), which have been
transcribed in expanded form (such as “Lord” and “which”). In the plain
ASCII version, indicators like (M10) refer to marginal notes, originally
printed in the left or right margins of the page, and here printed at the
end of the book; similarly, indicators like (10) refer to footnotes, also
printed at the end of the book.
PART I.
I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.
The second Part or Chapter sheweth, that it is lawfull and necessarie to
trade and traffique with the Sauages: And to plant in their Countries: And
diuideth planting into two sorts.
And first for traffique, I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell
into those Countries and abide there: whom the Sauages may not iustly
impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe
betweene man and man prescribed by the Law of Nations.
For from the first beginning of the creation of the world, and from the
renewing of the same after Noes flood, all men haue agreed, that no
violence should be offered to Ambassadours: That the Sea with his Hauens
should be common: That such as should fortune to be taken in warre, should
be seruants or slaues: And that strangers should not be driuen away from
the place or Countrey whereunto they doe come.
If it were so then, I demaund in what age, and by what Law is the same
forbidden or denied since? For who doubteth but that it is lawfull for
Christians to vse trade and traffique with Infidels or Sauages, carrying
thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part
of their plentie?
A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our dayes, and
in times past, beyond the memorie of man, both by Christians and Infidels,
that it needeth no further proofe.
And forasmuch as the vse of trade and traffique (be it neuer so
profitable) ought not to be preferred before the planting of Christian
faith: I will therefore somewhat intreate of planting, (without which,
Christian Religion can take no roote, be the Preachers neuer so carefull
and diligent) which I meane to diuide into two sortts.
(M1) The first, when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of
the Sauages, are admitted by them to quiet possession.
The second, when Christians being vniustly repulsed, doe seeke to attaine
and mainteine the right for which they doe come.
And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion, eyther of
both may be lawfully and iustly exercised: (Whereof many examples may be
found, as well in the time of Moyses and Iosua, and other rulers before
the birth of Christ, as of many vertuous Emperours and Kings sithence his
incarnation:) yet doe I wish, that before the second be put in practise, a
proofe may be made of the first, sauing that for their safetie as well
against the Sauages, as all other foreigne enemies, they should first well
and strongly fortifie themselues: which being done, then by all fayre
speeches, and euery other good meanes of perswasion to seeke to take away
all occasions of offence.
As letting them to vnderstand, how they came, not to their hurt, but for
their good, and to no other ende, but to dwell peaceably amongst them, and
to trade and traffique with them for their owne commoditie, without
molesting or grieuing them any way: which must not be done by wordes onely
but also by deedes.
For albeit, to maintaine right and repell iniury, be a iust cause of
warre: yet must there hereof be heedefull care had, that whereas the
Sauages be fearefull by nature, and fond otherwise, the Christians should
doe their best endeuour to take away such feare as may growe vnto them by
reason of their strange apparell, Armour, and weapon, or such like, by
quiet and peaceable conuersation, and letting them liue in securitie, and
keeping a measure of blamelesse defence, with as little discommoditie to
the Sauages as may bee: for this kinde of warre would be onely defensiue
and not offensiue.
And questionlesse there is great hope and likelyhoode, that by this kinde
of meanes we should bring to passe all effects to our desired purposes:
Considering that all creatures, by constitution of nature, are rendred
more tractable and easier wonne for all assayes, by courtesie and
mildnesse, then by crueltie or roughnesse: and therefore being a principle
taught vs by naturall reason, it is first to be put in vse.
For albeit as yet the Christians are not so thoroughly furnished with the
perfectnesse of their language, eyther to expresse their mindes to them,
or againe to conceiue the Sauages intent: Yet for the present
opportunitie, such policie may be vsed by friendly signes, and courteous
tokens, towards them, as the Sauages may easily perceiue (were their
sences neuer so grosse) an assured friendship to be offered them, and that
they are encountered with such a nation, as brings them benefite,
commoditie, peace, tranquilitie and safetie. To further this, and to
accomplish it in deedes, there must bee presented vnto them gratis, some
kindes of our pettie marchandizes and trifles: As looking glasses, Belles,
Beades, Bracelets, Chaines, or collers of Bewgle, Chrystall, Amber, Iet,
or Glasse, &c. For such be the things, though to vs of small value, yet
accounted by them of high price and estimation: and soonest will induce
their Barbarous natures to a liking and a mutuall societie with vs.
Moreouer, it shall be requisite eyther by speeche, if it be possible
either by some other certaine meanes, to signifie vnto them, that once
league of friendship with all louing conuersation being admitted betweene
the Christians and them: that then the Christians from thenceforth will
alwayes be ready with force of Armes to assist and defend them in their
iust quarrels, from all inuasions, spoyles and oppressions offered them by
any Tyrants, Aduersaries, or their next borderers: and a benefite is so
much the more to be esteemed, by how much the person vpon whom it is
bestowed standeth in neede thereof.
For it appeareth by the relation of a Countreyman of ours, namely Dauid
Ingram, (who trauelled in those countries xi. Moneths and more) That the
Sauages generally for the most part, are at continuall warres with their
next adioyning neighbours, and especially the Cannibals, being a cruell
kinde of people whose foode is mans flesh, and haue teeth like dogges, and
doe pursue them with rauenous mindes to eate their flesh, and deuoure
them.
And it is not to be doubted, but that the Christians may in this case
iustly and lawfully ayde the Sauages against the Cannibals. So that it is
very likely, that by this meanes we shall not only mightily stirre and
inflame their rude mindes gladly to embrace the louing company of the
Christians, proffering vnto them both commodities, succour and kindnesse:
But also by their franke consents shall easily enioy such competent
quantity of Land, as euery way shall be correspondent to the Christians
expectation and contentation, considering the great abundance that they
haue of Land, and how small account they make thereof, taking no other
fruites thereby then such as the ground of it selfe doeth naturally
yeelde. And thus much concerning the first sort of planting, which as I
assuredly hope, so I most heartily pray may take effect and place.
(M2) But if after these good and fayre meanes vsed, the Sauages
neuerthelesse will not bee herewithall satisfied, but barbarously will goe
about to practise violence eyther in repelling the Christians from their
Ports and safe-landings, or in withstanding them afterwards to enioy the
rights for which both painfully and lawfully they haue aduentured
themselues thither.
Then in such a case I holde it no breach of equitie for the Christians to
defend themselues, to pursue reuenge with force, and to doe whatsoeuer is
necessarie for the attaining of their saftie: For it is allowable by all
Lawes in such distresses, to resist violence with violence: And for their
more securitie to increase their strength by building of Forts for
auoyding the extremitie of iniurious dealing.
Wherein if also they shal not be suffered in reasonable quietnesse to
continue, there is no barre (as I iudge) but that in stoute assemblies the
Christians may issue out, and by strong hand pursue their enemies, subdue
them, take possession of their Townes, Cities, or Villages, and (in
auoyding murtherous tyrannie) to vse the Law of Armes, as in like case
among all Nations at this day is vsed: and most especially to the ende
they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession, lest happily after
the departure of the Christians, such Sauages as haue bene conuerted
should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked
Rulers, returne to their horrible idolatrie (as did the children of
Israel, after the decease of Ioshua) and continue their wicked custome of
most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures.
And in so doing, doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit transgresse the
bonds of equitie or ciuilitie, forasmuch as in former ages, (yea, before
the incarnation of Christ) the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and
Princes, Gouernours of the children of Israel: chiefly in respect to begin
their planting, for the establishment of Gods worde: as also since the
Natiuitie of Christ, mightie and puissant Emperours and kings haue
performed the like, I say to plant, possesse, and subdue. For proofe
whereof, I wilt alledge you examples of both kindes.
Wee reade in the olde Testament, how that after Noes flood was ceased,
restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and
familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him, whose
seede in processe of time, was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations,
which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth.
And foreasmuch as all their posteritie being mightily encreased, followed
not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour, God chose out of the
multitude a peculiar people to himselfe, to whom afterwardes being vnder
the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay, hee made a graunt to inherite the
Land of Canaan, called the Land of promise, with all the other rich and
fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto. Neuerthelesse, before they
came to possession thereof, hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous
punishments and plagues for their sinnes, they fell in despayre to enioy
the same.
But being encouraged and comforted by their rulers, (men of God) they
proceeded, arming themselues with all patience, to suffer whatsoeuer it
should please God to send: and at last attaining to the Land, they were
encountered with great numbers of strong people, and mighty Kings.
(M3) Notwithstanding, Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of
God, being assured of the iustnesse of his quarrell, gathered the chiefe
strength of the children (M4) of Israel together, to the number of 40000.
with whom he safely passed the huge riuer Iordon, and hauing before sent
priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico, to vnderstand
the certaintie of the Citizens estate, he forthwith came thither, and
enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes.
In which respite, perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or
call for mercie, he then commanded (as God before had appointed) that both
the citie Ierico should be burned, yea, and all the inhabitants, as well
olde as young, with all their cattell should be destroyed, onely excepted
Rahab, her kindred and familie, because shee before had hid secretly the
messengers of Iosua, that were sent thither as spies. As for all their
golde, siluer, precious stones, or vessels of brasse, they were reserued
and consecrated to the Lords treasurie.
(M5) In like maner he burned the citie Hay, slew the inhabitants thereof,
and hanged vp their King. (M6) But for so much as the Gebionites (fearing
the like euent) sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to entreate for grace,
fauour, and peace: hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued,
and that they should be admitted to the children of Israel. Yet
vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a pollicie, he vsed them as
drudges to hewe wood and to carie water, and other necessaries for his
people. (M7) Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest, which he
pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites, Cananites.
Peresites, Heuites, and Iebusites, with all their princes and Kings, being
thirtie and one in number, and diuers other strange nations, besides whose
lands and dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people.
(M8) After that Iosua was deceased, Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the
armie, who receiuing like charge from God, pursued the proceedings of the
holy captaine Iosua, and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles, Idolaters, and
aduersaries to the children of Israel, with all such Rulers or Kings as
withstoode him, and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant: whose
thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off, for so much as hee had
done the like before vnto seuentie Kings, whom being his prisoners, he
forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table. In this God
shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie. (M9) We reade likewise, that
Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following
the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda, that in short time he not only
deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the
fierce Madianites, but also subdued them and their Tyrants, whose landes
he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite.
I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture, which aptly may
be applyed hereunto, were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to
be briefe. Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of
the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers, all
tending to the like argument. And first to begin withall, we doe reade:
That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion, the Apostles
being inspired with the holy Ghost, and the knowledge of all strange
languages, did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the
world, to the preaching of the Gospel. Yet not in so generall a maner, but
that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them, among
the which it is reported that India the great, called the vttermost India,
as yet had received no light of the word. (M10) But it came to passe, that
one Metrodorus, a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age, being
desirous to search out vnknowen lands, did first discouer the same finding
it wonderfull populous and rich, which vpon his returne being published,
and for certaine vnderstood, there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus
called Meropius, being a Christian, who did resolue himselfe (following
the example of Metrodorus) to trauaile thither, and in a short time
assisted but with a fewe, in a small Vessel arriued there, hauing in his
company two yong youths, Edesius and Frumentius, whom (being his
schollers) he had thoroughly instructed both in liberall Sciences, and
christian Religion. Now after that Meropius somewhile staying there, had
(as hee thought) sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whole estate: He
determined to depart, and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour, whom
he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same.
But by misfortune he was preuented, for being in the middest of his course
on the Sea homeward, a sore tempest arose, and perforce droue him backe
againe, to an unknowen Port of the said land: where he by the most cruell
barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company, except
the two young (M11) schollers aforesayde, whom the barbarous Indians, by
reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages, tooke, and
forthwith presented them to their King and Queene: which both being very
well liked of, the King courteously entreated, and ordeined Edesius to be
his Butler, and Frumentius his Secretarie, and in few yeeres by reason of
their learning and ciuill gouernment, they were had in great fauour,
honour, and estimation with the Princes. But the King departing this life,
left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne, and gaue free
scope and liberty to the two Christians, at their best pleasure to passe
to their natiue soyles, allowing them all necessaries for the same. Yet
the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorrowfull they should
depart, and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist
her in the gouernment of her people, till such time as her yong sonne
grewe to ripe yeeres, which request they fulfilled.
(M12) And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome, ruled both
the Queene and her subiects at his discretion, whereby he tooke occasion
to put in practise priuily, that the foundation of Christian religion
might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his
perswasion might best preuaile, and that soonest would giue eare vnto him:
which being brought to passe accordingly, hee then with his fellow Edesius
tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey. And so soone
as he was arriued there, he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine, the
effect of all those euents: who both commending his deedes and wholy
allowing thereof, by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop
of Alexandria, did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of
Frumentius, in this his so godly a purpose. And by this meanes came the
Emperour afterwards by faire promises, and by force of armes together,
vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey. (M13) The author of this
storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius
companion to Frumentius. Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie
Ecclesiasticall(1) in precise termes, and in diuers places maketh mention
how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of
his next neighbours, but also endeauoured by all meanes to subiect all
such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations, as then inhabited the foure
quarters of the worlde. For (as it is written) the Emperour thoroughly
ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before
perswaded to Christian religion, in proper person himselfe came euen vnto
this our country of England, then called the Island of Britaines, bending
from him full West, which he wholy conquered, made tributarie, and setled
therein Christian faith, and left behinde him such Rulers thereof, as to
his wisedome seemed best. From thence hee turned his force towardes the
North coast of the world, and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell
Nation of the Scythians, whereof part by friendly perswasions, part by
maine strength, hee reduced the whole to Christian faith. Afterwards he
determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in
the vttermost parts of the South. And with great hazard and labour, making
his iourney thither, at last became victour ouer them all euen to the
countrey of the Blemmyans, and the remote Æthiopians, that now are the
people of Presbyter Iohn, who yet till this day continue and beare the
name of Christians.
In the East likewise, what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice
of, he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire. So that to
conclude, there was no region in any part of the world, the inhabitants
whereof being Gentiles, though vnkowen vnto him, but in time he ouercame
and vanquished.
This worthy beginning of Constantine, both his sonnes succeeding his
roome, and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost
endeauour followed and continued, which all the bookes of Eusebius more at
large set foorth. (M14) Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall
historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed
earnestly all his time, as well in conquering the Gentiles to the
knowledge of the holy Gospel, vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples
and abominable Idolatry, as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants
as with Paganisme withstoode the planting of Christian religion. (M15)
After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created
Emperours, the one of the East, the other of the West, who with all the
stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the foresteps of their Father;
eyther in enlarging theyr territories, or increasing the christian flocke.
Moreouer, it is reported by the sayd author, that Theodosius iunior the
Emperour, no whit inferior in vertuous life to any of the aboue named
Princes, with great studie and zeale pursued and prosecuted the Gentiles,
subdued their tyrants and countries, and vtterly destroyed all their
idolatry, conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and
Creator, and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire. To be
briefe, who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus, Socrates Scholasticus,
Theodoritus Hermia, Sozomen, and Euagrius Scholasticus, which all were
most sage Ecclesiasticall writers, shall finde great store of examples of
the worthy liues of sundry Emperours, tending all to the confirmation of
my former speeches.
And for like examples of later time, (yea euen in the memorie of man) I
shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and
East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall, whereof there is
particular mention made in the last chapter of this booke. Herein haue I
vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done, sauing that I
haue bene in place, where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath
bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull, yea, such as doe take vpon them
to be more then meanely learned. To these examples could I ioyne many moe,
but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe, may satisfie himselfe in
reading at large the authors last aboue recited. Thus haue I (as I trust)
prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages, and
lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries.
The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie hath vnto those countries, which through the ayde of
Almighty God are meant to be inhabited.
(M16) And it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right
amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions, or (I might rather
say) restore to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those
Countries, into the which a noble and worthy personage, lineally descended
from the blood royall, (M17) borne in Wales named Madock ap Owen Gwyneth,
departing from the coast of England, about the yeere of our Lord God 1170.
arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies, and afterward
returned himselfe into England, leauing certaine of his people there, as
appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle, where he then gaue to certaine
Ilands, beastes, and foules sundry Welsh names, as the Iland of Pengwin,
which yet to this day beareth the same.
There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name
at this day, and is as much to say in English, as Whitehead, and in trueth
the said foules haue white heads. There is also in those countreis a fruit
called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word. Moreouer, there are
diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse, as Dauid Ingram aforesaid
reporteth in his relations. All which most strongly argueth, the sayd
prince with his people to haue inhabited there. And the same in effect is
confirmed by Mutezuma(2) that mightie Emperour of Mexico, who in an
Oration vnto his subiects for the better pacifying of them, made in the
presence of Hernando Cortes, vsed these speeches following.
(M18) My kinsmen, friends, and seruants, you doe well know that eighteene
yeres I haue bene your King, as my fathers and grandfathers were, and
alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince, and you vnto me good and
obedient subiects, and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes
of my life. You ought to haue in remembrance, that either you haue heard
of your fathers, or else our diuines haue instructed you, that wee are not
naturally of this countrey, nor yet our kingdome is durable, because our
forefathers came from a farre countrey, and their King and Captaine, who
brought them hither, returned againe to his naturall Countrey, saying that
he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs, if by chance he himselfe
returned not, &c.
These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles,
the which being thoroughly considered, because they haue relation to some
strange noble person, who long before had possessed those countreys, doe
all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie: forasmuch as
no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde, make
prescription of time for themselues, before the time of this Prince Madoc.
(M19) Besides all this, for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence
the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts (that is to say) in the
time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory, King Henry the seuenth,
Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Iohn Cabota an Italian, to
Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius, his three sonnes, to discouer remote,
barbarous and heathen Countreys, which discouery was afterwardes executed
to the vse of the Crowne of England, in the sayde Kings time, by Sebastian
and Sancius his sonnes, who were borne here in England: in true testimony
whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland, knowen, and called vntill
this day by the name of Sancius hauen, which proueth that they first
discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida,
as appeareth in the Decades.
And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty: but any of the
foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can
pretend to the Indies, before such time as they had actuall possession
thereof, obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus, and the
conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa, Hernando Cortes, Francisco Pizarro,
and others. And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching
the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title.
The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffike, and planting in
those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in
generall.
Now to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and
beneficiall generally to the whole realme: it is very certaine, that the
greatest iewell of this realme, and the chiefest strength and force of the
same, for defence or offence in marshal matter and maner, is the multitude
of ships, masters and mariners, ready to assist the most stately and
royall nauy of her Maiesty, which by reason of this voyage shall haue both
increase and maintenance. (M20) And it is well knowen that in sundry
places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes,
for the trade of fishing onely: yet notwithstanding the fish which is
taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen, will no
suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths, if there were none
els brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men doe
not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie, both
for plenty and greatnesse of fish, is for that they haue no succour and
knowen safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted
there, or neere thereabouts; whereas they now fish but for two moneths in
the yeere, they might then fish as long as pleased themselues, or rather
at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken, salted, and dried,
as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay (God
granting that salt may be found there) whereof Dauid Ingram (who trauelled
in those countreys as aforesayd) sayth that there is great plenty: and
withall the climate doth giue great hope, that though there were none
naturally growing, yet it might as well be made there by art, as it is
both at Rochel and Bayon, or elsewhere. Which being brought to passe,
shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners, were it but in
respect of fishing onely: but much more in regard of the sundry
merchandizes and commodities which are there found, and had in great
abundance.
Moreouer, it is well knowen that all Sauages, aswell those that dwell in
the South, as those that dwell in the North, so soone as they shall begin
but a little to taste of ciuility, will take maruelous delight in any
garment, be it neuer so simple; as a shirt, a blew, yellow, red, or greene
cotton cassocke, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible paines for
such a trifle.
For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our
countreymen, who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies,
some twelue yeeres together, and some of lesse time; that the people in
those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments.
Which being so, what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue, and
how great benefit to all such persons and artificers, whose names are
quoted in the margent,(3) I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are
discreet and questionlesse; hereby it will also come to passe, that all
such townes and villages as both haue beene, and now are vtterly decayed
and ruinated (the poore people thereof being not set on worke, by reason
of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in
times past) shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and
estate: all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement of our nauy, and
maintenance of our nauigation.
To what end need I endeuour my selfe by arguments to proue that by this
voyage our nauie and nauigation shalbe inlarged, when as there needeth
none other reason then the manifest and late example of the neere
neighbours to this realme, the kings of Spaine and Portugall, who since
the first discouery of the Indies, haue not onely mightily inlarged their
dominions, greatly inriched themselues and their subiects: but haue also
by iust account trebled the number of their shippes, masters and mariners,
a matter of no small moment and importance?
(M21) Besides this, it will prooue a generall benefit vnto our countrey,
that through this occasion, not onely a great number of men which do now
liue idlely at home, and are burthenous, chargeable, and vnprofitable to
this realme, shall hereby be set on worke, but also children of twelue or
fourteene yeeres of age, or vnder, may bee kept from idlenesse, in making
of a thousand kindes of trifling things, which wil be good merchandize for
that countrey. (M22) And moreouer, our idle women (which the Realme may
well spare) shall also be imployed on plucking, drying, and sorting of
feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hempe, and in gathering of
cotton, and diuers things right necessary for dying. All which things are
to be found in those countreys most plentifully. And the men may imploy
themselues in dragging for pearle, woorking for mines, and in matters of
husbandry, and likewise in hunting the whale for Trane, and making casks
to put the same in: besides in fishing for cod, salmon, and herring,
drying, salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and
sawing of them, and such like worke, meete for those persons that are no
men of Art or Science.
Many other things may bee found to the great reliefe and good employments
of no small number of the naturall Subiects of this Realme, which doe now
liue here idlely to the common annoy of the whole state. (M23) Neither may
I here omit the great hope and likelyhood of a passage beyond the Grand
Bay into the South Seas, confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading
to Cataia, the Molluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as generall a
benefite to the Realme, or greater then yet hath bene spoken of, without
either such charges, or other inconueniences, as by the tedious tract of
time and perill, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day
doeth minister.
And to conclude this argument withall, it is well knowen to all men of
sound iudgement, that this voyage is of greater importance, and will be
found more beneficiall to our countrey, then all other voyages at this day
in vse and trade amongst vs.
The fift chapter sheweth, that the trading and planting in those countreis
is likely to proue to the particular profit of all aduenturers.
I must, now according to my promise shew foorth some probable reasons that
the aduenturers in this iourney are to take particular profit by the same.
It is therefore conuenient that I doe diuide the aduenturers into two
sorts: the noblemen and gentlemen by themselues, and the Merchants by
themselues. For, as I doe heare, it is meant that there shall be one
societie of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, and another societie of the
merchants. And yet not so diuided, but that eche society may freely and
frankely trade and traffique one with the other.
And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who doe chiefly
seeke a temperate climate, wholesome ayre, fertile soile, and a strong
place by nature whereupon they may fortifie, and there either plant
themselues, or such other persons as they shall thinke good to send to bee
lords of that place and countrey: to them I say, that all these things are
verie easie to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either
by South or North, both in the Continent, and in Islands thereunto
adioyning at their choise: but the degree certaine of the eleuation of the
pole, and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are
to be found, I omit to make publike, for such regard as the wiser sort can
easily coniecture: the rather because I doe certainly vnderstand, that
some of those which haue the managing of this matter, knowe it as well or
better then I my selfe, and do meane to reueale the same, when cause shall
require, to such persons whom it shall concerne, and to no other: so that
they may seat and settle themselues in such climate as shall best agree
with their owne nature, disposition, and good liking: and in the whole
tract of that land, by the description of as many as haue bene there,
great plentie of minerall matter of all sorts, and in very many places,
both stones of price, pearle and christall, and great store of beasts,
birds and fowles both for pleasure and necessary for vse of man are to be
found.
(M24) And for such as take delight in hunting, there are Stagges, Wilde
bores, Foxes, Hares, Cunnies, Badgers, Otters, and diuers other such like
for pleasure. Also for such as haue delight in hauking, there are haukes
of sundry kinds, and great store of game, both for land and riuer, as
Fezants, Partridges, Cranes, Heronshawes, Ducks, Mallards, and such like.
(M25) There is also a kinde of beast much bigger then an Oxe, whose hide
is more then eighteene foote long, of which sort a countreyman of ours,
one Walker a sea man, who was vpon that coast, did for a trueth report in
the presence of diuers honourable and worshipfull persons, that he and his
company did finde in one cottage aboue two hundred and fortie hides, which
they brought away and solde in France for fortie shillings an hide: and
with this agreeth Dauid Ingram, and describeth that beast at large,
supposing it to be a certaine kinde of Buffe; (M26) there are likewise
beasts and fowles of diuers kinds, which I omit for breuities sake, great
store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh, plentie of grapes
as bigge as a mans thumbe, and the most delicate wine of the Palme tree,
of which wine there be diuers of good credit in this realme that haue
tasted: and there is also a kind of graine called Maiz, Potato rootes, and
sundry other fruits naturally growing there: so that after such time as
they are once settled, they shall neede to take no great care for
victuall.
And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipfull,
honest minded, and well disposed Merchants, as haue a desire to the
furtherance of euery good and commendable action, I will first say vnto
them, as I haue done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that within the
degrees abouesayde, is doubtlesse to bee found the most wholesome and best
temperature of ayre, fertilitie of soyle, and euery other commoditie or
merchandize, for the which, with no small perill we doe trauell into
Barbary, Spaine, Portugall, France, Italie, Moscouie and Eastland. All
which may be either presently had, or at the least wise in very short time
procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them. And yet to
the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and
presumptions, I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled
those partes, doe testifie that they haue found in those countreys all
these things following, namely:
Of beasts for furres: Marterns, Beauers, Foxes, blacke and white,
Leopards.
Of wormes: Silke wormes great and large.
Of Birds: Hawkes, Bitters, Curlewes, Herons, Partridges, Cranes, Mallards,
Wilde geese, Stocke dooues, Margaus, Blacke birds, Parrots, Pengwins.
Of Fishes: Codde, Salmon, Seales, Herrings.
Of Trees: Palme trees yeelding sweet wines, Cedars, Firres, Sasafras,
Oake, Elme, Popler, and sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen.
Of fruites: Grapes very large, Muskemellons, Limons, Dates great,
Orrenges, Figges, Prunes, Raisins great and small, Pepper, Almonds,
Citrons.
Of Mettals: Golde, Siluer, Copper, Lead, Tinne.
Of Stones: Turkeis, Rubies, Pearls great and faire, Marble of diuers
kindes, Iasper, Christall.
Sundry other commodities of all sorts: Rosen, Pitch, Tarre, Turpentine,
Frankincense, Honny, Waxe, Rubarbe, Oyle Oliue, Traine oyle, Muske codde,
Salt, Tallow, Hides, Hempe, Flaxe, Cochenello and dies of diuers sorts,
Feathers of sundrie sorts, as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds.
And seeing that for small costs, the trueth of these may be vnderstood
(whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance) I doe
finde no cause to the contrary, but that all well minded persons should be
willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good
an enterprise.
Now for the triall hereof, considering that in the articles of the
societie of the aduenturers in this voyage, there is prouision made, that
no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first
aduenture: and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children,
his apprentises and seruants, his and their freedome for trade and
traffique, which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue
not: and in the said articles it is likewise prouided, that none other
then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage, or shal become
aduenturers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in
the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will be very chargeable:
therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the olde prouerbe,
Nothing venture, nothing haue. For if it do so fall out, according to the
great hope and expectation had, (as by Gods grace it will) the gaine which
now they reap by traffique into other farre countries, shal by this trade
returne with lesse charge, greater gaine, and more safety: Lesse charge, I
say, by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke,
whereof there are many, whereby both easily and quietly they may transport
from the innermost parts of the main land, all kind of merchandize, yea in
vessels of great burden, and that three times, or twise in the yere at the
least. (M27) But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer, and
dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S.
Humfrey Gilbert, and his assistants in Newfound land in August last. For
there may be very easily made Pitch, Tarre, Rosen, Sope ashes in great
plenty, yea, as it is thought, inough to serue the whole realme of euery
of these kindes: And of Traine oyle such quantity, as if I should set
downe the value that they doe esteeme it at, which haue bene there, it
would seeme incredible.
It is hereby intended, that these commodities in this abundant maner, are
not to be gathered from thence, without planting and setling there. And as
for other things of more value, and that of more sorts and kindes then one
or two (which were likewise discouered there) I doe holde them for some
respects, more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered.
Of the fishing I doe speake nothing, because it is generally knowen: and
it is not to be forgotten, what trifles they be that the Sauages doe
require in exchange of these commodities: yea, for pearle, golde, siluer,
and precious stones. All which are matters in trade and traffique of great
moment. But admit that it should so fall out, that the aboue specified
commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere: Yet it
is very cleere that such and so many may be found out as shall minister
iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed. For it is very
certaine, that there is one seat fit for fortification, of great safety,
wherein those commodities following, especially are to be had, that is to
say, Grapes for wine, Whales for oyle, Hempe for cordage, and other
necccessary things, and fish of farre greater sise and plenty, then that
of Newfound land, and of all these so great store, as may suffice to serue
our whole realme.
Besides all this, if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same
soile, a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne, which leadeth to a place
abounding with rich substance: I doe not hereby meane the passage to the
Molluccaes, whereof before I made mention.
And it is not to be omitted, how that about two yeeres past, certaine
merchants of S. Malo in France, did hyre a ship out of the Island of
Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their
Countreymen, and they would admit no mariner, other then the ship boy
belonging to the said ship, to goe with them, which shippe was about 70.
tunne. I doe know the shippe and the boy very well, and am familiarly
acquainted with the owner, which voyage prooued very beneficiall.
To conclude, this which is already sayd, may suffice any man of reasonable
disposition to serue for a taste, vntill such time as it shall please
almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings. In the
meane season, if any man well affected to this iourney, shall stand in
doubt of any matter of importance touching the same, he may satisfie
himselfe with the iudgement and liking of such of good calling and
credite, as are principall dealers herein. For it is not neccessary in
this treatise, publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage.
The sixth Chapter sheweth that, the traffique and planting in those
countries, shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and
gainefull.
Now to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken
altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our countrey (as
generally other trades and iournies be) it shall fall out in proofe, that
the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this
enterprise was vndertaken.
First and chiefly, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of
the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, whereby they may be
brought from falshood to trueth, from darknesse to light, from the hie way
of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatrie to sincere
Christianity, from the deuill to Christ, from hell to heauen. And if in
respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs (were they many moe)
that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity, they were
more then fully recompenced.
But hereunto it may bee obiected, that the Gospel must bee freely
preached, for such was the example of the Apostles: vnto whom although the
authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors, Kings and Princes,
aswel before Christs time as since, might sufficiently satisfie: yet for
further answere, we may say (M28) with S. Paul, If wee haue sowen vnto you
heauenly things, doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall
things? And withall, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heauenly
tidings which those labourers our countreymen (as messengers of Gods great
goodnesse and mercy) will voluntarily present vnto them, doe farre exceed
their earthly riches. Moreouer, if the other inferiour worldly and
temporall things which they shall receiue from vs, be weighed in equall
ballance, I assure my selfe, that by equal iudgement of any indifferent
person, the benefits which they then receiue, shall farre surmount those
which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had (as they
haue not) the knowledge to put their land to some vse: yet being brought
from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge, and made then to
vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and
employed, as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans
life, then the whole now doeth: What iust cause of complaint may they
haue? And in my private opinion, I do verily thinke that God did create
land, to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things
necessary for mans life.
But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the
Christians: for, ouer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse
their grounds, they shal be reduced from vnseemly customes to honest
maners, from disordered riotous routs and (M29) companyes to a well
gouerned common wealth, and withall, shalbe taught mechanicall
occupations, arts, and liberall sciences: and which standeth them most
vpon, they shalbe defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and
bloodsucking neighbors the Canibals, whereby infinite number of their
liues shalbe preserued. And lastly, by this meanes many of their poore
innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the
sacrificer, a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and
man, now and ever heretofore vsed amongst them. Many other things could I
heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue
already more then halfe tired the reader.
The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there, is not a matter of
such charge or difficultie, as many would make it seeme to be.
Now therefore for proofe, that the planting in these parts is a thing that
may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse, contrary to
the allegation of many malicious persons, who wil neither be actors in any
good action themselues, nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting
forward thereof: and that worse is, they will take vpon them to make
molehilles seeme mountaines, and flies elephants, to the end they may
discourage others, that be very well or indifferently affected to the
matter, being like vnto Esops dogge, which neither would eate Hay
himselfe, nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feede thereon:
I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance
of this enterprise, as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure: for first
by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse, of long time to
hold his merciful hand ouer this realme, in preseruing the people of the
same, both from slaughter by the sword, and great death by plague,
pestilence, or otherwise, there are at this day great numbers (God he
knoweth) which liue in such penurie and want, as they could be contented
to hazard their liues, and to serue one yeere for meat, drinke and
apparell only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates:
which is a matter in such like iourneyes, of no small charge to the
prince. Moreouer, things in the like iourneyes of greatest price and cost
as victuall (whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey
without money) and powder, great artillery, or corselets are not needefull
in so plentifull and chargeable maner, as the shew of such a iourney may
present: for a small quantitie of all these, to furnish the Fort only,
will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in
those parts, which may be thought well worthy a greater charge. Also the
peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall
before all other nations, will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked
people.
Another helpe we haue also, which in such like cases is a matter of
marueilous cost, and will be in in this iourney procured very easily (that
is to say) to transport yeerely as well our people, as all other
necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants,
that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound-land, being not farre distant
from the countrey meant to be inhabited, who commonly goe with emptie
vessels in effect, sauing some litle fraight with salt. And thus it
appeareth that the souldier, wages, and the transportation may be defrayed
for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise
haue giuen out. Againe, this intended voyage for conquest, hath in like
maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath, as it were, with
his holy hand blessed the same before all others. For after once we are
departed the coast of England, wee may passe straight way thither, without
danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies, or doubtfull
friends: for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither, which seldome
faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May, a benefite which
the mariners make great account of, for it is a pleasure that they haue in
a few or none of other iourneyes. Also the passage is short, for we may
goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most, hauing but an
indifferent winde, and returne continually in twentie or foure and twentie
dayes at the most. And in the same our iourney, by reason it is in the
Ocean, and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes,
we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy: neither shall
our ships, people, or goods there, be subiect to arrest or molestation of
any Pagan potentate, Turkish tyrant, yea, or Christian prince, which
heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our
ships and merchandizes, whereby great numbers of our countrymen haue bene
vtterly vndone, diuers put to ransome, yea, and some lost their liues: a
thing so fresh in memorie as it neede no proofe, and is well worthy of
consideration.
Besides, in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line,(4) whereby
commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted, and mens health very
much impayred, neither doe we passe the frozen seas, which yeelde sundry
extreame dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere,
to serue our turnes. And lastly, there neede no delayes by the way for
taking in of fresh water and fewell, (a thing vsually done in long
iournies) because, as I sayd aboue, the voyage is not long, and the fresh
waters taken in there, our men here in England at their returne home haue
found so wholesome and sweete, that they haue made choise to drinke it
before our beere and ale.
Behold heere, good countreymen, the manifold benefits and commodities and
pleasures heretofore vnknowen, by Gods especiall blessing not onely
reueiled vnto vs, but also as it were infused into our bosomes, who though
hitherto like dormice haue slumbred in ignorance thereof, being like the
cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet: yet if now therefore
at the last we would awake, and with willing mindes (setting friuolous
imaginations aside) become industrious instruments to our selues,
questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our
heauenly father, but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes
that may be wished or desired.
And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey
of the Sauages, being a naked kinde of people, voyde of the knowledge of
the discipline of warre, seeing that a noble man, being but a subiect in
this realme (in the time of our king Henry the second) by name Strangbow,
then earle of Chepstow in South Wales, by himselfe and his allies and
assistants, at their owne proper charges haue passed ouer into Ireland,
and there made conquest of the now countrey, and then kingdome of
Lynester, at which time it was very populous and strong, which History our
owne chronicles do witnesse: And why should we be dismayed more then were
the Spanyards, who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer,
possesse, and enioy so large a tract of the earth, in the West Indies, as
is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne, not onely in the
maine firme land of America, which is 47. degrees in latitude from South
to North, and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least, that the
king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession, besides many goodly and
rich Islands, as Hispaniola, now called S. Domingo, Cuba, Iamaica, and
diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure, not speaking
any whit at all, how large the said land is from East to West, which in
some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East
to West, betweene the one Sea and the other.
(M30) Or why should our noble nation be dismaid, more then was Vasques
Nunnes de Valboa, a priuate gentleman of Spaine, who with the number of
70. Spaniards at Tichiri, gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king
Chemaccus, hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men, and the
said Vasques Nunnes not long after, with his small number, did put to
flight king Chiapes his whole armie.
(M31) Likewise Hernando Cortes, being also but a priuate gentleman of
Spaine, after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzamil, and
entring into the firme of America, had many most victorious and triumphant
conquests, as that at Cyntla, where being accompanied with lesse then 500.
Spanish footmen, thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only, he
ouerthrew 40000. Indians. The same Cortes with his sayd number of
Spanyards, tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezuma in his most chiefe
and famous citie of Mexico, which at that instant had in it aboue the
number of 50000. Indians at the least, and in short time after obtained
not onely the quiet possession of the said citie, but also of his whole
Empire.
(M32) And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru, which the king of Spaine
hath now in actuall possession, Francisco Pysarro, with the onely ayd of
Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luche, being all three but priuate
gentlemen, was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and
conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru, which through the ayd of
the almighty, he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca,
(which is a large place of ground, enclosed with walles) in which place he
tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner, midst the number of
60000. Indians his subiects, which were euer before that day accounted to
bee a warlike kind of people, which his great victorie it pleased God to
grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his
company aboue the number of 210. Spaniards, whereof there were not past
threescore horsemen in all: after the taking of which prince Atabalipa, he
offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome, to fill a great large hall full of
gold and siluer, and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed, euen
as high as a man might reach with his arme. And the sayd prince caused the
same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height, which ransome
Pyzarro granted to accept. And after when as this mighty prince had sent
to his vassals and subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of
the hall, as aforesaid, as namely to the cities or townes of Quito,
Paciacama and Cusco, as also to the Calao of Lima, in which towne, as
their owne writers doe affirme, they found a large and faire house, all
slated and couered with gold: and when as the said hall was not yet a
quarter ful, a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards, in which it was
commonly giuen out, that the said prince had politikely offered this great
ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power, whereby the
Spanyards should be taken, slaine and ouerthrowen: wherevpon they grew to
this resolution, to put the sayd prince to death, and to make partition of
the golde and siluer already brought in, which they presently put in
execution. And comming to make perfect Inuentorie of the same, as well for
the Emperour then king of Spaine, his fift part, as otherwise, there was
found to be already brought in into the sayd hall, the number of 132425.
pound weight of siluer, and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos, which
was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together, of
which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde
365625. pezos, and for his fift part of, siluer 26485. pound waight, and
to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold, and 67. pound waight of
siluer. Euery souldier had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of
siluer. Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and
siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling, according
to the rate agreed vpon amongst them.
Francis Pizarro as their generall, according to his decree and calling
proportionally, had more then any of the rest, ouer and besides the massie
table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Letter, which waighed 25000.
pezos of gold: neuer were there before that day souldiers so rich in so
small a time, and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of
yron, they did shoe their horses, some with gold, and some with siluer.
This is to be seene in the generall historie of the West Indies, where as
the doings of Pizarro, and the conquest of Peru is more at large set
forth.
To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes
of Portugall haue made round about the West, the South, and the East parts
of Africa, and also at Callicut and in the East Indies, and in America, at
Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands, in fortifying, peopling and
planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands, euer as they discouered:
which being lightly weyed and considered, doth minister iust cause of
yncouragement to our Countreymen, not to account it so hard and difficult
a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England, to discouer,
people, plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not
farre from vs, but neere adioyning land offring themselues vnto vs (as is
aforesayd) which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession
of any other Christian prince, then the princes of this Realme. All which
(as I thinke) should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out
and aduenture abroad, vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the
Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered,
peopled and planted, some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse,
briefly in particular to name both the Townes, Countreys, and Islands, so
neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance: for the rest I
doe referre the Reader to the histories, where more at large the same is
to be seene. First, they did winne and conquere from the princes of
Barbary the Island of Geisera and towne of Arzila, not past an 140. mile
distant from their Metropolitane and chiefe citie of Fesse: and after that
they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger, Ceuta,
Mazigan, Azamor, and Azaffi, all alongst the Sea coasts. And in the yeere
of our Lord, 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta(5) a Gentleman Venetian, was hee
that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd, with the Islands adioyning,
of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago
discouering also the riuer Senega, otherwise called Niger, and Cape Roxo
and Sierra Leone, and in few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of
Guinea, and there peopled and built the castle of Mina: then discouered
they further to the countreys of Melegettes, Benin, and Congo, with the
Islands of Principe, da Nabon, S. Matthewe, and S. Thomas vnder the
Equinoctiall line, which they peopled, and built in the said Island of S.
Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan. After that, about the yeere of
our Lord, 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent forth, who was the first man
that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon
Esperanze, and passing the currents that run vpon the said coast, on the
Southeast part of Africa, betweene the said maine land and the Island of
S. Laurence, otherwise called of the ancients, Madagascar, he discouered
to the harbor named the Riuer of the Infant. (M33) After that since the
yeere of our Lord God, 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the
yeere of Christ, 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de
Gama,(6) Peter Aluares, Thomas Lopes, Andrew Corsale, Iohn de Empoli,
Peter Sintia, Sancho de Toar, and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonzo
de Albuquerque,(7) they did discouer, people, and plant at Ceffala, being
vpon the East side of Africa, in the twenty degrees of latitude of the
South Pole, and direct West from the Island of S. Laurence (at which port
of Ceffala, diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold) as
also vpon the said East side of Africa, they did afterward discouer
people, and plant at Mozambique, Quiola, Monbaza, and Melinde, two degrees
of Southerly latitude, and so vp to the Streight of Babell-Mandell at the
entring of the red sea, all vpon the East coast of Africa, from whence
they put off at the Cape Guarda Fu, and passed the great gulfe of Arabia
and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus, and the Island of Ormus, and so
passing the large and great riuer Indus, where he hath his fall into the
maine Ocean, in 23. degrees and an halfe, vnder the tropike of Cancer, of
Septentrional latitude, they made their course againe directly towardes
the South, and began to discouer, people, and plant vpon the West side of
the hither India at Goa, Mangolar, Cananor, Calecut and Cochin, and the
Island of Zeilam.(8)
And here I thinke good to remember to you, that after their planting vpon
this coast, their forces grewe so great that they were able to compel all
the Moores, the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay
tribute vnto them, euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia, from the port
of Mecca in Arabia Foelix, where Mahomet lieth buried, or any of the other
portes of the sayd land, euer as they passed to and from the hauens of
Cochin, Calecut, and Cananor, and by their martiall maner of discipline
practised in those partes, the great and mightie prince the Sophie
Emperour of the Persians, and professed enemie to the Turke, came to the
knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot, and to interlace and ioyne footemen
with his horsemen, sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that
strength and force, that they haue giuen many mighty and great ouerthrowes
to the Turke, to the great quiet of all Christendome.
(M34) And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they all discouered more
East in passing the gulfe of Bengala, and so passed the notable and famous
riuer of Ganges, where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean, vnder the
tropike of Cancer, and to the Cape of Malaca, and vnto the great and large
Islands of Sumatra, Iaua maior, Iaua minor, Mindanao, Palobane, Celebes,
Gilolo, Tidore, Mathin, Borneo, Machian, Terenate, and all other the
Islands of Molucques and Spiceries, and so East alongst the coasts of
Cathaia, to the portes of China, Zaiton and Quinsay, and to the Island of
Zipango and Iapan, situate in the East, in 37. degrees of Septentrionall
latitude and in 195. of longitude. These are their noble and worthie
discoueries. Here also is not to bee forgotten, that in the yeere of our
Lord. 1501, that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did
discouer, people, and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they
haue in Brasill, of whom (he but being a priuate gentleman) the whole
countrey or firme land of the West Indies, is commonly called and knowen
by the name of America.
I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the
particular discoueries and Conquests of the East and West Indies, wherein
I was the more bold to vrge the patience of the Reader, to the end it
might most manifestly and at large appeare, to all such as are not
acquainted with the histories, how the king of Portugall, whose Countrey
for popularity and number of people, is scarce comparable to some three
shires of England, and the king of Spaine likewise, whose natural Countrey
doth not greatly abound with people, both which princes by means of their
discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres past, haue as it appeareth both
mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through
their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent, whose aid we
shall not need to doubt, seeing the cause and quarrell which we take in
hand tendeth to his honour and glory, by the enlargement of the Christian
faith.
To conclude, since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further
all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by
reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray: And
that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous
predecessors of renowned memorie, and leaue vnto our posteritie a diuine
memoriall of so godly an enterprise: Let vs I say for the considerations
alledged, enter into iudgement with our selues, whether this action may
belong to vs or no, the rather for that this voyage through the mighty
assistance of the omnipotent God, shall take our desired effect (whereof
there is no iust cause of doubt.) Then shal her Maiesties dominions be
enlarged, her highnesse ancient titles iustly confirmed, all odious
idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished, diuers decayed townes
repaired, and many poor and needy persons relieued, and estates of such as
now liue in want shail be embettered, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters
taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannical
neighbours, the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures
abolished.
All which (no man doubteth) are things gratefull in the sight of our
Sauiour Christ, and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie. Bee
of good cheere therefore, for he that cannot erre hath sayd: That before
the ende of the world, his word shall bee preached to all nations. Which
good work I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts:
Wherefore my deere countreymen, be not dismayed: for the power of God is
nothing diminished, nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and
planting of the Gospel any whit abated. Shall wee then doubt he will be
lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this
quarell, which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement
of the Christian faith abroad, and the banishment of idlenes at home, then
he was to Columbus, Vasques, Nunnes, Hernando Cortes, and Francis Pizarro
in the West: and Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, et Alonso de Albuquerque
in the East: Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts,
giue the attempt, and leaue the sequell to Almightie God: for if he be on
our part, what forceth it who bee against vs: Thus leauing the correction
and reformation vnto the gentle Reader, whatsoeuer is in this treatise too
much or too little, otherwise vnperfect, I take leaue and so end.
II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie, and
of furthering new discoueries, &c.
I vnderstand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of
Bristoll, as by conference with Sir Iohn Pekham, that you haue endeuoured,
and giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet
vnknowen: as your studie in those things is very commendable, so I thanke
you much for the same; wishing you do continue, your trauell in these and
like matters, which are like to turne not only to your owne good in
priuate, but to the publike benefice of this Realme. And so I bid you
farewell. From the Court the 11. of March. 1582.
Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.
III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.
After my heartie commendations, I haue for certaine causes deferred the
answere of your letter of Nouember last till now, which I hope commeth all
in good time. Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot
but much commend. And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert, as you haue heard long
since, hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within
these 10. dayes, who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he
hath, I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you
write of, be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with with him, or so soone
after as you may. I hope this trauell wil prooue profitable to the
Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme: herein I pray
you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt, and M. Thomas
Steuenton, to whome I referre you: And so bid you heertily farewell.
Richmond the 11. of March. 1582.
Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.
IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the Southwest
of Cape Briton.
Right honourable, vpon the receit of your letters directed vnto me and
deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton,
bearing the date the 11. of March, I presently conferred with my friends
in priuate, whom I know most affectionate to this most godly enterprise,
especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants:
whereupon my selfe being as then sicke, with as conuenient speede as he
could, hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered: where after
dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this
citie, he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me
priuately, to be read in publike, and after some good light giuen by M.
Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterprise, and
were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be
liked, that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present,
and apparently knowen by their own speach, and very willing offer, the
summe of 1000. markes and vpward: which summe if it should not suffice, we
doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery, a ship
of threescore, and a barke of 40. tunne, to bee left in the countrey vnder
the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlile, of whom we
haue heard much good, if it shall stand with your honors good liking and
his acceptation. In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M.
Steuenton your honours messenger, and one well knowen to vs as captaine.
And here in humble maner, desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your
further direction by a generall letter to my selfe, my brethren, and the
rest of the merchants of this city, at your honors best and most
conuenient leisure, because we meane not to deferre the finall proceeding
in this voyage, any further then to the end of April next comming, I
cease, beseeching God long to blesse and prosper your honourable estate.
Bristol. March 27. 1583.
V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April, 1583.
for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the Moscouian
companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of
the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne of gaine,
albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very
slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and
the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.
When the Goldsmith desireth to finde the certaine goodnesse of a piece of
golde, which is newly offered vnto him, he presently bringeth the same to
the touchstone, where by comparing the shewe or touch of this new piece
with the touch or shew of that which he knoweth of old, he forthwith is
able to iudge what the value is of that, which is newly offered vnto him.
After the example whereof I haue thought it good to make some briefe
repetition of the particular estate of many other forren voyages and
trades already frequented and knowen vnto vs, whereby we may be the better
able to conceiue and iudge what certaine likelihood of good there is to be
expected in the voyage, which is presently recommended vnto your knowledge
and resolution.
And first to lay downe that of Moscouia, whose beginning is yet in the
remembrance of many: It is well knowen, that what by the charges of the
first discouery, and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperour and his
Nobilitie, togither with the leud dealing of some of their seruants, who
thought themselues safe enough from orderly punishment, it cost the
company aboue fourescore thousand pounds, before it could be brought to
any profitable reckoning. And now that after so long a patience and so
great a burthen of expences, the same began to frame to some good course
and commoditie: It falleth to very ticklish termes, and to as slender
likelihood of any further goodnesse, as any other trade that may be named.
For first the estate of those Countreys and the Emperours dealings, are
things more fickle then are by euery body vnderstood.
Next, the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade
thither, which may well confirme that vncertainty of the Emperours
disposition to keepe promise with our nation.
Thirdly, the qualitie of the voyage, such as may not be performed but once
the yeere.
Fourthly, the charges of all Ambassadours betweene that Prince and her
Maiesty, are alwayes borne by the merchants stocke.
And lastly, the danger of the king of Denmarke, who besides that presently
he is like to enforce a tribute on vs, hath likewise an aduantage vpon the
ships in their voyage, either homewards or outwards whensoeuer he listeth
to take the opportunitie.
The badde dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently knowen to be such
towards our merchants of that trade, as they doe not onely offer them many
iniuries ouerlong to bee written, but doe seeke all the meanes they can,
to depriue them wholy of their occupying that way: and to the same purpose
haue of late cleane debarred them their accustomed and ancient priuiledges
in all their great townes.
The traffique into Turkie, besides that by some it is thought a hard point
to haue so much familiaritie with the professed and obstinate enemie of
Christ: It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the deuotion,
and as it were in the danger of many states, who for sundry respects are
apt to quarell with vs vpon sudden occasions, and the presents to be giuen
away in Turkie this yeere, cost little lesse then two thousand pounds.
As for the trades into all the parts of Italie, it may easily be
considered by euery one of iudgement, that the same stand in the like
termes touching the passages, as that of Turkie, and that many times our
shippes being taken in the way by the Gallies of Alger, our poore Mariners
after the losse of their goods and trauell, are set at such excessiue
ransoms before they can bee freed of their slauerie, as for the most part
they are no way able to discharge. As for example, at this instant there
are some prisoners, poore ordinarie Mariners, for whose releasing there
must be payed two hundred Duckets the man, for some three hundred, yea,
foure or fiue hundred Duckets the man for some of them. And how enuiously
the Venetians doe already oppose themselues against our frequenting into
their parts, may appeare by the late customs which they haue imposed as
well vpon our English merchandize which we bring them, as also vpon such
their merchandize which we fetch from them.
The trade into Barbarie groweth likewise to worse termes then before
times, and when it was at the best, our merchants haue bene in danger of
all their goods they had there, whensoever it happened the king to die.
For vntill a new were chosen, the libertie of all disordered persons is
such, as they spoile and wrong whom they list, without any redresse at
all.
(M35) Touching Spaine and Portugall, with whom wee haue very great trade,
and much the greater, by meanes of their venting a good part of our wares
in their Indies, as also of the prouision they haue from the same,
wherewith are made many of our returnes from them againe: It falleth out
that twise the yeere ordinarily we send our Fleetes into those parts: So
that whensoeuer the king of Spaine listeth to take the opportunitie, hee
may at these seasons depriue vs not onely of a great number of our very
good ships, but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are
to bee found in our whole Realme againe, which is a matter of no small
consequence: for it is to bee noted, that when hee shall take a quarrell
in hand, though it be but his owne particularly, yet hath he the meanes to
put in hazard as well those our shippes which are in his owne Countreys of
Spaine and Portugall, as also all others which shall bee bound to any the
partes of all Italie or of Turkie either. And further whosoeuer hee bee
that is but meanely affected in Religion, as of necessitie becommeth euery
ordinarie man and good Christian to be, cannot but be agrieued in his
heart to consider, that his children and seruants whom hee desireth to
haue well brought vp, are in these trades of Spaine and Portugall, and all
Italie, forced to denie their owne profession, and to acquaint themselues
with that which the Parents and Masters doe vtterly deny and refuse, yea
which many of them doe in their owne hearts abhorre as a detestable and
most wicked doctrine.
But who shall looke into the qualitie of this voyage, being directed to
the latitude of fortie degrees or thereaboutes, of that hithermost part of
America, shal find it hath as many points of good moment belonging vnto
it, as may almost be wished for.
(M36) 1 As first it is to be vnderstood, that it is not any long course,
for it may be perfourmed too and fro in foure moneths after the first
discouerie thereof.
2 Secondly, that one wind sufficeth to make the passage, whereas most of
your other voyages of like length, are subiect to 3. or 4. winds.
3 Thirdly, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yeere.
4 Fourthly, that the passage is vpon the high sea, wherby you are not
bound to the knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more then of that
Countrey, and of ours here at home.
5 Fiftly, that those parts of England and Ireland, which lie aptest for
the proceeding outward or homeward vpon this voyage. are very well stored
of goodly harbours.
6 Sixtly, that it is to bee accounted of no danger at all as touching the
power of any foreine prince or state, when it is compared with any the
best of all other voyages before recited.
7 And to the godly minded, it hath this comfortable commoditie, that in
this trade their Factours, bee they their seruants or children, shall haue
no instruction or confessions of Idolatrous Religion enforced vpon them,
but contrarily shall be at their free libertie of conscience, and shall
find the same Religion exercised, which is most agreeable vnto their
Parents and Masters.
As for the merchandising, which is the matter especially looked for,
albeit that for the present we are not certainely able to promise any such
like quantitie, as is now at the best time of the Moscouian trade brought
from thence: So likewise is there not demanded any such proportion of
daily expences, as was at the first, and as yet is consumed in that of
Moscouia and other.
(M37) But when this of America shall haue bene haunted and practised
thirtie yeeres to an ende as the other hath bene, I doubt not by Gods
grace, that for the tenne shippes that are now commonly employed once the
yeere into Moscouia, there shall in this voyage twise tenne be imployed
well, twise the yeere at the least. And if for the present there doe fall
out nothing els to bee found then the bare Fishing, yet doubt I not after
the first yeeres planting but by that matter only to serue halfe a dozen
of your best sorts of ships, although my supply of people doe not follow
me so substantially, as in all reason may be well looked for.
(M38) But when it is asked what may be hoped from thence after some
yeeres, it is first to be considered, that this situation in fourtie
degrees, shall bee very apt to gather the commodities either of those
parts which stand to the Southward of it, as also of those which are to
the Northward.
In the Northerlie may be expected not onely an especiall good fishing for
Salmon, Codde, and Whales, but also any other such commodities, as the
Easterne Countreys doe yeeld vs now: as Pitch, Tarre, Hempe, and thereof
cordage, Masts, Losshe hides, rich Furres, and other such like without
being in any son beholding to a king of Denmarke, or other prince or state
that shall be in such sort able to command our shippes at their pleasure,
as those doe at this day, by meanes of their strait passages and strong
shipping.
As for those partes which lie West and to the Southwardes, it may well bee
hoped they will yeeld Wines with a small helpe, since the grapes doe growe
there of themselues alreadie very faire and in great abundance. Oliues
being once planted, will yeelde the like Oyle as Spaine, Prouince and
Italie. The Countrey people being made to know, that for Waxe and honie,
we will giue them such trifling things as they desired of vs, and shewing
them once the means how to prouide the same, the labour thereof being so
light, no doubt but in short time they will earnestly care to haue the
same in good quantitie for vs. (M39) Besides, what great likelihoode there
is of good meanes to make Salt, which may serue for the fishing of those
partes, may well appeare vnto them, who can iudge the qualitie of such
places as are required to make the same in.
Thus much for the beginning, because they may bee had with an easie kinde
of trauell: but when it may haue pleased God to establish our people there
any such time as they may haue planted amongst them in sundry partes of
the Countrey, and that by gentle and familiar treating them, they bee made
to see what is better for them then they doe as yet vnderstand of, and
that in so many sorts of occasions as were infinite to be set downe: It is
to bee assuredly hoped, that they will daily by little and little forsake
their barbarous and sauage liuing, and growe to such order and ciuilitie
with vs, as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantitie and
diuersitie of merchandize then is now had out of Dutchland, Italie, France
or Spaine. And as the bordering neighbours are commonly the aptest to fall
out with vs, so these parts being somewhat remote, are the liker to take,
or giue lesse occasion of disquiet. But when it is considered that they
are our own kindred, and esteemed our own countrey nation which haue the
government, meaning by those who shall be there planted, who can looke for
any other then the dealing of most louing and most assured friends?
There are further to be considered these two poynts of good importance,
concerning the matter of trade. The one is, that by the good prospering of
this action, there must of necessitie fall but a very liberall vtterance
of our English Clothes into a maine Country, described to bee bigger then
all Europe, the larger part whereof bending to the Northward, shall haue
wonderfull great vse of her sayde English Clothes, after they shall come
once to knowe the commoditie thereof. The like will bee also of many other
things, ouer many to bee reckoned, which are made here by our Artificers
and labouring people, and of necessitie must bee prouided from hence.
The other is, if there be any possible meanes to finde a sea passage or
other fresh water course, which may serue in some reasonable and
conuenient sort, to transport our Merchandize into the East Indian Sea,
through any of these Northerly partes of America, it shall be soonest and
most assuredly perfourmed by these who shall inhabite and first grow into
familiaritie with the Inland people.
What minerall matter may fall out to bee found, is a thing left in
suspence, vntill some better knowledge, because there be many men, who
hauing long since expected some profits herein, vpon the great promises
that haue bene made them, and being as yet in no point satisfied, doe
therevpon conceiue that they be but wordes purposely cast out for the
inducing of men to bee the more ready and willing to furnish their money
towards the charge of the first discouerie.
But nowe to answere some others who begin with an other objection, saying:
That it is not for the Marchants purse to continue the charges of
transporting and planting: and that once these hundred men which are nowe
to bee planted will cost foure thousand pound: It is then to bee thought,
that the charge of a farre greater number, will bee also a farre greater
summe of money.
Whereunto I answere, that in all attempts vnknowen, especially such a one
as this is, wherewith wee are presently in hand, the first charges are
commonly aduentured in more desperate kinde, then those that followe vpon
some better knowledge: and therewith it falleth out, that whereas one
aduentureth in the first enterprise, an hundred for that one will of
themselues bee willing and desirous to aduenture in the next, if there bee
neuer so little more appearance, that the intended matter is by some
knowledge of our owne, found true in some poynts of our first presumption.
The examples are many, and may easily bee remembred by those who be
Merchants, euen in their ordinarie and dayly trades, as well as in
extraordinarie attempts, which of late yeeres haue fallen into those
termes of some likelyhood, as is aforesayde.(9) So then no doubt, but when
certaine reports shall bee brought by them who directly came from thence,
that such a Countrey and people they haue themselues seene, as is by vs
spoken of, but that then there will come forwarde a greater number of
those, who haue nowe neither heard any thing of the matter, as also of
others, who presently make such friuolous scruple, and will not otherwise
be satisfied, then by the report of Saint Thomas. I speake not this by the
Marchants whom for their fredoms of trade I would not haue pressed to any
further charge then this first preparation, but rather as such as haue
great affection to hazard the changing of their estates, and would be well
content to goe in the voyage if they might onely be assured that there is
such a Countrey, and that their money should not be wasted to nothing in
the preparations.
The right examination of this point must bee the contrary sequell of the
common Prouerbe that is vsed, Nothing venture, nothing haue: so on the
other side by venturing, many great good profites are found out, to the
wonderfull benefite of Common weale, and to those especially in priuate,
who take on them the hazard of their life and trauell, or substance in the
first attempts: and therefore I would wish that they, who (God be thanked)
are well able to spare that which is required of each one towardes the
vndertaking of this aduenture, be well content and willing to imploy the
same, since the sequell in good and substantiall reasons doth promise, not
onely a great commoditie in particular to the Marchant, who shall here at
home exercise the trade of Marchandise: but also to an infinite number of
other, who presently liue in poore estate, and may by taking the
opportunitie of this discouerie, alter the same to a far better degree.
Wherefore to make some conclusion vpon this point of the Marchants
misdoubt, who suspecteth lest this first disbursement without returne of
present gaine, should not be all his charge, but that afterwards he might
yet further be vrged to continue the like again, as hath happened in the
discouery of the Moscouian trade: It may suffice to consider, that this is
not an action which concerneth onely the Marchants particularly, but a
great deale more the generall sort of people throughout all England: And
that when such relation shall be returned, as that it may bee found a
matter worthy the following, the whole generalitie will not refuse to
contribute towards the furtherance thereof, rather then it should sinke,
for want of any reasonable supply.
But as it is a very little time, since I haue beene throughly resolued to
trie my fortune in the matter, so it is more then time the preparation
were in hand already, and therefore no fit time now to make any number of
ignorant men to vnderstand with reason the circumstance that belongeth to
a matter of so great consideration and importance.
To those who haue any forward mindes in well doing to the generalitie of
mankind, I say thus much more, that Christian charitie doth as greatly
perswade the furtherance of this action, as any other that may be layed
before vs, in as much as thereby wee shall not onely doe a most excellent
worke, in respect of reducing the sauage people to Christianitie and
ciuilitie, but also in respect of our poore sorte of people, which are
very many amongst vs, liuing altogether vnprofitable, and often times to
the great disquiet of the better sort. For who knoweth not, how by the
long peace, happie health, and blessed plentifulnesse, wherewith God hath
endued this Realme, that the people is so mightily encreased, as a great
number being brought vp, during their youth in their parents houses,
without any instruction how to get their liuings after their parents
decease, are driuen to some necessitie, whereby very often for want of
better education they fall into such disorders, and so the good sort of
people, as I sayde before, are by them ordinarily troubled, and themselues
led on to one shamefull ende or other, whereas if there might bee found
some such kinde of imployment as this would be, no doubt but a greater
part of them would be withheld from falling into such vile deedes: and
insteade thereof, prooue greatly seruiceable in those affaires, where they
might be so imployed.
(M40) This I speake of mine owne experience, hauing seene diuers come ouer
to the warres of the lowe Countreys during my residence in the same, who
here had bene very euill and idle liuers, and by some little continuance
with vs, haue growen to be very industrious in their facultie, which I can
assure you, was a more painefull maner of liuing then in this action is
like to fall out, and withall to a purpose of farre lesse value, in
respect of their particular recompence, then with an assured kind of good
hope is looked for in this.
Thus you see in euery point that may bee wished for in a good action and
voyage, there is matter and reason enough to satisfie the well disposed.
But nowe to growe somewhat neerer the quicke, and to shewe you some
greater appearance, then hath bene yet spoken of touching the trade which
is the onely subiect wherewith I doe meane to intermeddle at this time,
because my addresse hereby is chiefly to men of such like facultie: you
may vnderstande by that which followeth, the circumstance of a little
discourse, which doeth concerne these matters, very directly.
In the yeere 1534. Iames Carthier, of S. Malo made his first discouerie of
those partes of America, which lie to the Westwardes, and as it were on
the backside of Newfoundland. In which voyage his principall intention was
to seeke out the passage, which hee presumes might haue bene found out
into the East Indian Sea, otherwise called the passage to Cathaya, but
this yeere he went no higher then the Island of the Assumption in the
great bay of S. Laurence, and so returned backe into France.
The next yeere following hee went with greater prouision into the Grand
bay againe, where he keping the Northerly shoare, ran vp the great Riuer
that comes downe from Canada and other places, vntill at last with his
small pinnesses, (hauing left his great shipping by the way) be arriued at
Hochelaga towne, being three hundreth leagues within the entrance of the
Grand bay. In which trauaile he had spent so much of the yeere, that it
was nowe the moneth of October, and therefore thought it conuenient for
the better enforming himselfe at large in this discouerie, to winter it
out in those partes, which he did at a place called by himselfe Holy
Crosse. This winter fell out to bee a very long and hard winter, as many
times the like happeneth with vs in these partes, and the sauage people,
who for the most part make but a slender kinde of prouision, euen as it
were from hande to mouth, fell into some scarcitie of victuals; yet did
they not refuse to serue the Frenchmen, with any thing they had all the
winter long, albeit at somewhat higher prices towardes the ende when the
neede was most, as with our selues the like happeneth at such times.
But when the French had their wants serued all the yeere and that as yet
they sawe not any appearance of their intended matter, which was the
discouerie of the passage, and yet imagining by the signes, wherewith the
willing people endeuoured to declare their knowledge in that poynt, that
some good matter might bee had from them, if they might haue beene well
vnderstoode, they resolued with themselues to take some of the
sufficientest men of that countrey home into France, and there to keepe
them so long, as that hauing once atchieued the French tongue, they might
declare more substantially their minde, and knowledge in the sayde
passage, concluding this to be the meane of least charge, of least
trauaile, and of least hazard.
And when they came to bethinke themselues, who might bee meetest for it,
they determined to take the King, as the person who might bee best
infourmed of such partes as were somewhat remote from his owne Countrey,
as also that for the respect of him, the people would bee alwayes readie,
and content to doe them any further seruice, when it should happen them to
returne thither againe about the discouerie.
Thus the poore king of the Countrey, with two or three others of his
chiefe companions comming aboorde the French shippes, being required
thither to a banquet, was traiterously caryed away into France, where hee
liued foure yeeres, and then dyed a Christian there, as Theuet the French
Kings Cosmographer doeth make mention. (M41) This outrage and iniurious
dealing did put the whole Countrey people into such dislike with the
French, as neuer since they would admit any conuersation or familiaritie
with them, vntill of late yeeres, the olde matter beginning to grow out of
minde, and being the rather drawen on by gifts of many trifling things,
which were of great value with them, they are as (I sayde) within these
two or three yeeres content againe to admit a traffique, which two yeeres
since was begunne with a small barke of thirtie tunnes, whose returne was
found so profitable, as the next yeere following, being the last yeere, by
those Marchants, who meant to haue kept the trade secret vnto themselves,
from any others of their owne Countrey men, there was hired a shippe of
fourescore tunnes out of the Isle of Iersey, but not any one Mariner of
that place, sauing a shipboy. This shippe made her returne in such sorte,
as that this yeere they haue multiplyed three shippes, to wit, one of nine
score tunnes, another of an hundreth tunnes, and a third of fourescore
tunnes: which report is giuen by very substantiall and honest men of
Plimmouth, who sawe the sayd shippes in readinesse to depart on their
voyage, and were aboord of some of them.
Here is at this instant in the towne a man of Guernsey, Lewis de Vike, who
reporteth to haue credibly heard, that by this last yeeres voyage the
Frenchmen got foureteene or fifteene hundreth for euery one hundreth: But
how soeuer it be, it carrieth good likelyhood of some notable profite, in
asmuch as they doe so greatly, and thus suddenly encrease the burthen and
number of their ships this present yeere.
(M42) Nowe if in so little as two yeeres time this voyage of the Northerne
partes bee growen to such good passe as hath beene declared vnto you: it
is worth the thinking on to consider what may be hoped for from the
Southerne part, which in all reason may promise a great deale more. And
so, as one who was neuer touched with any indirect meaning, I presume to
wish and perswade you to some better taking of this matter to heart, as a
thing which I do verely thinke will turne to your greater and more assured
commodity, then you receiue by any other voyage, as yet frequented of so
short and safe a course as this hath: dealing herein no otherwise with you
for your seuerall small summes, then I doe with myselfe, both for more of
mine owne, then is required of any one of you: besides the hazard and
trauaile of my person, and the totall imployment of my poore credit, which
(I thanke God) hath hitherto passed cleare and vnspotted in matters of
greater importance and difficultie, then is like to fall out in this
matter betweene you and me.
VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of the
Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon his
intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of America.
The names of the Committies.
Master Alderman Hart.
Master Alderman Spencer.
Master Hoddesden.
Master William Burrough.
Master Slany.
Master Towerson.
Master Staper.
Master Iohn Castelin.
Master Leake.
First the Committies are well perswaded, that the Countrey whereunto this
action is intended, is very fruitfull, inhabited with sauage people of a
milde and tractable disposition. And that of all other places which are
vnfrequented at this day, it is the onely most fit and most commodious for
vs to intermeddle withall.
The conuenientest manner of attempting this enterprise is thought to bee
thus: That there should be one hundreth men conueyed thither to remaine
there one whole yeere: who with friendly intreatie of the people, may
enter into better knowledge of the particular estate of the Countrey, and
thereby gather what commoditie may be hereafter, or presently looked for.
(M43) The charge to transport these hundreth men, to victuall them, and to
furnish them of munition and other needefull things, will not be lesse
then foure thousand poundes: whereof hath bene very readily offered by the
Citie of Bristoll one thousand poundes, the residue being three thousande
poundes, remaineth to bee furnished by this Citie of London, or any others
who will aduenture their money in this first preparation.
The Committies thinke it conuenient that a Priuilege should be procured by
Master Carlile from her Maiesty, by vertue whereof these conditions and
Articles following may be effectually prouided for.
First, that they who shall disbursse their money for the first preparation
shall be named Aduenturers, and shall haue the one halfe of all such
landes, territories, townes, mines of gold and siluer, and other metals
whatsoeuer, as shall bee found, gotten, obtained, as conquered by this
discouery: yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of all such gold and
siluer, as shall happen to be had out of any mines that so shall be found.
That those parties which doe employ themselues personally in the present
discouerie, shall be named Enterprisers, and shall haue the other halfe,
of all the Lands, Territories, Townes, Mines of Gold and Siluer and other
mettals, yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of the Gold and Siluer as
the Aduenturers do: The same to bee distributed by the Generall, with the
consent of the greatest part of twelue discreet persons to bee chosen out
of the whole number of the Enterprisers.
Also, that all trade of Merchandise which shall be vsed to and from those
partes, which by this discouerie shall bee found out, shall apperteine
onely to the Aduenturers which first shall disbursse their money for this
discouery, which prohibition to all other her Maiesties subiects, and
other Marchants to deale in the sayd parts, without the consent of the
first Aduenturers, vpon losse of shippe and goods, and punishment of their
persons, that so shall aduenture in trade of merchandise: or otherwise by
imprisonment at the Companies pleasure.
That no person shall hereafter aduenture in this discouerie as Aduenturers
for the profits mentioned in the first Articles, but such onely as doe
disbursse their money in the first preparation: and they shall not
aduenture hereafter any greater summe, then ratably according to their
proportion of this their first aduenture.
Also, the profite which by this discouerie shall be attained vnto, either
by lande which may bee conquered, or otherwise gotten: as also such
profite which by this discouerie shall bee obtained by mines, or otherwise
gotten, that eche one shall haue his part rate and rate, like, according
to the proportion of their first aduenture, and not otherwise.
The Aduenturers in this first preparation shall at their owne free will
and libertie, choose whether they will supply hereafter any further charge
or not: if there doe fall out any such occasion to require the same. And
yet withall shall for euer holde to them the freedome of the trade which
shall growe in any of these partes: notwithstanding their sayd refusall to
beare any further charge.
That in the Patent which is to bee obteined, be graunted, that all her
Maiesties subiects may transport themselues thither that shall be
contented to goe. And that the Patentee or his assignes may shippe thither
from time to time, so many and such persons, men, women, and children, as
they shall thinke meete. And the same persons to inhabite or remaine there
at their pleasure, any lawe to the contrary notwithstanding, with expresse
prohibition, as is mentioned in the third article, against all others,
which shall go thither without the licence of the patentee or his assignes
first obteined.
That it shall not be lawful for any of her Maiesties subiects, or any
other to inhabite or traffique within one hundred leagues any way of the
place, where the Generall haue setled his chiefest being or residence.
VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea, made
for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship called
the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts called the
Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods helpe this yeere
1591.
(M44) For the performance of our said voyage, we departed from S. Malo
with the fleete that went for Canada, and kept companie with the ships
called The Soudil and the Charles halfe the way, and then lost them, a
violent wind arising at Northwest, which separated vs.
After which we had faire wether, and came to the coast of Cape Rase, and
had no further knowledge thereof, because the winde was at the Southwest
but a scarce gale: and we came to the sounding Southwest of the Isles of
S. Peter about 10. leagues, where we found 20. fathoms water, and we
sayled Northwest one quarter of the North, and came within 12. leagues of
Cape de Rey.
The next day being the 6. of May 1591. we were come to Cape de Rey, and
saw a ship Southwest of vs, and stayed there that night.
The next day being the seuenth of the sayd moneth, we came to the Isles of
Aponas, where we put foorth our boat, because we had not past 8. leagues
to our hauen, which we kenned very clearly, although the coasts lay very
low: and because the night approched, and the wind grew very high, we
sought not to seeke our port, because it is very hard to find it when the
wind is lofty, because of the shoalds that are about it. And we thought to
keepe our course vntill the next morning between the Isle of Biton and the
Isle of Aponas. But there arose so great a tempest at the Southwest, that
without the helpe of God we had bene in great danger among these Isles.
And we trauersed vp and downe eleuen dayes, making our prayers vnto God to
ende the tempest and to send vs faire weather, that we might obteine our
hauen: which of his goodnesse he gaue vs. The last of May we ranged the
Isle Ramea on the Northnorthwest side, vnto the contrary part of the land,
where it trendeth to the Southsoutheast: and seeing no land on the West
side, wee ranged the sayd land to the East one quarter to the North at the
least 15. leagues, and being from the shore some eight leagues, we found
15 fathoms water, and passed betweene the Isle of Duoron and the Isle of
Ramea, where goeth a chanel of 3. leagues bredth; in the midest whereof
you shall haue 7. 8. and 9. fathoms water. And the lowe poynt of the Isle
Ramea, and the Isle Duoron lie Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And
take heede you come not neere the low point of the Isle Ramea by a great
league, for I haue sounded it at 3. fathoms water. The Isle is marked. And
the harbour of the Isle Ramea lyeth Northeast and Southwest, one quarter
to the East and West. And if you would enter the sayd harbour, keepe you a
league off the shoare: for often times there is great danger.
(M45) And that you may know the sayd hauen, to the Eastnortheast of the
sayde Isle there are high lands appearing to them that are without on all
sides like a number of Islands, but in very deede they are all firme land:
and if you come on the South and Southwest side, you shall see a hill
diuided into 3. parts, which I called The three hillockes, which is right
within the hauen. (M46) And for another better marke of the sayd harbour,
you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice, distant from the sayd
hauen 6. leagues at the least: and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie
Northeast and Southwest, a quarter to the North and South. And on the sayd
Isle there is good pebble (M47) stone to drie fish vpon: But to the West
thereof there is a very faire countrey: and there is a banke of sande,
which runneth the length of a cable, hauing not past one fathom water vpon
it. From the sayd Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West,
and you shall see as it were a great forrest running eastward: and the
Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt, and is great and red toward the
Sea. And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island,
but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part: and there is good
shingle to drie fish on. (M48) And you must coast the shore with boates
and not with ships, by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast. For I
haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two
fathoms water, neere a league and an halfe from shore, and I iudged by
reason of the highnesse of the land, that there had bene aboue thirtie
fathoms water, which was nothing so: and I haue sounded comming neere the
shore, in more or lesse depth. (M49) The coast stretcheth three leagues to
the West from Lisle Blanche or the white Isle, vnto the entrance of a
riuer, where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses
or Sea oxen, accounting small and great, where at full sea you may come on
shoare with boates, and within are two or three fathoms water. From thence
the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West 1/4 to the Northwest vnto the
Isle Hupp, which is twentie leagues in circuit, and is like the edge of a
knife: vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse: there are Morses vpon it,
but they bee hard to be taken. From thence the coast trendeth to the
Northwest and Northnorthwest: which is all that I haue seene, to wit, the
two sides and one ende of the Isle. And if I had had as good lucke as my
Masters, when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe, I would haue
aduentured to haue sayled South-southeast, to haue discouered the Easterne
shoare of the sayd Isle.
(M50) In your returne to the East, as you come from the hauen of Cape du
Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds. And three good leagues
from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of
ground: where there is an hauen toward the Southeast: and as you enter
into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side; a dented Cape all of redde
land. (M51) And you cannot enter into the sayd hauen but with the flood,
because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the
sayd hauen. The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest; but when the
wind is very great, it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood. But
ordinarily it floweth fiue foote and an halfe. (M52) The markes to enter
into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your
comming in on the starreboord; and the poynt of the hauen toward the West
hath a thick Island, which you shall see on the other side, and it hath a
little round Buttresse, which lyeth on the East side of the Island. There
are also two other buttresses more easie to be seene then hidden: these
are not to the East but to the West, and they haue markes on them. Here
you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this
barre. And the sounding is stone and rough ground. (M53) At your entring
in, when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the
Cape, then you are vpon the barre: and bee not afrayd to passe vp the
chanell. And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre, when you haue
brought an Island euen, which lyeth to the westward without, with the
thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West, you shall bee
past the barre: and the chanell runneth due North. (M54) And for your
anchoring in the sayd hauen, see that you carefully seeke the middest of
the sayd Thicke land, which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen: for
you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand, where the passage is but
narrow. And you must anker surely: for there goeth a great tyde: for the
Sea runneth there as swiftly. There is good ground and ankorage here: and
you shall ride in three fathom water. And within the sayde hauen there is
nothing to hurt you, for you are free from all winds. (M55) And if by
chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen, you may seeke an
entrance, which is right ouer against the small Island named before, which
is called The Isle of Cormorants; and you may enter in there as at the
other hauen at a full sea: And you must passe vpon the West side, and you
shall finde on the Barre at a full sea fourteene foote water, and great
depth when you are entred in: for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that
place: and the entrie thereof lyeth Southeast and Northwest.
Right ouer against you on the other side, you may passe with boates at a
full sea. And all these entrances make all but one hauen, which is good
within. I say this, because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one
and the other passage. And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in
the middest. It is but two bankes of sande, whereof one is like to that of
S. Malo, which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the
Isle: But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut
and separated with streames and riuers.
To anker in the sayd harbour, you must not ride farther then fiue or sixe
cables length from the sayd hauen.
VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14 of
September. 1591.
Right Honourable, my humble duetie to your good Lordship done, I thought
good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by
two smal shippes of Saint Malo; the one 8 daies past being prised neare
Silley by a ship of which I am part owner, called the Pleasure, sent by
this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard, for her Maiesties seruice. Which
prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd shippes, with
upwards of fortie tunnes of Traine. The Island lyeth in 47. degrees, some
fiftie leagues from the grand Bay, neere Newfoundland: and is about
twentie leagues about, and some part of the Island is flat Sands and
shoulde: and the fish commeth on banke (to do their kinde) in April May
and Iune, by numbers of thousands, which fish is very big: and hath two
great teeth: and the skinne of them is like Buffes leather: and they will
not away from their yong ones. The yong ones are as good meat as Veale.
And with the bellies of fiue of the saide fishes they make a hogshead of
Traine, which Traine is very sweet, which if it will make sope, the king
of Spaine may burne some of his Oliue trees. Humbly praying your Lordship
to pardon herein my boldnes, betaking your Honour to the keeping of the
Almightie. From Bristoll this 14 of September. 1591. Your Honours most
humbly at commandement. THOMAS IAMES.
IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.
In the first voyage of Iaques Carthier, wherein he discouered the Gulfe of
S. Laurence and the said Isle of Ramea, in the yeere 1534. as you may
reade in pag. 250 of this present volume,(10) he met with these beasts, as
he witnesseth in these words. About the said Island are very great beasts
as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in their mouthes like vnto
Elephants teeth, and liue also in the sea. Wee sawe one of them sleeping
vpon the banke of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with
our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe into the sea.
Touching these beasts which Iaques Carthier saith to be as big as Oxen,
and to haue teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth: True it is that
they are called in Latine Boues Marini, or Vaccæ Marinæ, and in the
Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I haue seene as big as any Oxe
hide, and being dressed I haue yet a piece of one thicker then any two Oxe
or Buls hides in England. The Leather dressers take them to be excellent
good to make light targets against the arrowes of the Sauages; and I hold
them farre better then the light leather targets which the Moores vse in
Barbarie against arrowes and lances, whereof I haue seene diuers in her
Maiesties stately Armorie in the towre of London. The teeth of the sayd
fishes, whereof I haue seene a dry flat full at once, are a foote and some
times more in length: and haue bene sold in England to the combe and knife
makers, at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight, whereas the best
Iuory is solde for halfe the money: the graine of the bone is somewhat
more yellow then the Iuorie. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old
friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition, shewed me one of
these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first
prize, which was half a yard long or very little lesse: and assured mee
that he had made tryall of it in ministering medicine to his patients, and
had found it as soueraigne against poyson as any Vnicornes horne.(11)
X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife vnto
Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe, 1593.
Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.
(M56) The ship called the Marigold of 70 tunnes in burthen furnished with
20 men, wherof 10 were mariners, the Masters name being Richard Strong of
Apsham, the Masters mate Peter Langworth of Apsham, with 3 coopers, 2
butchers to flea the Morsses or sea Oxen (whereof diuers haue teeth aboue
a cubit long and skinnes farre thicker then any buls hide) with other
necessary people, departed out of Falmouth the 1 of Iune 1593 in consort
of another ship of M. Drakes of Apsham, which vpon some occasion was not
ready so soone as shee should haue bene by two moneths. (M57) The place
for which these two ships were bound was an Island within the streightes
of Saint Peter on the backe side of Newfoundland to the Southwest in the
latitude of fortie seuen degrees, called by the Britons of Saint Malo the
Isle of Ramea, but by the Sauages and naturals of the Continent next
adioyning Menquit: On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and
mightie Sea Oxen with great teeth in the moneths of April, May and Iune,
that there haue bene fifteene hundreth killed there by one small barke, in
the yeere 1591. The two English shipps aforesayde, lost companie before
they came to Newfoundland: and neuer came after together in all their
voyage.
The ship of M. George Drake fell first with New-foundland, and afterward
very directly came to the Isle Ramea, though too late in the yeere to make
her voyage: where shee found a shippe of Saint Malo three parts fraighted
with these fishes: the men whereof enquiring whence our shippe was and who
was the Master thereof, being answered that shee was belonging to Master
George Drake of Apsham, fearing to bee taken as good prize being of a
Leaguer towne, and at that time out of league with England, fled so
hastily that present night that they left three and twentie men and three
Shallops behinde them, all which our men seazed vpon and brought away as
good prises home.
Here our men tooke certaine Sea-Oxen, but nothing such numbers as they
might haue had, if they had come in due season, which they had neglected.
The shippe called the Marigolde fell with Cape Saint Francis in
Newfoundland the eleuenth of Iulie, and from thence wee went into the Bay
Rogneuse, and afterward doubled Cape Razo, and sayling toward the straight
of Saint Peter (which is the entrance betweene Newfoundland and Cape
Briton,) being vnacquainted with the place, beate vp and downe a very long
time, and yet missed it, and at length ouer shot it, and fell with Cape
Briton.
(M58) Here diuerse of our men went on land vpon the very Cape, where, at
their arriuall they found the spittes of Oke of the Sauages which had
roasted meate a litle before. And as they viewed the countrey they sawe
diuers beastes and foules, as blacke Foxes, Deere, Otters, great Foules
with redde legges, Pengwyns, and certaine others. But hauing found no
people here at this our first landing wee went againe on shipboorde, and
sayled farther foure leagues to the West of Cape Briton, where wee sawe
many Seales. (M59) And here hauing neede of fresh water we went againe on
shore. And passing somewhat more into the land, wee founde certaine round
pondes artificially made by the Sauages to keepe fish in, with certaine
weares in them made to take fish. To these pondes wee repayred to fill our
caske with water. (M60) Wee had not bene long here, but there came one
Sauage with blacke long hayre hanging about his shoulders who called vnto
vs, weauing his handes downewardes towardes his bellie, vsing these
wordes, Calitogh Calitogh: as wee drewe towardes him one of our mens
musket vnawares shot off: wherevpon hee fell downe, and rising vp suddenly
againe hee cryed thrise with a loude voyce Chiogh, Chiogh, Chiogh. (M61)
Thereupon nine or tenne of his fellowes running right vp ouer the bushes
with great agilitie and swiftnesse came towardes vs with white staues in
their handes like halfe pikes, and their dogges of colour blacke not so
bigge as a grey-hounde followed them at the heeles; but wee retired vnto
our boate without any hurt at all receiued. Howbeit one of them brake an
hogshead which wee had filled with fresh water, with a great branche of a
tree which lay on the ground. Vpon which occasion we bestowed halfe a
dozen muskets shotte vpon them, which they avoyded by falling flatte to
the earth, and afterwarde retired themselues to the woodes. One of the
Sauages, which seemed to bee their Captaine, ware a long mantle of beastes
skinnes hanging on one of his shoulders. The rest were all naked except
their priuities, which were couered with a skinne tyed behinde. After they
had escaped our shotte they made a great fire on the shore, belike to giue
their fellowes warning of vs.
The kindes of trees that wee noted to bee here, were goodly Okes, Firre
trees of a great height, a kinde of tree called of vs Quickbeame, and
Cherie trees, and diuerse other kindes to vs vnknowne, because wee stayed
not long with diligence to obserue them: and there is great shewe of
rosen, pitch, and tarre. Wee found in both the places where wee went on
land abundance of Raspeses, Strawberies, Hurtes, and herbes of good smell,
and diuers good for the skuruie, and grasse very ranke and of great
length. (M62) Wee sawe fiue or sixe boates sayling to the Southwestwardes
of Cape Briton, which wee iudged to bee Christians, which had some trade
that way. Wee sawe also, while wee were on shore, the manner of their
hanging vp their fish and flesh with withes to dry in the ayre: they also
lay them vpon raftes and hurdles and make a smoake vnder them, or a softe
fire, and so drie them as the Sauages vse to doe in Virginia.
(M63) While wee lay foure leagues South of Cape Briton wee sounded and had
sixtie fathomes black ozie ground. And sayling thence Westwarde nine or
ten leagues off the shore, we had twenty foure fathomes redde sande, and
small whitish stones. (M64) Wee continued our course so farre to the
Southwest, that wee brought ourselues into the latitude of fourtie foure
degrees and an half, hauing sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues to the
Southwest of Cape Briton. We found the current betweene this Cape Briton
and Cape Rey to set out toward the Eastsoutheast. (M65) In our course to
the West of Cape Briton we saw exceeding great store of seales, and
abundance of Porposes, whereof we killed eleuen. We sawe Whales also of
all sortes aswel small as great: and here our men tooke many Iberded
Coddes with one teate vnderneath, which are like to the Northeast Cods,
and better then those of Newfoundland.
(M66) From our arriuall at the hauen of Saint Francis in Newfoundland,
(which was as is aforesayde the eleuenth of Iuly) we continued beating vp
and downe on the coast of Arambec to the West and Southwest of Cape Briton
vntil the twentie eight of September, fully by the space of eleuen weekes:
and then by the perswasion of our Master and certaine others wee shaped
our course homeward by the Isles of the Açores, and came first to Coruo
and Flores, where beating vp and downe, and missing of expected pray, we
sayled by Tercera, and from thence to Saint Michael, where we sought to
boorde a Portugall shippe, which we found too well appointed for vs to
bring along with vs, and so being forced to leaue them behinde and hauing
wasted all our victuals, wee were constrained against our willes to hasten
home vnto our narrowe Seas: but it was the two and twentieth of December
before wee could get into the Downes: where for lacke of winde wee kept
our Christmas with dry breade onely for dropping of our clothes. (M67) One
thing very strange hapened in this voyage: to witte, that a mightie great
Whale followed our shippe by the space of many dayes as we passed by Cape
Razo, which by no meanes wee coulde chase from our ship, untill one of our
men fell ouerboord and was drowned, after which time shee immediatly
forsooke vs, and neuer afterward appeared vnto vs.(12)
XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.
In the beginning of the former relation written by Richard Fisher seruant
to the worshipfull Master Hill of Redriffe is, as you reade, a briefe
reporte of their loosing of their consort the shippe of Master George
Drake of Apsham: which though shee came directly to the Isle of Ramea, yet
because shee was not ready so soone by two moneths as she ought to haue
bene, she was not onely the hinderance of her consort the Marigolde, and
lost the season of the yere for the making of her voyage of killing the
Morses or Sea Oxen, which are to be taken in Aprill, May, and Iune: but
also suffered the fit places and harboroughs in the Isle which are but
two, as farre as I can learne, to be forestalled and taken vp by the
Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint Iohn de Luz, by comming a
day after the Fayre, as wee say. Which lingering improuidence of our men
hath bene the ouerthrowe of many a worthy enterprize and of the
vndertakers of the same.
The relation of this voyage at large I was promised by the Authour
himselfe: but the same not comming to my handes in tyme I am constrained
to leaue it out. The want whereof, for the better vnderstanding of the
state of the sayde Island, the frequenting of that gainefull trade by the
aforesayd nations of the Britons and Baskes, may in part be supplyed by
the voyage of Master Charles Leigh to the sayde Island of Ramea: which
also comming much too late thither, as Master George Drake had done, was
wholly preuented and shutte out to his and his friendes no small detriment
and mischiefe, and to the discouraging of others hereafter in the sayde
gainefull and profitable trade.
Neuerthelesse albeit hitherto the successe hath not answered our
expectation through our owne default, as is abouesaid, yet I was very
willing to set downe in briefe and homely stile some mention of these
three voyages of our owne men. The first of M. George Drake, the second of
M. Siluester Wyet, the third of M. Charles Leigh, because they are the
first, for ought that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of our own Nation,
that haue conducted English ships so farre within this gulfe of S.
Laurence, and haue brought vs true relation of the manifold gaine which
the French, Britaynes, Baskes, and Biskaines do yerely returne from the
sayd partes; while wee this long time haue stood still and haue bene idle
lookers on, making courtesie who should giue the first aduenture, or once
being giuen, who should continue or prosecute the same.
XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of
Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for the
barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
Shipmaster of Bristoll.
Wee departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place
aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594 and fell with Cape d’Espere
on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteenth of May in the heighth of 47.
We went thence for Cape Raz, being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues,
the very same day.
The 20 day we were thwart of Cape Raz.
Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie, which is distant from
Cape Raz 19 leagues, and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia
almost at the entrie thereof.
(M68) From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing
by the broken Islands of the Martyers, our course to the Isles of S. Pedro
was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire
harbour, which we went into with our barke, and found there 2 ships of
Sibiburo fishing for Cod: where we stayed 2 dayes, and tooke in balest for
our ship. There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein, as in
any other part of Newfoundland. Then wee departed thence, and as we came
out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee, and in 2 houres
space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision
of our ship. Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the
gulffe of S. Laurence betweene Cape Briton and the said Isle, and set our
course West North West, and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be
distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues. From Cape de Rey to Cape de
Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13
leagues. From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran
Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues.
In this bay of Saint George, we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine
ships, which had bene cast away three yeeres before: where we had some
seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes, and some yron bolts and chaines of
their mayne shrouds and fore shroudes: al their traine was beaten out with
the weather but the caske remained still. Some part of the commodities
were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils, which couered
part of the caske, and the greater part of those Whale finnes, which we
vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped, and were brought
to S. Iohn de Luz. Here we found the houses of the Sauages, made of firre
trees bound together in the top and set round like a Doue-house, and
couered with the barkes of firre trees, wee found also some part of their
victuals, which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire,
and a dish made of a ryne of a tree, sowed together with the sinowes of
the Deere, wherein was oile of the Deere. There were also foules called
Cormorants, which they had pluckt and made ready to haue dressed, and
there we found a wooden spoone of their making. And we discerned the
tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men, women and children.
When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed
there ten dayes, wee departed for the Northern point of the said Bay,
which is nine or ten leagues broade. Then being enformed, that the Whales
which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a
time, are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of
Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great
riuer that runneth vp to Canada, we shaped our course ouer to that long
Isle of Natiscotec, and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost
ende thereof to be about fourty foure leagues: and it standeth in the
latitude of 49. (M69) Here wee arriued about the middest of Iune at the
East end, and rode in eighteene fadome water, in faire white sand and very
good ankerage, and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found
wonderfull faire and great Cod fish: we went also seuen of vs on shore and
found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees, and heard and
sawe store of land and sea foules, and sawe the footing of diuers beastes
in the sand when we were on shore. From the Easter end we went to the
Norther side of the Island, which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect
of the length thereof. And after wee had searched two dayes and a night
for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there, and
missed of our purpose, we returned backe to the Southwarde, and were
within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lyeth South from the
Eastermost part of Natiscoter some twelue leagues. From the Isle of
Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island
of Cape Briton: then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came
into the Bay of Placentia, and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten
leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of
Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescore and odde
sayles, whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes, of whom we were very
well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There
the men of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to
make vp our voyage with fish. Then wee departed ouer to the other side of
the Bay, where we arriued in an harbour which is called Pesmarck, and
there made our stage and fished so long, that in the ende the Sauages
came, and in the night, when our men were at rest, cut both our pinnesse
and get them againe. Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages, we
departed for Cape Saint Marie, and hauing passed Cape Kaz, we passed
Northwarde foureteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon, and finding there
two and twentie sayles of Englishmen, wee made vp our fishing voyage to
the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good
content: and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a
seuen night, and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the
grace of God the 24 of September. 1594.
XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton and
the Isle of Ramea.
The Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes, whereof was M.
William Crafton, and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes,
whereof was M. Steuen Bennet, bound vnto the riuer of Canada, set to sea
at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of
London merchants (the saide Charles Leigh himselfe, and Steuen Van Herwick
brother to the sayd Abraham, going themselues in the said ships as chiefe
commanders of the voyage) departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8
of April 1597. And after some hindrances, arriuing at Falmouth in Cornewal
the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe. And with prosperous windes
the 18 of May we were vpon the Banke of Newfoundland. The 19 we lost the
Chancewel. The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of
Assumption, where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French
ship: and afterward in the same bay wee met with our consort. Whereupon we
presently put to sea againe: and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay,
where we remained by extremitie of foule weather, and to mend a pinnes of
7 or 8 tunnes (which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of
Dartmouth the Admiral of that place) vntill the last of May. On which day
departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke
Shallops but could find none. The first of Iune we set saile from
Rogneuse, and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape
Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme. The 4 we set saile, and this
day we saw a great Island of yce. The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in
a fog at the mouth of the bay of Placentia. The 11 at Sunne setting we had
sight of Cape Briton. (M70) And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we
cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of
Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground. In that place we caught great
store of Cods, which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland.
The 13 wee weyed anker againe, and being becalmed about a league from the
shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes
aboue ground, and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship.
(M71) The 14 we came to the two Islands of Birds, some 23 leagues from
Monego: where there were such abundance of Birds, as is almost incredible
to report. (M72) And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds, we saw
great store of Morsses or sea Oxen, which were a sleepe vpon the rockes:
but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues
into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee
from them. The 16 we arriued at Brians Island, which lyeth 5 leagues West
from the Island of Birds. About this Island ther is as great aboundance of
cods as in any place can be found. In litle more then an houre we caught
with 4 hookes 250 of them. Here we caught also a great Turbut which was an
elle long and a yard broad: which was so great that the hooke could not
hold her into the ship: but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke
and escaped. (M73) In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for
corne and meadow, and great store of wood, but of smal groweth. Springes
of fresh water we found none in all the Island, but some standing pooles
of raine water. The same day at night we weighed anker againe. The 17 we
had stormy weather. The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea, where we
appointed to meet with our consort. And approching neere vnto the
harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our
great boate into the harborough, with the masters mate and some dozen more
of the company: who when they came in, found 4 ships. Namely 2 of Saint
Malo in Britaigne, and two of Sibiburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de Luz
being the French Kings subiects, whom they supposed to haue bene of
Spaine, and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into
harborough, finding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre
and a mightie great current in, when wee had cast anker we sent presently
to speake with the masters of all the ships: but those only of Saint Malo
came aboord, whom wee entertained very friendly, and demaunded of whence
the other two shippes were. They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de
Luz or Sibiburo. Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both
the sayd shippes, to request them to come aboord, and to bring with them
there Charters parties and other euidences, to the ende we might knowe of
whence they were. At which message one of the sayde Masters came aboord,
with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe: whom when we had
examined, they sayd that they were of Sibiburo, and the French Kings
subiects. We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough
peaceably to deliuer up their powder and munition: promising them that if
we found them to be the French Kings subiects it shoulde be kept in
safetie for them without diminishing. But they woulde not consent
thereunto: whereunto we replyed, that vnlesse they would consent thereunto
we would hold them to be our enemies. They not consenting, we sent the
boate well manned to fetch their powder and munition from aboorde their
ship; but straightly commanded our men not to touch anything else in the
ship vpon their further perill: which they promised to performe. When they
came aboorde the said ships which were mored together, they were resisted
by force of armes, but quickly they got the victorie: which done, they
fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes, contrary to their promise:
whereupon we sent another to forbidde them: but when he came to them, none
was more ready of pillage then he. Whereupon I went my selfe, and tooke
away from our men whatsoever they had pillaged, and gaue it againe to the
owners: onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be
kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were. When I had done, I
gaue the Baskes possession of their shippe againe, and tolde them they
should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings
subjects. Then I caryed away all our men, and also tooke with me two or
three of the chiefest of them, and when I came aboord went to examining of
them, and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France:
whereupon I tolde the master of the said ship, that I was throughly
satisfied that he was of France and so dismissed him in peace. Of the
other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine, but had no
certaine proofe thereof, wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace.
After I had thus dismissed them, our ships company fell into a mutiny, and
more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away. But they
were preuented of their euill purpose by ayde which the saide ships
receiued from their countreymen in the other harborough: (M74) For the
next morning, which was the twentieth of Iune, very early there were
gathered together out of all the ships in both harboroughs, at the least
300 Frenchmen and Britons, who had planted vpon the shore three pieces of
Ordinance against vs, and had prepared them selues in al readinesse to
fight with vs, which so soone as as we had discried them gaue the onset
vpon vs with at least an hundred small shot out of the woods. There were
also in a readines to assault vs about three hundred Sauages. (M75) But
after we had skirmished a while with them, we procured a parley by one of
the men of Saint Malo, whose ship rowed hard by vs: In which parley they
required some of our men to come on shore vnto them: wherevpon wee
requested M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them:
whom when they had they detained as prisoners; and then required the
powder and munition, which we had of the Baskes in possession; which we
surrendered vnto them in safetie as our intent alwayes was, which done,
there (M76) came aboord vnto vs one Captaine Charles, who was captaine of
the great ship of Saint Malo, which rode in the other harborough: who
challenged our great boate which we had at Farillon to be his. And while
we were in talke with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought
to be Spaniards, wee had almost bene betraied. For the said Captaine
Charles with halfe a dozen more of his company kept themselues aboord of
our ship and held vs in a talke, while thirtie or fortie others should
haue entred our ship vnawares from one of the ships of S. Malo, which
professed to be our friend, and vnto whom we shewed all courtesie. But we
perceiuing their treacherous intent, threatned to set fire on the said
ship, which was then thwart our hawse, from which they would haue entred.
By which resolution of ours God did discourage them from effecting their
mischieuous purposes. Now the said captaine Charles when he saw himself
preuented of his wicked intents, took his boat presently to go on shore,
and promised that all things should be ended in peace betweene vs, and
that he would send vs our two men againe. But when he was on shore he
presently sent for our great boat which he claimed to be his, and withall
commanded vs out of the harborough, but he sent not our men as he
promised, we being now the weaker side did not only deliuer his boat but
also determined to be gon and then requested them to help vs with our
anker which was on shore; but they would not. Then we desired them to cut
the bent of the cable vpon the anker on shore (for we durst not send our
boat lest they should haue kept from vs both our boat and men) which they
promised to do for vs, as also to send our men; but when they were on
shore, they would do neither. We therefore seeing their falshood in euery
thing, durst no longer tary for feare of farther treachery; wherefore we
concluded to cut our cable in the hawse: which we did, and so departed the
harborow about 9 of the clock, leauing two of our men with our cable and
anker, and 20 fathoms of a new hawser behind vs. And as we were going
away, they made great shewes of friendship, and dranke vnto vs from the
shore; but more for feare then loue, and requested vs to come on shore for
our men, whom then they deliuered. (M77) The same morning in passing ouer
the barre before the harborowes mouth, and by that time that we had all
our men aboord, our ship came on ground vpon the sands; where we lay some
8 houres: during which time, at low water we trimmed our ship without
boord, and by the great prouidence of God found our leake which then we
stopped. About sixe of the clocke at night we got our ship on float
againe, and that night ankered within part of the barre, which then
because of the wind we could not passe. (M78) But it pleased God to send
vs faire weather all that night, and the next day by noone we had gotten
our ship cleane ouer the bar. The 21 day after we got ouer the barre the
wind arose at east and eastsoutheast, we blew right into the bay: which if
it had come before we were cleere of the bar, we had both ship and men
perished in the sands. (M79) The same day, because the wind kept vs within
the bay, we went to the Isle Blanch, where the ships of the other harborow
had their stages: but it was at least two leagues from their ships: where
we hoped by friendship to procure a shallope and assurance of our cable
and anker againe. But when we had approched nere the shore with our ship,
and weaued them with a white flag, they in sted of comming vnto vs, sent
their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance, which they
had placed on shore of purpose against vs; so that they would neither
speake with vs, nor permit vs to come nere them. Thus we departed, and
would haue put to sea that night: but there was much wind at East, which
kept vs within the bay, and inforced vs to come to an anker vnder Isle
Blanch. The next morning being the 22. we put to sea, and about 12 of the
clocke the same day, the wind being at Northeast and foule weather, the
master sayd he could not ply vp to Grande Coste, because of the leeshore,
and the wind against vs, and therefore asked what we should do. (M80) I
asked then how farre we had to the river of cape Briton: he sayd a little
way. Then sayd I, If it be not farre, we were best to go thither to trade
with the Sauages while the wind is contrary, and to take in water and
balist, which we wanted. To which the master sayd, that if I would he
would cary vs thither. I thinking it to be the best course, sayd I was
content, so farre forth as that from thence we tooke the first faire wind
for Grande Coste. Hereupon the master willed him at the helme to keepe his
course southeast and southeast and by south. Presently after I asked him
how many leagues we had to the sayd riuer, and from the sayd riuer to
Grande Coste. He then sayd that we had 40. leagues to the riuer, and from
the riuer to Grande Coste 120 leagues. Hereupon I said I would not consent
to go so far out of our way, but willed him to keep his directest course
for Grande Coste; which he did. Within one halfe houre afterwards the 23
day the gunner and company of the ship presented me and the master with a
request in writing to returne for England or to goe for the Islands of
Açores for a man of war, for they would not proceed on their voyage to
Grande Coste; and therefore do what I could they turned the the helme
homewards. (M81) The 14 of Iune we sent our boat on shore in a great bay
vpon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. The 25 we arriued on the West side
of the Isle of Menego, where we left some caske on shore in a sandy bay,
but could not tary for foule weather. The 26 we cast anker in another bay
vpon the maine of Cape Briton. (M82) The 27 about tenne of the clocke in
the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a
shallope; who told vs that their ship was cast away vpon the maine of Cape
Briton, within a great bay eighteene leagues within the Cape, and vpon a
rocke within a mile of the shore, vpon the 23 of this moneth about one of
the clocke in the afternoon: and that they had cleered their ship from the
rocke: but being bilged and full of water, they presently did run her vp
into a sandy bay, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently
after there came aboord many shallops with store of French men, who robbed
and spoiled all they could lay hands on, pillaging the poore men euen to
their very shirts, and vsing them in sauage maner: whereas they should
rather as Christians haue aided them in that distresse. Which newes when
we heard, we blessed God, who by his diuine prouidence and vnspeakeable
mercy had not onely preserued all the men, but brought vs thither so
miraculously to ayd and comfort them. (M83) So presently we put into the
road where the Chancewell lay; where was also one ship of Sibiburo, whose
men that holpe to pillage the Chancewell were runne away into the woods.
But the master thereof which had dealt very honestly with our men stayed
in his ship, and came aboord of vs whom we vsed well, not taking any thing
from him that was his, but onely such things as we could finde of our
owne. And when we had dispatched our businesse, we gaue him one good
cable, one olde cable and an anker, one shallop with mast, sailes, and
other furniture, and other things which belonged to the ship. In
recompence whereof he gaue vs two hogsheads of sider, one barrel of peaze,
and 25 score of fish. The 29 betimes in the morning we departed from that
road toward a great Biskaine some 7 leagues off of 300 tun, whose men
dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels company. The same night we ankered
at the mouth of the harborow, where the Biskain was. The 30 betimes in the
morning we put into the harborow; and approching nere their stage, we saw
it vncouered, and so suspected the ship to be gone: whereupon we sent our
pinnesse on shore with a dozen men, who when they came, found great store
of fish on shore, but all the men were fled: neither could they perceiue
whether the ship should be gone, but as they thought to sea. This day
about twelue of the clocke we tooke a Sauages boat which our men pursued:
but all the Sauages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their
boat on boord. The same day in the afternoone we brought our ship to an
anker in the harborow: and the same day we tooke three hogsheads and an
halfe of traine, and some 300 of greene fish. (M84) Also in the euening
three of the Sauages, whose boat we had, came vnto vs for their boat; to
whom we gaue coats and kniues, and restored them their boate againe. The
next day being the first of Iuly, the rest of the Sauages came vnto vs,
among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, and their queene, to
whom also we gaue coats and kniues, and other trifles. (M85) These Sauages
called the harborow Cibo. In this place are the greatest multitude of
lobsters that euer we heard of: for we caught at one hawle with a little
draw net aboue 140. The fourth of Iuly in the morning we departed from
Cibo. And the fift we cast anker in a reasonable good harborow called New
Port vnder an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, and within three
leagues from the English port. At this place in pursuing certaine shallops
of a ship of Rochel, one of them came aboord, who told vs, that the
Biskainer whom we sought, was in the English port with two Biskainers
more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon wee sent one of our men in the
Rochellers shallop to parle with the admiral and others our friends in the
English port, requesting them ayd for the recouery of our things, which
the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Master
Iohannes de Harte, and Pilot Adame de Lauandote) had robbed from the
Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in vnto them in
peace, they would assist vs what they might. This answere we had the sixt
day: and the seuenth in the fornoone we arriued in the English port, and
cast anker aloofe from the other ships: which done, I went aboord the
Admirall, to desire the performance of his promise: who sent for Iohannes
de Harte, who was contented to restore most of our things againe:
whereupon I went aboord his ship to haue them restored. This day and the
eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had robbed; but yet in the
end we wanted a great part thereof. Then we were briefe with them, and
willed them either to restore vs the rest of our things which they had, or
els we would both inforce them to doe it, and also haue satisfaction for
our victuals and merchandises which by their meanes were lost in the
Chancewell. The ninth in the morning wee prepared our ship to goe neere
vnto them. Whereupon their Admirall sent his boat aboord, and desired to
speake with mee: then I went aboord vnto him, and desired to haue our
things with peace and quietnesse, proffering to make him and the Masters
of the two ships of Rochel our vmpires, and what they should aduise I
would stand vnto. Heereupon he went aboord the other ship to make peace;
but they would heare no reason, neither yet condescend to restore any
thing els which they had of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace
vnto them, they would so set me aboord my ship againe: which they denied
to doe, but most vniustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was
with me. A while after our shallop came with foure men to know how I did,
and to fetch me aboord: but so soone as she came to the Admirals ships
side, his men entred, and tooke her away, detaining our men also as
prisoners with vs. Then presently all the three Biskainers made toward our
ship, which was not carelesse to get the winde of them all: and hauing by
the mercy of God obtained the same, shee then stayed for them: but when
they saw they had lost their aduantage, they presently turned their
course, making as great haste in againe as they did out before. Afterwards
I attempted twise to goe aboord, but was still enforced backe by the two
other Biskainers, who sought our liues: so that in the end the Master of
the Admirall was inforced to man his great boat to waft vs: and yet
notwithstanding they bent a piece of great ordinance at vs: for we were to
passe by them vnto our ship: but we rescued our shallop vnder our Masters
great boat; and by that meanes passed in safety. The next morning being
the tenth of the moneth, we purposed if the winde had serued our turne, to
haue made them to repent their euill dealing, and to restore vs our owne
againe, or els to haue suncke their ships if we could. (M86) But the winde
serued not our turne for that purpose; but caried vs to sea: so that the
same morning wee tooke our course toward the bay of S. Laurence in
Newfoundland: where wee hoped to finde a Spanish ship, which as we had
intelligence, did fish at that place. (M87) The thirteenth day we had
sight of S. Peters Islands. And the foureteenth day being foggy and misty
weather, while we made towards the land, we sent our shallop before the
shippe to discouer dangers: but in the fogge, through the mens negligence
which were in her, she lost vs: yet we kept on our course, thinking that
although we could not see them, yet they might see our ship: and comming
into sixteene fathoms water we cast anker, supposing our selues to be
neere the shore: and in the euening it pleased God to giue vs for the
space of one quarter of an houre clere weather, by which we found our
selues to be imbayed, and also had sight of our shallop, which was at the
point of a land about one league from vs. The same night we went further
into the same bay, where we had very good riding. The fifteenth we went on
shore, and in that place found footing of deere, and before we returned we
killed one. (M88) The eighteenth we departed toward S. Laurence: the same
euening we had sight of S. Laurence, and sent off our boat in the night
with our Master and sixteene men to surprise the Spanyard, which lay in
Litle S. Laurence: who presently vpon the entrance of our men surrendered
vp their ship and goods. The nineteenth in the morning before day, the
Master of our ship with two more, and three Spanyards, tooke a boat and
came foorth to meet our shippe, but being foggy, he cast anker by the
mouth of the harborow, thinking in faire weather to put out to our ship,
which through the current and foggy weather was put fiue or sixe leagues
to leeward: and while they were at anker in the boat they were surprised
again by certaine Basks of S. Iohn de Luz who were in Great S. Laurence
hard by. These Basks with their forces (hauing receiued intelligence by
one of the Spanyards, who sleeping on shore, escaped vnto them ouerland)
on the sudden surprised the sayd boat with our Master and others: and then
presently made vnto the ship; but our men aboord defended them off. (M89)
In the end they threatned that vnlesse they would yeeld, they would kill
M. Crafton and our other men before their eyes. So at last vpon M.
Craftons intreaty and our mens, to saue their liues, they yeelded vp the
ship againe, vpon condition, that they should not iniure any of our men,
but should let them all with their weapons peaceably depart: yet when our
men had yeelded, they brake their couenant, profering them great violence,
threatning to kill them, disarming them, stripping their clothes from
their backs, and vsing them more like dogs then men. After they had thus
robbed our men of their prize and weapons, they presently towed the shippe
with their boats out of that harborow into Great S. Laurence, where their
owne shippes did ride, and within lesse then an houre after they had
caried our prize away, our shippe arriued in the bay: where after we had
bene a while at anker, our shallop came aboord vnto vs, with most part of
our sixteene men, who tolde vs the whole story before recited, as also
that captaine Laurence had caried away our Master, and Stephen van
Herwicke prisoners, and turned the rest of our men on shore in the woods,
without either meat, drinke, or almost any apparell. The 20 all our men
came aboord, except the two prisoners: and the same day we tooke with our
boats three of the Spanyards shallops, with fiue hogsheads of traine oile
in ech of them, and in one boat foure Spanyards; but the men of the other
two shallops fled on shore. The same day also we tooke the Master of one
of the ships which was in the harborow with three other of his men, whom
we detained prisoners to ransome M. Crafton and Stephen van Henrick: The
22 captaine Laurence sent them aboord, and we also released all our
prisoners, except one Spanyard, who was boatswaine of the Spanish ship,
whom we kept with vs: and the same day we set from thence. (M90) The 24 we
had aduice of our Spanyard of certain Leagers which were in the harborow
of cape S. Mary. Whereupon the same night, being within fiue or six
leagues of the harborow, I sent off our two shallops with thirty men to
discouer the harborow, and to surprise the enemy. The 25 in the morning we
approched the harborow with our ship, and in the mouth thereof we espied
three shallops, two whereof were ours, and the third of a ship of Rochel,
which they had surprised with foure men in her: who told them that there
were but two ships in the harborow, whereof one was of Rochel, and the
other of Bell isle. And as we were discoursing with the Rochellers, we had
sight of the ships: whereupon we sent our boat aboord the Rocheller to
certifie him that we were his friends, and to request him not to hinder
our fight with the enemy. This message being sent, we made all the haste
we could vnto the ship of Belle isle, which first began with vs with three
great shot, one whereof hit our maintopsaile, but both the other missed
vs. And we also sent one vnto them: then being approched nere vnto them
ten or twelue of vs went in a shallop to enter them, and we caried also a
warpe with vs to make fast vnto their ship, whereby our ship might the
better come vp to ayd vs. And when we boorded them in our boat, they
betooke themselues to their close fights, playing chiefly vpon vs with
shot and pikes out at two ports, between which we entred very dangerously,
escaping neere dangers both by shot and pike. Some of our men were
wounded, but no great harme was done. And mine owne piece in entring, was
shot out of my hand into the sea: which shot also burst one side of the
ladder, by which I entred. We had not long bene aboord, but through the
helpe of God we caused them to yeeld vnto our mercy. (M91) There were of
them in the ship aboue forty men, most whereof we sent aboord our shippe,
there to be kept in holde, with order to our chyrurgion to dresse the
wounded men, one of which was wounded vnto death. That done, we had then
time to view our prize, which we found of great defence, and a notable
strong ship, almost two hundred tun in burden, very well appointed, and in
all things fitted for a man of warre. They had also foureteene or fifteene
men more, which were then absent from the ship; otherwise we should haue
had the hoter fight. The same day we got our sailes to the yard, and our
top masts on end, and rigged the shippe what we could. The 26 day we got
some oile aboord, and there we taried vntill the second of August, fitting
our selues for the sea, and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs.
During our abode there we diuided our men, and appointed to ech ship their
company, my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the
prize; wherein when we were shipped, and the company, there arose great
enmity against vs by the other shippe, which afterward was quieted. The
second day of August, hauing taken in water and wood, we put to sea from
that harborow in company of the Hopewell, with purpose to go directly to
Parlican, which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland, where we
expected another prize. But when we came to sea we found our sailes so
olde, our ropes so rotten, and our prouision of bread and drinke so short,
as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England:
whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August, and sent them
aboord the Hopewell, to certifie them the cause of our resolution for
England: wherat they were generally offended, thinking and saying, that we
in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them. To conclude, they sent
vs word that they would keepe vs company for England. But I had giuen
William Crafton commission before to go for the Island of the Açores, and
there to spend his victuals for a man of warre. The next day being the
fift of August, hauing a faire winde, we put off from the coast of
Newfoundland, and kept our course directly for England, the Hopewell
keeping vs company vntill midday, whenas hauing lost vs in a fogge, she
shot off two pieces of ordinance, and we answered her with three:
afterwards we spake not with her, supposing that she went for the Islands.
The 27 of August, drawing neere the coast of England, we sounded and found
ground at seuenty fadoms. Some of the mariners, thinking we were in
Bristow channell, and other in Silly channell: so that through variety of
iudgements, and euil marinership we were faine to dance the hay foure
dayes together, sometimes running to the Northeast, sometimes to the
Southeast, then againe to the East and Eastnortheast. Thus did we spend
faire winds, and lose our time vntill the last of August. And then it
pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of
Bristoll; from whence we shaped our course: and after diuers dangers, the
third of September we met with the Tramontane of the Queene off Dartmouth;
to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of. The
fift of September I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight, and within
few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London,
where she was made prize as belonging to the enemies of this land.
Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we
trauelled.
The Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists. The ground of it
is very rocky: and vpon it there is great store of firre trees, and in
some places red; and about the shore it hath great abundance of cod fish.
We were on land in it in foure seuerall places: 1 At Caplin bay and
Farrillon: 2 At Cape Rase: 3 At the harborow of Lano, which lieth foure
leagues to the West of Cape Laurence: 4 At S. Marie port.
The Island of Monego for the soile is much like Newfoundland, but the fish
about it, as also throwout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton, is much
larger and better than that of the Newfoundland. This Island is scant two
leagues long, and very narrow. In the midst of it, a great way within the
wood is a great poole. Here we were thrise on shore: once at the East
side, and twise at the West.
The three Islands of birds are sandy red, but with the multitude of birds
vpon them they looke white. The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in
a paued street. The greatest of the Islands is about a mile in compasse.
The second is little less. The third is a very little one, like a small
rocke. At the second of these there lay on the shore in the Sunshine about
thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses: which when our boat came nere them,
presently made into the sea, and swam after the boat.
Brions Island wee found to be very good, and sandy ground. It hath in it
store of firre trees. It is somewhat more than a league long, and about
three leagues in compasse. Here we were on land once, and went from the
one side of it to the other.
The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island, hauing
also abundance of firre trees. It seemeth to be in length about twelue or
thirteene leagues at least. We were there in harborow, but not on shore,
which we much desired, and hoped to haue bene: but the conflict which we
had there with the Basks and Britons, mentioned before, preuented vs.
The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of
it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd, but somewhat lesse. We were
not on shore vpon it, but rode before it at anker.
The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but
rather better. Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower
then the hils: as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland. The
Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the
West. We went on shore vpon it in fiue places: 1 At the bay where the
Chancewell was cast away: 2 At Cibo: 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo
and the New port: 4 At the New port: And 5 at Port Ingles, or the English
port.
Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island, Isle Blanche,
and of Ramea, they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood, great
store of wild corne like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberies,
white roses, and store of wilde peason. Also about the sayd Islands the
sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts. And the sayd Islands
also seeme to proffer, through the labour of man, plenty of all kinde of
our graine, of roots, of hempe, and other necessary commodities.
Charles Leigh.
XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.
How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo, with two ships,
and came to Newfoundland, and how he entred into the Port of Buona Vista.
After that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye, and Viceadmirall
of France had caused the Captaines, Masters, and Mariners of the shippes
to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of
the most Christian King of France, vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier,
vpon the twentieth day of Aprill 1534, we departed from the Port of S.
Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and 61 well appointed
men in each one: and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards, that
vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland, where we entred into
the Cape of Buona Vista, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe, and
in longitude ——.(13) But because of the great store of the ice that was
alongst the sayd land, we were constrayned to enter into an hauen called
S. Katherins Hauen, distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward
Southsoutheast: there did we stay tenne days looking for faire weather;
and in the meanwhile we mended and dressed our boats.
How we came to the Island of Birds, and of the great quantity of birds
that there be.
Vpon the 21 of May the wind being in the West, we hoisted saile, and
sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came
to the Island of Birds, which was enuironed about with a banke of ice, but
broken and crackt: notwithstanding the sayd banke, our two boats went
thither to take in some birds, whereof there is such plenty, that vnlesse
a man did see them, he would thinke it an incredible thing: for albeit the
Island (which containeth about a league in circuit) be so full of them,
that they seeme to haue been brought thither, and sowed for the nonce, yet
are there an hundred folde as many houering about as within; some of which
are as big as iayes, blacke and white, with beaks like vnto crowes: they
lie alwayes upon the sea; they cannot flie very high, because their wings
are so little, and no bigger then halfe ones hand, yet do they flie as
swiftly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water; they are also
exceeding fat: we named them Aporath. In lesse then halfe an houre we
filled two boats full of them, as if they had bene with stones: so that
besides them which we did eat fresh, euery ship did powder and salt fiue
or sixe barrels full of them.
Of two sorts of birds, the one called Godetz, the other Margaulx; and how
we came to Carpunt.
Besides these, there is another kinde of birds which houer in the aire,
and ouer the sea, lesser than the others; and these doe all gather
themselves together in the Island, and put themselues vnder the wings of
birds that are greater: these we named Godetz. There are also of another
sort, but bigger, and white, which bite euen as dogs: those we named
Margaulx. And albeit the sayd island be 14 leagues from the maine land,
notwithstanding beares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd (M92)
birds: and our men found one there as great as any cow, and as white as
any swan, who in their presence leapt into the sea: and vpon Whitsunmunday
(following our voyage toward the land) we met her by the way, swimming
toward land as swiftly as we could saile. So soone as we saw her, we
pursued her with our boats, and by maine strength tooke her, whose flesh
was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calf of two yeres olde. (M93)
The Wednesday following, being the 27 of the moneth, we came to the
entrance of the bay of the Castles; but because the weather was ill and
the great store of ice we found, we were constrained to enter into an
harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt, where, because we would
not come out of it, we stayed til the ninth of Iune, what time we
departed, hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the said
Carpunt, which is latitude 51 degrees.
The description of Newfoundland, from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad.
The land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, which is the point of the entrance
of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast, and
Southsouthwest. All this part of land is parted into Islands one so near
the other, that there are but small riuers betweene them: thorow the which
you may passe with little boats, and therefore there are certaine good
harborows, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad. In one of these
Islands that is the highest of them all, being the top of it you may
plainly see the two low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo, from whence to
the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues; and there are
two entrances thereat, one on the East, the other on the South side of the
Island. But you must take heed of the side and point of the East, because
that euery where there is nothing els but shelues, and the water is very
shallow: you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe
a cable or thereabout, and then to goe toward the South to the sayd
Carpunt. Also you are to take heed of three shelues that are in the
chanell vnder the water: and toward the Island on the East side in the
chanell, the water is of three or four fadome deepe, and cleere ground.
The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast, and on the West you may go on
shore.
Of the Island which is now called S. Katherins Island.
Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay toward the West
and by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right
side, one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues, and
the other seuen, either more or lesse then the first, being a low and
plaine land, and it seemeth to be part of the maine land. I named it Saint
Katherines Island; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry soile;
but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground so that you must
go a little about. The sayd Island and the Port of Castles trend toward
North northeast, and South southwest, and they are about 15. leagues
asunder. (M94) From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte, which
is in the northerne part of the said Bay, that trendeth toward East
northeast, and West southwest, there are 12. leagues and an halfe: and
about two leagues from the port of Balances, that is to say, the third
part athwart the saide Bay the depth being sounded it is about 38.
fadomes: and from the said port of Balances to the white Sands towards
West southwest there is 15. leagues, but you must take heed of a shelfe
that lyeth about 3. leagues outward from the said white Sands on the
Southwest side aboue water like a boat.
Of the place called Blanc Sablon or the white Sand: of the Iland of Brest,
and of the Iland of Birds, of the sorts and quantitie of birds that there
are found: and of the Port called the Islettes.
White Sand is a Road in the which there is no place guarded from the
South, nor southeast. (M95) But toward South southwest from the saide road
there are two Ilands, one of the which is called Brest Iland, and the
other the Iland of Birds, in which there is great store of Godetz, and
crowes with red beakes and red feete: they make their nestes in holes
vnder the ground euen as Conies. A point of land being passed about a
league from white Sand, there is a Port and passage found called the
Islettes, a better place then white Sand: and there is great fishing. From
the said Port of the Islettes vnto another called Brest, the circuit is
about ten leagues. This Port is in latitude 51. degrees and 55. minutes,
and longitude ——.(14) From the Islettes to that place there are many other
Ilands: and the saide Port of Brest is also amongst those Ilands. Moreouer
the Ilands do compasse more then 3. leagues from the said Brest, being
low, and ouer them are the other lands aboue mentioned seene.
How we with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, and sayling onward
toward the West we passed amidst the Islettes, which were so many in
number, that it was not possible to tell them: and how we named them the
Islettes.
Vpon the 10. of June wee with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, to
furnish our selues with water and wood, and to make vs ready to passe the
said Bay. Vpon S. Barnabas day Seruice being heard, we with our boats went
beyond the said Port toward the west, to see what harboroughes were there:
wee passed through the midst of the Islettes, which were so many in number
that it was not possible they might be tolde, for they continued about 10.
leagues beyond the said Port. We to rest our selues stayed in one of them
a night, and there we found great store of ducke egges, and other birds
that there do make their nests, we named them all The Islettes.
Of the Port called S. Antonies Port, S. Seruans Port, Iames Cartiers Port:
of the riuer called S. Iames: of the customes and apparell of the
inhabitants in the Iland of White Sand.
The next day we passed the said Ilands, and beyond them all we found a
good hauen, which we named S. Antonies Hauen, and one or two leagues
beyond wee found a little riuer towarde the southwest coast, that is
betweene two other Ilands, and is a good harborough. There we set vp a
Crosse, and named it S. Seruans Port: and on the Southwest side of the
said Port and riuer, about one league there is a small Iland as round as
an Ouen, enuironed about with many other litle Ilands that giue notice to
the said Ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater riuer,
in (M96) which we tooke a good store of salmon, that we named S. Iames his
Riuer. Being in the said riuer, we saw a ship of Rochel that the night
before had passed the Port of Brest, where they thought to haue gone a
fishing: but the Mariners knew not where they were. We with our boats
approched neere vnto it, and did direct it to another Port one league more
toward the West than the said riuer of S. Iames, which I take to be one of
the best in all the world, and therefore wee named it Iames Carthiers
Sound. If the soile were as good as the harboroughes are, it were a great
commoditie: but it is not to be called The new Land, but rather stones and
wilde cragges, and a place fit for wilde beastes, for in all the North
Iland I did not see a Cart-load of good earth: yet went I on shoare in
many places, and in the Iland of White Sand, there is nothing else but
mosse and small thornes scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be
short, I beleeue that this was the land that God allotted to Caine. There
are men of an indifferent good stature and bignesse, but wilde and vnruly:
they weare their haire tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a
wooden pinne within it, or any other such thing instead of a naile, and
with them they binde certaine birdes feathers. They are clothed with
beastes skinnes as well the men as women, but that the women go somewhat
straiter and closer in their garments than the men do, with their wastes
girded: they paint themselues with certaine Roan colours: (M97) their
boates are made of the barke of birch trees, with the which they fish and
take great store of Seales, and as farre as we could vnderstand since our
comming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the
maine land out of hotter countreys, to catch the saide seales and other
necessaries for their liuing.
Of certaine Capes, that is to say, The double Cape, The pointed Cape, Cape
Royal, and the Cape of Milke: of the mountaines of Granges: of the Ilands
of Doue houses: and of the great fishing of Cods.
Vpon the 13. of that moneth we came to our ships againe with our boats on
purpose to saile forwards because the weather was faire, and vpon Sunday
we caused Seruice to be saide; then on Munday being the 15. of the moneth
we departed from Brest, and sailed toward the South to take a view of the
lands that there wee had seene, that seemed vnto vs to bee two Ilands: but
when we were amidst the Bay, we knew it to be firme land, where was a
great double Cape one aboue the other, and therefore wee named it The
double Cape. In the entrance of the Bay wee sounded, and found it to be an
hundred fadome round about vs. From Brest to The double Cape there is
about 20 leagues, and about fiue or sixe leagues beyond we sounded againe
and found 40 fadome water. The said land lieth Northeast and Southwest.
The next day being the 16 of the moneth we sailed along the said coast
toward the Southwest, and by South about 35 leagues from the double Cape,
where we found very steepe and wilde hilles, among the which were seene
certaine smal cabbans, which we in the countrey call Granges, and
therefore we named them The hilles of the Granges. The other lands and
mountaines are all craggie, cleft and cut, and betwixt them and the Sea,
there are other Ilands, but low. The day before through the darke mists
and fogges of the weather, we could not haue sight of any land, but in the
euening we spied an entrance into the land, by a riuer among the said
Hilles of Granges, and a Cape lying toward the Southwest about 3 leagues
from vs. The said Cape is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward
the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee named it The pointed Cape, on
the North side of which there is a plaine Iland. And because we would haue
notice of the said entrance, to see if there were any good hauens, we
strooke saile for that night. The next day being the 17 of the moneth we
had stormie weather from Northeast, wherefore we tooke our way toward the
Southwest, vntill Thursday morning, and we went about 37 leagues, till wee
came athwart a Bay full of round Ilands like doue houses, and therefore
wee named them The doue houses. And from the Bay of S. Iulian, from the
which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called Cape Roial,
there are 7. leagues, and toward the West southwest side of the saide
Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggie, and aboue round. On
the North side of which about halfe a league there lieth a low Iland: that
Cape we named The Cape of milke. Betweene these two Capes there are
certaine low Ilands, aboue which there are also certaine others that shew
that there be some riuers. About two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded
and found 20 fadome water, and there is the greatest fishing of Cods that
possible may be: for staying for our company, in lesse then an houre we
tooke aboue an hundreth of them.
Of certaine Ilands that lie betweene Cape Royall, and The Cape of milke.
The next day being the 18 of the moneth, the winde with such rage turned
against vs, that we were constrained to go backe towards Cape Royal,
thinking there to finde some harborough, and with our boates went to
discouer betweene the Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milke, and found that
aboue the low Ilands there is a great and very deepe gulfe, within which
are certaine Ilands. The said gulfe on the Southside is shut vp. The
foresaid low grounds are on one of the sides of the entrance, and Cape
Royal is on the other. The saide low grounds doe stretch themselues more
then halfe a league within the Sea. It is a plaine countrey, but an ill
soile: and in the middest of the entrance thereof, there is an Iland. The
saide gulfe in latitude is fourtie eight degrees and an halfe, and in
longitude ——.(15) That night we found no harborough, and therefore we
lanched out into the Sea, leauing the Cape toward the West.
Of the Iland called S. Iohn.
From the said day vntill the 24 of the moneth being S. Iohns day we had
both stormie weather and winde against vs, with such darknesse and mistes,
that vntill S. Iohns day, we could haue no sight of any land, and then we
had sight of a Cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth Southwest about 35
leagues, but that day was so foggie and mistie, that we could not come
neere land, and because it was S. Iohns day, we named it Cape S. Iohn.
Of certaine Ilands called the Ilands of Margaulx, and of the kinds of beas
and birds that there are found. Of the Iland of Brion, and Cape Dolphin.
The next day being the 25. of the moneth, the weather was also stormie,
darke, and windy, but yet we sailed a part of the day toward West North
west, and in the euening wee out our selues athwart vntill the second
quarter: when as we departed, then did we by our compasse know that we
were Northwest and by West about seuen leagues and an halfe from the Cape
of S. Iohn, and as wee were about to hoise saile, the winde turned into
the Northwest, wherefore we went Southeast, about 15. leagues, and came to
three Ilands, two of which are as steepe and vpright as any wall, so that
it was not possible to climbe them: and betweene them there is a little
rocke. These Ilands were as full of birds, as any field or medow is of
grasse, which there do make their nestes: and in the greatest of them,
there was a great and infinite number of those that wee call Margaulx,
that are white, and bigger then any geese, which were seuered in one part.
In the other were onely Godetz, but toward the shoare there were of those
Godetz, and great Apponatz, like to those of that Iland that we aboue haue
mentioned: we went downe to the lowest part of the least Iland, where we
killed aboue a thousand of those Godetz, and Apponatz. (M98) We put into
our boates so many of them as we pleased, for in lesse then one houre we
might haue filled thirtie such boats of them: we named them The Ilands of
Margaulx. About fiue leagues from the said Ilands on the West, there is
another Iland that is about two leagues in length, and so much in breadth:
there did we stay all night to take in water and wood. That Iland is
enuironed round about with sand, and hath a very good road about it three
or foure fadome deepe. Those Ilands haue the best soile that euer we saw,
for that one of their fields is more worth then all the New land. We found
it all full of goodly trees, medowes, fields full of wild corne and peason
bloomed, as thicke, as ranke, and as faire as any can be seene in
Britaine, so that they seemed to haue bene plowed and sowed. There was
also a great store of gooseberies, strawberies, damaske roses, parseley,
with other very sweete and pleasant hearbes. (M99) About the said Iland
are very great beastes as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in
their mouths like vnto Elephants teeth, and liue also in the Sea. We saw
one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water: wee thinking to take it,
went to it with our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe
into the Sea. We also saw beares and wolues: we named it Brions Iland.
About it toward Southeast, and Northwest, there are great lakes. As farre
as I could gather and comprehend, I thinke that there be some passage
betweene New found land, and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a
great shortening, aswel of the time as of the way, if any perfection could
be found in it. About foure leagues from that Iland toward West-South-west
is the firme land, which seemeth to be as an Iland compassed about with
litle Ilands of sands. There is a goodly Cape which we named Cape Dolphin,
for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27. of Iune we
compassed the said lands about that lie West Southwest: and a farre off
they seeme to be little hilles of sand, for they are but low landes: wee
could neither goe to them, nor land on them, because the winde was against
vs. That day we went 15. leagues.
Of the Iland called Alezai, and of the cape of S. Peter.
The next day we went along the said land about 10. leagues, till we came
to a Cape of redde land, that is all craggie, within the which there is a
bracke looking toward the North. It is a very low countrey. There is also
betweene the Sea and a certaine poole, a plaine field: and from that Cape
of land and the poole vnto another Cape, there are about 14 leagues. The
land is fashioned as it were halfe a circle, all compassed about with sand
like a ditch, ouer which as farre as ones eye can stretch, there is
nothing but marrish grounds and standing pooles. And before you come to
the first Cape very neere the maine land there are two little Ilands.
About fiue leagues from the second Cape toward the Southwest, there is
another Iland very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The first Cape
we named S. Peters Cape, because vpon that day we came thither.
Of the Cape called Cape Orleans: of the Riuer of boates: of Wilde mens
Cape: and of the qualitie and temperature of the countrey.
From Brions Iland to this place there is good anckorage of sand, and
hauing sounded toward Southwest euen to the shoare about fiue leagues, wee
found twentie and fiue fadome water, and within one league twelue fadome,
and very neere the shoare six fadome, rather more then lesse, and also
good anckorage. But because wee would bee the better acquainted with this
stonie and rockie ground, wee strooke our sailes lowe and athwart. The
next day being the last of the moneth saue one, the winde blewe South and
by East. Wee sailed Westward vntill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising, being
the last of the moneth, without any sight or knowledge of any lande except
in the euening toward Sunne set, that wee discouered a lande which seemed
to be two Ilands, that were beyond vs West southwest, about nine or tenne
leagues. All the next day till the next morning at sunne rising wee sailed
Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the way we perceiued that the land
we had seene like Ilands, was firme land, lying South southeast, and North
northwest, to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. (M100) Al the
said land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be seene,
full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we could finde no
harborough there, because it is all full of shelues and sands. We with our
boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest wee entred into a
goodly riuer, but very shallow, which we named The riuer of boats, because
that there wee saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the riuer.
We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came from the
sea, and so beat vs against the shore, that wee were constrained to retire
our selues with our boates toward our ships. Till the next day morning at
Sunne rising, being the first of Iuly we sailed Northeast, in which time
there rose great mistes and stormes, and therefore wee strucke our sailes
till two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather became cleare,
and there we had sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about seuen leagues
from vs, lying North and by East, and that we called Wilde mens Cape. On
the Northside of this Cape about halfe a league, there is a very dangerous
shelfe, and banke of stones. Whilst wee were at this Cape, we sawe a man
running after our boates that were going along the coast, who made signes
vnto vs that we should returne toward the said Cape againe. We seeing such
signes, began to turne toward him, but he seeing vs come, began to flee:
so soone as we were come on shoare, we set a knife before him and a
woollen girdle on a little staffe, and then came to our ships again. That
day we trended the said land about 9. or 10. leagues, hoping to finde some
good harborough, but it was not possible: for as I haue said already, it
is a very low land, and enuironed round about with great shelues.
Neuerthelesse we went that (M101) day on shore in foure places to see the
goodly and sweete smelling trees that were there: we found them to be
Cedars, ewetrees, Pines, white elmes, ashes, willowes, with many other
sorts of trees to vs vnknowen, but without any fruit. The grounds where no
wood is, are very faire, and all full of peason, white and red
gooseberies, strawberies, blackeberies, and wilde corne, euen like vnto
Rie, which seemed to have bene sowen and plowed. This countrey is of
better temperature then any other that can be seene, and very hote. There
are many thrushes, stockdoues, and other birds: to be short, there wanteth
nothing but good harboroughs.
Of the Bay called S. Lunario, and other notable Bayes and Capes of land,
and of the qualitie, and goodnesse of those grounds.
The next day being the second of Iuly we discouered and had sight of land
on the Northerne side toward vs, that did joyne vnto the land abouesaid,
al compassed about, and we knew that it had about ——(16) in depth, and as
much athwart, and we named it S. Lunarios Bay, and with our boats we went
to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the
space of a league from land there was but a fadome water. On the Northeast
side from the said Cape about 7. or 8. leagues there is another Cape of
land, in the middst whereof there is a Bay fashioned trianglewise, very
deepe, and as farre off, as we could ken from it the same lieth Northeast.
The said Bay is compassed about with sands and shelues about 10. leagues
from land, and there is but two fadome water: from the said Cape to the
bank of the other, there is about 15. leagues. We being a crosse the said
Capes, discouered another land and Cape, and as farre as we could ken, it
lay North and by East. All that night the weather was very ill, and great
winds, so that wee were constrained to beare a smal saile vntil the next
morning, being the thirde of July when the winde came from the West: and
we sailed Northward to haue a sight of the land that we had left on the
Northeast side, aboue the low lands, among which high and low lands there
is a gulfe or breach in some places about 55. fadome deepe, and 15.
leagues in bredth. By reason of the great depth and bredth of the gulfe,
and change of the lands, (M102) we conceiued hope that we should finde a
passage, like vnto the passage of The Castles. The said gulfe lieth East
Northeast, and West southwest. The ground that lieth on the Southside of
the said gulfe, is as good and easie to be manured, and full of as goodly
fields and meadowes, as any that euer wee haue seene, as plaine and smooth
as any die: and that which lyeth on the North is a countrey altogether
hilly, full of woods, and very high and great trees of sundry sorts:
(M103) among the rest there are as goodly Ceders, and Firre trees, as
possibly can be seene, able to make mastes for ships of three hundred
Tunne: neither did we see any place that was not full of the saide trees,
except two onely that were full of goodly medowes, with two very faire
lakes. The middest of the said Bay is 47. degrees and halfe in latitude.
Of the Cape D’Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, and of S. Martins Creeke,
and how seven boats full of wilde men comming to our boat, would not
retire themselues, but being terrified with our Culuerins which we shot at
them, and our lances, they fled with great hast.
The Cape of the said South land was called The Cape of Hope, through the
hope that there we had to finde some passage. The fourth of Iuly we went
along the coast of the said land on the Northerly side to find some
harborough, where wee entred into a creeke altogether open toward the
South, where there is no succour against the wind: we thought good to name
it S. Martines Creeke. There we stayed from the fourth of Iuly vntil the
twelfth: while we were there, on Munday being the sixth of the moneth,
Seruice being done, wee with one of our boates went to discouer a Cape and
point of land that on the Westerne side was about seuen or eight leagues
from vs, to see which way it did bend, and being within halfe a league of
it, wee sawe two companies of boates of wilde men going from one land to
the other: (M104) their boates were in number about fourtie or fiftie. One
part of the which came to the said point, and a great number of men went
on shore making a great noise, beckening vnto vs that wee should come on
land, shewing vs certaine skinnes vpon pieces of wood, but because we had
but one onely boat, wee would not goe to them, but went to the other side
lying in the See: they seeing vs flee, prepared two of their boats to
follow vs, with which came also fiue more of them that were comming from
the Sea side, all which approched neere vnto our boate, dancing, and
making many signes of ioy and mirth, as it were desiring our friendship,
saying in their tongue Napeu tondamen assurtah, with many other words that
we vnderstood not. But because (as we haue said) we had but one boat, wee
would not stand to their courtesie, but made signes vnto them that they
should turne back, which they would not do, but with great furie came
toward vs: and suddenly with their boates compassed vs about: and because
they would not away from vs by any signes that we could make, we shot off
two pieces among them, which did so terrifie them, that they put
themselues to flight toward the sayde point, making a great noise: and
hauing staid a while, they began anew, euen as at the first to come to vs
againe, and being come neere our boat wee strucke at them with two lances,
which thing was so great a terrour vnto them, that with great haste they
beganne to flee, and would no more follow vs.
How the said wilde men comming to our ships, and our men going toward
them, both parties went on land, and how the saide wilde men with great
ioy began to trafique with our men.
The next day part of the saide wilde men with nine of their boates came to
the point and entrance of the Creeke, where we with our ships were at
road. We being aduertised of their comming, went to the point where they
were with our boates: but so soone as they saw vs, they began to flee,
making signes that they came to trafique with us, shewing vs, such skinnes
as they cloth themselues withall, which are of small value. We likewise
made signes vnto them, that we wished them no euill: and in signe thereof
two of our men ventured to go on land to them, and carry them kniues with
other Iron wares, and a red hat to giue vnto their Captaine. Which when
they saw, they also came on land, and brought some of their skinnes, and
so began to deale with vs, seeming to be very glad to haue our iron ware
and other things, stil dancing with many other ceremonies, as with their
hands to cast Sea water on their heads. They gave vs whatsoeuer they had,
not keeping any thing, so that they were constrained to go back againe
naked, and made signes that the next day they would come againe, and bring
more skinnes with them.
How that we hauing sent two of our men on land with wares, there came
about 300. wilde men with great gladnesse. Of the qualitie of the
countrey, what it bringeth forth, and of the Bay called Baie du Chaleur,
or The Bay of heat.
Vpon Thursday being the eight of the moneth, because the winde was not
good to go out with our ships, we set our boates in a readinesse to goe to
discouer the said Bay, and that day wee went 25. leagues within it. The
next day the wind and weather being faire, we sailed vntil noone, in which
time we had notice of a great part of the said Bay, and how that ouer the
low lands, there were other lands with high mountaines: but seeing that
there was no passage at all, wee began to turne back againe, taking our
way along the coast: and sayling, we saw certaine wilde men that stood
vpon the shoare of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were making
fires and smokes: wee went thither, and found that there was a channel of
the sea that did enter into the lake, and setting our boats at one of the
banks of the chanell, the wilde men with one of their boates came vnto vs,
and brought vp pieces of Seales ready sodden, puttiug them vpon pieces of
wood: then retiring themselues, they would make signes vnto vs, that they
did giue them vs. We sent two men vnto them with hatchets, kniues, beads,
and other such like ware, whereat they were very glad, and by and by in
clusters they came to the shore where wee were, with their boates,
bringing with them skinnes and other such things as they had, to haue of
our wares. (M105) They were more than 300. men, women, and children: Some
of the women, which came not ouer, wee might see stand vp to the knees in
water, singing and dancing: the other that had passed the riuer where we
were, came very friendly to vs, rubbing our armes with their owne handes,
then would they lift them vp toward heauen, shewing many signes of
gladnesse: and in such wise were wee assured one of another, that we very
familiarly began to trafique for whatsoeuer they had, til they had nothing
but their naked bodies; for they gaue vs all whatsoeuer they had, and that
was but of small value. We perceiued that this people might very easily be
conuerted to our Religion. They goe from place to place. They liue onely
with fishing. They haue an ordinarie time to fish for their prouision. The
countrey is hotter than the countrey of Spaine, and the fairest that can
possibly be found, altogether smooth, and leuel. There is no place be it
neuer so little, but it hath some trees (yea albeit it be sandie) or else
is full of wilde corne, that hath an eare like vnto Rie: the corne is like
oates, and smal peason as thicke as if they had bene sowen and plowed,
white and red gooseberies, strawberies, blackberies, white and red Roses,
with many other floures of very sweet and pleasant smell. There be also
many goodly medowes full of grasse, and lakes wherein great plentie of
salmons be. (M106) They call a hatchet in their tongue Cochi, and a knife
Bacon: we named it The bay of heat.
Of another nation of wilde men: of their manners, liuing, and clothing.
Being certified that there was no passage through the said Bay, we hoised
saile, and went from S. Martines Creeke vpon Sunday being the 12. of July,
to goe and discouer further beyond the said Bay, and went along the sea
coast Eastward about eighteene leagues, till we came to the Cape of Prato,
where we found the tide very great, but shallow ground, and the Sea
stormie, so that we were constrained to draw toward shore, between the
said Cape and an Iland lying Eastward, about a league from the said Cape,
where we cast anker for that night. The next morning we hoised saile to
trend the said coast about, which lyeth North Northeast. But there rose
such a stormie and raging winde against vs, that we were constrained to
come to the place againe, from whence we were come: there did we stay all
that day til the next that we hoised vp saile, and came to the middest of
a riuer fiue or sixe leagues from the Cape of Prato Northward, and being
ouerthwart the said Riuer, there arose againe a contrary winde, with great
fogges and stormes. So that we were constrained vpon Tuesday being the
fourteenth of the moneth to enter into the riuer, and there did we stay
till the sixteenth of the moneth looking for faire weather to come out of
it: on which day being Thursday, the winde became so raging that one of
our ships lost an anker, and we were constrained to goe vp higher into the
riuer seuen or eight leagues, into a good harborough and ground that we
with our boates found out, and through the euill weather, tempest, and
darkenesse that was, wee stayed in the saide harborough till the fiue and
twentieth of the moneth, not being able to put out: in the meane time wee
sawe a great multitude of wilde men that were fishing for mackerels,
whereof there is great store. Their boates were about 40, and the persons
what with men, women, and children two hundred, which after they had
hanted our company a while, they came very familiarly with their boats to
the sides of our ships. We gaue them kniues, combes, beads of glasse, and
other trifles of small value, for which they made many signes of
gladnesse, lifting their hands vp to heauen dancing and singing in their
boates. These men may very well and truely be called Wilde, because there
is no poorer people in the world. For I thinke all that they had together,
besides their boates and nets was not worth fiue souce.(17) They goe
altogether naked sawing their priuities, which are couered with a little
skinne, and certaine olde skinnes that they cast vpon them. Neither in
nature nor in language, doe they any whit agree with them which we found
first: their heads be altogether shauen, except one bush of haire which
they suffer to grow vpon the top of their crowne as long as a horse taile,
and then with certaine leather strings binde it in a knot vpon their
heads. They haue no other dwelling but their boates, which they turne
vpside downe, and vnder them they lay themselues all along vpon the bare
ground. They eate their flesh almost raw, saue onely that they heat it a
little vpon imbers of coales, so doe they their fish. Vpon Magdalens day
we with our boates went to the bancke of the riuer, and freely went on
shore among them, whereat they made many signs, and all their men in two
or three companies began to sing and dance, seeming to be very glad of our
comming. They had caused all the young women to flee into the wood, two or
three excepted, that stayed with them, to ech of which we gaue a combe,
and a little bell made of Tinne, for which they were very glad, thanking
our Captaine, rubbing his armes and breasts with their hands. When the men
saw vs giue something vnto those that had stayed, it caused al the rest to
come out of the wood, to the end that that they should haue as much as the
others: These women are about twenty, who altogether in a knot fell vpon
our Captaine, touching and rubbing him with their hands, according to
their manner of cherishing and making much of one, who gaue to each of
them a little Tinne bell: then suddenly they began to dance, and sing many
songs. There we found great store of mackrels, that they had taken vpon
the shore, with certaine nets that they made to fish, of a kinde of Hempe
that groweth in that place where ordinarily they abide, for they neuer
come to the sea, but onely in fishing time. (M107) As farre as I
vnderstand, there groweth likewise a kind of Millet as big as Peason, like
vnto that which groweth in Bresil, which they eate in stead of bread. They
had great store of it. They call it in their tongue Kapaige. They haue
also Prunes (that is to say Damsins) which they dry for winter as we doe,
they call them Honesta. They haue also Figs, Nuts, Apples, and other
fruits, and Beans, that they call Sahu, their nuts Cahehya. If we shewed
them any thing that they haue not, nor know not what it is, shaking their
heads, they will say Nohda, which is as much to say, they haue it not, nor
they know it not. Of those things they haue, they would with signes shew
vs how to dresse them, and how they grow. They eate nothing that hath any
taste of salt. They are very great theeues, for they will filch and steale
whatsoeuer they can lay hold of, and all is fish that commeth to net.
How our men set vp a great Crosse vpon the poynt of the sayd Porte, and
the Captaine of those wild men, after a long Oration, was by our Captain
appeased, and contented that two of his Children should goe with him.
(M108) Vpon the 25 of the moneth, wee caused a faire high Crosse to be
made of the height of thirty foote, which was made in the presence of many
of them, vpon the point of the entrance of the sayd hauen, in the middest
whereof we hanged vp a Shield with three Floure de Luces in it, and in the
top was carued in the wood with Anticke letters this posie, Viue le Roy de
France. Then before them all we set it vpon the sayd point. They with
great heed beheld both the making and setting of it vp. So soone as it was
vp, we altogether kneeled downe before them, with our hands toward Heauen,
yeelding God thankes: and we made signes vnto them, shewing them the
Heauens, and that all our saluation, dependeth onely on him which in them
dwelleth: whereat they shewed a great admiration, looking first one at
another, and then vpon the Crosse. And after wee were returned to our
ships, their Captaine clad with an old Beares skin, with three of his
sonnes, and a brother of his with him, came vnto vs in one of their
boates, but they came not so neere vs as they were wont to doe: there he
made a long Oration vnto vs, shewing vs the crosse we had set vp, and
making a crosse with two fingers, then did he shew vs all the Countrey
about vs, as if he would say that all was his, and that wee should not set
vp any crosse without his leaue. His talke being ended, we shewed him an
Axe, faining that we would giue it him for his skin, to which he listned,
for by little and little hee came neere our ships. (M109) One of our
fellowes that was in our boate, tooke hold on theirs, and suddenly leapt
into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our
ships, whereat they were greatly astonished. But our Captain did
straightwaies assure them, that they should haue no harme, nor any iniurie
offred them at all, and entertained them very friendly, making them eate
and drinke. Then did we shew them with signes, that the crosse was but
onely set vp to be as a light and leader which wayes to enter into the
port, and that wee would shortly come againe, and bring good store of iron
wares and other things, but that we would take two of his children with
vs, and afterward bring them to the sayd port againe: and so wee clothed
two of them in shirts, and coloured coates, with red cappes, and put about
euery ones necke a copper chaine, whereat they were greatly contented:
then gaue they their old clothes to their fellowes that went backe againe,
and we gaue to each one of those three that went backe, a hatchet, and
some kniues, which made them very glad. After these were gone, and had
told the newes vnto their fellowes, in the after noone there came to our
ships sixe boates of them, with fiue or sixe men in euery one, to take
their farewels of those two we had detained to take with vs, and brought
them some fish, vttering many words which we did not vnderstand, making
signes that they would not remoue the crosse we had set vp.
How after we were departed from the sayd porte, following our voyage along
the sayd coast, we went to discover the land lying Southeast, and
Northwest.
The next day, being the 25 of the moneth, we had faire weather, and went
from the said port: and being out of the riuer, we sailed Eastnortheast,
for after the entrance into the said riuer, the land is enuironed about,
and maketh a bay in maner of halfe a circle, where being in our ships, we
might see all the coast sayling behind, which we came to seeke, the land
lying Southeast and Northwest, the course of which was distant from the
riuer about twentie leagues.
Of the Cape S. Aluise, and Cape Memorancie, and certaine other lands, and
how one of our Boates touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer it.
On Munday being the 27 of the moneth, about sunne-set we went along the
said land, as we haue said, lying Southeast and Northwest, till Wednesday
that we saw another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East:
we went along about 15 leagues, then doeth the land begin to turne
Northward. About three leagues from the sayd Cape we sounded, and found 24
fadome water. The said lands are plaine, and the fairest and most without
woods that we haue seene, with goodly greene fields and medowes: we named
the sayd Cape S. Aluise Cape, because that was his day: it is 49 degrees
and an halfe in latitude, and in longitude ——.(18) On Wednesday morning we
were on the East side of the Cape, and being almost night we went
Northwestward for to approch neere to the sayd land, which trendeth North
and South. From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie, about
fifteene leagues, the land beginneth to bend Northwest. (M110) About three
leagues from the sayd Cape we would needes sound, but wee could finde no
ground at 150 fadome, yet went we along the said land about tenne leagues,
to the latitude of 50 degrees. The Saturday following, being the first of
August, by Sunne rising, wee had certaine other landes, lying North and
Northeast, that were very high and craggie, and seemed to be mountaines:
betweene which were other low lands with woods and riuers: wee went about
the sayd lands, as well on the one side as on the other, still bending
Northwest, to see if it were either a gulfe, or a passage, vntill the fift
of the moneth. The distance from one land to the other is about fifteene
leagues. The middle betweene them both is 50 degrees and a terce in
latitude. We had much adoe to go fiue miles farther, the winds were so
great and the tide against vs. And at fiue miles end, we might plainely
see and perceiue land on both sides, which there beginneth to spread it
selfe, but because we rather fell, then got way against the wind, we went
toward land, purposing to goe to another Cape of land, lying Southward,
which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see, about fiue
leagues from vs, but so soone as we came thither, we found it to be naught
else but Rockes, stones, and craggie cliffes, such as we had not found any
where since we had sailed Southward from S. Iohns Cape: and then was the
tide with vs, which caried vs against the wind Westward, so that as we
were sayling along the sayd coast, one of our boats touched a Rocke, and
suddenly went ouer, but we were constrained to leape out for to direct it
on according to the tide.
How after we had agreed and consulted what was best to be done, we
purposed to returne: and of S. Peters Streight, and of Cape Tiennot.
After we had sailed along the sayd coast, for the space of two houres,
behold, the tide began to turne against vs, with so swift and raging a
course, that it was not possible for vs with 13 oares to row or get one
stones cast farther, so that we were constrained to leaue our boates with
some of our men to guard them, and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the sayd
Cape, where we found that the land beginneth to bend Southwest, which
hauing seene, we came to our boats againe, and so to our ships, which were
stil ready vnder saile, hoping to go forward: but for all that, they were
fallen more then foure leagues to leeward from the place where we had left
them, where so soone as we came, wee assembled together all our Captaines,
Masters, and Mariners, to haue their aduice and opinion what was best to
be done: and after that euery one had said, considering that the Easterly
winds began to beare away, and blow, and that the flood was so great, that
we did but fall, and that there was nothing to be gotten, and that stormes
and tempests began to reigne in Newfound land, and that we were so farre
from home, not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind, for either
we must agree to returne home againe, or els to stay there all the yeere.
Moreouer, we did consider, that if the Northerne winds did take vs, it
were not possible for vs to depart thence. All which opinions being heard
and considered, we altogether determined to addresse our selues homeward.
(M111) Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd
Streite, wee named it Saint Peters Streite. Wee sounded it in many places,
in some wee found 150 fadome water, in some 100, and neere the shoare
sixtie, and cleere ground. From that day till Wednesday following, we had
a good and prosperous gale of winde, so that we trended the said North
shore East, Southeast, West Northwest: for such is the situation of it,
except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast, about
twenty fiue leagues from the Streight. In this place we saw certaine
smokes, that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape: but
because the wind blewe vs toward the coast, we went not to them, which
when they saw, they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs, and as
freely came vnto our ships, as if they had bene French men, and gaue vs to
vnderstand, that they came from the great gulfe,(19) and that Tiennot was
their Captaine, who then was vpon that Cape, making signes vnto vs, that
they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our
ships, and that they were laden with Fish. We named the sayd Cape, Cape
Tiennot. From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast, and
Westnorthwest. All these lands lie low, very pleasant, enuironed with
sand, where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes, the space
of twentie leagues: then doth the land begin to trend from West to
Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from
land, in which as farre as we could see, are many dangerous shelues more
then foure or fiue leagues from land.
How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands, and vpon
the fift of September we came to the Port of S. Malo.
From the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following, we had a great wind
from the Southwest, which caused vs to run Eastnortheast, on which day we
came to the Easterly partes of Newfoundland, between the Granges and the
Double Cape. There began great stormie windes comming from the East with
great rage: wherefore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest, to search the
Northerne part, which is (as we haue sayd) all enuironed with Islands, and
being neere the said Islands and land, the wind turned into the South,
which brought vs within the sayd gulfe, so that the next day being the 9
of August, we by the grace of God entred within the white Sands. And this
is so much as we haue discouered. After that, vpon the 15 of August, being
the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, after that we had heard seruice,
we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands, and with a happy and
prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea, that is between
Newfoundland and Britanie, in which place we were tost and turmoyled three
dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East,
which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred: then had we faire
weather, and vpon the fift of September, in the sayd yere, we came to the
Port of S. Malo whence we departed.
The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered, called New
France.
God ——
the Sunne Isnez
the Heauen camet
the Day ——
the Night aiagla
Water ame
Sand estogaz
a sayle aganie
the Head agonaze
the Throate conguedo
the Nose hehonguesto
the Teeth hesangue
the Nayles agetascu
the Feete ochedasco
the Legs anoudasco
a dead man amocdaza
a Skinne aionasca
that Man yca
a Hatchet asogne
a Cod fish gadagoursere
good to be eaten guesande
Flesh ————
Almonds anougaza
Figs asconda
Gold henyosco
the priuie members assegnega
an Arrow cacta
a greene Tree haueda
an earthen dish vndaco
a Bow ————
Brasse aignetaze
the Brow ansce
a Feather yco
the Moone casmogan
the Earth conda
the Wind canut
the Raine onnoscon
Bread cacacomy
the Sea amet
a Ship casaomy
a Man vndo
the Haires hoc hosco
the Eyes ygata
the Mouth heche
the Eares hontasco
the Armes agescu
a Woman enrasesco
a sicke Man alouedeche
Shooes atta
a skinne to couer a mans ouscozon
priuy members
red cloth cahoneta
a Knife agoheda
a Mackrell agedoneta
Nuttes caheya
Apples honesta
Beanes sahe
a Sword achesco
XV. A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the
commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France, with the
particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.
Chap 1.
In the yeere of our Lord 1535, vpon Whitsunday, being the 16. of May, by
the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier, and with a common accord,
in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our
selues, and receiued the Sacrament: and all entring into the Quier of the
sayd Church, wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in
Christ, the Lord Bishop of S. Malo, who blessed vs all, being in his
Bishops roabes. The Wednesday following, being the 19. of May, there arose
a good gale of wind, and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships, that
is to say, the great Hermina, being in burden about a hundreth, or a
hundreth and twentie tunne, wherein the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier
was Generall, and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master, accompanied with
master Claudius de Pont Briand, sonne to the Lorde of Montceuell, and
Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France, Charles of Pomeraies, Iohn Powlet,
and other Gentlemen. In the second ship called the little Hermina, being
of threescore tunne burden, were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier, Mace
Salobert, and Master William Marie. In the third ship called the
Hermerillon, being of forty tunne in burden, were Captains M. William
Britton, and M. Iames Maringare. So we sayled with a good and prosperous
wind, vntill the 20 of the said moneth, at which time the weather turned
into stormes and tempests, the which with contrary winds, and darkenesse,
endured so long that our ships being without any rest, suffered as much as
any ships that euer went on seas: so that the 25 of Iune, by reason of
that foule and foggie weather, all our ships lost sight one of another
againe till wee came to Newfoundland where wee had appointed to meete.
After we had lost one another, wee in the Generals ship were with contrary
winds tost to and fro on the sea, vntill the seuenth of Iuly, vpon which
lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues. This Island is so full of birds,
that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them, and yet for
the great number that there is, it would not seeme that any were taken
away. We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them. (M112) This
Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees, and 40 minutes. (M113) Vpon the
eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further, and with a prosperous weather,
came to the Port called The Port of white sands, that is in the Bay called
The Bay of Castels, where we had purposed to meete and stay together the
15 of the said moneth. In this place therefore we looked for our fellowes,
that is to say, the other two ships, till the 26 of the moneth, on which
day both came together. So soone as our fellowes were come, we set our
ships in a readines, taking in both water, wood, and other necessaries.
And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth, early in the morning we hoised
saile to passe on further, and sayling along the Northerne coast that
runneth Northeast and Southwest, til two houres after Sun-set or
thereabouts, then we crossed along two Islands, which doe stretch further
foorth then the others, which we called S. Williams Islands, being distant
about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest. All the coast from the
Castels to that place lieth East and West, Northeast and Southwest, hauing
betweene it sundry little Islands, altogether barren and full of stones,
without either earth or trees, except certain valleys only. The next day
being the 30 of Iuly, we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands
which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe, among which there is
a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes, where
many good harboroughs seeme to be: them we named S. Marthas Islands, from
which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous
shallow, wherein are fiue rockes, which lie from Saint Marthas Islands
about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands, on the East and on
the West side, to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone, and
from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues athwart a
cape of the lower Islands, which we named S. Germans Islands.
Southeastward, from which place about three leagues, there is a very
dangerous shallow. Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas,
about two leagues from the sayd Islands, there lyeth a banke of sand, vpon
which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe, and therefore seeing the
danger of the coast, we strucke saile and went no further that night: The
next day being the last of Iuly, we went all along the coast that runneth
East and West, and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about
with Islands and drie sands, and in trueth is very dangerous. The length
from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe,
at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high
trees, albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without
any signe or shew of harboroughs, till we came to Cape Thiennot, which
trendeth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands, which
Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage, and therefore we sailed on
all that night West and Westnorthwest, till it was day, and then the wind
turned against vs, wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might
harbour our ships, and by good hap, found one fit for our purpose, about
seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot, and that we named S.
Nicholas Hauen, it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea: Vpon
the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse. But note by the way,
that this crosse must be brought Northeast, and then bending toward it,
leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water, and within
the hauen foure. Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane
outward halfe a league. All this coast is full of shoulds and very
dangerous, albeit in sight many good hauens seeme to be there, yet is
there nought else but shelues and sands. We staied and rested our selues
in the sayd hauen, vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday: on which day
we hoysed sayle, and came toward land on the South side toward Cape
Rabast, distant from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast,
and Southsouthwest: but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary
winde, and because we could find no hauen there toward the South, thence
we went coasting along toward the North, beyond the abouesayd hauen about
ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulfe, full of Islands,
passages, and entrances toward what wind soeuer you please to bend: for
the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape
of lande, stretching somewhat further foorth than the others, and about
two leagues within the land, there is an hill fashioned as it were an
heape of corne. We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay. (M114) The
twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay,
or gulfe, sayling Westward, and discouered a Cape of land toward the
South, that runneth West and by South, distant from the sayd Saint
Laurence his Bay, about fiue and twenty leagues. And of the two wilde men
which wee tooke in our former voyage, it was tolde vs, that this was part
of the Southerne coaste, and that there was an Island, on the Southerly
parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo (where the yeere before we
had taken them) to Canada, and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape,
and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay, on the North shore extending
toward Canada, and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape, there is a
hundreth fadome water. (M115) Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so
many Whales seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape. The next day
after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth, hauing
passed the Straight, we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward
the South, which landes are full of very great and high hilles, and this
Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption, and one Cape of the said high
countreys lyeth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest, the distance betweene
which is about fiue and twenty leagues. The Countreys lying North may
plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly, more then thirty
leagues in length. We trended the sayd landes about toward the South: from
the sayd day vntill Tewesday-noone following, the winde came West, and
therefore wee bended toward the North, purposing to goe and see the land
that we before had spied. Being arriued there, we found the sayd landes,
as it were ioyned together, and low toward the Sea. And the Northerly
mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East, and West, and a
quarter of the South. Our wild men told vs that there was the beginning of
Saguenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence commeth the red
Copper, of them named Caignetdaze. There is betweene the Southerly lands,
and the Northerly about thirty leagues distance, and more then two
hundreth fadome depth. (M116) The sayd men did moreouer certifie vnto vs,
that there was the way and beginning of the great riuer of Hochelaga and
ready way to Canada, which riuer the further it went the narrower it came,
euen vnto Canada, and that then there was fresh water, which went so farre
vpwards, that they had neuer heard of any man who had gone to the head of
it, and that there is no other passage but with small boates. Our Captaine
hearing their talke, and how they did affirme no other passage to be
there, would not at that time proceede any further, till he had seene and
noted the other lands, and coast toward the North, which he had omitted to
see from S. Laurence his gulfe, because he would know, if between the
lands toward the North any passage anight be discouered.
Chap. 2. How our Captaine caused the ships to returne backe againe, only
to know if in Saint Laurence gulfe there were any passage toward the
North.
Vpon the 18 of August being Wednesday, our Captaine caused his shippes to
wind backe, and bend toward the other shore, so that we trended the said
Northerly cost, which runneth Northeast and Southwest, being fashioned
like vnto halfe a bowe, and is a very high land, but yet not so high as
that on the South parts. The Thursday following we came to seuen very high
Islands, which we named The round Islands. These Islands are distant from
the South shore about 40 leagues, and stretch out into the sea about 3 or
4 leagues. Against these there are goodly low grounds to be seene full of
goodly trees, which we the Friday following, with our boats compassed
about. Ouerthwart these lands there are diuers sandy shelues more then two
leagues into the sea, very dangerous, which at a low water remaine almost
dry. At the furthest bounds of these lowe lands, that containe about ten
leagues, there is a riuer of fresh water, that with such swiftnesse
runneth into the sea, that for the space of one league within it the water
is as fresh as any fountaine water. We with our boates entred in the sayd
riuer, at the entrance of which we found about one fadome and a halfe of
water. There are in this riuer many fishes shaped like horses, which as
our wild men told vs, all the day long lie in the water, and the night on
land: of which we saw therin a great number. (M117) The next day being the
21 of the moneth, by breake of day we hoysed saile, and sailed so long
along the said coast, that we had sight of the rest of the sayd Northerne
coast, which as yet we had not seene, and of the Island of the Assumption
which wee went to discouer, departing from the sayd land: which thing so
soone as we had done, and that we were certified no other passage to be
there, we came to our ships againe, which we had left at the said Islands,
where is a good harborough, the water being about nine or ten fadome.
(M118) In the same place by occasion of contrary winds and foggie mists,
we were constrained to stay, not being either able to come out of it, or
hoise saile, till the 24 of the moneth: On which day we departed and came
to a hauen on the Southerly coast about 80 leagues from the said Islands.
This hauen is ouer against three flat Islands that lie amidst the riuer,
because on the midway betweene those Islands, and the sayd hauen toward
the North, there is a very great riuer that runneth betweene the high and
low landes, and more then three leagues into the sea it hath many shelues,
and there is not altogether two fadome water, so that the place is very
dangerous: and neere vnto the said shelues, there is either fifteene or 20
fadomes from shore to shore. All the Northerly coaste runneth Northeast
and by North, and Southwest and by South. The said hauen wherin we stayed
on the South side, is as it were but a sluce of the waters that rise by
the flood, and but of smal accompt: we named them S. Iohns Islets, because
we found them, and entred into them the day of the beheading of that
Saint. And before you come to the said hauen, there is an Island lying
Eastward about 5 leagues distant from the same: betweene which and the
land there is no passage sauing only for smal boats. The hauen of S. Iohns
Islets dryeth vp all the waters that rise by flowing, although they flow
two fadome at the least. The best place to harborough ships therein is on
the South part of a little Island that is ouer against the said hauen,
whereby the bancke or shore of the Island riseth. (M119) Vpon the first of
September we departed out of the said hauen, purposing to go toward
Canada; and about 15 leagues from it toward the West, and Westsouthwest,
amidst the riuer, there are three Islands, ouer against the which there is
a riuer which runneth swift, and is of a great depth, and it is that which
leadeth, and runneth into the countrey and kingdome of Saguenay, as by the
two wild men of Canada it was told vs. This riuer passeth and runneth
along very high and steepe hils of bare stone, where very little earth is,
and notwithstanding there is great quantity of sundry sorts of trees that
grow in the said bare stones, euen as vpon good and fertile ground, in
such sort that we haue seene some so great as wel would suffise to make a
mast for a ship of 30 tunne burden, and as greene as possibly can be,
growing in a stony rocke without any earth at all. At the entrance of the
sayd riuer we met with 4 boats ful of wild men, which as far as we could
perceiue, very fearfully came toward vs, so that some of them went backe
againe, and the other came as neere vs as easily they might heare and
vnderstand one of our wild men, who told them his name, and then tooke
acquaintance of them, vpon whose word they came to vs. The next day being
the 2 of September, we came out of the sayd riuer to go to Canada, and by
reason of the seas flowing, the tide was very swift and dangerous, for
that on the South part of it there lie two Islands, about which, more then
three leagues compasse, lie many rocks and great stones, and but two
fadome water: and the flowing amidst those Islands is very vnconstant and
doubtful, so that if it had not bene for our boats, we had been in great
danger to lose our Pinnesse: and coasting along the said drie sands, there
is more then 30 fadom water.
About fiue leagues beyond the riuer of Saguenay Southwest, there is
another Iland on the Northside, wherein are certaine high lands, and
thereabouts we thought to haue cast anker, on purpose to stay the next
tide, but we could sound no ground in a 120 fadome, within a flight shoot
from shore, so that we were constrained to winde backe to the said Iland,
where wee sounded againe and found 35 fadome. The next morning we hoysed
saile and went thence, sayling further on, where we had notice of a
certaine kind of fish neuer before of any man seene or knowen. They are
about the bignesse of a porpose, yet nothing like them, of body very well
proportioned, headed like Grayhounds, altogither as white as snow without
any spot, within which riuer there is great quantitie of them: they doe
liue altogither betweene the Sea and the fresh water. These people of the
Countrey call them Adhothuys, they tolde vs that they be very sauory and
good to be eaten. Moreouer they affirme none to be found elsewhere but in
the mouth of that riuer. The sixth of the month, the weather being calme
and faire, we went about 15 leagues more vpward into the riuer, and there
lighted on an Iland that looketh Northward, and it maketh a little hauen
or creeke wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes, continually
lying about that Iland. There are likewise great quantitie of the said
Adhothuys taken by the inhabitours of the countrey, and there is as great
a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at euery tide. This
Iland is in length about three leagues, and in bredth two, and is a goodly
and fertile plot of ground, replenished with many goodly and great trees
of many sorts. (M120) Among the rest there are many Filberd-trees, which
we found hanging full of them, somewhat bigger and better in sauour then
ours, but somewhat harder, and therefore we called it The Iland of
Filberds. The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladies euen, after seruice
we went from that Iland to goe vp higher into the riuer, and came to 14
Ilands seuen or eight leagues from the Iland of Filberds, where the
countrey of Canada beginneth, one of which Ilands is ten leagues in
length, and fiue in bredth, greatly inhabited of such men as onely liue by
fishing of such sorts of fishes as the riuer affordeth, according to the
season of them. (M121) After we had cast anker betwene the said great
Iland, and the Northerly coast, we went on land and tooke our two wild men
with vs, meeting with many of these countrey people, who would not at all
approch vnto vs, but rather fled from vs, vntill our two men began to
speake vnto them, telling them that they were Taignoagoy and Domagaia, who
so soone as they had taken acquaintance of them, beganne greatly to
reioyce, dancing and shewing many sorts of ceremonies: and many of the
chiefest of them came to our boats and brought many Eeles and other sorts
of fishes, with two or three burdens of great Millet wherewith they make
their bread, and many great muske millions. The same day came also many
other boates full of those countreymen and women, to see and take
acquaintance of our two men, all which were as courteously receiued and
friendly entertained of our Captaine, as possibly could be. And to haue
them the better acquainted with him, and make them his friends, hee gaue
them many small gifts, but of small value: neuerthelesse they were greatly
contented with them. The next day following, the Lord of Canada (whose
proper name was Donnacona, but by the name of Lord they call him
Agouhanna) with twelue boats came to our ships, accompanied with many
people, who causing ten of his boates to goe backe with the other two,
approched vnto vs with sixteene men. Then beganne the said Agouhanna ouer
against the smallest of our ships, according to their maner and fashion,
to frame a long Oration, moouing all his bodie and members after a strange
fashion, which thing is a ceremonie and signe of gladnesse and securitie
among them, and then comming to the Generals ship, where Taignoagny and
Domagaia were, he spake with them and they with him, where they began to
tell and shew vnto him what they had seene in France, and what good
entertainement they had had: hearing which things the said Lord seemed to
be very glad thereof, and prayed our Captaine to reach him his arme, that
he might kisse it, which thing he did: their Lord taking it, laid it about
his necke, for so they vse to doe when they will make much of one. Then
our Captaine entred into Agouhannas boat, causing bread and wine to be
brought to make the said Lord and his companie to eate and drinke, which
thing they did, and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied. Our
Captaine for that time gaue them nothing, because he looked for a fitter
opportunity. These things being done, ech one tooke leaue of others, and
the said Lord went with his boats againe to his place of abode. Our
Captaine then caused our boates to be set in order, that with the next
tide he might goe vp higher into the riuer, to find some safe harborough
for our ships: and we passed vp the riuer against the streame about tenne
leagues, coasting the said Iland, at the end whereof, we found a goodly
and pleasant sound, where is a little riuer and hauen, where by reason of
the flood there is about three fadome water. (M122) This place seemed to
vs very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein, and so we did
very safely, we named it the holy Crosse, for on that day we came thither.
(M123) Neere vnto it, there is a village, whereof Donnacona is Lord, and
there he keepeth his abode: it is called Stadacona, as goodly a plot of
ground as possibly may be seene, and therewithall very fruitfull, full of
goodly trees euen as in France, as Okes, Elmes, Ashes, Walnut trees, Maple
tres, Cydrons, Vines, and white Thornes, that bring foorth fruit as bigge
as any damsons, and many other sortes of trees, vnder which groweth as
faire tall hempe, as any in France, without any seede or any mans worke or
labour at all. Hauing considered the place, and finding it fit for our
purpose, our Captaine withdrew himselfe on purpose to returne to our
ships: but behold, as we were comming out of the riuer we met comming
against vs one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona, accompanied
with many others, as men, women, and children, who after the fashion of
their country, in signe of mirth and ioy, began to make a long Oration,
the women still singing and dancing vp to the knees in water. Our Captaine
knowing their good will and kindnesse toward vs, caused the boat wherein
they were, to come vnto him, and gaue them certaine trifles, as kniues,
and beades of glasse, whereat they were maruellous glad, for being gone
about leagues from them, for the pleasure they concerned of our comming we
might heare them sing, and see them dance for all they were so farre.
Chap. 3. How our Captaine went to see and note the bignesse of the Iland,
and the nature of it, and then returned to the ships, causing them to be
brought to the riuer of The holy Crosse.
After we were come with our boats vnto our ships againe, our Captaine
caused our barks to be made readie to goe on land in the said Iland, to
note the trees that in shew seemed so faire, and to consider the nature
and qualitie of it: which things we did, and found it full of goodly trees
likes to ours. (M124) Also we saw many goodly Vines, a thing not before of
vs seene in those countries, and therefore we named it Bacchus Iland. It
is in length about twelue leagues, in sight very pleasant, but full of
woods, no part of it manured, vnlesse it be in certaine places, where a
few cottages be for Fishers dwellings as before we haue said. The next day
we departed with our ships to bring them to the place of the holy Crosse,
and on the 14 of that moneth we came thither, and the Lord Donnacona,
Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with 25 boats full of those people, came to
meete vs, comming from the place whence we were come, and going toward
Stadacona, where their abiding is, and all came to our ships, shewing
sundry and diuers gestures of gladnesse and mirth, except those two that
he had brought, to wit, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, who seemed to haue
altered and changed their mind, and purpose, for by no meanes they would
come vnto our ships, albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to
doe it, whereupon we began to mistrust somewhat. Our Captaine asked them
if according to promise they would go with him to Hochelaga? They answered
yea, for so they had purposed, and then ech one withdrew himselfe. The
next day being the fifteenth of the moneth, our Captaine went on shore, to
cause certaine poles and piles to be driuen into the water, and set vp,
that the better and safelier we might harbour our ships there: and many of
those countrey people came to meete vs there, among whom was Donnacona and
our two men, with the rest of their company, who kept themselues aside
vnder a point or nooke of land that is vpon the shore of a certaine riuer,
and no one of them came vnto vs as the other did that were not on their
side. Our Captaine vnderstanding that they were there, commanded part of
our men to follow him, and he went to the saide point where he found the
said Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and diuers other: and after
salutations giuen on ech side, Taignoagny setled himselfe formost to
speake to our Captaine, saying that the Lord Donnacona did greatly grieue
and sorrow that our Captaine and his men did weare warlike weapons, and
they not. Our Captaine answered, that albeit it did greeue them yet would
not he leaue them off, and that (as he knew) it was the maner of France.
But for all these words our Captaine and Donnacona left not off to speake
one to another, and friendly to entertaine one another. Then did we
perceiue, that whatsoeuer Taignoagny spake, was onely long of himselfe and
of his fellow, for that before they departed thence our Captaine and
Donnacona entred into a maruellous stedfast league of friendship,
whereupon all his people at once with a loude voyce, cast out three great
cryes, (a horrible thing to heare) and each one hauing taken leaue of the
other for that day, we went aboord againe. The day following we brought
our two great shippes within the riuer and harborough, where the waters
being at the highest, are three fadome deepe, and at the lowest, but halfe
a fadome. We left our Pinnesse without the road to the end we might bring
it to Hochelaga. So soone as we had safely placed our ships, behold we saw
Donnacona, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with more then fiue hundred persons,
men, women and children, and the said Lord with ten or twelue of the
chiefest of the countrey came aboord of our ships, who were all
courteously receiued, and friendly entertained both of our Captaine and of
vs all: and diuers gifts of small value were giuen them. Then did
Taignoagny tell our Captaine, that his Lord did greatly sorrow that he
would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any meanes permit that any
of them should goe with him, because the riuer was of no importance. Our
Captaine answered him, that for all his saying, he would not leaue off his
going thither, if by any meanes it were possible, for that that he was
commanded by his king to goe as farre as possibly he could: and that if he
(that is to say Taignoagny) would goe with him, as he had promised, he
should be very well entertained, beside that, he should haue such a gift
giuen him, as he should well content himselfe: for he should doe nothing
else but goe with him to Hochelaga and come againe. To whom Taignoagny
answered, that he would not by any meanes goe, and thereupon they sodainly
returned to their houses. The next day being the 17 of September,
Donnacona and his company returned euen as at the first, and brought with
him many Eeles, with sundry sorts of other fishes, whereof they take great
store in the said riuer, as more largely hereafter shall be shewed. And as
soone as they were come to our ships, according to their wonted use they
beganne to sing and dance. This done, Donnacona caused all his people to
be set on the one side: then making a round circle vpon the sand he caused
our Captaine with all his people to enter thereinto, then he began to make
a long Oration, holding in one of his hands a maiden child of ten or
twelue yeeres old, which he presented vnto our Captaine: then sodainly
beganne all his people to make three great shreeks, or howles, in signe of
ioy and league of friendship: presently vpon that he did present vnto him
two other young male children one after another, but younger then the
other, at the giuing of which euen as before they gaue out shreeks and
howles very loud, with other cerimonies: for which presents, our Captaine,
gaue the saide Lorde great and hearty thankes. Then Taignoagny told our
Captaine, that one of the children was his owne brother, and that the
maiden child was daughter vnto the said Lords owne sister, and the
presents were only giuen him to the end he should not goe to Hochelaga at
all: to whom our Captaine answered, that if they were only giuen him to
that intent, if so he would, he should take them againe, for that by no
meanes he would leaue his going off, for as much as he was so commanded of
his King. But concerning this, Domagaia told our Captaine that their Lord
had giuen him those children as a signe and token of goodwill and
security, and that he was contented to goe with him to Hochelaga, vpon
which talke great wordes arose betweene Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which
we plainely perceiued that Taignoagny was but a crafty knaue, and that he
intended but mischiefe and treason, as well by this deede as others that
we by him had seene. After that our Captaine caused the said children to
be put in our ships, and caused two Swords and two copper Basons, the one
wrought, the other plaine, to be brought vnto him, and them he gaue to
Donnacona, who was therewith greatly contented, yeelding most heartie
thankes vnto our Captaine for them, and presently vpon that he commanded
all his people to sing and dance, and desired our Captaine to cause a
peece of artillerie to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Domagaia made
great brags of it, and had told them maruellous things, and also, because
they had neuer heard nor seene any before: to whom our Captaine answered,
that he was content: and by and by he commanded his men to shoot off
twelue cannons charged with bullets into the wood that was hard by those
people and ships, at whose noyse they were greatly astonished and amazed,
for they thought that heauen had fallen ypon them, and put themselues to
flight, howling, crying, and shreeking, so that it seemed hell was broken
loose. But before we went thence, Taignoagny caused other men to tell vs,
that those men which we had left in our Pinnesse in the road, had slaine
two men of their company, with a peece of ordinance that they had shot
off, whereupon the rest had put themselues all to flight, as though they
should all haue bene slaine: which afterward we found vntrue, because our
men had not shot off any peece at all that day.
Chap. 4. How Donnacona and Taignoagny with others, deuised a prettie
sleight or pollicie: for they caused three of their men to be attired like
Diuels, fayning themselues to be sent from their God Cudruaigny, onely to
hinder our voyage to Hochelaga.
The next day being the eighteenth of September, these men still endeuoured
themselues to seeke all meanes possible to hinder and let our going to
Hochelaga, and deuised a prettie guile, as hereafter shalbe shewed. They
went and dressed three men like Diuels, being wrapped in dogges skinnes
white and blacke, their faces besmeered as blacke as any coales, with
hornes on their heads more then a yard long, and caused them secretly to
be put in one of their boates, but came not neere our ships as they were
wont to doe, for they lay hidden within the wood for the space of two
houres, looking for the tide, to the end the boat wherein the Diuels were,
might approach and come neere vs, which when time was, came, and all the
rest issued out of the wood comming to vs, but yet not so neere as they
were wont to do. There began Taignoagny to salute our Captaine, who asked
him if he would haue the boate to come for him; he answered, not for that
time, but after a while he would come vnto our ships: then presently came
that boat rushing out, wherein the three counterfeit Diuels were with such
long hornes on their heads, and the middlemost came making a long Oration
and passed along our ships with out turning or looking toward vs, but with
the boat went toward the land. Then did Donnacona with all his people
pursue them, and lay hold on the boat and Diuels, who so soone as the men
were come to them, fell prostrate in the boate, euen as if they had beene
dead: then were they taken vp and carried into the wood, being but a
stones cast off, then euery one withdrew himselfe into the wood, not one
staying behind with vs, where being, they began to make a long discourse,
so loud that we might heare them in our ships, which lasted aboue halfe an
houre, and being ended we began to espie Taignoagny and Domagaia comming
towards vs, holding their hands vpward ioyned together, carying their hats
vnder their vpper garment, shewing a great admiration, and Taignoagny
looking vp to heauen, cryed three times Iesus, Iesus, Iesus, and Domagaia
doing as his fellow had done before, cryed, Iesus Maria, Iames Cartier.
Our Captaine hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked
of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew; they
answered, that there were very ill tydings befallen, saying in French,
Nenni est il bon, that is to say, it was not good: our Captaine asked them
againe what it was, then answered they, that their God Cudruaigny had
spoken in Hochleaga: and that he had sent those three men to shewe vnto
them that there was so much yce and snow in that countrey, that whosoeuer
went thither should die, which wordes when we heard, we laughed and mocked
them saying, that their God Cudruaigny was but a foole and a noddie, for
he knew not what he did or said; then bade we them shew his messengers
from vs, that Christ would defend them all from colde, if they would
beleeue in him. Then did they aske of our Captaine if he had spoken with
Iesus: he answered no, but that his Priests had, and that he told them
they should haue faire weather: which wordes when they had heard, they
thanked our Captaine, and departed toward the wood to tell those newes
vnto their felowes, who sodainly came all rushing out of the wood, seeming
to be very glad for those words that our Captaine had spoken, and to shew
that thereby they had had, and felt great ioy, so soone as they were
before our ships, they altogether gaue out three great shreekes, and
thereupon beganne to sing and dance, as they were wont to doe. But for a
resolution of the matter Taignoagny and Domagaia tolde our Captaine, that
their Lord Donnacona would by no meanes permit that any of them should goe
with him to Hochelaga vnlesse he would leaue him some hostage to stay with
him: our Captaine answered them, that if they would not goe with him with
a good will, they should stay, and that for all them he would not leaue
off his iourney thither.
Chap 5. How our Captaine with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners
departed with our Pinnesse, and the two boates from Canada to goe to
Hochelaga: and also there is described, what was seene by the way vpon the
said riuer.
(M125) The next day being the 19 of September we hoysed saile, and with
our Pinnesse and two boates departed to goe vp the riuer with the flood,
where on both shores of it we beganne to see as goodly a countrey as
possibly can with eye be seene, all replenished with very goodly trees,
and Vines laden as full of grapes as could be all along the riuer, which
rather seemed to haue bin planted by mans hand than otherwise. (M126) True
it is, that because they are not dressed and wrought as they should be,
their bunches of grapes are not so great nor sweete as ours: also we sawe
all along the riuer many houses inhabited of Fishers, which take all
kindes of fishes, and they came with as great familiaritie and kindnesse
vnto vs, as if we had beene their Countreymen, and brought vs great store
of fish, with other such things as they had, which we exchanged with them
for other wares, who lifting vp their hands toward heauen, gaue many
signes of ioy: we stayed at a place called Hochelai, about fiue and
twentie leagues from Canada, where the riuer waxeth very narrow, and
runneth very swift, wherefore it is very dangerous, not onely for that,
but also for certaine great stones that are therein. Many boates and
barkes came vnto vs, in one of which came one of the chiefe Lords of the
contrey, making a long discourse, who being come neere vs, did by evident
signes and gestures shew vs, that the higher the riuer went, the more
dangerous it was, and bade vs take heede of our selues. The said Lord
presented and gaue vnto our Capuine two of his owne children, of which our
Captaine tooke one being a wench 7 or 8 yeres old, the man child he gaue
him againe, because it was too yong, for it was but two or three yeeres
old. Our Captaine as friendly and as courteously as he could did
entertaine and receiue the said Lord and his company, giuing them certaine
small trifles, and so they departed toward the shore againe. Afterwards
the sayd Lord and his wife came vnto Canada to visite his daughter,
bringing vnto our Captaine certaine small presents. From the nineteenth
vntill the eight and twentieth of September, we sailed vp along the saide
riuer, neuer losing one houre of time, all which time we saw as goodly and
pleasant a countrey as possibly can be wished for, full (as we haue said
before) of all sorts of goodly trees, that is to say, Okes, Elmes,
Walnut-trees, Cedars, Firres, Ashes, Boxe, Willowes, and great store of
Vines, all as full of grapes as could be, so that if any of our fellowes
went on shore, they came home laden with them: there are likewise many
Cranes, Swannes, Geese, Duckes, Feasants, Partriges, Thrushes, Blackbirds,
Turtles, Finches, Redbreasts, Nightingales, Sparrowes of diuerse kindes,
with many other sorts of Birds, euen as in France, and great plentie and
store. (M127) Vpon the 28 of September we came to a great wide lake in the
middle of the riuer fiue or sixe leagues broad, and twelue long, all that
day we went against the tide, hauing but two fadome water, still keeping
the sayd scantling: being come to one of the heads of the lake, we could
espie no passage or going out, nay, rather it seemed to haue bene closed
and shut vp round about, and there was but a fadome and an halfe of water,
little more or lesse. And therefore we were constrayned to cast anker, and
to stay with our Pinnesse, and went with our two boates to seeke some
going out, and in one place we found foure or fiue branches, which out of
the riuer come into the lake, and they came from Hochelaga. But in the
said branches, because of the great fiercenesse and swiftnesse wherewith
they breake out, and the course of the water, they make certaine barres
and shoulds, and at that time there was but a fadome water. Those Shouldes
being passed, we found foure or fiue fadome, and as farre as we could
perceiue by the flood, it was that time of the yeere that the waters are
lowest, for at other times they flowe higher by three fadomes. All these
foure or fiue branches do compasse about fiue or sixe Ilands very
pleasant, which make the head of the lake: about fifteene leagues beyond,
they doe all come into one. That day we landed in one of the saide
Islands, and met with fiue men that were hunting of wilde beastes, who as
freely and familiarly came to our boates without any feare, as if we had
euer bene brought vp togither. Our boates being somewhat neere the shore,
one of them tooke our Captaine in his armes, and caried him on shore, as
lightly and as easily as if he had bene a child of fiue yeeres old: so
strong and sturdie was this fellow. (M128) We found that they had a great
heape of wild Rats that liue in the water, as bigge as a Conny, and very
good to eate, which they gaue vnto our Captaine, who for a recompence gaue
them kniues and glassen Beades. We asked them with signes if that was the
way to Hochelaga, they answered yea, and that we had yet three dayes
sayling thither.
Chap 6. How our Captaine caused our boates to be mended and dressed to goe
to Hochelaga: and because the way was somewhat difficult and hard, we left
our Pinnesse behinde: and how we came thither, and what entertainment we
had of the people.
(M129) The next day our Captaine seeing that for that time it was not
possible for our Pinnesse to goe on any further, he caused our boates to
be made readie, and as much munition and victuals to be put in them, as
they could well beare: he departed with them, accompanyed with many
Gentlemen, that is to say, Cladius of Ponte Briand, Cup-bearer to the
Lorde Dolphin of France, Charles of Pommeraye, Iohn Gouion, Iohn Powlet,
with twentie and eight Mariners: and Mace Iallobert, and William Briton,
who had the charge vnder the Captaine of the other two ships, to goe vp as
farre as they could into that riuer: we sayled with good and prosperous
weather vntill the second of October, on which day we came to the towne of
Hochelaga, distant from the place where we had left our Pinnesse fiue and
fortie leagues. In which place of Hochelaga, and (M130) all the way we
went, we met with many of those countriemen, who brought vs fish and such
other victuals as they had, still dancing and greatly reioycing at our
comming. Our Captaine to lure them in, and to keepe them our friends, to
recompence them, gaue them kniues, beades, and such small trifles,
wherewith they were greatly satisfied. So soone as we were come neere
Hochelaga, there came to meete vs aboue a thousand persons, men, women and
children, who afterward did as friendly and merily entertaine and receiue
vs as any father would doe his child, which he had not of long time seene,
the men dauncing on one side, the women on another, and likewise the
children on another: after that they brought vs great store of fish, and
of their bread made of Millet, casting them into our boates so thicke,
that you would haue thought it to fall from heauen. Which when our
Captaine sawe, he with many of his company went on shore: so soone as euer
we were aland they came clustring about vs, making very much of vs,
bringing their young children in their armes, onely to haue our Captaine
and his company to touch them, making signes and shewes of great mirth and
gladnesse, that lasted more than halfe an houre. Our Captaine seeing their
louing kindnesse and entertainment of vs, caused all the women orderly to
be set in aray, and gaue them Beades made of Tinne, and other such small
trifles, and to some of the men he gaue kniues: then he returned to the
boates to supper, and so passed that night, all which while all those
people stood on the shore as neere our boates as they might, making great
fires, and dauncing very merily, still crying Aguiaze, which in their
tonge signifieth Mirth and Safetie.
Chap. 7. How our Captaine with fiue gentlemen and twentie armed men all
well in order, went to see the towne of Hochelaga, and the situation of
it.
(M131) Ovr Captaine the next day very rarely in the morning, hauing very
gorgeously attired himselfe, caused all his company to be set in order to
go to see the towne and habitation of those people, and a certaine
mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie: with whom went also fiue
Gentlemen and twentie Mariners, leauing the rest to keepe and looke to our
boates: we tooke with vs three men of Hochelaga to bring vs to the place.
All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can
be, the fairest and best countrey that possibly can be seene, full of as
goodly great Okes as are in any wood in France, vnder which the ground was
all couered ouer with faire Akornes. (M132) After we had gone about foure
or fiue miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie,
accompanied with many moe, who so soone as he sawe vs beckned and made
signes vpon vs, that we must rest vs in that place where they had made a
great fire, and so we did. After that we had rested our selues there a
while, the said Lord began to make a long discourse, euen as we haue saide
aboue, they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship,
shewing our Captaine and all his company a ioyfull countenance, and good
will, who gaue him two hatchets, a paire of kniues and a crosse which he
made him to kisse, and then put it about his necke, for which he gaue our
Captaine heartie thankes. This done, we went along, and about a mile and a
halfe farther, we began to finde goodly and large fieldes, full of such
corne as the countrie yeeldieth. (M133) It is euen as the Millet of
Bresil, as great and somewhat bigger than small peason, wherewith they
liue euen as we doe with ours. (M134) In the midst of those fields is the
citie of Hochelaga, placed neere, and as it were ioyned to a great
mountaine that is tilled round about, very fertill, on the top of which
you may see very farre, we named it Mount Roiall. The citie of Hochelaga
is round, compassed about with timber; with three course of Rampires, one
within another framed like a sharpe Spire, but laide acrosse aboue. The
middlemost of them is made and built, as a direct line, but perpendicular.
The Rampires are framed and fashioned with peeces of timber, layd along on
the ground, very well and cunningly ioyned togither after their fashion.
This enclosure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entrie
thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes, and barres. Ouer it, and also
in many places of the wall, there be places to runne along, and ladders to
get vp, all full of stones, for the defence of it. There are in the towne
about fiftie houses, about fiftie paces long, and twelue, or fifteene
broad, built all of wood, couered ouer with the barke of the wood as broad
as any boord, very finely and cunning ioyned togither. Within the said
houses, there are many roomes, lodgings and chambers. In the middest of
euery one there is a great Court, in the middle whereof they make their
fire. They liue in common togither: then doe the husbands, wiues and
children each one retire themselues to their chambers. They haue also on
the top of their houses certaine garrets, wherein they keepe their corne
to make their bread withall: they call it Carraconny, which they make as
hereafter shall follow. They haue certaine peeces of wood, made hollow
like those whereon we beat our hempe, and with certaine beetles of wood
they beat their corne to powder; then they make paste of it, and of the
paste, cakes or wreathes, then they lay them on a broad and hote stone,
and then couer it with hote stones, and so they bake their bread in stead
of Ouens. (M135) They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said
corne and also of pease and of beanes, whereof they haue great store, as
also with other fruits, as Muske-Millions, and very great Cowcumbers. They
haue also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun,
wherein they preserue and keepe their fish, causing the same in sommer to
be dried in the sunne, and liue therewith in winter, whereof they make
great prouision, as we by experience haue seene. All their viands and
meates are without any taste or sauour of salt at all. They sleepe vpon
barkes of trees laide all along vpon the ground being ouer-spread with the
skinnes of certaine wilde Beastes, wherewith they also cloth and couer
themselues. The thing most precious that they haue in all the world they
call Asurgny: it is as white as any snow: they take it in the said riuer
of Cornibotz, in the maner folowing. When any one hath deserued death, or
that they take any of their enemies in Warres, first they kill him, then
with certaine kniues they giue great slashes and strokes vpon their
buttocks, flankes, thighs, and shoulders: then they cast the same bodie so
mangled downe to the bottome of the riuer, in a place where the said
Esurgny is, and there leaue it ten or 12 houres, then they take it vp
againe, and in the cuts find the said Esurgny or Cornibotz. Of them they
make beads, and weare them about their necks, euen as we doe chaines of
gold and siluer, accounting it the preciousest thing in the world. (M136)
They haue this vertue and propertie in them, they will stop or stanch
bleeding at the nose, for we haue prooued it. These people are giuen to no
other exercise, but onely to husbandrie and fishing for their sustenance:
they haue no care of any other wealth or commoditie in this world, for
they haue no knowledge of it, and that is, because they neuer trauell and
go out of their countrey, as those of Canada and Saguenay doe, albeit the
Canadians with eight or nine Villages more alongst the riuer be subiects
vnto them.
Chap. 8. How we came to the Towne of Hochelaga, and the entertainement
which there we had, and of certaine gifts which our Captaine gaue them,
with diuers other things.
So soone as we were come neere the Towne, a great number of the
inhabitants thereof came to present themselues before vs after their
fashion, making very much of vs: we were by our guides brought into the
middest of the towne. They haue in the middlemost part of their houses a
large square place, being from side to side a good stones cast, whither we
were brought, and there with signes were commanded to stay: then suddenly
all the women and maidens of the towne gathered themselues together, part
of which had their armes full of young children, and as many as could came
to rubbe our faces, our armes, and what part of the bodie soeuer they
could touch, weeping for very ioy that they saw vs, shewing vs the best
countenance that possibly they could, desiring vs with their signes, that
it would please vs to touch their children. That done, the men caused the
women to withdraw themselues backe, then they euery one sate downe on the
ground round about vs, as if they would haue shewen and rehearsed some
Comedie or other shew: then presently came the women againe, euery one
bringing a foure square Matte in manner of Carpets, and spreading them
abroad on the ground in that place, they caused vs to sit vpon them. That
done, the the Lord and King of the countrey was brought vpon 9 or 10 mens
shoulders, (whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna) sitting vpon a great
Stagges skinne, and they laide him downe vpon the foresaid mats neere to
the Captaine euery one beckning vnto vs that hee was their Lord and King.
This Agouhanna was a man about fiftie yeeres old: he was no whit better
apparelled then any of the rest, onely excepted, that he had a certaine
thing made of the skinnes of Hedgehogs like a red wreath, and that was in
stead of his Crowne. He was full of the palsie, and his members shronke
togither. After he had with certaine signes saluted our Captaine and all
his companie, and by manifest tokens bid all welcome, he shewed his legges
and armes to our Captaine, and with signes desired him to touch them, and
so he did, rubbing them with his owne hands: then did Agouhanna take the
wreath or crowne he had about his head, and gaue it vnto our Captaine:
that done they brought before him diuers diseased men, some blinde, some
criple, some lame and impotent, and some so old that the haire of their
eyelids came downe and couered their cheekes, and layd them all along
before our Captaine, to the end they might of him be touched: for it
seemed vnto them that God was descended and come downe from heauen to
heale them. Our Captaine seeing the misery and deuotion of this poore
people, recited the Gospel of Saint Iohn, that is to say, In the beginning
was the word; touching euery one that were diseased, praying to God that
it would please him to open the hearts of this poore people, and to make
them know his holy word, and that they might receiue Baptisme and
Christendome: that done, he tooke a Seruice-booke in his hand, and with a
loud voyce read all the passion of Christ, word by word that all the
standers by might heare him: all which while this poore people kept
silence, and were maruellously attentiue, looking vp to heauen, and
imitating vs in gestures. Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on
one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on an other, and
to the chiefest of them he gaue hatchets, to the other kniues, and to the
women beads and such other small trifles. Then where the children were, he
cast rings, counters, and brooches made of Tin, whereat they seemed to be
very glad. That done, our Captaine commanded Trumpets and other musicall
instruments to be sounded, which when they heard, they were very merie.
Then we tooke our leaue and went to our boate: the women seeing that, put
themselues before to stay vs, and brought vs out of their meates that they
had made readie for vs, as fish, pottage beanes, and such other things,
thinking to make vs eate, and dine in that place: but because the meates
had no sauour at all of salt, we liked them not, but thanked them, and
with signes gaue them to vnderstand that we had no neede to eate. When wee
were out of the Towne, diuerse of the men and women followed vs, and
brought vs to the toppe of the foresaid mountaine, which we named Mount
Roiall, it is about a league from the Towne. (M137)
When as we were on the toppe of it, we might discerne and plainly see
thirtie leagues about. On the Northside of it there are many hilles to be
seene running West and East, and as many more on the South, amongst and
betweene the which the Countrey is as faire and as pleasant as possibly
can be seene, being leuell, smooth, and very plaine, fit to be husbanded
and tilled: and in the middest of those fieldes we saw the riuer further
vp a great way then where we had left our boates, where was the greatest
and the swiftest fall of water that any where hath beene seene, and as
great, wide, and large as our sight might discerne, going Southwest along
three faire and round mountaines that wee sawe, as we judged about
fifteene leagues from vs. Those which brought vs thither tolde and shewed
vs, that in the sayd riuer there were three such falles of water more, as
that was where we had left our boates: but because we could not vnderstand
their language, we could not knowe how farre they were from one another.
(M138)
(M139) Moreouer they shewed vs with signes, that the said three fals being
past, a man might sayle the space of three monethes more alongst that
Riuer, and that along the hilles that are on the North side there is a
great riuer, which (euen as the other) commeth from the West, we thought
it to be the riuer that runneth through the Countrey of Saguenay: and
without any signe or question mooued or asked of them, they tooke the
chayne of our Captaines whistle, which was of siluer, and the dagger haft
of one of our fellow Mariners, hanging on his side being of yellow copper
guilt, and shewed vs that such stuffe came from the said Riuer, and that
there be Agouionda, that is as much to say, as euill people, who goe all
armed euen to their finger ends. Also they shewed vs the manner and making
of their armour: they are made of cordes and wood, finely and cunningly
wrought togither. They gaue vs also to vnderstande that those Agouionda
doe continually warre one against another, but because we did not
vnderstand them well, we could not perceiue how farre it was to that
Countrey. Our Captaine shewed them redde Copper, which, in their language
they call Caignetadze, and looking towarde that Countrey, with signes
asked them if any came from thence, they shaking their heads answered no:
but they shewed vs that it came from Saguenay, and that lyeth cleane
contrary to the other. After we had heard and seene these things of them,
we drewe to our boates accompanied with a great multitude of those people:
some of them when as they sawe any of our fellowes weary, would take them
vp on their shoulders, and carry them as on horsebacke. So soone as we
came to our boates we hoysed saile to goe toward our Pinnesse, doubting of
some mischance. Our departure grieued and displeased them very much, for
they followed vs along the riuer as farre as they could: we went so fast
that on Munday being the fourth of October wee came where our Pinnesse
was. The Tuesday following being the fift of the moneth, we hoysed saile,
and with our Pinnesse and boates departed from thence toward the Prouince
of Canada, to the port of the Holy Crosse, where we had left our ships.
The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North, and
entred into that riuer, at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands
full of faire and goodly trees: we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz:
But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the
riuer, our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be
set vp, and commanded the boates to be made readie, that with the next
tide he might goe vp the saide riuer, and consider the qualitie of it,
which wee did, and that day went vp as farre as we could: but because we
found it to be of no importance, and very shallow, we returned and sayled
down the riuer.
Chap. 9. How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse, and in what state we
found our ships: and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our
Captaine, and our Captaine him: and of certaine particular customes of the
people.
Vpon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Holy
Crosse, where our ships were, and found that the Masters and Mariners we
had left there, had made and reared a trench before the ships, altogether
closed with great peeces of timber set vpright and verywell fastened
togither: then had they beset the said trench about with peeces of
Artillerie and other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues
from the power of all the countrey. So soone as the Lord of the countrey
heard of our comming, the next day being the twelfth of October, he came
to visite vs, accompanied with Taignoagny, Domagaia, and many others,
fayning to be very glad of our comming, making much of our Captaine, who
as friendly as he could, entertained them, albeit they had not deserued
it. Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see
Canada, which he promised to doe: for the next day being the 13 of the
moneth, he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed,
went to visite Donnacona and his people, about a league from our ships.
The place where they make their abode is called Stadaoona. When we were
about a stones cast from their houses, many of the inhabitants came to
meete vs, being all set in a ranke, and (as their custome is) the men all
on one side, and the women on the other, still dancing and singing without
any ceasing: and after we had saluted and receiued one another, our
Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things: then he caused
all the women and children to passe along before him, giuing each one a
ring of Tin, for which they gaue him hearty thankes: that done, our
Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny, brought to see their houses,
which (the qualitie considered) were very well prouided, and stored with
such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth, to passe away the winter withall.
(M140) Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boards
as we do vse parchment: Donnacona told vs that they were skins of
Toudamani, a people dwelling toward the South, who continually doe warre
against them. Moreouer they told vs, that it was two yeeres past that
those Toudamans came to assault them, yea euen into the said riuer, in an
Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay, where they had bin the night
before, as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo, with 200 persons, men,
women, and children, who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made,
they were assaulted by the said Toudamans, who put fire round about the
Fort, and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues, they were
all slaine, only fiue excepted, who escaped. For which losse they yet
sorrowed, shewing with signes, that one day they would be reuenged: that
done, we came to our ships againe.
Chap. 10. The maner how the people of that Countrey liue: and of certaine
conditions: of their faith, maners, and customes.
This people beleeue no whit in God, but in one whom they call Cudruaigni:
they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather
shal follow, whether good or bad. Moreouer they say, that when he is angry
with them he casteth dust into their eyes: they beleeue that when they die
they go into the stars, and thence by litle and little descend downe into
the Horizon, euen as the stars doe, and that then they goe into certaine
greene fields full of goodly faire and precious trees, floures, and
fruits. After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand, we shewed
them their error, and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them, for
he is but a Diuell and an euill spirit: affirming vnto them, that there is
but one onely God, who is in heauen, and who giueth vs all necessaries,
being the Creatour of all himselfe, and that onely we must beleeue in him:
moreouer, that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised, otherwise wee are
damned into hell. (M141) These and many other things concerning our faith
and religion we shewed them, all which they did easily beleeue, calling
their Cudruaigni, Agouiada, that is to say, nought, so that very earnestly
they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be
baptised, and their Lorde, and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of
the towne came vnto vs, hoping to be baptised: but because we did not
throughly know their minde, and that there was no bodie could teach them
our beliefe and religion, we excused our selues, desiring Taignoagny, and
Domagaia, to tell the rest of their countreymen, that he would come againe
another time, and bring Priests and chrisome with vs, for without them
they could not be baptised: which they did easily beleeue, for Domagaia
and Taignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they
were there. Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad.
They liue in common togither: and of such commodities as their countrey
yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored, the inhabitants of the
countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts, but
very miserably. In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts
skins, and in Sommer they goe barefooted. They keepe and obserue the rites
of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or 3 wiues, which (their
husbands being dead) do neuer marrie againe, but for the death of their
husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life,
besmearing al their faces with cole dust and grease mingled togither as
thicke as the backe of a knife, and by that they are knowen to be
widdowes. They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their
maidens, and that is this, they put them all (after they are of lawfull
age to marry) in a common place, as harlots free for euery man that will
haue to doe with them, vntill such time as they find a match. This I say,
because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those Damosels,
euen as our schooles are full of children in France to learne to reade.
Moreouer, the misrule and riot that they keepe in those houses is very
great, for very wantonly they sport and dally togither, shewing whatsoever
God hath sent them. They are no men of great labour. They digge their
grounds with certaine peeces of wood, as bigge as halfe a sword, on which
ground groweth their corne, which they call Offici: it is as bigge as our
small peason: there is great quantitie of it growing in Bresill. (M142)
They haue also great store of Muske-milions, Pompions, Gourds, Cucumbers,
Peason and Beanes of euery colour, yet differing from ours. There groweth
also a certaine kind of herbe, whereof in Sommer they make great prouision
for all the yeere, making great account of it, and onely men vse of it,
and first they cause it to be dried in the Sunne, then weare it about
their neckes wrapped in a little beasts skinne made like a little bagge,
with a hollow peece of stone or wood like a pipe: then when they please
they make pouder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said
Cornet or pipe, and laying a cole of fire vpon it, at the other ende sucke
so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it commeth
out of their mouth and nostrils, euen as out of the Tonnell of a chimney.
They say that this doth keepe them warme and in health: they neuer goe
without some of it about them. We ourselues haue tryed the same smoke, and
hauing put it in our mouthes, it seemed almost as hot as Pepper. The women
of that countrey doe labour much more then the men, as well in fishing
(whereto they are greatly giuen) as in tilling and husbanding their
grounds, and other things: as well the men as women and children, are very
much more able to resist cold then sauage beastes, for wee with our owne
eyes haue seene some of them, when it was coldest (which cold was extreme
raw and bitter) come to our ships starke naked going vpon snow and yce,
which thing seemeth incredible to them that haue not seene it. When as the
snow and yce lyeth on the ground, they take great store of wilde beasts,
as Faunes, Stags, Beares, Marterns, Hares and Foxes, with diuers other
sorts whose flesh they eate raw, hauing first dried it in the sunne or
smoke, and so they doe their fish. As farre foorth as we could perceiue
and vnderstand by these people, it were a very easie thing to bring them
to some familiaritie and ciuility, and make them learne what one would.
The Lord God for his mercies sake set thereunto his helping hand when he
seeth cause. Amen.
Chap. 11. Of the greatnesse and depth of the said riuer, and of the sorts
of beasts, birdes, fishes, and other things that we haue seene, with the
situation of the place.
The said riuer beginneth beyond the Iland of the Assumption, ouer against
the high mountaines of Hognedo, and of the seuen Ilands. The distance ouer
from one side to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues. In the middest it is
aboue 200 fadome deepe. The surest way to sayle vpon it is on the South
side. And toward the North, that is to say, from the said 7 Ilands, from
side to side, there is seuen leagues distance, where are also two great
riuers that come downe from the hils of Saguenay, and make diuers very
dangerous shelues in the Sea. At the entrance of those two riuers we saw
many and great store of Whales and Sea horses. Ouerthwart the said Islands
there is another little riuer that runneth along those marrish grounds
about 3 or 4 leagues, wherein there is great store of water foules. (M143)
From the entrance of that riuer to Hochelaga there is about 300 leagues
distance: the originall beginning of it is in the riuer that commeth from
Saguenay, which riseth and springeth among high and steepe hils: it
entreth into that riuer before it commeth to the Prouince of Canada on the
North side. That riuer is very deepe, high, and streight, wherefore it is
very dangerous for any vessell to goe vpon it. After that riuer followeth
the Prouince of Canada, wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughes
and villages. There are also in the circuit and territorie of Canada,
along, and within the said riuer, many other Ilands, some great, and some
small, among which there is one that containeth aboue ten leagues in
length, full of goodly and high trees, and also many Vines. You may goe
into it from both sides, but yet the surest passage is on the South side.
On the shore or banke of that riuer Westward, there is a goodly, faire,
and delectable bay or creeke, conuenient and fit for to harborough ships.
Hard by there is in that riuer one place very narrow, deepe, and swift
running, but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against
the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a towne therein: and
the countrey about it is very well tilled and wrought, and as good as
possibly can be seene. That is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of
our two men we tooke in our first voyage, it is called Stadacona. But
before we come to it, there are 4 other peopled townes, that is to say,
Ayraste, Starnatan, Tailla, which standeth vpon a hill, Scitadin, and then
Stadagona, vnder which towne toward the North the riuer and port of the
holy crosse is, where we staied from the 15 of September, vntil the 16 of
May 1536, and there our ships remained dry, as we haue said before. That
place being past, we found the habitation of the people called
Teguenondahi, standing vpon an high mountaine, and the valley of Hochelay,
which standeth in a Champaigne countrey. All the said countrey on both
sides of the riuer as farre as Hochelay and beyond, is as faire and plaine
as euer was seene. (M144) There are certain mountaines farre distaines
diuers riuers descend, which fall into the said riuer. All that countrey
is full of sundry sorts of wood and many Vines, vnless it be about the
places that are inhabited, where they haue pulled vp the trees to till and
labour the ground, and to build their houses and lodgings. (M145) There is
great store of Stags, Deere, Beares, and other such sorts of beasts, as
Connies, Hares, Marterns, Foxes, Otters, Beares, Weasels, Badgers, and
Rats exceeding great and diuers other sortes of wilde beasts. They cloth
themselues with the skinnies of those beasts, because they haue nothing
else to make them apparell withall. (M146) There are also many sorts of
birdes, as Cranes, Swannes, Bustards, wild Geese white and grey, Duckes,
Thrushes, Blackbirdes, Turtles, wilde Pigeons, Lenites, Finches,
Red-breasts, Stares, Nightingales, Sparrowes, and other Birdes, euen as in
France. (M147) Also, as we haue said before, the said riuer is the
plentifullest of fish that euen hath of any man bene seene or heard of,
because that from the mouth to the end of it, according to their seasons,
you shall finde all sorts of fresh water fish and salt. There are also
many Whales, Porposes, Seahorses, and Adhothuis, which is a kind of fish
that we had neuer seene or heard of before. They are as great as Porposes,
as white as any snow, their bodie and head fashioned as a grayhound, they
are wont alwaies to abide between the fresh and salt water, which
beginneth betweene the riuer of Saguenay and Canada.
Chap. 12. Of certaine aduertisements and notes giuen vnto vs by those
countreymen, after our returne from Hochelaga.
After our returne from Hochelaga, we dealt, traffickt, and with great
familiaritie and loue were conuersant with those that dwelt neerest vnto
our ships, except that sometimes we had strife and contention with
certaine naughtie people, full sore against the will of the others. Wee
vnderstood of Donnacona and of others, that the said riuer is called the
riuer of Saguenay, and goeth to Sagnenay, being somewhat more then a
league farther Westnorthwest, and that 8 or 9 dayes journeys beyond, it
will beare but small boats. (M148) But the right and ready way to Saguenay
is vp that way to Hochelaga, and then into another that commeth from
Saguenay, and then entreth into the foresaid riuer, and that there is yet
one moneths sayling thither. (M149) Moreouer, they told vs and gave vs to
vnderstand, that there are people clad with cloth as we are, very honest,
and many inhabited townes, and that they haue great store of Gold and red
Copper: (M150) and that about the land beyond the said first riuer to
Hochelaga and Saguenay, is an Iland enuironed round about with that and
other riuers, and that beyond Saguenay the said riuer entereth into two or
3 great lakes, and that there is a Sea of fresh water found, and as they
haue heard say of those of Sanguenay, there was neuer man heard of that
found out the end thereof: for, as they told vs, they themselues were
neuer there. Moreouer they told vs, that where we had left our Pinnesse
when wee went to Hochelaga, there is a riuer that goeth Southwest, from
whence there is a whole moneths sayling to goe to a certaine land, where
there is neither yce nor snow seene, where the inhabitants doe continually
warre one against another, where there is great store of Oranges, Almonds,
Nuts, and Apples, with many other sorts of fruits, and that the men and
women are clad with beasts skinnes euen as they: we asked them if there
were any gold or red copper, they answered no. I take this place to be
toward Florida, as farre as I could perceiue and vnderstand by their
signes and tokens.
Chap. 13. Of a strange and cruell disease that came to the people of
Stadacona, wherewith because we did haunt their company, we were so
infected, that there died 25 of our company.
In the moneth of December, wee vnderstood that the pestilence was come
among the people of Stadacona, in such sort, that before we knew of it,
according to their confession, there were dead aboue 50: whereupon we
charged them neither to come neere our Fort, nor about our ships, or vs.
And albeit we had driuen them from vs, the said vnknowen sicknes began to
spread itselfe amongst vs after the strangest sort that euer was eyther
heard of or seene, insomuch as some did lose all their strength, and could
not stand on their feete, then did their legges swel, their sinnowes
shrinke as blacke as any cole. Others also had all their skins spotted
with spots of blood of a purple coulour: then did it ascend vp to their
ankels, knees, thighes, shoulders, and necke: their mouth became
stincking, their gummes so rotten, that all the flesh did fall off, even
to the rootes of the teeth, which did also almost all fall out. With such
infection did this sicknesse spread itselfe in our three ships, that about
the middle of February, of a hundreth and tenne persons that we were,
there were not ten whole, so that one could not help the other, a most
horrible and pitifull case, considering the place we were in, forsomuch as
the people of the countrey would dayly come before our fort, and saw but
few of vs. There were alreadie eight dead, and more then fifty sicke, and
as we thought, past all hope of recouery. Our Captaine seeing this our
misery, and that the sicknesse was gone so farre, ordained and commanded,
that euery one should deuoutly prepare himselfe to prayer, and in
remembrance of Christ, caused his Image to be set vpon a tree, about a
flight shot from the fort amidst the yce and snow, giuing all men to
vnderstand, that on the Sunday following, seruice should be said there,
and that whosoeuer could goe, sicke or whole, should goe thither in
Procession, singing the seuen Psalmes of Dauid, with other Letanies,
praying most heartily that it would please the said our Christ to haue
compassion vpon vs. Seruice being done, and as well celebrated as we
could, our Captaine there made a vow, that if it would please God to giue
him leaue to returne into France, he would go on Pilgrimage to our Ladie
of Rocquemado. That day Philip Rougemont, borne in Amboise, died, being 22
yeeres olde, and because the sicknesse was to vs vnknowen, our Captaine
caused him to be ripped to see if by any meanes possible we might know
what it was, and so seeke meanes to saue and preserue the rest of the
company: he was found to have his heart white, but rotten, and more then a
quart of red water about it: his liuer was indifferent faire, but his
lungs blacke and mortified, his blood was altogither shrunke about the
heart, so that when he was opened great quantitie of rotten blood issued
out from about his heart: his milt toward the backe was somewhat perished,
rough as it had bene rubbed against a stone. Moreouer, because one of his
thighs was very blacke without, it was opened, but within it was whole and
sound: that done, as well as we could he was buried. In such sort did the
sicknesse continue and increase, that there were not aboue three sound men
in the ships, and none was able to goe vnder hatches to draw drinke for
himselfe, nor for his fellowes. Sometimes we were constrained to bury some
of the dead vnder the snow, because we were not able to digge any graues
for them the ground was so hard frozen, and we so weake. Besides this, we
did greatly feare that the people of the countrey would perceiue our
weaknesse and miserie, which to hide, our Captaine, whom it pleased God
alwayes to keepe in health, would go out with two or three of the company,
some sicke and some whole, whom when he saw out of the Fort, he would
throw stones at them and chide them, faigning that so soone as he came
againe, he would beate them, and then with signes shewe the people of the
countrey that hee caused all his men to worke and labour in the ships,
some in calking them, some in beating of chalke, some in one thing, and
some in another, and that he would not haue them come foorth till their
worke was done. And to make his tale seeme true and likely, he would make
all his men whole and sound to make a great noyse with knocking stickes,
stones, hammers, and other things togither, at which time we were so
oppressed and grieued with that sicknesse, that we had lost all hope euer
to see France againe, if God of his infinite goodnesse and mercie had not
with his pitifull eye looked vpon vs, and reuealed a singular and
excellent remedie against all diseases vnto vs, the best that euer was
found vpon earth, as hereafter shall follow.
Chap. 14. How long we stayed in the Port of the holy Crosse amidst the
snow and yce, and how many died of the said disease, from the beginning of
it to the midst of March.
From the midst of Nouember vntill the midst of March, we were kept in
amidst the yce aboue two fadomes thicke, and snow aboue foure foot high
and more, higher then the sides of our ships, which lasted till that time,
in such sort, that all our drinkes were frozen in the Vessels, and the yce
through all the ships was aboue a hand breadth thicke, as well aboue
hatches as beneath, and so much of the riuer as was fresh, euen to
Hochelaga, was frozen, in which space there died fiue and twentie of our
best and chiefest men, and all the rest were so sicke, that wee thought
they should neuer recouer againe, only three or foure excepted. Then it
pleased God to cast his pitiful eye vpon vs, and sent us the knowledge of
remedie of our healthes and recouerie, in such maner as in the next
Chapter shall be shewed.
Chap. 15. How by the grace of God we had notice of a certaine tree,
whereby we all recouered our health: and the maner how to vse it.
Ovr Captaine considering our estate (and how that sicknesse was encreased
and hot amongst vs) one day went foorth of the Forte, and walking vpon the
yce, hee saw a troupe of those Countreymen comming from Stadacona, among
which was Domagaia, who not passing ten or twelue dayes afore, had bene
very sicke with that disease, and had his knees swolne as bigge as a
childe of two yeres old, all his sinews shrunke together, his teeth
spoyled, his gummes rotten, and stinking. Our Captaine seeing him whole
and sound, was thereat maruellous glad, hoping to vnderstand and know of
him how he had healed himselfe, to the end he might ease and help his men.
So soone as they were come neere him, he asked Domagaia how he had done to
heale himselfe: he answered, that he had taken the juice and sappe of the
leaues of a certain Tree, and therewith had healed himselfe: For it is a
singular remedy against that disease. Then our Captaine asked of him if
any were to be had thereabout, desiring him to shew him, for to heale a
seruant of his, who whilest he was in Canada with Donnacona, was striken
with that disease: That he did because he would not shew the number of his
sicke men. Domagaia straight sent two women to fetch some of it, which
brought ten or twelue branches of it, and therewithall shewed the way how
to vse it, and that is thus, to take the barke and leaues of the sayd
tree, and boile them togither, then to drinke of the sayd decoction euery
other day, and to put the dregs of it vpon his legs that is sicke:
moreouer, they told vs, that the vertue of that tree was, to heale any
other disease: the tree is in their language called Ameda or Hanneda, this
is thought to be the Sassafras tree. (M151) Our Captaine presently caused
some of that drink to be made for his men to drink of it, but there was
none durst tast of it, except one or two, who ventured the drinking of it,
only to tast and proue it; the other seeing that did the like, and
presently recovered their health, and were deliuered of that sickenes, and
what other disease soeuer, in such sorte, that there were some had bene
diseased and troubled with the French Pockes foure or fiue yeres, and with
this drinke were cleane healed. After this medicine was found and proued
to be true, there was such strife about it, who should be first to take
it, that they were ready to kill one another, so that a tree as big as any
Oake in France was spoiled and lopped bare, and occupied all in fiue or
sixe daies, and it wrought so wel, that if all the phisicians of
Mountpelier and Louaine had bene there with all the drugs of Alexandria,
they would not haue done so much in one yere, as that tree did in sixe
dayes, for it did so preuail, that as many as vsed of it, by the grace of
God recouered their health.
Chap. 16. How the Lord Donnacona accompanied with Taignoagny and diuers
others, faining that they would goe to hunt Stags, and Deere, taried out
two moneths, and at their returne brought a great multitude of people with
them, that we were not wont to see before.
While that disease lasted in our ships the lord Donnacona, Taignoagny,
with many others went from home, faining that they would goe to catch
Stags and Deere, which are in their tongue called Aiounesta, and
Asquenoudo, because the yce and snow was not so broken along the riuer
that they could sayle: it was told vs of Domagaia and others, that they
would stay out but a fortnight, and we beleeued it, but they stayed aboue
two moneths, which made vs mistrust that they had bene gone to raise the
countrey to come against vs, and do vs some displeasure, we seeing our
selues so weake and faint. (M152) Albeit we had vsed such diligence and
policie in our Fort, that if all the power of the countrey had bene about
it, they could haue done nothing but looke vpon vs: and whilest they were
foorth, many of the people came dayly to our ships, and brought vs fresh
meat, as Stags, Deere, fishes, with diuers other things, but held them at
such an excessiue price, that rather then they would sell them any thing
cheape, many times they would carie them backe againe, because that yere
the Winter was very long, and they had some scarcity and neede of them.
Chap. 17. How Donnacona came to Stadacona againe with a great number of
people, and because he would not come to visit our Captaine, fained
himselfe to be sore sicke, which he did only to haue the Captaine come see
him.
On the one and twentieth day of April Domagaia came to the shore side,
accompanied with diuers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to
see, and tolde vs that their lord Donnacona would the next day come and
see vs, and bring great store of Deeres flesh, and other things with him.
The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Stadacona, to
what end, and for what cause wee knew not, but (as the prouerb sayth) hee
that takes heede and shields himselfe from all men, may hap to scape from
some: for we had need to looke about vs, considering how in number we were
diminished, and in strength greatly weakned, both by reason of our
sicknesse and also of the number that were dead, so that we were
constrained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our
Captaine was warned of their comming, and how they had brought a great
number of men with them, for Domagaia came to tell it vs, and durst not
passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs, as he was wont to doe,
whereupon we mistrusted some treason. Our Captaine seeing this sent one of
his seruants to them, accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of
those people, to see who were there, and what they did. The sayd Poulet
and the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona, and
bring him certaine presents, because they had beene together a good while
in the sayd Donnaconas Towne. So soone as he heard of their comming, he
got himselfe to bed, faining to bee very sicke. That done, they went to
Taignoagny his house to see him, and wheresoeuer they went, they saw so
many people, that in a maner one could not stirre for another, and such
men as they were neuer wont to see. Taignoagny would not permit our men to
enter into any other houses, but still kept them company, and brought them
halfe way to their ships, and tolde them that if it would please our
captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey,
whose name was Agonna, of whom hee had receiued some displeasure, and
carie him with him into France, he should therefore for euer be bound vnto
him, and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him, and bade the
seruant come againe the next day, and bring an answere. Our Captaine being
aduertised of so many people that were there, not knowing to what end,
purposed to play a prettie prancke, that is to say, to take their Lord
Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and some more of the chiefest of them
prisoners, in so much as before hee had purposed, to bring them into
France, to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne (M153)
parts, and maruels of the world, for that Donnacona had told vs, that he
had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay, in which are infinite Rubies, Gold,
and other riches, and that there are white men, who clothe themselues with
woollen cloth euen as we doe in France. (M154) Moreover he reported, that
hee had bene in another countrey of a people called Piquemians, and other
strange people. The sayd Lord was an olde man, and euen from his
childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange
Countreys, as well by water and riuers, as by lande. The sayd Poulet and
the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage, and shewed him what
Taignoagny his will was, the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid
Taignoagny come and see him, and shewe what hee should, for he should be
very well entertained, and also part of his will should be accomplished.
Taignoagny sent him word, that the next day hee would come and bring the
Lord Donnacona with him, and him that had so offended him, which hee did
not, but stayed two dayes, in which time none came from Stadacona to our
shippes, as they were wont to doe, but rather fled from vs, as if we would
have slaine them, so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery.
(M155) But because they vnderstood, that those of Sidatin did frequent our
company, and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would
leaue, to haue the olde nailes out of it, the third day following they
came from Stadacona, and most of them without difficulty did passe from
one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes: but Donnacona would
not come ouer: Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together about an
houre before they would come ouer, at last they came to speake with our
Captaine. There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would cause the foresayd
man to be taken and caried into France. Our Captaine refused to doe it,
saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into
France, onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the
language, but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland, and there
leave him in an Island. Our Captaine spake this, onely to assure them,
that they should bring Donnacona with them, whom they had left on the
other side; which wordes, when Taignoagny heard, hee was very glad,
thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe, and therefore
promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse, and to
bring Donnacona and all the people with him.
Chap. 18. How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be
set vp in our Forte: and how the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and
others of their company came: and of the taking of the sayd Lord.
The third of May being Holyroode day, our Captaine for the solemnitie of
the day, caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp,
vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged, wherein were
the Armes of France, and ouer them was written in antique letters,
Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat. And vpon that day about
noone, there came a great number of the people of Stadacona, men, women
and children, who told vs that their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and
Domagaia were comming, whereof we were very glad, hoping to retaine them.
About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came, and being come neere
our ships, our Captaine went to salute Donnacona, who also shewed him a
merie countenance, albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward
the wood. Shortly after came Taignoagny, who bade Donnacona that he should
not enter into our Forte, and therefore fire was brought forth by one of
our men, and kindled where their Lord was. Our Captaine prayed him to come
into our ships to eate and drinke as hee was wont to do, and also
Taignoagny, who promised, that after a while he would come, and so they
did, and entred into our ships: but first it was told our Captain by
Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him, and that he had bid
Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships. (M156) Our Captaine
perceiuing that, came out of the Forte, and saw that onely by Taignoagny
his warning the women ran away, and none but men stayed in great number,
wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona,
Taignoagny, and Domagaia, and two more of the chiefest whom he pointed
vnto: then he commanded them to make the other to retire. Presently after,
the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine, but by and by
Taignoagny came to make him come out againe. Our Captaine seeing that
there was no other remedy, began to call vnto them to take them, at whose
crie and voice all his men came forth, and tooke the sayd Lord with the
others, whom they had appointed to take. The Canadians seeing their Lord
taken, began to run away, even as sheepe before the woolfe, some crossing
over the riuer, some through the woods, each one seeking for his owne
aduantage. That done, we retired our selues, and laid vp the prisoners
vnder good guard and safety.
Chap. 19. How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships
to seeke their men, crying and howling all night like Woolues: of the
talke and conclusion they agreed vpon the next day: and of the gifts which
they gaue our Captaine.
The night following they came before our ships, (the riuer being betwixt
vs) striking their breasts, and crying and howling like woolues, still
calling Agouhanna, thinking to speake with him, which our Captaine for
that time would not permit, neither all the next day till noone, whereupon
they made signes vnto vs, that we had hanged or killed him. About noone,
there came as great a number in a cluster, as euer we saw, who went to
hide themselues in the Forest, except some, who with a loud voice would
call and crie to Donnacona to speake vnto them. Our Captaine then
commanded Donnacona to be brought vp on high to speake vnto them, and bade
him be merrie, for after he had spoken, and shewed vnto the King of France
what hee had seene in Saguenay and other countreys, after ten or twelve
moneths, he should returne againe, and that the King of France would giue
him great reward. Donnacona was very glad, and speaking to the others told
it them, who in token of ioy, gaue out three great cryes, and then
Donaconna and his people had great talke together, which for want of
interpreters, cannot be described. Our Captaine bade Donnacona that hee
should cause them to come to the other side of the riuer, to the end they
might better talke together without any feare, and that he should assure
them: which Donnacona did, and there came a boate full of the chiefest of
them to the (M157) ships, and there anew began to talke together, giuing
great praise to our captaine, and gaue him a present of foure and twenty
chaines of Esurgny, for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they
haue in this world, for they esteeme more of that, then of any gold or
siluer. After they had long talked together, and that their Lord sawe that
there was no remedy to auoide his going into France, hee commanded his
people the next day, to bring him some victuals to serue him by the way.
Our Captaine gaue Donnacona, as a great present, two Frying pannes of
copper, eight Hatchets, and other small trifles, as Kniues, and Beades,
whereof hee seemed to be very glad, who sent them to his wiues and
children. Likewise, he gaue to them that came to speake with Donnacona,
they thanked him greatly for them, and then went to their lodgings.
Chap. 20. How the next day, being the fift of May, the same people came
againe to speake vnto their Lord, and how foure women came to the shore to
bring him victuals.
Vpon the fift of May, very early in the morning, a great number of the
sayd people came againe to speake vnto their Lord, and sent a boate, which
in their tongue they call Casnoni, wherein were onely foure women, without
any man, for feare their men should be retained.
These women brought great store of victuals, as great Millet, which is
their come that they liue withall, flesh, fish, and other things, after
their fashion.
These women being come to our shippes, our Captaine did very friendly
entertaine them. Then Donnacona prayed our Captaine to tell these women
that hee should come againe after ten or twelue moneths, and bring
Donnacona to Canada with him: this hee sayd only to appease them, which
our Captaine did: wherefore the women, as well by words as signes, seemed
to be very glad, giuing our Captaine thanks, and told him, if he came
againe, and brought Donnacona with him, they would giue him many things:
in signe whereof, each one gaue our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, and then
passed to the other side of the riuer againe, where stood all the people
of Stadacona, who taking all leaue of their Lord, went home againe. On
Saturday following, (M158) being the sixt of the moneth, we departed out
of the sayd Port of Santa Croix, and came to the harborough a little
beneath the Island of Orleans, about twelue leagues from the Port of the
Holy Crosse, and vpon Sonday we came to the Island of Filberds, where we
stayed vntil the sixteenth of that moneth, till the fiercenesse of the
waters were past, which at that time ranne too swift a course, and were
too dangerous to come downe along the riuer, and therefore we stayed till
faire weather came. (M159) In the meane while many of Dannaconas subiects
came from the riuer of Saguenay to him, but being by Domagaia aduertised,
that their Lord was taken to bee carried into France they were all amazed:
yet for all that they would not leaue to come to our ships, to speake to
Dannacona, who told them that after twelue moneths he should come againe,
and that he was very well vsed by the Captaine, Gentlemen, and Mariners.
Which when they heard, they greatly thanked our Captaine and gaue their
Lord three bundles of Beauers, and Sea Woolues skinnes, with a great knife
of red copper that commeth from Saguenay, and other things. They gaue also
to our Captaine a chaine of Esurgny, for which our Captaine gaue them ten
or twelue Hatchets, and they gaue him hearty thankes, and were very well
contented. The next day, being the sixteenth of May, we hoysed sayle, and
came from the said Island of Filberds, to another about fifteene leagues
from it, which is about fiue leagues in length, and there, to the end we
might take some rest the night following, we stayed that day, in hope the
next day we might passe and auoide the dangers of the riuer of Saguenay,
which are great. (M160) That euening we went a land and found great store
of Hares, of which we tooke a great many, and therefore we called it the
Island of Hares: in the night there arose a contrary winde, with such
stormes and tempest that wee were constrained to returne to the Island of
Filberds againe, from whence wee were come, because there was none other
passage among the sayde Islandes, and there we stayed till the one and
twentieth of that moneth, till faire weather and good winde came againe:
and then wee sayled againe, and that so prosperously, that we passed to
Honguedo, which passage vntill that time had not bene discouered: wee
caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the
Port of Chaleur: and because the winde was good and conuenient, we sayled
all day and all night without staying, and the next day we came to the
middle of Brions Island, which we were not minded to doe, to the end we
might shorten our way. These two lands lie Northwest, and Southeast, and
are about fiftie leagues one from another. The said Island is in latitude
47 degrees and a halfe. Vpon Thursday being the twenty sixe of the moneth,
and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, we coasted ouer to a land and
shallow of lowe sandes, which are about eight leagues Southwest from
Brions Island, aboue which are large Champaignes, full of trees and also
an enclosed sea, whereas we could neither see, nor perceiue any gappe or
way to enter thereinto. On Friday following, being the 27 of the moneth,
because the wind did change on the coast, we came to Brions Island againe,
where we stayed till the beginning of Iune, and toward the Southeast of
this Island, wee sawe a lande, seeming vnto vs an Island, we coasted it
about two leagues and a halfe, and by the way we had notice of three other
high Islands, lying toward the Sands: after wee had knowen these things we
returned to the Cape of the sayd land, which doeth diuide it selfe into
two or three very high Capes: the waters there are very deepe, and the
flood of the sea runneth so swift, that it cannot possibly be swifter.
That day we came to Cape Loreine, which is in forty seuen degrees and a
halfe toward the South: on which cape there is a low land, and it seemeth
that there is some entrance of a riuer, but there is no hauen of any
worth. Aboue these lands we saw another cape toward the south, we named it
Saint Paules Cape, it is at 47 degrees and a quarter.
The Sonday following, being the fourth of Iune, and Whitsonday, wee had
notice of the coast lying Eastsoutheast, distant from the Newfoundland
about two and twenty leagues; and because the wind was against vs, we went
to a Hauen, which wee named S. Spiritus Porte, where we stayed till
Tewesday that we departed thence, sayling along that coast vntill we came
to Saint Peters Islands. Wee found along the sayd coast many very
dangerous Islands and shelues, which lye all in the Eastsoutheast and
Westnorthwest, about three and twenty leagues into the sea. Whilest we
were in the sayd Saint Peters Islands we met with many ships of France and
of Britaine, wee stayed there from Saint Barnabas day, being the eleuenth
of the moneth, vntil the sixteenth that we departed thence and came to
Cape Rase, and entred into a Port called Rognoso, where we took in fresh
water, and wood to passe the sea: there wee left one of our boates. Then
vpon Monday, being the nineteenth of Iune, we went from that Port, and
with such good and prosperous weather we sailed along the sea, in such
sorte, that vpon the sixt of Iuly 1536 we came to the Porte of S. Malo, by
the grace of God, to whom we pray, here ending our Nauigation, that of his
infinite mercy he will grant vs his grace and fauour, and in the end bring
vs to the place of euerlasting felicitie. Amen.
Here followeth the language of the countrey, and kingdomes of Hochelaga
and Canada, of vs called New France: But first the names of their numbers.
1 Secada
Tigneni
Hasche
Hannaion
Ouiscon
Indahir
Aiaga
8 Addigue
Madellon
10 Assem
Here follow the names the chiefest partes of men, and other words
necessary to be knowen.
the Head aggonzi
the Browe hegueniascon
the Eyes higata
the Eares abontascon
the Mouth esahe
the Teeth esgongay
the Tongue osnache
the Throat agonhon
the Beard hebelim
the Face hegonascon
the Haires aganiscon
the Armes aiayascon
the Flanckes aissonne
the Stomacke aggruascon
the Bellie eschehenda
the Thighes hetnegradascon
the Knees agochinegodascon
the Legges agouguenehondo
the Feete onchidascon
the Hands aignoascon
the Fingers agenoga
the Nailes agedascon
a Mans member ainoascon
a womans member castaigne
an Eele esgueny
a Snaile vndeguezi
a Tortois heuleuxima
Woods conda
leaues of Trees hoga
God cudragny
giue me some drink quazahoaquea
giue me to breakfast quase hoa quascaboa
giue me my supper quaza hoa quatfriam
let vs goe to bed casigno agnydahoa
a Man aguehum
a woman agruaste
a Boy addegesta
a Wench agniaquesta
a Child exiasta
a Gowne cahata
a Doublet caioza
Hosen hemondoha
Shooes atha
a Shirt amgoua
a Cappe castrua
Corne osizi
Bread carraconny
Water ame
Flesh quahottascon
Reisins queion
Damsons honnesta
Figges absconda
Grapes ozoba
Nuttes quahoya
a Hen sahomgahoa
a Lamprey zisto
a Salmon ondacon
a Whale ainne honne
a Goose sadeguenda
a Streete adde
Cucumber seede casconda
to Morrowe achide
the Heauen quenhia
the Earth damga
the Sunne ysmay
the Moone assomaha
the Starres stagnehoham
the Winde cohoha
good morrow aignag
let vs go to play casigno caudy
come and speak with me assigniquaddadia
looke vpon me quagathoma
hold your peace aista
let vs go with the boat casigno casnouy
giue me a knife buazahca agoheda
a Hatchet adogne
a Bow ahenca
a Darte quaetan
let vs goe a hunting Casigno donnascat
a Stagge aionnesta
a Sheepe asquenondo
a Hare Sourhanda
a Dogge agaya
a Towne canada
the Sea agogasy
the waues of the sea coda
an Island cohena
an Hill agacha
the yce honnesca
Snow camsa
Colde athau
Hotte odazani
Fier azista
Smoke quea
a House canoca
Beanes sahe
Cinnamom adhotathny
my Father addathy
my Mother adanahoe
my Brother addagrim
my Sister adhoasseue
They of Canada say, that it is a moneths sayling to goe a lande where
Cinnamom and Cloues are gathered.
Here endeth the Relation of Iames Cartiers discouery and Nauigation to the
Newfoundlands, by him named New France.
XVI. The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier, 1540.
vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.
King Francis the first hauing heard the report of Captaine Cartier his
Pilot generall in his two former Voyages of discouery, as well by writing
as by word of mouth, touching that which hee had found and seene in the
Westerne partes discouered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga,
and hauing also seene and talked with the people, which the sayd Cartier
had brought out of those Countreys, whereof one was king of Canada, whose
name was Donnacona, and others: which after that they had bene a long time
in France and Britaine, were baptized at their owne desire and request,
and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine. (M161) And albeit his Maiestie
was aduertized by the sayd Cartier of the death and decease of all the
people which were brought ouer by him (which were tenne in number) sauing
one little girle about tenne yeeres old, yet he resolued to send the sayd
Cartier his Pilot thither againe, with Iohn Francis de la Roche, Knight,
Lord of Roberual,(20) whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Gouernour in
the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga, and the sayd Cartier Captaine
Generall and leader of the shippes, that they might discover more then was
done before in the former voyages, and attaine (if it were possible) vnto
the knowledge of the Countrey of Saguenay, whereof the people brought by
Cartier, as is declared, made mention vnto the King, that there were great
riches, and very good countreys. And the King caused a certaine summe of
money to be deliuered to furnish out the sayd voyage with fiue shippes:
which thing was performed by the sayd Monsieur Roberual and Cartier. After
that they had agreed together to rigge the sayd fiue ships at Saint Malo
in Britaine, where the two former voyages had beene prepared and set
forth. And the said Monsieur Roberual sent Cartier thither for the same
purpose. And after that Cartier had caused the said fiue ships to be built
and furnished and set in good order. Monsieur Roberual came downe to S.
Malo and found the ships fallen downe to the roade, with their yards
acrosse full ready to depart and set saile, staying for nothing else but
the comming of the Generall, and the payment of the furniture. And because
Monsieur Roberual the kings lieutenant had not as yet his artillery,
powder and munitions, and other things necessary come downe, which he had
prouided for the voyage, in the Countreys of Champaigne and Normandie: and
because the said things were very necessary, and that hee was loth to
depart without them, he determined to depart from S. Malo to Roan, and to
prepare a ship or two at Honfleur, whither he thought his things were
come. And that the said Cartier shoulde depart with the fiue shippes which
he had furnished, and should goe before. (M162) Considering also that the
said Cartier had receiued letters from the king, whereby hee did expresly
charge him to depart and set sayle immediatly vpon the sight and receit
thereof, on payne of incurring his displeasure, and to lay all the fault
on him. And after the conclusion of these things, and the said Monsieur
Roberual had taken muster and view of the gentlemen, souldiers, and
mariners which were retained and chosen for the performance of the sayd
voyage, hee gaue vnto Captain Cartier full authoritie to depart and goe
before, and to gouerne all things as if he had bene there in person: and
himselfe departed to Honfleur to make his farther preparation. After these
things thus dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd fiue ships
set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere, the 23. of
May, 1540. (M163) And we sailed so long with contrary winds and continuall
torments, which fell out by reason of our late departure, that wee were on
the sea with our sayd fiue ships full three moneths before wee could
arriue at the Port and Hauen of Canada, without euer hauing in all that
time 30 houres of good wind to serue vs to keepe our right course: (M164)
so that our fiue shippes through those stormes lost company one of
another, all saue that two kept together, to wit that wherein the Captaine
was, and the other wherein went the Viscount of Beaupre, vntill at length
at the end of one moneth wee met all together at the Hauen of Carpont in
Newfoundland. (M165) But the length of time which we were in passing
betweene Britayne and Newfoundland was the cause that we stood in great
neede of water, because of the cattell, aswell Goates, Hogges, as other
beastes which we caried for breede in the Countrey, which wee were
constrained to water with Sider and other drinke. Now therefore because we
were the space of three moneths in sayling on the sea, and staying in
Newfoundland, wayting for Monsieur Roberual, and taking in of fresh water
and other things necessary, wee arriued not before the Hauen of Saincte
Croix in Canada, (where in the former voyage we had remayned eight
moneths) vntill the 23. day of August. (M166) In which place the people of
the Countrey came to our shippes, making shew of ioy for our arriuall, and
namely he came thither which had the rule and gouernment of the Countrey
of Canada, named Agona, which was appointed king there by Donacona, when
in the former voyage we carried him into France. And hee came to the
Captaines ship with 6. or 7. boates, and with many women and children. And
after the sayd Agona had inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the
rest were, the Captaine answered him, That Donacona was dead in France,
and that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there as
great Lords, and were maried, and would not returne backe into their
Countrey: the said Agona made no shewe of anger at all these speeches: and
I thinke he tooke it so well because he remained Lord and Gouernour of the
countrey by the death of the said Donacona. (M167) After which conference
the said Agona tooke a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged
about with Esnoguy (which is their riches and the thing which they esteeme
most precious, as wee esteeme gold) which was vpon his head in stead of a
crowne, and he put the same on the head of our Captaine, and tooke from
his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy, and put them vpon the Captaines
armes, colling him about the necke, and shewing vnto him great signes of
ioy: which was all dissimulation, as afterward it wel appeared. The
captaine tooke the said crowne of leather and put it againe vpon his head,
and gaue him and his wiues certaine smal presents, signifying vnto him
that he had brought certaine new things, which afterward he would bestow
vpon him: for which the sayd Agona thanked the Captaine. And after that he
had made him and his company eat and drinke, they departed and returned to
the shore with their boates. (M168) After which things the sayd Captaine
went with two of his boates vp the riuer, beyond Canada and the Port of
Saincte Croix, to view a Hauen and a small riuer, which is about 4.
leagues higher: which he found better and more commodious to ride in and
lay his ships, then the former. And therefore he returned and caused all
his ships to be brought before the sayd riuer, and at a lowe water he
caused his Ordinance to bee planted to place his ships in more safetie,
which he meant to keep and stay in the Countrey, which were three: which
hee did the day following and the rest remayned in the roade in the
middest of the riuer (In which place the victuals and other furniture were
discharged, which they had brought) from the 26. of August vntill the
second of September, what time they departed to returne for S. Malo, in
which ships he sent backe Mace Iolloberte his brother in lawe, and Steuen
Noel his Nephew, skilfull and excellent pilots, with letters vnto the
king, and to aduertise him what had bene done and found: and how Monsieur
Roberual was not yet come, and that hee feared that by occasion of
contrary winds and tempests he was driven backe againe into France.
The description of the aforesayd Riuer and Hauen.
The sayd Riuer is small, not past 50. pases broad, and shippes drawing
three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea: and at a low water there
is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or thereabout. (M169) On both
sides of the said Riuer there are very good and faire grounds, full of as
faire and mightie trees as any be in the world, and diuers sorts, which
are aboue tenne fathoms higher then the rest, and there is one kind of
tree aboue three fathoms about, which they in the Countrey call Hanneda,
which hath the most excellent vertue of all the trees in the world,
whereof I will make mention hereafter. Moreouer there are great store of
Okes the most excellent that euer I saw in my life, which were so laden
with Mast that they cracked againe: besides this there are fairer Arables,
Cedars, Beeches, and other trees, then grow in France: and hard vnto this
wood (M170) on the South side the ground is all couered with Vines, which
we found laden with grapes as blacke as Mulberies, but they be not so kind
as those of France because the Vines bee not tilled, and because they grow
of their owne accord. (M171) Moreouer there are many white Thornes, which
beare leaues as bigge as oken leaues, and fruit like vnto Medlers. To bee
short, it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as a man should find
or desire. (M172) We sowed seedes here of our Countrey, as Cabages,
Naueaus,(21) Lettises and others, which grew and sprung vp out of the
ground in eight dayes. The mouth of the riuer is toward the South, and it
windeth Northward like vnto a snake: and at the mouth of it toward the
East there is a high and steepe cliffe, where we made a way in manner of a
payre of staires, and aloft we made a Fort to keepe the nether Fort and
the ships, and all things that might passe by the great as by this small
riuer. (M173) Moreouer a man may behold a great extension of ground apt
for tillage, straite and handsome, and somewhat enclining toward the
South, as easie to be brought to tillage as I would desire, and very well
replenished with faire Okes and other trees of great beauty, no thicker
then the Forrests of France. Here we set twenty men to worke, which in one
day had laboured about an acre and an halfe of the said ground, and sowed
it part with Naueaus or small Turneps, which at the ende of eight dayes,
as I said before, sprang out of the earth. And vpon that high cliffe wee
found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: (M174) adioyning
whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamants.
On the other side of the said mountaine and at the foote thereof, which is
towards the great Riuer is all along a goodly Myne of the best yron in the
world, and it reacheth euen hard vnto our Fort, and the sand which we
tread on is perfect refined Myne, ready to be put into the fornace. And on
the waters side we found certaine leaues of fine gold as thicke as a mans
nayle. And Westward of the said Riuer there are, as hath bene sayd, many
faire trees: and toward the water a goodly Medow full of as faire and
goodly grasse as euer I sawe in any Medowe in France: and betweene the
said Medow and the Wood are great store of Vines: (M175) and beyond the
said Vines the land groweth full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe, which
is as good as possibly may be seene, and as strong. And at the ende of the
sayd Medow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground, which is of a
kind of slate stone blacke and thicke, wherein are veines of mynerall
matter, which shewe like gold and siluer: and throughout all that stone
there are great graines of the sayd Myne. And in some places we haue found
stones like Diamants, the most faire, pollished and excellently cut that
it is possible for a man to see, when the Sunne shineth vpon them, they
glister as it were sparkles of fire.
How after the departure of the two shippes which were sent backe into
Britaine, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, the Captaine prepared
two boates to go vp the great Riuer to discouer the passage of the three
Saults or falles of the Riuer.
(M176) The said Captaine hauing dispatched two ships to returne to carry
newes, according as hee had in charge from the king, and that the Fort was
begun to be builded, for preseruation of their victuals and other things,
determined with the Vicount of Beaupre, and other Gentlemen, Masters, and
Pilots chosen for counsayle, to make a voyage with two boates furnished
with men and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and
vnderstand the fashion of the Saults of water, which are to be passed to
goe to Saguenay, that hee might be the readier in the spring to passe
farther, and in the Winter time to make all things needefull in a
readinesse for their businesse. (M177) The foresaid boates being made
ready, the Captaine and Martine de Painpont, with other Gentlemen and the
remnant of the Mariners departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal
the seuenth day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540. And the Vicount
of Beaupre stayed behind for the garding and gouernement of all things in
the Fort. And as they went vp the riuer, the Captaine went to see the Lord
of Hochelay, which dwelleth betweene Canada and Hochelaga: which in the
former voyage had giuen vnto the said Captaine a little girle, and had
oftentimes enformed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya
(whom the Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France) would haue
wrought against him. (M178) In regard of which his curtesie the said
Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him, and to let him
vnderstand that the Captaine thought himselfe beholding vnto him, hee gaue
vnto him two yong boyes, and left them with him to learne their language,
and bestowed vpon him a cloake of Paris red, which cloake was set with
yealow and white buttons of Tinne, and small belles. And withall hee gaue
him two Basons of Laton, and certaine hachet and kniues: whereat the sayde
Lord seemed highly to reioyce, and thanked the Captaine. (M179) This done,
the Captaine and his company departed from that place: And wee sailed with
so prosperous a wind, that we arriued the eleuenth day of the moneth at
the first Sault of water, which is two leagues distant from the Towne of
Tutonaguy. And after wee were arriued there, wee determined to goe and
passe as farre vp as it was possible with one of the boates, and that the
other should stay there till it returned: and wee double manned her to
rowe vp against the course or streame of the sayde Sault. (M180) And after
wee had passed some part of the way from our other boate, wee found badde
ground and great rockes, and so great a current, that wee could not
possibly passe any further with our Boate. And the Captaine resolued to
goe by land to see the nature and fashion of the Sault. And after that we
were come on shore, wee founde hard by the water side a way and beaten
path going toward the sayde Saultes, by which wee tooke our way. And on
the sayd way, and soone after we found an habitation of people which made
vs great cheere, and entertained vs very friendly. (M181) And after that
he had signified vnto them, that wee were going toward the Saults, and
that wee desired to goe to Saguenay, foure yong men went along with vs to
shewe vs the way, and they brought vs so farre that wee came to another
village or habitation of good people, which dwell ouer against the second
Sault, which came and brought vs of their victuals, as Pottage and Fish,
and offered vs of the same. After that the Captaine had enquired of them
as well by signes as wordes, how many more Saults we had to passe to goe
to Saguenay, and what distance and way it was thither, this people shewed
vs and gaue vs to vnderstand, that wee were at the second Sault, and that
there was but one more to passe, that the Riuer was not nauigable to goe
to Saguenay, and that the sayd Sault was but a third part farther then we
had trauailed, shewing vs the same with certaine little stickes, which
they layd vpon the ground in a certaine distance, and afterward layde
other small branches betweene both, representing the Saults. And by the
sayde marke, if their saying be true, it can be but sixe leagues by land
to passe the sayd Saults.
(M182) After that we had bene aduertised by the sayde people, of the
things abouementioned, both because the day was farre spent, and we had
neither drunke nor eaten the same day, we concluded to returne vnto our
boats, and we came thither, where we found great store of people to the
number of 400 persons or thereabout, which seemed to giue vs very good
entertainment and to reioyce of our comming: And therefore our Captaine
gaue eche of them certaine small trifles, as combs, brooches of tynne and
copper, and other smal toyes, and vnto the chiefe men euery one his litle
hatchet and hooke, whereat they made certaine cries and ceremonies of ioy.
(M183) But a man must not trust them for all their faire ceremonies and
signes of ioy, for if they had thought they had bene too strong for vs,
then would they haue done their best to haue killed vs, as we vnderstood
afterward. (M184) This being done, we returned with our boats, and passed
by the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelay, with whom the Captaine had left
the two youths as hee came vp the riuer, thinking to haue found him: But
hee coulde find no body saue one of his sonnes, who tolde the Captaine
that hee was gone to Maisouna, as our boyes also told vs, saying that it
was two dayes since he departed. But in truth hee was gone to Canada to
conclude with Angona what they should doe against vs. (M185) And when we
were arriued at our Fort, wee vnderstoode by our people, that the Sauages
of the Countrey came not any more about our Fort as they were accustomed,
to bring vs fish, and that they were in a wonderful doubt and feare of vs.
Wherefore our Captaine, hauing bene aduertised by some (M186) of our men
which had bene at Stadacona to visite them, that there were a wonderfull
number of the Countrey people assembled together, caused all things in our
fortresse to bee set in good order: &c. The rest is wanting.
XVII. A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques Noel
of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid discouery.
Master Growte, your brother in law Giles Walter shewed me this morning a
Mappe printed at Paris, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt an Englishman: wherein
all the West Indies, the kingdome of New Mexico, and the countreys of
Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay are contained. I hold that the Riuer of
Canada which is described in that Mappe is not marked as it is in my
booke, which is agreeable to the booke of Iaques Cartier: and that the
sayd Chart doth not marke or set downe The great Lake, which is aboue the
Saults, according as the Sauages haue aduertised vs, which dwell at the
sayd Saults. In the foresayd Chart which you sent me hither, the Great
Lake is placed too much toward the North.(22) (M187) The Saults or falles
of the Riuer stand in 44. degrees of latitude: it is not so hard a matter
to passe them, as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from any high
place, it is nothing else but that in the middest of the Riuer there is
bad ground. (M188) It were best to build boates aboue the Saults: and it
is easie to march or trauell by land to the end of the three Saults: it is
not aboue fiue leagues iourney. I haue bene vpon the toppe of a mountaine,
which is at the foot of the Saults, where I haue seene the said Riuer
beyond the sayd Saultes, which shewed vnto vs to be broader then it was
where we passed it. (M189) The people of the Countrey aduertised vs, that
there are ten dayes iourney from the Saults vnto this Great Lake. We know
not how many leagues they make to a dayes iourney. At this present I
cannot write vnto you more at large, because the messenger can stay no
longer. Here therefore for the present I will ende, saluting you with my
hearty commendations, praying God to giue you your hearts desire. From S.
Malo in haste this 19 day of Iune. 1587.
Your louing Friend,
Iaqves Noel.
Cosin, I pray you doe me so much pleasure as to send me a booke of the
discouery of New Mexico, and one of those new Mappes of the West Indies
dedicated to M. Hakluyt the English Gentleman, which you sent to your
brother in law Giles Walter. I will not faile to informe my selfe, if
there be any meane to find out those descriptions which Captain Cartier
made after his two last voyages into Canada.
XVIII. Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth is
written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris from
Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.
I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing that I can recouer of the
writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier my uncle disceased, although I haue
made search in all places that I could possibly in this Towne: sauing of a
certaine booke made in maner of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand
of my said vncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur: which
booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the Riuer of Canada,
whereof I am well assured, because I myself haue knowledge thereof as
farre as to the Saults, where I haue bene: The height of which Saults is
in 44. degrees. I found in the sayd Chart beyond the place where the Riuer
is diuided in twaine in the midst of both the branches of the said riuer
somewhat neerest that arme which runneth toward the Northwest, these words
following written in the hand of Iaques Cartier.
By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land
of Saguenay, which is rich and wealthy in precious stones.
And about an hundred leagues vnder the same I found written these two
lines following in the saide Carde enclining toward the Southwest. Here in
this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloues, which they call in their language
Canodeta.
Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake vnto you, it is made after
the maner of a sea Chart, which I haue deliuered to my two sonnes Michael
and Iohn, which at this present are in Canada. If at their returne, which
will be God willing about Magdalene tyde, they haue learned any new thing
worthy the writing, I will not faile to aduertise you thereof.
Your louing Friend,
Iaqves Noel.
XIX. Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay
in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230. leagues,
obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur
Roberual, 1542.
Belles Isles are in 51 degrees and 2/3. Belles Isles and Carpont are
Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and they are ten leagues distant.
Carpont is in 52 degrees. Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are
Northeast and Southwest, and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay
is 7 leagues. The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and an halfe,
and on the Northside thereof there is a rocke: halfe a league from the
Isle, ouer against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island,
and on the side toward the Northeast there is a flat rocke. And when thou
commest out of the harborough of Carpont thou must leaue this rocke on the
starreboord side, and also on the larboord side there are two or three
small Isles: and when thou commest out on the Northeast side, ranging
along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there
is a shold which lyeth on thy starboord side: and saile thou by the North
coast, and leaue two partes of the Grand Bay toward the South; because
there is a rocke which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea. And when thou
art come athwart the hauen of Butes, ran along the North shore about one
league or an halfe of, for the coast is without all danger; (M190) Bell
Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay, and the Isles of Blanc Sablon, which
are within the Grand Bay, neere vnto the North shore lie Northeast, West
and Southwest, and the distance is 30 leagues. The Grand Bay at the
entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land vntill it come ouer
against the Bay des Chasteaux: and from thence forward it hath not past 5
leagues in breadth. And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from
land to land. And the land on the South shore is all low land along the
sea coast. The North shore is reasonable high land, Blanc Sablon is in 51
degrees 2/3. The Isles of Blanc Sablon and the Isles de la Damoiselle are
Northeast, Westsouthwest, and take a little of the Westsouthwest, and they
are distant 36 leagues: these Isles are in 50 deg. 3/4. And there is a
good hauen: and you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the
Northeast and within the distance of a pike and an halfe, because of a
rocke which lieth on your larrebord side, and you may ancre in 10 fathome
water ouer against a little nooke: and from the great headland vnto the
place where thou doest ancre there is not aboue the length of 2 Cables.
And if thou wouldest go out by the West side, thou must saile neere the
Isle by the starrebord, and giue roome vnto the Isle on the larbord at the
comming forth: and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must
saile hard by the Isles on the larbord side, by reason of a suncken flatte
which lieth on the starrebord, and thou shalt saile so on to the
Southsouthwest, vntill thou come in sight of a rocke which shineth, which
is about halfe a league in the sea distant from the Isles, and thou shalt
leaue it on the larrebord: (and from the Isles of Damoiselle vnto
Newfoundland the sea is not in bredth aboue 36. leagues, because that
Newfoundland euen vnto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast and
Southsouthwest.) Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of
Blanck Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours: and on this coast,
there are faulcons and haukes, and certaine foules which seeme to be
feasants. The Isles de la Damoiselle and Cape Tienot are Northeast and
Westsouthwest and take a little of the Northeast and southwest, and they
are distant 18. leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50. deg and 1/4. And there the
sea is broadest. And it may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the
entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues, which is the greatest bredth of the
sea. And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle and
Cape Tienot. Cape Tienot hath in the sea 5 or 6 leagues distant from it a
suncken Iland dangerous for ships. (M191) The Cape Tienot and the midst of
the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest, and they are 22.
leagues distant, the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49. deg and 1/2.
The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeast, the Northwest end is in 50.
degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfe
and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad: and from the
Northwest end of the Isle vnto the firme land of the North side the Sea is
not aboue seven leagues broad, but vnto the firme land on the South side
are about 15. leagues. Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascention
toward the Southeast are Northeast and Southwest, and are distant 30.
leagues. The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of
Ascension are East and West, and take a little of the Northeast and
Southwest, and they are distant 34. leagues.
(M192) The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle, and a goodly champion land
without any hilles, standing all vpon white rocks and Alablaster, all
couered with trees vnto the Sea shore, and there are al sorts of trees as
there be in France: and there be wild beasts, as beares, Luserns,
Porkespicks.(23) And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension vnto
the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues. The Northwest end of the
Isle and the Cape des Monts nostre Dame,(24) which is on the maine land
towards the South, are Northeast and Westsouthwest, and the distance
betweene them is 15. leagues. The Cape is in 49. degrees, which is a very
high land. The Cape and end of the Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast
are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance betweene them. The Bay
of Molues or Gaspay(25) is in 48. degrees, and the coast lyeth North and
South, and taketh a quarter of the Northeast and Southwest vnto the Bay of
Heate(26) and there are 3. Isles, one great one and two smal: from the Bay
of Heate vntill you passe the Monts nostre Dame al the land is high and
good ground al couered with trees. Ognedoc is a good Bay and lyeth
Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and it is a good Harbour: and you must
saile along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the
entrance therof: and when you are passed the poynt bring your selfe to an
ancre in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore, and here
within this Hauen are two riuers, one which goeth (M193) toward the
Northwest, and the other to the South west.
(M194) And on this coast there is great fishing for Coddes and other fish,
where there is more store then is in Newfoundland, and better fish. And
here is great store of riuer foule, as Malards, wild Geese, and others:
And here are all sorts of trees, Rose trees, Raspesses, Filbrid(27) trees,
Apple trees, Peare trees, and it is better here in Sommer then in France.
The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie
Southeast and Westnorthwest, and are distant 24. leagues. The Cape of
Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast; and are
distant 35. leagues.
(M195) The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South,
and the cut ouer from the one to the other is 25. leagues: and this is the
breadth of this Sea, and from thence vpward it beginneth to waxe narrower
and narrower. The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and 1/2. The 7. Isles and
the poynt of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance betweene
them is 15. leagues, and betweene them are certaine small Islands: and the
point of Ongear and the mountaines Nostre Dame, which are on the South
side of the entrance of the riuer, are North and South: (M196) and the cut
ouer from the one to the other is ten leagues: and this is here the
abredth of the Sea. The poynt of Ongear and the riuer of Caen lie East and
West, and they are distant 12. leagues. And all the coast from the Isle of
Ascension hither is very good ground, wherin growe all sorts of trees that
are in France and some fruits. The poynt of Ongear is in 49. degrees and
1/4. And the riuer of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lye Northeast and
Southwest, and they are distant 12. leagues. The Isle of Raquelle is in
48. degrees and 1/2. In this riuer of Caen there is great store of fish.
And here the Sea is not past 8. leagues broad. The Isle of Raquelle is a
very low Isle, which is neere vnto the South shore, hard by a high Cape
which is called the Cape of Marble. There is no danger there at all. And
betweene Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may passe. And there is not
from the Isle to the South shore aboue one league, and from the Isle vnto
the North shore about foure leagues. The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance
of Saguenay are Northeast Westsouthwest, and are distant 14. leagues, and
there are betweene them two small Islandes neere the North shore. The
entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and 1/2, and the entrance hath not
past a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is dangerous toward the
Southwest: and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to
waxe wider and wider: and it seemeth to bee as it were an arme of the Sea:
And I thinke that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay,(28) for it
sendeth foorth there a great current, and there doth runne in that place a
terrible rase or tyde. (M197) And here the riuer from the North shore to
the South shore is not past foure leagues in breadth, and it is a
dangerous passage betweene both the lands, because there lie bankes of
rockes in the riuer. The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lye
Northeast and Southwest, and take 1/2 of the East and the West, and they
are distant 18. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of
Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, and are distant
5. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are
Northnorthwest, and Southsouthwest, and are distant three leagues. The
Isle of Hares is in 48 and 1/16 of a degree. From the Mountaines of Nostre
Dame vnto Canada(29) and vnto Hochelaga, all the land on the South coast
is faire, a lowe land and goodly champaigne, all couered with trees vnto
the brink of the riuer. And the land on the North side is higher, and in
some places there are high mountaines. And from the Isle of Hares vnto the
Isle of Orleans the riuer is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad. Betweene the
Isle of Hares and the highland on the North side the sea is not past a
league and a halfe broad, and it is very deepe, for it is aboue 100.
fathoms deepe in the middest. To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2
or 3 small Isles and rockes. And from hence to the Isle des Coudres or of
Filbeards, all is nothing but Isles and rockes on the South shore: and
towards the North the sea is fayre and deepe. The Isle of Hares and the
Isle of Filbeards lie northeast, West and Southwest, and they are distant
12 leagues. And you must alwayes run along the high land on the north
shore; for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks. And you must
passe by the side of the Isle of Filbeards, and the riuer there is not
past a quarter of a league broad, and you must sayle in the middest of the
Chanel: and in the middest runneth the best passage either at an hie or a
low water, because the sea runneth there strongly, and there are great
dangers of rocks, and you had neede of good ancre and cable. The isle of
Filbeards is a small isle, about one league long, and halfe a league
broad, but they are all banks of sand. The isle of Filberds stands in 47.
deg and 3/4. The isle of Filberds and the isle of Orleans lie northeast
and southwest, and they are distant 10 leagues, and thou must passe by the
high land on the north-side about a quarter of a league, because that in
the midst of the riuer there is nothing but sholds and rocks. (M198) And
when thou shall bee ouer against a round Cape, thou must take ouer to the
South shore southwest, and a quarter toward the south; and thou shalt
sayle in 5. 6 and 7 fathoms: and there the riuer of Canada beginneth to
bee fresh, and the salt water endeth. (M199) And when thou shall be
athwart the point of the isle of Orleans, where the riuer beginneth to be
fresh, thou shalt sayle in the midst of the riuer, and thou shalt leaue
the isle on the starreboord, which is on the right hand: and here the
riuer is not past a quarter of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms
water. And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all couered
with trees, and they end ouer against the point of the Isle of Orleans.
And the poynt of the Isle of Orleans toward the Northeast is in 47 degrees
and one terce of a degree. And the Isle of Orleans is a fayre Isle, all
couered with trees even vnto the riuers side: and it is about 5 leagues
long, and a league and an halfe broade. And on the North shore there is
another Riuer, which falleth into the mayne Riuer at the ende of the
Island: and Shippes may very well passe there. From the middest of the
Isle vnto Canada the Riuer runneth West; and from the place of Canada vnto
France-Roy the riuer turneth West Southwest: and from the West ende of the
Isle to Canada is but one league; and vnto France-Roy 4 leagues. And when
thou art come to the end of the Isle thou shalt see a great Riuer which
falleth fifteene or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a
terrible noyse. The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees, and one sixt
part of a degree.
The extension of all these lands, vpon iust occasion is called New France.
For it is as good and as temperate as France, and in the same latitude.
(M200) And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is, because the
fresh Riuer is naturally more colde then the Sea; and it is also broad and
deepe: and in some places it is halfe a league and aboue in breadth.
(M201) And also because the land is not tylled nor full of people, and is
all full of Woods, which is the cause of colde, because there is not store
of fire nor cattel. And the sunne hath his Meridian as high as the
Meridian at Rochel: and it is noone here when the Sunne is at South
Southwest at Rochel. (M202) And here the north starre by the compasse
standeth North northeast. And when at Rochel it is noone, it is but halfe
an houre past nine at France-Roy. From the sayde place vnto the Ocean sea
and the coast of New France, is not aboue 50 leagues distance. And from
the entrance of Norumbega(30) vnto Florida are 300 leagues: and from this
place of France-Roy to Hochelaga, are about 80 leagues: and vnto the Isle
of Rasus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega entereth into the riuer
of Canada, and vnto the Sea of Saguenay. And from the Fort of France-Roy
vntill a man come foorth of the Grand Bay is not aboue 230 leagues. And
the course is Northeast and West Southwest not aboue 5 degrees and 1/3
difference: and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree. By the nature
of the climate the lands toward Hocheslaga are still better and better,
and more fruitfull. And this land is fitte for Figges and Peares. (M203)
And I thinke that gold and siluer will be found here, according as the
people of the countrey say. These landes lye ouer against Tartarie, and I
doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundnesse
of the world. And therefore it were good to haue a small Shippe of 70
tunnes to discouer the coast of New France on the backe side of (M204)
Florida: for I haue bene at a Bay as farre as 42 degrees betweene
Norambega and Florida, and I haue not searched the ende thereof, and I
knowe not whether it passe through.(31) And in all these Countreys there
are okes, and bortz, ashes, elmes, arables, trees of life, pines,
prussetrees, ceders, great wall nut trees, and wilde nuts, hasel-trees,
wilde peare trees, wilde grapes, and there haue bene found redde plummes.
And very faire corne groweth there and peason grow of their owne accord,
gooseberries and strawberries. And there are goodly Forrests, wherein men
may hunt. And there are great store of stagges, deere, porkepicks, and the
Sauages say there bee Vnicornes. Fowle there are in abundance, as
bustards, wilde geese, cranes, turtle doues, rauens, crowes, and many
other birds. All things which are sowen there, are not past two or three
dayes in coming vp out of the ground. I haue tolde in one eare of corne an
hundred and twenty graines, like the corne of France. And ye neede not to
sowe your Wheate vntill March, and it will be ripe in the middest of
August. The waters are better and perfecter then in France. And if the
Countrey were tilled and replenished with people, it would be as hotte as
Rochel. (M205) And the reason why it snoweth there oftener then in France
is, because it raineth there but seldome: for the raine is conuerted into
snowes.
All things aboue mentioned, are true.
Iohn Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual.
There is a pardon to be seene for the pardoning of Monsieur de Saine
terre, Lieutenant of the sayd Monsieur de Roberual, giuen in Canada in the
presence of the sayde Iohn Alphonse.
XX. The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual, to
the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall Ships,
and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in April,
1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the next winter.
Sir Iohn Francis de la Roche knight, lord of Roberual, appoynted by the
king as his Lieutenant general in the countreis of Canada, Saguenay, and
Hochelaga, furnished 3. tall Ships, chiefly at the kings cost: And hauing
in his fleete 200. persons, aswel men as women, accompanied with diuers
gentlemen of qualitie, as namely with Monsieur Saineterre his lieutenant,
l’Espiney his Ensigne, captain Guinecourt, Monsieur Noire Fontaine, Dieu
Lamont, Frote, la Brosse, Francis de Mìre, la Salle, and Roieze, and Iohn
Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot, set sayle from Rochel the 16. of
April 1542. The same day about noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys,
where we were enforced to stay the night following. On Monday the
seuenteenth of the sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe de boys. The winde
serued vs notably for a time: but within fewe dayes it came quite
contrary, which hindered our iourney for a long space: For wee were
suddenly enforced to turne backe, and to seeke Harborough in Belle Isle,
on the coast of Bretaigne, where wee stayed so long, and had such contrary
weather by the way, that wee could not reach Newfound lande, vntill the
seuenth of Iune. The eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of
Saint Iohn, where wee founde seuenteene Shippes of fishers. While wee made
somewhat long abode heere, Iaques Cartier and his company returning from
Canada, whither hee was sent with fiue sayles the yeere before, arriued in
the very same Harbour. Who, after hee had done his duetie to our Generall,
tolde him that hee had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde
ore, which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next ensuing
was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good.
Furthermore, hee enformed the Generall that hee could not with his small
company withstand the Sauages, which went about dayly to annoy him: and
that this was the cause of his returne into France. Neuerthelesse, hee and
his company commended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull. (M206)
But when our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces, commanded
him to goe backe againe with him, hee and his company, mooued as it
seemeth with ambition, because they would haue all the glory of the
discouerie of those partes themselues, stole priuily away the next night
from vs, and without taking their leaues departed home for Bretaigne.
Wee spent the greatest part of Iune in this Harbour of Saint Iohn, partly
in furnishing our selues with fresh water, whereof wee stoode in very
great neede by the way, and partly in composing and taking vp of a quarell
betweene some of our Countreymen and certaine Portugals. At length, about
the last of the aforesayde Moneth, wee departed hence, and entred into the
Grand Baye, and passed by the Isle of Ascension: and finally arriued foure
leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans. In this place wee found a
conuenient Harbour for our shipping, where wee cast anchor, went a shoare
with our people, and chose out a conuenient place to fortifie ourselues
in, fitte to command the mayne Riuer, and of strong situation against all
inuasion of enemies. Thus towarde the ende of Iuly, wee brought our
victuals and other munitions and prouisions on shore, and began to
trauaile in fortyfying of our selues.
Of the Fort of France Roy, and that which was done there.
Hauing described the beginning, the middest, and the ende of the Voyage
made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countreyes of Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, and other Countreyes in the West partes: He sayled so farre, (as
it is declared in other bookes) that hee arriued in the sayde Countrey,
accompanyed with two hundred persons, souldiers, mariners, and common
people, with all furniture necessary for a fleete. The sayde Generall at
his first arriuall built a fayre Fort, neere and somewhat Westward aboue
Canada, which is very beautifull to beholde, and of great force, situated
vpon an high mountaine, wherein there were two courtes of buyldings, a
great Towre and another of fortie or fiftie foote long: wherein there were
diuers Chambers, an Hall, a Kitchine, houses of office, Sellers high and
lowe, and neere vnto it were an Ouen and Milles, and a stooue to warme men
in, and a Well before the house. And the buylding was situated vpon the
great Riuer of Canada, commonly called France prime, by Monsieur Roberual.
There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging, part whereof
was a great Towne of two stories high, two courtes of good buylding, where
at the first all our victuals, and whatsoeuer was brought with vs was sent
to be kept: and neere vnto that Towre there is another small riuer. In
these two places aboue and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged.
(M207) And in the moneth of August, and in the beginning of September
euery man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was able to doe. But the
fourteenth of September, our aforesayde Generall sent backe into France
two Shippes which had brought his furniture, and he appointed for Admirall
Monsieur de Saine-terre, and the other captaine was Monsieur Guinecourt,
to carie newes vnto the King, and to come backe againe vnto him the yeere
next ensuing, furnished with victuals and other things, as it should
please the King: and also to bring newes out of France how the King
accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him, and were found in this
countrey.
(M208) After these two Shippes were departed, consideration was had how
they should doe, and how they might passe out the Winter in this place.
First they tooke a view of the victuals, and it was found that they fell
out short: and they were scantled so, that in eche messe they had but two
loaues weighing a pound a piece, and halfe a pound of biefe. They ate
Bacon at Dinner with halfe a pound of butter: and Biefe at supper, and
about two handfuls of Beanes without Butter.
On the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday they did eate dry Cod, and
sometimes they did eate it greene at dinner with butter, and they ate of
Porposes and beanes at supper.
About that time the Sauages brought vs great store of Aloses, which is a
fish somewhat redde like a Salmon, to get kniues and other small trifles
for them.
In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease in their
legges, reynes, and stomacke, so that they seemed to bee depriued of all
their lymmes, and there dyed thereof about fiftie.
(M209) Note that the yce began to breake up in April.
Monsieur Roberual vsed very good iustice, and punished euery man according
to his offence. One whose name was Michael Gaillon, was hanged for his
theft. Iohn of Nantes was layde in yrons, and kept prisoner for his
offence, and others also were put in yrons, and diuers were whipped, as
well men as women: by which meanes they liued in quiet.
The maners of the Sauages.
To declare vnto you the state of the Sauages, they are people of a goodly
stature, and well made, they are very white, but they are all naked: and
if they were apparelled as the French are, they would bee as white and as
fayre: but they paynt themselues for feare of heat and sunne burning.
(M210) In stead of apparell, they weare skinnes vpon them like mantles;
and they haue a smal payre of breeches, wherewith they couer their
priuities, as well men as women. They haue hosen and shooes of lether
excellently made. And they haue no shirts: neither couer they their heads,
but their hayre is trussed vp aboue the crowne of their heads, and playted
or broyded. Touching their victuals, they eate good meate, but all
vnsalted, but they drye it, and afterward they broyle it, as well fish as
flesh. They haue no certaine dwelling place, and they goe from place to
place, as they thinke they must best finde foode, as Aloses in one place,
and other fish, Salmons, Sturgions, Mullets, Surmullets, Barz, Carpes,
Eeles, Pinperneaux, and other fresh water fish, and store of Porposes.
They feede also of Stagges, wilde Bores, Bugles, Porkespynes, and store of
other wilde beastes. And there is as great store of Fowle as they can
desire.
Touching their bread, they make very good: and it is of great myll: and
they liue very well; for they take care for nothing else.
They drinke Seale oyle, but this is at their great feasts.
(M211) They haue a King in euery Countrey, and are wonderfull obedient
vnto him: and they doe him honour according vnto their maner and fashion.
And when they trauayle from place to place, they cary all their goods with
them in their boates.
The women nurse their children with the breast, and they sit continually,
and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes of furre.
XXI. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto
Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.
Monsieur Roberual the kings Lieutenant generall in the Countries of
Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, departed toward the said prouince of
Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of Iune 1543. after supper: and he with
all his furniture was imbarked to make the sayd voyage. But vpon a
certaine occasion they lay in the Rode ouer against the place before
mentioned: but on the Wednesday about sixe of the clocke in the morning
they set sayle, and sayled against the streame: in which voyage their
whole furniture was of eight barks, as well great as small, and to the
number of threescore and ten persons, with the aforesayd Generall.
The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and Fort thirtie
persons to remayne there vntill his returne from Saguenay, which he
appoynted to be the first of Iuly, or else they should returne into
France. And hee left there behinde him but two Barkes to cary the sayde
thirtie persons, and the furniture which was there, while hee stayed still
in the Countrey.
And for effectuating hereof, he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named
Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gaue commission, and charged all men to
obey him, and to be at the commandement of the sayde Lieutenant.
The victuals which were left for their mayntenance vntill the sayd first
day of Iuly, were receiued by the sayd Lieutenant Royeze.
On Thursday the 14. of Iune Monsieur de l’Espiney, la Brosse, Monsieur
Frete, Monsieur Longeual, and others, returned from the Generall, from the
voyage of Saguenay.
And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and lost, among whom
was Monsieur de Noire Fontaine, and one named la Vasseur of Constance.
On Tuesday the 19. of Iune aforesayd, there came from the Generall,
Monsieur de Villeneufe, Talebot, and three others, which brought sixescore
pounds weight of their corne, and letters to stay yet vntill Magdalentyde,
which is the 22. day of Iuly.
The rest of this Voyage is wanting.
XXII. A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt,
1584.
Introductory Note.
[The following Discourse, one of the most curious and valuable
contributions to the History of early discovery in the New World, has
remained practically unknown from the date of its composition to the
present time. Written, as appears from the title page, of which I give a
copy on page 173, by Hakluyt at the request of Mr. Walter Raleigh,(32) it
must, according to the same authority, have been composed between the 17th
of April and the middle of September 1584, the former being the date of
sailing of Raleigh’s two ships there mentioned and the latter the date of
their return. The title-page itself must have been added afterwards, as it
speaks of “Mr. Walter Raghly, nowe knight,” and the 21st chapter of the
Discourse seemes to have been added at the same time. Its object was
evidently to urge Elizabeth to support Raleigh’s adventure, in which he
was then embarked under a patent granted him on 25th March 1584. It is
not, therefore, surprising to find from a letter written by Hakluyt to Sir
Francis Walsingham on the 7th April 1585,(33) and from another paper in
the Rolls Office, indicated in Mr. Lemon’s Calendar of State Papers of the
reign of Elizabeth, 1581-90, Vol. cxcv., art. 127, that this Discourse was
presented to the Queen by Hakluyt in the early autumn of 1584.(34) Four
copies were certainly made of this Discourse—the original, which Hakluyt
would probably keep; one for the Queen; one for Walsingham (as appears
from the paper in the Record Office mentioned above); and the copy from
which the present text is taken, and which alone seems to have contained
the 21st Chapter. Perhaps this last copy was made for the Earl of
Leicester, as the paper above alluded to states that the Earl “hath very
earnestly often times writ for it.” However this may be, no copy of the
Discourse was known to exist till the sale of Lord Valentia’s collection,
when Mr. Henry Stevens bought the manuscript here published. Its value
seems to have been properly appreciated by him, owing perhaps to the
following memoranda written in pencil on the second blank leaf, in the
handwriting, it is believed, of Lord Valentia:—
“This unpublished manuscript of Hakluyt’s is extremely curious.
“I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson.(35)
“The editors of the last edition would have given any money for it, had it
been known to have existed.”(36)
After fruitless endeavours “to find for it a resting place in some public
or private library in America, and subsequently in the British
Museum,”(37) Mr. Stevens sent it to Puttick & Simpson’s Auction Rooms,
where it was knocked down to Sir Henry Phillipps for £44. (May, 1854.)
In the library, then, of Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, did our manuscript
lie till 1867, when Dr. Leonard Woods, late President of Bowdoin College,
was commissioned by the Governor of Maine, in pursuance of the Resolves of
the Legislature in aid of the Maine Historical Society, to procure, during
his travels in England, materials for the early History of the State. An
application made by Dr. Woods to Sir Thomas Phillipps revealed the
existence of Hakluyt’s Discourse. Dr. Woods set to work to edit this
valuable document, but a fire destroyed most of his materials, and was
followed by physical infirmity which forbade literary labour. Dr. Charles
Deane’s familiarity with the topics suggested by the matter in hand, and
his position as a “Collaborateur” of Dr. Woods for some months, at once
pointed him out as the right man to do the work to the Standing Committee
of the Maine Historical Society. Dr. Deane undertook the task, and an
excellent octavo edition of Hakluyt’s Discourse appeared in due course,
entitled:—
“Documentary History of the State of Maine. Vol II., containing A
Discourse on Western Planting, written in the year 1584, by Richard
Hakluyt. Published by the Maine Historical Society, aided by appropriation
from the State. Cambridge (Mass.): Press of John Wilson and Son. 1877.”
The text of the MS. has been preserved in every essential particular, but,
following Dr. Deane’s example, some capital letters have had liberties
taken with them, and some few abbreviated words have been printed in full.
A few corrections have also been made in the quotations from English and
foreign writers, where a comparison with the originals has shown such
corrections to be necessary. Dr. Deane’s notes have been necessarily much
shortened, and are distinguished from my own by the initials C.D.
This “extremely curious” manuscript, which by some extraordinary oversight
was not included in Hakluyt’s Collection of Voyages of 1598-1600, so
appropriately called by Froude “the great prose Epic of the modern English
nation,” and which Evans would, according to Lord Valentia, “have given
any money for,” for his edition of 1809-12, is now at length inserted in
its proper position. This I owe to the courtesy of Dr. Deane to whom I was
a perfect stranger, save perhaps in my character of corresponding member
of the Nova Scotia Historical Society and of the Oneida Historical
Society. To Dr. Deane, therefore, I venture to tender my warmest
thanks.—E.G.]
A particuler discourse concerning the greate necessitie and manifolde
comodyties that are like to growe to this Realme of Englande by the
Westerne discoueries lately attempted, written in the yere 1584. by
Richarde Hackluyt of Oxforde, at the requeste and direction of the righte
worshipfull Mr. Walter Raghly, nowe Knight, before the comynge home of his
twoo barkes, and is devided into XXI chapiters, the titles whereof followe
in the nexte leafe.
[The heads of Chapters are omitted as they are inserted in their proper
places before each Chapter.]
Chap. I. The Western Planting.
That this Westerne discoverie will be greately for thinlargemente of the
gospell of Christe, whereunto the princes of the Refourmed Religion are
chefely bounde, amongeste whome her Majestie ys principall.
Seinge that the people of that parte of AMERICA from 30. degrees in
Florida northewarde unto 63. degrees (which ys yet in no Christian princes
actuall possession) are idolaters; and that those which Stephen Gomes
broughte from the coaste of NORUMBEGA in the yere 1524.(38) worshipped the
sonne, the moone, and the starres, and used other idolatrie, as it ys
recorded in the historie of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo,(39) in Italian, fol. 52.
of the third volume of Ramusius; and that those of Canada and Hochelaga in
48. and 50. degrees worshippe a spirite which they call Cudruaigny, as we
reade in the tenthe chapiter of the seconde relation of Jaques Cartier,
whoe saieth: This people beleve not at all in God, but in one whome they
call Cudruaigny; they say that often he speaketh with them, and telleth
them what weather shall followe, whether goodd or badd, &c.,(40) and yet
notwithstandinge they are very easie to be perswaded, and doe all that
they sawe the Christians doe in their devine service, with like imitation
and devotion, and were very desirous to become Christians, and woulde
faine have been baptized, as Verarsanus witnesseth in the laste wordes of
his relation, and Jaques Cartier in the tenthe chapiter before recited—it
remayneth to be thoroughly weyed and considered by what meanes and by
whome this moste godly and Christian work may be perfourmed of inlarginge
the glorious gospell of Christe, and reducinge of infinite multitudes of
these simple people that are in errour into the righte and perfecte way of
their saluation. The blessed Apostle Paule, the converter of the Gentiles,
Rom: 10. writeth in this manner: Whosoever shall call on the name of the
Lorde shall be saved. But howe shall they call on him in whom they have
not beleved? and how shall they beleve in him of whom they have not
hearde? and howe shall they heare withoute a preacher? and howe shall they
preache excepte they be sente? Then it is necessary for the salvation of
those poore people which have sitten so longe in darkenes and in the
shadowe of deathe, that preachers should be sent unto them. But by whome
shoulde these preachers be sente? By them no doubte which have taken upon
them the protection and defence of the Christian faithe. (M212) Nowe the
Kinges and Queenes of England have the name of Defendours of the
Faithe.(41) By which title I thinke they are not onely chardged to
mayneteyne and patronize the faithe of Christe, but also to inlarge and
advaunce the same. Neither oughte this to be their laste worke, but rather
the principall and chefe of all others, accordinge to the comaundemente of
our Saviour, Christe, Mathewe 6, Ffirste seeke the kingdome of God and the
righteousnes thereof, and all other thinges shalbe mynistred unto you.
(M213) Nowe the meanes to sende suche as shall labour effectually in this
busines ys, by plantinge one or twoo colonies of our nation upon that
fyrme, where they may remaine in safetie, and firste learne the language
of the people nere adjoyninge (the gifte of tongues beinge nowe taken
awaye), and by little and little acquainte themselves with their manner,
and so with discretion and myldenes distill into their purged myndes the
swete and lively liquor of the gospel. Otherwise, for preachers to come
unto them rashly with oute some suche preparation for their safetie, yt
were nothinge els but to ronne to their apparaunte and certaine
destruction, as yt happened onto those Spanishe ffryers, that, before any
plantinge, withoute strengthe and company, landed in Fflorida, where they
were miserablye massacred by the savages.(42) On the other side, by meane
of plantinge firste, the small nation of the Portingales towardes the
Southe and Easte have planted the Christian faithe accordinge to their
manner, and have erected many bisshoprickes and colledges to traine upp
the youthe of the infidels in the same, of which acte they more vaunte in
all their histories and chronicles, then of anythinge els that ever they
atchieved. And surely if they had planted the gospell of Christe purely,
as they did not, they mighte justly have more rejoyced in that deede of
theirs, then in the conqueste of the whole contrie, or in any other thinge
whatsoever. The like may be saied of the Spaniardes, whoe (as yt is in the
preface of the last edition of Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis) have
established in the West Indies three archebisshopricks, to witt, Mexico,
Luna, and Onsco, and thirtene other bisshoprickes there named, and have
builte above CC. houses of relligion in the space of fyftie yeres or
thereaboutes. Now yf they, in their superstition, by meanes of their
plantinge in those partes, have don so greate thinges in so shorte space,
what may wee hope for in our true and syncere relligion, proposinge unto
ourselves in this action not filthie lucre nor vaine ostentation, as they
in deede did, but principally the gayninge of the soules of millions of
those wretched people, the reducinge of them from darkenes to lighte, from
falsehoode to truthe, from dombe idolls to the lyvinge God, from the depe
pitt of hell to the highest heauens. In the 16. of the Actes of the
Apostles, when Paule soughte to preache in Asia and to goe into Bithinia,
the Holy Ghoste suffered him not. But at Troas a vision appered unto him
by night. There stoode a man of Macedonia and prayed hym, sayenge: Come
into Macedonia and helpe us. And after he had seene the vysion, ymmediatly
he prepared to goe into Macedonia, beinge assured that the Lorde had
called him to preache the gospell unto them. Even so wee, whiles wee have
soughte to goe into other countries (I woulde I might say to preache the
gospell), God by the frustratinge of our actions semeth to forbydd us to
followe those courses, and the people of AMERICA crye oute unto us, their
nexte neighboures, to come and helpe them, and bringe unto them the gladd
tidinges of the gospell. Unto the prince and people that shalbe the
occasion of this worthie worke, and shall open their cofers to the
furtheraunce of this most godly enterprise, God shall open the bottomles
treasures of his riches, and fill them with aboundance of his hidden
blessinges; as he did to the goodd Queene Isabella, which beinge in
extreme necessitie, laied her owne jewells to gage for money to furnishe
out Columbus for the firste discovery of the West Indies.
(M214) And this enterprise the princes of the relligion (among whome her
Majestie ys principall) oughte the rather to take in hande, because the
papistes confirme themselves and drawe other to theire side, shewinge that
they are the true Catholicke churche because they have bene the onely
converters of many millions of infidells to Christianitie. Yea, I myselfe
have bene demaunded of them, how many infidells have been by us converted?
Whereunto, albeit I alleaged the example of the mynisters which were sente
from Geneva with Villegagnon into Bresill,(43) and those that wente with
Iohn Ribault into Florida,(44) as also those of our nation that went with
Ffrobisher Sir Fraunces Drake, and Ffenton;(45) yet in very deede I was
not able to name any one infidell by them converted. But God, quoth I,
hath his tyme for all men, whoe calleth some at the nynthe, and some at
the eleventh houer. And if it please him to move the harte of her Majestie
to put her helpinge hande to this godly action, she shall finde as
willinge subjectes of all sortes as any other prince in all Christendome.
And as for the boastinge of your conversion of such multitudes of
infidells, yt may justly be compted, rather a perversion, seeinge you have
drawen them as it were oute of Sylla into Charibdis, that is to say, from
one error into another. Nowe therefore I truste the time ys at hande when
by her Majesties forwardnes in this enterprise, not only this obiection
and suche like shalbe aunswered by our frutefull labor in Godds harvest
amonge the infidells, but also many inconveniences and strifes amongest
ourselves at home, in matters of ceremonies, shalbe ended. For those of
the clergye which by reason of idlenes here at home are nowe alwayes
coyninge of newe opynions, havinge by this voyadge to set themselves on
worke in reducinge the savages to the chefe principles of our faith, will
become lesse contentious, and be contented with the truthe in relligion
alreadie established by authoritie. So they that shall beare the name of
Christians shall shewe themselves worthye of their vocation, so shall the
mouthe of the adversarie be stopped, so shall contention amongest brethren
be avoyded, so shal the gospell amonge infidells be published.
Chap. II. That all other Englishe trades are growen beggerly or
daungerous, especially daungerous in all the Kinge of Spayne his
domynions, where our men are dryven to flinge their bibles and prayer
bookes into the sea, and to forsweare and renounce their relligion and
conscience, and consequently their obedience to her Majesty.
Wee are nowe to consider the qualitie and condition of all the trades
which at this day are frequented by our nation. And firste, to begynne
southwarde, and so come to the northe; leavinge Bresill and Guynea where
wee have little to doe, let us firste speake of our trade in Barbarie.
(M215) If any of our shippes tradinge thither be dryven upon the coaste of
Spaine, and that proofe may be made that wee have bene there, they make it
a very sufficient cause of confiscation of shippe and goodds, and so they
thruste our men into the Inquisition, chardging them that they bringe
armour, munition, and forbidden merchandize to strengthen the infidells
againste these partes of Christendome; which thinge is comitted to printe
and confessed by all our marchants tradinge thither. And thoughe our men
escape the Spaniardes tyrannie, yet at the deathe of the prince in
Barbary, all our mennes goodds there are subjecte to the spoile, the
custome of the contrie permitting the people to robbe and rifle until
another kinge be chosen, withoute making any kinde of restitution. Besides
that inconvenience, the traficque groweth daily to worse termes then
heretofore. I omytt to shewe here howe divers have bene undon by their
servauntes which have become renegadoes, of whome by the custome of the
contrie their masters can have no manner of recovery, neither call them
into justice.(46)
(M216) In all the Kinge of Spaines domynions our men are either inforced
with wounded consciences to playe the dissemblinge hipocrites, or be
drawen to mislike with the state of relligion mainteyned at home, or
cruelly made away in the Inquisition. Moreouer, he being our mortall
enemye, and his empire of late beinge increased so mightely, and our
necessitie of oiles and colours for our clothinge trade being so greate,
he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, our traficque and
recourse being so greate to his domynions.
For the new trade in Turky, besides the greate expences in mayneteyninge a
kind of embassador at Constantinople, and in sendinge of presentes to
Selym the Graunde Segnior, and to divers of his insatiable bassoes, our
marchantes are faine with large rewardes to gratifie the Knightes of
Malta, in whose daunger their shippes must often passe. Moreover that
trade is so moche to the detrymente of the State of Venice, and all the
other States of Italie, that they are dayly occupied in seekinge howe they
may overthrow the same. Neither is it the leaste incomoditie that our
shippes are contynually assaulted by the corsaries and pirates and gallies
of Algiers, by which they had a rich shippe, called the Mary Martin,
soncke this yere; and the last yere another was taken at Trypoly in
Barbary, and the master with another hanged, and the reste made slaves.
Besides, the barke Reynoldes was arrested at Malta, and at lengthe with
moche adoe delivered.(47)
(M217) To leave the Levant and to come to France, the traficque there of
myne owne knowledge(48) is growen to such decaye, partely by the
impositions and taxes which are daily devised by the kinges partely by
their subtil sleights and devices to confiscate our clothes for
insufficient workemanshippe, and partely by their owne labour in makinge
more and better clothe then heretofore they were accustomed, that our men
for the moste parte are wearye of the contrie, and some of them utterly
undone by their subtill and unconcionable wranglinge. (M218) As for all
Flaunders and the Lowe Contries, these eightene yeres moste cruell civill
warres have so spoiled the traficque there, that there is nothinge but
povertie and perill, and that which is worse, there is no hope of any
spedy amendemente.
(M219) To come to the Esterlinges and the trades with the cities within
the Sounde of Denmarke, they beinge deprived of the olde priviledges of
the Stilliarde here in London, have not only offred our men at home many
injuries in their cities, but seeke all the meanes they can devise wholy
to cutt of all our occupienge that way; and to the same purpose have
lately cleane debarred our men of their accustomed and auncient
priviledges in all their greate townes. (M220) Also the exactions of the
Kinge of Denmarke at our passage in and oute by the Sounde to Lubecke,
Danske, Elvinge, Rye, Revell, and the Narve, besides the power that he
hath to arreste all our shippes within the Sounde at his pleasure, are
twoo no small inconveniences and myschefes.
(49) Our trade into Muscovye ys the laste, which was so chardgeable in the
begynnynge, what with the coste of the discoverie, what with presentes to
the Emperour, together with the disorderly dealinge of their factors, that
it stoode them in fourscore thousande poundes before they broughte it to
any goodd passe. And nowe after longe hope of gayne, the Hollanders, as
also the men of Diepe, are entred into their trade by the Emperours
permission; yea, whereas at the firste our men paid no custome, of late
yeres, contrarie to their firste priviledge, they have bene urged to pay
yt. Also the chardges of bringinge the Emperours embassador hither, and
mayneteyninge him here, and the settinge furthe of her Majesties
embassadour thither with presentes to the Emperour, lyenge all upon the
poore marchantes neckes, is no easie burden unto their shoulders. And to
encrease the some, the Kinge of Denmarke requireth a tribute of them,
thoughe they touche not upon any of his domynions. And nowe the Emperour
of Russia beinge late deade,(50) yt is greately feared that the voyadge
wilbe utterly ouerthrowen, or els become not worthe the contynuaunce.
Thus hauinge regarde unto the premisses, yt behoveth us to seeke some newe
and better trade, of lesse daunger and more securitie, of lesse dammage,
and of more advauntage; the rather to avoide the wilfull perjurie of suche
of our Englishe nation as trade to Spaine and other of Kinge Phillipps
domynions, where this oathe followinge ys usually ministred unto the
master of our shippes. Firste, he willeth the master to make a crosse with
his fore finger and his thombe, layenge one ouer the other crosswise. This
beinge don, he saieth these wordes followinge: You shall sweare to speake
the truthe of all thinges that shalbe asked of you, and yf you doe not,
that God demaunde yt of you: and the Englishe master muste saye, Amen. You
shall sweare by that crosse that you bringe no man in your shippe but
suche as are goodd christians, and doe beleue as our Catholicke Churche of
Rome dothe beleve. Nexte, that you bringe no manner of bookes but suche as
are allowed by our Catholicke Churche of Rome; and that you use no manner
of prayers but suche as are allowed by our Churche of Rome. What
marchandize bringe you; suche and suche. We will and commaunde you and
your companie to come on land to masse every Sonday and holy day, upon
paine of discommunication. Then they open their chestes, and looke if the
master and maryners bringe any bookes with them in their chests. This don,
the officers that come with the preestes aske of the master and maryners
chese, butter, befe, bacon, and candles, as beggers, and they give it to
them for feare they have of them, and so they goe from the shippes with
their walletts full of victualls. The master doth pay four ryalls of plate
for the barke that bringeth them aboorde to visite them. Thus is wilfull
perjurye permitted by the governours if they knowe it. Thus the covetous
marchante wilfully sendeth headlonge to hell from day to day the poore
subjectes of this realme. The marchant in England cometh here devoutly to
the communyon, and sendeth his sonne into Spaine to here masse. These
thinges are kepte secrete by the marchantes, and suche as depende upon the
trade of marchandize are lothe to utter the same.
Chap. III. That this westerne voyadge will yelde unto us all the
commodities of Europe, Affrica and Asia, as far as wee were wonte to
travell, and supplye the wantes of all our decayed trades.
The nexte thinge ys that nowe I declare unto you the comodities (M221) of
this newe westerne discoverie, and what marchandize are there to be had,
and from thence to be expected; wherein firste you are to have regarde
unto the scituation of the places which are left for us to be possessed.
The contries therefore of AMERICA where unto we have just title, as being
firste discovered by Sebastian Gabote, at the coste of that prudente
prince Kinge Henry the Seaventh, from Florida northewarde to 67.
degrees,(51) (and not yet in any Christian princes actuall possession,)
beinge aunswerable in clymate to Barbary, Egipte, Siria, Persia, Turky,
Greece, all the islandes of the Levant sea, Italie, Spaine, Portingale,
Fraunce, Flaunders, Highe Almayne, Denmarke, Estland, Poland, and
Muscovye, may presently or within a shorte space afforde unto us, for
little or nothinge, and with moche more safetie, eyther all or a greate
parte of the comodities which the aforesaid contries do yelde us at a very
dere hande and with manifolde daungers.
Firste, therefore, to begyn at the southe from 30. degrees, and to quote
unto you the leafe and page of the printed voyadges of those which
personally have with diligence searched and viewed these contries. John
Ribault writeth thus, in the firste leafe of his discourse, extant in
printe bothe in Frenche and Englishe:(52) Wee entred (saieth he) and
viewed the contrie which is the fairest, frutefullest, and pleasauntest of
all the worlde, aboundinge in honye, waxe, venison, wilde fowle,
fforrestes, woodes of all sortes, palme trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes,
the highest and greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the worlde,
with grapes accordinge, which naturally withoute arte or mans helpe or
trymmynge will growe to toppes of oakes and other trees that be of
wonderfull greatness and heighte. And the sighte of the faire meadowes is
a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue, full of herons, curlues,
bitters, mallardes, egriphts, woodcockes, and all other kinde of small
birdes, with hartes, hinds, bucks, (M222) wilde swyne, and all other kind
of wilde beastes, as wee perceaved well bothe by their footinge there, and
also afterwardes in other places by their crye and roaringe in the nighte.
Also there be conies and hares, silkewormes in marvelous nomber, a great
deale fairer and better then be our silkewormes. Againe, in the sixte
leafe and seconde page; They shewed unto us by signes that they had in the
lande golde and silver and copper, whereof wee have broughte some home.
Also leade like unto ours, which wee shewed them. Also turqueses and
greate aboundance of perles, which as they declared unto us they tooke
oute of oysters, whereof there is taken ever alonge the rivers side and
amongest the reedes and in the marishes, in so marvelous aboundance as it
is scante credible. And wee have perceaved that there be as many and as
greate perles found there as in any contrie in the worlde. (M223) In the
seaventh leafe it followeth thus: The scituation is under 30. degrees, a
good clymate, healthfull, and of goodd temperature, marvelous pleasaunte,
the people goodd and of a gentle and amyable nature, which willingly will
obey, yea be contented to serve those that shall with gentlenes and
humanitie goe aboute to allure them, as yt is necessarie for those that be
sente thither hereafter so to doe. (M224) In the eighth leafe: It is a
place wonderful, fertile and of stronge scituation, the grounde fatt, so
that it is like that it would bringe forthe wheate and all other come
twise a yere. (M225) In the ninth leafe yt followeth: Wee founde there a
greate nomber of pepper trees, the pepper beinge yet greene and not ready
to be gathered. In the tenth leafe: There wee sawe the fairest and the
greatest vines with grapes accordinge, and younge trees and small wooddes
very well smellinge, that ever weare sene. Thus have you brefely the some
of the comodities which were founde by John Ribault and his companye on
the coaste of America from 30. to 34. degrees.
Moreouer, Doctor Monardus, that excellent phisition of Civill, writinge of
the trees of the West Indies in his booke called Joyfull Newes out of the
New founde worlde,(53) maketh mention of a tree called Sassafras, which
the Frenchmen founde in Florida, fol. 46 of his booke, in manner
followinge: From the Florida they bringe a woodde and roote of a tree that
groweth in those partes, of greate vertues and excellencies, healinge
therewith grevous and variable deseases. It may be three yeres paste that
I had knowledge of this tree, and a Frenche man that had bene in those
partes shewed me a pece of yt, and tolde me marvells of the vertues
thereof, and howe many and variable diseases were healed with the water
which was made of it, and I judged that, which nowe I doe finde to be true
and have seene by experience. He tolde me that the Frenchemen which had
bene in the Florida, at the time when they came into those partes had bene
sicke the moste of them of grevous and variable diseases, and that the
Indians did shewe them this tree, and the manner howe they shoulde vse yt,
&c; so they did, and were healed of many evills; which surely bringeth
admiration that one onely remedy shoulde worke so variable and marvelous
effectes. The name of this tree, as the Indyans terme yt, is called
Pauame, and the Frenchemen called it Sassafras. To be brefe, the Doctor
Monardus bestoweth eleven leaves in describinge the sovereinties and
excellent properties thereof.
The nature and comodities of the reste of the coaste unto Cape Briton I
will shewe unto you oute of the printed testymonies of John Verarsanus and
Stephen Gomes, bothe which in one yere, 1524, discovered the said
contries, and broughte home of the people; Verarsana into Ffraunce, and
Gomes into Spaine.
Verarsana, fallinge in the latitude of 34. degrees, describeth the
scituation and commodities in this manner: Beyonde this wee sawe the open
contrie risinge in heighte above the sandie shoare, with many faire
feeldes and plaines full of mightie greate wooddes, some very thicke and
some very thynne, replenished with divers sortes of trees, and plesaunte
and delectable to beholde as ys possible to ymagine. And your Majestie may
not thinke that these are like the wooddes of Hyrcinia, or the wilde
desertes of Tartaria, and the northerne coastes, full of fruteles trees;
but full of palme, date trees, bayes, and highe cypresses, and many other
sortes of trees to us unknowen in Europe, which yelde moste swete savours
fair from the shoare; neyther doe wee thincke that they, partakinge of the
easte worlde rounde aboute them, are altogether voyde of drugs and
spicerye, and other riches of golde, seinge the colour of the lande dothe
altogether argue yt. And the lande is full of many beastes, as redd dere,
fallowe dere and hares, and likewise of lakes and pooles of freshe water,
with greate plentie of fowles convenient for all plesaunte game. This
lande is in latitude of 34. degrees with goodd and holesome ayre,
temperate, betwene hote and colde; no vehement winds doe blowe in these
regions, &c. Againe, in the fourth leafe as it is in Englishe, speakinge
of the nexte contrie, he saieth: Wee sawe in this contrie many vines
growinge naturally, which springinge upp tooke holde of the trees as they
doe in Lumbardye, which, if by husbandmen they were dressed in goodd
order, withoute all double they woulde yelde excellent wynes; for havinge
oftentymes seene the frute thereof dryed, which was swete and pleasaunte
and not differinge from oures, wee thinke they doe esteme of the same,
because that in every place where they growe, they take away the under
braunches growinge rounde aboute, that the frute thereof may ripen the
better. Wee founde also roses, violetts, lyllies, and many sortes of
herbes and swete and odoriferous flowers. And after, in the sixte leafe,
he saithe: Wee were oftentimes within the lande v. or vj. leagues, which
wee founde as pleasaunte as is possible to declare, apte for any kinde of
husbandrye of corne, wine, and oile. For therein there are plaines 25. or
30. leagues broade, open and withoute any impedymente of trees, of suche
frutefulnes that any seede beinge sowen therein will bringe furthe moste
excellente frule. Wee entred afterwardes into the wooddes, which wee
founde so greate and thicke, that an armye (were it never so greate)
mighte have hydd it selfe therein, the trees whereof were oakes,
cypresses, and other sortes unknowen in Europe. (M226) Wee founde pomi
appij, plommes, and nuttes, and many other sortes of frutes to us
unknowen. There are beastes in greate aboundaunce, as redd dere and
fallowe dere, leopardes and other kindes, which they take with their bowes
and arrowes, which are their chefeste weapons. This lande is scituate in
the parallele of Rome in 41. degrees and 2. terces. And towardes the ende
he saieth: Wee sawe many of the people weare earinges of copper hangings
at their eares. Thus farr oute of the relation of Verarsana.
Nowe to come to Stephen Gomes, which by the commandemente of the Emperor
Charles the Fyfte discovered the coaste of Norumbega. These are the wordes
of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo in his summarye of the Weste Indies, translated into
Italian, concerninge him, fo. 52: Dapoi ehe vostra Maestà è in questa
città di Toledo, arriuò qui nel mese di Nouembre il piloto Stephano Gomez,
ilquale nel’ anno passato del 1524. per comandamento di vostra Maestà,
nauigò alla parte di Tramontana, e trouò gran parte di terra continouata a
quella che si chiama dellos Bachallaos, dòscorrendo à Occidente, e giace
in 40. e 41. grado, e cosi poco piu e meno; del qual luogo menò alcuni
Indiani, e ne sono al presente in questa città, li quali sono di maggior
grandezza di quelli di terra ferma, secondo che communemente sono, perche
anchora il detto piloto disse hauer visto molti, che sono tutti di quella
medesima grandezza, il color veramente è come quelli di terra ferma; sono
grandi arcieri, e vanno coperti di pelle d’animali saluatichi, e d’ altri
animali. Sono in questa terra eccellenti martori, e zibellini, e altre
ricche fodere, delle quali ne portò alcune pelle il detto pilotto. Harmo
argento e rame, e secondo che dicono questi Indiani, et con segni fanno
intendere, adorano il Sole e la Luna, anche hanno altre idolatrie ed
errori, come quelli di terra ferma.
Another Frenche capitaine of Diepe,(54) which had bene alongeste this
coaste, geveth this testymonie of the people and contrie from 46. to 47.
degrees, as it is in the thirde volume of viages gathered by Ramusius,
fol. 423, pag. secunda: Gli habitatori di questa terra sono genti
trattabili, amicheuoli, e piaceuoli. La terra è abbondantissima d’ogni
frutto; vi nascono aranci, mandorle, vua saluatica e molte altre sorti
d’arbori odoriferi; la terra è detta da paesani suoi Norumbega.
This coaste, from Cape Briton CC. (200) leagues to the south west, was
again discovered at the chardges of the cardinall of Bourbon by my frende
Stephen Bellinger of Roan, the laste yere, 1583, whoe founde a towne of
fourscore houses, covered with the barkes of trees, upon a rivers side,
about C. leagues from the aforesaid Cape Briton. He reporteth that the
contrie is of the temperature of the coaste of Gascoigne and Guyann.
(M227) He broughte home a kinde of mynerall matter supposed to holde
silver, whereof he gaue me some; a kynde of muske called castor; divers
beastes skynnes, as bevers, otters, marternes, lucernes, scales, buffs,
dere skynnes, all dressed, and painted on the innerside with divers
excellent colours, as redd, tawnye, yellowe, and vermillyon,—all which
thinges I sawe; and divers other marchandize he hath which I saw not. But
he told me that he had CCCC. and xl. crownes for that in Roan, which, in
trifles bestowed upon the savages, stoode him not in fortie crownes. And
this yere, 1584. the Marques de la Roche wente with three hundreth men to
inhabte, in those partes, whose voyadge was overthrowen by occasion that
his greatest shippe of CCC. tonnes was caste away over againste Burwage,
and so the enterprize for this yere ceseth.(55)
The nature and qualitie of thother parte of America from Cape Briton,
beinge in 46 degrees unto the latitude of 52. for iij. C. leagues within
the lande even to Hochelaga, is notably described in the twoo voyadges of
Jacques Cartier. In the fifte chapiter of his seconde relation thus he
writeth: From the 19 till the 28 of September wee sailed upp the ryver,
neuer loosinge one houre of tyme, all which space wee sawe as goodly a
contrie as possibly coulde be wisshed for, full of all sortes of goodly
trees, that is to say, oakes, elmes, walnut trees, cedars, fyrres, asshes,
boxe, willoughes, and greate store of vynes, all as full of grapes as
coulde be, that if any of our fellowes wente on shoare, they came home
laden with them. There are likewise many cranes, swannes, geese,
mallardes, fesauntes, partridges, thrusshes, black birdes, turtles,
finches, redd brestes, nightingales, sparrowes, with other sortes of
birdes even as in Fraunce, and greate plentie and store. Againe in the
xi’th chapiter of the said relation there ys mention of silver and golde
to be upon a ryver that is three monethes saylinge, navigable southwarde
from Hochelaga; and that redd copper is yn Saguynay. All that contrie is
full of sondrie sortes of woodde and many vines. There is greate store of
stagges, redd dere, fallowe dere, beares, and other suche like sorts of
bestes, as conies, hares, marterns, foxes, otters, bevers, squirrells,
badgers, and rattes excedinge greate, and divers other sortes of beastes
for huntinge. There are also many sortes of fowles, as cranes, swannes,
outardes, wilde geese, white and graye, duckes, thrusshes, black birdes,
turtles, wilde pigeons, lynnetts, finches, redd brestes, stares,
nightingales, sparrowes, and other birdes even as in Fraunce. Also, as wee
have said before, the said ryver is the plentifullest of fyshe that ever
hath bene seene or hearde of, because that from the heade to the mouthe of
yt you shall finde all kinde of freshe and salt water fyshe accordinge to
their season. There are also many whales, porposes, sea horses, and
adhothuis, which is a kinde of fishe which wee have neuer seene nor hearde
of before. And in the xii’th chapiter thus: We understoode of Donnacona
and others that ... there are people cladd with clothe as wee are, very
honest, and many inhabited townes, and that they had greate store of gold
and redde copper; and that within the land beyonde the said ryver unto
Hochelaga and Saguynay, ys an iland envyroned rounde aboute with that and
other ryvers, and that there is a sea of freshe water founde, and, as they
have hearde say of those of Saguynay, there was never man hearde of that
founde oute the begynnynge and ende thereof. Finally, in the postscripte
of the seconde relation, wee reade these wordes: They of Canada saye, that
it is a moones sailinge to goe to a land where cynamonde and cloves are
gathered.
And nowe, because hitherto I have spoken of the outwarde coaste, I will
also alledge the comodities of the inland, in the latitude of 37. degrees,
about the citie of Ceuola, usinge the very wordes of Vasques de Coronado,
in the thirde chapter of his Relation, written to Don Antonio di Mendoza,
Viceroy of Mexico, which sente him thither with many Spaniardes and iiij.
C. horses and a thousande Indians to discover those contries.(56) He,
speakinge there of the citie of Ceuola, procedeth in this manner: In
questo doue io sto hora alloggiato possono esserui qualche dugento case
tutte circondate di muro, e parmi che con l’altre che non sono cosi
possono arriuare a cinquecento fuochi. V’ è un’ altra terra vicina, che è
una delle sette, ed è alqoanto maggior di questa, e un altra della
medesima grandezza di questa, e l’altre quattro sono alquanto minori, e
tutte io le mando dipinte a vostra Signoria con il viaggio, e pergamino
doue va la pittura si trouo qui con altri pergamini ... hanno mantelli
dipinti della maniera che io mando a vostra Signoria, non raccolgono
bombaso ... pero ne portano mantelli, come ella vedrà per la mostra; ed è
vero che si ritrouo nelle lor case certo bombaso filato: ... et hanno
delle turchine penso in quantità ... si trouaron in una carta due punte di
smeraldi, e certe picciole pierte rotte, che tirano al color di granate,
... ed altre pietre di cristallo ... si trouaron galline ... son
buonissime e maggiori che quelle di Messico. ... Si trouo buonissima herba
ad un quarto di legha di quà. ... Mangiano le migliori tortelle che io
habbia veduto in alcuna parte. ... Hanno buonissimo sale in grano, che
leuano da un lagune che è lunghe una giornata di quà. ... Vi sono di molti
animali, orsi, tigri, leoni, porci spinosi, lepri, conigli, e certi
castrati della grandezza d’ un cauallo, con corni molto grandi e code
picciole. ... Vi sono delle capre saluatiche, delle quali ho veduto le
teste, ... e le pelli de i cingiali. Vi sono cacciagioni di cerui, pardi,
caurioli molto grandi ... fanno otto giornate verso le champagne al mare
di settentrione. Quiui sono certe pelli ben concie, e la concia e pittura
gli dan doue uccidon le vacche. In the last chapiter he addeth: Mando a
vostra Signoria una pelle di vacca, certe turchine e duoi pendenti
d’orecchie delle medesime, e quindici pettini de gl’Indiani, e alcune
tauolette guarnite di queste turchine, &c. And for a conclusion he endethe
sayenge: In questo luogo s’è trouato alquanto oro ed argento, che quei che
s’intendon di miniera non l’ han reputato per cattiuo.
And Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in his Generall Historie of the Indies,
fol. 297. and 298. in treatinge of the seconde voyadge of Franciscus
Vasques de Coronado from Ceuola to Tigues, from Tigues to Cicuic, and from
Cicuic to Quiuira, saieth firste of the contrye about Tigues: Ci sono in
quel paese melloni, e cottone bianco e rosso, del quale fanno piu larghi
mantelli, che in altre bande delle Indie. And of Quiuira he saieth: è
Quiuira in quaranta gradi, è paese temperato di bonissime acque, di molto
herbatico, prugne, more, noci, melloni ed vue che maturanno benissimo; e
vestono pelle di vacche e caprioli; uiddero per la costa navi che
portavano arcatrarzes di oro ed argento per le proe, con mercantie, e
credettero ch’erano del Cataio e China: per chè accennavano, che havevano
nauigato trenta dì.
Touchinge Newefounde lande, because no man hath better searched it oute,
and all the comodities thereof, then those that were there the laste yere,
1583, the space of eightene daies on lande, with Sir Humfry Gilbert,(57) I
will make rehersall thereof, as I finde it comitted to printe in a learned
discourse, intituled A Trve Reporte of the late Discoueries and Possessyon
taken in the Righte of the Crowne of England, of the Newfounde Landes,
&c.(58) The wordes are these in the firste leafe: Then Sir Humfry wente to
viewe the contrye, beinge well accompanied with moste of his capitaines
and souldiers. They founde the same very temperate, but somwhat warmer
then England at that time of the yere, replenished with beastes and greate
store of fowle of divers kyndes, and fisshes of sondrye sortes, bothe in
the salte water and in the freshe, in so greate plentie as mighte suffice
to victuall an armye, and they are very easely taken. And in the fifte
chapter of the said discourse I reade in this manner: But let us omitte
all presumtions, howe vehemente soeuer, and dwell upon the certentie of
suche comodities as were discovered and founde by Sir Humfry Gilbert and
his assistantes in Newfoundelande, in Auguste laste; ffor there may very
easely be made pitche, tarr, rosen, sope asshes, in greate plentie, yea,
as it is thoughte, ynoughe to serve the whole realme of every of these
kindes; and of trayne oyle suche quantitie as if I shoulde set downe the
value that they doe esteme it at, which have bene there, it woulde seme
incredible.
(M228) To this in effecte agreeth that which one Stephanus Parmenius, a
learned Hungarian, borne in Buda, and lately, my bedfelowe in Oxforde,(59)
wrote unto me oute of Newfounde lande, beinge of Sir Humfryes companye:
Piscium (saieth he, writinge in Latin) inexhausta copia, inde huc
commeantibus magnus quæstus. Vix hamus fundum attigit, illicò insigni
aliquo onustus est. Terra universa montana et syluestris; arbores ut
plurimùm pinus et abietes. Herbæ omnes proceræ, sed rarò à nostris
diuersae. Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum. Inueni
enim gramina et spicas in similitudinem secalis. Et facilè culutra et
satione in vsum humanum assuefieri posse videntur. Rubi in siluis vel
potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate. Vrsi circa tuguria nonnunquam
apparent et conficiuntur. ... Ignotum est an aliquid metalli subsit
montibus, ... etsi aspectus eorum mineras latentes prae se ferat. (M229)
Nos Admiralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad inspiciendam
regionem spatium pateret; nec displicebat illi consilium, si non magnum
incommodum allaturum videretur. Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis hominibus,
cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua statione id accidisset, septennium
totum pisces non comparuisse, exacerbata maris vnda ex terebinthina, quae
conflagrantibus arboribus per riuulos defluebat. (M230) Coelum hoc anni
tempore ita feruidum est vt nisi pisces qui arefiunt solem assidui,
inuertantur, ab adustione defendi non possint. . . . Aer in terra
mediocriter clarus est. Ad orientem supra mare perpetuae nebulae, &c.
Nowe, to passe from Newfoundelande to 60. degrees, I finde it beste
described by Jasper Corterealis,(60) in the thirde volume of the voyadges
gathered by Ramusius, fol. 417. There I reade as followeth: Nella parte
del mondo nuouo che corre verso Tramontana e maestro all’ incontro del
nostro habitabile dell’ Europa, v’ hanno nauigato molti capitani, ed il
primo (per quel’ che si sa) fù Gasparo Cortereale Portoghese, che del
1500. v’ andò con due carauelle, pensando di trouar qualche stretto di
mare, donde per viaggio piu breue, che non è l’ andare attorno l’Affrica,
potesse passare all’ Isole delle Spicerie. Esso nauigò tanto auanti, che
venne in luogo, doue erano grandissimi freddi, et in gradi 60. di
latitudine trouò vn fiume carico di neue, dalla quale gli dette il nome,
chiamandolo Rio Neuado, nè gli bastò l’animo di passar piu auanti. Tutta
questa costa, che corre dal detto Rio Neuado infin’ al porto di Maluas
leghe 200. ilqual è in gradi 56. la vidde piena di genti, e molto
habitato: sopra laqual dismontato prese alcuni per menargli seco, scoperse
ancho molte Isole per mezo la detta costa tutte populate, a ciascuna delle
quali diede il nome. Gli habitanti sono huomini grandi, ben proportionati,
ma alquanto berrettini, e si dipingono la faccia, e tutto il corpo con
diuersi colori per galanteria. Portano manigli d’ argento e di rame, e si
cuoprono con pelli cucite insieme di martori e d’ altri animali diversi;
il verno le portono col pelo di dentro, e la state di fuori. Il cibo loro
per la maggior parte è di pesce piu che d’alcuna altra cosa, massimamente
di salmoni, che n’hanno grandissima copia: ed anchora che vi siano diuersi
sorti d’vccelli, e di frutti, nondimeno non fanno conto se non del pesce.
Le loro habitationi sono fatte di legname, delquale hanno abondantia per
esserui grandissimi, ed infiniti boschi, ed in luogo di tegole le cuoprono
di pelli di pesci, che ne pigliano grandissimi, e gli scorticano. Vidde
molti vccelli, e altri animali, massimamente orsi tutti bianchi.(61)
The reste of this coaste from 60. to 63. is described by Frobisher,(62)
and in freshe memorye, so that I shall not nede to make repetition
thereof.
(M231) Thus, havinge alleaged many printed testymonies of these credible
persons, which were personally betwene 30. and 63. degrees in America, as
well on the coaste as within the lande, which affirmed unto the princes
and kinges which sett them oute, that they founde there golde, silver,
copper, leade, and perles in aboundaunce; precious stones, as turqueses
and emrauldes; spices and druggs, as pepper, cynamon, cloves, rubarb,
muske called castor, turpentine; silke wormes, fairer then ours of Europe;
white and redd cotten; infinite multitudes of all kinde of beastes, with
their tallowe and hides dressed and undressed; cochenilio, founde last
yere by the men of St. John de Luze, and many other kindes of coulours for
clothinge; millions of all kindes of fowles for foode and fethers; salte
for fisshinge; excellent vines in many places for wines; the soile apte to
beare olyves for oile; all kindes of frutes, as oranges, almondes,
filberdes, figges, plomes, mulberies, raspis, pomi appij, melons; all
kinde of odoriferous trees and date trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes,
sapines, hony and waxe; and in New founde lande aboundaunce of pynes and
firr trees, asshes, and other like, to make mastes and deale boordes,
pitche, tarr, rosen; and hempe for cables and cordage; and, upp within the
Graunde Baye, exceedinge quantitie of all kynde of precious furres
(whereof I sawe twentie thousande French crownes worthe the laste yere
broughte to Paris to Valeron Perosse and Mathewe Grainer, the kinges
skynners); also, suche aboundaunce of trayne oile to make sope, and of
fishe as a third part of Europe ys furnished therewith,—I may well and
truly conclude with reason and authoritie, that all the comodities of all
our olde decayed and daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa, and Asia
haunted by us, (M232) may in shorte space for little or nothinge, and many
for the very workemanshippe, in a manner be had in that part of America
which lieth betwene 30. and 60. degrees of northerly latitude, if by our
slackness we suffer not the Frenche or others to prevente us.
Chap. IV. That this enterprise will be for the manifolde ymployment of
nombers of idle men, and for bredinge of many sufficient, and for
utteraunce of the greate quantitie of the comodities of our realme.
It is well worthe the observation to see and consider what the like
voyadges of discoverye and planting in the Easte and Weste Indies hath
wroughte in the kingdomes of Portingale and Spayne; bothe which realmes,
beinge of themselves poore and barren and hardly able to susteine their
inhabitaunts, by their discoveries have founde suche occasion of
employmente, that these many yeres we have not herde scarcely of any
pirate of those twoo nations; whereas wee and the Frenche are moste
infamous for our outeragious, common, and daily piracies. Againe, when
hearde wee almoste of one theefe amongest them? The reason is, that by
these, their new discoveries, they have so many honest wayes to set them
on worke, as they rather wante men than meanes to ymploy them. But wee,
for all the statutes that hitherto can be devised, and the sharpe
execution of the same in poonishinge idle lazye persons, for wante of
sufficient occasion of honest employmente cannot deliver our commonwealthe
from the multitudes of loyterers and idle vagabondes. (M233) Truthe it is,
that throughe our longe peace and seldome sicknes (twoo singuler
blessinges of Almightie God) wee are growen more populous than ever
heretofore; so that nowe there are of every arte and science so many, that
they can hardly lyve one by another, nay rather they are readie to eate
upp one another; yea many thousandths of idle persons are within this
realme, which, havinge no way to be sett on worke, be either mutinous and
seeke alteration in the state, or at leaste very burdensome to the
commonwealthe, and often fall to pilferinge and thevinge and other
lewdnes, whereby all the prisons of the lande are daily pestred and
stuffed full of them, where either they pitifully pyne awaye, or els at
lengthe are miserably hanged, even xx’ti. at a clappe oute of some one
jayle. Whereas yf this voyadge were put in execution, these pety theves
mighte be condempned for certen yeres in the westerne partes, especially
in Newfounde lande, in sawinge and fellinge of tymber for mastes shippes,
and deale boordes; in burninge of the firres and pine trees to make
pitche, tarr, rosen, and sope ashes; in beatinge and workinge of hempe for
cordage; and, in the more southerne partes, in settinge them to worke in
mynes of golde, silver, copper, leade, and yron; in dragginge for perles
and currall; in plantinge of suger canes, as the Portingales have done in
Madera; in mayneteynaunce and increasinge of silke wormes for silke, and
in dressinge the same; in gatheringe of cotten whereof there is plentie;
in tillinge of the soile there for graine; in dressinge of vines whereof
there is greate aboundaunce for wyne; olyves, whereof the soile is
capable, for oyle; trees for oranges, lymons, almondes, figges, and other
frutes, all which are founde to growe there already; in sowinge of woade
and madder for diers, as the Portingales have don in the Azores; in
dressinge of raw hides of divers kindes of beastes; in makinge and
gatheringe of salte, as in Rochel and Bayon, which may serve for the newe
lande fisshinge; in killinge the whale, seale, porpose, and whirlepoole
for trayne oile; in fisshinge, saltinge, and dryenge of linge, codde,
salmon, herringe; in makinge and gatheringe of hony, wax, turpentine; in
hewinge and shapinge of stone, as marble, jeate, christall, freestone,
which will be goodd balaste for our shippes homewardes, and after serve
for noble buildinges; in makinge of caske, oares, and all other manner of
staves; in buildinge of fortes, townes, churches; in powderinge and
barrelling of fishe, fowles, and fleshe, which will be notable provision
for sea and lande; in dryinge, sortinge and packinge of fethers, whereof
may be had there marvelous greate quantitie.
Besides this, such as by any kinde of infirmitie cannot passe the seas
thither, and now are chardgeable to the realme at home, by this voyadge
shal be made profitable members, by employinge them in England in makinge
of a thousande triflinge thinges, which will be very goodd marchandize for
those contries where wee shall have moste ample vente thereof.
And seinge the savages of the Graunde Baye, and all alonge the mightie
ryver that ronneth upp to Canada and Hochelaga, are greately delighted
with any cappe or garment made of course wollen clothe, their contrie
beinge colde and sharpe in the winter, this is manifeste wee shall finde
greate utteraunce of our clothes, especially of our coursest and basest
northerne doosens, and our Irishe and Welshe frizes and rugges; whereby
all occupations belonginge to clothinge and knittinge shalbe freshly sett
on worke, as cappers, knitters, clothiers, wollmen, carders, spyners,
weavers, fullers, sheremen, dyers, drapers, hatters and such like, whereby
many decayed townes may be repaired.
In somme, this enterprice will mynister matter for all sortes and states
for men to worke upon; namely, all severall kindes of artificer:
husbandmen, seamen, marchauntes, souldiers, capitaines, phisitions,
lawyers, devines, cosmographers, hidrographers, astronomers,
historiographers; yea olde folkes, lame persons, women, and younge
children, by many meanes which hereby shall still be mynistred unto them,
shalbe kepte from idlenes and be made able by their owne honest and easie
labour to finde themselves, withoute surchardginge others. For proofe of
the last part of my allegation I will use but onely this one example
followinge.
In the yere of our Lorde 1564. at what tyme the Flemishe nation were
growen, as they were, to the fulnes of their wealthe and to the heighte of
their pride, and not remembringe what wonderfull gaine they had yerely by
the wolles, clothes, and comodities of England, beganne to contempne our
nation and to rejecte our clothes and comodities, a subjecte of the then
twoo Erles of Emden, a man of greate observation, wrote a notable
discourse to the younge erles, to take occasion of that present tyme by
offer of large priviledges in Emden to the Englishe men.(63) In which
discourse, the said subjecte, for the better inducemente of the said twoo
younge erles, dothe write of his owne knowledge, as he in his discourse
affirmeth, and as also by his reporte appereth in the 22d booke of
Sleydans Comentaries,(64) that, anno 1550. Charles the Fifte, then
Emperour, would have had the Spanishe Inquisition broughte into Andwerpe
and into the Netherlandes; whereaboute there was moche adoe, and that
neither the sute of the towne of Andwerpe, nor the requeste of their
frendes, could perswade the Emperour from it, till at the laste they tolde
him playnely, that if the Inquisition came into Andwerpe and the
Netherlandes that the Englishe marchantes woulde departe oute of the towne
and out of his contries; and upon declaration of this suggestion, searche
was made what profile there came and comoditie grewe by the haunte of the
Englishe marchantes. Then was it founde by searche and enquirie, that
within the towne of Andwerpe alone, there were fourtene thousande persons
fedde and mayneteyned onely by the workinge of Englishe commodities,
besides the gaines that marchantes and shippers with other in the sayd
towne did gett, which was the greatest parte of their lyvinge, which were
thoughte to be in nombre half as many more; and in all other places of his
Netherlandes by the indrapinge of Englishe woll into clothe, and by the
workinge of other Englishe comodities, there were thirtie thousande
persons more mayneteyned and fedd; which in all amounteth to the nomber of
lj.M. persons. And this was the reporte that was geven to this mightie
Emperour, whereby the towne of Andwerpe and the Netherlandes were saved
from the Inquisition. And in the ende of the 45th article of the same
discourse, also, he setteth down by particuler accompte howe the subjectes
of the same Emperour in the Netherlandes dyd gaine yerely onely by the
woll and wollen clothe that came eche yere oute of England, almoste
vi.C.M. (M234) I say almoste sixe hundreth thousande poundes sterling,
besides the gaines they had for sondry other thinges, that were of
marvelous somes.
Nowe if her Majestie take these westerne discoveries in hande, and plante
there, yt is like that in shorte time wee shall vente as greate a masse of
clothe yn those partes as ever wee did in the Netherlandes, and in tyme
moche more; which was the opinion of that excellent man, Mr Roberte
Thorne, extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his discourse
to Doctor Lea,(65) ambassador for King Henry the Eighte, in Spaine, with
Charles the Emperour, whose wordes are these: And althoughe (saieth he)
wee wente not into the said ilandes of spicerye, for that they are the
Emperours or Kinges of Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comynge
once to the lyne equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde and
spicerie, as all other landes are under the said lyne equinoctiall; and
also shoulde, yf wee may passe under the northe, enjoye the navigation of
all Tartarye, which should be no lesse profitable to our comodities of
clothe, then those spiceries to the Emperour and Kinge of Portingale.
This beinge soe, yt commeth to passe, that whatsoever clothe wee shall
vente on the tracte of that firme, or in the ilandes of the same, or in
other landes, ilandes, and territories beyonde, be they within the circle
articke or withoute, all these clothes, I say, are to passe oute of this
realme full wroughte by our naturall subjectes in all degrees of labour.
And if it come aboute in tyme that wee shall vente that masse there that
wee vented in the Base Countries, which is hoped by greate reason, then
shall alt that clothe passe oute of this realme in all degrees of labour
full wroughte by the poore natural subjectes of this realme, like as the
quantitie of our clothe dothe passe that goeth hence to Russia, Barbarie,
Turkye, Persia, &c. And then consequently it followeth, that the like
nomber of people alleaged to the Emperour shal be sett on worke in England
of our poore sujectes more then hath bene; and so her Majestie shall not
be troubled with the pitefull outecryes of cappers, knytters, spynners,
&c.
And on the other side wee are to note, that all the comodities wee shall
bringe thence wee shall not bringe them wroughte, as wee bringe now the
comodities of Fraunce and Flaunders, &c. but shall receave them all
substaunces unwroughte, to the ymploymente of a wonderfull multitude of
the poore subjectes of this realme in returne. And so to conclude, what in
the nomber of thinges to goe oute wroughte, and to come in unwroughte,
there nede not one poore creature to steale, to starve, or to begge as
they doe.
(M235) And to answer objections; where fooles for the swarminge of beggars
alleage that the realme is too populous, Solomon saieth, that the honour
and strengthe of a prince consisteth in the multitude of the people. And
if this come aboute, that worke may be had for the multitude, where the
realme hath nowe one thousande for the defence thereof, the same may have
fyve thousande. For when people knowe howe to live, and howe to maynetayne
and feede their wyves and children, they will not abstaine from mariage as
nowe they doe. And the soile thus aboundinge with come, fleshe, mylke,
butter, cheese, herbes, rootes, and frutes, &c., and the seas that envyron
the same so infynitely aboundinge in fishe, I dare truly affirme, that if
the nomber in this realme were as greate as all Spaine and Ffraunce have,
the people beinge industrious, I say, there shoulde be founde victualls
ynoughe at the full in all bounty to suffice them all. And takinge order
to cary hence thither our clothes made in hose, coates, clokes, whoodes,
&c., and to returne thither hides of their owne beastes, tanned and turned
into shoes and bootes, and other skynnes of goates, whereof they have
store, into gloves, &c., no doubte but wee shall sett on worke in this
realme, besides sailers and suche as shalbe seated there in those westerne
discovered contries, at the leaste C.M. subjectes, to the greate abatinge
of the goodd estate of subjectes of forreine princes, enemies, or
doubtfull friends, and this _absque injuria_, as the lawyers say, albeit
not _sine damno_. And having a vente of lynnen, as the Spaniardes have in
the rest of that firme, wee may sett our people, in making the same,
infinitely on worke, and in many other thinges besides; which time will
bringe aboute, thoughe nowe, for wante of knowledge and full experience of
this trade, wee cannot enter into juste accompte of all particulers.
Chap. V. That this voyage will be a greate bridle to the Indies of the
Kinge of Spaine, and a meane that wee may arreste at our pleasure for the
space of tenne weeks or three monethes every yere one or twoo C. saile of
his subjectes shippes at the fyshinge in Newfounde Land.
The cause why the Kinge of Spaine, these three or foure yeres last paste,
was at suche intollerable chardges in furnishinge oute so many navies to
wynne Tercera, and the other small ilandes of the Azores adjacent to the
same, was the opportunitie of the places in interceptinge his West India
flete at their returne homewarde, as a matter that toucheth him indeede to
the quicke. But the plantinge of twoo or three strong fortes upon some
goodd havens (whereof there is greate store) betweene Florida and Cape
Briton, woulde be a matter in shorte space of greater domage as well to
his flete as to his westerne Indies; for wee shoulde not onely often tymes
indaunger his flete in the returne thereof, but also in fewe yeres put him
in hazarde in loosinge some parte of Nova Hispania.
Touchinge the fleete, no man (that knoweth the course thereof, comynge
oute betwene Cuba and the Cape of Florida, alonge the gulfe or straite of
Bahama) can denye that it is caried by the currant northe and northeaste
towardes the coaste which wee purpose, God willinge to inhabite; which
hapned to them not twoo yeres past, as Mr. Jenynges and Mr. Smithe, the
master and masters mate of the shippe called the Toby, belonginge to
Bristowe, infourmed me, and many of the chefest merchauntes of that citie,
whereof they had particuler advertisement at Cadiz in Spaine a little
before by them that were in the same flete the selfe same yere, and were
in person driven upon the same coaste, and sawe the people, which they
reported to be bigge men, somewhat in makinge like the Hollanders, and
lighted on a towne upon a ryvers side, which they affirmed to be above a
quarter of a mile in lengthe. Besides the current, it is also a thinge
withoute controversie, that all southerne and south easterne windes
inforce the Spanish flete returninge home nere or upon the aforesaide
coaste, and consequently will bringe them into our daunger, after wee
shallbe there strongly setled and fortified.
Wee are moreover to understande that the savages of Florida are the
Spaniardes mortall enemyes, and wilbe ready to joyne with us againste
them, as they joyned with Capitaine Gourgues, a Gascoigne, whoe beinge but
a private man, and goinge thither at his owne chardges, by their aide
wonne and rased the three small fortes, which the Spaniardes aboute xx’ti.
yeres agoe had planted in Florida after their traiterous slaughter of John
Ribault; which Gourgues slewe, and hanged upp divers of them on the same
trees whereon the yere before they had hanged the Frenche. Yea, one
Holocotera, brother to one of the kinges of the savages, leapinge upp on
an highe place, with his owne handes slewe a Spanishe canonier as he was
puttinge fire to a pece of ordynaunce; which storye is at large in printe
sett furthe by Monsieur Poplynier in his book intituled Trois Mondes.
Also, within the lande on the northe side of Nova Hispania, there is a
people called Chichimici, which are bigg and stronge men and valiaunte
archers, which have contynuall warres with the Spaniardes, and doe
greately annoye them. The Spanishe histories which I have reade, and other
late discourses, make greate mention of them. Yea, Myles Phillipps, who
was xiiij. yeres in those partes, and presented his whole travell in
writinge to her Majestie, confesseth this to be moste certaine.(66)
Nowe if wee (being thereto provoked by Spanishe injuries) woulde either
joyne with these savages, or sende or give them armor, as the Spaniardes
arme our Irishe rebells, wee shoulde trouble the Kinge of Spaine more in
those partes, then he hath or can trouble us in Ireland, and holde him at
suche a bay as he was never yet helde at. For if (as the aforesaide Miles
Phillipps writeth) yt be true, that one negro which fledd from his cruel
Spanishe master is receaved and made capitaine of multitudes of the
Chichimici, and daily dothe grevously afflicte them, and hath almoste
enforced them to leave and abandon their silver mynes in those quarters,
what domage mighte divers hundreds of Englishe men doe them, being growen
once into familiaritie with that valiaunte nation.
And this is the greatest feare that the Spaniardes have, to witt, our
plantinge in those partes and joyning with those savages, their
neighbours, in Florida, and on the northe side of Nova Hispania. Which
thinge an Englishe gentleman, Capitaine Muffett, whoe is nowe in Fraunce,
tolde divers tymes this laste winter in my hearinge and others of credite,
namely, that when he was in Spaine, prisoner, not longe since, he hearde
the threasurer of the West Indies say, that there was no suche way to
hinder his master, as to plante upon the coaste nere unto Florida, from
whence by greate ryvers any man mighte easely passe farre upp into the
lande, and joyne with his enemyes, whereof he stoode in contynuall feare;
and said moreover, that that was the occasion why suche crueltie was used
towardes John Ribaulte and his companie upon his seekinge to settle there.
(M236) Fynally, if wee liste not to come so nere Florida, this is a matter
of no small momente, that if we fortifie ourselves about Cape Briton, nere
Newfounde land, partely by the strengthe of our fortification, and partely
by the aide of our navye of fishermen, which are already comaunders of
others there, havinge our double forces thus joyned together, wee shalbe
able upon every sooden to cease upon one or twoo hundreth Spanishe and
Portingale shipps, which for tenne weekes or three monethes ate there on
fisshinge every yere. This I say will be suche a bridle to him and suche
an advantage vnto us, as wee cannot possibly ymagine a greater. And thus
the Frenche served them in the time of Mounsieurs being in Flaunders,
caryenge awaye oute of some harborowes three or foure Spanishe and
Portingale shippes at ones; and more they woulde have taken, if our
Englishmen, and, namely, one of myne acquaintaunce of Ratclife, had not
defended them. And hither of necessitie they must yerely repaire, beinge
not able to make their provision for land and sea of fishe in any place
els, excepte on the coaste of Ireland, and at Cape Blancke in Africa,
which twoo are nothinge worth in comparison to this thirde place.
So shall wee be able to crye quittance with the King of Spaine if he
shoulde goe aboute to make any generall arreste of our navye, or rather
terrifie him from any such enterpryse, when he shall bethincke himself
that his navye in Newfounde lande is no lesse in our daunger, then ours is
in his domynions wheresoever.
Chap. VI. That the mischiefe that the Indian treasure wroughte in time of
Charles the late Emperor, father to the Spanishe kinge, is to be had in
consideration of the Queens most excellent Majestie, leaste the contynuall
comynge of the like treasure from thence to his sonne, worke the
unrecoverable annoye of this realme, whereof already we have had very
daungerous experience.
It is written in the xxxth. article of the discourse before specified,
dedicated to the twoo younge Erles of Emden, as followeth, verbatim: With
this greate treasure did not the Emperour Charles gett from the French
Kinge the Kingdome of Naples, the Dukedome of Myllaine, and all other his
domynions in Italy, Lombardy, Pyemont, and Savoye? With this treasure did
he not take the Pope prisoner, and sack the sea of Rome? With this
treasure did he not take the Frenche Kinge prisoner, and mayneteyne all
the greate warres with Fraunce, since the yere of our Lorde 1540. to the
yere of our Lord 1560. as is declared in the 12. and 13. article of his
booke? With this treasure hath he not mayneteyned many cities in Italie,
as well againste the Pope as againste the Frenche Kinge, as Parma,
Florence, and such other? With this treasure did he not overthrowe the
Duke of Cleave, and take Gilderland, Groyningelande, and other domynions
from him, which oughte to be a goode warninge to you all, as it shall be
most plainly and truly declared hereafter? With this treasure did he not
gett into his handes the Erledome of Lingen in Westfalia? With this
treasure did he not cause the Erie of Esones, your subject, to rebell
againste your Graces father and againste you? The cause you knowe beste.
And what works this treasure made amongest the princes and townes in
Germany, when the Duke of Saxony and the Launtzgrave Van Hessen were
taken, Sleydan, our owne countryman, by his Chronicle declareth at large.
And did not this treasure, named the Burgundishe asse, walke and ronne in
all places to make bothe warr and peace at pleasure? And tooke he nothinge
from the Empire then? Yes, truly, to moche, as you shall heare. When the
Emperor Charles was firste made Emperour, what were the townes and
contries in the Netherlandes that justly or properly came to him by birthe
or inheritaunce? There was Brabant, Flaunders, Holland, Zeland, Artoys,
and Henego. And yet there is a greate question concerninge Holland, howe
the Emperour Charles and his progenitors came by yt, and what homage and
duetie they oughte to doe for the same; because thereby the house of
Burgundy hath the mouthe of the River Rhene at their commaundemente, which
is to the greate losse, domage, and daunger of Germanye, as hereafter
shalbe declared. Here be all the contries that belonged to the house of
Burgundie when the Emperour Charles was made Emperour. But howe moche hath
bene added to the Netherlandes since by him, contrary to his oathe made?
That are these townes and contries, as yt appereth in Sleydans Chronicle;
viz. Lutzenburge, Lymeburge, Gelderlande, the Erldome of Sutphen, the
Citie and Straite of Vtright,(67) with all the landes in Over Isel, West
Frizeland, the Citie of Groninge, and Groininge land. And, as before it is
saied, he hath by pollicie gotten into his handes the Erldome of Lingen,
standinge in Westfalia; and by the like pollicie, with money, he is become
the defender of the Erledome of Esons, which is parcell of your Graces
contrie of East Frizeland. All these contries and townes, with the
treasure of the Netherlandes, hath he taken from the Empire.
Thus farr procedeth this excellent man in describinge howe Charles the
Emperour employed his treasure to the afflictinge and oppressinge of moste
of the greatest estates of Christendome. The effecte of these treasures
which he had oute of the West Indies, Peter Martir of Angleria, in the
epistle dedicatory of his Decades to the said Emperour Charles, truly
prognosticated in the begynnynge, before hand, where he writeth thus unto
him: Come therefore and embrace this newe worlde, and suffer us no longer
to consume in desire of your presence. From hence, from hence (I say),
moste noble younge Prince, shall instrumentes be prepared for you whereby
all the worlde shalbe under your obeysaunce.
And in very deede it is moste apparaunte that riches are the fittest
instrumentes of conqveste, and that the Emperour turned them to that use.
(M237) To leave the father and come to the sonne, hath not Kinge Phillippe
employed his treasure as injuriously to all princes and potentates of
Europe? Is it not he that with his Indian treasure corrupted the
_Quinqueviri_ in Portingale, that in the interregnum were appointed
overseers of the comon wealthe, and so hath joyned that kingdome to his,
with all the ilandes, townes, domynions belonginge to that crowne? Is it
not he that with his treasure hath gon aboute to hier some ungodlye
murderer to make away with Don Antonio, one while by open proclamation,
and another while _sotto capo_, under hande? Is it not he that by his
treasure hathe hired at sondry times the sonnes of Beliall to bereve the
Prince of Orange of his life?(68) And hath he not suborned by hope of
rewarde other moste ungodly persons to lay violent handes upon other
Christian princes? Hath not he these many yeres geven large pensions to
nombers of English unnaturall rebelles? Doth he not support the semynaries
of Rome and Rhemes to be thornes in the sides of their owne comon
wealthes? Hath not he divers tymes sente forren forces into Ireland,
furnished with money, armor, munition, and victualls? Hath not he sente
rounde somes of money into Scotland, both to the Kinge and those that are
aboute him, to alter the estate there and to trouble oures? And is it not
knowen that this Spanishe asse rometh upp and downe laden throughe all
Fraunce, and, when it coulde not enter into the papistes gates, yt hath
soughte to enter into the courtes of the princes of the Relligion, to
renewe the late intermitted civile warres? What it hath done and nowe
dothe in all the Empire and the Lowe Contries, and is like to worke in
other places unlesse speedy order be taken to hinder it, is described at
large by Mounsieur de Aldegonde, a Germaine gentleman, in a pithie and
moste earnest exhortation (extant in Latine, Italian, Frenche, Englishe,
and Duche) concerninge the estate of Christendome, together with the
meanes to defend and preserve the same, dedicated to all Christian kings,
princes, and potentates.(69)
Chap. VII. What speciall meanes may bringe Kinge Phillippe from his highe
throne, and make him equall to the princes his neighboures; wherewithall
is shewed his weakenes in the West Indies.
Firste, it is to be considered that his domynions and territories oute of
Spaine lye farr distant from Spaine, his chefest force; and fair distante
one from another; and are kepte by greate tyrannie; and _quos metuunt
oderunt_. And the people kepte in subjection desire nothinge more then
freedome. And like as a little passage given to water, it maketh his owne
way; so give but a small menne to suche kepte in tyranie, they will make
their owne way to libertie; which way may easely be made. And entringe
into the consideration of the way how this Phillippe may be abased, I
meane firste to begynne with the West Indies, as there to laye a chefe
foundation for his overthrowe. And like as the foundation of the strongest
holde undermyned and removed, the mightiest and strongest walles fall
flatt to the earthe; so this prince, spoiled or intercepted for a while of
his treasure, occasion by lacke of the same is geven that all his
territories in Europe oute of Spaine slide from him, and the Moores enter
into Spaine it selfe, and the people revolte in every forrein territorie
of his, and cutt the throates of the proude hatefull Spaniardes, their
governours. For this Phillippe already owinge many millions, and of late
yeres empaired in credite, bothe by lacke of abilitie of longe tyme to pay
the same, and by his shameful losse of his Spaniardes and dishonors in the
Lowe Contries, and by lacke of the yerely renewe of his revenewe, he shall
not be able to wage his severall garrisons kepte in his severall
frontiers, territories, and places, nor to corrupte in princes courtes,
nor to doe many feates. And this weyed, wee are to knowe what Phillip ys
in the West Indies; and that wee be not abused with Spanish braggs, and
made to beleve what he is not; and so, drawen into vain feare, suffer
fondly and childishly our owne utter spoile. And therefore wee are to
understande that Phillippe rather governeth in the West Indies by opinion,
then by mighte; ffor the small manred of Spaine, of itself being alwayes
at the best slenderly peopled, was never able to rule so many regions, or
to kepe in subjection such worldes of people as be there, were it not for
the error of the Indian people, that thincke he is that he is not, and
that doe ymagine that Phillippe hath a thousande Spaniardes for every
single naturall subjecte that he hath there. And like as the Romaynes,
allured hither into Britaine, perced the Iland, and planted here and there
in the mouthes of rivers and upon straites, and kepte colonies, as at
Westchester upon the River of Dee, at York upon the River of Owse, and
upon the Rivers of Thames and Severne, and yet in truthe never enioyed
more of the contries rounde aboute then the Englishe, planted at Bulloine
and Calice, did of the Frenche soile adjoyninge, nor in effecte had the
Brittishe nation at comaundement; even so hath the Spaniarde perced the
Indies, and planted here and there very thinlye and slenderlye, withoute
havinge the Indian multitude in subjection, or in their townes and fortes
any nomber to holde any of them againste the meanest force of a prince; so
as in truthe the Spaniarde ys very weake there. And it is knowen to Sir
Fraunces Drake, and to Mr. Hawkins, and Miles Phillipps (which Miles lyved
xiiij. yeres in Nova Spania), and to dyvers others of her Majesties
subjectes besides that have been there, that the ilandes there abounde
with people and nations that rejecte the proude and bluddy government of
the Spaniarde, and that doe mortally hate the Spaniarde. And they also
knowe that the Moores, and suche as the Spaniardes have broughte thither
for the mynes and for slavery, have fledd from them into the inlandes, and
of them selves maineteine in many places frontier warres againste the
Spaniarde, and many tymes so prevaile, and especially of late, that the
Spaniardes have bene inforced to sende the Spanishe marchauntes them
selves into the warres, althoughe yt be againste the speciall priviledges
graunted by Charles, the late Emperour, to the marchauntes, as may
plainely appere by Spanishe marchauntes letters taken by Sir Fraunces
Drake passinge in the sea of Sur towarde Panama, to be conveyed into
Spaine. And it is thoughte that Sir Fraunces Drake and some other Englishe
are of so greate credite with the Symerons and with those that mayneteyne
those frontier warrs, that he mighte, bringinge thither a fewe capitaines
and some of our meaner souldiers late trayned in the Base Contries, with
archers and lighte furniture, &c., bringe to passe that, joyninge with
those inland people, Kinge Phillippe mighte either be deprived of his
governmente there, or at the leaste of the takinge of his yerely benefite
of the mynes. Thus with small chardge and fewe men, nowe and then
renewinge this matter by a few sailes to be sent thither for the comforte
of suche as shalbe there resident, and for the incouragemente of the
Symerons, greater effecte may followe then by meetinge with his golden
flete, or by takinge of his treasures once or twise at the sea; for by
this meanes, or by a platforme well to be sett downe, England may enjoye
the benefite of the Indian mynes, or at the leaste kepe Phillippe from
possessinge the same.
Hereunto yf wee adde our purposed westerne discoueries, and there plante
and people ryally, and fortifie strongly, and there builde shippes and
maineteine a navy in special porte or portes, wee may by the same either
encounter the Indian fleete, or be at hande as it were to yelde freshe
supplye, courage, and comforte, by men or munition, to the Chichimici and
the Symerons, and suche other as shalbe incited to the spoile of the
mynes; which in tyme will, if it be not looked to, bringe all princes to
weake estate, that Phillippe, either for religion or other cause, dothe
hate; as the aforesaide Monsieur de Aldegond, in his pithie and moste
earneste exhortation to all Christian kinges, princes, and potentates to
beware of Kinge Phillipps ambitious growinge, dothe wisely and moste
providently forwarne.
To this may be added (the realme swarming with lustie youthes that be
turned to no profitable use), there may be sente bandes of them into the
Base Contries in more rounde nombers then are sente as yet. For if he
presently prevaile there, at our doores, farewell the traficque that els
wee have there (whereof wise men can say moche). And if he settle there,
then let the realme saye adewe to her quiet state and safetie.
If these enter into the due consideration of wise men, and if platformes
of these thinges be sett downe and executed duelye and with spede and
effecte, no doubte but the Spanishe empire falles to the grounde, and the
Spanishe kinge shall be lefte bare as Aesops proude crowe, the peacocke,
the perot, the pye, and the popingey, and every other birde havinge taken
home from him his gorgeous fethers, he will, in shorte space, become a
laughinge stocke for all the worlde; with such a mayme to the Pope and to
that side, as never hapned to the sea of Rome by the practise of the late
Kinge of famous memory, her Majesties father, or by all the former
practises of all the Protestant princes of Germanie, or by any other
advise layde downe by Monsieur de Aldegond, here after by them to be put
in execution. If you touche him in the Indies, you touche the apple of his
eye; for take away his treasure, which is _neruus belli_, and which he
hath almoste oute of his West Indies, his olde bandes of souldiers will
soone be dissolved, his purposes defeated, his power and strengthe
diminished, his pride abated, and his tyranie utterly suppressed.
Chap. VIII. That the lymites of the Kinge of Spaines domynions in the West
Indies be nothinge so large as is generally ymagined and surmised, neither
those partes which he holdeth be of any such forces as is falsly geven
oute by the Popishe clergie and others his fautors, to terrifie the
princes of the relligion and to abuse and blynde them.
As the Secretary of Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale, called Custodio
Etan, tolde me lately at Paris, that the Portingales never had in Guinea,
Bresill, and all the Easte Indies above twelve thousande Portingale
souldiers whensoever they had moste, which was confirmed by one of the
Kinges capitaines borne in Goa, then presente; and that they governed
rather by gevinge oute of greate rumors of power and by secrecie, then by
any greate force which they had in deede; so the like is to be proved of
the Kinge of Spaine in his West Indies; ffor he beinge in those partes
exceedinge weake hath nothinge such nombers of people there as is geven
oute, neither doe his domynions stretche so far as by the ignoraunte ys
ymagined; which hereby easely may appere, seinge he hath no one towne or
forte in actuall possession in all Nova Hispania to the northe of the
Tropick of Cancer, which standeth in 23. degrees and an halfe, excepte the
towne of St. Helen and one or twoo small fortes in Florida; ffor as it is
in the mappe of Culiacan, sett oute twoo yeres paste with all diligence by
Ortelius, Saincte Michael ys the furthest towne nothwarde on the backside
of America; and Panuco and Villa Sancti Jacobi are the moste northerly
colonies upon the Bay of Mexico that the Spaniardes inhabite; as the
aforesaide Ortelius witnesseth in his mapp of those partes sett oute this
presente yere, 1584; which three townes above named are under or within
the Tropicke of Cancer. And so the Kinge of Spaine hath no footinge
beyonde the said tropicke; which is contrary to the opinion of the vulgar
sorte, which ymagine, and by some are borne in hande, that all is his from
the equinoctiall as farr as the lande stretcheth towardes the pooles.
Againe, that parte from the equinoctiall to the southe ys not inhabited by
the Spaniarde any further then unto the Tropicke of Capricorne, as ys to
be seene by the mappe of Peru this presente yere, 1584. published by
Ortelius; neither is it peopled by the Spaniardes to any purpose savinge
onely alonge the sea coaste. And howe weake they are there, and what
simple shippinge they have, and howe dayly they be afflicted by the
inhabitauntes, Sir Fraunces Drake can tell, and the letters by him
intercepted doe declare. One Peter Benzo de Millano, which was fourtene
yeres in those partes, writeth, that they holde greate townes, some with
tenne, some with sixe, some with foure, and some with twoo souldiers, and
that they commaunded that all the Italians, whome they called Levantines
in contempte, shoulde departe those contries, fearinge they shoulde
reveale their nakednes to the worlde, and encourage others to sett in
footinge there.
Seinge then they suffer no people of Europe to inhabite there savinge
onely Spaniardes, any reasonable man that knoweth the barenes, desolation,
and wante of men in Spaine, together with these eightene yeres civill
warres that hath wasted so many thousandes of them in the Lowe Contries,
must nedes confesse that they have very simple forces there. The provinces
which he holdeth are indeede many, yet more denuded than ever was any
empire since the creation of the worlde. Some of his contries are
dispeopled, some barren, some so far asonder, also held by tyrannie, that
in deed upon the due consideration of the matter, his mighte and greatenes
is not suche as _prima facie_ yt may seme to be. And weare yt not that he
doth possesse suche at masse of treasure oute of the Indies, the Frenche
kinge, of one onely kingdome, with his onely people of Fraunce, were able
to drive him oute of all his domynions that he hath in the worlde.
(M238) It is written that Antigonus, beinge to fighte againste certaine of
his enemyes, they appered a farr of to be so huge and mightie, that his
souldiers were halfe afraied to encounter them; but, beinge incouraged by
his valour, they easely overthrewe them in a conflicte; whereof he
stripped one or twoo, which, beinge turned oute of their bombasted and
large apparell, were in deede but very weakelinges and shrimpes; which,
when he had shewed unto his souldiers, they were ashamed of themselves
that ever they had bene afraied of suche wretches. So when wee shall have
looked and narrowly pried into the Spanishe forces in America, wee shalbe
doubtles ashamed of ourselves, that wee have all this while bene afraied
of those dissemblinge and feble scarr crowes.
This which I say concerninge the weakenes of the Spaniardes in America may
more easelie appere by this note followinge, gathered by an excellent
Frenche capitaine moste experte and privie to the state and force of the
islandes, havens, townes, and fortes of all that parte of America which
lieth upon our ocean; which excedinge large coaste beinge so rarely and
simply manned and fortified, wee may well assure ourselves that the
inlande is mocha more weake and unmanned.
Chap. IX. The names of the riche townes lienge alonge the sea coaste on
the north side from the equinoctiall of the mayne lande of AMERICA, under
the Kinge of Spaine.
1. Ouer againest the ilande of Margarita there is a towne called Cumana,
wherein is great store of perle. There be divers boates belonginge to the
towne, which onely dragge perles. This towne is the farthest eastwarde
which the kinge hath on the north side of India. It is environed with
their enemyes, viz., the Indyans and Caribes. The victualls come from this
towne to Margarita.
2. The next towne westwarde is Carakas, which is very riche of golde. This
towne standeth upon the sea, and hath some victualls, but not plentie, and
is environed likewise with the Indians, their mortall enemyes.
3. The towne Burborowate was destroyed by 50. Frenchemen, and the treasure
taken awaye.
4. The nexte towne to the westwarde is called Coro, which hath greate
plentie of golde and victualls. This standeth upon the sea. This is a
civill contrie, and some of the Indians broughte to a civill governemente.
5. At Rio de Hacha there is a towne called Hacha, where is greate store of
perle and silver, but no golde; and not farr from thence there is a perle
house. There is plentie of victualls, the contrie civill, and some of the
Indians at the Spaniardes comaundement. Mr. John Hawkins told me he won
this towne, and was master of yt three daies, in his laste voyadge.
6. Further westwarde is a towne called Santa Maren, alias Marta, where is
greate store of golde, but little victualls. This is envyroned with
Indians, enemies to the Spaniardes.
7. The nexte towne is Carthagena, where is greate store of silver, golde,
and precious stone. This towne hath a nomber of Indians and Symerons to
their enemyes. There is also greate store of victualls.
8. The nexte towne thereunto is Nombro di Dios. To this towne cometh all
the golde, perle, stone, and jewells that cometh from Chile, Peru, and
Panama oute of the Southe Sea. To this towne cometh halfe the fleete,
which taketh in halfe their treasure, and goeth to Havana, and so throughe
the Gulfe of Bahama unto the Ilandes of Corvo, Flores, and the Azores, and
from thence into Spaine. This towne hath no victualls but such as cometh
from Panama and the ilandes by sea. By this towne is a gulfe called
Gulnata, where the Symerons and Indians have certaine townes, and kepe
warres dayly with the Spaniardes as well as the Indians. At the southende
of the gulfe there is not paste five legues over lande into the South Sea.
9. The nexte towne is called Vraga, alias Var, where is moche golde and
small store of victualls. This is a civill contrie nere to the towne; the
nexte is Nicaragua.
10. At Nicaragua is moche golde that cometh out of the Southe Sea, and
there is a place where they make their frigotts. There ys little
victualls; the people are civill.
11. In the Bay of Hondoras is a towne called Hondoras, alias Tres Islas,
where is golde and hides and greate store of victualls. This towne
standeth upon an hill very strongly, and is but simply manned. This towne
hath within a mile great plentie of Indians, which are at warr with the
Spaniardes.
12. Then there is a towne called Porto de Cavallos, where is store of
silver, stones, perles, jewells made and sett with precious stones and
perles. To this towne come yerely twoo shippes, that goe from thence to
the Havana, and so into Spaine with all their riches. This towne is full
of victualls. This porte of Cavallos adjoyneth to the Gulfe Dowse.(70)
13. All the Bay of Mexico is full of Indian townes and full of victualls.
There is one towne named Vera Crux, to which towne cometh all their
treasure, from the citie of Mexico, and from thence to the porte of St.
John de Vlloa, from thence to Havana, and so into Spayne.
14. In Florida the Spaniardes have one towne, called Sancta Helena, where
they have perles, silver, and greate store of victualls. The Floridians be
a gentle sorte of people, and used somtymes to heade their arrowes with
silver.
15. There is one principall place called Rio de Jordan, alias Rio de Maio,
where, in an iland, standeth a forte which was Ribaults; which river
ronneth throughe the lande into the Southe Sea, from whence greate plentie
of treasure is brought thither. There are small pynnesses that use the
same river. It is also thoughte that shippes come from Cathaio to the
southwest ende of the said river. This is very full of victualls. (M239)
There was note by Peter Melanda of a river cutt from the Citie of Mexico
to Rio de Maio,(71) so that moche treasure is broughte from thence to this
forte with small pynnesses.
All that parte of America eastwarde from Cumana unto the River of St
Augustine in Bresill, conteyneth in lengthe alongest to the sea side xxj.
C. miles, in whiche compasse and track there is neither Spaniarde,
Portingale, nor any Christian man, but onely the Caribes, Indians, and
sauages. In which places is greate plentie of golde, perle, and precious
stones.
On the coaste of Bresill is one goodly ile called Trinidada, conteyninge
C. xx’ti. miles in lengthe, and lxxv. miles in bredthe, and is onely
inhabited by gentle Indians and sauages borne in the said ilande. In this
ilande is greate plentie of maiz, venison, fishe, wooddes, and grasse,
with divers faire frutes and other comodities. Yt hath also divers goodly
havens to harborowe yn, and greate stoare of tymber for buildinge of
shippes. (M240) With the kinge of this ilande wee are in league.
Chap. X. A brefe declaration of the chefe ilandes in the Baye of Mexico,
beinge under the Kinge of Spaine, with their havens and fortes, and what
comodities they yelde.
There ys one ilande, as the fleete cometh into the baye, named
Margarita,(72) wherein is greate store of perle; a riche ilande full of
maiz (which is their corne), oxen, shepe, goates, fowle and fishe, greate
store of frutes, grasse and woods.
Ouer againste the said islande, northewarde, there is one other iland
named St. John de Porto Ricco, which hath store of all manner of victualls
and suger.
The nexte is a faire iland called Hispaniola, in some parte well
inhabited; havinge one citie called Sancto Domingo, which hath a faire
hauen(73) whereunto many of the shippes of the kinges fleete come, and
there devide themselves. Some goe to St. John de Leu, and some to Nombro
di Dios and other partes of the mayne lande. This is a frutefull iland for
all manner of victuall, hides and suger.
The nexte ilande is called Jamaica, and hath in it great store of
victualls.
The nexte is a faire, greate, and longe iland, called Cuba. This iland
hath a forte and haven in it called the Havana, which is the key of all
India. It is called the key of India, for that the Spaniardes cannot well
returne into Spaine but that they muste touche there for victualls, water,
woodde, and other necessaries. It lieth at the mouthe and entraunce into
the Gulfe of Bahama. This ilande hath great plentie of victualls, but it
is not greately inhabited.
There be divers other ilandes, riche for victualls, as Aeriaba, Corsal,
Marigalante,(74) &c., havinge not in them some xx. some x. Spaniardes a
pece.
Thus you see that in all those infinite ilandes in the Gulfe of Mexico,
whereof Cuba and Hispaniola are thoughte to be very nere as bigge as
England and Ireland, wee reade not of past twoo or three places well
fortified, as Sancto Domingo in Hispaniola, and Havana in Cuba. I may
therefore conclude this matter with comparinge the Spaniardes unto a
drone, or an emptie vessell, which when it is smitten upon yeldeth a
greate and terrible sound, and that afarr of; but come nere and looke into
them, there ys nothinge in them; or rather like unto the asse which wrapte
himselfe in a lyons skynne, and marched farr of to strike terror in the
hartes of the other beastes, but when the foxe drewe nere he perceaved his
longe eares, and made him a jeste unto all the beastes of the forrest. In
like manner wee (upon perill of my life) shall make the Spaniarde
ridiculous to all Europe, if with pierceinge eyes wee see into his
contemptible weakenes in the West Indies, and with true stile painte hym
oute _ad vivum_ unto the worlde in his fainte colours.
And if any man woulde objecte, that if by his weakenes he had loste the
treasure of the West Indies, yet the riches of the Easte Indies woulde
holde upp his heade; I answer, that those contries beinge so farr of, and
suche naturall malice beinge betweene the Portingale and the Spaniarde, as
greater cannot be, that it is not possible for him to holde those partes
no more than the other, wantinge the treasure of the West Indies to
supporte his garrisons both there and in Christendome againste his
manifolde and mightie enemyes.
Chap. XI. That the Spaniardes have exercised moste outragious and more
then Turkishe cruelties in all the West Indies, whereby they are every
where there become moste odious unto them, whoe woulde joyne with us or
any other moste willinglye to shake of their moste intolerable yoke, and
have begonne to doe yt already in divers places where they were lordes
heretofore.
So many and so monstrous have bene the Spanishe cruelties, suche straunge
slaughters and murders of those peaceable, lowly, milde, and gentle
people, together with the spoiles of townes, provinces, and kingdomes,
which have bene moste ungodly perpetrated in the West Indies, as also
divers others no lesse terrible matters, that to describe the leaste parte
of them woulde require more than one chapiter, especiall where there are
whole bookes extant, in printe, not onely of straungers, but also even of
their owne contreymen (as of Bartholmewe de las Casas, a bisshoppe in Nova
Spania); yea such and so passinge straunge and excedinge all humanitie and
moderation have they bene, that the very rehersall of them drave divers of
the cruel Spanishe, which had not bene in the West Indies, into a kinde of
extasye and maze, so that the sayenge of the poet mighte therein well be
verified:—
Quis talia fando,
Myrmidonum Dolopumue aut duri miles Vlissis,
Temperet a lachrimis?
Nevertheless I will repeate oute of that mightie masse and huge heape of
massacres some fewe, that of them you may make an estymate of the rest,
and consider what small remainder of those moste afflicted Indians have to
revolte from the obedience of the Spaniardes, and to shake of from their
shoulders the moste intollerable and insupportable yoke of Spaine, which
in many places they have already begonne to do of themselves, withoute the
helpe of any Christian prynce.
Nowe because these moste outeragious and infinite massacres are put downe
by Don Bartholmewe de las Casas, the bisshoppe above mentioned, and
dedicated to Kinge Phillippe that nowe ys, which author testifieth that to
his inspeakable grefe he was an eye witnesse of many of them, therefore it
seemeth best unto me to bringe him in, which in his firste chapiter
describeth the same in manner followinge:—
Upon these lambes (meaninge the Indians), so meke, so qualified and
endewed of their Maker and Creator, as hath bene said, entred the
Spanishe, incontinent as they knew them, as wolves, as lyons, and as
tigres moste cruell, of longe tyme famished; and have not don in those
quarters these forty yeres be paste, neither yet doe at this presente,
oughte els then teare them in peces, kill them, martir them, afflicte
them, tormente them, and destroye them by straunge sortes of cruelties,
never either seene or reade or hearde of the like (of the which some
shalbe sett downe hereafter); so farr forthe as of above three millions of
soules that were in the Ile of Hispaniola, and that wee have seene there,
there are not nowe twoo hundreth natives of the contrie. The Ile of Cuba,
which is as farr in lengthe as from Valladolid untill Rome, ys at this
day, as it were, all waste. St John’s Ile, and that of Jammaica, bothe of
them very greate, very fertile, and very faire, are desolate. Likewise the
Iles of Lucayos nere to the Ile of Hispaniola, and of the north side unto
that of Cuba, in nomber beinge above three score ilandes, together with
those which they call the Iles of Geant, one with another greate and
little, whereof the very worste is fertiler then the kinges garden at
Civill, and the contrie the helthsomest in the worlde. There were in some
of these isles more then five hundred thousande soules, and at this day
there is not one only creature; for they have bene all of them slaine,
after that they had drawen them oute to labor in their myneralls in the
Ile of Hispaniola, where there were no more lefte of the inborne natives
of that iland. A shippe ridinge for the space of three yeres betwixte
these ilandes, to the ende that after the wyninge of this kinde of vintage
to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a goodd
Christian moved with pitie and compassion to converte and wynne unto
Christe suche as mighte be founde), there were not founde but eleven
persons, which I sawe. Other iles, more than thirtie, nere to the Ile of
St. John, have likewise bene dispeopled and massacred. All those iles
conteyne above twoo thousande leagues of lande, and are all dispeopled and
laid waste.
As touchinge the mayne firme lande, wee are certaine that our Spaniardes,
by their cruelties and cursed doinges, have dispeopled and made desolate
more then tenne realmes greater then all Spaine, comprisinge therein also
Arragon and Portingale; and twise as moche or more lande than there is
from Civill to Jerusalem, which are above a thousand leagues; which
realmes yet, up to this presente day, remain in a wildernes and utter
desolation, havinge bene before time as well peopled as was possible.
We are able to yelde a goodd and perfecte accompte, that here is, within
the space of forty yeres, by these said tyranies and devilishe doinges of
the Spaniardes, don to deathe unjustly and tyranously more then twelve
million soules, men, women, and children. And I verely doe believe, and
thinke I doe not mistake therein, there are deade more then fiftene
millions of soules.
Thus havinge hearde of the multitudes of soules slayne, you shall heare
the manner of their slaughter.
In the chapiter of Hispaniola it thus followeth:
Nowe after sondry other forces, violences, and tormentes which they
wroughte againste them, the Indians perceaved that those were no men
descended from heaven. Some of them, therefore, hidd their victualls,
others hidd their wives and their children. Some other fledd into the
mountaines to seperate themselves afarr of from a nation of so harde
natured and ghastly conversation. The Spaniardes buffeted them with their
fistes and bastianadoes, pressinge also to lay their handes on the lordes
of the townes. And these cases ended in so greate an hazarde and
desperatnes, that a Spanishe capitaine durste adventure to ravishe
forcibly the wife of the greatest kinge and lorde of this ile. Since which
time the Indians began to searche meanes to caste the Spaniardes oute of
their landes, and sett themselves in arms. But what kinde of armes! Very
weake and feble to withstande or resiste, and of lesse defence. Wherefore
all their warres are no more warres, then the playenge of children when as
they playe at _jogo de cane_ or reedes. The Spaniardes with their horses,
speares, and launces, began to comitt murders and straunge cruelties. They
entred into townes, burroughes, and villages, sparinge neither children
nor olde men, neyther women with childe, neither them that laye in; but
they ripped their bellies and cutt them in peces, as if they had bene
openinge of lambes shutt upp in their folde. They laied wagers with suche
as with one thruste of a sworde, woulde paunche or bowell a man in the
middest, or with one blowe of a sworde most readily and moste deliverly
cut of his heade, or that woulde best perce his entralls at one stroke.
They tooke the little soules by the heeles, rampinge them from their
mothers brestes, and crusshed their heades against the cliftes. Others
they caste into the rivers, laughinge and mockinge; and when they tombled
into the water, they saied: Nowe shifte for thy selfe suche a one’s corps.
They put others, together with their mothers, and all that they mett, to
the edge of the sworde. They made certaine gibbetts longe and loughe, in
such sorte that the feete of the hanged one touched in a manner the
grounde; every one enoughe for thirtene, in the honour and worshippe of
our Saviour and his twelve apostles (as they used to speake), and setting
to fire, burned them all quicke that were fastened. Unto all others, whome
they used to take and reserve alive, cuttinge of their twoo handes as nere
as mighte be, and so lettinge them hange, they saied: Go you with those
letters to cary tydinges to those which are fled by the mountaines. They
murdred commonly the lordes and nobilitie on this fashion: they made
certen grates of perches laid on pitchforkes, and made a little fire
underneathe, to the intente that by little and little, yellinge and
despairinge in these tormentes, they mighte give up the ghoste. One time I
sawe foure or five of the principall lordes roasted and broyled upon these
gredyrons; also I thinke that there were twoo or three of the said
gredyrons garnished with the like furniture. And for that they cried oute
piteously, whiche thinge troubled the capitaine that he coulde not then
slepe, he comaunded to strangle them. The serjeant, which was worse then
the hangman, that burned them, (I knowe his name and frendes in Civill,)
woulde not have them strangled, but hymselfe puttinge bulletts in their
mouthes, to the ende they shoulde not crye, put to the fire, until they
were softly roasted after his desire. I have seene all the aforesaide
thinges and others infinite. And forasmuche as all the people that coulde
flee, hidd themselves in the mountaines and, mounted on the toppes of
them, fledd from the men, so, withoute all manhodde, emptie of all pietie,
behavinge themselves as savage beastes, the slaughterers and murderers of
mankinde, they taughte their houndes, fierce doggs, to tear them in peces
at the first viewe; and, in the space that one might say a _credo_,
assailed and devoured an Indian as if it had bene a swine. These doggs
wroughte greate destructions and slaughters. And forasmoche as somtymes
(thougbe seldome) the Indian put to death some Spaniardes upon goodd
righte and lawe of due justice, they made a lawe betwene them, that for
one Spaniarde they had to slaye an hundred Indians.
(M241) And thus farr oute of the large volume of Don Bartholomewe de las
Casas, bisshoppe of the citie of Chiape in the West Indies, where he lyved
many yeres.(75)
(M242) Will you nowe heare one testymonie of Johannes Metellus Sequanus,
whoe was a Papiste and favoured the Spanishe superstition; yet he writes
as followeth in the preface of the Historie of Osorius de rebus gestis
Emanuelis, fol. 16: At vero vt semel intelligatur quid Indos toties ad res
nouas contra Hispanos moliendas, et seditiones tanta pertinacia fouendas
impulerit, et quid causæ fuerit cur duo illa Christianæ Reipublicæ summa
capita Indicæ nationis libertatem, frementibus quibusdam et inuitis dubio
procul militibus Hispanis, sanctissimo suo calculo comprobarint, paucis
nouorum dominorum in miseros immanitatem, deinde quorundam inexplebilem
auaritiam, et ex his grauiores quosque tumultus, vnde noui orbis pene
totius nunquam satis deploranda vastitas est sequuta, perstringam.
Principio quidem illud apud plerosque milites Hispanos, pessimo sane
exemplo, in more positum fuit, vti ab oculatis et fide dignis testibus
perscriptum est, vt seruos suos grauissime punirent, si mercedem diurnam
aut non attulissent, aut pensum in auro argentoue effodiendo non
absoluissent, aut si quid leuioris denique delicti perpetrassent. Etenim
vesperi reduces, coenæ loco, primùm vestimentis exuebant, manibus dein
pedibusque in transuerso palo reuinciebant: mox chorda bubaloue neruo
dirissime verberabant. Sic tractatos, pice oleoue feruenti guttatim
perfundebant; salita post aqua corpus abluebant, et in mensa tamdiu
relinquebant, quamdiu dolorem ferre posse putarentur. Qui mos
animaduertendi ipsis etiam in Christianos seruos domi familiaris esse
dicitur. Post carnificinam huiusmodo, si durior dominus illis contigerat,
viuos in totam noctem collo tenus defodiebant, presentissimum illud ad
plagas remedium esse ludibrio dictitantes. Si quis ex illis præ dolore
moreretur, id quod non raro accidit, dominus singula seruorum capita regi
in occisorum locum sufficiens, ab homicidij poena liberabatur.
Hanc crudelitatem lege Baionæ, quam dicunt, quidem excusant; sed omnibus
impia merito videtur, tanquam omnis pietatis expers. Quamobrem diabolicæ
nomen inter Indos iure quidem obtinuit. Ad hanc autem immanitatem in
miseros Indos excercendam nonnullos ingenita quædam naturæ sæuities,
multis iam bellis exasperata, plerosque habendi sitis, impulit. Hinc
Hispanus miles, quasi ad aucupium aut venationem, sic ad prædas hominum
agendas, iam inde ab inuento nouo orbe ferri coepit. Aut igitur bello
captos in seruitutem abripiebat, aut ex eorum mancipio magnam sibi pecuniæ
vim conflabat, aut eos ad diurnas operas mittebat, quarum mercedem ab ijs
quotidie perquam importunus exigebat. Fuere qui seruos fodinis
manciparint, in quibus insolito labore fractæ, multæ seruorum myriades
periere. Alij mercibus illos permutare soliti sunt, alioue modo
distrabere. Idque tam inclementer et auare nonnulli fecerunt, vt
Christianæ omnis humanitatis prorsus obliti, e continente abreptos
vtriusque sexus hominis, nulla nec ætatis nec valetudinis habita ratione,
nauibus in vicinas insulas transportarent. Eorum non pauci qui mari non
assueuerant, et in sentinam abdebantur, et fame, foetore, et squallore
crudeliter absorpti sunt. Quid? quod fæminæ complures ex Hispanis grauidæ,
vna cum innoxio foetu pro ancillis sunt venditæ: Atque his quidem modis,
militum aliqui ad summas opes peruenerunt. Alij magnas dignitates domi
forisque sunt consequuti. Alij rem pecuniariam plurimorum damnis sic
auxerunt, vt inuenti sint, qui octo pecudum millia possiderent. Hanc tam
insignem nostrum hominum iniustitiam atque tyrannidem fieri non potuit,
quin magni statim motus et bella, tam ab ipsis inter se, quam ab incolis
in illos excitata sequerentur. After a longe beade roll of moste monstrous
cruelties of the Spanishe nation in every place of the West Indies moste
heynously committed, he concludeth yt thus: Tanta ergo fuit Hispani
militis in India tyrannis, vt ea non solum Indos, verum etiam seruorum
Maurorum animos ad rebellionem impulerit. Dicuntur enim in exigua quadam
insula ad septem millia defecisse. Quos Hispani initio securos et incautos
facilime trucidassent, nisi suo malo vigilantiores factos precibus et
pacifica legatione expugnare potius quam armis frustra tentassent. Multa
denique fugitiui Mauri in Nominis Dei provinciæ siluis habitant; qui inita
cum incolis amicitia, ferro, flammaque Hispanos vbicunque persequuntur, et
inuentos frustatim dilacerant.
This, therefore, I gather of the premisses, that those contries whereof
the Spaniarde ys lorde are partely ruinated, dispeopled, and laid waste by
their incredible, and more then barbarous, and savage, endeles cruelties,
and partely grevously infested by the Indians, Symerons, Moores,
Chichimici revolted; and consequently he is easie to be driven thence, and
turned out of all with moche lesser force then is commonly ymagined: for,
Nullum violentum est diuturnum; et malus diuturnitatis custos est metus.
(M243) And surely the more I thinke of the Spanishe monarchie, the more me
thinketh it is like the empire of Alexander the Greate, which grewe upp
sooddenly, and sooddenly vpon his deathe was rente and dissolved for
faulte of lawfull yssue. In like manner the the Kinge of Spaine, nowe 59.
yeres of age, as beinge borne in the yere of our Lorde 1526. in the moneth
of May, and beinge subjecte to the fallinge sicknes, in common reason can
be of no longe life; and leavinge no fitt yssue to wealde so greate a
governemente, and a question risinge, whether his younge weake sonne, by
his sister’s daughter, be lawfull heire, they are like upon his deathe to
fall together by the eares amongest themselves; and then, as men moste
odious, not onely to the people of the West Indies, but also to all
Christendome, and all the worlde beside, ys it not likely that euery
province wil seke their libertie? And, to say the truthe, what nation, I
pray you, of all Christendome loveth the Spaniarde, the scourge of the
worlde, but from the teethe forwarde, and for advauntage? The Italians,
which sometime were lordes of the earthe, in greate parte nowe broughte
under his vile yoke, doe many wayes shewe the utter mislike of their
satanicall arrogancie and insollencies, and in all their playes and
comedies bringe in the Spanishe souldier as a ravisher of virgins and
wives, and as the boastinge Thraso and _miles gloriosus_; notinge to the
worlde their insupportable luxuriousnes, excessive pride, and shamefull
vaine glorie. The citie of Rome, beinge sackt by Charles the Emperour, the
Pope and Cardinalls taken and ymprisoned, cannot brooke their doinges in
their hartes. The Venecians stande daily in feare of them, almoste as
moche as of the Turke, and doubte that, if they be not with spede
restrained, they will inclose them and use them at their pleasure, beinge
on bothe sides become almoste lordes of the mouthe of the Straites of
Giberaulter. The Frenche, remembringe the takinge of their kinge prisoner,
their crueltie in Florida, the late overthrowe of Strozzi and their
fleete, their takinge of Tercera, and other disgraces, hate them for the
moste parte worse then scorpions. The Princes of Germanie, the Duke of
Saxonie, the Lantsgrave of Hassia, the Duke of Cleve, the Duke Cassimere,
have susteyned wronges sufficient to make them his mortall enemies. His
innumerable outrages in the Netherlandes have inforced the Flemynges to
those termes which nowe they stande at. Their manifolde practises to
supplant us of England give us moste occasion to bethincke ourselves, howe
wee may abate and pull downe their highe myndes. The poore oppressed
prince and people of Portingale doe watche nighte and day when to finde a
conuenient occasion of defection. In fine, there is almoste no nation of
Europe that may not say againste the Spaniarde with the poet:
Distuleratque graues in idonea tempora poenas; and so, Eum multos metuere
necesse est quem multi metuunt; and, Multorum odijs nulla respublica stare
diu potest.
Chap. XII. That the passage in this voyadge is easie and shorte, that it
cutteth not nere the trade of any other mightie princes, or nere their
contries, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yere, and nedeth
but one kinde of winde; that Ireland, beinge full of goodd havens on the
southe and weste side, is the nerest parte of Europe to yt, which by this
trade shalbe in more securitie, and the sooner drawen to more civilitie.
In this voyadge wee may see by the globe that wee are not to passe
throughe the frozen seas, but in a temperate climate unto a contrie muche
like to those partes of Gascoigne and Guyen, where heretofore our nation
for a longe tyme have inhabited. And it requireth not, as longe voyadges
doe, the takinge in of freshe water by the way in divers places, by reason
it may be sailed in five or sixe weekes. Whereby the marchante nede [not]
to expecte twoo or three yeres for one returne, as in the voyadge of Sir
Fraunces Drake, of Fenton and William Hawkins; but may receave twoo
returnes every yere in the selfe same shippes, I saye, and well repose
themselves at their arryvalls; which thinge I myselfe have seene and
understoode in Ffraunce this presente yere don by the Frenchemen; whoe,
settinge furthe in January, broughte their bancke fishe which they tooke
on the Bancke, forty or three-score leagues from Newefoundelande, to Roan,
in greate quantitie, by the ende of May, and afterwarde retained this yere
againe to the fisshinge, and are looked for at home towardes the fifte of
November. To the spedy perfourmaunce of which voyadge this is a speciall
furtheraunce: that whereas moste of our other voyadges of like lengthe
require twoo or three sortes of windes at the leaste, one onely winde
suffiseth to make this; which was no doubte the cause of the quicke
returne of my frende Stephen Bellinger of Roan, whoe departed from
Newhaven in January was twelve moneths, arryved at Cape Briton in xxii
daies space, and from thence discouered very diligently CC. leagues
towardes Norumbega, and had traficque with the people in tenne or twelue
places; founde a towne conteyninge fourescore houses, and returned home,
with a diligent description of the coaste, in the space of foure monethes,
with many comodities of the contrie, which he shewed me.
Moreover this passage is neither by the Straites of Giberaulter, nor on
the coastes of Spaine, Portingall, Fraunce nor Flaunders, neither by the
Sounde of Denmarke, nor Wardhouse in Norwey: so as in takinge our course
on the highe seas wee shall not be in daunger of the corsaries in the
Levant, nor of the gallies of Barbarie, nor of the Turke, nor of any state
of Italie, neither of the Spaniarde, the Frenche, nor the Dane, nor of any
other prince nor potentate within the Sounde in the northe, or in the
northeaste partes of the worlde.
Wee may also trauell thither and perfourme the same at all tymes of the
yere, with the like facilitie as our marchantes of Bristowe, Weymouthe,
and other partes of the West Contries travell for woade to the iles of St.
Mighell and Tercera (which are halfe the way thither) all the yere longe.
For this coaste is never subjecte to the ise, which is never lightly seene
to the southe of Cape Razo in Newfounde lande.
Besides this, in our way as wee passe to and froe, wee shall have in
tempestes and other necessities the portes of Ireland to our aide, and no
nerer coaste of any enemye. Moreover by the ordinary entercourse wee may
annoye the enemyes to Ireland, and succour the Queens Majesties faithfull
subjects, and drawe the Irishe by little and little to more civilitie, and
in shorte tyme wee may yelde them from the coastes of America whatsoever
comodities they nowe receave at the handes of the Spaniardes. So the
Spaniardes shall wante the ordinarye victualls they receave every yere
from thence, whereby they cannot contynue traficque, nor fall so aptly to
practize againste our governmente there as heretofore by their trade
thither they have don and doe daily, to the greate expences of her
Majestie, and no small indaungeringe and troublinge of our state.
And to conclude: in tradinge to these contries wee shall not nede, for
feare of the Spanishe bloudy Inquisition, to throwe our bibles and prayer
bookes over boorde into the sea before our arryvall at their portes, as
these many yeres wee have don and yet doe, nor take suche horrible oathes
as are exacted of our men by the Spanishe searchers, to suche dayly
wilfull and highe offence of Almightie God, as we are driven to
continually in followinge our ordinary trafficque into the Kinge of
Spaines dominyons; whereof at large wee have spoken before in the seconde
chapiter.
Chap. XIII. That hereby the revenewes and customes of Her Majestie, bothe
outewarde and inwarde, shall mightily be inlarged by the toll, excises,
and other dueties which withoute expression may be raysed.
The manifolde testimonies, verbatim alleaged by me in the thirde chapiter,
of John Ribault, John Verarsanus, Stephen Gomes, Vasques de Coronado,
Jaques Cartier, Gasper Corterialis, and others, which all were the
discoverers of the coaste and inlande of America betwene 30 and 63
degrees, prove infallibly unto us that golde, silver, copper, perles,
pretious stones, and turqueses, and emraldes, and many other commodities,
have bene by them founde in those regions. To which testimonies I shoulde
have added many more yf I had not feared to be tedious. Nowe the fyfte
parte of all these aforenamed comodities cannot choose but amounte to a
greate matter, beinge yerely reserved unto her Majestie, accordinge to the
tenor of the patent graunted by King Henry the Seaventh in the xj’th. yere
of his raigne to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and
Sancius; the wordes whereof it shoulde not be amisse here to sett downe,
as they are printed in my booke of voyadges. These are the wordes: Ex
omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis commodis, lucris, et
obuentionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, prefatus Joannes et
filij ac heredes et eorum deputati teneantur, et sint obligati nobis pro
omni viagio suo toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliæ applicuerint
(ad quem omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti), deductis omnibus
sumptibus et impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem
capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecuniis, persoluere.(76)
What gaines this imposition may turne unto the Crowne of England in shorte
tyme wee may more then gesse, havinge but an eye to the Kinge of Spaines
revenewes, which he nowe hath out of all his domynions in all the West
Indies.
The like in all respectes may be saied of the revenewes of the Crowne of
Portingale, which, beinge of itselfe one of the smallest and poorest
kingdomes of all Christendome, became in shorte space so riche and
honourable soone after their entringe into their southesterne discoveries,
traficques, and conquestes, that, before the deathe of their late younge
kinge Sebastian, their embassadors woulde strive and chalenge for the
chefest place with the embassadores of the greatest kinges of
Christendome; as I have hearde it dyvers tymes spoken at Paris at my
lordes table by men of greate honour and experience, in which citie moste
princes and states of Christendome have their embassadors comonly
resident.
To leave them and to come to our nation, I say that amonge other meanes to
encrease her Majesties customes this shalbe one, especially that by
plantinge and fortifieinge nere Cape Briton, what by the strengthe of our
shipps beinge harde at hande, and bearinge the sway already amongest all
nations that fishe at Newfoundelande, and what by the fortes that there
may be erected and helde by our people wee shall be able to inforce them,
havinge no place els to repaire unto so convenient, to pay us soche a
contynual custome as shall please us to lay upon them; which imposition of
twoo or three hundred shippes laden yerely with sondry sortes of fish,
trane oyle, and many kyndes of furres and hides, cannot choose but amounte
to a greate matter, beinge all to be levied upon straungers. And this not
onely wee may exacte of the Spaniardes and Portingales, but also of the
Frenche men, our olde and auncient enemyes. What shoulde I speake of the
customes of the greate multitudes of course clothes, Welshe frise, and
Irishe ruggs, that may be uttered in the more northerly partes of the
lande amonge the Esquimawes of the Grande Bay, and amonge them of Canada,
Saguynay, and Hochelaga, which are subjecte to sharpe and nippinge
winters, albeit their somers be hotter moche then oures. Againe, the
multitudes of small yron and copper workes, wherewith they are exceedingly
delighted, wilt not a little encrease the customes, being transported oute
of the lande. I omitt the rehersall of a thousande other trifinge wares,
which, besides they may sett many women, children, and ympotent persons on
worke in makinge of them, woulde also helpe to the encreasinge of the
customes. Lastly, whatsoever kind of commodyties shoulde be broughte from
thence by her Majesties subjectes into the realme, or be thither
transported oute of the realme, cannot choose but inlarge the revenewes of
the Crowne very mightely, and inriche all sortes of subjectes in
generally.
Chap. XIV. That this action will be for the greate increase,
mayneteynaunce, and safetie of our navie, and especially of greate
shippinge, which is the strengthe of our realme, and for the supportation
of all those occupations that depende upon the same.
In the Statutes moste providently ordeyned for increase and maineteynaunce
of our navigation in the Raignes of Kinge Richarde the Seconde, Kinge
Henry the Seaventh, Kinge Henry the Eighth, and her Majestie that nowe ys,
thoughe many and sundry rewardes were proposed to encourage our people
unto the sea, yet still I fynde complaintes of decaye of the navye,
notwithstanding so many goodly priviledges to mayneteine fisshermen, the
ordeyninge of Wendisday to be a newe fishe day for the better utteraunce
of their fishe that they shoulne take at sea, yea, albeit there hath bene
graunted a certene proportionable allowaunce oute of the exchequer to
suche as woulde builde any shippes of burden to serve the prince in tyme
of warr, yet very little hath bene done in that behalfe. For, setting the
Citie of London aparte, goe your waye into the west parte of England and
Wales, and search howe many shippes of CC. tonnes and upwardes those
partes can afforde, and you shall finde (God wotteth) no such nomber as at
firste you did ymagine. At this day I am assured there are scarce twoo of
CC. tones beloninge to the whole citie of Bristowe, and very fewe or none
of the like burden alonge the channell of the Severne from Glocester to
the Landes Ende on the one side, and Milforde Haven on the other. Nowe,
remedie this greate and unknowen wante, no enterprise possibly can be
devised more fitt to increase our great shippinge then this Westerne
fortifienge and planting. For in this action wee are not to cut over the
narrowe seas, in a day or a nighte, betwene Flaunders, Fraunce, or
Ireland, in small barkes of xx. or xxx’ti. tonnes; but wee are to passe
over the breste of the maine ocean, and to lye at sea a moneth or six
weekes together, whereby wee shall be constrayned of our selves, withoute
chardginge of the Prince, to builde greate shippes, as well to avoide the
daunger of tempest as also for the commoditie of portage, whereunto the
greater shippes in longe voyadges are moste conveniente, which the
Portingales and Spaniardes have founde oute by longe experience, whoe for
that cause builde shippes of v. vj. vij. viij. C. and a M. tonnes, to
sende into their Easterne and Westerne Indies.
The like whereof wee shalbe the rather invited to doe, since by this
voyadge wee shall have many thinges for little or nothinge, that are
necessarie for the furniture of greate shippinge. For beinge possessed of
Newfounde lande, which the last yere was seazed upon in her Majesties
name, wee may have tarr, rosen, mastes, and cordage for the very
workemanshippe of the same. All which comodities cannot choose but
wonderfully invite our men to the buildinge of greate shippinge,
especially havinge store of the best shipwrights of the worlde, whereof
some, for wante of employmente at home, have bene driven to flye into
forren partes, as into Demarke. Moreover, in the judgemente of those that
are experte in sea causes, yt will breed more skillfull, connynge, and
stowte pilott and maryners then other belonginge to this lande. For it is
the longe voyadges (so they be not to excessive longe, nor throughe
intemperate clymates, as those of the Portingales into their West Indies)
that harden seamen, and open unto them the secretes of navigation; the
nature of the windes; the currentes and settinge of the sea; the ebbinge
and flowinge of the mayne ocean; the influence of the sonne, the moone,
and of the rest of the celestiall planetts, and force which they have at
sondry seasons upon that mightie body; whiche skill in sea causes the
Emperour Charles the Fyfte, knowinge howe mooche yt did (M244) ymporte his
state, to the intent that it mighte better encrease amongest the
Spaniardes, in great providence erected a lecture of the arte of
navigation in Civill, and ordeyned that no man shoulde take chardge to the
West Indies that had not hearde the Reader of the same for a certaine
space, and, upon due examynation, were allowed as sufficient by him, and
others adjoyded unto him as assistantes to examyn matters of experience;
which order, if it had bene established in England, such grosse and
insufficient felowes as he that caste away the Admirall of Sir Humfreyes
company, with an C. persons in her, to the west of Newfounde lande, this
tyme twelve moneths, had not bene admittted to take so greate a chardge.
But to returne to the increase and mayneteynaunce of our shippes and
shippmen; I say that this is not as the voyadge to Muscovy, which is open
not paste foure monethes, but may be passed and repassed at our pleasure
at all tymes of the yere, and so our maryners may be sett on worke all the
yere longe. Neither is the trade likely to prove so small as that of
Muscovy, wherein not past tenne shippes at the moste are employed ones a
yere. For here there is a greate hope, the contrie beinge as bigge as all
Europe, and nothinge in frutefulnes inferior to yt, as I have proved
before at large in the thirde chapiter, that wee shall have twoo fleetes
as bigge as those of the Kinge of Spaine to his West Indies, imployed
twise in the yere at the leaste, especially after our fortifienge in the
contrie, the certene place of our factory beinge there established;
whereby yt muste nedes come to passe that our navye shalbe mightely
increased and mayneteyned, which will not onely be a chefe strengthe and
suertie in tyme of warres, as well to offende as defende, but will also be
the mayneteynaunce of many masters, maryners, and seamen, whereby they
their wyves, and children, shall have their lyvinges, and many cities,
townes, villages, havens, and creeks nere adjoyninge unto the sea coaste,
and the Queenes subjectes, as brewers, bowchers, smithes, ropers,
shipwrights, tailors, shoemakers, and other victuallers and handicraftes
men, inhabitinge and dwellinge nere thereaboutes, shall also have by the
same greate parte of their lyvinge. For proofe thereof wee nede not to
seeke any further then unto oure neighbours of Spaine and Portingale;
whoe, since the firste discoverie of their Indies, have not onely mightely
inlarged their domynions, marvellously enriched themselves and (M245)
their subjectes, but have also by juste accompte trebled the nomber of
their shippes, masters, and maryners,—a matter of no small moment and
importance; insomoche that nowe, of late Kinge Phillippe hath made the
Marques de la Cruz, which laste yere wonne Tercera, Graunde Admirall of
the Ocean Sea, and Prince d’Oria of Genoa, Admirall in the Levant. A taste
of this increase wee have had in our owne selves, even by our trade of
fisshinge in Newfoundelande; which, as yt is well knowen, hath bene
occasion, that in sondry places of this realme divers tall shippes have
bene builte and sett furthe even of late daies; and more would be if,
whereas nowe havinge but twoo moneths or tenne weekes of fisshinge, by
this newe plantinge they mighte be drawen more south-westerly, where the
speciall fisshing places are, bothe for plentie and greateness of fishe;
and beinge oute of daunger and ympedimente of yse, they mighte fishe there
safely the greatest parte of the yere, and by their nereness unto our
fortes there, builte aboute Cape Briton, they mighte yelde succour unto
them, and likewise by their neighbourhoode be themselves in more
securitie.
(M246) Fynally, their shippes, their goodds, and their persons shoulde not
be subjecte to soodden arrestes of straungers, as they are in all other
trades of Christendome; but shoulde enjoye as greate freedome, libertie,
and securitie as they usually doe in their native contrie; the havens,
townes, and villages in those partes beinge occupied and possessed by
their fellowe subjects; which freedome and liberty will greatly incourage
them to contynewe constantly in this newe traficque.
Chap. XV. That spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie
upon these laste luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of the danger of
beinge prevented by other nations which have the like intention, with the
order thereof, and other reasons therewithall alleaged.
Havinge by Gods goodd guidinge and mercifull direction atchieved happily
this presente westerne discoverye, after the seekinge the advauncemente of
the kingedome of Christe, the seconde chefe and principall ende of the
same is traficque, which consisteth in the vent of the masse of our
clothes and other comodities of England, and in receaving backe of the
nedeful comodities that wee nowe receave from all other places of the
worlde. But forasmoche as this is a matter of greate ymportaunce, and a
thinge of so greate gaine as forren princes will stomacke at, this one
thinge is to be don, withoute which it were in vaine to goe aboute this;
and that is, the matter of plantinge and fortificacion, withoute due
consideration whereof in vaine were it to thinck of the former. And
therefore upon the firste said viewe taken by the shippes that are to be
sente thither, wee are to plante upon the mouthes of the greate navigable
rivers which are there, by stronge order of fortification, and there to
plante our colonies. And so beinge firste setled in strengthe with men,
armour, and munition, and havinge our navy within our bayes, havens, and
roades, wee shall be able to lett the entraunce of all subjectes of forren
princes, and so with our freshe powers to encounter their shippes at the
sea, and to renewe the same with freshe men, as the soodden feightes shall
require; and by our fortes shalbe able to holde faste our firste footinge,
and readily to annoye suche weary power of any other that shall seke to
arryve; and shalbe able with our navye to sende advertisemente into
England upon every soodden whatsoever shall happen. And these
fortifications shall kepe the naturall people of the contrye in obedience
and goodd order. And these fortes at the mowthes of those greate portable
and navigable ryvers may at all tymes sende upp their shippes, barkes,
barges, and boates into the inland with all the comodities of England, and
returne unto the said fortes all the comodities of the inlandes that wee
shall receave in exchange, and thence at pleasure convey the same into
England. And thus settled in those fortes, yf the nexte neighboures shall
attempte any annoye to our people, wee are kepte safe by our fortes; and
wee may, upon violence and wronge offred by them, ronne upon the rivers
with our shippes, pynnesses, barkes, and boates, and enter into league
with the petite princes, their neigbboures, that have alwayes lightly
warres one with an other, and so entringe league nowe with the one, and
then with the other, wee shall purchase our owne safetie, and make
ourselves lordes of the whole.
Contrarywise, withoute this plantinge in due tyme, wee shall never be able
to have full knowledge of the language, manners, and customes of the
people of those regions, neither shall wee be able thoroughly to knowe the
riches and comodities of the inlandes, with many other secretes whereof as
yet wee have but a small taste. And althoughe by other meanes wee mighte
attaine to the knowledge thereof, yet beinge not there fortified and
strongly seated, the French that swarme with multitude of people, or other
nations, mighte secretly fortifie themselves before us, hearinge of the
benefite that is to be reaped of that voyadge; and so wee shoulde beate
the bushe and other men take the birdes; wee shoulde be at the chardge and
travell, and other men reape the gaine.
To make this plaine by example, in the sixte leafe of the Italian edition
of the Historie of Fernando Cortes, written by Franciscus Lopez de Gomera,
is lively described the folly of John Grijalua for his not inhabitinge
that goodd and riche contrie of Iucaton; which ymmediatly after he had
neglected, the same Fernando Cortes tooke in hande and perfourmed, and
gott all the honour and comoditie from him, leaving greate wealthe and
honour to his posteritie, and to himself an everlastinge name. The story
is thus: Giouan di Grigalua se n’ando a Yucatan, combattete con quelli
Indiani di Ciapoton, et se ne ritorne ferito; entro nel fiume di Tauasco,
che per questo si chiama ora Grijalua, nel qual riscatto o cambio per cose
di poca valuta molto oro, robbe di cottone, et bellissime cose di penne;
stette in San Giouanni di Vilhua, piglio possessione di quel paese per il
Re, in nome del Gouernatore, Diego Velasquez: et cambio la sua merciaria
per pezzi di oro, coperte di cottone et penne; et si hauesse conosciuto la
uentura sua, haueria fatto populatione in paese cosi ricco, come lo
pregauano li suoi compagni et lui saria stato quello che dipoi il Cortes.
Ma tanta uentura non era riseruata per chi non la conosceua ancora che si
scusaua che lui non andaua per populare, se non per riscattare o permutare
le cose che leuaua del Gouernatore; et discoprire se quella terra di
Yucatan era isola o terra ferma. And if any man liste to knowe what
intertainment he had of his uncle at his returne for not inhabitinge upon
the present occasion, yt followeth in the ende of the same chapiter in
these wordes: Et quando arriuo non lo uolse uedere il Gouernatore suo zio,
che li fece quello che lui meritaua.
The like story wee have, fol. 298. of Franciscus Lopez de Gomera his
Generall Historie of the West Indies, of Vasques de Coronado, which, after
excedinge greate chardges bestowed for royall furnishinge furthe upon his
voyadge to Ceuola and Quiuira, for wante of courage and for other priuate
respectes, neglected plantinge there, had as colde welcome, at his
dastardly and unconsiderate returne, of Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of
Mexico, as Grijalua had of his uncle above mentioned. It is written thus
of him after his returne from Quiuira:—
Cascò del cauallo in Tiguez Francisco Vasquez, e con il colpo usci di
ceruello et disuariaua; questo caso alcuni credettero che fusse finto,
altri n’hebbero grandissimo dolore; quelli che l’intendeuano a mala parte
stauano male con lui per che non si metteua a popolare. And a little
afterwarde: molto dispiacque a Don Antonio di Mendoza che fusero
ritornati, per che haueua speso piu di sessanta milla pesi d’oro in quella
impresa ... molti uolsero restare là, ma Francesco Vasquez di Coronado,
che ricco era et nuouamente maritato con vna bellissima donna, non volse,
dicendo che non si poteriano sustentarsi ne difendere in cosi povero paesa
et tanto lontani del soccorso; caminarono presso a tre milla miglia di
longo in questa giornata.
Notwithstandinge these colourable excuses and dispraisinges of the
contrie, yt is described by relation of his owne companions in this manner
in the same leafe: à Quiuira in quaranta gradi à paesa temperato, di
bonissime acque, di molto herbatico, purgne, more, noci, et melloni, et
vue che maturano benissimo; non c’à cottone, et vestono pelle di vacche e
caprioli.
The greate inconvenience of the delaye and neglecte of plantinge with
spede of goodd contries newe discoured, beinge well weyed and foreseene by
John Ribault, made him to plante and fortefie at his firste voyadge,
thoughe it were with but thirtie men; which, that you may the better
understande, together with the wise course and choice of place which
oughte to be had in plantinge and seatinge at the firste, I will alleage
his owne wordes which are in the laste leafe of his firste printed
voyadge: Wherefore (my lorde), saith he, I truste you will not thincke it
amisse (consideringe the comodities that may be broughte thence) yf we
leave a nomber of men there, which may fortifie and provide themselves of
thinges necessiarie; for in all newe discoveries it is the chefest thinge
that may be don, at the begynnynge to fortifie and people the contrie. I
had not so soone set furthe this to our companie, but many of them offred
to tary there; yea, with suche a goodd will and jolly courage, that suche
a nomber did offer themselves as wee had moche to doe to stay their
opportunitie; and namely, of our shippe masters and pilotts, and suche as
wee woulde not spare. Howebeit, wee lefte there but to the nomber of 30
men in all, gentlemen, souldiers, and maryners, and that at their owne
sute and prayer, and of their owne free willes, and by the advice and
deliberation of the gentlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours.
And I have lefte unto them for heade and ruler, followinge therein your
pleasure, Capitaine Albert de la Pierria, a souldier of longe experience,
and the firste that from the begynnynge offred to tary; and further, by
their advise, choice, and will, inscaled and fortified them in an iland on
the northe side thereof, a place of stronge scituation and commodious,
upon a river which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and fortres,
Charles Forte. After wee had instructed and duly admonished them of what
they should doe (as well for their manner of procedinge, as for the goode
and lovinge behaviour of them), the xj’th. day of the moneth of June last
paste wee departed from Porte Royall, &c.
(M247) Nowe, to leave the Spaniardes and Frenche and to come to ourselves;
seinge it hath pleased Almightie God at this instant to reveale unto her
Majestie and the realme that once againe afreshe which was in part
discovered by Sebastian Gabote and other this lande to her moste famous
grandfather, Kinge Henry the Seaventh, was then lefte of and caste aside
and not sufficiently regarded by occasion of the warres of Scotland, as
Sebastian himself writes, and so hath bene intermitted for the space of
aboute foure score and sixe yeares—if nowe the Queene, her Counsell, and
other subjectes, shall never so little delaye the throughe managinge of
the cause and enteringe effectually into the action, let them assure
themselves that they will come to late, and a day after the faire; ffor as
the wise man saieth, _Post est occasio calva_. (M248) For, to speake
nothinge of the laste yeres preparation of the Marques de la Roche to
inhabite and plante in those partes nowe discovered by oure men, which
preparation was luckely overthrowne in respecte of us, by reason that his
greatest shippe was cast away upon the trauers of Burwage, the men of St.
John de Luze sente the laste yere to solicite the Frenche Kinge and his
Counsell to plante there. And nowe our neighboures, the men of St Maloe in
Brytaine, in the begynnynge of Auguste laste paste of this yere 1584. are
come home with five shippes from Canada and the contries upp the Bay of
St. Lawrence, and have brought twoo of the people of the contrie home, and
have founde suche swete in that newe trade that they are preparinge tenne
shippes to returne thither in January nexte, as one John de la Marche and
Mr. Pryhouse of Garnesey affirme; which Mr. Pryhouse, beinge yet in
London, was at St. Malowe within these weekes, and sawe the twoo savages,
the five shippes, and the riche comodities, and understoode of the greate
preparation, and lieth nowe at London, in Philpott lane, at the stone
house there.
And that it may be knowen that not onely the Frenche affecte this
enterprise, but even the Duche longe since thoughte of yt, I can assure
you that Abraham Ortelius, the great geographer, told me, at his laste
beinge in England, 1577. that if the warres of Flaunders had not bene,
they of the Lowe Contries had meant to have discovered those partes of
America, and the north west straite, before this tyme. And yt semed that
the chefe cause of his comynge to England was to no other ende, but to
prye and looke into the secretes of Ffrobishers voyadge; for yt was even
then, when Ffrobisher was preparinge for his first returne into the north
west.
To conclude: yf wee doe procrastinate the plantinge (and where our men
have nowe presently discovered, and founde it to be the best parte of
America that is lefte, and in truthe more agreable to our natures, and
more nere unto us, than Nova Hispania), the Frenche, the Normans, the
Brytons, or the Duche, or some other nation, will not onely prevente us of
the mightie Baye of St. Lawrence, where they have gotten the starte of us
already, thoughe wee had the same revealed to us by bookes published and
printed in Englishe before them,(77) but also will depriue us of that
goodd lande which nowe wee have discovered. Which if they doe (as God
defende they shoulde), then it falleth oute that wee shall have our
enemyes or doubtfull frendes rounde aboute us, and shall not onely loose a
singular comoditie and inestymable benefite, but also incurr greate
daunger and inconvenience in sufferinge Papistes, by plantinge rounde
aboute us, to take from us all succours, and to lett them enriche
themselves under our noses, to be better able to supplant or overronne us.
Chap. XVI. Meanes to kepe this enterprise from overthrowe, and the
enterprisers from shame and dishonour.
Euery newe enterprise is in the begynnyinge burdenous, chardgeable, and
heavie, and moste comonly hath many greate enemies; which is the cause
that many goodd men, much affected to their contrie in wittie excellent
enterprises, sincke and fainte under their burden. And because that this
enterprise which wee have in hande or in purpose (besides that it is much
maliced, specially by our mightie faction of the Papistes), is an
enterprize that requireth, beside the favour of the Prince, no small
chardge; therefore wee are to devise howe the burden may leste tyme reste
on the backe of the bearer of the same, that he sincke not under the same,
but that he maye stande upp in full strengthe, and goe throughe with ease,
fame, and profitt, withoute shame of all the bymedlers and fauters of the
same. And entred into consideration hereof, this cometh to mynde: that the
firste chardge of the navye to be admitted as for the present deade
chardge for the tyme, howe supply of the chardges followinge may be
mayneteyned and borne; for in that standeth one greate matter that
ymporteth honour, credite, profite, and the whole sequele of the
enterprize.
Wee are induced by late plaine examples of the Frenche, that have
traficqued in those partes with greate profite, to beleve that upon our
plantinge wee shall as yt were defraye as well the firste chardges as the
chardges followinge, by the comodities in trafficque that wee shall
receave by passinge into the inland by river and otherwise. But admittinge
the worse, that the people will neither receave our comodities nor yelde
us theirs againe, then wee are to devise of ourselves howe wee may
otherwise at the firste countervaile our chardges, and become greate
gayners, will or nill the naturall inhabitantes of those regions or
others; and that is, by enjoyinge certaine naturall comodities of the
landes infinitely aboundinge, in no accompts with them and with us of
greate price, which is this way to be broughte aboute.
The soiles there upon the seacoaste, and all alonge the tracte of the
greate broade mightie ryvers, all alonge many hundreth miles into the
inland, are infinitely full fraughte with swete wooddes of ffyrr, cedars,
cypres, and with divers other kindes of (M249) goodly trees; and settynge
upp mylles to sawe them, suche as be common in Poland and in all the north
easte regions, wee may with spede possesse infinite masses of boordes of
these swete kindes, and these frame and make ready to be turned into
goodly chestes, cupboordes, stooles, tables, deskes, &c., upon the
returne. And consideringe the present wante of tymber in the realme, and
howe derely the cipres chestes are solde that come from the ilandes of the
Levant seas, and lately from the Azores, to Bristoll and the westerne
havens, these may be bothe amply and derely vented in all the portes of
the realme and of the realmes adjoyninge, consideringe that in this age
every man desireth to fill his house with all manner of goodd furniture.
So that were there no other peculiar comodities, this onely, I say, were
ynoughe to defraye all the chardges of all the begynnynge of the
enterprize, and that oute of hande; for suche mylwrightes may easely be
procured from suche places where they abounde, and some suche (possible)
be in England; for I have herde of a frende of myne, that one suche mill
within these xxx yeres was sett upp in Worcestshere by a knighte of that
contrie. And one man onely were able to directe a thousande of our common
milwrightes in that trade; and carpinters and joyners, the realme may
spare thousandes for a nede.
And with like ease and shortenes of time wee may make of the woodes there
pitch and tarr, which are thinges fitt for our navie, and marchandizes of
goodd vente and of comon neede.
And with like ease wee may make of the wooddes there plentie of sope
asshes, a comoditie very dere and of greate and ample vente with us, and
elsewhere in forren kingdomes of Europe. Also wee may there prepare for
pikes, chasinge staves, oares, halberts, and the like for cullen cleftes
for sundry uses, &c. And also wee may there, withoute payeng for the same,
have tymber to builde greate navies, and may bringe them into this realme,
and have goodd sale of the same.
All this, I say, may be broughte to passe if wee wisely plante, upon our
arryvall, aboute the mouthes of greate rivers and in the ilandes of the
same; and so wee shall have the starte before the Frenche and all others;
and our people, sente thither for the purposes aforesaide, shall be ready
to man our shippes to give repulse at the firste to all suche as shall
come thither to sett foote to our annoye.
Thus all thinges removed that mighte bringe discouragemente, the firste
that tooke the enterprise in hande have wonne greate honour and highe
estymation with all degrees in England, and, havinge by these former
meanes wonne to defraye all the chardges of the brunte off the enterprise,
they stande full able to followe the same withoute cravinge aide of the
lingringe marchaunte, and have the possibilitie onely to themselves of the
trades of traficque with the people, which they may bringe aboute eyther
with curtesie, or by pollicie and force, as by joyninge now with this
petite kinge, and nowe with that, &c.
And this once plainely founde and noted in England, what noble man, what
gentleman, what marchante, what citezen or contryman, will not offer of
himselfe to contribute and joyne in the action, forseeinge that the same
tendeth to the ample vent of our clothes, to the purchasinge of riche
comodities, to the plantinge of younger brethren, to the employment of our
idle people, and to so many noble endes? And greate joyninge in
contribution upon so happy begynnynges geveth abilitie to fortifie, to
defende all forren force in divers comodious places even at the firste.
Chap. XVII. That by these colonies the north west passage to Cathaio and
China may easely, quickly, and perfectly be searched oute as well by river
and overlande as by sea; for proofe whereof here are quoted and alleaged
divers rare testymonies oute of the three volumes of voyadges gathered by
Ramusius, and other grave authors.
In the thirde volume of Nauigations and Voyadges, gathered and translated
into Italian by Mr. John Baptista Ramusius, fol. 417. pag. 2, I reade of
John Verarsanus as followeth: This unhappy ende had this valiaunte
gentleman, whoe, if this misfortune had not happened unto him (with the
singuler knowledge that he had in sea matters and in the arte of
navigation, beinge also favoured with the greate liberalitie of Kinge
Fraunces), woulde have discovered and opened unto the worlde that parte
also of lande even to the poole. Neither woulde he have contented himselfe
with the outeside and sea coaste onely, but woulde have passed further upp
within the lande so farr as he coulde have gon. And many that have knowen
him and talked with him have told me, that he saied he had in mynde to
perswade the Frenche Kinge to sende oute of Fraunce a goodd nomber of
people to inhabite certaine places of the said coaste, which be of ayre
temperate, and of soile moste fertile, with very faire ryvers, and havens
able to receave any navie. The inhabitants of which places mighte be
occasion to bringe to passe many goodd effectes: and, amongest other, to
reduce those poore, rude, and ignoraunte people to the knowledge of God
and true relligion, and to shewe them the manner of husbandrie for the
grounde, transportinge of the beastes of Europe into those excedinge large
and champion contries; and in time mighte discover the partes within
lande, and see if, amongest so many ilandes there be any passage to the
Southe Sea, or whither the firme lande of Fflorida contynewe still even to
the pole.
Upon occasion of these laste wordes I thinke it not amisse to alleage
those testimonies tendinge to the proofe of this longe desired north west
passage, which, with no small care these many yeres, I have observed in my
readinges and conferences concerninge the same matter.
1. My firste authoritie is in the seconde volume of Ramusius, in the
discourse of the discoverie of the ilandes Freseland, Iseland,
Engroneland, Drogeo, and Icaria, made in the northe by Sir Nicholas Zeny,
Knighte, and Mr. Anthony, his brother, in the yere 1380.(78) In which
discourse, amonge many other thinges tendinge to the proofe of this
passage, I finde this recorded: Scoprirono vna isola detta Estotilanda
posta in ponente lontana da Frislanda piu di mille miglia; whereof I
gather, that whereas still he calleth Estotiland an Ilande, and that it is
distant westwarde from Frislande more then a thousande miles, that the sea
is open above five hundreth miles further then Frobisher and his companie
discouered. Ffor he himself confesseth that he never sailed paste five or
sixe hundreth miles to the weste of Ffriselande; and here is mention made,
that those fishermen that discouered the iland of Estotiland founde it to
be more then a M. miles to the weste of the same.
2. The seconde testimonie to prove this north west passage is in the
preface of the aforesaide Ramusius before his thirde volume, where he
alleageth, in manner followinge, that which Sebastian Gabote wrote unto
him concerninge this matter: Many yeres paste I was written unto by
Sebastian Gabote, our contryman, a Venecian, and a man of greate
experience, and very singuler in the arte of navigation and in the
knowledge of cosmographie, whoe sailed alonge and beyonde Nova Francia, at
the chardges of Kinge Henry the seaventh, Kinge of England; and he
signified unto me, that havinge sailed a longe tyme west and by northe
beyonde those ilandes unto the latitude of 67. degrees and [an half] under
the north pole, on the xj’th day of June, and findinge the sea open and
withoute any manner of ympedymente, he thoughte verely that he mighte have
passed by that way unto Cathaia, which is in the Easte; and he woulde have
done yt, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and unruly mariners had not
inforced him to returne homewardes from that place. But it semeth (saith
Ramusius), that God doth yet reserve to some greate prince the discoverie
of this voyadge to Cathaio by this way, which, for the bringinge of the
spicerie from India into Europe, woulde be the moste easie and shortest of
all others hitherto founde oute. And surely this enterprise woulde be the
moste glorious and of moste importaunce of all other that any coulde
ymagine, to make their name moche more eternall and ymmortale amonge all
ages to come, then these so greate tumultes and troubles of warres, which
are to be seene contynually in Europe amonge the miserable and unhappy
Christians.
3. Thirdly, the reporte which the people of Hochelaga made to Jacques
Cartier, in the xiij’th. chapter of his seconde relation, of the river
three monethes navigable to the southewarde, dothe not a little confirme
the same.
4. Fourthly, the relation of the people of Canada in the xij’th. chapiter,
followinge on this manner: Moreover they tolde us, and gave us to
understande, that there are people cladde with clothe as wee are, and that
there are many inhabited townes and goodd people, and that they have
greate store of golde and redd copper, and that upp into the lande,
beyonde the river firste above mentioned, even to Hochelaga and Saguynay,
there is an ile environed aboute with that and other rivers, which beyonde
Saguenay entereth into twoo or three greate lakes; also that there is
founde a sea of freshe water, the heade and ende whereof there was never
man founde that had throughly searched, as farr as they have hearde say of
them of Saguenay, for they (as they signified unto us) had not bene there
themselves.
5. Fyftly, in the ende of that seconde relation this postscripte is added
as a speciall pointe, to witt: that they of Canada say that it is the
space of a moone (that is to saye a moneth) to saile to a lande where
cynamon and cloves are gathered; and in the Frenche originall which I sawe
in the Kinges Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St Martines,(79) yt is
further put downe, that Donnaconna, the Kinge of Canada, in his barke had
traveled to that contrie where cynamon and cloves are had; yea, the names
whereby the savages call those twoo spices in their owne language are
there put downe in writinge.
6. Sixtly, this passage is likewise proved by the double reporte of
Vasques de Coronado. For firste, he beinge at Ceuola, which standeth in
37. degrees and an halfe of northerly latitude within the lande, he had
this informacion of the people of that place; Fanno otto giornate verso le
campagne al mare di settentrione: whereby I gather that some parte of the
northerne sea ys within viij. daies journey of Ceuola. Againe, when he was
afterwardes at the towne of Quiuira, which is scituated by the sea side in
the latitude of 40. degrees, he founde there shippes, with maryners, which
had the picture of a birde, called Alcatrazzi, in silver upon their
bonnetts and on the forepartes of their shippes; which signified that they
were thirtie daies sailinge to that place; whence it is saied that they
muste nedes be of Cathaio or China, seinge that there is none but Spanishe
shippinge upon all the coaste of the backside of Noua Spania.
7. Seaventhly, the people of Florida, at the River of May, in 30. degrees,
signified to John Ribault and his company, that they mighte saile in
boates from thence through the contrie by ryver to Ceuola in xx’ti. These
are the wordes, viz. As wee nowe demaunded of them concerninge the towne
of Ceuola (whereof some have written that it is not farr from thence, and
is scituated within the lande, and towardes the sea called Mare del Sur),
they shewed vs by signes, which wee understoode well ynoughe, that they
mighte goe thither with their boates, by rivers, in xx’ti. daies.
8. Eightly, Don Antonio di Castillo, embassador to her Majestie from Henry
the Kinge of Portingale, tolde me here in London, the yere before his
departure, that one Anus Corteriall, Capitaine of the Ile of Tercera, in
the yere 1574. sente a shippe to discover the northwest passage, which,
arryvinge on the coaste of America in 57. degrees of latitude, founde a
greate entraunce very depe and broade, withoute impedimente of ise, into
which they passed above xx leagues, and founde it alwayes to tende
towardes the southe. The lande lay lowe and plaine on either side. They
woulde have gon further, but their victualls drawinge shorte, and beinge
but one shippe, they returned backe, with hope at another tyme to make a
full searche of the passage, whereof they sawe not small likelyhoode.
9. Nynthly, Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale,(80) shewed me in Paris this
present somer, a greate olde rounde carde (out of which Postellus tooke
the forme of his mappe), that had the northwest straite plainely sett
downe in the latitude of 57. degrees.
10. Tenthly, there is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as
yt shoulde seme, by Verarsanus, traced all alonge the coaste from Florida
to Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which laieth oute the sea, making
a little necke of lande in 40. degrees of latitude, much lyke the streyte
necke or istmus of Dariena. This mappe is nowe in the custodie of Mr.
Michael Locke.
11. Eleventhly, there is an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie
gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge,
havinge the coaste described in Italian, which laieth oute the very selfe
same streite necke of lande in the latitude of 40. degrees, with the sea
joynninge harde on bothe sides, as it dothe on Panama and Nombre di Dios;
which were a matter of singuler importaunce, yf it shoulde be true, as it
is not unlikely.
12. Twelvethly, the judgemente of Gerardus Mercator, that excellent
geographer, which his sonne, Rumolde Mercator, shewed me in a letter of
his, and drewe oute for me in writinge, of wise men is not lightly to be
regarded. These were his wordes: Magna tametsi pauca de noua nauigatione
scribis, quam miror ante multos annos non fuisse attentatam. Non enim
dubium est quin recta et breuis via pateat in occidentem Cathaium vsque.
In quod regnum, si recte nauigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius
mundi merces colligent, et multis gentibus adhuc idololatris Christi nomen
communicabunt. You write (saieth he to his sonne) greate matters, thoughe
very brefely, of the newe voyadge, whereat I wonder that it was not these
many yeres heretofore attempted; ffor there is no doubte but there is a
streighte and shorte waye open into the west, even to Cathaio. Into which
kingdome, if they governe their voyadge well, they shall gather the moste
noble marchandize of all the worlde, and shall make the name of Christe to
be knowen to many idolaters and heathen people.
13. Hereunto agreeth the relation of Monsieur de Leau, an honest gent of
Morleux, in Britaine, which tolde me this springe, in the presence of
divers Englishe men at Paris, that a man of St. Malowe this laste yere
discovered the sea on the back side of Hochelaga.
14. Moreover, the relation of David Ingram confirmeth the same; for, as he
avowcheth and hath put it downe in writinge, he traveled twoo daies in the
sighte of the North Sea.
15. Againe, the prohibition which Kinge Philippe hath made, that none of
his pilotts shall discover to the northe wardes of 45. degrees, may seme
chefely to precede of these two causes: the one, leaste passinge further
to the northe, they mighte fall upon the open passage from Mare del Sur
into our Northerne Sea; the other, because they have not people ynoughe to
possesse and kepe the same, but rather in tyme shoulde open a gappe for
other nations to passe that waye.
16. Lastly, I will ende with the earnest petition and constant assertion
of Ramusius, in his firste volume, fol. 374. where, speakinge of the
severall waies by which the spicery, bothe of olde and of late yeres, hath
bene broughte into Europe, he useth these speaches in the person of
another: Why doe not the princes (saieth he), which are to deale in these
affaires, sende furthe twoo or three colonies to inhabite the contrie, and
to reduce this savage nation to more civilitie, consideringe what a
frutefull soile it is, how replenished with all kinde of graine, howe it
is stored with all kinde of birdes and beastes, with such faire and
mightie rivers, that Capitaine Cartier and his companie in one of them
sailed upp an C. and xx’iiij. leagues, findinge the contrie peopled on
bothe sides in greate aboundaunce; and, moreover, to cause the gouernours
of those colonies to sende furthe men to discouer the northe landes aboute
Terra de Labrador, and west north west towardes the seas, which are to
saile to the contrie of Cathaio, and from thence to the ilandes of
Molucka. These are enterprises to purchase ymmortal praise, which the Lord
Antony de Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, willinge to put in execution, sente
furthe his capitaines, bothe by sea and lande, upon the northwest of Noua
Spania, and discovered the kingdomes of the seaven cities aboute Ceuola;
and Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passed from Mexico by lande towardes
the northwest 2850. miles, in so moche as he came to the sea which lieth
betwene Cathaio and America, where he mett with the Cathaian shippes; and,
no doubte, if the Frenche men, in this their Nova Francia, woulde have
discovered upp further into the lande towardes the west northwest partes,
they shoulde have founde the sea and have sailed to Cathaio.
Thus farr Ramusius.
God, which doth all thinges in his due time, and hath in his hande the
hartes of all Princes, stirr upp the mynde of her Majestie at lengthe to
assiste her moste willinge and forwarde subjectes to the perfourmance of
this moste godly and profitable action; which was begonne at the chardges
of Kinge Henry the vij’th. her grandfather, followed by Kinge Henry the
Eighte, her father, and lefte, as it semeth, to be accomplished by her (as
the three yeres golden voyadge to Ophir was by Salomon), to the makinge of
her realme and subjectes moste happy, and her selfe moste famous to all
posteritie. Amen.
Chap. XVIII. That the Queene of Englandes title to all the West Indies, or
at the leaste to as moche as is from Florida to the Circle articke, is
more lawfull and righte then the Spaniardes, or any other Christian
Princes.
To confute the generall claime and unlawfull title of the insatiable
Spaniardes to all the West Indies, and to prove the justenes of her
Majesties title and of her noble progenitours, if not to all, yet at
leaste to that parte of America which is from Florida beyonde the Circle
articke, wee are to sett downe in true order, accordinge to the juste
observation of tyme, when the West Indyes, with the ilandes and continent
of the same, were firste discouered and inhabited, and by what nation, and
by whome. Then are wee to answer in generall and particulerly to the moste
injurious and unreasonable donation graunted by Pope Alexander the Sixte,
a Spaniarde borne, of all the West Indies to the Kinges of Spaine and
their successors, to the greate prejudice of all other Christian Princes,
but especially to the domage of the Kinges of England.
Ffor the firste pointe, wee of England have to shewe very auncient and
auctenticall chronicles, written in the Welshe or Brittishe tongue,
wherein wee finde that one Madock ap Owen Guyneth, a Prince of North
Wales, beinge wearye of the civill warres and domesticall dissentions in
his contrie, made twoo voyadges oute of Wales, and discovered and planted
large contries which he founde in the mayne ocean south westwarde of
Ireland, in the yere of our Lorde 1170.(81) This historie is also to be
seene in Englishe in printe, in the booke sett furthe this yere of the
Prince of Wales, dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney. And this is confirmed by
the language of some of those people that dwell upon the continent betwene
the Bay of Mexico and the Grande Bay of Newfoundelande, whose language is
said to agree with the Welshe in divers wordes and names of places, by
experience of some of our nation that have bene in those partes. By this
testimonie it appereth, that the West Indies were discovered and inhabited
322. yeres before Columbus made his firste voyadge, which was in the yere
1492.
Secondly, the acceptation of Columbus his offer of the West Indies by
Kinge Henry the Seaventh, at the very firste, maketh moche for the title
of the Kinges of England, althoughe they had no former interest; which I
will here putt downe as I finde it in the eleventh chapiter of the
historie of Ferdinandus Columbus of the relation of the life and doinges
of his father: This practise, saieth he, of the Kinge of Portingale (which
was secretly to deprive him of the honour of his enterprise), beinge come
to the knowledge of the Admyrall, and havinge lately buried his wife, he
conceaved so greate hatred againste the citie of Lysbone and the nation,
that he determyned to goe into Castile with a younge sonne that he had by
his wife, called Diego Colon, which after his fathers deathe succeded in
his state. But fearinge, yf the Kinges of Castile also shoulde not
consente unto his enterprise, he shoulde be constrayned to begynne againe
to make some newe offer of the same to some other Prince, and so longe
tyme shoulde be spente therein, he sente into England a brother of his
which he had with him, named Bartholmewe Columbus. Nowe Bartholmewe
Columbus beinge departed for England, his fortune was to fall into the
handes of pyrates, which robbed him, and his other companions that were in
his shippe, of all that they had. By which occasion and meanes of his
povertie and sicknes, which cruelly afflicted him in a strange contrie, he
deferred for a longe space his embassage, till, havinge gotten upp a
little money by makinge of seacardes, he began to practize with Kinge
Henry the Seaventhe, the father of Kinge Henry the viij’th which nowe
reigneth; to whome he presented a general carde, wherein these verses were
written, which I will rather here put downe for their antiquitie then for
their elegancie:
Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras
Noscere, cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit
Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolomæus, Plinius atque
Isidorus: non vna tamen sententia cuique
Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis
Hispanis Zona illa, priùs incognita genti,
Torrida, quæ tandem nunc est notissma multis.
And somewhat more beneath he saied:
_Pro authore sive pictore_
Janna cui patriæ est nomen, cui Bartholomæus
Columbus, de terra rubra, opus edidit istud
Londonijs, Anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno
Octauo, decimáque die cùm tertia mensis
Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundæ.(82)
But to returne to the Kinge of England; I say that after he had sene the
generall carde, and that which the Admyrall Columbus offred unto him, he
accepted his offer with a cherefull countenaunce, and sente to call him
into England. These thinges beinge so, wee nede not to be our owne judges,
but are able to prove, as you see, by a forren testimonie of singuler
greate aucthoritie, that Christopher Columbus, beinge in Portingale,
before he wente into Castile, sente his brother Bartholmewe into England
to practise with Kinge Henry the Seaventh aboute the discovery of the West
Indies, and that his said brother made his generall seacarde of this
secrete voyadge in London, in the yere of our Lorde 1488. the xiijth. of
February, above foure yeres before Christopher was sett oute upon his
firste voyadge by the Princes of Spaine, Ferdinando and Isabella, which
was the thirde of Auguste, 1592. It appereth also, that the onely cause
for his slowe dispatche was his fallings into the handes of pyrates, which
spoiled him and his companie of all that they had; whereby he was inforced
a longe tyme to worke in London in makinge instrumentes and seacardes to
get somewhat aboute him, that he mighte come in some honest furniture to
the Kinges presence. Also, that there was no delaye nor wante of goodd
will of the Kinges parte to sett furthe the action, whoe willingly
condescended to all Columbus demaundes; as is further to be seene in the
60 chapiter of the same historie, where I reade, that Bartholmewe
Columbus, havinge agreed with the Kinge of England upon all capitulations,
and returninge into Spaine by Fraunce to fetche his brother, when he
hearde newes at Paris that he had concluded in the meane season with the
Kinge of Spaine, and was entred into the action for him, was not a little
vexed for his brothers abusinge the Kinge of England, which had so
curteously graunted all his requestes and accepted of his offer. But
Christofer, not receavinge so spedy aunswer as he hoped for from his
brother oute of England, by reason of his fallinge into pirates handes, as
is aforesaide, and not by reason of any slacknes or unwillingnes of the
Kinge, in the meane season, for feare of beinge prevented by the
Portingales, which once before in secrete manner had gon aboute to take
the honour of the action oute of his handes, was stirred, contrary to
honesty, to play on bothe handes, and to deal with the Princes of Spaine
before he had receaved the Kinge of Englandes resolucion.
But leavinge this abuse offered to the Kinge of England either by
Christopher Columbus or the Kinges of Spaine, in takinge that enterprise
oute of his handes which was first sente to him, and never refused by him,
and to put the case that Columbus firste discovered parte of the ilandes
of Hispaniola and Cuba, yet wee will prove most plainely that a very
greate and large parte, as well of the continent as of the ilandes, were
firste discovered for the Kinge of England by Sebastian Gabote, an
Englishe man, borne in Bristoll, the sonne of John Gabote, a Venesian, in
the yere of our Lorde 1496; as an Italian gent, a greate philosopher and
mathematitian, witnesseth, which harde the same of his owne mouthe; and
there were many then also lyvinge, which wente with him in that voyadge,
which coulde have proved him a liar yf it had bene otherwise. These be the
very wordes of this gent, which be uttered to certen noblemen of Venice
upon the disputation concerninge the voyadges of the spicerye: Know ye not
(quoth he) to this effecte, to goe to finde the Easte Indies by the north
west, that which one of your citie hath done, which is so skilfull in the
arte of navigacion and cosmographie, that he hath not his like in Spaine
at this day? And his sufficiencie hath so greately advaunced him, that the
Kinge hath given him the oversighte of all the pilotts that saile to the
West Indies, so that withoute his licence they cannot meddle in this arte,
by reason whereof they call him the Graund Pilott. This was Segnior
Sebastian Gabote, which I wente to see, beinge myselfe in Cyvill certen
yeres paste, whome I founde to be a moste curteous and gentle person.
After he had made very moche of me, and geven me good entertainment, he
shewed me many singularities which he had; and amonge the rest, a greate
mappe of the worlde, wherein were marked and described all the particular
navigations as well of the Portingales as of the Castilians. And he
declared unto me, that, his father beinge departed from Venyce, he wente
to dwell in England for trade of marchandize, and caried him with him to
the citie of London, thoughe he were very younge; yet for all that not so
younge but that he had studied [letters] of humanitie and the sphere;
moreover, that his father died aboute the tyme that the newes came that
Christopher Colon had discovered the coaste of the West Indies, and there
was no other talke but of that in the Courte of Kinge Henry the vij’th.
which reigned then in England. Whereof every man saied, that yt was rather
a thinge devine then humaine, to have founde out that way never knowen
before, to goe by the west into the easte. This brute of Segnior Columbus
did so inflame my harte, that I determyned also to doe some notable
thinge. And knowinge by the reason of the sphere, that, in directinge my
course righte towarde the north weste, I shoulde shorten the way greately
to goe to the Easte Indies, without delaye I gave the Kinges Majestie to
understande of myne opinion, which was marveylously well pleased; and he
furnished me of twoo shippes, with all thinges necessarie; and this was in
the yere 1496. in the begynnynge of somer. And I began to saile towardes
the north west, thinckinge to finde no lande savinge that where Cathaio
is, and from thence to turne towardes the Indies. But after certaine
daies, I discouered lande which ronneth towardes the northe, wherewithall
I was excedingly agreved; notwithstandinge I ceassed not to ronne alonge
that coaste towardes the northe, to see yf I coulde finde any gulfe which
turned towardes the north weste, until I came to the heighte of 56.
degrees of our pole. (M250) Beinge there, I sawe that the coaste turned
towards the easte, and, beinge oute of hope to finde any straite, I turned
backe againe to searche out the said coaste towarde the equinoctiall, with
intention alwayes to finde some passage to the Indies; and in followinge
this coaste I sailed as farr as that parte which at this present they call
Florida; and nowe my victualls failinge and fallinge shorte, I sailed no
further, but lefte the coaste there, and sailed into England, where I was
no sooner arryved but I founde greate troubles of the people, that were
upp in armes by reason of the warres in Scotland; whereby the voyadge to
those partes was laide aside for that time, and had in no further
consideration.
Upon this relation, Monsieur Popiliniere, being a Frencheman, in his
seconde booke, Des Trois Mondes, inferreth these speaches: This, then, was
that Gabote which firste discovered Florida for the Kinge of England, so
that the Englishe men have more righte thereunto then the Spaniardes, yf
to have righte unto a contrie, it sufficeth to have firste seene and
discovered the same.
Howbeit, Gabota did more then see the contrie, for he wente on lande on
divers places, tooke possession of the same accordinge to his patente,
which was graunted to his father, John Gabot, to Lewes, himself, and
Sancius, his brethren, beinge to be sene in the Rolles and extant in
printe: and, moreover, he broughte home three of the savages of the
Indies, as Fabian, in his ancient Chronicle, dothe write, declaringe their
apparell, feedinge, and other manners, which, he saieth, he observed
himselfe in the Courte at Westminster, where he sawe twoo of them, two
yeres after they were broughte into England, in Englishe apparell. Nay,
that which is more, Gabota discovered this longe tracte of the firme lande
twoo yeres before Columbus ever sawe any parte of the continente thereof.
For the firste parte of the firme land, called Paria, and Bocca di
Dragone, that is to say, the Dragons Mouthe, beinge to the southe of the
iland of Hispaniola, was discovered by him in his thirde voyadge; which,
as Peter Martir de Angleria, which was one of the councell of the West
Indies, wryteth, was in the yere 1498; which is confirmed by Ferdinandus
Columbus, his owne sonne, which was with his father in the voyadge (as
Oviedo confesseth, libr. 19. cap 1.), and wrote a journall of that
voyadge, shewinge, in the 67. chapiter of his historie, that his father
firste sawe the firme lande the firste of Auguste in the yere 1498. But
Gabote made his greate discoverie in the yere 1496. as he testifieth in
his relation above mentioned. And the day of the moneth is also added in
his owne mappe, which is yn the Queenes privie gallorie at Westminster,
the copye whereof was sett oute by Mr. Clemente Adams, and is in many
marchantes houses in London. (M251) In which mappe, in the chapiter of
Newfoundelande, there in Latyn is put downe, besides the yere of our
Lorde, even the very day, which was the day of St. John Baptiste; and the
firste lande which they sawe they called Prima Visa or Prima Vista: and
Mr. Roberto Thorne, in his discourse to Doctor Ley, Kinge Henry the Eights
embassador to Charles the Emperour, affirmeth that his father and one
Hughe Elliott, of Bristoll, were the firste persons that descried the
lande. This case is so clere that the Spaniardes themselves, thoughe full
sore againste their willes, are constrained to yielde unto us therein. For
Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in the 4. chapiter of his seconde booke of his
Generall Historie of the Indies, confesseth that Sebastian was the firste
discoverer of all the coaste of the West Indies, from 58. degrees of
northerly latitude to the heighte of 38. degrees towardes the
equinoctiall. He whiche broughte moste certeine newes of the contrie and
people of Baccalaos, saieth Gomera, was Sebastian Gabot, a Venesian, which
rigged up ij. shippes at the coste of Kinge Henry the Seaventh of England,
havinge greate desire to traficque for the spices as the Portingales did.
He carried with him CCC. men, and tooke the way towardes Island from
beyonde the Cape of Labrador, untill he founde himselfe in 58. degrees and
better. He made relation that, in the moneth of July, it was so colde and
the ise so greate, that he durste not passe any further; that the daies
were very longe, in a manner withoute any nighte, and for that shorte
nighte that they had it was very clere. Gabot, feelinge the colde, turned
towardes the west, refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos; and afterwardes he
sailed alonge the coaste unto 38. degrees, and from thence he shaped his
course to returne into England.
Moreover, this Fraunces Lopez de Gomera acknowledgeth, in his firste booke
and xxjth. chapiter of the Generall Historie of the Indies, that Columbus
on his thirde voyadge, sett oute from St Lucar of Barameda, in Spaine, in
the ende of May, _anno_ 1497. In which thirde voyadge, at lengthe, after
any greate dangers by the way, he arryved in the firme lande of the
Indies, towardes the province called Paria, which all the Spanishe authors
confesse to have bene the firste of the continent that was discovered for
the Kinges of Spaine.
So to conclude; whether wee beleve the testemonie of Peter Martir and
Ferdinandus Columbus, which affirme that Christopher Columbus discovered
the firme firste _in anno_ 1498. a greate and large tracte of the
continente of the Indies was discovered by Gabote and the Englishe above
twoo yeres before, to witt, in the yere 1496, in the moneths of June and
July; or whether wee be contente to yelde to Gomera, which saieth Columbus
sett furthe of the discovery of the firme lande, 1497; yet wee of England
are the firste discoverers of the continent above a yere and more before
them, to witt, 1496. or, as Clement Adams saith, 1494. in the chapiter of
Gabbotts mapp _De terra nova_, which is above three yeres before the
Spaniarde, or any other for the Kinges of Spaine, had any sighte of any
parte of the firme lande of the Indies. At leaste wise, by Gomera his owne
confession, from 37. degrees of northerly latitude to 38. towardes the
equinoctiall, we have beste righte and title of any Christian. As for the
discovery of John Ponce de Leon, beinge _in anno_ 1512. yt cannot be
prejudiciall to our title, as beinge made sixtene yeres after Gabotes
voyadge.
Chap. XIX. An aunswer to the Bull of the Donation of all the West Indies
graunted to the Kinges of Spaines by Pope Alexander the VIth, whoe was
himselfe a Spaniarde borne.
Whereas Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, in the 19. chapiter of his firste booke
of his Generall Historie of the Indies, putteth downe that Pope Alexander
the VIth, of his proper will and of his owne mere motion, with the
consents of his Cardinalls, gave of his free grace to the Kinges of Spaine
all the iles and firme landes which they shoulde discover towardes the
west, and therewithall alledged the Bull itselfe; I aunswer, that no Pope
had any lawfull aucthoritie to give any such donation at all. For proofe
whereof, I say that, if he were no more than Christes vycar, as Gomera
calleth him in that place, then he must needes graunte that the vicar is
no greater then his Master. Nowe, our Saviour Christe, beinge requested
and entreated to make a lawfull devision of inheritaunce betwene one and
his brother, refused to do that, sayenge, Quis me constituit judicem inter
vos? Whoe made me a judge betwene you? What meaneth, then, the Pope, not
beinge spoken to nor entreated, of his owne proper will and of his owne
mere motion, to meddle in those matters that Christe in no wise, no, not
beinge thereunto instantly requested, woulde not have to deale in? Againe,
oure Saviour Christe confessed openly to Pilate, that his kingdome was not
of this worlde. Why, then, doth the Pope, that woulde be Christes
servaunte, take upon him the devision of so many kingdomes of the worlde?
If he had but remembred that which he hath inserted in the ende of his
owne Bull, to witt, that God is the disposer and distributer of kingdomes
and empires, he woulde never have taken upon him the devidinge of them
with his line of partition from one ende of the heavens to the other. The
historie of the poore boye whome God stirred upp to confounde and deride
the Spaniardes and Portingales, when they were devidinge the woride
betwene themselves alone, is so well knowen as I nede not stand to repeate
it. But it is the Popes manner alwayes to meddle, as in this matter, so in
other thinges, where they have nothinge to doe, and to intrude themselves
before they be called. They mighte rather call to mynde the counsell of
the goodd apostle, who tolde godly Tymothe, the Bisshoppe of Ephesus, that
no man that warreth intangleth himself with the affaires of this presente
life, because he woulde please Him that hath chosen him to be a souldier;
and then they woulde learne to kepe themselves within the lymites of that
vocation and ecclesiasticall function whereunto they are called; which
ecclestiasticall function hath nothinge to doe with absolute donation and
devidinge of mere temporalties and earthly kingdomes. St. Chrisostome, in
his dialogue De dignitate sacerdotali, saieth that the mynisterie is a
chardge geven by God to teache withoute armes or force, and that the same
is no power to give or to take kingdomes, nor to make lawes for the
publique governemente. St. Hillary writes as moche to the Emperour
Constantine againste Auxentius, Bisshoppe of Milan. Our Saviour Christe
himselfe saieth to his desciples, that while they were in the worlde, they
shoulde be broughte before kinges and pollitique magistrates for his names
sake. So then they shoulde not be judges and magistrates themselves,
especially in the devisions of kingdomes; and, to leave all spirituall men
an example, he paid tribute and toll for himselfe and Peter, and submitted
himselfe and his apostles under the civill magistrate and politique
governemente; yet the Pope, whoe saieth that he is Peters successor, will
be a disposer of civill causes and temporall domynions. The apostle
saieth, Romaines the 13: Let every soule be submitted unto the higher
powers. Nowe, if the Popes will not beleve the worde of God withoute the
exposition of the Fathers of the Churche, at leaste let them beleve St
Chrisostome, and give eare to that which he hath written upon this place:
That these thinges be comaunded to all men, saieth he, bothe to prestes
and monckes, and not onely to secular or laymen, the Apostle declareth,
even in the very begynnynge, when he saieth in this manner: Let every
soule be subjecte unto their higher powers, thoughe thou were an apostle,
thoughe thou were an evangeliste, thoughe thou were a prophet, or thoughe
thou were any other whatsoever. For obedience dothe nothinge hinder
godlines.
But the Popes woulde prove that they may give and bestowe kingdomes upon
whome they please, by Samuels example that annoynted Hazaell Kinge of
Siria insteade of Benhadad, and Jehu Kinge of Israeli insteade of Jehoram;
as, also, by the example of Jehoada, the highe preste, that put the Queene
Athalia to deathe, and placed Joas, the younge sonne of Ochosias in the
kingdome. All those examples make nothinge at all in the worlde for them;
for neither Samuell, nor Elias, nor Elizeus did any thinge in that matter
withoute an expresse commaundement and all circumstances from the mouthe
of God himselfe, as appereth moste evidently by their severall histories
in the Bible. Samuell also did his comission full sore againste his will;
and Elias and Elizeus, with greate feare of their lyves. As for Athalia,
she was an usurper, and had cruelly murdered as many of the lawfull
inheritours of the kingdome as she coulde possibly lay handes on; and
therefore Jehoiada, the highe preste, not of his owne absolute
aucthoritie, but by the helpe of the Kinges officers and joyfull consente
of all the people, caused her moste justely to be deposed and put to
deathe. He was also uncle to the younge Kinge, by mariage of his wife,
Jebosheba, which was sister to Ahasai, the father of the younge kinge, and
therefore bounde, in conscience and affinitie, to helpe him to his righte
and succour him in his mynoritie. Nowe, when the Popes have the like
excellent spirite of prophesie and the like chardges and expresse
commaundementes from Gods owne mouthe, in the behalf of some one by name
againste some one which God by name woulde have deposed, then they may
ymitate them in pronouncinge unto them that God will rente their kingdomes
from this or that kinge for his synnes. But none of the Prophetts made
bulls or donations in their palaces, under their handes and seales and
dates, to bestowe many kingdomes, which they never sawe or knewe, nor what
nor howe large they were, or, to say the truthe, whether they were extant
_in rerum natura_, as the Pope hath done in gevinge all the West Indies to
the Kinges of Spaine. He shoulde firste have don as the prophetts dyd;
that is, he shoulde firste have gon himselfe and preached the worde of God
to those idolatrous kinges and their people; and then, if they woulde not,
by any meanes, have repented, he mighte have pronounced the severe and
heavie judgemente of God againste them, shewinge oute of the worde of God
that one kingdome is translated from another for the sinnes of the
inhabitantes of the same, and that God in his justice, woulde surely
bringe some nation or other upon them, to take vengeaunce of their synnes
and wickednes. And thus moche not onely Popes, but also any other godly
and zealous bisshope or mynister, may doe, beinge called thereunto by God
extraordinarily, or havinge the ordinarye warrante of his worde.
Yea, but the Popes can shewe goodd recordes that they have deposed
Emperors, that they have translated empires from one people to another, as
that of the Easte unto the Germaines, and that they have taken kingdomes
from one nation and geven them to another. In deede, in some respectes,
they have done so. But how? They never gave that which was in their
actuall possession, yf by any meanes possible they mighte have kepte it
themselves. It is an easie matter to cutt large thonges, as wee say, of
other men’s hides, and to be liberall of other men’s goodds. Neither ys it
any marvaile thoughe (as Gomera saieth) the Pope gave all the West Indies
of his free grace to the Kinge of Spaine, for they never coste him a
penye. But he that will be in deede and truthe liberall, he muste give of
his owne, and not of other mens. For to take from one that which is his,
to give it to another to whom it is not due, ys plaine injurie and no
liberalitie, thoughe the gifte were bestowed upon him that were in nede.
For as one saieth: Eripere alteri fraudulenter quod alteri des
misericorditer, iniustitia quidem est et non eleemosyna—to take from one
fraudulently to give to another mercifully, is no almes nor charitie, but
plaine iniquitie. The Pope shoulde rather have sent into the West Indies
store of godly pastors of his owne coste freely, then to have geven them
and their gooddes wrongfully to be eaten upp and devoured of such
insatiable and gredy wolves. He should have remembred the worde of our
Saviour, whoe saieth: Beatius est dare quam accipere—it is a blessed
thinge to give rather then to receave. The Popes say they gave Ireland to
Kinge Henry the Seconde and his successors; and indeede they have don it
in wordes. But when gave they that unto him? Forsoothe after he had faste
footinge in it, and when Dermutius, the King of Leynester, had firste
offred to make the Kinge his heire. And for all their donation, yf the
Kinge had not by his force more then by their gifte holpe himselfe, the
Popes donation had stoode him in small stede; neither did the Kinges of
Ireland admitt and allowe of the Popes donation. If they had, they woulde
never have rebelled so ofte againste the Crowne of England. To conclude
this pointe, thoughe wee confesse that the Popes have don this or that,
yet yt is no goodd argumente to say that they did it, and therefore it is
lawfull, unless they coulde shewe that they did it rightfully. De facto
constat, de jure non constat. And they themselves are driven to confess,
that their medlinge on this sorte with kingdomes ys not directly, but
indirectly. But suche indirecte dealinge is warranted neither by lawe of
God nor men.
Nowe to the donation itselfe, wee are firste to consider, whoe it was that
was the author thereof; secondly, unto whome it was made; thirdly, what
were the causes and inducementes that moved the Pope thereunto; fourthly,
the fourme and manner of donation; fyftly, the inhibition of all other
Christian Princes, and the penaltie of all them that shoulde doe the
contrarye; lastly, the recompence of the Kinges of Spaine to the Sea of
Rome for so greate a gifte.
1. Touchinge the firste, the author hereof was Pope Alexander the vith
whoe, as Platina and Onuphrius and Bale doe write, was himselfe a
Spaniarde, and borne in Valencia, of the familie called Borgia, and
therefore no marvell thoughe he were ledd by parcialitie to favour the
Spanishe nation, thoughe yt were to the prejudice and domage of all
others; whiche foule faulte of his may hereby appeare, that havinge in all
the tyme of his Popedome created sixe and thirtie Cardinalles, of those
xxxvj. he made xviij. to witt the one halfe, Spaniardes, as Bale dothe
testifie, writinge of his life. Nowe let any man be judge, whether that
were extreame parcialitie and ambition, to make Spaine equal in that
pointe with all the rest of Christendome. No marvaile therefore, thoughe
as in this, so in his donation, he was beyonde all reason caried away with
blynde affection to his nation; which faulte of his had bene more to be
borne withall, yf it had bene in a private or small matter. But in this so
generall and comon cause, yt cannot choose but be altogether intollerable.
If any man liste to see this man painted oute further in his colours, let
him reade John Bale in his Eighte Century, where he shall finde so many of
his badd partes, as a man woulde thinke he coulde not be a fitt man to
make a goodd and uprighte judge in so weightie a matter as this.
2. The persons to whome he made this donation were Ferdinando and
Isabella, Princes of Spaine, to whome, and to their heires and successors
for ever, he confirmed the same, excludinge all other Christian princes.
These princes, thoughe otherwise very vertuous and commendable, yet at the
tyme of the makinge of this donation, were more unable then divers other
Kinges of Christendome to accomplishe and bringe the same to effecte, as
beinge greately ympoverished with the warres of Granadae, so farr furthe
that they were constrained to seke for helpe of Kinge Henry the VIIth. of
England, to subdue the Moores in their owne contrie. Yea, Queene Isabella
was so poore and bare that she was faine to offer her owne jewells to
gage, to borowe money to sett furthe Columbus in his firste voyadge, as it
is to be seene in the 14. chapiter of the Historie of Ferdinandus
Columbus, his owne sonne, It is also well knowen that the Spaniardes, for
wante of people of their owne contrie, have not bene able nowe, in the
space of xx’iiii. and xij. yeres, to inhabite a thirde or fourthe parte of
those excedinge large and waste contries, which are as greate as all
Europe and Africke.
3. The inducementes that moved his Holines to graunt these unequall
donations unto Spaine were, firste, (as he saieth) his singuler desire and
care to have the Christian religion and Catholicque faithe exalted, and to
be enlarged and spredd abroade throughoute the worlde, especially in his
daies, and that the salvation of soules shoulde be procured of every one,
and that the barbarous nations shoulde be subdued and reduced to the
faithe, &c. To this I aunswer that, if he had ment as in deede he saieth,
he shoulde not have restrayned this so greate and generall a worke,
belonginge to the duetie of all other Christian princes, unto the Kinges
of Spaine onely, as thoughe God had no servauntes but in Spaine; or as
thoughe other Christian kinges then lyvinge had not as greate zeale and
meanes to advaunce Gods glory as they; or howe mente he that every one
shoulde put their helpinge hande to this worke, when he defended all other
Christian Princes, in paine of his heavie curse and excomunication, to
meddle in this action, or to employe their subjectes, thoughe yt were to
the conversion of the inhabitauntes in those partes. And whereas, to
colour this his donation, he addeth, that the Kinges of Spaine had bene at
greate chardge in that discoverie in respect whereof he was induced to
deale so franckly with them, yt is evident that the Bull was graunted in
the yere 1493. the iiij. of the moneth of May, at what time Columbus had
made but one voyadge, wherein he was furnished onely with one small shippe
and twoo little caravells, and had, in all his companie, but foure score
and tenne men, and the whole voyadge stoode the Kinge of Spaine in 2500.
crownes only. So these 2500. crownes were the greate chardges that the
Pope speaketh of, that induced him to graunte so large a donation; for
that was the uttermoste that Columbus desired, as is to be redd in the 14.
chapiter of his owne sonnes historie.
Moreover, where the Pope confesseth he was informed, before the donation
of his Bull, that the Kinges of Spaine had purposed, by the aide of God,
to subdue and reduce unto the faithe all those landes and Ilandes, with
their inhabitantes, whiche Columbus had founde in his firste discovery, in
comendinge highly of this their intention, he semeth to confesse that they
mighte have pursued that godly action very lawfully withoute makinge of
him privy to their enterprice, which they did not in their firste sendinge
furthe Columbus. And with what righte he builded and lefte men in
Hispaniola at the firste, before the Popes donation, with the selfe same
righte he mighte have subdued all that he shoulde afterwardes discover.
So, then, the Popes gifte was of no more force, then of that which they
mighte have chalenged by their former righte and interest of discoverie.
And as for their former zeale and resolution to publishe the Christian
faithe in those quarters, which the Pope confesseth to have bene in them
before his donation, whoe seeth not that he stirres them uppe to nothinge,
but to that which he acknowledged to have bene in them already; and so he
did nothinge but _actum agere_.
Againe; in that he saieth, that in no other respecte, but moved onely by
his mere and francke liberaltie, _and for certeine secrete causes_, he
gave unto them all the ilandes and firme landes which already have bene
founde, and which shoulde afterwardes be founde, which were then
discovered or afterwardes to be discovered, towardes the West and the
Southe, drawinge a straighte line from the pole articke to the pole
antarticke, whether the ilandes or firme landes founde or to be founde
were towardes the Indies or towardes any other quarter; intendinge,
nevertheles, that this line be distant an hundred leagues towardes the
West and the Southe from the iles which are comonly called the Azores, or
those of Cape Verd: to this wee aunswer, that here wee are firste to
consider that yt was no marvell that his Holines, beinge a Spaniarde
borne, sett aparte all other respectes of justice and equitie, and of his
mere motion and francke liberalitie was ready to raise and advaunce his
owne nation, with doinge secrete wronge and injurie as moche as in him
laye, and more, unto all other Princes of Christendome. For what els can
those wordes importe, that he did it also for certen secrete causes, but
give us juste cause to suspect that there wanted uprighte, indifferent,
and sincere dealinges? And surely, if he had meant uprightly, he woulde
have delte more plainely; for truths seketh no secrete comers. But if you
will have me to reveale those secrete causes, to say as the thinge was,
they were nothinge else but the feare and jelousie that he had, that Kinge
Henry the vij’th. of England, with whome Bartholmewe Columbus had bene to
deale in this enterprice, and even aboute this time had concluded with the
Kinge upon all pointers and articles, whoe even nowe was readie to sende
him into Spaine to call his brother Christopher into England, shoulde put
a foote into this action; which, if he had don, he shoulde bothe have
share with the Spaniardes in the profitt, and greatly ecclips their honour
and glorie. Also, he coulde not choose but be privie to the longe
conference that Christopher Columbus had before time with the Kinge of
Portingale, and offer which he made firste of all to the said Kinge of
this discovery, whoe thoughe at the firste delte doubly with Columbus, and
sent other to finde oute that thinge which Columbus offered, yet, they
missinge of their purpose, the Kinge of Portingale woulde have employed
Columbus, and delte effectually with him to that ende; but he conceavinge
a greate displeasure againste the Kinge and his nation for his secrete
seekinge to defraude him of his honour, and benefite of his offer, stole
prively oute of his realme into Castile. But the Pope, fearinge that
either the Kinge of Portingale mighte be reconciled to Columbus, or that
he mighte be drawen into England, by interposinge of his usurped
aucthoritie, thoughte secretly, by his unlawfull division, to defraude
England and Portingale of that benefite. Loe, these were indeede those
secrete causes, sodenly, withoute makinge the other Kinges privie, to make
his generall and universall donation of all the West Indies to the Kinges
of Spaine, by drawinge a lyne of partition from one pole unto another,
passinge a hundred leagues westwarde of the Iies of Azores; which
division, howe God caused to be deryded by the mouthe of a poor, simple
childe, Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, one of the Spaniardes owne
historiographers, dothe specially note in manner followinge: Before I
finishe this chapiter (saieth he), I will recite, to recreate the reader,
that which happened, upon this partition, to the Portingales. As Fraunces
de Melo, Diego Lopes of Sequeria, and others, came to this assembly, and
passed the river by Quidiana, a little infant that kepte his mothers
clothes, which she had washt and honge abroade to drye, demaunded of them,
whether they were those that shoulde come to devide the worlde with the
Emperour; and as they answered yea, he tooke up his shirte behinde and
shewed them his buttocks, sayenge unto them: Drawe your lyne throughe the
middest of this place. This, saieth the author, was published in contempte
all abroade, bothe in the towne of Badayos and also in the assemblye of
these committies. The Portingales were greately angrie therewithall, but
the rest turned yt to a jest and laughed yt oute.
But what wise man seeth not that God by that childe laughed them to
scorne, and made them ridicullous and their partition in the eyes of the
worlde and in their owne consciences, and caused the childe to reprove
them, even as the dombe beaste, speakinge with mans voyce, reproved the
foolishnes of Balam the Prophett!
4. The fourthe pointe which I purpose to touche, is the forme and manner
of the stile of the donation itselfe, after a large preface and connynge
preamble; and that begynneth in this manner: Wee therefore, by the
aucthoritie of God Almightie, which is geven to us in the person of
Saincte Peter, and which wee enjoye in this worlde as the vicar of Jhesus
Christe, give unto you all the ilandes and firme landes, with their
seigniories, cities, castells, &c. In which repetition of his donation the
seconde time for failinge, he woulde shewe unto the world by what
aucthoritie and warrant he gave away from all the Indians their landes,
contries, seigniories, cities, castells, places, villages, righte,
jurisdictions, and all other appurtenances and thinges belonginge to the
same, to the Kinges of Spaine onely, and to their heires and successors
for ever. This usurped aucthoritie, as I have plainely confuted and denied
in begynnynge, so nowe, in a worde or twoo, I will shewe, that never gave
unto the Popes any suche aucthoritie. (M252) The chefest and greatest
aucthoritie that ever was geven by Christe to Peter, is mentioned in the
16. chapiter of St. Mathewe, where Christe saieth unto him: I will give
unto thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte
binde in earthe shalbe bounde in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte loose
in earthe shalbe loosed in heaven. St. Hierome, expoundinge of this place,
saieth, that the priestes or bisshops duetie and aucthoritie of the keyes
to binde or loose, is to knowe and declare by the holy Scripture, and by
the judgemente of the Catholicque Churche, where and whoe he is that hath
offended againste the will of God, and whoe beinge once a Christian is
fallen from the societie, or gone astraye oute of the pathe and waye of
the Churche. These are the trewe keyes and twoo swordes which God hath put
into prestes handes. And Peter Lombard, the Master of the Sentences, one
of their owne doctors, is of St. Hieromes opinion. And what aucthoritie in
the place above recited Christe comitted unto Peter, the same gave he also
unto all the rest of his Apostles, John 20. verse 21. sayenge to them all:
Whoesoever synnes yee remitte, they are remitted unto them; and whoesoever
synnes yee retaine, they are retained. But that either Peter or any of the
Apostles did teache or affirme, that they had aucthoritie to give awaye
kingdomes of heathen Princes to those that were so farr from havinge any
interest in them, that they knewe not whether there were any suche
contries in the worlde or noe, I never reade nor hearde, nor any mane
else, as I verely beleve. Which moste injuste and wrongfull dealinge of
the Pope was notably confuted by Atabalipa, beinge an infidell. For after
Fryer Vincent of Valverde, of the companie and traine of Piçar, had made
an oration to him, the some whereof was that he shoulde become a
Christyan, and that he shoulde obey the Pope and the Emperor, to whome the
Pope had geven his kingdome, Atabalipa, beinge greately insensed, replied,
that, seeinge he was nowe free, he woulde not become tributarye, nor
thincke that there was any greater lorde then himselfe; but that he was
willinge to be the Emperor’s frende and to have his acquaintaunce, for
that he muste nedes be some greate lorde that sente so many armies abroade
into the worlde. He aunswered, moreover, that he woulde not in any wise
obey the Pope, seinge he gave away that which belonged to another, moche
lesse that he woulde leave his kingdome, that came unto him by
inheritaunce, to one which he had never seene in his life. And whereas
Fryer Vincent, beinge displeased at his replye, was gladd to seeke any
waye to wreake his anger upon him, insomoche as when Atabalipa lett his
portesse fall to the grounde, he was so testye that he sett Piçar and his
souldiers forwardes, cryenge, Vengeaunce, Christians, vengeaunce! give the
chardge upon them; whereby many Indians, withoute resistaunce, or any
stroke stricken on their partes, were moste pitefully murdred and
massacred, and Atabalipa himselfe taken, and afterwardes trecherously put
to deathe; this Frier himselfe, by Gods juste iudgement, was afterwardes
beaten to deathe with clubbes by the inhabitantes of Puna, as he fledd
from Don Diego de Almagre, as Fraunces Lopez de Gomera precisely and of
purpose noteth, libro 5. cap. 85. of his Generall Historie of the Indies;
and, besides him, all the reste of the chefe that were the executioners of
his rashe counsell, and of the Popes Donation, came to moste wretched and
unfortunate endes, as the aforesaide author there setteth downe in twoo
severall chapiters of Considerations, as he calleth them.
Moreover, since the fourme of the donation ronneth not absolutely, but
with this condition and chardge moste straightly enjoyned, viz., that the
Kinges of Spaine shoulde sende thither sober and godly men, and cause the
inhabitantes of those contries discovered or to be discovered to be
instructed in the Catholique faithe, and noseled in goodd manners, and
that they shoulde carefully applye themselves thereunto; wee answer, that
these conditions have bene wonderfully neglected, and that neither the
people have bene carefully instructed in relligion nor manners, and
consequently that the conditions beinge not perfourmed the donation oughte
of righte to be voide. For the Kinges of Spaine have sent suche helhoundes
and wolves thither as have not converted, but almoste quite subverted
them, and have rooted oute above fiftene millions of reasonable creatures,
as Bartholmewe de Casas, the Bisshoppe of Chiapa in the West Indies, a
Spaniarde borne, dothe write at large in a whole volume of that argumente.
And Gonsalvo de Ouiedo, another of their owne historiographers, and
Capitaine of the Castle of Sancto Domingo in Hispaniola, affirmeth the
like: For there hath Spaniardes come into these contries, saieth he,
which, havinge lefte their consciences and all feare of God and men
behinde them, have plaied the partes not of men, but of dragons and
infidells, and, havinge no respecte of humanitie, have bene the cause that
many Indians, that peradventure mighte have bene converted and saved, are
deade by divers and sondrie kindes of deathes. And althoughe those people
had not bene converted, yet if they had bene lett to live, they mighte
have bene profitable to your Majestie and an aide unto the Christians, and
certaine partes of the lande shoulde not wholy have bene disinhabited,
which by this occasion are altogether in a manner dispeopled. And they
that have bene the cause of suche destruction call this contrie thus
dispeopled and wasted, the contrie conquered and pacified; but I call it,
quoth Gonsaluo, the contrie which is destroyed and ruyned; yea, so farr
have they bene of from drawinge the Indians to the likinge of
Christianitie and true Relligion, that the sentence of the Apostle may
moste truly be verified of them, whoe saieth: The name of God is
blasphemed amonge the Gentiles throughe you; ffor proofe whereof you shall
not nede to reade but that which Peter Benzo of Milan hath written, whoe
remayned in these Indies, and served in the warres with the Spaniardes
againste the Indians for the space of fourtene yeres. This Benzo saieth
that the Indians, not havinge studied logicke, concluded very pertinently
and categorically, that the Spaniardes, which spoiled their contrie, were
more dangerous then wilde beastes, more furious then lyons, more fearefull
and terrible then fire and water, or any thinge that is moste outeragious
in the worlde. Some also called them the fome of the sea, others gave them
names of the beastes which are moste cruell and lyvinge of praye which
they have in their contrie. There were some likewise that called them
Tuira, as one would say, the Devills goodd grace.
Those thinges beinge thus, whoe seeth not that the Pope is frustrated of
the ende which he intended in his Donation, and so the same oughte not to
take effecte?
5. Ffiftly, yf yt be true and that the Pope mente goodd earnest, that all
Emperours and Kinges which should sende their subjectes or others to
discover withoute the Kinge of Spaines leave shoulde be excommunicated by
him, why did he not first excommunicate Kinge Henry the Seaventh for
sendinge furthe Sebastian Gabota with three hundred Englishemen, whoe by
Gomera his owne confession, discovered from 58. degrees in the northe to
38. degrees towardes the equinoctiall? Why did he not the like to Kinge
Henry the Eighte for sendinge to discover westwarde, in the xixth. yere of
his reigne, while he was yet in obedience to the Churche of Rome? Why was
he not offended and incensed againste Queene Mary, whoe suffered her
subjectes, in the yere 1556. to seke oute, by the northeaste, the way to
Cathaio and China, which are bothe within the pretended lymites of his
donation, as John Gaetan and other Spaniardes doe write? Why did he not
exercise his censures ecclesiasticall againste the Kinge of Ffraunce,
Fraunces the Firste, for sendinge furthe Verarsanus twise or thrise,
Iaques Cartier twise, and Robervall once, towardes the southwest and
northwest? Why was not Henry the Seconde of Fraunce excomunicated for
sendinge Villegagnon to inhabite in Brasill under the tropicke of
Capricorne? Or Charles the IXth. for aidinge Ribault firste, and after
Ladoniere, and a thirde tyme Ribault, to fortifie and inhabite in Florida?
Or why did he not thunder againste Emanuell, Kinge of Portingale, for
sufferinge Gasper Corterealis twise to seke to finde oute the northweste
passage, and one of his brothers another time afterwarde? Or wherefore did
he not openly rebuke the Kinge of Denmarke for sufferinge his subjecte,
John Scolno, a Dane, in the yere 1500. to seke the Straighte by the
northweste, of whome Gemma Frisius and Hieronymo Giraua, a Spaniarde, make
mention? Or what shoulde be the reason, that all these kinges of England,
Fraunce, Portingale and Denmarke, beinge otherwise all at these times in
obedience of the Churche of Rome, shoulde, withoute consente as yt were,
disanull and neuer make accompte of this Bull of the Pope? which thinge
doubtles they woulde never have don, yf they had bene fully perswaded in
their consciences, that if any Prince or Emperour, of what estate or
condition soever, shoulde attempte the contrary, as it is in the
conclusion of the said Bull, he shoulde be assured to incurr the
indignation of Almightie God and of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Pawle.
But nowe, seinge all the kinges aforesaide sente all their subjectes to
discover beyonde the Popes partition lyne withoute the leave or permission
of the Spaniarde, they seme with one accorde to testifie unto the worlde,
that they made no reconynge of the breache of that Bull, as of an acte
moste unjuste, moste unreasonable, and moste prejudiciall to all other
Christian princes of the worlde.
Againe; yt were small charitie in the Popes to curse those Princes that
have bene or are willinge to employe their treasures and people in
advauncinge the honour and glory of God, and the lawfull enrichinge and
benefite of their people. And whatsoeuer Pope shoulde excommunicate or
curse any Christian prince for seekinge to reduce to the knowledge of God
and to civill manners those infinite multitudes of infidells and heathen
people of the West Indies, which the Spaniardes in all this time have not
so moche as discovered, moche less subdued or converted, his curse woulde
lighte upon his owne heade, and, to those which he cursed undeservedly,
woulde be turned to a blessinge.
To be shorte; thoughe Pope Alexander the vj’th by his unequall division,
hath so puffed upp and inflamed with pride his moste ambitious and
insatiable contrymen, that they are growen to this high conceite of
themselves, that they shall shortly attaine to be lordes and onely
seigniors of all the earthe, insomoche as Gonsaluo de Ouiedo sticketh not
to write to Charles the Emperour, sayenge: God hath geven you these Indies
_accio che vostra Maiesta sia universale et unico monarcha del mondo_—to
the intente that your Majesty shoulde be the universall and onely monarch
of the world; yet God that sitteth in heaven laugheth them and their
partitions to scorne, and he will abase and bringe downe their proude
lookes, and humble ther faces to the duste; yea, he will make them, at his
goodd time and pleasure, to confesse that the earthe was not made for them
onely; as he hath already shewed unto the Portingales, which, not longe
since, takinge upon them to devide the worlde with lynes, doe nowe beholde
the line of Gods juste judgmente drawen over themselves and their owne
kingdome and possessions. And nowe, no doubte, many of them remember that
the threateninge of the prophet hath taken holde upon them, whoe
pronounceth an heavie woe againste all suche as spoile, because they
themselves shall at length be spoiled.
6. Finally, to come to the sixte and laste pointe, yf you consider what
recompense the Kinges of Spaine have made to the Popes for this so greate
a benefite bestowed upon them, you shall easely see and acknowledge with
me, that they were either moste ungrateful, or, which is moste likely,
that they never thoughte that they helde the Indies as the Popes gifte
unto them, or that their title unto those regions depended upon his
francke almes or liberalitie; ffor, if they had don soe, they coulde have
done no lesse but have geven him the presentation of all archebisshopricks
and bisshoprickes, and other greate ecclesiastical promotions in
recompence of their former and large curtesie, wherein they have don the
flatt contrary, reservinge onely unto themselves the presentation and
patronage of all the archebisshopricks and bisshopricks that they have
erected in the West Indies; ffor, as Gomera saieth in his 6. booke and 23.
chapiter of his Generall Historie of the Indies, the Kinge of Spaine is
patrone of all the archebisshopricks, bysshoprickes, dignities, and
benefices of the West Indies, and so he onely appointeth and presenteth
them, so that he is absolute lorde of the Indies.
This argueth that the Kinges of Spaine never made any greate accompte of
the Popes Donation, but onely to blinde the eyes of the worlde with the
sea of Rome; ffor doubtles, if they had acknowledged their tenure to
depende, as I saied, of the Popes mere liberalitie, they woulde have don
otherwise, and woulde have requited them farr otherwise then by excludinge
them quite oute, and makinge themselves absolute patrones of all
ecclesiasticall dignities whatsoever.
Chap. XX. A briefe collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestie
and the state to take in hande the westerne voyadge and the plantinge
there.
1. The soyle yeldeth, and may be made to yelde, all the severall
comodities of Europe, and of all kingdomes, domynions, and territories
that England tradeth withe, that by trade of marchandize cometh into this
realme.
2. The passage thither and home is neither to longe nor to shorte, but
easie, and to be made twise in the yere.
3. The passage cutteth not nere the trade of any prince, nor nere any of
their contries or territories, and is a safe passage, and not easie to be
annoyed by prince or potentate whatsoever.
4. The passage is to be perfourmed at all times of the yere, and in that
respecte passeth our trades in the Levant Seas within the Straites of
Juberalter, and the trades in the seas within the Kinge of Denmarkes
Straite, and the trades to the portes of Norwey and of Russia, &c.; for as
in the south weste Straite there is no passage in somer by lacke of
windes, so within the other places there is no passage in winter by yse
and extreme colde.
5. And where England nowe for certen hundreth yeres last passed, by the
peculiar comoditie of wolles, and of later yeres by clothinge of the same,
hath raised it selfe from meaner state to greater wealthe and moche higher
honour, mighte, and power then before, to the equallinge of the princes of
the same to the greatest potentates of this parte of the worlde: it cometh
nowe so to passe, that by the greate endevour of the increase of the trade
of wolles in Spaine and in the West Indies, nowe daily more and more
multiplienge, that the wolles of England, and the clothe made of the same,
will become base, and every day more base then other; which, prudently
weyed, yt behoveth this realme, yf it meane not to returne to former olde
meanes and basenes, but to stande in present and late former honour,
glorye, and force, and not negligently and sleepingly to slyde into
beggery, to foresee and to plante at Norumbega or some like place, were it
not for any thing els but for the hope of the vent of our woll indraped,
the principall and in effecte the onely enrichinge contynueinge naturall
comoditie of this realme. And effectually pursueinge that course, wee
shall not onely finde on that tracte of lande, and especially in that
firme northwarde (to whome warme clothe shalbe righte wellcome), an ample
vente, but also shall, from the north side of that firme, finde oute
knowen and unknowen ilandes and domynions replenisbed with people that may
fully vent the aboundance of that our comoditie, that els will in fewe
yeres waxe of none or of small value by forreine aboundaunce, &c.; so as
by this enterprice wee shall shonne the ymmynent mischefe hanginge over
our heades, that els muste nedes fall upon the realme, without breache of
peace or sworde drawen againste this realme by any forreine state; and not
offer our auncient riches to scornefull neighboures at home, nor sell the
same in effecte for nothinge, as wee shall shortly, if presently it be not
provaided for. The increase of the wolles of Spaine and America is of
highe pollicie, with greate desire of our overthrowe, endevoured; and the
goodnes of the forren wolles our people will not enter into the
consideration of, nor will not beleve aughte, they be so sotted with
opinion of their owne; and, yf it be not foresene and some such place of
vent provided, farewell the goodd state of all degrees in this realme.
6. This enterprise may staye the Spanishe Kinge from flowinge over all the
face of that waste firme of America, yf wee seate and plante there in
time, in tyme I say, and wee by plantinge shall lett him from makinge more
shorte and more safe returnes oute of the noble portes of the purposed
places of our plantinge, then by any possibilitie he can from the parte of
the firme that nowe his navies by ordinary courses come from, in this that
there is no comparison betwene the portes of the coastes that the Kinge of
Spaine dothe nowe possesse and use, and the portes of the coastes that our
nation is to possesse by plantinge at Norumbega and on that tracte faste
by, more to the northe and northeaste, and in that there is from thence a
moche shorter course, and a course of more temperature, and a course that
possesseth more contynuance of ordinary windes, then the present course of
the Spanishe Indian navies nowe dothe. And England possessinge the
purposed place of plantinge, her Majestie may, by the benefete of the
seate, havinge wonne goodd and royall havens, have plentie of excellent
trees for mastes, of goodly timber to builde shippes and to make greate
navies, of pitche, tarr, hempe, and all thinges incident for a navie
royall, and that for no price, and withoute money or request. Howe easie a
matter may yt be to this realme, swarminge at this day with valiant
youthes, rustinge and hurtfull by lacke of employment, and havinge goodd
makers of cable and of all sortes of cordage, and the best and moste
connynge shipwrights of the worlde, to be lordes of all those sees, and to
spoile Phillipps Indian navye, and to deprive him of yerely passage of his
treasure into Europe, and consequently to abate the pride of Spaine and of
the supporter of the greate Antechriste of Rome, and to pull him downe in
equalitie to his neighbour princes, and consequently to cut of the common
mischefes that come to all Europe by the peculiar aboundance of his Indian
treasure, and thiss withoute difficultie.
7. This voyadge, albeit it may be accomplished by barke or smallest
pynnesse for advise or for a necessitie, yet for the distaunce, for burden
and gaine in trade, the marchant will not for profitts sake use it but by
shippes of greate burden; so as this realme shall have by that meane
shippes of greate burden and of greate strengthe for the defence of this
realme, and for the defence of that newe seate, as nede shall require, and
withall greate increase of perfecte seamen, which greate princes in time
of warres wante, and which kinde of men are neither nourished in fewe
daies nor in fewe yeres.
8. This newe navie of mightie newe stronge shippes, so in trade to that
Norumbega and to the coastes there, shall never be subjecte to arreste of
any prince or potentate, as the navie of this realme from time to time
hath bene in the portes of the empire, in the portes of the Base Contries,
in Spaine, Fraunce, Portingale, &c., in the tymes of Charles the Emperour,
Fraunces the Frenche kinge, and others: but shall be alwayes free from
that bitter mischeefe, withoute grefe or hazarde to the marchaunte or to
the state, and so alwaies readie at the comaundement of the prince with
mariners, artillory, armor, and munition, ready to offende and defender as
shalbe required.
9. The greate masse of wealthe of the realme imbarqued in the marchantes
shippes, caried oute in this newe course, shall not lightly, in so farr
distant a course from the coaste of Europe, be driven by windes and
tempestes into portes of any forren princes, as the Spanishe shippes of
late yeres have bene into our portes of the Weste Contries, &c.; and so
our marchantes in respecte of a generall safetie from venture of losse,
are by this voyadge oute of one greate mischefe.
10. No forren commoditie that comes into England comes withoute payment of
custome once, twise, or thrise, before it come into the realme, and so all
forren comodities become derer to the subjectes of this realme; and by
this course to Norumbega forren princes customes are avoided; and the
forren comodities cheapely purchased, they become cheape to the subjectes
of England, to the common benefite of the people, and to the savinge of
greate treasure in the realme; whereas nowe the realme become the poore by
the purchasinge of forreine comodities in so greate a masse at so
excessive prices.
11. At the firste traficque with the people of those partes, the subjectes
of the realme for many yeres shall chaunge many cheape comodities of these
partes for thinges of highe valor there not estemed; and this to the
greate inrichinge of the realme, if common use faile not.
12. By the greate plentie of those regions the marchantes and their
factors shall lye there cheape, buye and repaire their shippes cheape, and
shall returne at pleasure withoute staye or restrainte of forreine prince;
whereas upon staies and restraintes the marchaunte raiseth his chardge in
sale over his ware; and, buyenge his wares cheape, he may mainteine trade
with smalle stocke, and withoute takinge upp money upon interest; and so
he shalbe riche and not subjecte to many hazardes, but shalbe able to
afforde the comodities for cheape prices to all subjectes of the realme.
13. By makinge of shippes and by preparinge of thinges for the same, by
makinge of cables and cordage, by plantinge of vines and olive trees, and
by makinge of wyne and oyle, by husbandrie, and by thousandes of thinges
there to be don, infinite nombers of the English nation may be set on
worke, to the unburdenynge of the realme with many that nowe lyve
chardgeable to the state at home.
14. If the sea coste serve for makinge of salte, and the inland for wine,
oiles, oranges, lymons, figges, &c. and for makinge of yron, all which
with moche more is hoped, withoute sworde drawen, wee shall cutt the combe
of the Frenche, of the Spanishe, of the Portingale, and of enemies, and of
doubtfull frendes, to the abatinge of their wealthe and force, and to the
greater savinge of the wealthe of the realme.
15. The substaunces servinge, wee may oute of those partes receave the
masse of wrought wares that now wee receave out of Fraunce, Flaunders,
Germanye, &c.: and so wee may daunte the pride of some enemies of this
realme, or at the leaste in parte purchase those wares, that nowe wee buye
derely of the Frenche and Flemynge, better cheape; and in the ende, for
the part that this realme was wonte to receave, dryve them out of trade to
idlenes for the settinge of our people on worke.
16. Wee shall by plantinge there inlarge the glory of the gospell, and
from England plante sincere religion, and provide a safe and a sure place
to receave people from all partes of the worlde that are forced to flee
for the truthe of Gods worde.
17. If frontier warres there chaunce to aryse, and if thereupon wee shall
fortifie, yt will occasion the trayninge upp of our youthe in the
discipline of warr, and make a nomber fitt for the service of the warres
and for the defence of our people there and at home.
18. The Spaniardes governe in the Indies with all pride and tyranie; and
like as when people of contrarie nature at the sea enter into gallies,
where men are tied as slaves, all yell and crye with one voice, _Liberta,
liberta_, as desirous of libertie and freedome, so no doubte whensoever
the Queene of England, a prince of such clemencie, shall seate upon that
firme of America, and shalbe reported throughe oute all that tracte to use
the naturall people there with all humanitie, curtesie, and freedome, they
will yelde themselves to her governemente, and revolte cleane from the
Spaniarde, and specially when they shall understande that she hath a noble
navie, and that she aboundeth with a people moste valiaunte for theyr
defence. And her Majestie havinge Sir Fraunces Drake and other subjectes
already in credite with the Symerons, a people or greate multitude
alreadye revolted from the Spanishe governmente, she may with them and a
fewe hundrethes of this nation, trayned upp in the late warres of Fraunce
and Flaunders, bringe greate thinges to passe, and that with greate ease;
and this broughte so aboute, her Majestie and her subjectes may bothe
enjoye the treasure of the mynes of golde and silver, and the whole trade
and all the gaine of the trade of marchandize, that none passeth thither
by the Spaniardes onely hande, of all the comodities of Europe; which
trade of marchandise onely were of it selfe suffycient (withoute the
benefite of the rich myne) to inriche the subjectes, and by customes to
fill her Majesties coffers to the full. And if it be highe pollicie to
mayneteyne the poore people of this realme in worke, I dare affirme that
if the poore people of England were five times as many as they be, yet all
mighte be sett on worke in and by workinge lynnen, and suche other thinges
of marchandize as the trade in the Indies dothe require.
19. The present shorte trades causeth the maryner to be caste of and ofte
to be idle, and so by povertie to fall to piracie. But this course to
Norumbega beinge longer, and a contynuance of the employmente of the
maryner, dothe kepe the maryner from ydlenes and necessitie; and so it
cutteth of the principall actions of piracie, and the rather because no
riche praye for them to take cometh directly in their course or any thing
nere their course.
20. Many men of excellent wittes and of divers singuler giftes,
overthrowen by sea, or by some folly of youthe, that are not able to live
in England, may there be raised againe, and doe their contrie goodd
service; and many nedefull uses there may (to greate purpose) require the
savinge of greate nombers, that for trifles may otherwise be devoured by
the gallowes.
21. Many souldiers and servitours, in the ende of the warres, that mighte
be hurtfull to this realme, may there be unladen, to the common profite
and quiet of this realme, and to our forreine benefite there, as they may
be employed.
22. The frye of the wandringe beggars of England, that growe upp ydly, and
hurtefull and burdenous to this realme, may there be unladen, better bredd
upp, and may people waste contries to the home and forreine benefite, and
to their owne more happy state.
23. If Englande crie oute and affirme, that there is so many in all trades
that one cannot live for another, as in all places they doe, this
Norumbega (if it be thoughte so goodd) offreth the remedie.
Chap. XXI. A note of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, which is
sett downe rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge in hande to the
presente consideration, then for any other reason; for that divers thinges
require preparation longe before the voyadge, withoute the which the
voyadge is maymed.
Dead Victuall.
Hoggs fleshe, barrelled and salted, in greate quantitie.
Befe, barrelled, in lesse quantitie.
Stockfishe, Meale in barrells.
Oatemeale, in barrells, nere cowched.
Ryse, Sallett Oile, barrelied Butter.
Cheese, Hony in barrells.
Currans, Raisons of the sonne.
Dried Prunes, Olives in barrells.
Beanes, dryed on the kill.
Pease, dried likewise.
Canary Wines, Hollocke.
Sacks racked.
Vinegar very stronge.
Aqua Vitæ.
Syders of Ffraunce, Spaine, and England.
Bere, brewed specially in speciall tyme.
Victuall by Rootes And Herbes.
Turnep Seede.
Passeneape Sede.
Radishe.
Cariott.
Naviewes.
Garlicke.
Onyons.
Leekes.
Melons.
Pompions.
Cowcombers.
Cabage Cole.
Parseley.
Lettis.
Endiffe.
Alexander.
Orege.
Tyme.
Rosemary.
Mustard Seede.
Fennell.
Anny Seedes, newe and freshe to be sowen.
The Encrese, Renewe, and the Continewe of Victuall at the Plantinge
Places, and Men and Thinges Incident and Tendinge to the Same.
Bores, Sowes.
Conies, Bucke and Dowe.
Doves, male and female.
Cockes, Hennes.
Duckes, male and female, for lowe soiles.
Turkies, male and female.
Wheat, Rye, Barley.
Bigge, or Barley Bere.
Oates, Beanes.
Pease, Ffacches.
Three square Graine.
Suger cane planters with the plantes.
Vyne planters.
Olyve planters.
Gardiners for herbes, rootes, and for all earthe frutes.
Graffers for frute trees.
Hunters, skilfull to kill wilde beasts for vittell.
Warryners to breede conies and to kill vermyn.
Fowlers.
Sea Fisshers.
Fresh water Fisshers.
Knytters of netts.
Butchers.
Salters and seasoners of vittell.
Salte makers.
Cookes.
Bakers.
Brewers.
Greyhounds to kill deere, &c.
Mastives to kill heavie beastes of rapyne and for nighte watches.
Bloude houndes to recover hurte dere.
Provisions Tendinge to Force.
Men experte in the arte of fortification.
Platformes of many formes redied to carry with you by advise of the
best.
Capitaines of longe and of greate experience.
Souldiers well trayned in Fflaunders to joyne with the younger.
Harqubusshiers of skill.
Archers, stronge bowmen.
Bowyers.
Ffletchers.
Arrow head makers.
Bow stave preparers.
Glew makers.
Morryce pike makers, and of halbert staves.
Makers of spades and shovells for pyoners, trentchers, and forte
makers.
Makers of basketts to cary earthe to fortes and rampiers.
Pioners and spademen for fortification.
Salte peter makers.
Gonne powder makers.
Targett makers of hornes, defensive againste savages.
Oylethole doublett makers, defensive, lighte and gentle to lye in.
Turners of targetts of elme, and of other toughe woodds lighte.
Shippes, Pynesses, Barkes, Busses with flatt bottoms, furnished with
experte Seamen.
Swifte boates and barges to passe by winde and oare, covered with
quilted canvas of defence againste shott from the shoare, to perce
ryvers for discoverie, and to passe to and froe, offensive and
defensive againste savages devised by Mr. Bodenham of Spaine.
Shipwrights in some nomber to be employed on the timber.
Oare makers, and makers of cable and cordage.
Provisions Incident to the First Traficque and Trade of Marchandize.
Grubbers and rooters upp of cipres, cedars and of all other faire
trees, for to be employed in coffers, deskes, &c., for traficque.
Mattocks, narrowe and longe, of yron to that purpose.
Millwrights, to make milles for spedy and cheap sawinge of timber
and boardes for trade, and first traficque of sucrue.
Millwrights, for corne milles.
Sawyers, for comon use.
Carpinters, for buildinges.
Joyners, to cutt oute the boordes into chests to be imbarqued for
England.
Blacksmithes, to many greate and nedefull uses.
Pitche makers.
Tarr makers.
Burners of asshes for the trade of sope asshes.
Cowpers, for barrells to inclose those asshes.
Tallow chandlers, to prepare the tallowe to be incasked for England.
Waxechandlers, to prepare waxe in like sorte.
Diers, to seeke in that firme that riche cochinilho and other
thinges for that trade.
Mynerall men.
Artesanes, Servinge our Firste Planters, Not in Traficque But For
Buildinges.
Brick makers.
Synkers of walles and finders of springes.
Tile makers.
Lyme makers.
Quarrells to digge tile.
Bricklayers.
Roughe Masons.
Tilers.
Carpinters.
Thachers with reedes, russhes, broome, or strawe.
Lathmakers.
Artesans, Sekvinge Our Firste Planters, and in Parte Servinge for
Traficque.
Barbors.
Bottlemakers of London.
Launders.
Shoemakers, coblers.
Tailors.
Tanners, white tawyers.
Botchers.
Buffe skynne dressers.
Paile makers.
Shamew skynne dressers.
Burcachiomakers.
A Present Provision For Raisinge a Notable Trade for the Time to Come.
The knitt wollen cappe of Toledo in Spaine, called _bonetto rugio
colterado_, so infinitely solde to the Moores in Barbarie and Affricke, is
to be prepared in London, Hereforde, and Rosse, and to be vented to the
people, and may become a notable trade of gaine to the marchaunte, and a
greate reliefe to oure poore people and a sale of our woll and of our
labour; and beinge suche a cappe that every particular person will buye
and may easelie compasse, the sale wil be greate in shorte time,
especially if our people weare them at their first arryvall there.
Thinges Forgotten May Here Be Noted As They Come To Mynde, and After Be
Placed With The Rest, and After That In All Be Reduced Into The Best
Order.(83)
That there be appointed one or twoo preachers for the voyadge, that God
may be honoured, the people instructed, mutinies the better avoided, and
obedience the better used, that the voyadge may have the better successe.
That the voyadge be furnished with Bibles and with Bookes of service. That
the bookes of the discoveries and conquests of the Easte Indies be carried
with you.
That the bookes of the discoveries of the West Indies, and the conquests
of the same, be also caried, to kepe men occupied from worse cogitations,
and to raise their myndes to courage and highe enterprizes, and to make
them lesse careles for the better shonnynge of comon daungers in suche
cases arisinge. And because men are more apte to make themselves subjecte
in obedience to prescribed lawes sett downe and signed by a prince, then
to the changeable will of any capitaine, be he never so wise or temperate,
never so free from desire of revenge, it is wisshed that it were learned
oute what course bothe the Spaniardes and Portingales tooke, in their
discoveries, for government, and that the same were delivered to learned
men, that had pased most of the lawes of the empire and of other princes
lawes, and that thereupon some speciall orders, fitt for voyadges and
begynnynges, mighte upon deliberation be sett downe and allowed by the
Queenes moste excellent Majestie and her wise counsell; and, faire
ingrossed, mighte in a table be sett before the eyes of suche as goe in
the voyadge, that no man poonished or executed may justly complaine of
manifeste and open wronge offred.
That some phisition be provided to minister by counsell and by phisicke,
to kepe and preserve from sicknes, or by skill to cure suche as fall into
disease and distemperature.
A surgeon to lett bloude, and for such as may chaunce, by warres or
otherwise, to be hurte, is more nedefull for the voyadge.
An apothecarye to serve the phisition is requisite; and the phisition
deinge, he may chaunce (well chosen) to stande in steede of one and
thother, and to sende into the realme, by seede and roote, herbes and
plantes of rare excellencie.
If suche plentie of honye be in these regions as is saied, yt were to
goodd purpose to cary in the voyadge suche of the servauntes of the Russia
Companie as have the skill to make the drincke called meth, which they use
in Russia and Poland, and nerer, as in North Wales, for their wine; and,
if you cannot cary any suche, to cary the order of the makinge of yt in
writinge, that it may be made for a nede.
And, before many thinges, this one thinge is to be called, as yt were,
with spede to mynde, that the prisons and corners of London are full of
decayed marchantes, overthrowen by losse at sea, by usuerers,
suertishippe, and by sondry other suche meanes, and dare or cannot for
their debtes shewe their faces; and in truthe many excellent giftes be in
many of these men, and their goodd gtftes are not ymployed to any manner
of use, nor are not like of themselves to procure libertie to employe
themselves, but are, withoute some speciall meane used, to starve by
wante, or to shorten their tymes by thoughte; and for that these men,
schooled in the house of adversitie, are drawen to a degree higher in
excellencye, and may be employed to greater uses in this purposed voyadge,
yt were to greate purpose to use meanes by aucthoritie for suche as
maliciously, wrongfully, or for triflinge causes are deteyned, and to take
of them and of others that hide their heades, and to employe them; for so
they may be relieved, and the enterprice furthered in many respectes.
(M253) And, in choice of all artesanes for the voyadge, this general rule
were goodd to be observed, that no man be chosen that is knowen to be a
Papiste, for the speciall inclynation they have of favour to the Kinge of
Spaine.
That also, of those artesanes which are Protestantes, that where you may
have chaunge and choice, that suche as be moste stronge and lusty men be
chosen, and suche as can best handle his bowe or his harquebushe; for the
more goodd giftes that the goers in the voyadge have, the more ys the
voyadge benefited. And therefore (many goinge) yf every mans giftes and
goodd qualities be entred into a booke before they be receaved, they may
be employed upon any necessitie in the voyadge in this or in that,
according as occasion of nede shall require.
FINIS.
XXIII. The letters patents, granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M. Walter
Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands and
Countries, to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more.
Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ireland Queene,
defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents shal come,
greeting. Know ye that of our especial grace, certaine science, and meere
motion, we haue giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our
heires and successors doe graunt to our trusty and welbeloued seruant
Walter Ralegh Esquire, and to his heires and assignes for euer, free
liberty and licence from time to time, and at all times for euer
hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen
and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his
heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and the
same to haue, holde, occupy and enioy to him, his heires and assignes for
euer, with all prerogatiues, commodities, iurisdictions, royalties,
priuiledges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by
sea and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or
any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or
persons, bodies politique or corporate: and the saide Walter Ralegh, his
heires and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs,
our heires and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or
remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter
Ralegh, his heires and assignes, the statutes or act or Parliament made
against fugitiues, or against such as shall depart, remaine or continue
out of our Realme of England without licence, or any other statute, act,
law, or any ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise
notwithstanding.
And we do likewise by these presents, of our especiall grace, meere
motion, and certaine knowledge, for us, our heires and successors, giue
and graunt full authoritie, libertie and power to the said Walter Ralegh,
his heires and assignes, and euery of them, that he and they, and euery or
any of them, shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter,
haue, take and leade in the sayde voyage, and trauaile thitherward, or to
inhabite there with him or them, and euery or any of them, such, and so
many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him or them, and euery
or any of them: and to whom also we doe by these presents, giue full
libertie and authoritie in that behalfe, and also to haue, take and
employ, and vse sufficient shipping and furniture for the transportations,
and Nauigations in that behalfe, so that none of the same persons or any
of them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by vs, our heires or
successors.
And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes, and euery
of them, shall haue, holde, occupie and enioy to him, his heires and
assignes, and euery of them for euer, all the soyle of all such landes,
territories, and Countreis, so to be discouered and possessed as
aforesayd, and of all such Cities, Castles, Townes, Villages, and places
in the same, with the right, royalties, franchises, and iurisdictions, as
well marine as other within the sayd landes, or Countreis, or the seas
thereunto adioyning, to be had, or vsed, with full power to dispose
thereof, and of euery part in fee simple or otherwise, according to the
order of the lawes of England, as neere as the same conueniently may be,
at his, and their will and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that
shall remaine within the allegiance of vs, our heires and successors:
reseruing alwayes to vs, our heires and successors, for all seruices,
dueties, and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of gold and siluer,
that from time to time, and at all times after such discouerie, subduing
and possessing, shall be there gotten and obteined: All which lands,
Countreis, and territories shall for euer be holden of the said Walter
Ralegh, his heires and assignes, of vs, our heires and successors, by
homage, and by the sayd payment of the said fift part, reserued onely for
all seruices.
And moreouer, we do by these presents, for vs, our heires and successors,
give and grant licence to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires, and
assignes, and euery of them, that he, and they, and euery or any of them,
shall and may from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, for
his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist aswell by
sea as by lande, and by all other wayes whatsoeuer, all and euery such
person and persons whatsoeuer, as without the especiall liking and licence
of the sayd Walter Ralegh, and of his heires and assignes, shall attempt
to inhabite within the sayde Countreys, or any of them, or within the
space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such
Countreys as aforesayde (if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited
within the limits as aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian Prince
being in amitie with vs) where the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires, or
assignes, or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their associats or
company, shall within sixe yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or
abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter
vnlawfully to annoy, eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter Ralegh, his
heires or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or
their companies: giuing and graunting by these presents further power and
authoritie to the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every
of them from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, to take
and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer, all and euery those person
or persons, with their Shippes, Vessels, and other goods and furniture,
which without the licence of the sayde Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or
assignes, as aforesayd, shalbe found traffiquing into any Harbour, or
Harbours, Creeke, or Creekes, within the limits aforesayd, (the subiects
of our Realmes and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie with vs,
trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they haue commonly
vsed, or being driuen by force of a tempest, or shipwracke onely
excepted:) and those persons, and every of them, with their shippes,
vessels, goods, and furniture to deteine and possess as of good and
lawfull prize, according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh,
his heires, and assignes, and euery, or any of them. And for vniting in
more perfect league and amitie, of such Countryes, landes, and
territories, so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesayd with our
Realmes of England and Ireland, and the better incouragement of men to
these enterprises: we doe by these presents, graunt and declare that all
such Countries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is
aforesayd, from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of vs, our heires
and successors. (M254) And wee doe graunt to the sayd Walter Ralegh, his
heires and assignes, and to all, and euery of them, and to all, and euery
other person and persons, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be
noted or entred in some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of
England, that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires or
assignes, shall in his iourneis for discouerie, or in the iourneis for
conquest hereafter travaile to such lands, countreis, and territories, as
aforesayd, and to their, and to euery of their heires, that they, and
euery or any of them, being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of
England or Irelande, or in any other place within our allegiance, and
which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, Countryes, or
Territories, with such licence, (as aforesayd) shall and may haue all the
priuiledge of Denizens, and persons natiue of England, and within our
allegiance in such like ample maner and forme, as if they were borne and
personally resident within our said Realme of England, any law, custome,
or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding.
And forasmuch as vpon the finding out, discouering, or inhabiting of such
remote lands, countries, and territories as aforesaid, it shalbe necessary
for the safety of all men, that shall aduenture themselues in those
iourneyes or voyages, to determine to liue together in Christian peace,
and ciuill quietnesse eche with other, whereby euery one may with more
pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall atteine with great
paine and perill, wee for vs, our heires and successors, are likewise
pleased and contented, and by these presents doe giue and grant to the
said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assigns for euer, that he and they, and
euery or any of them, shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter,
within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the
seas thither, and from thence, haue full and meere power and authoritie to
correct, punish, pardon, gouerne, and rule by their and euery or any of
their good discretions and policies, as well in causes capitall, or
criminall, as ciuill, both marine and other, all such our subiects, as
shal from time to time aduenture themselues in the said iourneis or
voyages, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands,
countreis, or territories as aforesayd, or that shall abide within 200.
leagues of any of the sayde place or places, where the sayde Walter
Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their
associats or companies, shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing the
date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordinances as shall be
by him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and euery or any
of them deuised, or established, for the better gouernment of the said
people as aforesaid. So alwayes as the said statutes, lawes, and
ordinances may be, as nere as conueniently may bee, agreeable to the forme
of the lawes, statutes, gouernment, or pollicie of England, and also so as
they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed in the Church
of England, nor in any wise to withdrawe any of the subiects or people of
those lands or places from the alleagance of vs, our heires and
successors, as their immediate Soueraign vnder God.
And further, we doe by these presents for vs, our heires and successors,
giue and grant ful power and authoritie to our welbeloued Counsailour Sir
William Cecill knight, Lord Burghley, our high Treasourer of England, and
to the Lorde Treasourer of England, for vs, our heires and successors for
the time being, and to the priuie Counsaile of vs, our heires and
successors, or any foure or more of them for the time being, that he,
they, or any foure or more of them, shall and may from time to time and at
all times hereafter, vnder his or their handes or Seales by vertue of
these presents, authorise and licence the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires
and assignes, and euery or any of them by him and by themselues, or by
their, or any of their sufficient Atturneis, Deputies, Officers,
Ministers, Factors, and seruants, to imbarke and transport out of our
Realme of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all or any of
his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associats
and companies, and euery or any of them, with such other necessaries and
commodities, of any our Realmes, as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer, or foure
or more of the priuie Counsaile, of vs our heires and successors for the
time being (as aforesaid) shalbe from time to time by his or their
wisedomes, or discretions thought meete and conuenient, for the better
reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, and
assignes, and euery or any of them, and of his or their or any of their
associats and companies, any act, statute, law, or any thing to the
contrary in any wise notwithstanding.
Prouided alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, and wee do hereby declare
to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that if the sayde Walter
Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any other by their
licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or
spoile by sea or by land, or doe any act of vniust or vnlawfull
hostilitie, to any of the subiects of vs, our heires or successors, or to
any of the subiects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Gouernors, or
estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with vs, our heires and
successors, and that vpon such iniurie, or vpon iust complaint of any such
Prince, Ruler, Gouernour or estate, or their subjects, wee, our heirs and
successors, shall make open Proclamation within any the portes of our
Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes,
and adherents, or any to whom these our Letters patents may extende, shall
within the terms to bee limited, by such Proclamation, make full
restitution, and satisfaction of all such iniuries done: so as both we and
the said Princes, or other so complaining, may hold vs and themselues
fully contented: And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly
within such time so to be limitted, that then it shal be lawful to vs, our
heires and successors, to put the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be
discoured (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegeance and
protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection
of the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, assignes, and adherents, and
others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation,
possession and rule, shall be out of our allegeance and protection, and
free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie, as being not
our subiects, nor by vs any way to be auouched, maintained, or defended,
nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection, or dominion, or
allegeance any way belonging: for that expresse mention of the cleere
yeerely value of the certaintie of the premisses, or any part thereof, or
of any other gift, or grant by vs, or any our progenitors, or predecessors
to the said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents bee not
expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation or
restraint, to the contrary thereof, before the time, giuen, ordained, or
prouided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoeuer, in any wise
notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof, wee haue caused these our letters to
be made Patents. (M255) Witnesse our selues, at Westminster, the fiue and
twentie day of March, in the sixe and twentith yeere of our Raigns.
XXIV. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by
one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose
charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth.(84)
The 27 day of Aprill, in the yere of our redemption 1584, we departed the
West of England, with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals,
hauing receiued our last and perfect directions by your letters,
confirming the former instructions, and commandements deliuered by your
selfe at our leauing the riuer of Thames. And I thinke it a matter both
vnnecessary, for the manifest discouerie of the Countrey, as also for
tediousnesse sake, to remember vnto you the diurnall of our course,
sayling thither and returning: onely I haue presumed to present vnto you
this briefe discourse, by which you may iudge how profitable this land is
likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, (by whose direction and charge,
and by whose seruantes this our discouerie hath beene performed) as also
to her Highnesse, and the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisedome
wilbe satisfied, considering that as much by vs hath bene brought to
light, as by those smal meanes, and number of men we had, could any way
haue bene expected, or hoped for.
(M256) The tenth of May we arriued at the Canaries, and the tenth of Iune
in this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies,
keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefull, because wee
doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the
Cape of Florida and Hauana, had bene of greater force then afterwardes we
found it to bee. At which Islands we found the ayre very vnwholsome, and
our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that hauing refreshed our
selues with sweet water, and fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day
of our arriuall there. These Islands, with the rest adioyning, are so well
knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with
the remembrance of them.
(M257) The second of Iuly, we found shole water, wher we smelt so sweet,
and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate
garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were
assured, that the land could not be farre distant: and keeping good watch,
and bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arriued
vpon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande, and
we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie English miles before we
could finde any entrance, or riuer issuing into the Sea. (M258) The first
that appeared vnto vs, we entred, though not without some difficultie, and
cast anker about three harquebuz-shot within the hauens mouth, on the left
hand of the same: and after thankes giuen to God for our safe arriuall
thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land next adioyning,
and to take possession of the same, in the right of the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie, as rightfull Queene, and Princesse of the same, and
after deliuered the same ouer to your vse, according to her Maiesties
grant, and letters patents, vnder her Highnesse great seale. Which being
performed, according to the ceremonies vsed in such enterprises, we viewed
the land about vs, being (M259) whereas we first landed, very sandie and
low towards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating
and surge of the sea ouerflowed them, of which we found such plentie, as
well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile
on the hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrubbe, as also
climing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world
the like abundance is not to be found: and my selfe hauing seene those
parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were incredible
to be written.
(M260) We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles
next adioyning, being but of meane higth, and from thence wee behelde the
Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no ende any of
both wayes. This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West, which after
wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not above sixe
miles broade. Vnder the banke or hill whereon we stoode, we behelde the
vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, and hauing discharged our
harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white) arose vnder
vs, with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had
showted all together.
This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and
Fowle, euen in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance. The woodes
are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren and
fruitles, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering
the Ceders of the Açores of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres,
Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke, the tree
that beareth the vine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter brought
from the streighte of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and
qualitie. (M261) We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes
before we saw any people of the Countrey: the third day we espied one
small boate rowing towardes vs having in it three persons: this boat came
to the Island side, foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes, and there two
of the people remaining, the third came along the shoreside towards vs,
and wee being then all within boord, he walked vp and downe vpon the point
of the land next vnto vs: then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall,
Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others
rowed to the land, whose comming this fellow attended, neuer making any
shewe of feare or doubt. (M262) And after he had spoken of many things not
vnderstood by vs, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the
ships, and gaue him a shirt, a hat and some other things, and made him
taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very wel: and after hauing
viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which
hee had left in a little Coue or Creeke adioyning: assoone as hee was two
bow shoot into the water, he fell to fishing, and in lesse then halfe an
houre, he had laden his boate as deepe, as it could swimme, with which hee
came againe to the point of the lande, and there he diuided his fish into
two parts, pointing one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse;
which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefites
receiued, departed out of our sight.
(M263) The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates, and in one of them
the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome
and goodly people, and in their behauiour as mannerly and ciuill as any of
Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the
countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Maiestie Virginia. The maner of his
comming was in this sort: hee left his boates altogether as the first man
did a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place
ouer against the ships, followed with fortie men. When he came to the
place his seruants spread a long matte vpon the ground, on which he sate
downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did
the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off:
when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, hee neuer mooued from
his place, nor any of the other foure, nor neuer mistrusted any harme to
be offered from vs, but sitting still he beckoned vs to come and sit by
him, which we performed: and being set hee made all signes of ioy and
welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours, to
shew wee were all one, smiling and making shewe the best he could of all
loue, and familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech vnto vs, wee
presented him with diuers things, which hee receiued very ioyfully, and
thankefully. None of the companie durst speake one worde all the time:
only the foure which were at theother ende, spake one in the others eare
very softly. The King is greately obeyed, and his brothers and children
reuerenced: the King himselfe in person was at our being there, sore
wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey,
called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once
cleane through the thigh, but yet he recouered: by reason whereof and for
that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes iourney
off, we saw him not at all.
After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he
liked, wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that satte with him on the
matte: but presently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his
owne basket, making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee
deliuered vnto him, and the rest were but his seruants, and followers.
(M264) A day or two after this we fell to trading with them, exchanging
some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, and Deere skinnes: when we
shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a
bright tinne dish most pleased him, which hee presently tooke vp and clapt
it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung
it about his necke, making signes that it would defende him against his
enemies arrowes: for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre,
with the people and King adioyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for
twentie skinnes, woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles: and a copper
kettle for fiftie skins woorth fiftie Crownes. They offered vs good
exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for kniues and would haue giuen
any thing for swordes: but wee would not depart with any. (M265) After two
or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine,
and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and
after a fewe days ouerpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships,
his daughter and two or three children: his wife was very well fauoured,
of meane stature, and very bashfull: shee had on her backe a long cloake
of leather, with the furre side next to her body, and before her a piece
of the same: about her forehead shee had a bande of white Corall, and so
had her husband many times: in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles
hanging downe to her middle, (whereof wee deliuered your worship a little
bracelet) and those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her
women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either eare,
and some of the children of the kings brother and other noble men, haue
fiue or sixe in either eare: he himselfe had vpon his head a broad plate
of golde, or copper, for being vnpolished we knew not what mettall it
should be, neither would he by any meanes suffer vs to take it off his
head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparell was as his
wiues, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men
but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their hair black for the
most part, and yet we saw children that had very fine aburne and chesnut
coloured haire.
After that these women had bene there, there came downe from all parts
great store of people, bringing with them leather, corall, diuers kindes
of dies, very excellent, and exchanged with us: but when Granganimeo the
kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe: except such as
weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe: for that is the
difference betweene the noble men, and the gouernours of countreys, and
the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you haue vnderstood since by
these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde cary more
respect to their King, Nobilitie, and Gouernours, then these doe. The
Kings brothers wife, when she came to vs (as she did many times) was
followed with forty or fifty women alwayes: and when she came into the
shippe, she left them all on land, sauing her two daughters, her nurse and
one or two more. The kings brother alwayes kept this order, as many boates
as he would come withall to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on
the shore a farre off, to the end we might vnderstand with what strength
and company he approched. (M266) Their boates are made of one tree, either
of Pine or of Pitch trees: a wood not commenly knowen to our people, nor
found growing in England. They haue no edge-tooles to make them withall;
if they haue any they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie
yeres since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wracke which
happened vpon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by
some storme and outragious weather, whereof none of the people were saued,
but only the ship, or some part of her being cast vpon the sand, out of
whose sides they drew the nayles and the spikes, and with those they made
their best instruments. (M267) The manner of making their boates is thus:
they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are winde fallen,
putting gumme and rosen vpon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and
when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, and
euer where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, which
burne away the timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates,
and such as will transport twentie men. Their oares are like scoopes, and
many times they set with long poles, as the depth serueth.
The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and diuers
other things which we had: and offered to lay a great box of pearl in gage
for them: but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them
knowe, that we esteemed thereof, vntill we had vnderstoode in what places
of the countrey the pearle grew: which now your Worshippe doeth very well
vnderstand.
He was very iust of his promise: for many times we deliuered him
merchandize vpon his word, but euer he came within the day and performed
his promise. He sent vs euery day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies,
Hares, Fish the best of the world. He sent vs diuers kindes of fruites,
Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and diuers rootes, and fruites
very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which is very white,
faire and well tasted, and groweth three times in fiue moneths: in May
they sow, in Iuly they reape, in Iune they sow, in August they reape: in
Iuly they sow, in September they reape: onely they cast the corne into the
ground, breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or
pickeaxe: our selues prooued the soile, and put some of our Pease in the
ground, and in tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches high: they haue
also Beanes very faire of diuers colours and wonderfull plentie: some
growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so haue they wheat and
oates.
The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholsome of all
the worlde: there were aboue fourteene seuerall sweete smelling timber
trees, and the most part of their vnderwoods are Bayes and such like: they
haue those Okes that we haue, but farre greater and better. After they had
bene diuers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seuen more went
twentie mile into the Riuer, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak,
which Riuer they call Occam: and the euening following, wee came to an
Island which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbour by which we
entered, seuen leagues: and at the north end thereof was a village of nine
houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to
keepe out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne pike
very artificially; when wee came towardes it, standing neere vnto the
waters side, the wife of Granganimeo the kings brother came running out to
meete vs very cheerefully and friendly, her husband was not then in the
village: some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for
the beating of the billoe: others she appointed to cary vs on their backes
to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for feare
of stealing. When we were come into the vtter roome, hauing fiue roomes in
her house, she caused vs to sit downe by a great fire, and after tooke off
our clothes and washed them, and dryed them againe: some of the women
plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feete in warme
water, and shee her selfe tooke great paines to see all thinges ordered in
the best maner shee could, making great haste to dress some meate for vs
to eate.
After we had thus dryed ourselues, she brought vs into the inner roome,
where shee set on the boord standing along the house; some wheate like
furmentie, sodden Venison, and roasted, fish sodden, boyled and roasted,
Melons rawe, and sodden, rootes of diuers kindes and diuers fruites: their
drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine,
and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water,
but it is sodden with Ginger in it, and black Sinamon, and sometimes
Sassaphras, and diuers others wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and
trees. We were entertained with all loue and kindnesse, and with as much
bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly deuise. We found the
people most gentle, louing, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason,
and such as liue after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care
howe to defende them selues from the cold in their short winter, and to
feed themselues with such meat as the soile affoordeth: their meat is very
well sodden and they make broth very sweet and sauorie: their vessels are
earthern pots, very large, white and sweete, their dishes are wodden
platters of sweet timber: within the place where they feede was their
lodging, (M268) and within that their Idoll, which they worship, of whome
they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at
the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom
when wee espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to
reach our weapons: but assoone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very
much mooued, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their
bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes
out of the gate againe. When we departed in the euening and would not tary
all night she was very sory, and gaue vs into our boate our supper halfe
dressed, pottes and all, and brought vs to our boate side, in which wee
lay all night, remoouing the same a prettie distance from the shoare: shee
perceiuing our ielousie, was much grieued, and sent diuers men and thirtie
women, to sit all night on the banke side by vs, and sent vs into our
boates fine mattes to couer vs from the raine, vsing very many wordes to
entreate vs to rest in their houses: but because wee were fewe men, and if
wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene in very great danger, wee durst not
adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt: for a more
kinde and louing people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as
we haue hitherto had triall.
(M269) Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and ouer against this
Island falleth into this spacious water, the great riuer called Occam by
the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock; and sixe dayes
journey from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak,
which this people affirme to be very greate: but the Sauages were neuer at
it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men,
whom they have heard affirme it to bee aboue one houres iourney about.
Into this riuer falleth another great riuer, called Cipo, in which there
is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles: likewise there
descendeth into this Occam, another riuer, called Nomopana, on the one
side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that
towne and countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneho is not subject to the
king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there
another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in
league with each other. (M270) Towards the Southwest, foure dayes iourney
is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of
Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a
ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saued, and those were
white people, whom the countrey people preserued.
And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island vninhabited, called
Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened
two boates of the countrey together and made mastes vnto them and sailes
of their shirtes, and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey
yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3
weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates
were found vpon the coast cast a land in another Island adioyning: other
then these, there was neuer any people apparelled, or white of colour,
either seene or heard of amongst these people, and these aforesaid were
seene onely of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very
true, for they wondred maruelously when we were amongst them at the
whitenes of our skins, euer coueting to touch our breasts, and to view the
same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, and all things
els were so strange vnto them, as it appeared that none of them had euer
seene the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz,
they would tremble thereat for very feare, and for the strangenesse of tha
same: for the weapons which themselues vse are bowes and arrowes: the
arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a
fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. (M271) Their swordes be of
wood hardened: likewise they vse wooden breastplates for their defence.
They haue beside a kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the
sharpe hornes of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they
cary about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the Romans
were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes
the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets: their warres are very cruell
and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their ciuill dissentions which haue
happened of late yeeres amongst them, the people are maruelously wasted,
and in some places the countrey left desolate.
(M272) Adioyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan beginneth a
countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king whom they call
Piamacum, and this king is in league with the next king adioyning towards
the setting of the Sunne, and the countrey Newsiok, situate vpon a goodly
riuer called Neus: these kings haue mortall warre with Wingina king of
Wingandacoa: but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the
King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we haue brought
with vs to England, haue giuen vs to vnderstand: but there remaineth a
mortall malice in the Secotanes, for many iniuries and slaughters done
vpon them by this Piemacum. They inuited diuers men, and thirtie women of
the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast: and when they were
altogether merry, and praying before their Idol, (which is nothing els but
a meer illusion of the deuill) the captaine or Lord of the town came
suddenly vpon them, and slewe them euery one, reseruing the women and
children: and these two haue oftentimes since perswaded vs to surprize
Piemacum his towne, hauing promised and assured vs, that there will be
found in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to
the ende they may be reuenged of their enemies, or for the loue they beare
to vs, we leaue that to the tryall hereafter.
Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very plentifull of
fruits and other naturall increases, together with many townes, and
villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding vpon the Islands,
and some stretching vp further into the land.
When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought the first land we
saw to bee the continent; but after we entred into the Hauen, we saw
before vs another mighty long Sea: for there lyeth along the coast a
tracte of Islands, two hundreth miles in length, adioyning to the Ocean
sea, and betweene the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entred
betweene them (these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in
most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more) then
there appeareth another great Sea, containing in bredth in some places,
forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles ouer, before you come vnto
the continent: (M273) and in this inclosed Sea there are aboue an hundreth
Islands of diuers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which
we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, replenished with
goodly Cedars, and diuers other sweete woods, full of Corrants, of flaxe,
and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leasure
to view. Besides this Island there are many, as I haue sayd, some of two,
or three, of foure, of fiue miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull
and pleasant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares, and diuers
beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in
greatest abundance.
Thus Sir, we haue acquainted you with the particulars of our discouery
made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the shortnesse of the time we
there continued would affoord vs to take viewe of: and so contenting our
selves with this seruice at this time, which wee hope hereafter to
inlarge, as occasion and assistance shalbe giuen, we resolued to leaue the
countrey, and to apply ourselues to returne for England, which we did
accordingly, and arriued safely in the West of England about the middest
of September.
And whereas wee haue aboue certified you of the countrey taken in
possession by vs, to her Maiesties vse, and so to yours by her Maiesties
grant, wee thought good for the better assurance thereof to record some of
the particular Gentlemen, and men of accompt, who then were present, as
witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cauill to the title of
the countrey, in her Maiesties behalfe may be preuented, which otherwise,
such as like not the action may vse and pretend, whose names are:
Captains:
Master Philip Amadas
Master Arthur Barlow
Of the companie.
William Greeneuile,
Iohn Wood,
Iames Browewich,
Henry Greene,
Beniamin Wood,
Simon Ferdinando,
Nicholas Petman,
Iohn Hewes,
We brought home also two of the Sauages being lustie men, whose names were
Wanchese and Manteo.
XXV. The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile,(85) for Sir Walter Ralegh,
to Virginia, in the yeere 1585.
The 9. day of April, in the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Plymmouth,
our Fleete consisting of the number of seuen sailes, to wit, the Tyger, of
the burden of seuen score tunnes, a Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the
like burden, the Lyon of a hundred tunnes or thereabouts, the Elizabeth,
of fiftie tunnes, and the Dorothie, a small barke: whereunto were also
adioyned for speedy seruices, two small pinnesses. The principall
Gentlemen of our Companie, were these, M. Ralph Lane, M. Tomas Candish, M.
Iohn Arundel, M. Raymund, M. Stukeley, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. Iohn
Clarke, and diuers others, whereof some were Captaines, and other some
Assistants for counsell, and good directions in the voyage.
The 14. day of Aprill wee fell with Lancerota and Forteuentura, Isles of
the Canaries, and from thence, we continued our course for Dominica, one
of the Antiles of the West India, wherewith we fell the 7. day of May, and
the 10. day following wee came to an anker at Cotesa, a little Iland
situate neere to the Iland of S. Iohn, where we landed, and refreshed our
selues all that day.
(M274) The 12. day of May wee came to an anker in the Bay of Moskito, in
the Island of S. Iohn, within a Faulcon shot of the shoare: where our
Generall Sir Richard Greeneuil, and the most part of our companie landed,
and began to fortifie very neere to the Sea side: the riuer ran by the one
side of our forte, and the other two sides were inuironed with woods.
The 13. day we began to build a new pinnesse within the Fort, with the
timber that wee then felled in the countrey, some part whereof we fet
three miles vp in the land, and brought it to our Fort vpon trucks, the
Spaniard not daring to make or offer resistance.
The 16. day there appeared vnto vs out of the woods eight horsemen of the
Spaniards, about a quarter of a mile from our Fort, staying about halfe an
houre in viewing our forces: but assoone as they saw ten of our shot
marching towards them, they presently retired into the woods.
The 19. day Master Candish, who had bene separated from our fleete in a
storme in the Bay of Portugall, arriued at Cotesa, within the sight of the
Tiger: we thinking him a farre off to have beene either a Spaniard or
Frenchman of warre, thought it good to weigh ankers, and to goe roome with
him, which the Tiger did, and discerned him at last to be one of our
consorts, for ioy of whose comming our ships discharged their ordinance,
and saluted him according to the maner of the Seas.
The 22. day twentie other Spanish horsemen shewed themselues to vs vpon
the other side of the riuer: who beinge seene, our Generall dispatched 20.
footemen towards them, and two horsmen of ours, mounted vpon Spanish
horses, which wee before had taken in the time of our being on the Iland:
they shewed to our men a flagge of truce, and made signes to haue a parle
with vs: whereupon two of our men went halfe of the way vpon the sands,
and two of theirs came and met them: the two Spaniards offered very great
salutations to our men, but began according to their Spanish proud humors,
to expostulate with them about their arriuall and fortifying in their
countrey, who notwithstanding by our mens discreet answers were so cooled,
that (whereas they were told, that our principall intention was onely to
furnish our selues with water and victuales, and other necessaries,
whereof we stood in neede, which we craued might be yeelded vs with faire
and friendly meanes, otherwise our resolution was to practise force, and
to relieue ourselues by the sworde) the Spaniards in conclusion seeing our
men so resolute, yeelded to our requestes with large promises of all
curtesie, and great fauour, and so our men and theirs departed.
The 23. day our pinnesse was finished, and launched: which being done, our
Generall with his Captaines and Gentlemen, marched vp into the Countrey
about the space of 4. miles, where in a plaine marsh they stayed expecting
the comming of the Spaniards according to their promise, to furnish vs
with victuals: who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breach of
promise, came not, whereupon our Generall fired the woods thereabout, and
so retired to our Fort, which the same day was fired also, and each man
came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning.
The 29.(86) day wee set saile from Saint Iohns, being many of vs stung
before vpon shoare with the Muskitos: but the same night wee tooke a
Spanish Frigat, which was forsaken by the Spaniards vpon the sight of vs,
and the next day in the morning very early we tooke another Frigat, with
good and rich fraight, and diuers Spaniards of account in her which
afterwards wee ransomed for good round summes, and landed them in S.
Iohns.
The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigats
which we had taken, to Roxo Bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohn, to
fetch salt, being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot: as soone as hee
arriued there, hee landed with his men to the number of 20. and intrenched
himselfe vpon the sandes immediatly, compassing one of their salte hils
within the trench: who being seene of the Spaniards, there came downe
towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen and footemen, who gaue him
the looking, and gazing on, but durst not come neere him to offer any
resistance, so that Master Lane maugre their troopes, caryed their salte
aboord and laded his Frigat, and so returned againe to our fleete the 27.
day, which road at S. Germans Bay. The same day we all departed, and the
next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola.
(M275) The 1. day of Iune we anchored at Isabella, on the North side of
Hispaniola.
The 3. of Iune, the Gouernour of Isabell, and Captaine of the Port de
Plata, being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards, who had beene
well intertained aboard our shippes by our Generall, that in our fleete
were many braue and gallant Gentlemen, who greatly desired to see the
Gouernour aforesayd, he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our
Generall, promising within fewe dayes to come to him in person, which he
perfourmed accordingly.
The 5. day the aforesayd Gouernour accompanied with a trusty Fryer, and
twenty other Spaniards, with their seruants, and Negroes, came downe to
the Sea side, where our ships road at anker, who being seene, our Generall
manned immediatly the most part of his boates with the chiefe men of our
Fleete, euery man appointed, and furnished in the best sort: at the
landing of our Generall, the Spanish Gouernour receiued him very
courteeously, and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen, and
their inferiour sort did also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our
men, and likewise their qualities, although at the first they seemed to
stand in feare of vs, and of so many of our boates whereof they desired
that all might not land their men, yet in the end, the courtesies that
passed on both sides were so great, that all feare and mistrust on the
Spaniards part was abandoned.
In the meane time while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour
discoursed betwixt them of diuers matters, as of the state of the
Countrey, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of
the Iland, our men prouided two banquetting houses couered with greene
boughes, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the seruants and a
sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in plate, with the sound
of trumpets, and consorte of musicke, wherwith the Spaniards were more
then delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spaniardes in recompence of
our courtesie, caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought
together from the mountaines, and appoynted for euery Gentleman and
Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three
of the best of them to bee hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that
the pastime grewe very pleasant for the space of three houres, wherein all
three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea, and there was
slaine with a musket. After this sport many rare presents and gifts were
giuen and bestowed on both parts, and the next day wee played the
Merchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exchange of diuers
of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe,
bull hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of
the Iland.
The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the
Iland of Hispaniola: but the wiser sort doe impute this great shewe of
friendship, and courtesie vsed towards vs by the Spaniards rather to the
force that wee were of, and the vigilancie, and watchfulnesse that was
amongst vs, then to any heartie good will, or sure friendly
intertainement: for doubtlesse if they had bene stronger then wee, wee
might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes, then Master Iohn
Haukins receiued at Saint John de Vilua, or Iohn Oxnam neere the streites
of Dariene, and diuers others of our Countrymen in other places.
The 8. day wee ankered at a small Iland to take Seales, which in that
place wee vnderstood to haue bene in great quantitie, where the Generall
and certaine others with him in the pinnesse were in very great danger to
haue beene all cast away, but by the helpe of God they escaped the hasard,
and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie.
(M276) The 9. day we arriued and landed in the Isle of Caycos, in which
Iland we searched for salte-pondes, vpon the aduertisement and information
of a Portugall: who in deede abused our Generall and vs, deseruing a
halter for his hire, if it had so pleased vs.
The 12 we ankered at Guanima, and landed.
The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo.
The 20. we fell with the maine of Florida.
The 23. we were in great danger of a wracke on a breach called the Cape of
Feare.(87)
(M277) The 24. we came to anker in a harbour, where we caught in one tyde
so much fish as would haue yeelded vs twentie pounds in London: this was
our first landing in Florida.
The 26. we came to anker at Wocokon.
The 29. wee weighed anker to bring the Tyger into the harbour, where
through the vnskilfulnesse of the Master whose name was Fernando, the
Admirall strooke on ground, and sunke.
(M278) The 3. we sent word of our arriuing at Wocokon, to Wingina at
Roanoak.
The 6. M. Iohn Arundel was sent to the maine, and Manteo with him: and
Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan,
where they found two of our men left there with 30. other by Captaine
Reymond, some 20. dayes before.
The 8. Captaine Aubry and Captaine Boniten returned, with two of our men
found by them, to vs at Wocokon.
The 11. day the Generall accompanied in his Tilt boate with Master Iohn
Arundell, Master Stukeley, and diuers other Gentlemen, Master Lane, Master
Candish, Master Hariot, and twentie others in the new pinnesse, Captaine
Amadas, Captaine Clarke, with ten others in a shipboat, Francis Brooke,
and Iohn White in another ship-boate, passed ouer the water from Wocokon
to the maine land victualled for eight dayes, in which voyage we first
discouered the townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc and Secotan, and also the
great lake called by the Sauages Paquique,(88) with diuers other places,
and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete.
The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok.
The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok.
The 15. we came to Secotan, and were well entertained there of the
Sauages.
The 16. wee returned thence, and one of our boates with the Admirall was
sent to Aquascogok, to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had
stollen from vs, and not receiuing it according to his promise, wee burnt,
and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.
The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan, and the same day came
aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon.
The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon, we weyed anker for Hatoraske.
The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask, and there we rested.
The 29. Grangino brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall, and
Manteo with him.
(M279) The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok.
The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England.
The 25. our Generall weyed anker, and set saile for England.
About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden,
boording her with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder,
and sunke at the ships side, assoone as euer he and his men were out of
it.
(M280) The 10. of September, by foule weather the Generall then shipped in
the prize, lost sight of the Tyger.
(M281) The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end, and the same day came to
anker at Falmouth.
The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth, and was courteously
receiued by diuers of his worshipfull friends.
The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole
yeere in Virginia, vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane.
Master Philip Amadas, Admirall of the countrey.
Master Hariot.
Master Acton.
Master Edward Stafford.
Thomas Luddington.
Master Maruyn.
Master Gardiner.
Captaine Vaughan.
Master Kendall.
Master Prideox.
Robert Holecroft.
Rise Courtney.
Master Hugh Roger.
Master Thomas Haruie.
Master Snelling.
Master Anthony Russe.
Master Allyne.
Master Michael Polison.
Iohn Cage.
Thomas Parre.
William Randes.
Geffery Churchman.
William Farthow.
Iohn Taylor.
Philip Robyns.
Thomas Philips.
Valentine Beale.
Thomas Foxe.
Darby Glande.
Edward Nugen.
Edward Kelley
Iohn Gostigo.
Erasmus Clefs.
Edward Ketcheman.
Iohn Linsey.
Thomas Rottenbury.
Roger Deane.
Iohn Harris.
Francis Norris.
Matthew Lyne.
Edward Kettell.
Thomas Wisse.
Robert Biscombe.
William Backhouse.
William White.
Henry Potkin.
Dennis Barnes.
Ioseph Borges.
Dougham Gannes.
William Tenche.
Randall Latham.
Thomas Hulme.
Walter Mill.
Richard Gilbert.
Steuen Pomarie.
Iohn Brocke.
Bennet Harrie.
Iames Steuenson.
Charles Steuenson.
Christopher Lowde.
Ieremie Man.
Iames Mason.
Dauid Salter.
Richard Ireland.
Thomas Bookener.
William Philips.
Randall Mayne.
Iames Skinner.
George Eseuen.
Iohn Chandeler.
Philip Blunt.
Richard Poore.
Robert Yong.
Marmaduke Constable.
Thomas Hesket.
William Wasse.
Iohn Feuer.
Daniel.
Thomas Taylor.
Richard Humfrey.
Iohn Wright.
Gabriel North.
Bennet Chappell.
Richard Sare.
Iames Lacie.
Smolkin.
Thomas Smart.
Robert.
Iohn Euans.
Roger Large.
Humfrey Garden.
Francis Whitton.
Rowland Gryffin.
William Millard.
Iohn Twit.
Edward Seclemore.
Iohn Anwike.
Christopher Marshall.
Dauid Williams.
Nicholas Swabber.
Edward Chipping.
Siluester Beching.
Vincent Cheyne.
Hance Walters.
Edward Barecombe.
Thomas Skeuelabs.
William Walters.
XXVI. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt
Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia.
In the meane while you shall vnderstand, that since Sir Richard Greenuils
departure from vs, as also before, we haue discouered the maine to be the
goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen, so abounding with sweete trees,
that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes, grapes of such
greatenesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor Italie haue no greater, so
many sortes of Apothecarie drugs, such seuerall kindes of flaxe, and one
kind like silke, the same gathered of a grasse, as common there, as grasse
is here. And nowe within these few dayes we haue found here Maiz or Guinie
wheate, whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare, and the
Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra
sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie
of the world: for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse, and
very well peopled and towned, though sauagely, and the climate so
wholsome, that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here. To
conclude, if Virginia had but horses and kine in some reasonable
proportion, I dare assure my selfe, being inhabited with English, no
realme in Christendome were comparable to it. (M282) For this already we
finde, that what commodities soeuer Spaine, France, Italy, or the East
partes doe yeeld vnto vs, in wines of all sortes, in oyles, in flaxe, in
rosens, pitch, frankensence, corrans, sugers, and such like, these partes
doe abound with the growth of them all, but being Sauages that possess the
land, they know no vse of the same. And sundry other rich commodities,
that no parts of the world, be they West or East Indies, haue, here wee
finde great abundance of. (M283) The people naturally are most curteous,
and very desirous to haue clothes, bvt especially of course cloth rather
then silke, course canuas they also like well of, but copper caryeth the
price of all, so it be made red. Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue
inioyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I loue dearely
well, and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the
tuition of the Almightie. From the New Fort in Virginia, this third of
September, 1585.
Your most assured friend.
Ralph Lane.
XXVII. An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English
men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master
Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585. vntil the
18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey; sent and
directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
(M284) That I may proceede with order in this discourse, I thinke it
requisite to diuide it into two parts. The first shall declare the
particularities of such partes of the Countrey within the maine, as our
weake number, and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into
the discouery of.
The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue
on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake, and
our common request for passage with him, when the barkes, pinnesses, and
boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the
Countrey, for the supply of such, as for a further time meant to haue
stayed there, were caryed away with tempest and foule weather: In the
beginning whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Pemisapan, with
the Sauages of the maine to have cut vs off, &c.
The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia.
First therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey, you shall
vnderstand that our discouerie of the same hath beene extended from the
Island of Roanoak, (the same hauing bene the place of our settlement or
habitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest, and into
the West.
The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouery was Secotan, being
by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak. The passage from
thence was through a broad sound within the mayne, the same being without
kenning of lande, and yet full of flats and shoalds:(89) we had but one
boate with four oares to passe through the same, which boate could not
carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for
seuen dayes at the most: and as for our pinesse, besides that she drew too
deep water for that shallow sound, she would not stirre for an oare: for
these and other reasons (winter also being at hand) we thought good wholly
to leeue the discouery of those parts vntill our stronger supply.
To the Northward our furthest discouery was to the Chesepians(90) distant
from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shallow and most
dangerous, by reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour
that vpon any flawe was there to be had.
(M285) But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being distant
fifteene miles from the shore) was for pleasantnes of seat, for
temperature of Climate, for fertilitie of soyle and for the commoditie of
the Sea, besides multitude of Beares (being an excellent good victuall)
with great woods of Sassafras, and Wallnut trees, is not to be excelled by
any other whatsoeuer.
There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countreys of great
fertility adioyning to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and
Opossians, which all came to visite the Colonie of the English, which I
had for a time appointed to be resident there.
To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouery was to Chawanook
distant from Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a
broad sound,(91) but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth,
nauigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full of shoalds.
The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following:
Passaquenoke, The womans Towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, and
Metackwem: all these being vnder the iurisdiction of the king of
Weopomeiok, called Okisco: From Muscamunge we enter into the Riuer,(92)
and iurisdiction of Chawanook: There the Riuer beginneth to straighten
vntil it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames
betweene Westminster and Lambeth.
Betwene Muscamunge and Chawanook vpon the left hand as wee passe thither,
is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called The blinde
Towne, but the Sauages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corne
field belonging vnto it: it is subiect to Chawanook.
(M286) Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Prouince and Seigniorie lying
vpon that Riuer, and that the Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting
men into the fielde, besides the force of the Prouince it selfe.
The king of the sayd Prouince is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his
lims, but otherwise for a Sauage, a very graue and wise man, and of a very
singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his
owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his
neighbours round about him as well farre as neere, and of the commodities
that eache Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two
dayes that we were together, he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of
the Countrey then I had receiued by all the searches and Sauages that
before I or any of my companie had had conference with: it was in March
last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes
iourney in a Canoe vp his Riuer of Chawanook, and then descending to the
land, you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a
certaine kings countrey, whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea, but his place
of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described vnto mee, in a
Bay, the water round about the Island very deepe.
(M287) Out of this Bay hee signified vnto mee, that this King had so
greate quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ordinarily take the same, as that
not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth, and the better sort of his
gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his
beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee hath such quantitie
of them, that it is a wonder to see.
He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres
before, and brought him certaine Pearle, but the same of the worst sort,
yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he
thought. Hee gaue mee a rope of the same pearle, but they were blacke, and
naught, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongst a number very
orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming
aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete; yet he tolde me that the sayd King
had great store of Pearle that were white, great, and round, and that his
blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water, but the white Pearle
his men fished for in very deepe water.
It seemed to me by his speach, that the sayd King had traffique with white
men that had clothes as we haue, for these white Pearle, and that was the
reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles, to
those of the same countrey.
The king of Chawanook promised to giue me guids to go ouer land into that
kings countrey whensoeuer I would: but he aduised me to take good store of
men with me, and good store of victuall, for he said, that king would be
loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey, and especially to
meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to
make a great many of men in to the field, which be sayd would fight very
well.
(M288) Hereupon I resumed with my selfe, that if your supplie had come
before the ende of Aprill, and that you had sent any store of boates or
men, to haue had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient
number of men and victuals to haue found vs vntill the newe corne were
come in, I would haue sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea
to the Northward to haue found out the Bay he spake of, and to haue
sounded the barre if there were any, which should haue ridden there in the
sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small boates I could make,
and with two hundred men would haue gone vp to the head of the riuer of
Chawanook with the guids that Menatonon would haue giuen me, which I would
haue bene assured should haue beene of his best men, (for I had his best
beloued sonne prisoner with me) who also should haue kept me companie in
an handlocke with the rest, foote by foote, all the voyage ouer land.
My meaning was further at the head of the Riuer in the place of my descent
where I would haue left my boates, to haue raised a sconse with a small
trench, and a pallisado vpon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard
of my boates I would haue left fiue and twentie, or thirtie men, with the
rest would I have marched with as much victuall as euery man could haue
caried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two dayes
iourney. In the ende of my march vpon some conuenient plot would I haue
raised another sconse according to the former, where I would haue left
fiftene or twentie. And if it would haue fallen out conueniently, in the
way I would haue raised my saide sconse vpon some Corne fielde, that my
company might haue liued vpon it.
(M289) And so I would haue holden this course of insconsing euery two
dayes march, vntill I had bene arriued at the Bay or Port hee spake of:
which finding to bee worth the possession, I would there haue raised a
maine fort, both for the defence of the harborough, and our shipping also,
and would haue reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the
harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) vnto this other
before mentioned, from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified,
could I at al times return with my company back vnto my boates riding
vnder my sconse, very neere whereunto directly from the West runneth a
most notable Riuer, and in all those parts most famous, called the Riuer
of Moratoc.(93) This Riuer openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok.(94)
And whereas the Riuer of Chawanook, and all the other Sounds, and Bayes,
salt and fresh, shewe no current in the world in calme weather, but are
mooued altogether with the winde: This Riuer of Moratoc hath so violent a
current from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion
that with oares it would scarse be nauigable: it passeth with many creekes
and turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and more, it is
as broad as the Thames betwixt Green-wich and the Isle of dogges, in some
places more, and in some lesse: the current runneth as strong, being
entred so high into the Riuer, as at London bridge vpon a vale water.
And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Sauages of Moratoc
themselues doe report strange things of the head of that Riuer, it is
thirtie dayes as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage to
the head thereof, which head they say springeth out of a maine rocke in
that abundance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent streame: and
further, that this huge rock standeth so neere vnto a Sea, that many times
in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the sea) the waues thereof
are beaten into the said fresh streame, so that the fresh water for a
certaine space, groweth salt and brackish: I tooke a resolution with my
selfe, hauing dismissed Menatonon vpon a ransome agreed for, and sent his
sonne into the Pinnesse to Roanoak, to enter presently so farre into that
Riuer with two double whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I
could haue victuall to cary vs, vntil we could meete with more either of
the Moraroks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kinde of Sauages,
dwelling more to the Westward of the said Riuer: but the hope of
recovering more victuall from the Sauages made mee and my company as
narrowly to escape starving in that discouerie before our returne, as euer
men did, that missed the same.
(M290) For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death
of his brother Granganimo, had giuen both the Choanists, and Mangoaks
worde of my purpose towarde them, I hauing bene inforced to make him
priuie to the same, to bee serued by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and
yet hee did neuer rest to solicite continually my going vpon them,
certifying mee of a generall assembly euen at that time made by Menatonon
at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of three
thousand bowes, preparing to come vpon vs at Roanoak, and that the
Mangoaks also were ioyned in the same confederacie, who were able of
themselues to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it was that
at that time the assembly was holden at Chawanook about vs, as I found at
my comming thither, which being vnlooked for did so dismay them, as it
made vs haue the better hand at them. But this confederacie against vs of
the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan
himselfe, as Menatonon confessed vnto me, who sent them continual word,
that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them: on the other side he told
me, that they had the like meaning towards vs.
Hee in like sort having sent worde to the Mangoaks of mine intention to
passe vp into their Riuer, and to kill them (as he saide) both they and
the Moratoks, with whom before wee were entred into a league, and they had
euer dealt kindly with vs, abandoned their Townes along the Riuer, and
retired themselues with their Crenepos(M291), and their Corne within the
maine: insomuch as hauing passed three dayes voyage vp the River, wee
could not meete a man, nor finde a graine of Corne in any of their Townes:
whereupon considering with my selfe that wee had but two dayes victuall
left, and that wee were then 160. miles from home, besides casualtie of
contrarie windes or stormes, and suspecting treason of our owne Sauages in
the discouerie of our voyage intended, though wee had no intention to bee
hurtfull to any of them, otherwise then for our copper to haue had corne
of them: I at night vpon the Corps of guard, before the putting foorth of
Centinels, aduertised the whole company of the case wee stoode in for
victuall, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our owne Sauages,
and of purpose drawen foorth by them vpon vaine hope to be in the ende
starued, seeing all the Countrey fled betore vs, and therefore while wee
had those two dayes victual left, I thought it good for vs to make our
returne homeward, and that it were necessary for vs to get the other side
of the Sound of Weopomeiok in time, where wee might be relieued vpon the
weares of Chypanum, and the womens Towne, although the people were fled.
Thus much I signified vnto them, as the safest way: neuerthelesse I did
referre it to the greatest number of voyces, whether wee should aduenture
the spending of our whole victuall in some further viewe of that most
goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some better happe, or otherwise to
retire our selues backe againe. And for that they might be the better
advised, I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter, and in the
morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of
the greatest part. Their resolution fully and wholy was (and not three
founde to bee of the contrary opinion) that whiles there was lefte but one
halfe pinte of Corne for a man, wee should not leaue the search of that
Riuer, and that there were in the companie two Mastiues vpon the pottage
of which, with Sassafras leaues (if the worst fell out) the company would
make shift to liue two dayes, which time would bring them downe the
current to the mouth of the Riuer, and to the entrie of the Sound, and in
two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee
relieued by the weares, which two dayes they would fast rather then be
drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks, either as friendes
or foes. This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee, since it
came of themselues, although for mistrust of that which afterwards did
happen, I pretended to haue bene rather of the contrary opinion.
And that which made me most desirous to haue some doings with the Mangoaks
either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them
prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey,
that there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and
trafique vp that (M292) Riuer of Moratoc, which hath a marueilous and most
strange Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to
the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer, and also to the Sauages of
Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the
maine: the Countreis name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.
The Minerall they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the
name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer: they say it is of the colour of
our copper, but our copper is better then theirs: and the reason is for
that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very
soft, and pale: they say that they take the saide mettall out of a riuer
that falleth very swift from the rockes and hils, and they take it in
shallow water: the maner is this. They take a great bowle by their
description as great as one of our targets, and wrappe a skinne ouer the
hollow parte thereof, leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall:
that done, they watch the comming downe of the current, and the change of
the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with
the skinne, and receiue into the same as much oare as will come in, which
is euer as much as their bowle will holde, which presently they cast into
a fire, and foorthwith it melteth, and doeth yeeld in fiue parts at the
first melting, two parts of mettall for three partes of oare. Of this
mettall the Mangoaks haue so great store, by report of all the Sauages
adioyning, that they beautify their houses with greate plates of the same:
and this to be true, I receiued by report of all the countrey, and
particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Chawanooks sonne of my prisoner,
who also him selfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all
the particularities to me before mentioned: but he had not bene at Chaunis
Temoatan himselfe: for hee said it was twentie dayes iourney ouerland from
the Mangoaks, to the said Minerall Countrey, and that they passed through
certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they
came to the said Countrey.
Vpon report of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places
where I came to take very particular information of by all the Sauages
that dwelt towardes these parts, and especially of Menatonon himselfe, who
in euery thing did very particularly informe mee, and promised me guides
of his owne men, who should passe ouer with me, euen to the said Country
of Chaunis Temoatan (for ouerland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but
one dayes iourney from Sunne rising to Sunne setting, whereas by water it
is seuen dayes with the soonest): These things, I say, made me very
desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks, and to get some
of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yeelded to
their resolution: But it fell out very contrary to all expectation, and
likelyhood: for after two dayes trauell, and our whole victuall spent,
lying on shoare all night, wee could neuer see man, onely fires we might
perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe, and vp into the
Country, vntill the very last day. In the euening whereof, about three of
the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought, Manteo, who was
also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad,
hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answere
them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome
to them: but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece, and tolde mee that
they meant to fight with vs: which word was not so soon spoken by him, and
the light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there lighted a vollie of
their arrowes amongst them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked)
to any man. Immediatly, the other boate lying ready with their shot to
skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande vpon, which was presently
done, although the land was very high and steepe, the Sauages forthwith
quitted the shoare, and betooke themselues to flight: wee landed, and
hauing faire and easily followed for a smal time after them, who had
wooded themselues we know not where: the Sunne drawing then towards the
setting, and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue
them, though we might happen to meete with them, yet wee should be assured
to meete with none of their victuall, which we then had good cause to
thinke of: therefore choosing for the company a conuenient ground in
safetie to lodge in for the night, making a strong Corps of guard, and
putting out good Centinels, I determined the next morning before the
rising of the Sunne to be going back againe, if possibly we might recouer
the mouth of the riuer, into the broad sound, which at my firste motion I
found my whole company ready to assent vnto: for they were nowe come to
their Dogges porredge, that they had bespoken for themselues if that
befell them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape.
The ende was, we came the next day by night to the Riuers mouth within
foure or fiue miles of the same, hauing rowed in one day downe the
current, much as in foure dayes wee had done against the same: we lodged
vpon an Iland, where wee had nothing in the world to eate but pottage of
Sassafras leaues, the like whereof for a meate was neuer used before as I
thinke. The broad sound wee had to passe the next day all fresh and
fasting: that day the winde blew so strongly, and the billow so great,
that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates.
This was vpon Easter eue, which was fasted very truely. Vpon Easter day in
the morning the winde comming very calme, we entred the sound, and by
foure of the clocke we were at Chipanum, whence all the Sauages that we
had left there were left, but their weares did yeeld vs some fish, as God
was pleased not vtterly to suffer vs to be lost: for some of our company
of the light horsemen were farre spent. The next morning wee arriued at
our home Roanoak.
I haue set downe this Voyage somewhat particularly, to the ende it may
appeare vnto you, (as true it is) that there wanted no great good will
from the most to the least amongst vs, to haue perfited this discouerie of
the Mine: for that the discouery of a good Mine, by the goodnesse of God,
or a passage to the South-sea, or some way to it, and nothing els can
bring this Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation. And with the
discouery of either of the two aboue shewed, it will bee the most sweet
and healthfullest climate, and therewithall the most fertile soyle (being
manured) in the world: and then will Sassafras, and many other rootes and
gummes there found make good marchandise and lading for shipping, which
otherwise of themselues will not be worth fetching.
Prouided also, that there be found out a better harborough then yet there
is, which must be to the Northward, if any there bee, which was mine
intention to haue spent this Summer in the search of, and of the Mine of
Chawnis Temoatan: the one I would haue done, if the barkes that I should
haue had of Sir Francis Drake, by his honourable courtesie, had not bene
driuen away by storme: the other if your supply of more men, and some
other necessaries had come to vs in any conuenient sufficiencie. For this
riuer of Moratico promiseth great things, and by the opinion of M. Hariots
the head of it by the description of the Countrey, either riseth from the
Bay of Mexico, or els from very neere vnto the same, that openeth out into
the South sea.
And touching the Minerall, thus doeth M. Youghan affirme, that though it
be but copper, seeing the Sauages are able to melt it, it is one of the
richest Minerals in the world.
Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward, as before is saide,
and from thence foure dayes ouerland, to the Riuer of Choannak sconses
being raised, from whence againe ouerland through the prouince of Choanoak
one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks vp the riuer of
Moratico by the way, as also vpon the said Riuer for the defence of our
boats like sconses being set, in this course of proceeding you shall
cleare your selfe from al those dangers and broad shallow sounds before
mentioned, and gaine within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the
maine 200. miles at the least, and so passe your discouery into that most
notable countrey, and to the likeliest parts of the maine, with farre
greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed.
Thus Sir, I haue though simply, yet truely set downe vnto you, what my
labour with the rest of the gentlemen, and poore men of our company (not
without both paine and perill, which the Lord in his mercy many wayes
deliuered vs from) could yeeld vnto you, which might haue bene performed
in some more perfection, if the Lord had bene pleased that onely that
which you had prouided for vs had at the first bene left with vs, or that
hee had not in his eternall providence now at the last set some other
course in these things, than the wisedome of man coulde looke into, which
truely the carying away by a most strange and vnlooked for storme of all
our prouision, with Barks, Master, Mariners, and sundry also of mine owne
company, al hauing bene so courteously supplied by the generall Sir
Francis Drake, the same hauing bene most sufficient to haue performed the
greatest part of the premisses, must euer make me to thinke the hand of
God onely (for some his good purpose to my selfe yet vnknowen) to haue
bene in the matter.
The second part touching the conspiracie of Pemisapan, the discouery of
the same, and at the last, of our request to depart with Sir Francis Drake
for England.
Ensenore a Sauage father to Pemisapan being the onely friend to our nation
that we had amongest them, and about the King, died the 20. of April 1586.
He alone had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against all
matters proposed against vs, which both the King and all the rest of them
after Grangemoes death, were very willing to haue preferred. And he was
not onely by the meere prouidence of God during his life, a meane to saue
vs from hurt, as poysonings and such like, but also to doe vs very great
good, and singularly in this.
The King was advised and of himselfe disposed, as a ready meane to haue
assuredly brought vs to ruine in the moneth of March 1586. himselfe also
with all his Sauages to haue runne away from vs, and to haue left his
ground in the Iland vnsowed: which if hee had done, there had bene no
possibilitie in common reason, (but by the immediate hande of God) that
wee could haue bene preserued from staruing out of hande. (M293) For at
that time wee had no weares for fish, neither coulde our men skill of the
making of them, neither had wee one graine of Corne for seede to put into
the ground.
In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and
Mangoaks, they had raised a brute among themselues, that I and my company
were part slaine, and part starued by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One
part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starued,
but the other false.
Neuerthelesse vntill my returne it tooke such effect in Pemisapans breast,
and in those against vs, that they grew not onely into contempt of vs, but
also (contrary to their former reuerend opinion in shew, of the Almightie
God of heauen, and Iesus Christ whom wee serue and worship, whom before
they would acknowledge and confesse the onely God) now they began to
blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lorde God was not God, since hee
suffered vs to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed of the
Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name all the inhabitants of
the whole maine, of what prouince soeuer. Insomuch as olde Ensenore,
neither any of his fellowes, could for his sake haue no more credite for
vs: and it came so farre that the king was resolued to haue presently gone
away as is aforesaid.
But euen in the beginning of this bruite I returned, which when hee sawe
contrary to his expectation, and the aduertisement that hee had receiued:
that not onely my selfe, and my company were all safe, but also by report
of his owne 3. Sauages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that
voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sisters husband Eracano, and
Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides
their valour is terrible to all the rest of the prouinces) durst not for
the most part of them abide vs, and that those that did abide vs were
killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne
that he best loued to Roanoak with mee, it did not a little asswage all
deuises against vs: on the other side, it made Ensenores opinions to be
receiued againe with greater respects. For he had often before tolde them,
and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the King and the rest,
that wee were the seruants of God, and that wee were not subiect to bee
destroyed by them: but contrariwise, that they amongst them that sought
our destruction, shoulde finde their owne, and not bee able to worke ours,
and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt, then now we
could do being aliue: an opinion very confidently at this day holden by
the wisest amongst them, and of their old men, as also, that they haue
bene in the night, being 100. miles from any of vs, in the aire shot at,
and stroken by some men of ours, that by sicknesse had died among them:
and many of them holde opinion, that we be dead men returned into the
world againe, and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time,
and that then we returne againe.
All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with them, the King,
and all, touching vs, when hee sawe the small troupe returned againe, and
in that sort from those whose very names were terrible vnto them: But that
which made vp the matter on our side for that time was an accident, yea
rather (as all the rest was) the good prouidence of the Almightie for the
sauing of vs, which was this.
Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd iourney, Menatonon
sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me
certaine pearle for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan tolde mee, for the
ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause
of his sending then, was to signifie vnto mee, that hee had commaunded
Okisko King of Weopomiok, to yeelde himselfe seruant, and homager, to the
great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh: to
perfourme which commandement receiued from Menatonon, the sayde Okiosko
ioyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his
principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were
ready to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let mee
knowe that from that time forwarde, hee, and his successours were to
acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soueraigne, and next vnto her, as is
aforesayd.
All which being done, and acknowledged by them all, in the presence of
Pemisapan his father, and all his Sauages in counsell then with him, it
did for the time thorowly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward
vs: Insomuch as forthwith Ensenore wanne this resolution of him, that out
of hand he should goe about, and withall, to cause his men to set vp
weares foorthwith for vs: both which he at that present went in hande
withall, and did so labour the expedition of it, that in the end of April
he had sowed a good quantitie of ground, so much as had bene sufficient,
to haue fed our whole company (God blessing the grouth) and that by the
belly, for a whole yere: besides that he gaue vs a certaine plot of ground
for our selues to sowe. (M294) All which put vs in marueilous comfort, if
we could passe from Aprill vntill the beginning of Iuly, (which was to
haue bene the beginning of their haruest,) that then a newe supply out of
England or else our owne store would well ynough maintaine vs: All our
feare was of the two moneths betwixt, in which meane space if the Sauages
should not helpe vs with Chassaui, and Chyna, and that our weares should
faile vs, (as often they did) we might very well starue, notwithstanding
the growing corne, like the staruing horse in the stable, with the growing
grasse, as the prouerbe is: which wee very hardly had escaped, but onely
by the hand of God, as it pleased him to try vs. For within few dayes
after, as before is saide, Ensenore our friend died, who was no sooner
dead, but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a
Weroance, Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand againe to
put their old practises in vse against vs, which were readily imbraced,
and all their former deuises against vs, reneued, and new brought in
question. But that of staruing vs, by their forbearing to sow, was broken
by Ensenore in his life, by hauing made the King all at one instant to sow
his ground, not onely in the Iland, but also at Dasamonquepeio in the
maine, within two leagues ouer against vs. Neuenhelesse there wanted no
store of mischieuous practises among them, and of all they resolued
principally of this following.
(M295) First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoage should bee
mooued, and with great quantitie of copper intertained to the number of 7.
or 8. hundreth bowes, to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They of
Weopomeiok should be inuited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which
they doe vse to solemnise in their Sauage maner for any great personage
dead, and should haue bene for Ensenore. At this instant also should the
Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians and their friends
to the number of 700. of them, be armed at a day appointed to the maine of
Dasamonquepeio, and there lying close at the signe of fires, which should
interchangeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan with his troupe
aboue named should haue executed me, and some of our Weroances (as they
called all our principall officers,) the maine forces of the rest should
haue come ouer into the Island, where they went to haue dispatched the
rest of the company, whom they did imagine to finde both dismayed and
dispersed abroad in the Island, seeking of crabs and fish to liue withall.
The maner of their enterprise was this.
Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about Pemisapan, and very lustie
fellowes, with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person
to see an order taken for the same, which they ment should in this sort
haue bene executed. (M296) In the dead time of the night they would haue
beset my house, and put fire in the reedes that the same was couered with:
meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would haue come running out of a
sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, vpon the instant whereof they
would haue knocked out my braines.
The same order was giuen to certaine of his fellowes, for M. Heriots: so
for all the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being
set on fire as afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort, as
for vs at the towne. (M297) Now to the ende that we might be the fewer in
number together, and so bee the more easily dealt withall (for in deed
tenne of vs with our armes prepared, were a terrour to a hundred of the
best sort of them,) they agreed and did immediatly put it in practise,
that they should not for any copper sell vs any victuals whatsoeuer:
besides that in the night they should sende to haue our weares robbed, and
also to cause them to bee broken, and once being broken neuer to bee
repaired againe by them. By this meanes the King stood assured, that I
must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance there, to disband my company
into sundry places to liue vpon shell fish, for so the Sauages themselues
doe, going to Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting,
while their grounds be in sowing, and their corne growing: which failed
not his expectation. For the famine grew so extreeme among vs, our weares
failing vs of fish, that I was enforced to sende Captaine Stafford with
20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admirals Iland to serue two turnes in
one, that is to say, to feede himselfe and his company, and also to keepe
watch if any shipping came vpon the coast to warne vs of the same. I sent
M. Pridiox with the pinnesse to Hatorask, and ten with him, with the
Prouost Marshal to liue there, and also to wait for shipping: also I sent
every weeke 16. or 20. of the rest of the company to the maine ouer
against vs, to liue of Casada and oysters.
In the meane while Pemisapan, went of purpose to Dasamonquepeio for three
causes: The one to see his grounds there broken vp, and sowed for a second
crop: the other to withdrawe himselfe from my dayly sending to him for
supply of victuall for my company, for he was afraid to deny me any thing,
neither durst hee in my presence but by colour and with excuses, which I
was content to accept for the time, meaning in the ende as I had reason to
giue him the iumpe once for all: but in the meane whiles, as I had euer
done before, I and mine bare all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses.
My purpose was to haue relied my selfe with Menatonon, and the Chaonists,
who in trueth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then
the rest, so are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my late
being there had giuen many tokens of earnest desire they had to ioyne in
perfect league with vs, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan
and Weopomeiok for making him beleeue such tales of vs.
The third cause of his going to Dasamonquepeio was to dispatch his
messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the Mandoages, as aforesaid, all which he
did with great imprest of copper in hand, making large promises to them of
greater spoile.
The answere within few dayes after came from Weopomeiok, which was deuided
into two parts. First for the King Okisko, who denied to be of the partie
for himselfe, or any of his especiall followers, and therefore did
immediatly retire himselfe with his force into the maine: the other was
concerning the rest of the prouince who accepted of it: and in like sort
the Mandoags receiued the imprest.
The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 10. of
June: all which the premises were discouered by Skyco, the King Menatonon
his sonne my prisoner, who hauing once attempted to run away, I laid him
in the bylboes, threatening to cut off his head, whom I remitted at
Pemisapans request: whereupon hee being perswaded that hee was our enemie
to the death, he did not onely feed him with himselfe, but also made him
acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the yong man finding
himselfe as well vsed at my hande, as I had meanes to shew, and that all
my company made much of him, he flatly discouered al vnto me, which also
afterwards was reueiled vnto me by one of Pemisapans owne men, that night
before he was slaine.
These mischiefes being all instantly vpon me and my company to be put in
execution, it stood mee in hand to study howe to prevent them, and also to
saue all others, which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me:
whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his head, that I
meant presently to go to Croatoan, for that I had heard of the arriual of
our fleete, (though I in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good
adventure,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to fish
for my company, and to hunt for me at Croatoan, as also to buy some foure
dayes prouision to serue for my voyage.
He sent me word that he would himselfe come ouer to Roanoak, but from day
to day he deferred, onely to bring the Weopomeioks with him and the
Mandoags, whose time appointed was within eight dayes after. It was the
last of May 1586 when all his owne Sauages began to make their assembly at
Roanoak, at his commandement sent abroad vnto them, and I resolued not to
stay longer vpon his comming ouer, since he meant to come with so good
company, but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had, which I
resolued to do the next day: but that night I meant to giue them in the
Iland a camisado,(95) and at the instant to seize vpon all the canoas
about the Island, to keepe him from aduertisements.
But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to them: the occasion was
this, I had sent the Master of the light horsemen, with a fewe with him,
to gather vp all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, and to take as many
as were going from vs to Dasamonquepeio, but to suffer any that came from
thence, to land. (M298) He met with a canoa, going from the shore, and
ouerthrew the canoa, and cut off two Sauages heads: this was not done so
secretly but he was discovered from the shore; whereupon the cry arose:
for in trueth they, priuy to their owne villanous purposes against vs,
held as good espial vpon vs, both day and night, as we did vpon them.
The alarme giuen, they tooke themselues to their bowes, and we to our
armes: some three or foure of them at the first were slaine with our shot;
the rest fled into the woods. The next morning with the light horsemen and
one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant
maior, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by
one of his owne Sauages that met me at the shore, that I was going to
Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine vnto him of
Osocon, who the night past was conueying away my prisoner, whom I had
there present tied in an hand-locke. Heereupon the king did abide my
comming to him, and finding myselfe amidst seuen or eight of his
principall Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort)
I gaue the watch-word agreed vpon, (which was, Christ our victory) and
immediatly those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for
our deliuerance, that which they had purposed for vs. The king himselfe
being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll, lying on the ground for
dead, and I looking as watchfully for the sauing of Manteos friends, as
others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started
vp, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he ouerran
all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish
boy with my petronell. (M299) In the end an Irish man seruing me, one
Nugent, and the deputy prouost, vndertooke him; and following him in the
woods, ouertooke him; and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king
and my man by our owne negligence to haue beene intercepted by the
Sauages, wee met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in
his hand.
This fell out the first of Iune 1586, and the eight of the same came
aduertisement to me from captaine Stafford, lying at my lord Admirals
Island, that he had discouered a great fleet of three and twentie sailes:
but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discerne. He
aduised me to stand vpon as good guard as I could.
The ninth of the sayd moneth he himselfe came vnto me, hauing that night
before, and that same day trauelled by land twenty miles: and I most
truely report of him from the first to the last, hee was the gentleman
that neuer spared labour or perill either by land or water, faire weather
or foule, to performe any seruice committed vnto him.
(M300) He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis Drake, with a
most bountifull and honourable offer for the supply of our necessities to
the performance of the action wee were entred into; and that not only of
victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnesses, and boats;
they also by him to be victualled, manned and furnished to my
contentation.
The tenth day he arriued in the road of our bad harborow: and comming
there to an anker, the eleuenth day I came to him, whom I found in deeds
most honourably to performe that which in writing and message he had most
curteously offered, he hauing aforehand propounded the matter to all the
captaines of his fleet, and got their liking and consent thereto.
With such thanks vnto him and his captaines for his care both of vs and of
our action, not as the matter deserued, but as I could both for my company
and myselfe, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire) craued at
his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number
of weake and vnfit men for any good action, which I would deliuer to him;
and in place of them to supply me of his company with oare-men,
artificers, and others.
That he would leaue vs so much shipping and victuall, as about August then
next following would cary me and all my company into England, when we had
discouered somewhat, that for lacke of needfull prouision in time left
with vs as yet remained vndone.
That it woulde please him withall to leaue some sufficient Masters not
onely to cary vs into England, when time should be, but also to search the
coast for some better harborow, if there were any, and especially to helpe
vs to some small boats and oare-men.
Also for a supply of calieuers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles,
apparell, and such like.
He hauing receiued these my requests, according to his vsuall commendable
maner of gouernment (as it was told me) calling his captaines to counsell;
the resolution was that I should send such of my officers of my company as
I vsed in such matters, with their notes, to goe aboord with him; which
were the Master of the victuals, the Keeper of the store, and the
Vicetreasurer: to whom he appointed forthwith for me The Francis, being a
very proper barke of 70 tun, and tooke present order for bringing of
victual aboord her for 100 men for foure moneths, with all my other
demands whatsoeuer, to the vttermost.
And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and foure small boats: and
that which was to performe all his former liberality towards vs, was that
he had gotten the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented
Masters as were any in his fleet, by iudgment of them that knew them, with
very sufficient guide to tary with me, and to employ themselues most
earnestly in the action, as I should appoint them, vntill the terme which
I promised of our returne into England againe. The names of one of those
Masters was Abraham Kendall, the other Griffith Herne.
While these things were in hand, the prouision aforesaid being brought,
and in bringing aboord, my sayd Masters being also gone aboord, my sayd
barks hauing accepted of their charge, and mine owne officers, with others
in like sort of my company with them (all which was dispatched by the sayd
Generall the 12 of the sayde moneth) the 13 of the same there arose such
an vnwoonted storme, and continued foure dayes, that had like to haue
driuen all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand ouer them, and
the Generall very prouidently foreseene the woorst himselfe, then about my
dispatch putting himselfe aboord: but in the end hauing driuen sundry of
the fleet to put to Sea the Francis also with all my provisions, my two
Masters, and my company aboord, she was seene to be free from the same,
and to put cleere to Sea.
This storme hauing continued from the 13 to the 16 of the moneth, and thus
my barke put away as aforesayd, the Generall comming ashore made a new
proffer vnto me; which was a ship of 170 tunne, called The barke Bonner,
with a sufficient Master and guide to tary with me the time appointed, and
victualled sufficiently to cary me and my company into England, with all
prouisions as before: but he tolde me that he would not for any thing
vndertake to haue her brought into our harbour, and therefore he was to
leaue her in the road, and to leaue the care of the rest vnto my selfe,
and aduised me to consider with my company of our case, and to deliuer
presently vnto him in writing what I would require him to doe for vs;
which being within his power, he did assure me aswell for his Captaines as
for himselfe, shoulde be most willingly performed.
Heereupon calling such Captaines and gentlemen of my company as then were
at hand, who were all as priuy as my selfe to the Generals offer; their
whole request was to me, that considering the case that we stood in, the
weaknesse of our company, the small number of the same, the carying away
of our first appointed barke, with those two especiall Masters, with our
principall provisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed,
stretched out to take vs from thence; considering also, that his second
offer, though most honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken,
insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought
into the harbour: seeing furthermore, our hope for supply with Sir Richard
Greenuill, so vndoubtedly promised vs before Easter, not yet come, neither
then likely to come this yeere, considering the doings in England for
Flanders, and also for America, that therefore I would resolue my selfe
with my company to goe into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make
request to the Generall in all our names, that he would be pleased to giue
vs present passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe deliuered
vnto him, hee most readily assented vnto: and so he sending immediatly his
pinnesses vnto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were
left with our baggage, the weather was so boisterous, and the pinnesses so
often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cards, Books
and writings were by the Sailers cast ouerboard, the greater number of the
fleet being much agrieued with their long and dangerous abode in that
miserable road.
From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty, weying his ankers
(hauing bestowed vs among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom hee had in
that storme sustained more perill of wracke then in all his former most
honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises vnto God for all,
set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1596, and arriued in Portsmouth the seuen
and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere.
END OF VOL. XIII., PART I.
PART II.
XXVIII. The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the
reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir
Walter Ralegh.
In the yeere of our Lord 1586 Sir Walter Ralegh at his owne charge
prepared a ship of an hundred tunne, fraighted with all maner of things in
most plentifull maner, for the supply and reliefe of his Colony then
remaining in Virginia: but before they set saile from England it was after
Easter, so that our Colony halfe despaired of the comming of any supply:
wherefore euery man prepared for himselfe, determining resolutely to spend
the residue of their life time in that countrey. And for the better
performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such
things as were necessary for their reliefe in so plentifull a maner as
might haue sufficed them two yeeres without any further labour. Thus
trusting to their owne haruest, they passed the Summer till the tenth of
Iune: at which time their corne which they had sowed was within one
fortnight of reaping: but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his
prosperous returne from the sacking of Sant Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint
Augustine, determined in his way homeward to visit his countreymen the
English Colony then remaining in Virginia. So passing along the coasts of
Florida, he fell with the parts where our English Colony inhabited: and
hauing espied some of that company, there be ankered and went aland, where
he conferred with them of their state and welfare, and how things had
passed with them. They answered him that they liued all; but hitherto in
some scarsity: and as yet could heare of no supply out of England:
therefore they requested him that hee would leaue with them some two or
three ships, that if in some reasonable time they heard not out of
England, they might then returne themselues. Which hee agreed to. Whilest
some were then writing their letters to send into England, and some others
making reports of the accidents of their trauels to ech other, some on
land, some on boord, a great storme arose, and droue the most of their
fleet from their ankers to Sea, in which ships at that instant were the
chiefest of the English Colony: the rest on land perceiuing this, hasted
to those three sailes which were appointed to be left there; and for feare
they should be left behinde they left all things confusedly, as if they
had bene chased from thence by a mighty army: and no doubt so they were;
for the hand of God came vpon them for the cruelty and outrages committed
by some of them against the natiue inhabitants of that countrey.
(M301) Immediatly after the departing of our English Colony out of this
paradise of the world, the ship abouementioned sent and set forth at the
charges of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction, arriued at Hatorask; who
after some time spent in seeking our Colony vp in the countrey, and not
finding them, returned with all the aforesayd prouision into England.
(M302) About foureteene or fifteene dayes after the departure of the
aforesayd shippe, Sir Richard Grinuile Generall of Virginia, accompanied
with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage, arriued there; who
not finding the aforesaid shippe according to his expectation, nor hearing
any newes of our English Colony there seated, and left by him anno 1585,
himselfe travelling vp into diuers places of the countrey, aswell to see
if he could heare any newes of the Colony left there by him the yeere
before, vnder the charge of Master Lane his deputy, as also to discouer
some places of the countrey; but after some time spent therein, not
hearing any of them, and finding the places which they inhabited(96)
(M303) desolate, yet vnwilling to loose the possesion of the countrey
which Englishmen had so long held: after good deliberation, hee determined
to leaue some men behinde to reteine possession of the Countrey: whereupon
he landed fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoak, furnished plentifully with
all maner of prouisions for two yeeres, and so departed for England.
Not long after he fell with the Isles of Açores, on some of which Islands
he landed, and spoiled the townes of all such thinges as were woorth
cariage, where also he tooke diuers Spanyards. With these and many other
exploits done him in this voyadge, aswell outward as homeward, he returned
into England.
XXIX. A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of the
commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as others:
Written by Thomas Heriot, seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a member of the
Colony, and there imployed in discouering a full tweluemonth.
Ralfe Lane one of her Majesties Esquiers, and Gouernour of the Colony in
Virginia, aboue mentioned, for the time there resident, to the gentle
Reader wisheth all happinesse in the Lord.
Albeit (gentle Reader) the credit of the reports in this Treatise
contained can little be furthered by the testimony of one as my selfe,
through affection iudged partiall, though without desert; neuerthelesse,
forasmuch as I haue bene requested by some my particular friends, who
conceiue more rightly of me, to deliuer freely my knowledge of the same,
not onely for the satisfying of them, but also for the true information of
any other whosoeuer, that comes not with a preiudicate minde to the
reading thereof: thus much vpon my credit I am to affirme, that things
vniuersally are so truely set downe in this Treatise by the authour
thereof, an actor in the Colony, and a man no lesse for his honesty then
learning commendable, as that I dare boldly auouch, it may very well passe
with the credit of trueth euen amongst the most true relations of this
age. Which as for mine owne part I am ready any way with my word to
acknowledge, so also (of the certaintie thereof assured by mine owne
experience) with this publique assertion I doe affirme the same. Farewell
in the Lord.
To the Aduenturers, Fauourers, and Welwillers of the enterprise for the
inhabiting and planting in Virginia.
Since the first vndertaking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deale in the action of
discouering of that countrey which is now called and knowen by the name of
Virginia, many voyages hauing beene thither made at sundry times to his
great charge; as first in the yere 1584, and afterwards in the yeres 1585,
1586, and now of late this yeere 1587: there haue bene diuers and variable
reports with some slanderous and shameful speeches bruted abroad by many
that returned from thence: especially of that discouery which was made by
the Colony transported by Sir Richard Grinuile in the yere 1585, being of
all others the most principall, and as yet of most effect, the time of
their abode in the countrey being a whole yere, when as in the other
voyage before they stayed but sixe weeks, and the others after were onely
for supply and transportation, nothing more being discouered than had bene
before. Which reports haue not done a little wrong to many that otherwise
would haue also fauoured and aduentured in the action, to the honour and
benefit of our nation, besides the particular profit and credit which
would redound to themselues the dealers therein, as I hope by the sequel
of euents, to the shame of those that haue auouched the contrary, shall be
manifest, if you the aduenturers, fauourers, and welwillers doe but either
increase in number, or in opinion continue, or hauing beene doubtfull,
renew your good liking and furtherance to deale therein according to the
woorthinesse thereof already found, and as you shall vnderstand hereafter
to be requisite. Touching which woorthinesse through cause of the
diuersity of relations and reports, many of your opinions could not be
firme, nor the minds of some that are well disposed be setled in any
certainty.
I haue therefore thought it good, being one that haue beene in the
discouerie, and in dealing with the naturall inhabitants specially
imployed: and hauing therefore seene and knowen more then the ordinary, to
impart so much vnto you of the fruits of our labours, as that you may know
how iniuriously the enterprise is slandered, and that in publique maner at
this present, chiefly for two respects.
First, that some of you which are ignorant or doubtfull of the state
thereof, may see that there is sufficient cause why the chiefe enterpriser
with the fauour of her Maiesty, notwithstanding such reports, hath not
onely since continued the action by sending into the countrey againe, and
replanting this last yeere a new Colony, but is also ready, according as
the times and meanes will affoord, to follow and prosecute the same.
Secondly, that you seeing and knowing the continuance of the action, by
the view hereof you may generally know and learne what the countrey is,
and thereupon consider how your dealing therein, if it proceed, may
returne you profit and gaine, be it either by inhabiting and planting, or
otherwise in furthering thereof.
And least that the substance of my relation should be doubtfull vnto you,
as of others by reason of their diuersitie, I will first open the cause in
a few words, wherefore they are so different, referring my selfe to your
fauourable constructions, and to be adiudged of, as by good consideration
you shall finde cause.
Of our company that returned, some for their misdemeanour and ill dealing
in the countrey haue bene there worthily punished, who by reason of their
bad natures, haue maliciously not onely spoken ill of their Gouernours,
but for their sakes slandered the countrey it selfe. The like also haue
those done which were of their consort.
Some being ignorant of the state thereof, notwithstanding since their
returne amongst their friends and acquaintance, and also others,
especially if they were in company where they might not be gainsayd, would
seeme to know so much as no men more, and make no men so great trauellers
as themselues. They stood so much as it may seeme, vpon their credit and
reputation, that hauing bene a tweluemoneth in the countrey, it would haue
bene a great disgrace vnto them, as they thought, if they could not haue
sayd much, whether it were true or false. Of which some haue spoken of
more then euer they saw, or otherwise knew to be there. Other some haue
not bene ashamed to make absolute deniall of that, which although not by
them, yet by others is most certainly and there plentifully knowen, and
other some make difficulties of those things they haue no skill of.
The cause of their ignorance was, in that they were of that many that were
neuer out of the Island where we were seated, or not farre, or at the
least wise in few places els, during the time of our abode in the country:
or of that many, that after gold and siluer was not so soone found, as it
was by them looked for, had litle or no care of any other thing but to
pamper their bellies: or of that many which had litle vnderstanding, lesse
discretion, and more tongue then was needfull or requisite.
Some also were of a nice bringing vp, only in cities or townes, or such as
neuer (as I may say) had seene the world before. Because there were not to
be found any English cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wish
any of their old accustomed dainty food, nor any soft beds of downe or
feathers, the country was to them miserable, and their reports thereof
according.
Because my purpose was but in briefe to open the cause of the variety of
such speeches, the particularities of them, and of many enuious,
malicious, and slanderous reports and deuices els, by our owne countreymen
besides, as trifles that are not worthy of wise men to be thought vpon, I
meane not to trouble you withall, but will passe to the commodities, the
substance of that which I haue to make relation of vnto you.
The Treatise whereof, for your more ready view and easier vnderstanding, I
will diuide into three speciall parts. In the first I will make
declaration of such commodities there already found or to be raised, which
will not onely serue the ordinary turnes of you which are and shall be the
planters and inhabitants, but such an ouerplus sufficiently to be yeelded,
or by men of skill to be prouided, as by way of traffique and exchange
with our owne nation of England, will enrich yourselues the prouiders:
those that shall deale with you, the enterprisers in generall, and greatly
profit our owne countrey men, to supply them with most things which
heretofore they haue beene faine to prouide either of strangers or of our
enemies, which commodities, for distinction sake, I call Merchantable.
In the second I will set downe all the commodities which we know the
countrey by our experience doth yeeld of it selfe for victuall and
sustenance of mans life, such as are vsually fed vpon by the inhabitants
of the countrey, as also by vs during the time we were there.
In the last part I will make mention generally of such other commodities
besides, as I am able to remember, and as I shall thinke behoouefull for
those that shall inhabit, and plant there to know of, which specially
concerne building, as also some other necessary vses: with a briefe
description of the nature and manners of the people of the countrey.
The first part of Merchantable commodities.
Silke of grasse, or Grasse silke. There is a kind of grasse in the
country, vpon the blades whereof there groweth very good silke in forme of
a thin glittering skin to be stript off. It groweth two foot and an halfe
highe or better: the blades are about two foot in length, and halfe an
inch broad. The like groweth in Persia, which is in the selfe same climate
as Virginia, of which very many of the Silke works that come from thence
into Europe are made. Hereof if it be planted and ordered as in Persia, it
cannot in reason be otherwise, but that there will rise in short time
great profit to the dealers therein, seeing there is so great vse and vent
thereof aswel in our countrey as elswhere. And by the meanes of sowing and
planting it in good ground, it will be farre greater, better, and more
plentifull then it is. Although notwithstanding there is great store
thereof in many places of the countrey growing naturally and wild, which
also by proofe here in England, in making a piece of Silke grogran, we
found to be excellent good.
Worme silke. In many of our iourneys we founde Silkewormes faire and
great, as big as our ordinary Walnuts. Although it hath not bene our hap
to haue found such plenty, as elswhere to be in the countrey we haue heard
of, yet seeing that the countrey doth naturally breed and nourish them,
there is no doubt but if arte be added in planting of Mulberie trees, and
others fit for them in commodious places, for their feeding and
nourishing, and some of them carefull gathered and husbanded in that sort,
as by men of skil is knowen to be necessary: there wil rise as great
profit in time to the Virginians, as thereof doth now to the Persians,
Turks, Italians and Spaniards.
Flaxe and Hempe. The trueth is, that of Hempe and Flaxe there is no greate
store in any one place together, by reason it is not planted but as the
soile doth yeeld of it selfe: and howsoeuer the leafe and stemme or stalke
do differ from ours, the stuffe by iudgement of men of skill is altogether
as good as ours: and if not, as farther proofe should finde otherwise, we
haue that experience of the soile, as that there cannot be shewed any
reason to the contrary, but that it will grow there excellent well, and by
planting will be yeelded plentifully, seeing there is so much ground
whereof some may well be applied to such purposes. What benefit heereof
may grow in cordage and linnens who cannot easily vnderstand?
Allum. There is a veine of earth along the sea coast for the space of
fortie or fiftie miles, whereof by the iudgement of some that haue made
triall here in England, is made good Allum, of that kind which is called
Roch allum. The richnesse of such a commodity is so well knowen, that I
need not to say any thing thereof. The same earth doth also yeeld White
coprasse, Nitrum, and Alumen plumeum, but nothing so plentifully as the
common Allum, which be also of price and profitable.
Wapeih. A kind of earth so called by the naturall inhabitants, very like
to Terra sigillata, and hauing bene refined, it hath bene found by some of
our Physicians and Chyrurgians, to be of the same kinde of vertue, and
more effectuall. The inhabitants vse it very much for the cure of sores
and wounds: there is in diuers places great plenty, and in some places of
a blew sort.
Pitch, Tarre, Rozen and Turpentine. There are those kinds of trees which
yeeld them abundantly and great store. In the very same Island where we
were seated, being fifteene miles of length, and fiue or sixe miles in
breadth, there are few trees els but of the same kinde, the whole Island
being full.
Sassafras, called by the inhabitants Winauk, a kind of wood of most
pleasant and sweet smell, and of most rare vertues in physicke for the
cure of many diseases. It is found by experience to be far better and of
more vses then the wood which is called Guaiacum, or Lignum vitæ. For the
description, the maner of vsing, and the manifold vertues thereof, I refer
you to the booke of Monardes, translated and entituled in English, The
joyfull newes from the West Indies.
Cedar. A very sweet wood, and fine timber, whereof if nests of chests be
there made, or timber thereof fitted for sweet and fine bedsteds, tables,
desks, lutes, virginals, and many things els, (of which there hath bene
proofe made already) to make vp fraight with other principall commodities,
will yeeld profit.
Wine. There are two kindes of grapes that the soile doth yeeld naturally,
the one is small and sowre, of the ordinary bignesse as ours in England,
the other farre greater and of himselfe lushious sweet. When they are
planted and husbanded as they ought, a principall commodity of wines by
them may be raised.
Oile. There are two sorts of Walnuts, both holding oile; but the one farre
more plentifull then the other. When there are mils and other deuices for
the purpose, a commodity of them may be raised, because there are infinite
store. There are also three seuerall kindes of berries in the forme of
Oke-akornes, which also by the experience and vse of the inhabitants, we
find to yeeld very good and sweet oile. Furthermore, the beares of the
countrey are commonly very fat, and in some places there are many. Their
fatnesse, because it is so liquid, may well be termed oile, and hath many
speciall vses.
Furres. All along the Sea coast there are great store of Otters, which
being taken by weares and other engines made for the purpose, wil yeeld
good profit. We hope also of Marterne furres, and make no doubt by the
relation of the people, but that in some places of the countrey there are
store, although there were but two skinnes that came to our hands.
Luzernes also we haue vnderstanding of, although for the time we saw none.
Deere skinnes dressed after the manner of Chamoes, or vndressed, are to be
had of the naturall inhabitants thousands yerely by way of traffike for
trifles, and no more waste or spoile of Deere then is and hath bene
ordinarily in time before.
Ciuet-cats. In our trauels there was found one to haue bin killed by a
Sauage or inhabitant, and in another place the smel where one or more had
lately bene before, whereby we gather, besides then by the relation of the
people, that there are some in the country: good profit will rise by them.
Iron. In two places of the countrey specially, one about fourescore, and
the other six score miles from the fort or place where we dwelt, we found
nere the water side the ground to be rocky, which by the triall of a
Minerall man was found to holde iron richly. It is found in many places of
the countrey els: I know nothing to the contrary, but that it may be
allowed for a good merchantable commodity, considering there the small
charge for the labour and feeding of men, the infinite store of wood, the
want of wood and deereness thereof in England, and the necessity of
ballasting of ships.
Copper. An hundred and fifty miles into the maine in two townes we found
with the inhabitants diuers small plates of Copper, that had bene made as
we vnderstood by the inhabitants that dwell further into the countrey,
where as they say are mountaines and riuers that yeeld also white graines
of mettal, which is to be deemed Siluer. For confirmation whereof, at the
time of our first arriuall in the countrey, I saw, with some others with
me, two small pieces of Siluer grosly beaten, about the weight of a
testron, hanging in the eares of a Wiroans or chiefe lord that dwelt about
fourescore miles from vs: of whom through inquiry, by the number of dayes
and the way, I learned that it had come to his hands from the same place
or neere, where I after vnderstood the Copper was made, and the white
graines of metal found. The aforesayd Copper we also found by tryall to
holde Siluer.
Pearle. Sometimes in feeding on Muscles we found some Pearle: but it was
our happe to meet with ragges, or of a pide colour: not hauing yet
discouered those places where we heard of better and more plenty. (M304)
One of our company, a man of skill in such matters had gathered together
from among the Sauage people about fiue thousand: of which number he be
chose as many as made a faire chaine, which for their likenesse and
vniformity in roundnesse, orientnesse, and pidenesse of many excellent
colours, with equality in greatnesse, were very faire and rare: and had
therefore beene presented to her Maiesty, had we not by casualty, and
through extremity of a storme lost them, with many things els in comming
away from the countrey.
Sweet gummes of diuers kinds, and many other Apothecary drugges, of which
we will make speciall mention, when we shall receiue it from such men of
skill in that kinde, that in taking reasonable paines shal discouer them
more particularly then we haue done, and then now I can make relation of,
for want of the examples I had prouided and gathered, and are now lost,
with other things by casualty before mentioned.
Dies of diuers kinds: There is Shoemake well knowen, and vsed in England
for blacke: the seede of an herbe called Wasebur, little small roots
called Chappacor, and the barke of the tree called by the inhabitants
Tangomockonomindge: which dies are for diuers sorts of red: their
goodnesse for our English clothes remains yet to be prooued. The
inhabitants vse them only for the dying of haire, and colouring of their
faces, and mantles made of Deere skinnes: and also for the dying of rushes
to make artificiall works withall in their mats and baskets, hauing no
other thing besides that they account of, apt to vse them for if they will
not prooue merchantable, there is no doubt but the planters there shall
finde apt vses for them, as also for other colours which we know to be
there.
Woad: a thing of so great vent and vses amongst English Diers, which can
not be yeelded sufficiently in our owne countrey for spare of ground, may
be planted in Virginia, there being ground enough. The growth thereof need
not to be doubted, when as in the Islands of the Açores it groweth
plentifully, which are in the same climate. So likewise of Madder.
We carried thither Suger-canes to plant, which being not so well preserued
as was requisite, and besides the time of the yeere being past for their
setting when we arriued, we could not make that proofe of them as we
desired. Notwithstanding, seeing that they grow in the same climate, in
the South part of Spaine, and in Barbary, our hope in reason may yet
continue. So likewise for Orenges and Limmons. There may be planted also
Quinses. Whereby may grow in reasonable time, if the action be deligently
prosecuted, no small commodities in Sugers, Suckets, and Marmelades.
Many other commodities by planting may there also be raised, which I leaue
to your discreet and gentle considerations: and many also may be there,
which yet we haue not discouered. Two more commoditie of great value, one
of certeinty, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be
raised and in short time to be prouided, and prepared, I might haue
specified. So likewise of those commodities already set downe I might haue
sayd more: as of the particular places where they are found, and best to
be planted and prepared: by what meanes, and in what reasonable space of
time they might be raised to profit, and in what proportion: but because
others then welwillers might be there withall acquainted, not to the good
of the action, I haue wittingly omitted them: knowing that to those that
are well disposed, I haue vttered, according to my promise and purpose,
for this part sufficient.
The second part of such commodities as Virginia is knowen to yeeld for
victuall and sustenance of mans life, vsually fed vpon by the naturall
inhabitants; as also by vs, during the time of our abode: and first of
such as are sowed and husbanded.
Pagatowr, a kinde of graine so called by the inhabitants: the same in the
West Indies is called Mayz: English men call it Guinywheat or
Turkey-wheat, according to the names of the countreys from whence the like
hath beene brought. The graine is about the bignesse of our ordinary
English peaze, and not much different in forme and shape: but of diuers
colours: some white, some red, some yellow, and some blew. All of them
yeeld a very white and sweet flowre: being vsed according to its kinde, it
maketh a very good bread. We made of the same in the countrey some Mault,
whereof was brewed as good Ale as was to be desired. So likewise by the
helpe of Hops, therof may be made as good Beere. It is a graine of
maruellous great increase: of a thousand, fifteene hundred, and some two
thousand folde. There are three sorts, of which two are ripe in eleuen and
twelue weeks at the most, sometimes in tenne, after the time they are set,
and are then of height in stalke about sixe or seuen foot. The other sort
is ripe in fourteene, and is about tenne foot high, of the stalks some
beare foure heads, some three, some one, and some two: euery head
containing fiue, sixe, or seuen hundred graines, within a few more or
lesse. Of these graines, besides bread, the inhabitants make victuall,
either by parching them, or seething them whole vntill they be broken: or
boiling the flowre with water into a pap.
Okingier, called by vs Beanes, because in greatnesse and partly in shape
they are like to the beanes in England, sauing that they are flatter, of
more diuers colours, and some pide. The leafe also of the stemme is much
different. In taste they are altogether as good as our English peaze.
Wickonzowr, called by vs Peaze, in respect of the Beanes, for distinction
sake, because they are much lesse, although in forme they little differ:
but in goodnesse of taste much like, and are far better then our English
Peaze. Both the beanes and peaze are ripe in ten weeks after they are set.
They make them victuall either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth,
or boiling them whole vntill they be soft, and beginne to breake, as is
vsed in England, either by themselues, or mixtly together: sometime they
mingle of the Wheat with them: sometime also, being whole sodden, they
bruse or punne them in a morter, and thereof make loaues or lumps of
doughish bread, which they vse to eat for variety.
Macocquer, according to their seueral formes, called by vs Pompious,
Melons, and Gourds, because they are of the like formes as those in
England. In Virginia such of seuerall formes are of one taste, and very
good, and do also spring from one seed. There are of two sorts: one is
ripe in the space of a moneth, and the other in two moneths.
There is an herbe which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of those that I
describe it vnto take it to be a kinde of Orage: it groweth about foure or
fiue foot high: of the seede thereof they make a thicke broth, and pottage
of a very good taste: of the stalke by burning into ashes they make a
kinde of salt earth, wherewithall many vse sometimes to season their
broths: other salt they know not. We ourselues vsed the leaues for
pot-herbs.
There is also another great herbe, in forme of a Marigolde, about sixe
foot in height, the head with a floure is a spanne in bredth. Some take it
to be Planta Solis: of the seeds hereof they make both a kinde of bread
and broth.
All the aforesayde commodities for victuall are set or sowed, sometimes in
grounds apart and seuerally by themselues, but for the most part together
in one ground mixtly: the maner thereof, with the dressing and preparing
of the ground, because I will note vnto you the fertility of the soile, I
thinke good briefly to describe.
The ground they neuer fatten with mucke, dung, or any other thing, neither
plow nor digge it as we in England, but onely prepare it in sort as
followeth. A few days before they sowe or set, the men with woodden
instruments made almost in forme of mattocks or hoes with long handles:
the women with short peckers or parers, because they vse them sitting, of
a foot long, and about fiue inches in bredth, doe onely break the vpper
part of the ground to raise vp the weeds, grasse, and old stubbes of corne
stalks with their roots. The which after a day or two dayes drying in the
Sunne, being scrapt vp into small heaps, to saue them labour for carrying
them away, they burne into ashes. And whereas some may thinke that they
vse the ashes for to better the ground, I say that then they would either
disperse the ashes abroad, which wee observed they do not, except the
heaps be too great, or els would take speciall care to set their corne
where the ashes lie, which also wee finde they are carelesse of. And this
is all the husbanding of their ground that they vse.
Then their setting or sowing is after this maner. First for their corne,
beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole,
wherein they put foure graines, with care that they touch not one another
(about an inch asunder) and couer them with the molde againe: and so
thorowout the whole plot making such holes, and vsing them after such
maner, but with this regard, that they make them in ranks, euery rank
differing from other halfe a fadome or a yard, and the holes also in euery
ranke as much. By this meanes there is a yard spare ground betweene euery
hole: where according to discretion here and there, they set as many
Beanes and Peaze: in diuers places also among the seeds of Macocquer,
Melden, and Planta solis.
The ground being thus set according to the rate by vs experimented, an
English acre conteining forty pearches in length, and foure in breadth,
doth there yeeld in croppe or ofcome of corne Beanes and Peaze, at the
least two hundred London bushels, besides the Macocquer, Melden, and
Planta solis; when as in England forty bushels of our Wheat yeelded out of
such an acre is thought to be much.
I thought also good to note this vnto you, that you which shall inhabit,
and plant there, may know how specially that countrey corne is there to be
preferred before ours: besides, the manifold wayes in applying it to
victuall, the increase is so much, that small labor and paines is needful
in respect of that which must be vsed for ours. For this I can assure you
that according to the rate we haue made proofe of, one man may prepare and
husband so much ground (hauing once borne corne before) with lesse then
foure and twenty houres labour, as shall yeeld him victual in a large
proportion for a tweluemoneth, if he haue nothing els but that which the
same ground will yeeld, and of that kinde onely which I haue before spoken
of: the sayd ground being also but fiue and twenty yards square. And if
need require but that there is ground enough, there might be raised out of
one and the selfsame ground two haruests or ofcomes: for they sow or set,
and may at any time when they thinke good, from the midst of March vntill
the end of Iune: so that they also set when they haue eaten of their first
croppe. In some places of the countrey notwithstanding they haue two
haruests, as we haue heard, out of one and the same ground.
For English corne neuerthelesse, whether to use or not to use it, you that
inhabit may doe as you shall haue further cause to thinke best. Of the
growth you need not to doubt: for Barley, Oates, and Peaze, we haue seene
proofe of, not being purposely sowen, but fallen casually in the woorst
sort of ground, and yet to be as faire as any we haue euer seene heere in
England. But of Wheat, because it was musty, and had taken salt water, we
could make no triall: and of Rie we had none. This much haue I digressed,
and I hope not vnnecessarily: now will I returne againe to my course, and
intreat of that which yet remaineth, appertaining to this chapter.
(M305) There is an herbe which is sowed apart by it selfe, and is called
by the inhabitants Vppowoc: in the West Indies it hath diuers names,
according to the seuerall places and countreys where it groweth and is
vsed: the Spanyards generally call it Tabacco. The leaues thereof being
dried and brought into pouder, they vsed to take the fume or smoake
thereof, by sucking it thorow pipes made of clay, into their stomacke and
heade; from whence it purgeth superflous fleame and other grosse humours,
and openeth all the pores and passages of the body; by which meanes the
vse thereof not onely preserveth the body from obstructions, but also (if
any be, so that they haue not bene of two long continuance) in short time
breaketh them: whereby their bodies are notably preserued in health, and
know not many grieuous diseases, wherewithall we in England are often
times afflicted.
This Vppowoc is of so precious estimation amongst them, that they thinke
their gods are maruellously delighted therewith: whereupon sometime they
make hallowed fires, and cast some of the pouder therein for a sacrifice:
being in a storm vpon the waters, to pacifie their gods, they cast some vp
into the aire and into the water: so a weare for fish being newly set vp,
they cast some therein and into the aire; also after an escape of danger,
they cast some into the aire likewise: but all done with strange gestures,
stamping, sometime dancing, clapping of hands, holding vp of hands, and
staring vp into the heauens, vttering therewithall and chattering strange
words and noises.
We our selues, during the time we were there, vsed to sucke it after their
maner, as also since our returne, and haue found many rare and wonderfull
experiments of the vertues thereof: of which the relation would require a
volume by it selfe: the vse of it by so many of late men and women of
great calling, as els, and some learned Physicians also, is sufficient
witnesse.
And these are all the commodities for sustenance of life, that I know and
can remember, they vse to husband: all els that follow, are found growing
naturally or wilde.
Of Roots.
Openauk are a kinde of roots of round forme, some of the bignesse of
Walnuts, some farre greater, which are found in moist and marish grounds
growing many together one by another in ropes, as though they were
fastened with a string. Being boiled or sodden, they are very good meat.
(M306) Monardes calleth these roots, Beads or Pater nostri of Santa
Helena.(97)
Okeepenauk are also of round shape, found in dry grounds: some are of the
bignesse of a mans head. They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the
ground: for by reason of their drinesse they will neither rost nor seethe.
Their taste is not so good as of the former roots: notwithstanding for
want of bread, and sometimes for variety the inhabitants vse to eat them
with fish or flesh, and in my iudgement they do as well as the housholde
bread made of Rie here in England.
Kaishucpenauk, a white kinde of roots about the bignesse of hennes egges,
and neere of that forme: their taste was not so good to our seeming as of
the other, and therefore their place and maner of growing not so much
cared for by vs: the inhabitants notwithstanding vsed to boile and eat
many.
Tsinaw, a kind of root much like vnto that which in England is called the
China root brought from the East Indies. And we know not any thing to the
contrary but that it may be of the same kinde. These roots grow many
together in great clusters, and do bring foorth a brier stalke, but the
leafe in shape farre vnlike: which being supported by the trees it groweth
neerest vnto, will reach or climbe to the top of the highest. From these
roots while they be new or fresh, being chapt into small pieces, and
stampt, is strained with water a iuice that maketh bread, and also being
boiled, a very good spoonmeat in maner of a gelly, and is much better in
taste, if it be tempered with oile. This Tsinaw is not of that sort, which
by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root; for it
was discouered since, and is in vse as is aforesayd: but that which was
brought hither is not yet knowen, neither by vs nor by the inhabitants to
serue for any vse or purpose, although the roots in shape are very like.
Coscushaw some of our company tooke to be that kinde of root which the
Spanyards in the West Indies call Cassauy, whereupon also many called it
by that name: it groweth in very muddy pooles, and moist grounds. Being
dressed according to the countrey maner, it maketh a good bread, and also
a good spoonmeat, and is vsed very much by the inhabitants. (M307) The
iuice of this root is poison, and therefore heed must be taken before any
thing be made therewithall: either the roots must be first sliced and
dried in the Sunne, or by the fire, and then being punned into floure,
will make good bread: or els while they are greene they are to be pared,
cut in pieces, and stampt: loaues of the same to be layd nere or ouer the
fire vntill it be sowre; and then being well punned againe, bread or
spoonmeat very good in taste and holesome may be made thereof.
Habascon is a root of hote taste, almost of the forme and bignesse of a
Parsnip: of it selfe it is no victuall, but onely a helpe, being boiled
together with other meats.
There are also Leeks, differing little from ours in England, that grow in
many places of the countrey; of which, when we came in places where they
were, we gathered and eat many, but the naturall inhabitants neuer.
Of fruits.
Chesnuts there are in diuers places great store: some they vse to eat raw,
some they stampe and boile to make spoonmeat, and with some being sodden,
they make such a maner of dough bread as they vse of their beanes before
mentioned.
Walnuts. There are two kinds of Walnuts, and of them infinite store: in
many places where are very great woods for many miles together, the third
part of trees are Walnut trees. The one kind is of the same taste and
forme, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are harder
and thicker shelled: the other is greater, and hath a very ragged and hard
shell: but the kernel great, very oily and sweet. Besides their eating of
them after our ordinary maner, they breake them with stones, and punne
them in morters with water, to make a milke which they vse to put into
some sorts of their spoonemeat: also among their sodde wheat, peaze,
beanes and pompions, which maketh them haue a farre more pleasant taste.
Medlars, a kinde of very good fruit: so called by vs chiefly for these
respects: first in that they are not good vntill they be rotten, then in
that they open at the head as our Medlars, and are about the same
bignesse: otherwise in taste and colour they are farre different; for they
are as red as cheries, and very sweet: but whereas the chery is sharpe
sweet, they are lushious sweet.
(M308) Mutaquesunnauk, a kinde of pleasant fruit almost of the shape and
bignesse of English peares, but they are of a perfect red colour as well
within as without. They grow on a plant whose leaues are very thicke, and
full of prickles as sharpe as needles. Some that haue bene in the Indies,
where they haue seene that kind of red die of great price, which is called
Cochinile, to grow, doe describe this plant right like vnto this of
Metaquesunnauk; but whether it be the true Cochinile, or a bastard or
wilde kinde, it cannot yet be certified, seeing that also, as I heard,
Cochinile is not of the fruit, but found on the leaues of the plant: which
leaues for such matter we haue not so specially obserued.
Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the merchantable
commodities.
Strawberries there are as good and as great as those which we haue in our
English gardens.
Mulberies, Applecrabs, Hurts or Hurtleberies, such as we haue in England.
Sacquenummener, a kinde of berries almost like vnto Capers, but somewhat
greater, which grow together in clusters vpon a plant or hearbe that is
found in shallow waters; being boiled eight or nine houres according to
their kinde, are very good meat and holesome; otherwise if they be eaten
they will make a man for the time frantike or extremely sicke.
There is a kind of Reed which beareth a seed almost like vnto our Rie or
Wheat; and being boiled is good meat.
In our trauels in some places we found Wilde peaze like vnto ours in
England, but that they were lesse, which are also good meat.
Of a kinde of fruit or berry in forme of Acornes.
There is a kinde of berry or acorne, of which there are fiue sorts that
grow on seuerall kindes of trees: the one is called Sagatemener, the
second Osamener, the third Pummuckoner. These kinde of acornes they vse to
drie vpon hurdles made of reeds, with fire vnderneath, almost after the
maner as we dry Malt in England. When they are to be vsed, they first
water them vntill they be soft, and then being sod, they make a good
victuall, either to eat so simply, or els being also punned to make loaues
or lumps of bread. These be also the three kinds, of which I sayd before
the inhabitants vsed to make sweet oile.
Another sort is called Sapummener, which being boiled or parched, doth eat
and taste like vnto Chesnuts. They sometime also make bread of this sort.
The fift sort is called Mangummenauk, and is the acorne of their kinde of
Oake, the which being dried after the maner of the first sorts, and
afterward watered, they boile them, and their seruants, or sometime the
chiefe themselues, either for variety or for want of bread, do eat them
with their fish or flesh.
Of Beasts.
Deere, in some places there are great store: neere vnto the Sea coast they
are of the ordinary bignesse of ours in England, and some lesse: but
further vp into the countrey, where there is better food, they are
greater: they differ from ours onely in this, their tailes are longer, and
the snags of their hornes looke backwards.
Conies. Those that we haue seene, and all that we can heare of are of a
gray colour like vnto Hares: in some places there are such plenty that all
the people of some townes make them mantles of the furre or flue of the
skinnes of those which they vsually take.
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinds of small beasts greater then Conies,
which are very good meat. We neuer tooke any of them our selues, but
sometime eat of such as the inhabitants had taken and brought vnto vs.
Squirels, which are a grey colour, we haue taken and eaten.
Beares, which are of blacke colour. The beares of this countrey are good
meat. The inhabitants in time of Winter do vse to take and eat many: so
also sometime did we. They are taken commonly in this sort: In some
Islands or places where they are, being hunted for assoone as they haue
spiall of a man, they presently run away, and then being chased, they
clime and get vp the next tree they can: from whence with arrowes they are
shot downe starke dead, or with those wounds that they may after easily be
killed. We sometime shot them downe with our calieuers.
I haue the name of eight and twenty seuerall sorts of beasts, which I haue
heard of to be here and there dispersed in the countrey, especially in the
maine; of which there are onely twelue kinds that we haue yet discouered;
and of those that be good meat we know only them before mentioned. The
inhabitants sometime kill the Lion, and eat him:(98) and we sometime as
they came to our hands of their Woolues or Wooluish dogs, which I haue not
set downe for good meat, least that some would vnderstand my iudgement
therein to be more simple then needeth, although I could alleage the
difference in taste of those kinds from ours, which by some of our company
haue bene experimented in both.
Of Fowle.
Tvrkie cocks and Turkie hennes, Stockdoues, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes,
and in Winter great store of Swannes and Geese. Of all sorts of fowle I
haue the names in the countrey language of fourescoure and sixe, of which
number, besides those that be named, we haue taken, eaten, and haue the
pictures as they were drawen, with the names of the inhabitants, of
seuerall strange sorts of water fowle eight, and seuenteene kinds more of
land fowle, although we haue seene and eaten of many more, which for want
of leasure there for the purpose could not be pictured: and after we are
better furnished and stored vpon further discouery with their strange
beasts, fish, trees, plants, and herbs, they shalbe also published.
There are also Parrots, Faulcons, and Marlin hauks, which although with vs
they be not vsed for meat, yet for other causes I thought good to mention.
Of Fish.
For foure moneths of the yeere, February, March, Aprill and May, there are
plenty of Sturgeons. And also in the same moneths of Herrings, some of the
ordinary bignesse of ours in England, but the most part farre greater, of
eighteene, twenty inches, and some two foot in length and better: both
these kinds of fish in those moneths are most plentifull, and in best
season, which we found to be most delicate and pleasant meat.
There are also Trouts, Porpoises, Rayes, Oldwiues, Mullets, Plaice, and
very many other sorts of excellent good fish, which we haue taken and
eaten, whose names I know not but in the countrey language: we haue the
pictures of twelue sorts more, as they were drawen in the countrey, with
their names.
(M309) The inhabitants vse to take them two maner of wayes: the one is by
a kinde of weare made of reeds, which in that country are very strong: the
other way, which is more strange, is with poles made sharpe at one end, by
shooting them into the fish after the maner as Irish men cast darts,
either as they are rowing in their boats or els as they are wading in the
shallowes for the purpose.
There are also in many places plenty of these kinds which follow:
Sea crabs, such as we haue in England.
Oisters, some very great, and some small, some round, and some of a long
shape: they are found both in salt water and brackish, and those that we
had out of salt water are farre better then the other, as in our countrey.
Also Muscles, Scalops, Periwinkles, and Creuises.
Seekanauk, a kinde of crusty shel-fish, which is good meat, about a foot
in bredth, hauing a crusty taile, many legges like a crab, and her eyes in
her backe. They are found in shallowes of waters, and sometime on the
shore.
There are many Tortoises both of land and sea kinde, their backs and
bellies are shelled very thicke; their head, feet, and taile, which are in
appearance, seeme ougly, as though they were members of a serpent or
venimous beasts; but notwithstanding they are very good meat, as also
their egges. Some haue bene found of a yard in bredth and better.
And thus haue I made relation of all sorts of victuall that we fed vpon
for the time we were in Virginia, as also the inhabitants themselues, as
farre forth as I know and can remember, or that are specially woorthy to
be remembred.
The third and last part of such other things as are behouefull for those
which shall plant and inhabite to know of, with a description of the
nature and maners of the people of the Countrey.
Of commodities for building and other necessary vses.
Those other things which I am more to make rehearsal of, are such as
concerne building, and other mechanicall necessary vses, as diuers sorts
of trees for house and ship-timber, and other vses else: Also lime, stone,
and bricke, least that being not mentioned some might haue bene doubted
of, or by some that are malitious the contrary reported.
Okes there are as faire, straight, tall, and as good timber as any can be,
and also great store, and in some places very great.
Walnut trees, as I haue said before very many, some haue bene seene
excellent timber of foure and fiue fadome, and aboue fourescore foote
streight without bough.
Firre trees fit for masts of ships, some very tall and great.
Rakiock, a kinde of trees so called that are sweete wood, of which the
inhabitants that were neere vnto vs doe commonly make their boates or
Canoas of the forme of trowes, onely with the helpe of fire, hatchets of
stones, and shels: we haue knowen some so great being made in that sort of
one tree, that they haue caried well 20. men at once, besides much
baggage: the timber being great, tall, streight, soft, light, and yet
tough ynough I thinke (besides other vses) to be fit also for masts of
ships.
Cedar, a sweete wood good for seelings, chests, boxes, bedsteads, lutes,
virginals, and many things els, as I haue also said before. Some of our
companie which haue wandered in some places where I haue not bene, haue
made certeine affirmation of Cyprus, which for such and other excellent
vses is also a wood of price and no small estimation.
Maple, and also Wich-hazle, whereof the inhabitants vse to make their
bowes.
Holly, a necessary thing for the making of birdlime.
Willowes good for the making of weares and weeles to take fish after the
English maner, although the inhabitants vse onely reedes, which because
they are so strong as also flexible, doe serue for that turne very well
and sufficiently.
Beech and Ashe, good for caske-hoopes, and if neede require, plowe worke,
as also for many things els.
Elme. Sassafras trees.
Ascopo a kinde of tree very like vnto Lawrell, the barke is hot in taste
and spicie, it is very like to that tree which Monardes describeth to be
Cassia Lignea of the West Indies.
There are many other strange trees whose names I know not but in the
Virginian language, of which I am not now able, neither is it so
conuenient for the present to trouble you with particular relation: seeing
that for timber and other necessary vses, I haue named sufficient. And of
many of the rest, but that they may be applied to good vse, I know no
cause to doubt.
Nowe for stone, bricke and lime, thus it is. Neere vnto the Sea coast
where wee dwelt, there are no kinde of stones to be found (except a few
small pebbles about foure miles off) but such as haue bene brought from
further out of the maine. In some of our voyages we haue seene diuers hard
raggie stones, great pebbles, and a kinde of gray stone like vnto marble
of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleaue wood. Vpon inquirie
wee heard that a little further vp into the Countrey were of all sorts
very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither haue they vse
of any store whereupon they should haue occasion to seeke any. For if
euery housholde haue one or two to cracke nuts, grinde shels, whet copper,
and sometimes other stones for hatchets, they haue ynough: neither vse
they any digging, but onely for graues about three foote deepe: and
therefore no marueile that they know neither quarries, nor lime-stones,
which both may be in places neerer then they wot of.
In the meane time vntill there be discouery of sufficient store in some
place or other conuenient, the want of you which are and shalbe the
planters therein may be as well supplied by bricke: for the making whereof
in diuers places of the Countrey there is clay both excellent good and
plentie, and also by lime made of oyster shels, and of others burnt, after
the maner as they vse in the Isles of Tenet(99) and Shepy, and also in
diuers other places of England: Which kinde of lime is well knowen to be
as good as any other. And of oyster shels there is plentie ynough: for
besides diuers other particular places where are abundance, there is one
shallow Sound along the coast, where for the space of many miles together
in length, and two or three miles in breadth, the ground is nothing els,
being but halfe a foote or a foote vnder water for the most part.
Thus much can I say furthermore of stones, that about 120. miles from our
fort neere the water in the side of a hill, was found by a Gentleman of
our company, a great veine of hard ragge stonnes, which I thought good to
remember vnto you.
Of the nature and maners of the people.
It resteth I speake a word or two of the naturall inhabitants, their
natures and maners leauing large discourse thereof vntil time more
conuenient hereafter: nowe onely so farre foorth, as that you may know,
how that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting and planting, are not
to be feared, but that they shall haue cause both to feare and loue vs,
that shall inhabite with them.
(M310) They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of deere skinnes,
and aprons of the same round about their middle, all els naked, of such a
difference of statures onely as wee in England, hauing no edge tooles or
weapons of yron or steele to offend vs withall, neither knowe they how to
make any: those weapons that they haue, are onely bowes made of
Witch-hazle, and arrowes of reedes, flat edged truncheons also of wood
about a yard long, neither haue they any thing to defend themselues but
targets made of barkes, and some armours made of sticks wickered together
with thread.
Their townes are but small, and neere the Sea coast but fewe, some
contayning but tenne or twelue houses: some 20. the greatest that we haue
seene hath bene but of 30. houses: if they bee walled, it is onely done
with barkes of trees made fast to stakes, or els with poles onely fixed
vpright, and close one by another.
Their houses are made of small poles, made fast at the tops in round forme
after the maner as is vsed in many arbories in our gardens of England, in
most townes couered with barkes, and in some with artificiall mats made of
long rushes, from the tops of the houses downe to the ground. The length
of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but 12.
and 16. yards long, and in other some we haue seene of foure and twentie.
In some places of the Countrey, one onely towne belongeth to the
gouernment of a Wiroans or chiefe Lord, in other some two or three, in
some sixe, eight, and more: the greatest Wiroans that yet wee had dealing
with, had but eighteene townes in his gouernment, and able to make not
aboue seuen or eight hundred fighting men at the most. The language of
euery gouernment is different from any other, and the further they are
distant, the greater is the difference.
Their maner of warres among themselues is either by sudden surprising one
an other most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moone light,(100)
or els by ambushes, or some subtile deuises. Set battles are very rare,
except it fall out where there are many trees, where either part may haue
some hope of defence, after the deliuery of euery arrow, in leaping behind
some or other.
If there fall out any warres betweene vs and them, what their fight is
likely to bee, wee hauing aduantages against them so many maner of wayes,
as by our discipline, our strange weapons and deuises else, especially
Ordinance great and small, it may easily bee imagined: by the experience
wee haue had in some places, the turning vp of their heeles against vs in
running away was their best defence.
In respect of vs they are a people poore, and for want of skill and
iudgement in the knowledge and vse of our things, doe esteeme our trifles
before things of greater value: Notwithstanding in their proper maner
(considering the want of such means as we haue,) they seeme very
ingenious. For although they haue no such tooles, nor any such crafts,
Sciences and Artes as wee, yet in those things they doe, they shew
excellence of wit. And by how much they vpon due consideration shall finde
our maner of knowledges and crafts to exceede theirs in perfection, and
speed for doing and execution, by so much the more is it probable that
they should desire our friendship and loue, and haue the greater respect
for pleasing and obeying vs. Whereby may bee hoped, if meanes of good
gouernment be vsed, that they may in short time bee brought to ciuilitie,
and the imbracing of true Religion.
Some religion they haue already, which although it be farre from the
trueth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier and sooner
reformed.
They beleeue that there are many gods, which they call Mantoac, but of
different sorts and degrees, one onely chiefe and great God, which hath
beene from all eternitie. Who as they affirme, when hee purposed to make
the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be as meanes
and instruments to be vsed in the creation and gouernment to follow, and
after the Sunne, moone, and starres as pettie gods, and the instruments of
the other order more principal. First (they say) were made waters out of
which by the gods were made all diuersitie of creatures that are visible
or invisible.
For mankinde they say a woman was made first, which by the working of one
of the gods, conceiued and brought foorth children: And in such sort they
say they had their beginning. But how many yeeres or ages haue passed
since, they say they can make no relation hauing no letters or other such
meanes as we to keepe records of the particularities of times past, but
onely tradition from father to sonne.
They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore they
represent them by images in the formes of men, which they call Kewasowok,
one alone is called Kewas: them they place in houses appropriate or
temples, which they call Machicomuck, where they worship, pray, sing, and
make many times offring vnto them. In some Machicomuck we haue seene but
one Kewas, in some two, and in other some three. The common sort thinke
them to be also gods.
They beleeue also the immortalitie of the soule, that after this life as
soone as the soule is departed from the body, according to the workes it
hath done, it is either carried to heauen the habitacle of the gods, there
to enioy perpetuall blisse and happinesse or els to a great pitte or hole,
which they thinke to be in the furthest parts of their part of the world
toward the Sunne set, there to burne continually: the place they call
Popogusso.
For the confirmation of this opinion, they tolde me two stories of two men
that had bene lately dead and reuiued againe, the one happened but few
yeeres before our comming into the Countrey of a wicked man, which hauing
bene dead and buried, the next day the earth of the graue being seene to
moue, was taken vp againe, who made declaration where his soule had bene,
that is to say, very neere entring into Popogusso, had not one of the gods
saued him, and gaue him leaue to returne againe, and teach his friends
what they should do to auoyd that terrible place of torment. The other
happened in the same yeere we were there, but in a towne that was 60.
miles from vs, and it was told me for strange newes, that one being dead,
buried, and taken vp againe as the first, shewed that although his body
had lien dead in the graue, yet his soule was aliue, and had trauailed
farre in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew most delicate and
pleasant trees, bearing more rare and excellent fruits, then euer hee had
seene before, or was able to expresse, and at length came to most braue
and faire houses, neere which he met his father that had bene dead before,
who gaue him great charge to goe backe againe, and shew his friendes what
good they were to doe to enioy the pleasures of that place, which when he
had done he should after come againe.
What subtiltie soeuer be in the Wiroances and priestes, this opinion
worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people, that it
maketh them haue great respect to their Gouernours, and also great care
what they doe, to auoyd torment after death, and to enioy blisse, although
notwithstanding there is punishment ordeined for malefactours, as
stealers, whoremongers, and other sorts of wicked doers, some punished
with death, some with forfeitures, some with beating, according to the
greatnesse of the facts.
And this is the summe of their Religion, which I learned by hauing
speciall familiaritie with some of their priests. Wherein they were not so
sure grounded, nor gaue such credite to their traditions and stories, but
through conuersing with vs they were brought into great doubts of their
owne; and no small admiration of ours, with earnest desire in many, to
learne more then wee had meanes for want of perfect vtterance in their
language to expresse.
Most things they sawe with vs, as Mathematicall instruments, sea
Compasses, the vertue of the load-stone in drawing yron, a perspectiue
glasse whereby was shewed many strange sights, burning glasses, wilde
firewoorkes, gunnes, hookes, writing and reading, spring-clockes that
seeme to goe of themselues, and many other things that wee had were so
strange vnto them, and so farre exceeded their capacities to comprehend
the reason and meanes how they should be made and done, that they thought
they were rather the workes of gods then of men, or at the leastwise they
had bene giuen and taught vs of the gods. Which made many of them to haue
such opinion of vs, as that if they knew not the trueth of God and
Religion already, it was rather to bee had from vs whom God so specially
loued, then from a people that were so simple, as they found themselues to
be in comparison of vs. Whereupon greater credite was giuen vnto that wee
spake of, concerning such matters.
Many times and in euery towne where I came, according as I was able, I
made declaration of the contents of the Bible, that therein was set foorth
the true and onely God, and his mightie workes, that therein was conteined
the true doctrine of saluation through Christ, with many particularities
of Miracles and chiefe points of Religion, as I was able then to vtter,
and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the booke
materially and of it selfe was not of any such vertue, as I thought they
did conceiue, but onely the doctrine therein conteined: yet would many be
glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to holde it to their
breastes and heads, and stroke ouer all their body with it, to shew their
hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of.
The Wiroans with whom we dwelt called Wingina, and many of his people
would bee glad many times to be with vs at our Prayers, and many times
call vpon vs both in his owne towne, as also in others whither hee
sometimes accompanied vs, to pray and sing Psalmes, hoping thereby to be
partaker of the same effects which we by that meanes also expected.
Twise this Wiroans was so grieuously sicke that he was like to die, and as
he lay languishing, doubting of any helpe by his owne priestes, and
thinking hee was in such danger for offending vs and thereby our God, sent
for some of vs to pray and bee a meanes to our God that it would please
him either that he might liue, or after death dwell with him in blisse, so
likewise were the requests of many others in the like case.
On a time also when their corne began to wither by reason of a draught
which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come to passe by
reason that in some thing they had displeased vs, many would come to vs
and desire vs to pray to our God of England, that he would preserue their
Corne, promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the
fruit.
There could at no time happen any strange sicknesse, losses, hurts, or any
other crosse vnto them, but that they would impute to vs the cause or
meanes thereof, for offending or not pleasing vs. One other rare and
strange accident, leauing others, wil I mention before I end, which moued
the whole Countrey that either knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in
wonderfull admiration.
There was no towne where wee had any subtle deuise practised against vs,
wee leauing it vnpunished or not reuenged (because we sought by all meanes
possible to win them by gentlenesse) but that within a few dayes after our
departure from euery such Towne, the people began to die very fast, and
many in short space, in some Townes about twentie, in some fourtie, and in
one sixe score, which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers.
This happened in no place that we could learne, but where we had bin,
where they vsed some practise against vs, and after such time. The disease
also was so strange, that they neither knewe what it was, nor how to cure
it, the like by report of the oldest men in the Countrey neuer happened
before, time out of minde. A thing specially obserued by vs, as also by
the naturall inhabitants themselves. Insomuch that when some of the
inhabitants which were our friends, and especially the Wiroans Wingina,
had obserued such effects in foure or fiue Townes to follow their wicked
practises, they were perswaded that it was the worke of our God through
our meanes, and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without
weapons, and not come neere them. And thereupon when it had happened that
they had vnderstanding that any of their enemies had abused vs in our
iourneys, hearing that we had wrought no reuenge with our weapons, and
fearing vpon some cause the matter should so rest: did come and intreate
vs that we would be a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt
ill with vs might in like sort die, alleadging how much it would bee for
our credite and profite, as also theirs, and hoping furthermore that we
would doe so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we
professed them.
Whose entreaties although wee shewed that they were vngodly, affirming
that our God would not subiect himselfe to any such prayers and requests
of men: that indeede all things haue bene and were to be done according to
his good pleasure as he had ordeined: and that, we to shewe our selues his
true seruants ought rather to make petition for the contrary, that they
with them might liue together with vs, be made partakers of his trueth,
and serue him in righteousnesse, but notwithstanding in such sort, that
wee referre that, as all other things, to bee done according to his diuine
will and pleasure, and as by his wisedome he had ordeined to be best.
Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to
their desires, they thought neuerthelesse it came to passe by our meanes,
and that we in vsing such speeches vnto them, did not dissemble the
matter, and therefore came vnto vs to giue vs thankes in their maner, that
although we satisfied them not in promise, yet in deedes and effect we had
fulfilled their desires.
This marueilous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions
of vs, that some people could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men,
and the rather because that all the space of their sicknes, there was no
man of ours knowen to die, or that was specially sicke: they noted also
that we had no women among vs, neither that we did care for any of theirs.
Some therefore were of opinion that we were not borne of women, and
therefore not mortal, but that we were men of an old generation many
yeeres past, then risen againe to immortalitie.
Some would likewise seeme to prophecie that there were more of our
generation yet to come to kill theirs and take their places, as some
thought the purpose was, by that which was already done. Those that were
immediatly to come after vs they imagined to be in the aire, yet inuisible
and without bodies, and that by our intreatie and for the loue of vs, did
make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting inuisible
bullets into them.
To confirme this opinion, their Phisitions (to excuse their ignorance in
curing the disease) would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the
simple people beleeue, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of
the sicke bodies, were the strings wherewithall the inuisible bullets were
tied and cast. Some also thought that wee shot them our selues out of our
pieces, from the place where wee dwelt, and killed the people in any Towne
that had offended vs, as wee listed, howe farre distant from vs soeuer it
were. And other some said, that it was the speciall worke of God for our
sakes, as we our selues haue cause in some sort to thinke no lesse,
whatsoeuer some doe, or may imagine to the contrary, specially some
Astrologers, knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which we saw the same
yeere before in our voyage thitherward, which vnto them appeared very
terrible. And also of a Comet which began to appeare but a fewe dayes
before the beginning of the saide sicknesse. But to exclude them from
being the speciall causes of so speciall an accident, there are further
reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleadged. These their
opinions I haue set downe the more at large, that it may appeare vnto you
that there is good hope they may be brought through discreete dealing and
gouernment to the imbracing of the trueth, and consequently to honour,
obey, feare and loue vs.
And although some of our company towards the ende of the yeere, shewed
themselues too fierce in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon
causes that on our part might easily ynough haue bene borne withall: yet
notwithstanding, because it was on their part iustly deserued, the
alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part concerning vs
is the lesse to be doubted. And whatsoever els they may be, by
carefulnesse of our selues neede nothing at all to be feared.
The best neuerthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be
endeuoured and hoped, and of the worst that may happen notice to be taken
with consideration, and as much as may be eschewed.
The conclusion.
Now I haue (as I hope) made relation not of so few and small things, but
that the Countrey (of men that are indifferent and well disposed) may bee
sufficiently liked: If there were no more knowen then I haue mentioned,
which doubtlesse and in great reason is nothing to that which remaineth to
be discouered, neither the soyle, nor commodities. As we haue reason so to
gather by the difference we found in our trauailes, for although al which
I haue before spoken of, haue bene discouered and experimented not farre
from the Sea coast, where was our abode and most of our trauailing: yet
sometimes as we made our iourneys further into the maine and Countrey; we
found the soile to be fatter, the trees greater and to grow thinner, the
ground more firme and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer
grasse, and as good as euer we saw any in England; in some places rockie
and farre more high and hilly ground, more plentie of their fruites, more
abundance of beastes, the more inhabited with people, and of greater
pollicie and larger dominions, with greater townes and houses.
Why may wee not then looke for in good hope from the inner parts of more
and greater plentie, as well of other things, as of those which wee haue
already discouered? Vnto the Spaniards happened the like in discouering
the maine of the West Indies. The maine also of this Countrey of Virginia,
extending some wayes so many hundreds of leagues, as otherwise then by the
relation of the inhabitants wee haue most certaine knowledge of where yet
no Christian prince hath any possession or dealing, cannot but yeelde many
kinds of excellent commodities, which we in our discouery haue not seene.
What hope there is els to bee gathered of the nature of the climate, being
answerable to the Iland of Japan, the land of China, Persia, Iury, the
Ilands of Cyprus and Candy, the South parts of Greece, Italy and Spaine,
and of many other notable and famous Countreys, because I meane not to be
tedious, I leaue to your owne consideration.
Whereby also the excellent temperature of the aire there at all seasons,
much warmer then in England, and neuer so vehemently hot, as sometimes is
vnder and betweene the Tropikes, or neere them, cannot be knowen vnto you
without further relation.
For the holsomnesse thereof I neede to say but this much: that for all the
want of prouisson, as first of English victuall, excepting for twentie
dayes, we liued onely by drinking water, and by the victuall of the
Countrey, of which some sorts were very strange vnto vs, and might haue
bene thought to haue altered our temperatures in such sort, as to haue
brought vs into some greuious and dangerous diseases: (M311) Secondly the
want of English meanes, for the taking of beastes, fish and foule, which
by the helpe onely of the inhabitants and their meanes could not bee so
suddenly and easily prouided for vs, nor in so great number and
quantities, nor of that choise as otherwise might haue bene to our better
satisfaction and contentment. Some want also we had of clothes.
Furthermore in al our trauailes, which were most specially and often in
the time of Winter, our lodging was in the open aire vpon the ground. And
yet I say for all this, there were but foure of our whole company (being
one hundred and eight) that died all the yeere, and that but at the latter
ende thereof, and vpon none of the aforesaid causes. For all foure,
especially three, were feeble, weake, and sickly persons before euer they
come thither, and those that knew them, much marueled that they liued so
long being in that case, or had aduentured to trauaile.
Seeing therefore the aire there is so temperate and holsome, the soyle so
fertile, and yeelding such commodities, as I haue before mentioned, the
also thither to and fro being sufficiently experimented to be performed
twise a yeere with ease, and at any season thereof: And the dealing of Sir
Walter Ralegh so liberall in large giuing and granting land there, as is
already knowen, with many helpes and furtherances else: (The least that he
hath granted hath bene fiue hundreth acres to a man onely for the
aduenture of his person) I hope there remaines no cause whereby the action
should be misliked.
If that those which shall thither trauaile to inhabite and plant bee but
reasonably prouided for the first yeere, as those are which were
transported the last, and being there, doe vse but that diligence and
care, that is requisit, and as they may with ease: There is no doubt but
for the time following, they may haue victuall that are excellent good and
plentie ynough, some more English sorts of cattell also hereafter, as some
haue bene before and there are yet remayning, may and shall be (God
willing) thither transported. So likewise, our kinde of fruites, rootes,
and hearbes, may be there planted and sowed, as some haue bene already,
and proue well: And in short time, also they may raise so much of those
sorts of commodities which I haue spoken of, as shall both enrich
themselues, as also others that shall deale with them.
And this is all the fruit of our labours, that I haue thought necessary to
aduertise you of at this present: What else concerneth the nature and
maners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number with the particularities
of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such as haue beene by
Sir Walter Ralegh therein, and there imployed, many worthy to be
remembred, as of the first discouerers of the Country, of our Generall for
the time Sir Richard Grinuil, and after his departure of our Gouernour
there Master Ralph Lane, with diuers others directed and imployed vnder
their gouernment: Of the Captaines and Masters of the voyages made since
for transportation of the Gouernour and assistants of those already
transported, as of many persons, accidents, and things els, I haue ready
in a discourse by it selfe in maner of a Chronicle, according to the
course of times: which when time shall be thought conuenient, shall be
also published.
Thus referring my relation to your fauourable constructions, expecting
good successe of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the
authour and gouernour, not onely of this, but of all things els, I take my
leaue of you, this moneth of February 1587.
XXX. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in yere 1587.
Wherein was transported the second Colonie.
In the yeere of our Lord 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to perseuere in
the planting of his Countrey of Virginia, prepared a newe Colonie of one
hundred and fiftie men to be sent thither, vnder the charge of Iohn White,
whom hee appointed Gouernour, and also appointed vnto him twelue
Assistants, vnto whom he gaue a Charter, and incorporated them by the name
of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia.
April.
Our Fleete being in number three saile, viz. the Admirall a shippe of one
hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie-boate, and a Pinnesse, departed the
sixe and twentieth of April from Portsmouth, and the same day came to an
ancker at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where wee stayed eight dayes.
May.
The fift of May, at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth,
where we remained the space of two dayes.
The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth, and departed thence for Virginia.
The 16 Simon Ferdinando, Master of our Admirall, lewdly forsooke our
Fly-boate, leauing her distressed in the Bay of Portugal.
Iune.
The 19 we fell with Dominica, and the same euening we sayled betweene it,
and Guadalupe: the 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica.
(M312) The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Cruz,(101)
where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the
same moneth. (M313) At our first landing on this Island, some of our
women, and men, by eating a small fruit like greene Apples, were
fearefully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes, and swelling
of their tongues so bigge, that some of them could not speake. Also a
child by sucking one of those womens breasts, had at that instant his
mouth set on such a burning, that it was strange to see how the infant was
tormented for the time: but after 24 houres it ware away of it selfe.
Also the first night of our being on this Island, we took fiue great
Tortoses, some of them of such bignes, that sixteene of our strongest men
were tired with carying of one of them but from the sea side to our
cabbins. In this Island we found no watring place, but a standing ponde,
the water whereof was so euill, that many of our company fell sicke with
drinking thereof: and as many as did but wash their faces with that water,
in the morning before the Sunne had drawen away the corruption, their
faces did so burne and swell, that their eyes were shut vp, and could not
see in fiue or sixe dayes, or longer.
The second day of our abode there, we sent forth some of our men to search
the Island for fresh water, three one way, and two another way. The
Gouernour also, with sixe others, went vp to the top of an high hill, to
viewe the Island, but could perceiue no signe of any men, or beastes, nor
any goodnes, but Parots, and trees of Guiacum. Returning backe to our
cabbins another way, he found in the discent of a hill, certaine
potsheards of sauage making, made of the earth of that Island: whereupon
it was iudged, that this Island was inhabited with Sauages, though
Fernando had told vs for certaine the contrary. The same day at night, the
rest of our company very late returned to the Gouernour. The one company
affirmed, that they had seene in a valley eleuen Sauages, and diuers
houses halfe a mile distant from the steepe, or toppe of the hill where
they stayed. The other company had found running out of a high rocke a
very fayre spring of water, whereof they brought three bottels to the
company: for before that time, wee drank the stinking water of the pond.
The same second day at night Captaine Stafford, with the Pinnesse,
departed from our fleets, riding at Santa Cruz, to an Island, called
Beake, lying neere S. Iohn, being so directed by Ferdinando, who assured
him he should there find great plenty of sheepe. The next day at night,
our planters left Santa Cruz, and came all aboord, and the next morning
after, being the 25 of Iune we weyed anker, and departed from Santa Cruz.
The seuen and twentieth we came to anker at Cottea, where we found the
Pinnesse riding at our comming.
The 28 we weyed anker at Cottea, and presently came to anker at S. Iohns
in Musketos Bay,(102) where we spent three dayes vnprofitable in taking in
fresh water, spending in the meane time more beere then the quantitie of
the water came vnto.
Iulie.
(M314) The first day we weyed anker at Musketos Bay, where were left
behind two Irish men of our company, Darbie Glauen, and Denice Carrell,
bearing along the coast of S. Iohns till euening, at which time wee fell
with Rosse Bay. At this place Ferdinando had promised wee should take in
salte, and had caused vs before, to make and prouide as many sackes for
that purpose, as we could. The Gouernour also, for that hee understood
there was a Towne in the bottome of the Bay, not farre from the salt
hills, appointed thirty shot, tenne pikes, and ten targets, to man the
Pinnesse, and to goe aland for salt. Ferdinando perceiuing them in a
readines, sent to the Gouernour, vsing great perswasions with him, not to
take in salt there, saying that hee knew not well whether the same were
the place or not: also, that if the Pinnesse went into the Bay, she could
not without great danger come backe, till the next day at night, and that
if in the meane time any storme should rise, the Admirall were in danger
to bee cast away. Whilest he was thus perswading, he caused the lead to be
cast, and hauing craftily brought the shippe in three fadome and a halfe
water, he suddenly began to sweare, and teare God in pieces, dissembling
great danger, crying to him at the helme, beare vp hard, beare vp hard, so
we went off, and were disappointed of our salt, by his meanes.
The next day sayling along the west end of S. Iohn, the (M315) Gouernour
determined to go aland in S. Germans Bay, to gather yong plants of
Orenges, Pines, Mameas, and Plantanos, to set at Virginia, which we knew
might easily be had, for that they grow neere the shore, and the places
where they grew, well known to the Gouernour, and some of the planters:
but our Simon denied it, saying: he would come to an anker at Hispaniola,
and there land the Gouernour, and some other of the Assistants, with the
pinnesse, to see if he could speake with his friend Alanson, of whom he
hoped to be furnished both of cattell, and all such things as we would
haue taken in at S. Iohn: but he meant nothing lesse, as it plainely did
appeare to vs afterwards.
The next day after, being the third of Iuly, we saw Hispaniola, and bare
with the coast all that day, looking still when the pinnesse should be
prepared to goe for the place where Ferdinando his friend Alanson was: but
that day passed, and we saw no preparation for landing in Hispaniola.
The 4. of Iuly, sayling along the coast of Hispaniola, vntill the next day
at noone, and no preparation yet seene for the staying there, we hauing
knowledge that we were past the place where Alanson dwelt, and were come
with Isabella: hereupon Ferdinando was asked by the Gouernour, whether he
meant to speake with Alanson, for the taking in of cattell, and other
things, according to his promise, or not: but he answered that he was now
past the place, and that Sir Walter Ralegh told him, the French Ambassador
certified him, that the king of Spaine had sent for Alanson into Spaine:
wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpose to touch
there in any place, at this voyage.
The next day we left sight of Hispaniola, and haled off for Virginia,
about foure of the clocke in the afternoone.
The sixt day of Iuly we came to the Island Caycos, wherein Ferdinando sayd
were two salt pondes, assuring vs that if they were drie we might find
salt to shift with, vntill the next supply: but it prooued as true as
finding of sheepe at Baque. In this Island, whilest Ferdinando solaced
himselfe ashore, with one of the company, in part of the Island, others
spent the latter part of that day in other parts of the Iland, some to
seeke the salt ponds, some fowling, some hunting Swans, whereof we caught
many. The next day early in the morning we weyed anker, leauing Caycos,
with good hope, that the first land that we saw next should be Virginia.
About the 16 of Iuly we fel with the maine of Virginia, which Simon
Ferdinando tooke to be the Island of Croatoan, where we came to anker, and
rode there two or three dayes: but finding himselfe deceiued, he weyed,
and bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captaine Stafford
bene more carefull in looking out, then our Simon Ferdinando, we had bene
all cast away vpon the breach, called the Cape of Feare, for we were come
within two cables length vpon it: such was the carelesnes, and ignorance
of our Master.
The two and twentieth of Iuly wee arriued safe at Hatorask, where our ship
and pinnesse ankered: (M316) the Gouernour went aboord the pinnesse
accompanied with fortie of his best men, intending to passe vp to Roanoak
foorthwith, hoping there to finde those fifteene Englishmen, which Sir
Richard Grinuile had left there the yeere before, with whom he meant to
haue conference, concerning the state of the Countrey, and Sauages,
meaning after he had so done, to returne againe to the fleete, and passe
along the coast, to the Bay of Chesepiok where we intended to make our
seate and forte, according to the charge giuen us among other directions
in writing, vnder the hande of Sir Walter Ralegh: but assoone as we were
put with our pinnesse from the ship, a Gentleman by the meanes of
Ferdinando, who was appointed to returne for England, called to the
sailers in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters
backe again, but to leaue them in the Island, except the Gouernour, and
two or three such as he approued, saying that the Summer was farre spent,
wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place. Vnto this
were all the saylers, both in the pinnesse, and shippe, perswaded by the
Master, wherefore it booted not the Gouernour to contend with them, but
passed to Roanoak, and the same night at sunne-set went aland on the
Island, in the place where our fifteene men were left, but we found none
of them, nor any signe that they had bene there, sauing onely wee found
the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Sauages had slaine long
before.
The three and twentieth of Iuly the Gouernour with diuers of his company,
walked to the North ende of the Island, where Master Ralfe Lane had his
forte, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men
about it the yeere before, where wee hoped to find some signes, or
certaine knowledge of our fifteene men. When we came thither, we found the
fort rased downe, but all the houses standing vnhurt, sauing that the
neather roomes of them, and also of the forte, were ouergrowen with Melons
of diuers sortes, and Deere within them, feeding on those Melons: so wee
returned to our company, without hope of euer seeing any of the fifteene
men liuing.
The same day order was giuen, that euery man should be employed for the
repayring of those houses, which wee found standing, and also to make
other new Cottages, for such as should neede.
The 25 our Flyboate and the rest of our planters arriued all safe at
Hatoraske, to the great ioy and comfort of the whole company: but the
Master of our Admirall Ferdinando grieued greatly at their safe comming:
for hee purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stole away from
them in the night, hoping that the Master thereof, whose name was Edward
Spicer, for that he neuer had bene in Virginia, would hardly finde the
place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by meanes of
so many men of warre, as at that time were abroad, they should surely be
taken, or slaine: but God disappointed his wicked pretenses.
The eight and twentieth, George Howie, one of our twelue Assistants was
slaine by diuers Sauages, which were come ouer to Roanoak, either of
purpose to espie our company, and what we were, or else to hunt Deere,
whereof were many in the Island. These Sauages being secretly hidden among
high reedes, where oftentimes they find the Deere asleep, and so kill
them, espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without any
weapon, saue only a smal forked sticke, catching Crabs therewithall, and
also being strayed two miles from his company, and shot at him in the
water, where they gaue him sixteen wounds with their arrowes: and after
they had slaine him with their woodden swords, they beat his head in
pieces, and fled ouer the water to the maine.
On the thirtieth of Iuly Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by
water to the Island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother, and many
of his kindred dwelling in that Island, of whom wee hoped to vnderstand
some newes of our fifteene men, but especially to learne the disposition
of the people of the countrey toward vs, and to renew our old friendship
with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight
with vs: but perceiuing vs begin to march with our shot towardes them,
they turned their backes, and fled. Then Manteo their countrey man called
to them in their owne language, whom, assoone as they heard, they
returned, and threwe away their bowes and arrowes, and some of them came
vnto vs, embracing and entertaining vs friendly, desiring vs not to gather
or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little. We answered
them, that neither their corne, nor any other thing of theirs, should be
diminished by any of vs, and that our comming was onely to renew the old
loue, that was betweene vs and them at the first, and to liue with them as
brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please them well, wherefore
they requested vs to walke vp to their Towne, who there feasted vs after
their maner; and desired vs earnestly, that there might bee some token or
badge giuen them of vs, whereby we might know them to be our friends, when
we met them any where out of the Towne or Island. They told vs further,
that for want of some such badge, diuers of them were hurt the yeere
before, being found out of the Island by Master Lane his company, whereof
they shewed vs one, which at that very instant lay lame, and had lien of
that hurt euer since: but they sayd, they knew our men mistooke them, and
hurt them instead of Winginos men, wherefore they held vs excused.
August.
The next day we had conference further with them, concerning the peopie of
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certifie the
people of those townes, that if they would accept our friendship, we would
willingly receiue them againe, and that all vnfriendly dealings past on
both parts, should be vtterly forgiuen and forgotten. To this the chiefe
men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly doe the best they could,
and within seuen dayes, bring the Wiroances and chiefe Gouernours of those
townes with them, to our Gouernour at Roanoak, or their answere. We also
vnderstood of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master Howe was slaine by
the remnant of Winginos men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom
Wanchese kept companie: and also we vnderstood by them of Croatoan, how
that the 15 Englishmen left at Roanoak the yeere before, by Sir Richard
Grinuile, were suddenly set vpon, by 30 of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc,
and Dasamonguepeuk in manner following. They conueyed themselues secretly
behind the trees, neere the houses where our men carelesly liued: and
hauing perceiued that of those fifteene they could see but eleuen onely,
two of those Sauages appeared to the 11 Englishmen calling to them by
friendly signes, that but two of their chiefest men should come vnarmed to
speake with those two Sauages, who seemed also to be vnarmed. Wherefore
two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them: but whilest one
of those Sauages traiterously imbraced one of our men, the other with his
sworde of wood, which he had secretly hidden vnder his mantell, strooke
him on the heade and slew him, and presently the other eight and twentie
Sauages shewed them selues: the other Englishman perceiuing this, fled to
his company, whom the Sauages pursued with their bowes, and arrowes, so
fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their
victuall, and weapons were: but the Sauages foorthwith set the same on
fire: by meanes wherof our men were forced to take vp such weapons as came
first to hand, and without order to runne forth among the Sauages, with
whom they skirmished aboue an howre. In this skirmish another of our men
was shotte into the mouth with an arrow, where hee died: and also one of
the Sauages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire
arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great
aduantage to the Sauages, by meanes of the thicke trees, behinde which the
Sauages through their nimblenes, defended themselues, and so offended our
men with their arrowes, that our men being some of them hurt, retyred
fighting to the water side, where their boat lay, with which they fled
towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile,
they espied their foure fellowes coming from a creeke thereby, where they
had bene to fetch Oysters: these foure they receiued into their boate,
leauing Roanoak, and landed on a little Island on the right hand of our
entrance into the harbour of Hatorask, where they remayned a while, but
afterward departed, whither as yet we know not.
Hauing nowe sufficiently dispatched our businesse at Croatoan, the same
day we departed friendly, taking our leaue, and came aboord the fleete at
Hatorask.
The eight of August, the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the
Wiroanses of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that
the seuen dayes were past, within which they promised to come in, or to
send their answeres by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard,
being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant
of Wingina his men, which were left aliue, who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk,
were they which had slaine George Howe, and were also at the driving of
our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoak, hee thought to deferre the reuenge
thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed ouer
the water, accompanied with Captaine Stafford, and 24 men, wherof Manteo
was one, whom we tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those
Sauages dwelt, where he behaued himselfe toward vs as a most faithfull
Englishman.
The next day, being the 9 of August, in the morning so early that it was
yet darke, we landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies, and very
secretly conueyed our selues through the woods, to that side, where we had
their houses betweene vs and the water: and hauing espied their fire, and
some sitting about it, we presently set on them: the miserable soules
herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke reedes, growing fast by,
where our men perceiuing them, shot one of them through the bodie with a
bullet, and therewith we entered the reedes, among which we hoped to
acquite their euill doing towards vs, but we were deceiued, for those
Sauages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne
and fruit of that place, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled
immediatly after they had slaine George Howe, and for haste had left all
their corne. Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sont, that al had bene
deuoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time: but
they had like to haue payd deerely for it: for it was so darke, that they
being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others, wee
knew not but that they were al men: and if that one of them which was a
Wiroances wife had not had a child at her backe, shee had bene slaine in
stead of a man, and as hap was, another Sauage knew master Stafford, and
ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby hee was saued. Finding our
selues thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered al the corne, Pease,
Pompions, and Tobacco that we found ripe, leauing the rest vnspoyled, and
tooke Menatoan his wife, with the yong child, and the other Sauages with
vs ouer the water to Roanoak. Although the mistaking of these Sauages
somewhat grieued Manteo, yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly,
saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming
to the Gouernour at the day appointed, they had not knowen that mischance.
The 13 of August our Sauage Manteo, by the commandement of Sir Walter
Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of
Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithfull seruices.
The 18 Elenor, daughter to the Gouernour, and wife to Ananias Dare one of
the Assistants, was deliuered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was
christened there the Sonday following, and because this child was the
first Christian borne in Virginia, shee was named Virginia. By this time
our ships had vnladen the goods and victuals of the planters; and began to
take in wood, and fresh water, and to new calke and trimme them for
England: the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send backe
into England.
Our two ships, the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to depart, the 21 of
August, there arose such a tempest at Northeast, that our Admirall then
riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to sea,
where he lay beating off and on sixe dayes before he could come to vs
againe so that we feared he had bene cast away, and the rather for that at
the time that the storme tooke them, the most and best of their sailers
were left aland.
At this time some controuersies arose betweene the Gouernour and
Assistants, about choosing two out of the twelue Assistants, which should
goe backe as factors for the company into England: for euery one of them
refused, saue onely one, which all other thought not sufficient: but at
length by much perswading of the Gouernour, Christopher Cooper only agreed
to goe for England: but the next day, through the perswasion of diuers of
his familiar friends, hee changed his minde, so that now the matter stood
as at the first.
The next day, the 22 of August, the whole company both of the Assistants
and planters came to the Gouernour, and with one voice requested him to
returne himselfe into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of
supplies, and other necessaries for them: but he refused it, and alleaged
many sufficient causes, why he would not: the one was, that he could not
so suddenly returne backe againe without his great discredite, leauing the
action, and so many whome hee partly had procured through his perswasions,
to leaue their natiue countrey, and vndertake that voyage, and that some
enemies to him and the action at his returne into England would not spare
to slander falsly both him and the action, by saying, hee went to
Virginia, but politikely, and to no other end but to leade so many into a
countrey, in which hee neuer meant to stay himselfe, and there to leaue
them behind him. (M317) Also he alleaged, that seeing they intended to
remoue 50 miles further vp into the maine presently, he being then absent,
his stuffe and goods might be both spoiled, and most of them pilfered away
in the cariage, so that at his returne he should be either forced to
prouide himselfe of all suche things againe, or else at his comming againe
to Virginia find himselfe vtterly vnfurnished, whereof already he had
found some proofe, being but once from them but three dayes. Wherefore he
concluded that he would not goe himselfe.
The next day, not onely the Assistants but diuers others, as well women as
men, began to renew their requests to the Gouernour againe, to take vpon
him to returne into England for the supply, and dispatch of all such
things as there were to be done, promising to make him their bond vnder
all their handes and seales for the safe preseruing of all his goods for
him at his returne to Virginia, so that if any part thereof was spoyled or
lost, they would see it restored to him, or his Assignes, whensoever the
same should be missed and demanded: which bond, with a testimony vnder
their hands and seales, they foorthwith made, and deliuered into his
hands. The copie of the testimony I thought good to set downe.
“May it please you, her Maiesties subjects of England, we your friends and
countrey-men, the planters in Virginia, doe by these presents let you and
euery of you to vnderstand, that for the present and speedy supply of
certaine our knowen and apparent lackes and needes, most requisite and
necessary for the good and happy planting of vs, or any other in this land
of Virginia, wee all of one minde and consent, haue most earnestly
intreated, and vncessantly requested Iohn White, Gouernour of the planters
in Virginia, to passe into England, for the better and more assured help,
and setting forward of the foresayd supplies: and knowing assuredly that
he both can best, and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs
all, and he not once, but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the
honour and maintenance of the action, hath at last, though much against
his will, through our importunacie, yeelded to leaue his gouernement, and
all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into
England, of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter, as all
others, we doe assure ourselues by these presents, and will you to giue
all credite thereunto, the 25 of August 1587.”
The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating
constrayned to returne into England, hauing then but halfe a dayes respite
to prepare himselfe for the same, departed from Roanoak the seuen and
twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight, came
aboord the Flieboat, who already had weyed anker, and rode without the
barre, the Admirall riding by them, who but the same morning was newly
come thither againe. The same day both ships weyed anker, and set saile
for England: at this weying their ankers, twelue of the men which were in
the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone, which by meanes of a barre
that brake, came so fast about them, that the other two barres thereof
strooke and hurt most of them so sore, that some of them neuer recouered
it; neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker, but
being so weakened with the first fling, they were not able to weye it, but
were throwen downe and hurt the second time. Wherefore hauing in all but
fifteene men aboord, and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so
bruised, and hurt, they were forced to cut their Cable, and leese their
anker. Neuerthelesse, they kept company with the Admirall, vntill the
seuenteenth of September, at which time wee fell with Coruo, and sawe
Flores.
September.
The eighteenth, perceiuing that of all our fifteene men in the Flyboat
there remained but fiue, which by meanes of the former mischance, were
able to stand to their labour: and that the Admirall meant not to make any
haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase:
the Flyboate departed for England with letters, where we hoped by the
helpe of God to arriue shortly: but by that time we had continued our
course homeward about twentie dayes, hauing had sometimes scarse and
variable windes, our fresh water also by leaking almost consumed there
arose a storme at Northeast, which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so
exceeding, that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer
in thirteene daies: in which time others of our saylers began to fall very
sicke and two of them dyed, the weather also continued so close, that our
Master sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor
starre, and all the beuerage we could make, with stinking water, dregs of
beere, and lees of wine which remayned, was but three gallons, and
therefore nowe we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea.
October.
(M318) The 16 of October we made land, but we knewe not what land it was,
bearing in with the same land at that day: about sunne set we put into a
harbour, where we found a Hulke of Dublin, and a pinnesse of Hampton(103)
riding, but we knew not as yet what place this was, neither had we any
boate to goe ashore, vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6
or 8 men, of whom wee vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of
Ireland: they also relieued vs presently with fresh water, wine and other
fresh meate.
The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe,(104) 5 miles
distant, to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboat for England,
and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men, but within foure daies after
the Boatswain, the Steward, and the Boatswains mate died aboord the
Flieboat, and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefs sailers were
brought sicke to Dingen.
Nouember.
The first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie,
which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England,
leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland. The same day we set
sayle, and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end
and were shut vp the Seuerne, but the next day we doubled the same for
Mounts Bay.
The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew, neere Saint Michaels
mount in Cornewall.
The 8 we arriued at Hampton, where we vnderstood that our consort the
Admirall was come to Portsmouth, and had bene there three weekes before:
and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely
come home without purchase, but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse, and
death of their chiefest men, that they were scarse able to bring their
ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall anker without, which they
could not wey againe, but might all haue perished there, if a small barke
by a great hap had not come to them to helpe them. The names of the chiefe
men that died are these, Roger Large, Iohn Mathew, Thomas Smith, and some
other saylers, whose names I knew not at the writing hereof. An. Dom.
1587.
XXXI. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely arriued
in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni Reginæ
Elizabethæ. 29.
Iohn White.
Roger Baily.
Ananias Dare.
Christopher Cooper.
Thomas Steuens.
Iohn Sampson.
Dyonis Haruie.
Roger Prat.
George How.
Simon Fernando.
Nicholas Iohnson.
Thomas Warner.
Anthony Cage.
Iohn Iones.
William Willes.
Iohn Brooke.
Cutbert White.
Iohn Bright.
Clement Tayler.
William Sole.
Iohn Cotsmur.
Humfrey Newton.
Thomas Colman.
Thomas Gramme.
Marke Bennet.
Iohn Gibbes.
Iohn Stilman.
Robert Wilkinson.
Iohn Tydway.
Ambrose Viccars.
Edmond English.
Thomas Topan.
Henry Berry.
Richard Berry.
Iohn Spendloue.
Iohn Hemmington.
Thomas Butler.
Edward Powell.
Iohn Burden.
Iames Hynde.
Thomas Ellis.
William Browne.
Michael Myllet.
Thomas Smith.
Richard Kemme.
Thomas Harris.
Richard Tauerner.
Iohn Earnest.
Henry Iohnson.
Iohn Starte.
Richard Darige.
William Lucas.
Arnold Archard.
Iohn Wright.
William Dutton.
Mauris Allen.
William Waters.
Richard Arthur.
Iohn Chapman.
William Clement.
Robert Little.
Hugh Tayler.
Richard Wildye.
Lewes Wotton.
Michael Bishop.
Henry Browne.
Henry Rufoote
Richard Tomkins.
Henry Dorrell.
Charles Florrie.
Henry Mylton.
Henry Paine.
Thomas Harris.
William Nichols.
Thomas Pheuens.
Iohn Borden.
Thomas Scot.
Peter Little.
Iohn Wyles.
Brian Wyles.
George Martyn.
Hugh Pattenson.
Martin Sutton.
Iohn Farre.
Iohn Bridger.
Griffen Iones.
Richard Shabedge.
Iames Lasie.
Iohn Cheuen.
Thomas Hewet.
William Berde.
Women.
Elyoner Dare.
Margery Haruie.
Agnes Wood.
Wenefrid Powell.
Ioyce Archard.
Iane Jones.
Elizabeth Glane.
Iane Pierce.
Audry Tappan.
Alis Chapman.
Emme Merrimoth.
Colman.
Margaret Lawrence.
Ioan Warren.
Iane Mannering.
Rose Payne.
Elizabeth Viccars.
Boyes and children.
Iohn Sampson.
Robert Ellis.
Ambrose Viccars.
Thomas Archard.
Thomas Humfrey.
Thomas Smart.
George How.
Iohn Prat.
William Wythers.
Children borne in Virginia.
Virginia Dare.
Haruie.
Sauages that were in England and returned home into Virginia with them.
Manteo.
Towaye.
XXXII. A letter from John White to M. Richard Hakluyt.
To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt, much
happinesse in the Lord.
Sir, as well for the satisfying of your earnest request, as the
performance of my promise made vnto you at my last being with you in
England, I haue sent you (although in a homely stile, especially for the
contestation of a delicate care) the true discourse of my last voyage into
the West Indies, and partes of America called Virginia, taken in hand
about the end of Februarie in the yeare of our redemption 1590. And what
euents happened vnto vs in this our iourney, you shall plainely perceiue
by the sequele of my discourse. There were at the time aforesaid three
ships absolutely determined to goe for the West Indies, at the speciall
charges of M. Iohn Wattes of London Marchant. But when they were fully
furnished, and in readinesse to make their departure, a generall stay was
commanded of all ships thorowout England. Which so soone as I heard, I
presently (as I thought it most requisite) acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh
therewith, desiring him that as I had sundry times afore bene chargeable
and troublesome vnto him, for the supplies and reliefes of the planters in
Virginia: so likewise, that by his endeuour it would please him at that
instant to procure license for those three ships to proceede on with their
determined voyage, that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were Gods
pleasure) might speedily be comforted and relieued without further charges
vnto him. Whereupon he by his good meanes obtained license of the Queenes
Maiestie, and order to be taken, that the owner of the 3 ships should be
bound vnto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assignes, in 3000 pounds, that those 3
ships in consideration of their releasement should take in, and transport
a conuenient number of passengers, with their furnitures and necessaries
to be landed in Virginia. Neuerthelesse that order was not obserued,
neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid. But
rather in contempt of the aforesaid order, I was by the owner and
Commanders of the ships denied to haue any passengers, or any thing els
transported in any of the said ships, sauing only my selfe and my chest;
no not so much as a boy to attend vpon me, although I made great sute, and
earnest intreatie aswell to the chiefe Commanders, as to the owner of the
said ships. Which crosse and vnkind dealing, although it very much
discontented me, notwithstanding the scarcity of time was such, that I
could haue no opportunity to go vnto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint: for
the ships being then all in readinesse to goe to the Sea, would haue bene
departed before I could haue made my returne. Thus both Gouernors,
Masters, and sailers, regarding very smally the good of their countreymen
in Virginia; determined nothing lesse then to touch at those places, but
wholly disposed themselues to seeke after purchase and spoiles, spending
so much time therein, that sommer was spent before we arriued at Virginia.
And when we were come thither, the season was so vnfit, and weather so
foule, that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast, hauing not
seene any of our planters, with losse of one of our ship-boates, and 7 of
our chiefest men: and also with losse of 3 of our ankers and cables, and
most of our caskes with fresh water left on shore, not possible to be had
aboard. Which euils and vnfortunate euents (as wel to their owne losse as
to the hinderance of the planters in Virginia) had not chanced, if the
order set downe by Sir Walter Ralegh had bene obserued, or if my dayly and
continuall petitions for the performance of the same might haue taken any
place. Thus may you plainely perceiue the successe of my fift and last
voiage to Virginia, which was no lesse vnfortunately ended then frowardly
begun, and as lucklesse to many, as sinister to my selfe. But I would to
God it had bene as prosperous to all, as noysome to the planters; and as
ioyfull to me, as discomfortable to them. Yet seeing it is not my first
crossed voyage, I remaine contented. And wanting my wishes, I leaue off
from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable
to my will. Thus committing the reliefe of my discomfortable company the
planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most
humbly beseech to helpe and comfort them, according to his most holy will
and their good desire, I take my leaue: from my house at Newtowne in
Kylmore the 4 of February, 1593.
Your most welwishing friend,
IOHN WHITE.
XXXIII. The fift voyage of M. Iohn White into the West Indies and parts of
America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590.
The 20 of March the three shippes the Hopewell, the Iohn Euangelist, and
the little Iohn, put to sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops.
The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunke being towed at the ships
stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence.
On the 30 we saw a head vs that part of the coast of Barbary, lying East
of Cape Cantyn, and the Bay of Asaphi.
The next day we came to the Ile of Mogador, where rode, at our passing by,
a Pinnesse of London called the Mooneshine.
Aprill.
On the first of Aprill we ankored in Santa Cruz rode, where we found two
great shippes of London lading in Sugar, of whom we had 2 shipboats to
supply the losse of our Shalops.
On the 2 we set sayle from the rode of Santa Cruz for the Canaries.
On Saturday the 4 we saw Alegranza, the East Ile of the Canaries.
On Sunday the 5 of Aprill we gaue chase to a double flyboat, the which, we
also the same day fought with, and tooke her, with losse of three of their
men slaine, and one hurt.
On Munday the 6 we saw Grand Canarie, and the next day we landed and tooke
in fresh water on the Southside thereof.
On the 9. we departed from Grand Canary, and framed our course for
Dominica.
The last of Aprill we saw Dominica, and the same night we came to an anker
on the Southside thereof.
May.
The first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboord our ships
in their Canowes, and did traffique with vs; we also the same day landed
and entered their Towne from whence we returned the same day aboord
without any resistance of the Saluages; or any offence done to them.
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing
the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica, hoping to
take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies; the same night we had
sight of three small Ilands called Los Santos, leauing Guadeloupe and them
on our starboord.
The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland, bearing Northeast and by East
off vs.
On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines, which are many broken Ilands, lying at
the East ende of S. Iohns Iland: and the same day towards euening we
landed vpon one of them called Blanca, where we killed an incredible
number of foules: here we stayed but three houres, and from thence stood
into the shore Northwest, and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs,
we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch, called The passage,
lying betweene the Virgines, and the East end of S. Iohn: here the
Pinnesse left vs, and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn.
The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the North side of S. Iohn, so neere
the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre; and
therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by, for so their custome
is, when they see any men of warre on their coasts.
The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn, where we watered in a
good riuer called Yaguana, and the same night following we tooke a Frigate
of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger. In
this place Pedro a Mollato, who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the
Spaniards.
On the 9 we departed from Yaguana.
The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona; whereon were 10 or 12 houses
inhabited of the Spaniards; these we burned and tooke from them a
Pinnesse, which they had drawen a ground and sunke, and caried all her
sayles, mastes, and rudders into the woods, because we should not take him
away; we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland; but they hid them
in caues, hollow rockes, and bushes, so that we could not find them.
On the 14 we departed from Mona, and the next day after wee came to an
Iland called Saona, about 5 leagues distant from Mona, lying on the
Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end: betweene these two Ilands we
lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes, hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete
doubling this Iland, as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon, or by
Cape S. Anthony.
On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall, from whom we departed at
Dominica, came to vs at Saona, with whom we left a Spanish Frigate, and
appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona
to the ende aforesaid; then we departed from them at Saona for Cape
Tyburon. Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall, at their
departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages, which were the
chiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica, but they
shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland, where the
Viceadmirall landed to take in ballast.
On the 21 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon, where we found the Iohn
Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs: here we tooke in two Spaniards
almost starued on the shore, who made a fire to our ships as we passed by.
Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and
meere wildernesse, without any habitation of people, and full of wilde
Bulles and Bores, and great Serpents.
The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon.
Here we vnderstood of M. Lane, Captaine of the Pinnesse; how he was set
vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo, which was
manned with 400 men, who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres, gaue
ouer the fight and forsooke him, without any great hurt done on eyther
part.
The 26 the Iohn our Vizeadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat
which we left with him at Saona. This was the appointed place where we
should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete.
On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs,
and at tenne dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of
food. In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones
and carkases of diuers men, who had perished (as wee thought) by famine in
those woods, being either stragled from their company, or landed there by
some men of warre.
Iune.
On the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so
suddenly, as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon, where we
road, so that he could not escape vs. This frigat came from Santo Domingo,
and had but three men in her, the one was an expert Pilot, the other a
Mountainer, and the thirde a Vintener, who escaped all of prison at Santo
Domingo, purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of
Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together.
The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse
and a Frigat to take a shippe, which was there taking in fraight, as we
vnderstood by the old Pylot, whom we had taken three dayes before.
The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana, and brought vs
word to cape Tyburon, that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe, with many
passengers and Negroes in the same; which proued not so rich a prize as we
hoped for, for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before
we came. Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds,
being hides, ginger, Cannafistula, Copper-pannes, and Casaui.
Iuly.
The second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at
cape Tyburon, accompanied with a small Pinnesse, whereof one M. Harps was
Captaine. And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of
Santo Domingo, to whom we presently gaue chase, but they vpon the first
sight of vs fled, and separating themselues scattered here and there:
Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them
vntill 12 of the clocke at night. (M319) But then by reason of the
darkenesse we lost sight of ech other, yet in the end the Admirall and the
Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of
the Vizadmirall of the Spanish fleete, against whom the next morning we
fought and tooke him, with losse of one of our men and two hurt, and of
theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt. But what was become of our Viceadmirall, our
Pinnesse, and Prize, and two Frigates, in all this time, we were ignorant.
The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling, romaging, and fitting the Prize to
be sayled with vs.
The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord, keeping
Cuba in sight on our starboord.
Vpon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland of Pinos, which lieth on the Southside
of Cuba nigh vnto the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony. And the
same day we gaue chase to a Frigat, but at night we lost sight of her,
partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall, and lacke of the Moonelight
our Pinnesse, whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before.
On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony, where we found our consort the
Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming, of whom we vnderstood
that the day before there passed by them 22 saile, some of them of the
burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the
maine, bound for Hauana: from this 11 of Iuly vntill 22 we were much
becalmed: and the winde being very scarse, and the weather exceeding hoat,
we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken: wherefore we were
driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three, but the place where we
landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto
the Organes and Rio de Puercos.
The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida, and the broken Ilands thereof
called the Martires.(106)
The 25 being S. James day in the morning, we fell in with the Matanças, a
head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana, where we purposed to take
fresh water in, and make our abode two or three dayes.
On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying to and fro betweene the Matanças and
Hauana, we were espied of three small Pinasses of S. Iohn de Vilua bound
for Hauana exceedingly richly loaden. These 3 Pinasses came very boldly vp
vnto vs, and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And
we supposed them to be Captaine Harps Pinnesse, and two small Frigats
taken by Captaine Harpe: wherefore we shewed our flag. But they presently
vpon the sight of it turned about and made all the saile they could from
vs toward the shore, and kept themselues in so shallow water, that we were
not able to follow them, and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot
and pouder to no purpose. But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge,
we might haue taken them all three, for they would not haue knowen vs
before they had beene in our hands. This chase brought vs so far to
leeward as Hauana: wherfore not finding any of our consorts at the
Matanças, we put ouer againe to the cape of Florida, and from thence
thorow the chanel of Bahama.
On the 28 the Cape of Florida bare West of vs.
(M320) The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida, and stood to Sea for
to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off
then in sight of the coast.(107) For from the Cape to Virginia all along
the shore are none but eddie currents, setting to the South and Southwest.
The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked, the great prize, the
Admirall, and the Mooneshine, but our prize being thus disbocked departed
from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort, and sayled
directly for England.
August.
On the first of August the winde scanted, and from thence forward we had
very fowl weather with much raine, thundering, and great spouts, which
fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships.
The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore, and at midday we tooke the height
of the same. The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of
latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie
Ilands West of Wokokon. But the weather continued so exceeding foule, that
we could not come to an anker nye the coast: wherefore we stood off againe
to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August.
On Munday the storme ceased, and we had very great likelihood of faire
weather: therefore we stood in againe for the shore: and came to an anker
at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude, within a mile of the shore, where
we went on land on the narrow sandy Island, being one of the Ilandes, West
of Wokokon: in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great
store of fish in the shallow water. Betweene the maine (as we supposed)
and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in
most places.
On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came
to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan, by reason of a
breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea:
here we road all that night.
(M321) The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers, our boates were
sent to sound ouer this breach: our ships riding on the side thereof at 5
fadome; and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter, and then
deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles, so that sometimes we
found 5 fadome, and by and by 7, and within two casts with the lead 9, and
then 8, next cast 5, and then 6, and then 4, and then 9 againe, and
deeper; but 3 fadome was the last, 2 leagues off from the shore. This
breach is in 35. degr. and a halfe, and lyeth at the very Northeast point
of Croatoan, whereas goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner
waters, which part the Ilandes and the maine land.(108)
(M322) The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask,
in 36 degr. and one third, in fiue fadom water, three leagues from the
shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke
rise in the Ile Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the
yeere 1587, which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were
there expecting my returne out of England.
The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore, and Captaine Cooke, and
Cap. Spicer, and their company with me, with intent to passe to the place
at Raonoak where our countrymen were left. At our putting from the ship we
commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well
loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot, to
the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped
to finde some of our people. (M323) This was accordingly performed, and
twoe boats put off vnto the shore, in the Admirals boat, we sounded all
the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the
shore nine, eight, and seuen fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene
our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of
Kindrikers mountes: we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke
first, but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, then we
supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the
smoke. But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke,
we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any
fresh water in all this waye to drinke. Being thus wearied with this
iourney we returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our
absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water, so we deferred
our going to Roanoak vntill the next morning, and caused some of those
saylers to digge in those sandie hills for fresh water whereof we found
very sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our
whole company in safety.
The next morning being the 17 of August, our boates and company were
prepared againe to goe vp to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent
his boat ashore for fresh water, by meanes whereof it was ten of the
clocke afternoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an
anker within two miles of the shore. The Admirals boat was halfe way
toward the shore, when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship. The Admirals
boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for
we had a sea brake in our boat which filled vs halfe full of water, but by
the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe
ashore, sauing onely that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were
much wet and spoyled. For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and
direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on
the barre, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. (M324) By that
time our Admirals boat was halled ashore, and most of our things taken out
to dry, Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach, with his mast
standing vp, and was halfe passed ouer, but by the rash and vndiscreet
styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous sea brake into
their boate and ouerset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and
some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat
so, that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade
ashore: but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither
stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrice was turned the keele
vpward, whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung vntill they sunke, and
were seene no more. But foure that could swimme a little kept themselues
in deeper water and were saued by Captaine Cookes meanes, who so soone as
he saw their ouersetting, stripped himselfe, and four other that could
swimme very well, and with all haste possible rowed vnto them, and saued
foure. There were 11 in all and 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose
names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelly, Thomas Beuis, Hance
the Surgion, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much
discomfort the saylers, that they were all of one mind not to goe any
further to seeke the planters. But in the end by the commandement and
perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke, they prepared the boates: and seeing
the Captaine and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing. Our boates
and all things fitted againe, we put off from Hatorask, being the number
of 19 persons in both boates: but before we could get to the place where
our planters were left, it was so exceeding darke, that we overshot the
place a quarter of a mile: there we espied towards the North ende of the
Island the light of a great fire thorow the woods, to which we presently
rowed: when wee came right ouer against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere
the shore and sounded with a trumpet a Call, and afterwardes many familiar
English tunes and Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no
answere, we therefore landed at day-breake, and comming to the fire, we
found the grasse and sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From
hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Island directly ouer
aguinst Dasamongwepeuk, and from thence we returned by the water side,
round about the North point of the Iland, vntill we came to the place,
where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586. In all this way we saw in the
sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden the night, and
as we entered vp the sandy banke vpon a tree, in the very browe thereof
were curiously carued these faire Romane letters C R O: which letters
presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters
seated, according to a secret token agreed vpon betweene them and me at my
last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not
faile to write or carue on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the
place where they should be seated; for at my comming alway they were
prepared to remoue from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my
departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen
to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carue ouer
the letters or name, a Crosse + in this forme, but we found no such signe
of distresse. And hauing well considered of this, we passed toward the
place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken
downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great
trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fortlike, and one of the chiefe
trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off,
and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was grauen CROATOAN
without any crosse or signe of distresse; this done, we entered into the
palisado, where we found many barres of iron, two pigges of lead, foure
yron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heauie thinges, throwen
here and there, almost ouergrowen with grasse and weedes. From thence wee
went along by the water side, towards the poynt of the Creeke to see if we
could find any of their botes or Pinnesse, but we could perceiue no signe
of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left
with them, at my departure from them. At our returne from the Creeke, some
of our Saylers meeting vs, told vs that they had found where diuers chests
had bene hidden, and long sithence digged vp againe and broken vp, and
much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left,
of such things as the Sauages knew any vse of, vndefaced. Presently
Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde
trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas: wheere wee found fiue
Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same
chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my things spoyled
and broken, and my bookes torne from the couers, the frames of some of my
pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost
eaten through with rust; this could bee no other but the deede of the
Sauages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of
our men to Croatoan; and assoone as they were departed digged vp euery
place where they suspected any thing to be buried: but although it much
grieued me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly
ioyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at
Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Sauages of
the Iland our friends.
When we had seene in this place so much as we could, we returned to our
Boates, and departed from the shoare towards our shippes, with as much
speede as we could: For the weather beganne to ouercast, and very likely
that a foule and stormie night would ensue. Therefore the same Euening
with much danger and labour, we got our selues aboard, by which time the
winde and seas were so greatly risen, that wee doubted our Cables and
Anchors would scarcely holde vntill Morning: wherefore the Captaine caused
the Boate to be manned by fiue lusty men, who could swimme all well, and
sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour, to bring
aboard sixe of our men, who had filled our caske with fresh water: the
Boate the same night returned aboard with our men, but all our Caske ready
filled they left behinde, impossible to bee had aboard without danger of
casting away both men and Boates: for this night prooued very stormie and
foule.
The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe, with the
Master and others, to way anchor, and goe for the place at Croatoan, where
our planters were: for that then the winde was good for that place, and
also to leaue that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland vntill
our returne. So then they brought the cable to the Capston, but when the
anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broke, by meanes whereof we lost
another Anchor, wherewith we droue so fast into the shoare, that wee were
forced to let fall a third Anchor: which came so fast home that the Shippe
was almost aground by Kenricks mounts: so that we were forced to let
slippe the Cable ende for ende. And if it had not chanced that wee had
fallen into a chanell of deeper water, closer by the shoare then wee
accompted of, wee could neuer haue gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to
the Southwardes of Kenricks mount. Being thus cleare of some dangers, and
gotten into deeper waters, but not without some losse: for wee had but one
Cable and Anchor left vs of foure, and the weather grew to be fouler and
fouler; our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost: it was
therefore determined that we should goe for Saint Iohn or some other Iland
to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if wee
could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either
at Hispaniola, Sant Iohn, or Trynidad, that then we should continue in the
Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one,
and at our returne to visit our countreymen at Virginia. The captaine and
the whole company in the Admirall (with my earnest petitions) thereunto
agreed, so that it rested onely to knowe what the Master of the
Moone-light our consort would doe herein. (M325) But when we demanded them
if they would accompany vs in that new determination, they alleaged that
their weake and leake Shippe was not able to continue it; wherefore the
same night we parted, leauing the Moone-light to goe directly for England,
and the Admirall set his course for Trynidad, which course we kept two
dayes.
On the 28. the winde changed, and it was sette on foule weather euery way:
but this storme brought the winde West and Northwest, and blewe so
forcibly, that wee were able to beare no sayle, but our fore-course halfe
mast high, wherewith wee ranne vpon the winde perforce, the due course for
England, for that wee were driuen to change our first determination for
Trynidad, and stoode for the Ilands of Açores, where wee purposed to take
in fresh water, and also there hoped to meete with some English men of
warre about those Ilands, at whose hands wee might obtaine some supply of
our wants. And thus continuing our course for the Açores, sometimes with
calmes, and sometimes with very scarce windes, on the fifteenth of
September the winde came South Southeast, and blew so exceedingly, that
wee were forced to lye atry(109) all that day. At this time by account we
iudged our selues to be about twentie leagues to the West of Cueruo and
Flores, but about night, the storme ceased, and fayre weather ensued.
On Thursday the seuenteenth wee saw Cueruo and Flores, but we could not
come to anker that night, by reason the winde shifted. The next Morning
being the eighteenth, standing in againe with Cueruo, we escryed a sayle a
head vs, to whom we gaue chase: but when wee came neere him, wee knew him
to be a Spanyard, and hoped to make sure purchase of him: but we
vnderstood at our speaking with him, that he was a prize, and of the
Domingo fleete already taken by the Iohn our consort, in the Indies. We
learned also of this prize, that our Viceadmirall and Pinnesse had fought
with the rest of the Domingo fleete, and had forced them with their
Admirall to flee vnto Iamaica vnder the Fort for succour, and some of them
ran themselues aground, whereof one of them they brought away, and tooke
out of some others so much as the time would permit. And further wee
vnderstood of them, that in their returne from Iamaica about the Organes
neere Cape Saint Anthony, our Viceadmirall mette with two Shippes of the
mayne land, come from Mexico, bound for Hauana, with whom he fought: in
which fight our Viceadmirals Lieutenant was slaine, and the Captaines
right arme strooken off, with foure other of his men slaine, and sixteene
hurt. (M326) But in the ende he entred, and tooke one of the Spanish
shippes, which was so sore shot by vs vnder water, that before they could
take out her treasure she sunke; so that we lost thirteene Pipes of siluer
which sunke with her, besides much other rich marchandize. And in the
meane time the other Spanish shippe being pearced with nine shotte vnder
water, got away; whom our Viceadmirall intended to pursue: but some of
their men in the toppe made certaine rockes, which they saw aboue water
neere the shoare, to be Gallies of Hauana and Cartagena, comming from
Hauana to rescue the two Ships; Wherefore they gaue ouer the chase, and
went for England. After this intelligence was giuen vs by this our prize,
he departed from vs, and went for England.
On Saturday the 19. of September we came to an Ancre neere a small village
on the North side of Flores, where we found ryding 5. English men of
warre, of whom we vnderstood that our Viceadmirall and Prize were gone
thence for England. One of these fiue was the Moonelight our consort, who
vpon the first sight of our comming into Flores, set sayle and went for
England, not taking any leaue of vs.
On Sunday the 20 the Mary Rose, Admirall of the Queenes fleete, wherein
was Generall Sir Iohn Hawkins, stood in with Flores, and diuers other of
the Queenes ships, namely the Hope, the Nonpareilia, the Rainebow, the
Swift-sure, the Foresight, with many other good merchants ships of warre,
as the Edward Bonauenture, the Marchant Royal, the Amitie, the Eagle, the
Dainty of sir Iohn Hawkins, and many other good ships and pinnesses, all
attending to meete with the king of Spaines fleete, comming from Terra
firma of the West Indies.
The 22. of September we went aboard the Raynebow, and towards night we
spake with the Swift-sure, and gaue him 3. pieces. The captaines desired
our company; wherefore we willingly attended on them: who at this time
with 10. other ships stood for Faial. But the Generall with the rest of
the Fleete were separated from vs, making two fleetes, for the surer
meeting with the Spanish fleete.
On Wednesday the 23. we saw Gratiosa, where the Admiral and the rest of
the Queenes fleete were come together. The Admirall put forth a flag of
counsel, in which was determined that the whole fleete should go for the
mayne, and spred themselues on the coasts of Spaine and Portugal, so farre
as conueniently they might, for the surer meeting of the Spanish fleete in
those parts.
The 20. we came to Faial, where the Admiral with some other of the fleete
ankered, other some plyed vp and downe betweene that and the Pico vntill
midnight, at which time the Anthony shot off a piece and weyed, shewing
his light: after whom the whole fleete stood to the East, the winde at
Northeast by East.
On Sunday the 27. towards Euening wee tooke our leaue of the Admirall and
the whole fleete, who stood to the East. But our shippe accompanied with a
Flyboat stoode in again with S. George, where we purposed to take in more
fresh water, and some other fresh victuals.
On Wednesday the 30. of September, seeing the winde hang so Northerly,
that wee could not atteine the Iland of S. George, we gaue ouer our
purpose to water there, and the next day framed our due course for
England.
October.
The 2. of October in the Morning we saw S. Michaels Iland on our Starre
board quarter.
The 23. at 10. of the clocke afore noone, we saw Vshant in Britaigne.
On Saturday the 24. we came in safetie, God be thanked, to an anker at
Plymmouth.(110)
XXXIV. The relation of John de Verrazano of the land by him discovered.
To the most Christian King of France, Francis the first.
The relation of Iohn de Verrazzano a Florentine, of the land by him
discouered in the name of his Maiestie. Written at Diepe the eight of
Iuly, 1524.
I wrote not to your Maiesty, most Christian king, since the time we
suffered the tempest in the north partes, of the successe of the foure
Shippes, which your Maiestie sent forth to discouer new lands by the
Ocean, thinking your Maiestie had bene already duely enformed thereof. Now
by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vnderstand, how by the
violence of the windes we were forced with two ships, the Norman and the
Dolphin (in such euill case as they were) to land in Britaine. Where after
wee had repayred them in all poynts as was needefull, and armed them very
well, we tooke our course along by the coast of Spaine, which your
Maiestie shall vnderstand by the profite that we receiued thereby.
Afterwards with the Dolphin alone we determined to make discouerie of new
Countries, to prosecute the nauigation we had already begun, which I
purpose at this present to recount vnto your Maiestie to make manifest the
whole proceeding of the matter.
(M327) The 17 of Ianuary the yeere 1524. by the grace of God we departed
from the dishabited rocke by the isle of Madêra, apperteining to the king
of Portugal, with 50. men, with victuals, weapons, and other ship-munition
very well prouided and furnished for 8 moneths: And sayling Westwards with
a faire Easterly winde, in 25. dayes we ran 500. leagues, and the 20. of
Februarie we were ouertaken with as sharpe and terrible a tempest as euer
any saylers suffered: whereof with the diuine helpe and mercifull
assistance of Almighty God, and the goodnesse of our shippe, accompanied
with the good happe of her fortunate name, we were deliuered, and with a
prosperous winde followed our course West and by North. (M328) And in
other 25. dayes we made aboue 400. leagues more, where we discouered a new
land, neuer before seene of any man either ancient or moderne, and at
first sight it seemed somewhat low, but being within a quarter of a league
of it, we perceiued by the great fires that we saw by the Sea coast, that
it was inhabited: and saw that the land stretched to the Southwards. In
seeking some conuenient Harborough wherein to anchor and to haue knowledge
of the place, we sayled fiftie leagues in vaine, and seeing the land to
runne still to the Southwards, we resolued to return back againe towards
the North where wee found ourselues troubled with the like difficulty. At
length being in despaire to finde any Port, wee cast anchor vpon the
coast, and sent our Boate to shore, where we saw great store of people
which came to the sea side: and seeing vs approch, they fled away, and
sometime would stand still and looke backe, beholding vs with great
admiration: but afterwards being animated and assured with signes that we
made them, some of them came hard to the Sea side, seeming to reioyce very
much at the sight of vs, and marueiling greatly at our apparel, shape and
whitenesse, shewing vs by sundry signes where we might most commodiously
come aland with our Boat, offering vs also of their victuals to eat. Now I
wil briefly declare to your Maiestie their life and maners, as farre as we
could haue notice thereof: These people goe altogether naked, except only
that they couer their priuie parts with certaine skins of beastes like
vnto Martens, which they fasten vnto a narrow girdle made of grasse very
artificially wrought, hanged about with tayle of diuers other beastes,
which round about their bodies hang dangling downe to their knees. Some of
them weare garlands of byrdes feathers. The people are of colour russet,
and not much unlike the Saracens: their hayre blacke, thicke and not very
long, which they tye together in a knot behind and weare it like a litle
taile. They are well featured in their limbes, of meane stature, and
commonly somewhat bigger then we: broad breasted, strong armed, their legs
and other parts of their bodies well fashioned, and they are disfigured in
nothing, saving, that they have somewhat broade visages, and yet not all
of them: for we saw many of them wel favoured, having blacke and greate
eyes, with a cheerefull and steady looke, not strong of body, yet sharpe
witted, nymble and exceeding great runners, as farre as we could learne by
experience, and in those two last qualities they are like to the people of
the East partes of the world, and especially to them of the uttermost
parts of China. We could not learne of this people their maner of living,
nor their particular customs, by reason of the short abode we made on the
shore, our company being but small, and our ship ryding farre off in the
Sea. And not farre from these we found another people, whose living wee
thinke to be like unto theirs; (as hereafter I wil declare unto your
Majestie) shewing at this present the situation and nature of the foresayd
land. The shore is all covered with small sand, and so ascendeth upwards
for the space of 15 foote, rising in forme of litle hils about 50 paces
broad. And sayling forwards, we found certaine small Rivers and armes of
the Sea, that fall downe by certaine creekes, washing the shoare on both
sides as the coast lyeth. And beyond this we saw the open Countrey rising
in height above the sandy shoare with many faire fields and plaines, full
of mighty great woods, some very thicke, and some thinne, replenished with
divers sorts of trees, as pleasant and delectable to behold, as is
possible to imagine. And your Majesty may not thinke that these are like
the woods of Hercynia or the wilde deserts of Tartary, and the Northerne
coasts full of fruitlesse trees: But they are full of Palme trees, Bay
trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many other sorts of trees unknowen in
Europe, which yeeld most sweet savours farre from the shoare, the
propertie whereof we could not learne for the cause aforesayd, and not for
any difficulty to passe through the woods, seeing they are not so thicke
but that a man may passe through them. Neither doe we thinke that they
partaking of the East world round about them, are altogether voyd of drugs
and spicery, and other riches of golde, seeing the colour of the land doth
so much argue it. And the land is full of many beastes, as Stags, Deere
and Hares, and likewise of Lakes and Pooles of fresh water, with great
plentie of Fowles, conuenient for all kinde of pleasant game. This land is
in latitude 34. degrees, with good and wholesome ayre, temperature,
betweene hot and colde, no vehement windes doe blowe in those Regions, and
those that doe commonly reigne in those coasts, are the Northwest and West
windes in the summer season, (in the beginning whereof we were there) the
skie cleere and faire with very little raine: and if at any time the ayre
be cloudie and mistie with the Southerne winde, immediatly it is dissolued
and waxeth cleere and fayre againe. The Sea is calme, not boysterous, the
waues gentle: and although all the shore be somewhat sholde and without
harborough, yet it is not dangerous to the saylers, being free from rocks
and deepe, so that within 4. or 5. foote of the shore, there is 20. foote
deepe of water without ebbe or flood, the depth still increasing in such
vniforme proportion. There is very good ryding at Sea: for any ship being
shaken in a tempest, can neuer perish there by breaking of her cables,
which we haue prooued by experience. For in the beginning of March (as it
is vsuall in all regions) being in the Sea oppressed with Northerne
windes, and ryding there, wee found our anchor broken before the earth
fayled or mooued at all. (M329) We departed from this place, stil running
along the coast, which we found to trend toward the East,(111) and we saw
euery where very great fires, by reason of the multitude of the
inhabitants. While we rode on that coast, partly because it had no
harborough, and for that we wanted water, we sent our boate ashoare with
25. men: where by reason of great and continuall waues that beat against
the shoare, being an open Coast, without succour, none of our men could
possibly goe ashoare without loosing our boate. (M330) Wee saw there many
people which came vnto the shoare, making diuers signes of friendship, and
shewing that they were content we should come aland, and by trial we found
them to be very courteous and gentle, as your Maiestie shal vnderstand by
the successe. To the intent we might send them of our things, which the
Indians commonly desire and esteeme, as sheetes of paper, glasses, bels,
and such like trifles; we sent a young man one of our Mariners ashoare,
who swimming towards them, and being within 3. or 4. yards of the shore,
not trusting them, cast the things vpon the shoare: but seeking afterwards
to returne, he was with such violence of the waues beaten vpon the shore,
that he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead: which the Indians
perceiuing, ranne to catch him, and drawing him out, they caried him a
litle way off from the sea. The yong man perceiuing they caried him, being
at the first dismaied, began then greatly to feare, and cried out
piteously: likewise did the Indians which did accompany him, going about
to cheere him and to giue him courage, and then setting him on the ground
at the foote of a litle hil against the sunne, they began to behold him
with great admiration, marueiling at the whitenesse of his flesh: And
putting off his clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not without
our great feare which remayned in the boate, that they would haue rosted
him at that fire, and haue eaten him. The young man hauing recouered his
strength, and hauing stayed a while with them, shewed them by signes that
he was desirous to returne to the ship: and they with great loue clapping
him fast about with many imbracings, accompanying him vnto the sea, and to
put him in more assurance, leauing him alone, went vnto a high ground and
stood there, beholding him vntill he was entred into the boate. This yong
man obserued, as we did also, that these are of colour inclining to Blacke
as the other were, with their flesh very shining, of meane stature,
handsome visage, and delicate limmes, and of very litle strength, but of
prompt wit: farther we obserued not.
(M331) Departing from hence, following the shore which trended somewhat
toward the North, in 50. leagues space we came to another land which
shewed much more faire and ful of woods, being very great, where we rode
at anker: and that we might haue some knowledge thereof, wee sent 20. men
aland, which entred into the countrey about 2 leagues, and they found that
the people were fled to the woods for feare. They saw onely one olde woman
with a young maide of 18. or 20. yeeres old, which seeing our company, hid
themselues in the grasse for feare: the olde woman caried two Infants on
her shoulders, and behind her necke a child of 8. yeeres old. The young
woman was laden likewise with as many: but when our men came vnto them,
the women cried out: the olde woman made signes that the men were fledde
vnto the woods. Assoone as they saw vs to quiet them and to winne their
fauour, our men gave them such victuals as they had with them, to eate,
which the old woman receiued thankfully: but the yong woman disdained them
all, and threw them disdainfully on the ground. They tooke a child from
the olde woman to bring into France, and going about to take the yong
woman which was very beautiful and of tall stature, they could not
possibly, for the great outcries that she made, bring her to the sea: and
especially hauing great woods to passe thorow, and being farre from the
ship, we purposed to leaue her behind, bearing away the child onely. We
found those folkes to be more white then those that we found before, being
clad with certaine leaues that hang on boughs of trees, which they sewe
together with threds of wilde hempe: their heads were trussed vp after the
same maner as the former were: their ordinary food is of pulse, whereof
they haue great store, differing in colour and taste from ours; of good
and pleasant taste. Moreouer they liue by fishing and fowling, which they
take with ginnes, and bowes made of hard wood, the arrowes of Canes, being
headed with the bones of fish, and other beasts. The beasts in these parts
are much wilder then in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased
and hunted. (M332) We saw many of their boats made of one tree 20 foote
long, and 4 foote broad, which are not made with yron or any other kind of
metall (because that in all this countrey for the space of leagues which
we ranne, we neuer saw one stone of any sort:) they helpe themselues with
fire, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollowness of
the boat; the like they doe in making the sterne and the forepart, vntil
it be fit to saile vpon the sea. The land is in situation goodnes and
fairenesse like the other: it hath woods like the other, thinne and full
of diuers sorts of trees: but not sweete, because the countrey is more
Northerly and colde.
(M333) We saw in this Countrey many Vines growing naturally, which growing
vp, tooke holde of the trees as they doe in Lombardie, which if by
husbandmen they were dressed in good order, without all doubt they would
yeeld excellent wines: for hauing oftentimes seene the fruit thereof
dryed, which was sweete and pleasant, and not differing from ours, wee
thinke that they doe esteeme the same, because that in euery place where
they growe, they take away the vnder branches growing round about, that
the fruit thereof may ripen the better.
We found also roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of herbes, and sweete
and odoriferous flowers different from ours. We knewe not their dwellings,
because they were farre vp in the land, and we iudge by many signes that
we saw, that they are of wood and of trees framed together.
We doe beleeue also by many coniectures and signes, that many of them
sleeping in the fields, haue no other couert then the open sky. Further
knowledge haue we not of them: we thinke that all the rest whose countreys
we passed, liue all after one maner. Hauing made our aboade three dayes in
this countrey, and ryding on the coast for want of harboroughs, we
concluded to depart from thence, trending along the shore betweene the
North and the East, sayling onely in the daytime, and riding at anker by
night. In the space of 100. leagues sayling we found a very pleasant place
situated amongst certaine litle hils: (M334) from amidst the which hils
there ran downe into the sea an exceeding great streme of water, which
within the mouth was very deepe, and from the sea to the mouth of the same
with the tide which we found to rise 8. foote, any great ship laden may
passe vp.
But because we rode at rode at anker, in a place well fenced from the
wind, we would not venture ourselues without knowledge of the place: and
we passed vp with our boat onely into the sayd Riuer, and saw the countrey
very well peopled. (M335) The people are almost like vnto the others, and
are clad with the feathers of fowles of diuers colours: they came towards
vs very cheerefully, making great showts of admiration; shewing vs where
we might come to land most safely with our boat. We entered vp the sayd
river into the land about halfe a league where it made a most pleasant
lake about 3 leagues in compasse: on the which they rowed from the one
side to the other to the number of 30. of their small boates, wherein were
many people which passed from one shore to the other to come and see vs.
(M336) And behold vpon the sudden (as is woont to fall out in sayling) a
contrary flaw of wind comming from the sea, we were inforced to returne to
our ship, leauing this lande to our great discontentment, for the great
commodity and pleasantnesse thereof, which we suppose is not without some
riches, all the hils shewing minerall waters in them. (M337) We weyed
anker, and sayled toward the East, for so the coast trended, and so
alwayes for 50. leagues being in the sight thereof, we discouered an Iland
in forme of a triangle, distant from the maine land 10. leagues, about the
bignesse of the Iland of the Rhodes: it was ful of hils couered with
trees, well peopled, for we saw fires all along the coast: wee gaue it the
name of your Maiesties mother, not staying there by reason of the weather
being contrary.
And we came to another land being 15. leagues from the Iland, where we
found a passing good hauen, wherein being entred, we found about 20. small
boats of the people, which with diuers cries and wondrings came about our
ship, comming no neerer then 50. paces towards vs: they stayed and beheld
the artificialnesse of our ship, our shape and apparel: then they all made
a loud showt together, declaring that they reioyced. When we had something
animated them, vsing their gestures, they came so neere vs, that we cast
them certaine bels and glasses, and many toyes, which when they had
receiued, they looked on them with laughing, and came without feare aboard
our ship. There were amongst these people 2. kings of so goodly stature
and shape as is possible to declare: the eldest was about 40. yeeres of
age, the second was a young man of 20. yeeres olde. Their apparell was on
this maner: the elder had vpon his naked body a Harts skin wrought
artificially with diuers branches like damaske: his head was bare with the
hayre tyed vp behind with diuers knot: about his necke he had a large
chaine, garnished with diuers stones of sundry colours: the yong man was
almost apparelled after the same maner. This is the goodliest people, and
of the fairest conditions that we haue found in this our voyage. They
exceed vs in bignes: they are of the colour of brasse, some of them
incline more to whitenesse: others are of yellow colour, of comely visage,
with long and blacke haire, which they are very careful to trim and decke
vp: they are blacke and quicke eyed, and of sweete and pleasant
countenance, imitating much the old fashion. I write not to your Maiestie
of the other parts of their body, hauing al such proportion as
apperteineth to any handsome man. The women are of the like conformitie
and beautie: very handsome and well fauoured, of pleasaunt countenance,
and comely to behold: they are as wel manered and continent as any women,
and of good education: they are all naked saue their priuy partes, which
they couer with a Deeres skin branched or embrodered as the men vse: there
are also of them which weare on their armes very rich skinnes of Luzernes:
they adorne their heads with diuers ornaments made of their owne haire,
which hang downe before on both sides their brestes: others vse other
kinde of dressing themselues like vnto the women of Egypt and Syria, these
are of the elder sort: and when they are maried, they weare diuers toyes,
according to the vsage of the people of the East, as well men as women.
Among whom we saw many plates of wrought copper, which they esteeme more
then golde, which for the colour they make no account of Azure and Red.
The things that they esteeme most of all those which we gaue them, were
bels, christall of Azure colour, and other toyes to hang at their eares or
about their necke. They did not desire cloth of silke or of golde, much
lesse of any other sort, neither cared they for things made of steele and
yron, which wee often shewed them in our armour which they made no wonder
at, and in beholding them they onely asked the arte of making them: the
like they did at our glasses, which when they beheld, they suddenly laught
and gaue them vs againe. They are very liberall, for they giue that which
they haue: wee became great friends with these, and one day we entred into
the Hauen with our ship, whereas before we rode a league off at Sea by
reason of the contrary weather. They came in great companies of their
small boats vnto the ship with their faces all bepainted with diuers
colours, shewing vs that it was a signe of ioy, bringing vs of their
victuals, they made signes vnto vs where we might safest ride in the Hauen
for the safegard of our ship keeping still our company: and after we were
come to an anker, wee bestowed 15 dayes in prouiding our selues many
necessary things, whither euery day the people repaired to see our ship
bringing their wiues with them, whereof they were very ielous: and they
themselues entring abord the ship and staying there a good space, caused
their wiues to stay in their boats, and for all the entreatie we could
make, offring to giue them diuers things, we could neuer obtaine that they
would suffer them to come abord our ship. And oftentimes one of the two
kings comming with his queene, and many gentlemen for their pleasure to
see vs, they all stayed on shore 200. paces from vs, sending a small boat
to giue vs intelligence of their comming, saying they would come to see
our ship: this they did in token of safety, and assone as they had answere
from vs, they came immediatly, and hauing staied awhile to behold it, they
wondered at hearing the cries and noyses of the mariners. The queene and
her maids stayed in a very light boat, at an Iland a quarter of a league
off, while the king abode a long space in our ship vttering diuers
conceits with gestures, viewing with great admiration all the furniture of
the ship, demanding the property of euery thing particularly. He tooke
likewise great pleasure in beholding our apparell, and in tasting our
meats, and so courteously taking his leaue departed. And sometimes our men
staying 2 or 3 daies on a litle Iland neere the ship for diuers
necessaries (as it is the vse of seamen) he returned with 7 or 8 of his
gentlemen to see what we did, and asked vs oftentimes if we meant to make
any long abode there, offring vs of their prouision: then the king drawing
his bow and running vp and down with his gentlemen, made much sport to
gratifie our men: (M338) we were oftentimes within the land 5 or 6
leagues, which we found as pleasant as is possible to declare, very apt
for any kind of husbandry of corne, wine and oyle: for that there are
plaines 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impediment, of trees
of such fruitfullnesse, that any seed being sowed therein, wil bring forth
most excellent fruit. We entred afterwards into the woods, which we found
so great and thicke, that any army were it neuer so great might haue hid
it selfe therein, the trees whereof are okes, cipresse trees, and other
sortes vnknowen in Europe. We found Pomi appii, damson trees, and nut
trees, and many other sort of fruit differing from ours: there are beasts
in great abundance, as harts, deere, luzerns, and other kinds which they
take with their nets and bowes which are their chiefe weapons: the arrowes
which they vse are made with great cunning, and in stead of yron, they
head them with flint, with iasper stone and hard marble and other sharp
stones which they vse in stead of yron to cut trees, and to make their
boates of one whole piece of wood, making it hollow with great and
wonderful art, wherein 10 or 12 men may sit commodiously: their oares are
short and broad at the end, and they vse them in the sea without any
danger, and by maine force of armes, with as great speedines as they list
themselues. (M339) We saw their houses made in circular or round forme, 10
or. 12 paces in compasse, made with halfe circles of timber separate one
from another without any order of building, couered with mattes of straw
wrought cunningly together, which saue them from wind and raine; and if
they had the order of building and perfect skil of workmanship as we haue
there were no doubt but that they would also make eftsoones great and
stately buildings. (M340) For all the sea coasts are ful of cleare and
glistering stones, and alablaster, and therefore it is full of good hauens
and harboroughs for ships. They mooue the foresaid houses from one place
to another according to the commodity of the place and season wherin they
wil make their abode, and only taking of the mattes, they haue other
houses builded incontinent. The father and the whole family dwell together
in one house in great number: in some of them we saw 25 or 30 persons.
They feed as the other doe aforesaid of pulse which grow in that Countrey
with better order of husbandry then in the others. They obserue in their
sowing the course of the Moone and the rising of certaine starres, and
diuers other customes spoken of by antiquity. Moreouer they liue by
hunting and fishing. (M341) They liue long, and are seldome sicke, and if
they chance to fall sicke at any time, they heale themselues with fire
without any phisitian, and they say that they die for very age. They are
very pitifull and charitable towards their neighbours, they make great
lamentations in their aduersity: and in their miserie, the kinred reckon
vp all their felicitie. At their departure out of life, they vse mourning
mixt with singing, which continueth for a long space. This is as much as
we could learne of them. (M342) This land is situated in the Paralele of
Rome, in 41. degrees and 2. terces: but somewhat more cold by accidentall
causes and not of nature, (as I wil declare vnto to your highnesse
elsewhere) describing at this present the situation of the foresaid
Countrey, which lieth East and West, I say that the mouth of the Hauen
lieth open to the South halfe a league broad, and being entred within it
betweene the East and the North, it stretcheth twelue leagues: where it
waxeth broader and broader, and maketh a gulfe about 20. leagues in
compasse, wherein are fiue small Islands very fruitfull and pleasant, full
of hie and broade trees, among the which Islandes any great Nauie may ride
safe without any feare of tempest or other danger. Afterwards turning
towardes the South in the entring into the Hauen on both sides there are
most pleasant hils, with many riuers of most cleare water falling into the
Sea.
In the middest of this entrance there is a rocke of free stone growing by
nature apt to build any Castle or Fortresse there, for the keeping of the
hauen. The fift of May being furnished with all things necessarie, we
departed from the said coast keeping along in the sight thereof, and wee
sailed 150. leagues finding it alwayes after one maner; but the land
somewhat higher with certaine mountaines, all which beare a shew of
minerall matter, wee sought not to land there in any place, because the
weather serued our turne for sailing: but wee suppose that it was like the
former, the coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie leagues. And
trending afterwards to the North, we found another land high full of
thicke woods, the trees whereof were firres, cipresses and such like as
are wont to grow in cold Countreys. (M343) The people differ much from the
other, and looke how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle: so
much were these full of rudenesse and ill maners, and so barbarous that by
no signes that euer we could make, we could haue any kind of traffike with
them. They cloth themselues with Beares skinnes and Luzernes and Seales
and other beasts skinnes. Their food, as farre as we coulde perceiue,
repairing often vnto their dwellings, we suppose to be by hunting and
fishing, and of certaine fruits, which are a kind of roots which the earth
yeeldeth of her own accord. They haue no graine, neither saw we any kind
or signe of tillage, neither is the land, for the barennesse thereof, apt
to beare fruit or seed. If at any time we desired by exchange to haue any
of their commodities, they vsed to come to the sea shore vpon certaine
craggy rocks and we standing in our boats, they let downe with a rope what
it pleased them to giue vs, crying continually that we should not approch
to the land, demanding immediatly the exchange, taking nothing but kniues,
fishookes, and tooles to cut withall, neyther did they make any account of
our courtesie. And when we had nothing left to exchange with them, when we
departed from them, the people shewed all signes of discourtesie and
disdaine, as were possible for any creature to inuent. We were in despight
of them 2 or 3 leagues within the land, being in number 25 armed men of
vs: And when we went on shore they shot at vs with their bowes making
great outcries, and afterwards fled into the woods. We found not in this
land (M344) any thing notable, or of importance, sauing very great woods
and certaine hilles, they may haue some minerall matter in them, because
wee saw many of them haue beadstones of Copper hanging at their eares.
(M345) We departed from thence keeping our course Northeast along the
coast, which we found more pleasant champion and without woods, with high
mountaines within the land continuing directly along the coast for the
space of fiftie leagues, we discouered 32 Islands lying al neere the land,
being small and pleasant to the view, high and hauing many turnings and
windings betweene them, making many faire harborougbs and chanels as they
doe in the gulfe of Venice in Sclauonia, and Dalmatia, we had no knowledge
or acquaintance with the people: we suppose they are of the same maners
and nature as the others are. (M346) Sayling Northeast for the space of
150. leagues we approched to the land that in times past was discouered by
the Britons, which is in fiftie degrees. Hauing now spent all our
prouision and victuals, and hauing discouered about 700 leagues and more
of new Countreys, and being furnished with water and wood, we concluded to
returne into France.
Touching the religion of this people, which wee haue found, for want of
their language wee could not vnderstand neither by signes nor gesture that
they had any religion or lawe at all, or that they did acknowledge any
first cause or moouer, neither that they worship the heauen or stars the
Sunne or Moone or other planets, and much lesse whither they be idolaters,
neither could wee learne whither that they vsed any kind of sacrifices or
other adorations, neither in their villages haue they any Temples or
houses of prayer. We suppose that they haue no religion at all, and that
they liue at their owne libertie. And that all this proceedeth of
ignorance, for that they are very easie to be perswaded: and all that they
see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice, they did the same with the
like imitation as they saw vs to doe it.
XXXV. A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine French
Captaines into Florida: Wherein the great riches and fruitefulnesse of the
Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to
light, written all, sauing the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained
there himselfe as the French Kings Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter.
Translated out of French into English by M. Richard Haklvyt.
To the right honourable Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Captaine of her
Maiesties Gard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and her Highnesse
Lieutentant generall of the County of Cornewall, R.H. wisheth true
felicitie.
Sir, after that this historie, which had bene concealed many yeeres, was
lately committed to print and published in France vnder your Name by my
learned friend M. Marline Basanier of Paris, I was easily enduced to turne
it into English, vnderstanding that the same was no lesse gratefull to you
here, then I know it to be acceptable to many great and worthie persons
there. And no maruaile though it were very welcome vnto you, and that you
liked of the translation thereof, since no history hitherto set forth hath
more affinitie, resemblance or conformitie with yours of Virginia, then
this of Florida. (M347) But calling to minde that you had spent more
yeeres in France then I, and vnderstand the French better then my selfe, I
forthwith perceiued that you approoued mine endeuour, not for any priuate
ease or commoditie that thereby might redound vnto you, but that it argued
a singular and especiall care you had of those which are to be employed in
your owne like enterprise, whom, by the reading of this my translation,
you would haue forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the grosse
negligence in prouiding of sufficiency of victuals, the securitie,
disorders, and mutinies that fell out among the French, with the great
inconueniencies that thereupon ensued, that by others mishaps they might
learne to preuent and auoyde the like, as also might be put in minde, by
the reading of the manifolde commodities and great fertilitie of the
places herein at large described and so neere neighbours vnto our
Colonies, that they might generally bee awaked and stirred vp vnto the
diligent obseruation of euery thing that might turne to the aduancement of
the action, wherinto they are so cheerefully entred. Many speciall poynts
concerning the commodities of these partes, the accidents of the French
mens gouernment therein, the causes of their good or bad successe, with
the occasions of the abandoning one of their forts, and the surprise of
the other by the enemie are herein truely and faithfully recorded: Which
because they be quoted by me in the margents, and reduced into a large
alphabeticall table, which I haue annexed to the ende of the worke, it
shall be needlesse to recken vp againe. And that the rather, because the
same with diuers other things of chiefest importance are liuely drawne in
colours at your no smal charges by the skillfull painter Iames
Morgues,(112) sometime liuing in the Black-fryers in London (whom Monsieur
Chastillion then Admirall of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that
purpose) which was an eye-witnesse of the goodnesse and fertility of those
regions, and hath put downe in writing many singularities which are not
mentioned in this treatise: which since he hath published together with
the purtratures. These foure voyages I knew not to whom I might better
offer then to your selfe, and that for diuers iust considerations. First,
for that as I haue sayd before, they were dedicated vnto you in French;
secondly because now foure times also you haue attempted the like vpon the
selfe same coast neere adioyning: thirdly in that you haue persed(113) as
farre vp into the maine and discouered no lesse secrets in the partes of
your aboad, then the French did in the places of their inhabiting: lastly
considering you are now also ready (vpon the late returne of Captaine
Stafford and good newes which he brought you of the safe arriual of your
last Colony in their wished hauen) to prosecute this action more throughly
then euer. And heare to speake somewhat of this your enterprise, I
affirme, that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued, it will
prooue farre more beneficiall in diuers respects vnto this our realme,
then the world, yea many of the wiser sort, haue hitherto imagined. (M348)
The particular commodities whereof are wel knowen vnto your selfe and some
few others, and are faithfully and with great iudgement committed to
writing, as you are not ignorant, by one of your followers, which remained
there about a tweluemonth with your worshipful Lieutenant M. Ralph Lane,
in the diligent search of the secrets of those Countreys. Touching the
speedy and effectual pursuing of your action, though I wrote well it would
demaund a princes purse to haue it throughly followed without lingering,
yet am I of opinion, that you shall drawe the same before it be long to be
profitable and gainful aswel to those of our nation there remaining, as to
the merchants of England that shall trade hereafter thither, partly by
certaine secret commodities already discouered by your seruants, and
partly by breeding of diuers sorts of beasts in those large and ample
regions, and planting of such things in that warme climat as wil best
prosper there, and our realme standeth most in need of. (M349) And this I
find to haue bin the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals tooke in
the beginnings of their discoueries and conquests. (M350) For the
Spaniards at their first entrance into Hispaniola found neither sugercanes
nor ginger, growing there, nor any kind of our cattell: But finding the
place fit for pasture they sent kine and buls and sundry sorts of other
profitable beastes thither, and transported the plants of suger canes, and
set the rootes of ginger: the hides of which oxen, with suger and ginger,
are now the chiefe merchandise of that Island. The Portugals also at their
first footing in Madera, as Iohn Barros writes in his first Decade, found
nothing there but mighty woods for timber, whereupon they called the
Island by that name. Howbeit the climate being fauourable, they inriched
it by their own industry with the best wines and sugers in the world.
(M351) The like maner of proceeding they vsed in the Isles of Açores by
sowing therin great quantity of Woad. So dealt they in S. Thomas vnder the
Equinoctial, and in Brasil and sundry other places. And if our men will
follow their steps, by your wise direction I doubt not but that in due
time they shall reape no lesse commodity and benefite. Moreouer there is
none other likelihood but that her Maiesty, which hath Christned, and
giuen the name to your Virginia if need require, will deale after the
maner of honourable godmothers, which, seeing their gossips not fully able
to bring vp their children themselues, are wont to contribute to their
honest education, the rather if they find any towardlines or reasonable
hope of goodnesse in them. And if Elizabeth Queene of Castile and
Aragon,(114) after her husband Ferdinando and she had emptied their cofers
and exhausted their treasures in subduing the kingdome of Granada and
rooting the Mores, a wicked weed, out of Spaine, was neuerthelesse so
zealous of Gods honour, that (as Fernandus Columbus the son of Christopher
Columbus recordeth in the history of the deedes of his father) she layd
part of her owne iewels, which she had in great account, to gage, to
furnish his father foorth vpon his first voyage, before any foot of land
of all the West Indies was discouered; what may we expect of our most,
magnificent and gracious prince ELIZABETH of England, into whose lappe the
Lord hath most plentifully throwne his treasures, what may wee, I say,
hope of her forwardnesse and bounty in aduancing of this your most
honourable enterprise, being farre more certaine then that of Columbus, at
that time especially, and tending no lesse to the glorie of God then that
action of the Spanyardes? (M352) For as you may read in the very last
wordes of the relation of Newe Mexico extant nowe in English, the maine
land, where your last Colonie meane to seate themselues, is replenished
with many thousands of Indians, Which are of better wittes then those of
Mexico and Peru, as hath bene found by those that haue had some triall of
them: whereby it may bee gathered that they will easily embrace the
Gospell, forsaking their idolatrie, wherein at this present for the most
part they are wrapped and intangled. A wise Philosopher noting the sundry
desires of diuers men, writeth, that if an oxe bee put into a medowe hee
will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse, if a Storke bee cast in shee
will seeke for Snakes, if you turne in a Hound he will seeke to start a
Hare: So sundry men entering into these discoueries propose vnto
themselues seuerall endes. Some seeke authoritie and places of
commandement, others experience by seeing of the worlde, the most part
wordly and transitorie gaine, and that often times by dishonest and
vnlawfull meanes, the fewest number the glorie of God and, the sauing of
the soules of the poore and blinded infidels. (M353) Yet because diuers
honest and well disposed persons were entred already into this your
businesse, and that I know you meane hereafter to send some such good
Churchmen thither, as may truely say with the Apostle to the Sauages, wee
seeke not yours but you: I conceiue (M354) great comfort of the successe
of this your action, hoping that the Lorde, whose power is wont to bee
perfected in weaknesse, will bless the feeble foundations of your
building. Only bee you of a valiant courage and faint not, as the Lord
sayd vnto Iosue, exhorting him to proceede on forward in the conquest of
the land of promise, and remember that priuate men haue happily wielded
and waded through as great enterprises as this, with lesser meanes then
those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you, to the
singuler good, as I assure my selfe, of this our Common wealth wherein you
liue. Hereof we haue examples both domesticall and forreigne. (M355)
Remember I pray you, what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of
the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated vnto your selfe. Read you not that
Richard Stranbow the decayed earle of Chepstow in Monmuthshire, being in
no great fauour of his soueraigne, passed ouer into that Island in the
yere 1171. and accompanied onely with certaine of his priuate friends had
in short space such prosperous successe, that he opened the way for king
Henry the second to the speedy subjection of all that warlike nation to
this crowne of England? The like conquest of Brasilia, and annexing the
same to the kingdome of Portugall was first begun by mean and priuate men,
as Don Antonio de Castillio, Ambassadour here for that realme and by
office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoueries,
assured me in this citie in the yere 1581. (M356) Now if the greatnes of
the maine of Virginia, and the large extension thereof, especially to the
West, should make you thinke that the subduing of it were a matter of more
difficulty then the conquest of Ireland, first I answere, that as the late
experience of that skilfull pilote and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the
Northwest (toward which his discovery your selfe haue thrise contributed,
with the forwardest) hath shewed a great part to be maine sea, where
before was thought to be maine land, so for my part I am fully perswaded
by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California, that
the land on the backe part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward
as is put downe in the maps of those parts. Moreouer it is not to be
denied, but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and
vnarmed people in Virginia, then one thousand were able then to do in
Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those daies. I say
further, that these two yeeres last experience hath plainly shewed, that
we may spare 10000. able men without any misse. And these are as many as
the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Açores,
Madera, Arguin, Cape verde, Guinea, Brasill, Mozambique, Melinde,
Zocotora, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Malaca, the Molucos, and Macao vpon the coast
of China. Yea this I say by the confession of singuler expert men of their
own nation (whose names I suppresse for certain causes) which haue bene
personally in the East Indies, and haue assured me that their kings had
neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals(115) (their slaues
excepted) out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid
territories. Which also this present yeere I saw confirmed in a secrete
extract of the particular estate of that kingdome and of euery gouernement
and office subiect to the same with the seueral pensions thereunto
belonging. Seeing therefore we are so farre from want of people, that
retyring daily home out of the Lowe Countreyes they go idle vp and downe
in swarms for lack of honest intertainment, I see no fitter place to
employ some part of the better sort of them trained vp thus long in
seruice, then in the inward partes of the firme of Virginia against such
stubborne Sauages as shal refuse obedience to her Maiestie. And doubtlesse
many of our men will bee glad and faine to accept this condition, when as
by the reading of this present treatie they shall vnderstand the
fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vpon yours, the
great commodities and goodnesse whereof you haue bin contented to suffer
to come to light. In the meane season I humbly commend my selfe and this
my translation vnto you, and your selfe, and all those which vnder you
haue taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the
Almighty, which is able to build farther, and to finish the good worke
which in these our dayes he hath begun by your most Christian and
charitable endeuour. From London the 1 of May 1587.
Your L. humble at commandement R. Hakluyt.
The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere.
There are two things, which according to mine opinion haue bene the
principall causes, in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times,
as those of our age haue bene induced to trauell into farre and remote
regions. The first hath beene the naturall desire which wee haue to search
out the commodities to liue happily, plentifully, and at ease: be it
whither one abandon his naturall Countrey altogether to dwell in a better,
or bee it that men make voyages thither, there to search out and bring
from thence such things as are there to be found, and are in greatest
estimation and in most request in our Countreys. The second cause hath
bene the multitude of people too fruitefull in generation, which being no
longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles, haue entred vpon their
neighbours limites, and oftentimes passing further haue pearced euen vnto
the vttermost regions. After this sort the North climate, a fruitfull
father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent foorth this way and that
way his valiant people, and by this meane hath peopled infinite Countreys:
so that most of the nations of Europe drawe their originall from these
parts. Contrariwise the more Southerne regions, because they bee too
barren by reason of their insupportable heate which raineth in them, neede
not any such sending forth of their inhabitants, and haue bene oftentimes
constrained to receiue other people more often by force of armes then
willingly. All Afrike, Spaine, and Italie can also testifie the same,
which neuer so abounded with people that they had neede to send them
abroad to inhabite elsewhere: as on the contrary Scythia, Norway, Gotland
and France haue done. The posterity of which nations remaineth yet not
only in Italy, Spaine and Afrike but also in fruitful and faire Asia.
(M357) Neuerthelesse I find that the Romans proceeding further, or rather
adding vnto these two chiefe causes aforesaid, (as being most curious to
plant not onely their ensignes and victories, but also their lawes,
customes, and religion in those prouinces which they had conquered by
force of armes) haue oftentimes by the decree of their soueraigne Senate
sent forth inhabitants, which they called Colonies (thinking by this way
to make their name immortall) euen to the vnfurnishing of their own
Countrey of the forces which should haue preserued the same in her
perfection: a thing which hindred them much more, then aduanced them to
the possession of the vniuersal monarchy, whereunto their intention did
aspire. For it came to passe that their Colonies here and there being
miserably sacked by strange people did vtterly ruin and ouerthrow their
Empire. The brinks of the riuer of Rene are yet red, those of Danubius are
no lesse bloody, and our France became fat with their blood which they
lost. (M358) These are the effects and rewards of al such as being pricked
forward with this Romane and tyrannical ambition will goe about thus to
subdue strange people: effects, I say, contrary to the profit which those
shall receiue, which onely are affectioned to the common benefite, that is
to say, to the generall policie of all men, and endeuour to vnite them one
with another as well by trafficke and ciuill conuersations, as by military
vertues, and force of armes, when as the Sauages will not yeeld vnto their
enduours so much tending vnto their profit.
For this cause princes haue sent forth out of their Dominions certaine men
of good actiuity to plant themselues in strange Countreys, there to make
their profite to bring the Countrey to ciuilitie, and if it might be, to
reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God: an end so much
more commendable, as it is farre from all tyrannical and cruel
gouernement: and so they haue alwayes thriued in their enterprises, and by
little and little gained the heartes of them which they haue conquered or
wonne vnto them by any meanes. Hereof we may gather that sometimes it is
good, yea, very expedient to send forth men to discouer the pleasure and
commoditie of strange Countreys: But so, that the Countrey out of which
these companies are to passe remaine not weakned, nor depriued of her
forces: And againe in such sort that the company sent forth be of so iust
and sufficient number, that it may not be defeited by strangers, which
euery foote endeuour nothing else but to surprise the same vpon the
sudden. (M359) As within these few daies past the French haue proued to my
great griefe, being able by no means possible to withstand the same,
considering that the elements, men, and all the fauours which might be
hoped for of a faithfull and Christian alliance fought against vs: which
thing I purpose to discouer in this present historie with so euident
trueth, that the Kings Maiesty my soueraigne prince shall in part be
satisfied of the diligence which I haue vsed in his seruice, and mine
aduersaries shall find themselues so discouered in their false reports,
that they shall haue no place of refuge. But before I begin, I will
briefly set downe the situation and description of the land whereunto we
haue sailed and where we haue inhabited from the yeere 1561. vnto sixty
fiue, to the ende that those things may the more easily be borne away,
which I meane to describe in this discourse.
The description of the West Indies in generall, but chiefly and
particularly of Florida,
(M360) That part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of
the world, or America, or rather the West India, was vnknowen vnto our
ancestours by reason of the great distance thereof. In like maner all the
Westerne Islands and fortunate Isles were not discouered but by those of
our age. Howbeit there haue bin some which haue said that they were
discouered in the time of Augustus Cæsar, and that Virgil hath, made
mention thereof in the sixt booke of his Æneidos, when he saith, There is
a land beyond the starres, and the coarse of the yeere and of the Sunne,
where Atlas the Porter of Heauen sustaineth the pole vpon his shoulders:
neuerthelesse it is easie to iudge that hee meaneth not to speake of this
land, whereof no man is found to haue written before his time, neither yet
aboue a thousand yeeres after. (M361) Christopher Colon did first light
vpon land in the yeere 1592. And fiue yeeres after Americus went thither
by the commandement of the king of Castile, and gaue vnto it his owne
name, whereupon afterward it was called America. This man was very well
seene in the Arte of Nauigation and in Astronomie: whereby hee discouered
in his time many lands vnknowen vnto the ancient Geographers. This
countrey is named by some, the land of Brasil, and the lande of Parots. It
stretcheth it selfe, according vnto Postell, from the one Pole to the
other, sauing at the streight of Magellan, whereunto it reacheth 53.
degrees beyond the Equator. I will diuide it for the better vnderstanding
into three principall parts. That which is toward the Pole Articke on the
North is called new France, because that in the yeere 1514. Iohn
Verrazzanno a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first and by Madam
the Regent his mother vnto these newe Regions, where he went on land, and
discouered all the coast which is from the Tropicke of Cancer, to wit,
from the eight add twentieth vnto the fiftieth degree, and farther vnto
the North. He planted in this Countrey the Ensignes and Armes of the king
of France: so that the Spaniardes themselues which were there afterwarde,
haue named this countrey Terra Francesca. The same then extendeth it selfe
in Latitude from the 25. degree vnto the 54. toward the North: and in
Longitude from 210. vnto 330. The Easterne part thereof is called by the
late writers The land of Norumbega, which beginneth at the bay of Gama,
which separateth it from the Isle of Canada whither Iaques Carthiers
sayled the yeere 1535. About the which there are many Ilands, among which
is that which is named Terra de Labrador stretching towarde Groenland. In
the Westerne part there are many knowen countreys, as the Regions of
Quiuira, Ciuola, Astatlan, and Terlichichimici. The Southerne part is
called Florida, because it was discouered on Palme-sunday, which the
Spaniardes call Pascha Florida. The Northerne part is altogether vnknowen.
The second part of all America is called newe Spaine. It extendeth from
the Tropicke of Cancer in twentie three degrees and a halfe, vnto the
ninth degree. In the same is situated the Citie of Themistitan, and it
hath many Regions, and many Ilandes adioyning vnto it, which are called
the Antilles, whereof the most famous and renoumed are Hispaniola and
Isabella, with an infinite number of others. All this land, together with
the Bay of Mexico, and all the Ilands aforesayd, haue not in Longitude
past seuentie degrees, to wit, from the two hundreth and fortie, vnto
three hundreth and ten: it is also long and narrowe as Italie. The third
part of America is called Peru, it is very great, and extendeth it selfe
in Latitude from the tenth degree vnto the three and fiftieth beyond the
Equator, to wit, as I haue sayde before, vnto the streight of Magelan. It
is made in fashion like to an egge, and is very well knowen vpon all
sides. The part where it is largest hath threescore degrees, and from
thence it waxeth narrower and narrower toward both the endes. In one part
of this lande Villegagnon planted right vnder the Tropicke of Capricorne,
and he called it France Antarctick, because it draweth toward the pole
Antarctick, as our France doeth toward the Arctick.
New France is almost as great as all our Europe. Howbeit the most knowen
and inhabited part thereof is Florida, whither many Frenchmen haue made
diuers voyages at sundry times, insomuch that now it is the best knowen
Countrey which is in all this part of new France. The Cape thereof is as
it were a long head of land stretching out into the Sea an hundred
leagues, and runneth directly towarde the South: it hath right ouer
against it fiue and twentie leagues distant the Isle of Cuba otherwise
called Isabella toward the East the Isles of Bahama and Lucaya, and toward
the West the Bay of Mexico. The Countrey is flat, and diuided with diuers
riuers, and therefore moyst, and is sandie towards the Sea shore. (M362)
There groweth in those partes great quantitie of Pinetrees, which haue no
kernels in the aples which they beare. Their woods are full of Oakes,
Walnuttrees, blacke Cherrietrees, Mulberry trees, Lentiskes, and Chestnut
trees, which are more wild then those in France. There is great store of
Cedars, Cypresses, Bayes, Palme trees, Hollies, and wilde Vines, which
climbe vp along the trees and beare good Grapes. (M363) There is there a
kinde of Medlers, the fruit whereof is better then that of France, and
bigger. There are also Plum-trees, which beare very faire fruite, but such
as is not very good. There are Raspasses, and a little berrie which we
call among vs Blues, which are very good to eate. There growe in that
Countrey a kinde of Rootes which they call in their language Hasez,
whereof in necessitie they make bread. There is also there the tree called
Esquine, which is very good against the Pockes and other contagious
diseases. (M364) The beastes best knowen in this Countrey are Stagges,
Hindes, Goates, Deere, Leopards, Ounces, Luserns, diuers sortes of wolues,
wilde Dogs, Hares, Cunnies, and a certaine kinde of beast that differeth
little from the Lyon of Africa. (M365) The foules are Turkeycocks,
Partridges, Parrots, Pigions, Ringdoues, Turtles, Blackbirdes, Crowes,
Tarcels, Faulcons, Laynerds, Herons, Cranes, Storkes, wilde Geese,
Malards, Cormorants, Hernshawes, white, red, blacke, and gray, and an
infinite sort of all wilde foule. There is such abundance of Crocodiles,
that ofentimes in swimming men are assayled by them: of Serpents there are
many sorts. There is found amongst the Sauages good quantitie of Gold and
Siluer, which is gotten out of the shippes that are lost vpon the coast,
as I haue vnderstood by the Sauages themselues. They vse traffique thereof
one with another. And that which maketh me the rather beleeue it, is, that
on the coast towarde the Cape, where commonly the shippes are cast away,
there is more store of Siluer then towards the North, neuerthelesse they
say, that in the Mountaines of Appalatcy there are Mines of Copper, which
I thinke to be Golde. There is also in this Countrey great store of
graynes and herbes, whereof might be made excellent good dyes and
paintings of all kindes of colours. And in trueth the Indians which take
pleasure in painting of their skins, know very well how to vse the same.
(M366) The men are of an Oliue colour, of great stature, faire, without
any deformitie, and well proportioned. They couer their priuies with the
skinne of a Stagge well dressed. The most part of them haue their bodies
armes, and thighes painted with faire deuises: the painting whereof can
neuer be taken away, because the same is pricked into their flesh. (M367)
Their haire is very blacke and reacheth euen downe to their hips, howbeit
they trusse it vp after a fashion that becommeth them very well. They are
great dissemblers and traitours, valiant of their persons and fight very
well. They haue none other weapons but their bowes and arrowes. They make
the string of their bow of a gut of a Stag, or of a Stagges skin, which
they know how to dresse as well as any man in France, and with as
different sorts of colours. They head their arrowes with the teeth of
fishes and stone, which they work very finely and handsomly. They exercise
their yong men to runne well, and they make a game among themselues which
he winneth that has the longest breath. They also exercise themselues much
in shooting. They play at ball in this maner: they set vp a tree in the
middest of a place which is eight or nine fathome high, in the top whereof
there is set a square mat made of reedes or Bulrushes, which whosoeuer
hitteth in playing therat, winneth the game. They take great pleasure in
hunting and fishing. The kings of the Countrey make great warre one
against the other, which is not executed but by surprise, and they kill
all the men they can take: afterward they cut off their heads to haue
their haire, which returning home they carry away to make thereof their
triumph when they come to their houses. They saue the women and children
and nourish them and keepe them alwayes with them. Being returned home
from the warre, they assemble all their subiects, and for ioy three dayes
and three nights they make good cheare, they dance and sing, likewise they
make the most ancient women of the Countrey to dance, holding the haires
of their enemies in their hands: and in dancing they sing praises to the
Sunne, ascribing vnto him the honour of the victory. They haue no
knowledge of God, nor of any religion, sauing of that which they see, as
the Sunne and the Moone. They haue their priests to whom they giue great
credit, because they are great magicians, great sooth-sayers, and callers
vpon diuels. These Priests serue them in stead of Physitions and
Chirurgions. They cary alwayes about them a bag full of herbes and drugs
to cure the sicke diseased which for the most part are sick of the pocks,
for they loue women and maidens exceedingly, which they call the daughters
of the Sunne: and some of them are Sodomites. They marry, and euery one
hath his wife, and it is lawfull for the King to haue two or three: yet
none but the first is honoured and acknowledged for Queene: and none but
the children of the first wife inherite the goods and aucthoritie of the
father. The women doe all the businesse at home. They keepe not house with
them after they know they be with child. And they eate not of that which
they touch as long as they haue their flowers. (M368) There are in all
this Countrey many Hermaphrodites, whice take all the greatest paine, and
beare the victuals when they goe to warre. They paint their faces much,
and sticke their haire full of feathers or downe, that they may seeme more
terrible. The victuals which they carry with them, are of bread, of hony,
and of meale made of Maiz parched in the fire, which they keepe without
being marred a long while. They carry also sometimes fish, which they
cause to be dressed in the smoke. In necessitie they eat a thousand
rifraffes, euen to the swallowing downe of coales, and putting sand into
the pottage that they make with this meale. (M369) When they goe to warre,
their King marcheth first, with a clubbe in the one hand, and his bowe in
the other, with his quiuer full of arrowes. All his men follow him, which
haue likewise their bowes and arrowes. While they fight, they make great
cries and exclamations. They take no enterprize in hand, but first they
assemble oftentimes their Councell together, and they take very good
aduisement before they growe to a resolution. They meete together euery
morning in a great common house, whither their King repaireth, and setteth
him downe vpon a seate which is higher then the seates of the other: where
all of them one after another come and salute him: and the most ancient
begin their salutations, lifting vp both their handes twise as high as
their face, saying, ha, he, ya, and the rest answer ha, ha. Assoone as
they haue done their salutation, euery man sitteth him downe vpon the
seates which are round about in the house. If there be any thing to
intreate of, the King calleth the Iawas, that is to say their Priestes,
and the most ancient men, and asketh them their aduise. (M370) Afterward
he commaundeth Cassine to be brewed, which is a drinke made of the leaues
of a certaine tree: They drinke this Cassine very hotte: he drinketh
first, then he causeth to be giuen thereof to all of them one after
another in the same boule, which holdeth well a quart measure of Paris.
They make so great account of this drinke, that no man may taste thereof
in this assembly, vnlesse hee hath made proof of his valure in the warre.
Moreouer this drinke hath such a vertue, that assoone as they haue drunke
it, they become all in a sweate, which sweate, being past, it taketh away
hunger and thirst for foure and twenty houres after. (M371) When a King
dyeth, they burie him very solemnly, and vpon his graue they set the cuppe
wherein he was woont to drinke: and round about the sayde graue they
sticke many arrowes, and weepe and fast three dayes together without
ceasing. All the kings which were his friends make the like mourning: and
in token of the loue which they bare him, they cut of more then the one
halfe of their haire, as well men as women. During the space of sixe
Moones (so they reckon their moneths) there are certaine women appoynted
which bewaile the death of this King, crying with a loude voyce thrise a
day, to wit, in the Morning, at Noone, and at Euening. All the goods of
this King are put into his house, and afterward they set it on fire, so
that nothing is euer more after to be seene. (M372) The like is done with
the goods of the Priestes, and besides they burie the bodies of the
Priests in their houses, and then they set them on fire. They sowe their
Maiz twise a yere, to wit, in March and in Iune, and all in one and the
same soyle. The sayd Maiz from the time that it is sowed vntill the time
that it be ready to be gathered, is but three moneths on the ground. The
other 6. moneths they let the earth rest. They haue also faire Pumpions,
and very good Beanes. They neuer dung their land, onely when they would
sowe, they set the weedes on fire, which grewe vp the 6. moneths, and
burne them all. They dig their ground with an instrument of wood which is
fashioned like a broad mattocke, wherewith they digge their Vines in
France, they put two graines of Maiz together. When the land is to be
sowed, the King commaundeth one of his men to assemble his subiects euery
day to labour, during which labour the King causeth store of that drinke
to be made for them, whereof we haue spoken. At the time when the Maiz is
gathered, it is all carried into a common house, where it is distributed
to euery man according to his qualitie. They sowe no more but that which
they thinke will serue their turnes for sixe moneths, and that very
scarcely. (M373) For during the Winter they retire themselues for three or
foure moneths in the yeere into the woods, where they make little cotages
of Palme boughes for their retraite, and liue there of Maste, of fish
which they take, of Oisters, of Stagges, of Turkeycockes, and other
beastes which they take. They eate all their meate broyled on the coales,
and dressed in the smoake, which in their language they call Boucaned.
They eate willingly the flesh of the Crocodile: and in deede it is faire
and white: and where it not that it sauoureth too much like Muske we would
oftentimes haue eaten thereof. They haue a custome among them, that when
they finde themselues sicke, where they feele the paine, whereas we cause
our selues to be let blood, their Physitions sucke them vntill they make
the blood follow.
The women are likewise of good proportion and tall, and of the same colour
that the men be of, painted as the men be: Howbeit when they are borne,
they be not so much of an Oliue colour, and are farre whiter. (M374) For
the chiefe cause that maketh them to be of this colour proceedes of
annointings of oyle which they vse among them: and they doe it for a
certaine ceremonie which I could not learne, and because of the Sunne
which shineth hote vpon their bodies. The agilitie of the women is so
great, that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children
vpon one of their armes. They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest
trees in the Countrey.
Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey, with the nature and
customes of the Inhabitants: which I was very willing to write, before I
entred any further into the discourse of my historie, to the end that the
Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that, which I meane
hereafter to entreate of.
My Lord Admirall of Chastillon, a noble man more desirous of the publique
then of his priuate benefite, vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his
prince, which was to discouer new and strange Countreys, caused vessels
fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence, and men to bee
leuied meete for such an enterprise: (M375) Among whom hee chose Captaine
Iohn Ribault, a man in trueth expert in sea causes: which hauing receiued
his charge, set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of
Februarie, accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes, but so well
furnished with Gentlemen, (of whose number I myselfe was one) and with
olde Souldiers, that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and
worthy of eternall memorie. (M376) Hauing therefore sayled two moneths,
neuer holding the usuall course of the Spaniards, hee arriued in Florida,
landing neere a Cape or Promontorie, which is no high lande, because the
coast is all flatte, but onely rising by reason of the high woods, which
at his arriuall he called Cape Francois in honour of our France. (M377)
This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees. (M378)
Coasting from this place towards the North, he discouered a very faire and
great Riuer, which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search
the same the next day very early in the morning: which being done by the
breake of day, accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other
souldiers of his shippe, he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the
shoare, but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women, which came
of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and
amitie, as they well declared by the Oration which their king made, and
the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine, which
the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the
sayde Riuer, and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie
knappe, in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued. This
being done hee embarked himselfe againe, to the ende alwayes to discouer
the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire. After he had
sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer, and
then in the presence of certaine Indians, which of purpose did attend
(M379) him, hee commaunded his men to make their prayers, to giue thankes
to GOD, for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto
these strange places without any danger at all. The prayers being ended,
the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them, thinking in my
iudgment, that wee worshipped the Sunne, because wee alwayes had our eyes
lifted vp toward heauen, rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn
Ribault, promising to shew him their King, which rose not vp as they did,
but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees:
toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him, and heard him make a
long discourse, but with no great pleasure, because hee could not
vnderstand his language, and much lesse his meaning. (M380) The King gaue
our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Hernshawes feathers died
in red, and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion, and
wrought very artificially, and a great skinne painted and drawen
throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and
pourtrayed, that nothing lacked but life. The Captaine to shew himselfe
not vnthankfull, gaue him pretie tinne bracelets, a cutting hooke, a
looking glasse, and certaine kniues: whereupon the King shewed himselfe to
be very glad and fully contented. Hauing spent the most part of the day
with these Indians, the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the
other side of the Riuer, whereat the king seemed to be very sorie.
Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs, hee commaunded that with all
diligence they should take fish for vs: which they did with all speede.
(M381) For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and
framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase, they loaded vs with Troutes,
great Mullets, Plaise, Turbuts, and marueilous store of other sortes of
fishes altogether different from ours.
(M382) This done, we entred into our Boates and went toward the other
shore. But before we came to the shore, we were saluted with a number of
other Indians, which entring into the water to their armepits, brought vs
many litle baskets full of Maiz, and goodly Mulberries both red and white:
Others offered thamselues to beare vs on shoare, where being landed we
perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes, and vnder
a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters
side. He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire
and strong, and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and
arrowes in marueilous good order. His two sonnes receiued our Captaine
very graciously: but the king their father, representing I wot not what
kinde of grauitie, did nothing but shake his head a little: then the
Captaine went forward to salute him, and without any other mouing of
himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie, that hee made it
seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King.
Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour, thought he
was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king, or else that he was
not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted. While
thus he knew not what hereof to thinke, our Captaine shewed him by signes,
that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him, to let him to
vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him: for the
better confirmation whereof, hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles,
as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt, which he
presented him withall, and gave his sonnes certaine other trifles.
Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to entreate both our Captaine and
vs. And after these gentle intertainments we went ourselues into the
woods, hoping there to discouer some singularities; where were great store
of Mulberrie trees white and red, on the toppes whereof there was an
infinite number of silkewormes. Following our way wee discouered a faire
and great medowe, diuided notwithstanding with diuers Marishes which
constrained vs by reason of the water which enuironed it about, to returne
backe againe towarde the Riuers side. Finding not the King there, which by
this time was gone home to his house, wee entred into our boates and
sayled toward our shippes: where after we arriued, we called this Riuer
the Riuer of May, because wee discouered it the first day of the sayde
moneth.
Soone after we returned to our shippes, wee weighed our ankers and hoysed
our sailes to discouer the coast farther forward, along the which wee
discouered another faire Riuer, which the Captaine himselfe was minded to
search out, and hauing searched it out with the king and inhabitants
thereof, hee named it Seine, because it is very like vnto the Riuer of
Seine in France. From this Riuer wee retired toward our shippes, where
being arriued, we trimmed our sailes to saile further toward the North,
and to descry the singularities of the coast. But wee had not sayled any
great way before wee discovered another very faire Riuer, which caused vs
to cast anker ouer against it, and to trimme out two Boates to goe to
search it out. Wee found there an Ile and a king no lesse affable then the
rest, afterwarde we named this Riuer Somme. From thence wee sayled about
sixe leagues, after wee discouered another Riuer, which after wee had
viewed was named by vs by the name of Loyre. And consequently we there
discouered fiue others: whereof the first was named Charente, the second
Garonne, the third Gironde, the fourth Belle, the fift Grande: which being
very well discouered with such things as were in them, by this time in
lesse then the space of three score leagues we had found out many
singularities along nine Riuers. Neuerthelesse not fully satisfied we
sayled yet further toward the North, following the course that might bring
vs to the Riuer of Iordan one of the fairest Riuers of the North, and
holding our wonted course, great fogges and tempests came vpon vs, which
constrained vs to leaue the coast to beare toward the maine Sea, which was
the cause we lost the sight of our Pinnesses a whole day and a night
vntill the next day in the morning, what time the weather waxing faire and
the Sea calme wee discouered a Riuer which we called Belle a veoir.(116)
After wee had sayled three or four leagues, wee began to espie our
Pinnesses which came straight toward vs, and at their arriuall they
reported to the Captaine, that while the fogges and wild weather endured
they harboured themselues in a mightie Riuer which in bignesse and beautie
exceeded the former: wherewithall the Captaine was exceeding ioyfull, for
his chiefe desire was to finde out an Hauen to harbour his shippes, and
there to refresh our selues for a while. (M383) Thus making thitherward
wee arriued athwart the sayde Riuer, (which because of the fairenesse and
largenesse thereof wee named Port Royall) wee strooke our sailes and cast
anker at ten fathom of water: for the depth is such, namely when the Sea
beginneth to flowe, that the greatest shippes of France, yea, the Arguzes
of Venice may enter in there. Hauing cast anker, the Captaine with his
Souldiers went on shoare, and hee himself went first on land: where we
found the place as pleasaunt as was possible, for it was all couered ouer
with mightie high Oakes and infinite store of Cedars, and with Lentiskes
growing vnderneath them, smelling so sweetly, that the very fragrant odor
only made the place to seeme exceeding pleasant. As we passed thorow these
woods we saw nothing but Turkeycocks flying in the Forrests, Partridges
gray and red, little different from ours, but chiefly in bignesse. Wee
heard also within the woods the voyces of Stagges, of Beares, of Lusernes,
of Leopards, and diuers other sortes of Beastes vnknowen vnto vs. Being
delighted with this place, we set ourselues to fishing with nets, and we
caught such a number of fish, that it was wonderfull. And amongst other
wee tooke a certaine kind of fish which we call Salicoques, which were no
lesse then Creuises, so that two draughts of the net were sufficient to
feede all the companie of our two ships for a whole day. (M384) The Riuer
at the mouth thereof from Cape to Cape is no lesse then 3 French leagues
broad; it is diuided into two great armes whereof the one runneth toward
the West, the other towards the North: And I beleeue in my iudgement that
the arme which stretcheth towarde the North runneth vp into the Countrey
as farre as the Riuer Iordan, the other arme runneth into the Sea, as it
was knowen and vnderstoode by those of our company, which were left behind
to dwell in this place. These two armes are two great leagues broad: and
in the middest of them there is an Ile, which is poynted towardes the
opening of the great Riuer, in which Iland there are infinite numbers of
all sortes of strange beasts. There are Simples growing there of so rare
properties, and in so great quantitie, that is an excellent thing to
behold them. On euery side there is nothing to be seene but Palmetrees,
and other sorts of trees bearing blossoms and fruite of very rare shape
and very good smell. But seeing the euening approch, and that the Captaine
determined to returne vnto the shippes, wee prayed him to suffer vs to
passe the night in this place. In our absence the Pilots and chiefe
Mariners aduertised the Captaine that it was needefull to bring the
shippes further vp within the Riuer, to auoyde the dangers of the windes
which might annoy vs, by reason of our being so neere to the mouth of the
Riuer: and for this cause the Captaine sent for vs. Being come to our
shippes, wee sayled three leagues vp within the Riuer, and there we cast
anker. A little while after, Iohn Ribault accompanied with a good number
of souldiers imbarked himselfe, desirous to sayle further vp into the arme
that runneth toward the West, and to search the commodities of the place.
(M385) Hauing sayled twelue leagues at the least, we perceiued a troope of
Indians which assoone as they espied the Pinnesses, they were so afrayd
that they fled into the woods leauing behind them a young Lucerne which
they were a turning vpon a spit: for which the place was called Cape
Lucerne: proceeding foorth on our way, we found another arme of the Riuer,
which ranne toward the East, vp which the Captaine determined to sayle and
to leaue the great current. A little while after they began to espie
diuers other Indians both men and women halfe hidden within the woods: who
knowing not that we were such as desired their friendship, were dismayed
at the first, but soone after were emboldened, for the Captaine caused
store of merchandise to be shewed them openly whereby they knew that we
meant nothing but well vnto them; and then they made a signe that he
should come on lande, which we would not refuse. At our comming on shoare
diuers of them came to salute our Generall according to their barbarous
fashion. Some of them gaue him skinnes of Chamois, others little baskets
made of Palme leaues, some presented him with Pearles, but no great
number. Afterwards they went about to make an arbour to defend us in that
place from the parching heate of the Sunne. But wee would not stay as
then. Wherefore the Captaine thanked them much for their good will, and
gaue presents to each of them: wherewith he pleased them so well before he
went thence, that his suddaine departure was nothing pleasant vnto them.
For knowing him to bee so liberall, they would haue wished him to haue
stayed a little longer, seeking by all meanes to giue him occasion to
stay, shewing him by signes that he should stay but that day onely, and
that they desired to aduertise a great Indian Lorde which had Pearles in
great abundance, and Silver also, all which things should bee giuen vnto
him at the Kings arriuall: saying further that in the meane time while
that this great Lord came thither, they would lead him to their houses,
and shewe him there a thousand pleasures in shooting, and seeing the
Stagge killed therefore they prayed him not to denie them their request.
Notwithstanding wee returned to our shippes, where after wee had bene but
one night, the Captaine in the morning commanded to put into the Pinnesse
a pillar of hard stone fashioned like a columne, wherein the armes of the
king of France were grauen, to plant the same in the fairest place that he
could finde. (M386) This done, wee imbarked ourselues, and sayled three
leagues towards the West: where wee discouered a little riuer vp which we
sayled so long, that in the ende we found it returned into the great
current, and in his returne to make a litle Iland separated from the firme
land where wee went on shore: and by commandement of the Captaine, because
it was exceeding faire and pleasant, there wee planted the Pillar vpon a
hillock open round about to the view, and inuironed with a lake halfe a
fathom deepe of very good and sweete water. In which Iland wee sawe two
Stagges of exceeding bignesse, in respect of those which we had seene
before, which we might easily haue killed with our harguebuzes, if the
Captaine had not forbidden vs, mooued with the singular fairenesse and
bignesse of them. But before our departure we named the little riuer which
enuironed this Ile The Riuer of Liborne. Afterward we imbarked our selues
to search another Ile not farre distant from the former: wherein after wee
had gone a land, wee found nothing but tall Cedars, the fairest that were
seene in this Countrey. For this cause wee called it The Ile of Cedars: so
wee returned into our Pinnesse to go towards our shippes.
A few dayes afterward Iohn Ribault determined to returne once againe
toward the Indians which inhabited that arme of the Riuer which runneth
toward the West, and to carrie with him good store of souldiers. For his
meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring them into France,
as the Queene had commaunded him. (M387) With this deliberation againe wee
tooke our former course so farre foorth, that at the last wee came to the
selfe same place where at the first we found the Indians, from thence we
tooke two Indians by the permission of the king, which thinking that they
were more fauoured then the rest, thought themselues very happy to stay
with vs. But these two Indians seeing we made no shew at all that we would
goe on land, but rather that wee followed the middest of the current,
began to be somewhat offended, and would by force haue leapt into the
water, for they are so good swimmers that immediatly they would haue
gotten into the forestes. Neuerthelesse being acquainted with their
humour, wee watched them narrowly and sought by all meanes to appease
them: which we could not by any meanes do for that time, though we offered
them things which they much esteemed, which things they disdained to take,
and gaue backe againe whatsoeuer was giuen them, thinking that such giftes
should haue altogether bound them, and that in restoring them they should
be restored vnto their libertie. (M388) In fine, perceiuing that all that
they did auayled them nothing, they prayed vs to giue them those things
which they had restored, which we did incontinent: then they approched one
toward the other and began to sing, agreeing so sweetely together, that in
hearing their song it seemed that they lamented the absence of their
friendes. They continued their songs all night without ceasing: all which
time we were constrained to ly at anker by reason of the tyde that was
against vs, but we hoysed sayle the next day very early in the morning,
and returned to our ships. Assoone as we were come to our ships, euery one
sought to gratifie these two Indians, and to shew them the best
countenance that was possible: to the intent that by such courtesies they
might perceiue the good desire and affection which we had to remaine their
friends in time to come. (M389) Then we offered them meate to eate, but
they refused it, and made vs vnderstand that they were accustomed to wash
their face and to stay vntill the Sunne were set before they did eate,
which is a ceremonie common to all the Indians of Newe France.
Neuerthelesse in the end they were constrained to forget their
superstitions, and to apply themselues to our nature, which was somewhat
strange vnto them at the first. They became therefore more iocunde, euery
houre made vs a 1000 discourses, being merueilous sory that we could not
vnderstand them. A few daies after they began to beare so good wil towards
mee, that, as I thinke, they would rather haue perished with hunger and
thirst, then haue taken their refection at any mans hand but mine. Seeing
this their good wil, I sought to learne some Indian words, and began to
aske them questions, shewing them the thing whereof I desired to know the
name, how they called it. They were very glad to tell it me, and knowing
the desire that I had to learne their language, they encouraged me
afterward to aske them euery thing. (M390) So that putting downe in
writing the words and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to
vnderstand the greatest part of their discourses. Euery day they did
nothing but speak vnto me of the desire that they had to vse me wel, if we
returned vnto their houses, and cause me to receiue all the pleasures that
they could deuise, aswell in hunting as in seeing their very strange and
superstitious ceremonies at a certaine feast which they call Toya. Which
feast they obserue as straightly as we obserue the Sunday. They gaue me to
vnderstand, that they would bring me to see the greatest Lord of this
countrey which they called Chiquola, which exceedeth them in height (as
they tolde me) a good foote and a halfe. They said vnto me that he dwelt
within the land in a very large place and inclosed exceeding high, but I
could not learne wherewith. (M391) And as farre as I can iudge, this place
whereof they spake vnto me, was a very faire citie. For they said vnto me
that within the inclosure there was great store of houses which were built
very high, wherein there was an infinite number of men like vnto
themselues, which made none account of gold, of siluer, nor of pearles,
seeing they had thereof in abundance. I began then to shew them al the the
parts of heauen, to the intent to learne in which quarter they dwelt. And
straightway one of them stretching out his hand shewed me that they dwelt
toward the North, which makes me thinke that it was the riuer of Iordan.
And now I remember that in the raigne of the Emperour Charles the fift,
certaine Spaniards inhabitants of S. Domingo (which made a voyage to get
certaine slaues to work in their mines) stole away by subtilty the
inhabitants of this riuer, to the number of 40, thinking to cary them into
their New Spaine. But they lost their labour: for in despite they died al
for hunger, sauing one that was brought to the Emperor, which a litle
while after he caused to be baptised, and gaue him his own name and called
him Charles of Chiquola, because he spake so much of this Lorde of
Chiquola whose subiect hee was. Also, he reported continually, that
Chiquola made his abode within a very great inclosed citie. Besides this
proof, those which were left in the first voyage haue certified me, that
the Indians shewed them by euident signes, that farther within the land
toward the North, there was a great inclosure or citie, where Chiquola
dwelt. After they had staied a while in our ships, they began to be sory,
and stil demanded of me when they should returne. I made them vnderstand
that the Captaines will was to send them home againe, but that first he
would bestow apparell of them, which fewe dayes after was deliuered vnto
them. But seeing he would not giue them licence to depart, they resolued
with themselues to steale away by night, and to get a litle boat which we
had, and by the help of the tyde to saile home toward their dwellings, and
by this meanes to saue themselues. (M392) Which thing they failed not to
doe, and put their enterprize in execution, yet leauing behinde them the
apparel which the Captaine had giuen them, and carrying away nothing but
that which was their owne, shewing well hereby that they were not void of
reason. The Captaine cared not greatly for their departure, considering
they had not bene vsed otherwise then well: and that therefore they woulde
not estrange themselues from the Frenchmen. (M393) Captaine Ribault
therefore knowing the singular fairenes of this riuer, desired by all
meanes to encourage some of his men to dwell there, well foreseeing that
this thing might be of great importance for the Kings seruice, and the
reliefe of the Common wealth of France. Therefore proceeding on with this
intent he commanded the ankers to be weighed and to set things in order to
returne vnto the opening of the riuer, to the ende that if the winde came
faire he might passe out to accomplish the rest of his meaning. When
therefore we were come to the mouth of the riuer, he made them cast anker,
whereupon we stayed without discouering any thing all the rest of the day.
The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come vp vpon
the decke, saying that he had somewhat to say vnto them. They all came vp,
and immediately the Captaine began to speake vnto them in this maner.
(M394) I thinke there is none of you that is ignorant of how great
consequence this our enterprize is, and how acceptable it is vnto our yong
King. Therefore my friendes (as one desiring your honour and benefite) I
would not faile to aduertise you all of the exceeding good happe which
should fall to them, which, as men of valure and worthy courage, would
make tryall in this our first discouerie of the benefits and commodities
of this new land: which should be, as I assure my selfe, the greatest
occasion that euer could happen vnto them, to arise vnto the title and
degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous to propose vnto you
and set downe before your eyes the eternall memorie which of right they
deserue, which forgetting both their parents and their countrey haue had
the courage to enterprize a thing of such importance, which euen kings
themselues vnderstanding to be men aspiring to so high degree magnanimitie
and increase of their maiesties, doe not disdaine so wel to regard, that
afterwards imploying them in maters of weight and of high enterprize, they
make their names immortall for euer. Howbeit, I would not haue you
perswade your selues, as many doe, that you shall neuer haue such good
fortune as not being knowen neither to the king nor to the Princes of the
Realme, and besides descending of so poore a stocke, that few or none of
your parents, hauing euer made profession of armes, haue bene knowen vnto
the great estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I myselfe haue
applyed all my industry to follow them; and haue hazarded my life in so
many dangers for the seruice of my prince, yet could I neuer attaine
thereunto (not that I did not deserue this title and degree of gouernment)
as I haue seene it happen to many others, onely because they descend of a
noble race, since more regard is had of their birth then of their vertue.
For wel I know that if vertue were regarded ther would more be found
worthy to deserue the title, and by good right to be named noble and
valiant. I will therefore make sufficient answere to such propositions and
such things as you may obiect against me, laying before you the infinite
examples which we haue of the Romans: which concerning the point of honour
were the first that triumphed ouer the world. For how many finde we among
them, which for their so valiant enterprizes, not for the greatnesse of
their parentage, haue obtained the honour to tryumph? If we haue recourse
vnto their ancestors, wee shall finde that their parents were of so meane
condition, that by labouring with their hands they liued very basely.
(M395) As the father of Ælius Pertinax, which was a poore artisan, his
Grandfather likewise was a bond man, as the historiographers do witnes:
and neuerthelesse, being moued with a valiant courage, he was nothing
dismayed for all this, but rather desirous to aspire vnto high things, he
began with a braue stomacke to learne feates of armes, and profited so wel
therein, that from step to step he became at length to be Emperour of the
Romans. For all this dignitie he despised not his parents: but
contrariwise and in remembrance of them, he caused his fathers shop to be
couered with a fine wrought marble, to serue for an example to men
descended of base and poore linages, to giue them occasion to aspire vnto
high things notwithstanding the meannesse of their ancestors. (M396) I wil
not passe ouer in silence the excellencie and prowesse of the valiant and
renowned Agathocles the sonne of a simple potter, and yet forgetting the
contemptible estate of his father, he so applied himselfe to vertue in his
tender yeeres, that by the fauour of armes he came to be king of Sicilie:
and for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne of a Potter.
But the more to eternize the memory of his parentes and to make his name
renowned, he commanded that he should be serued at the Table in vessels of
gold and siluer and others of earth: declaring thereby that the dignitie
wherein hee was placed came not vnto him by his parents, but by his owne
vertue onely. (M397) If I shal speake of our time, I will lay before you
onely Rusten Bassha, which may be sufficient example to all men: which
though he were the sonne of a poore heard-man, did so apply his youth in
all vertue, that being brought vp in the seruice of the great Turke, he
seemed to aspire to great and high matters, in such sort that growing in
yeeres he increased also in courage, so far forth, that in fine for his
excellent vertues he married the daughter of the great Turke his Prince.
Howe much then ought so many worthy examples to moue you to plant here?
Considering also that you shalbe registered for euer as the first that
inhabited this strang countrey, I pray you therefore all to aduise your
selues thereof, and to declare your mindes freely vnto mee, protesting
that I will so well imprint your names in the kinges eares, and the other
princes, that your renowne shall hereafter shine vnquenchable through our
Realme of France. (M398) He had scarcely ended his Oration, but the
greatest part of our souldiers replyed: that a greater pleasure could
neuer betide them, perceiuing well the acceptable seruice which by this
meanes they shoulde doe vnto their Prince: besides that this thing should
be for the increase of their honours: therefore they besought the
Captaine, before he departed out of the place, to begin to build them a
Fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, and to leaue them munition
necessarie for their defence, shewing as it seemed that they were
displeased, that it was so long in doing. Wherevpon Iohn Ribault being as
glad as might be to see his men so well willing, determined the next day
to search the most fit and conuenient place to be inhabited. Wherefore he
embarked himselfe very earely in the morning and commanded them to followe
him that were desirous to inhabite there, to the intent that they might
like the beter of the place. Hauing sayled vp the great riuer on the North
side, in coasting an Isle which ended with a sharpe point toward the mouth
of the riuer, hauing sailed a while, he discouered a small riuer, which
entred into the Islande, which hee would not faile to search out. Which
done, and finding the same deep inough to harbour therein Gallies and
Galliots in good number, proceeding further, he found a very open place,
ioyning vpon the brinke thereof, where he went on land, and seeing the
place fit to build a Fortresse in, and commodious for them that were
willing to plant there, he resolued incontinent to cause the bignes of the
fortification to be measured out. (M399) And considering that there stayed
but sixe and twentie there, he caused the Fort to be made in length but
sixteene fathome, and thirteene in breadth, with flankes according to the
proportion thereof. The measure being taken by me and Captaine Salles, we
sent vnto the shippes for men, and to bring shouels, pickaxes and other
instruments necessarie to make the fortification. We trauailed so
diligently, that in a short space the Fort was made in some sort
defenciable. In which meane time Iohn Ribault caused victuals and
warrelike munition to be brought for the defence of the place. After he
had furnished them with all such things as they had neede of, he
determined to take his leaue of them. But before his departure he vsed
this speech vnto Captaine Albert, which he left in this place.
(M400) Captaine Albert, I haue to request you in the presence of al these
men, that you would quit yourselfe so wisely in your charge, and gouern so
modestly your small companie which I leaue you, which with so good cheere
remaineth vnder your obedience, that I neuer haue occasion but to commend
you, and to recount vnto the king (as I am desirous) the faithfull seruice
which before vs all you vndertake to doe him in his new France: And you
companions, (quoth he to the Souldiers) I beseech you also to esteeme of
Captaine Albert as if he were myselfe that stayed here with you, yeelding
him that obedience which a true souldier oweth vnto his Generall and
Captaine, liuing as brethern one with another without all dissention: and
in so doing God wil assist you and bless your enterprises. Hauing ended
his exhortation, we tooke our leaues of each of them, and sayled toward
our shippes, calling the Forte by the name of Charles-fort, and the Riuer
by the name Chenonceau. The next daye we determined to depart from this
place being as wel contented as was possible that we had so happily ended
our busines, with good hope, if occasion would permitte, to discouer
perfectly the riuer of Iordan. For this cause we hoysed our sayles about
ten of the clocke in the morning: after wee were ready to depart Captaine
Ribault commanded to shoote off our Ordinance to giue a farewel vnto our
Frenchmen, which failed not to doe the like on their part. This being done
wee sayled toward the North: and then we named this Riuer Porte Royal,
because of the largenes and excellent fairenes of the same. (M401) After
that wee had sailed about 15 leagues from thence, we espied a riuer,
whereupon wee sent our pinnesse thither to discouer it. At their returne
they brought vs word that they found not past halfe a fathom water in the
mouth thereof. Which when we vnderstood, without doing any thing els, we
continued our way, and called it the Base or Shallow riuer. As we stil
went on sounding we found not past fiue or sixe fathome water, although we
were sixe good leagues from the shoare: at length we found not past three
fathomes, which gaue vs occasion greatly to muse. And without making any
further way we strook our sayles, partly because we wanted water, and
partly because the night approched: during which time Captaine Iohn
Ribault bethought with himselfe whether it were best for him to passe any
farther, because of the eminent dangers which euery houre we sawe before
our eyes: or whither he should content himselfe with that which he had
certainely discouered, and also left men to inhabite the countrey. Being
not able for that time to resolue with himselfe, he referred it vntill the
next day. The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was
best to be done, to the end that with good aduisement euery man might
deliuer his opinion. Some made answere that according to their iudgement
he had occasion fully to content himselfe, considering that he could doe
no more: laying before his eyes, that he had discouered more in sixe
weekes, then the Spaniards had done in two yeres in the conquest of their
New Spaine: and that he should do the king very great seruice, if he did
bring him newes in so short a time of his happy discouerie. Other shewed
vnto him the losse and spoile of his victuals, and on the other side the
inconuenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found
continually along the coast. Which things being well and at large debated
we resolued to leaue the coast forsaking the North, to take our way toward
the East, which is the right way and course to our France, where we
happily arriued the twentieth day of Iuly the yere 1562.
The state and condition of those which were left behind in Charles-fort.
Our men after our departure neuer rested, but night and day did fortifie
themselues being in good hope that after their fort was finished, they
would begin to discouer farther vp within the riuer. It happened one day,
as certaine of them were in cutting of rootes in the groues, that they
espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted the Deere, which finding
himselfe so neere vpon them, was much dismayed, but our men began to draw
neere vnto him, and to vse him so courteously, that he became assured and
followed them to Charles-fort, where euery man sought to doe him pleasure.
Captaine Albert was very ioyfull of his comming, which after he had giuen
him a shirt and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwelling: the
Indian answered him that it was farther vp within the riuer, and that he
was vassal of king Audusta: he also shewed him with his hand the limits of
his habitation. After much other talke the Indian desired leaue to depart,
because it drew toward night, which Captaine Albert granted him very
willingly. (M402) Certaine dayes after the Captaine determined to saile
toward Audusta, where being arriued, by reason of the honest entertaynment
which he had giuen to the Indian, he was so courteously receiued, that the
king talked with him of nothing else but of the desire which he had to
become his friend: giuing him besides to vnderstand that he being his
friend and allie, he should haue the amitie of foure other kings, which in
might and authoritie were able to do much for his sake: Besides all this,
in his necessitie they might be able to succour him with victuals. One of
these kings was called Mayon, another Hoya, the third Touppa, and the
fourth Stalame. He told him moreouer, that they would be very glad, when
they should vnderstand the newes of his comming, and therefore he prayed
him to vouchsafe to visit them. The Captaine willingly consented vnto him,
for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that place. Therefore
they departed the next morning very earely, and first arriued at the house
of king Touppa, and afterward went into the other kings houses except the
house of king Stalame. He receiued of each of them all the amiable
courtesies that might be: they shewed themselues to be as affectioned
friends vnto him as was possible, and offered vnto him a thousand small
presents. After that he remained by the space of certaine daies with these
strange kings he determined to take his leaue: and being come backe to the
house of Audusta, he commanded al his men to goe aboord their Pinnesse:
for he was minded to goe towardes the countrey of king Stalame, which
dwelt toward the North the distance of 15 great leagues from Charles-fort.
Therefore as they sailed vp the riuer they entred into a great current,
which they followed so farre till they came at the last to the house of
Stalame: which brought him into his lodging, where he sought to make them
the best cheere he could deuise. He presented immediatly vnto Captaine
Albert his bow and arrowes, which is a signe and confirmation of alliance
betweene them. He presented him with Chamoys skinnes. The Captaine seeing
the best part of the day was now past, tooke his leaue of king Stalame to
return to Charles-fort, where hee arriued the day following. By this time
the friendship was growne so great betweene our men and king Audusta, that
in a manner all things were common betweene him and them: in such sort
that this good Indian king did nothing of importance, but he called our
men thereunto. (M403) For when the time drew neere of the celebrating
their feasts of Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he sent
Ambassadours to our men to request them on his behalfe to be there
present. Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had
to vnderstand what this might be. They imbarked themselues therefore and
sailed towards the kings house, which was already come forth on the way
towards them, to receiue them courteously, to bid them welcome and bring
them to his house, where he sought to intreat them the best he might. In
the meane while the Indians prepared themselues to celebrate the feast the
morrow after, and the king brought them to see the place, wherein the
feast should be kept: where they saw many women round about, which
laboured by al meanes to make the place cleane and neat. This place was a
great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure. (M404) On
the morrow therefore early in the morning, all they which were chosen to
celebrate the feast, being painted and trimmed with rich feathers of
diuers colours, put themselues on the way to go from the kings house
toward the place of Toya: whereunto when they were come they set
themselues in order, and followed three Indians, which in painting and in
gesture were differing from the rest: each of them bare a Tabret in their
hand, dancing and singing in lamentable tune, when they began to enter
into the middest of the round circuit, being followed of others which
answered them again. After that they had sung, danced, and turned 3 times,
they fel on running like vnbridled horses, through the middest of the
thickest woods. And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the
day in teares as sad and woful as was possible: and in such rage they cut
the armes of the yong girles, which they lanced so cruelly with sharpe
shels of Muskles that the blood followed which they flang into the ayre,
crying out three times, He Toya. The king Audusta had gathered all our men
into his house, while the feast was celebrated, and was exceedingly
offended when he saw them laugh. This he did, because the Indians are very
angry when they are seene in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one of our
men made such shift that by subtile meanes he gatte out of the house of
Audusta, and secretly went and hid himselfe behinde a very thicke bush,
where at his pleasure, he might easily discry the ceremonies of the feast.
They three that began the feast are named Iawas: and they are as it were
three Priestes of the Indian law: to whom they giue credite and beliefe
partly because that by kinred they are ordained to be ouer their
Sacrifices, and partly also because they be so subtile magicians that
anything that is lost is straightway recouered by their meanes. Againe
they are not onely reuerenced for these things, but also because they
heale diseases by I wotte not what kinde of knowledge and skill they haue.
Those that ran so through the woodes returned in two dayes after: after
their returne they began to dance with a cherefull courage in the middest
of the faire place, and to cheere vp their good olde Indian fathers, which
either by reason of their too great age or by reason of their naturall
indisposition and feeblenesse were not called to the feast. When all these
dances were ended, they fell on eating with such a greedinesse, that they
seemed rather to deuoure their meate then to eate it, for they had neither
eaten nor drunke the day of the feast, nor the two dayes following. Our
men were not forgotten at this good cheere, for the Indians sent for them
all thither, shewing themselues very glad of their presence. While they
remained certain time with the Indians, a man of ours got a yong boy for
certaine trifles, and inquired of him, what the Indians did in the wood
during their absence: (M405) which boy made him vnderstand by signes that
the Iawas had made inuocations to Toya, and that by Magicall Characters
they had made him come that they might speake with him and demand diuers
strange things of him, which for feare of the Iawas he durst not vtter.
They haue also many other ceremonies, which I will not here rehearse for
the feare of molesting the reader with a matter of so small importance.
When the feast therefore was finished our men returned vnto Charles-fort:
where hauing remained but a while their victualles beganne to waxe short,
which forced them to haue recourse vnto their neighbours, and to pray them
to succour them in their necessitie: which gaue them part of all the
victualles which they had, and kept no more vnto themselues then would
serue to sow their fieldes. (M406) They told them farther that for this
cause it was needefull for them to retire themselues into the woods, to
liue of Mast and rootes vntill the time of haruest, being as sory as might
be that they were not able any farther to ayde them. They gaue them also
counsell to goe toward the countrey of King Couexis a man of might and
renowme in this prouince, which maketh his aboad toward the South
abounding at all seasons and replenished with such quantitie of mill,
corne, and beanes that by his onely succour they might be able to liue a
very long time. But before they should come into his territories, they
were to repayre vnto a king called Ouade the brother of Couexis, which in
mill, beanes, and corne was no lesse wealthy, and withall is very
liberall, and which would be very ioyfull if he might but once see them.
Our men perceiuing the good relation which the Indians made them of those
two kings resolued to go thither; for they felt already the necessity
which oppressed them. Therefore they made request vnto king Maccou, that
it would please him to giue them one of his subiects to guide them the
right way thither: whereupon he condescended very willingly, knowing that
without his fauour they should haue much ado to bring their interprize to
passe. Wherefore after they had giuen order for all things necessary for
the voyage, they put themselues to Sea, and sayled so farre that in the
end they came into the countrey of Ouade, which they found to be in the
riuer Belle. Being there arriued they perceiued a company of Indians,
which assoone as they knew of their being there came before them. Assoone
as they were come neere them, their guides shewed them by signes that
Ouade was in this company, wherefore our men set forward to salute him.
And then two of his sonnes which were with him, being goodly and strong
men saluted them againe in very good sort, and vsed very friendly
entertainment on their part. The king immediatly began to make an Oration
in his Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment which he had
to see them in that place, protesting that he would become so loyall a
friend of theirs hereafter, that he would be their faithfull defendour
against all them that would offer to be their enemies. After these
speeches he led them toward his house, where he sought to entreate them
very courteously. His house was hanged about with Tapistrie of feathers of
diuers colours the height of a pike. Moreouer the place where the king
tooke his rest was couered with white Couerlettes embroydered with deuises
of very wittie and fine workemanship, and fringed round about with a
Fringe dyed in the colour of Skarlet. They aduertised the king by one of
the guides which they brought with them, how that (hauing heard of his
great liberalitie) they had put to the Sea to come to beseech him to
succour them with victuals in their great want and necessitie: and that in
so doing, he should binde them all hereafter to remaine his faithfull
friends and loyall defenders against all his enemies. (M407) This good
Indian assoone ready to doe them pleasure, as they were to demand it,
commanded his subiects that they should fill our Pinnesse with mil and
beanes. Afterward he caused them to bring him sixe pieces of his Tapistry
made like litle couerlets, and gaue them to our men with so liberal a
minde, as they easily perceiued the desire which he had to become their
friend. In recompence of all these giftes our men gaue him two cutting
hookes and certaine other trifles, wherewith he held himselfe greatly
satisfied. This being done, our men tooke their leaue of the king, which
for their farewell, sayd nothing els but that they should returne if they
wanted victuals, and that they might assure themselues of him, that they
should neuer want any thing that was in his power. Wherefore they imbarked
themselues, and sayled towards Charles-fort, which from this place might
be some fiue and twenty leagues distant. (M408) But as soone as our men
thought themselues at their ease, and free from the dangers whereunto they
had exposed themselues night and day in gathering together of victuals
here and there: Lo, euen as they were asleepe, the fire caught in their
lodgings with such furie, being increased by the winde, that the roome
that was built for them before our mens departure, was consumed in an
instant, without being able to saue any thing, sauing a little of their
victualles. Whereupon our men being farre from all succours, found
themselues in such extremitie, that without the ayd of Almighty God, the
onely searcher of the hearts of men, which neuer forsaketh and thoughts
those that seeke him in their afflictions, they had bene quite and cleane
out of all hope. For the next day betimes in the morning the King Audusta
and King Maccou came thither, accompanied with a very good companie of
Indians, which knowing the misfortune were very sorry for it. And then
they vttered vnto their subiects the speedy diligence which they were to
vse in building another house, shewing vnto them that the Frenchmen were
their louing friends, and that they had made it euident vnto them by the
gifts and presents which they had receiued: protesting that whosoeuer put
not his helping hand vnto the worke with all his might, should be esteemed
as vnprofitable, and as one that had no good part in him, which the
Sauages feare aboue all things. This was the occasion that euery man began
to endeauour himselfe in such sort, that in lesse then 12 houres, they had
begun and finished a house which was very neere as great as the former.
Which being ended, they returned home fully contented with a few cutting
hookes, and hatchets, which they receiued of our men. Within a small while
after this mischance, their victualls began to waxe short: and after our
men had taken good deliberation, thought and bethought themselues againe,
they found that there was no better way for them then to returne againe to
the King Ouade and Couexis his brother. Wherefore they resolued to send
thither some of their companie the next day following: which with an
Indian Canoa sayled vp into the countrey about 10 leagues: afterward they
found a very faire and great riuer of fresh water, which they failed not
to search out: they found therein great number of Crocodils, which in
greatnes passe those of the riuer Nilus: moreouer al along the bankes
thereof, there grow mighty high Cypresses. (M409) After they had stayed a
smal while in this place, they purposed to follow their iourney, helping
themselues so wel with the tydes, that without putting themselues in
danger of the continuall perill of the Sea, they came into the Countrey of
Ouade: of whom they were most courteously receiued. They aduertised him of
the occassion wherefore they came againe to visite him, and told him of
the mischance, which happened vnto them since their last voyages: how they
had not onely lost their houshold stuffe by casualtie of fire, but also
their victuals which he had giuen them so bountifully: that for this cause
they were so bolde as to come once againe vnto him, to beseech him to
vouchsafe to succour them in such neede and necessitie.
After that the King had vnderstood their case, he sent messengers vnto his
brother Couexis, to request him vpon his behalfe to send him some of his
mill and beanes, which thing he did: and the next morning, they were come
againe with victuals, which the king caused to be borne into their Canoa.
Our men would haue taken their leaue of him, finding themselues more then
satisfied with this liberalitie. But for that day hee would not suffer
them, but retained them, and sought to make them the best cheere hee could
deuise. The next day very earely in the morning, he tooke them with him to
shewe them the place where his corne grewe, and saide vnto them that they
should not want as long as all that mil did last. Afterward he gaue them a
certaine number of exceeding faire pearles, and two stones of fine
Christal, and certaine siluer oare. Our men forgot not to giue him
certaine trifles in recompence of these presentes, and required of him the
place whence the siluer oare and the Christall came. (M410) He made them
answere, that it came ten dayes iourney from his habitation vp within the
countrey: and that the inhabitants of the countrey did dig the same at the
foote of certaine high mountaines, where they found of it in very good
quantitie. Being ioyfull to vnderstand so good newes, and to haue come to
the knowledge of that which they most desired, they tooke their leaue of
the king, and returned by the same saw, by which they came.
(M411) Behold therefore how our men behaued themselues very well hitherto,
although they had endured many great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the
iust iudgement of God would haue it, that those which could not bee
ouercome by fire nor water, should be vndone by their owne selues. This is
the common fashion of men, which cannot continue in one state, and had
rather to ouerthrow themselues, then not to attempt some new thing dayly.
We haue infinite examples in the ancient histories, especially of the
Romanes, vnto which number this litle handfull of men, being farre from
theyr countrey and absent from their countreynmen, haue also added this
present example. (M412) They entred therefore into partialities and
dissentions, which began about a souldier named Guernache, which was a
drummer of the French bands: which, as it was tolde me, was very cruelly
hanged by his owne captaine, and for a smal fault: which captaine also
vsing to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staied behind vnder his
obedience, and peraduenture (as it is to be presumed) were not so obedient
to him as they should haue bene, was the cause that they fell into a
mutinie, because that many times he put his threatnings in execution:
wherevpon they so chased him, that at the last they put him to death. And
the principall occasion that mooued them thereunto was because he degraded
another souldier named La Chere (which he had banished) and because he had
not performed his promise: for hee had promised to send him victuals, from
8 dayes to 8 dayes, which thing he did not, but said on the contrary that
he would be glad to heare of his death. He said moreouer, that he would
chastise others also, and vsed so euil sounding speeches, that honestie
forbiddeth me to repeat them. (M413) The souldiers seeing his madnes to
increase from day to day, and fearing to fall into the dangers of the
other, resolued to kil him. Hauing executed their purpose, they went to
seeke the banished, which was in a small Iland distant from Charles-fort
about 3 leagues, where they found him almost half dead for hunger. When
they were come home againe, they assembled themselues together to choose
one to be gouernour ouer them whose name was Nicholas Barre a man worthy
of commendation, and one who knew so well to quite himselfe of his charge,
that all rancour and dissention ceased among them, and they liued peacably
one with another. During this time, they began to build a smal Pinnesse,
with hope to returne into France, if no succours came vnto them, as they
expected from day to day. And though there were no man among them that had
any skill, notwithstanding necessitie, which is the maistress of all
sciences, taught them the way to build it. After that it was finished,
they thought of nothing else sauing how to furnish it with all things
necessarie to vndertake the voyage. But they wanted those things that of
all other were most needefull, as cordage and sayles, without which the
enterprise could not come to effect. Hauing no meanes to recouer these
things, they were in worse case then at the first, and almost ready to
fall into despayre. But that good God, which neuer forsaketh the afflicted
did succour them in their necessitie.
As they were in these perplexities, king Audusta and Maccou came to them,
accompanied with two hundred Indians at the least, whom our Frenchmen went
forth to meete withall, and shewed the King in what neede of cordage they
stood: who promised them to returne within two dayes, and to bring so much
as should suffice to furnish the Pinnesse with tackling. Our men being
pleased with these good newes and promises, bestowed vpon them certaine
cutting hookes and shirts. After their departure our men sought all meanes
to recouer rosen in the woodes, wherein they cut the Pine tree round
about, out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantitie to bray the
vessell. Also they gathered a kind of mosse which groweth on the trees of
this countrey, to serue to calke the same withall. There now wanted
nothing but sayles, which they made of their owne shirtes and of their
sheetes. Within few dayes after the Indian kings returned to Charles fort
with so good store of cordage, that there was found sufficient for
tackling of the small Pinnesse. Our men as glad as might be, vsed great
liberalitie towards them, and at their leauing of the countrey, left them
all the marchandise that remained, leauing them thereby so fully
satisfied, that they departed from them with all the contentation in the
worlde. They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine, and vsed so
speedie diligence, that within a short time afterward they made it ready
furnished with all things. In the meane season the wind came so fit for
their purpose that it seemed to inuite them to put to the Sea: which they
did without delay, after they had set all their things in order. But
before they departed they embarked their artillerie, their forge, and
other munitions of warre which Captaine Ribault had left them, and then as
much mill as they could gather together. (M414) But being drunken with too
excessiue ioy, which they had conceiued for their returning into France,
or rather depriued of all foresight and consideration, without without
regarding the inconstancie of the winds, which change in a moment, they
put themselues to sea, and with so slender victuals, that the end of their
enterprise became vnlucky and vnfortunate.
For after they had sayled the third part of their way, they were surprised
with calmes which did so much hinder them, that in three weekes they
sailed not aboue fiue and twentie leagues. (M415) During this time their
victuals consumed, and became so short, that euery man was constrained to
eate not past twelue graines of mill by the day, which may be in value as
much as twelue peason. Yea, and this felicitie lasted not long: for their
victualls failed them altogether at once: and they had nothing for their
more assured refuge but their shooes and leather ierkins which they did
eat. (M416) Touching their beuerage, some of them dranke the sea water,
others did drinke their owne vrine: and they remained in such desperate
necessitie a very long space, during the which part of them died for
hunger. Beside this extreme famine, which did so grieuously oppresse them,
they fell euery minute of an houre out of all hope euer to see France
againe, insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually
out, that on all sides entred into their Barke. And euery day they fared
worse and worse: for after they had eaten vp their shooes and leather
ierkins, there arose so boystrous a winde and so contrary to their course,
that in the turning of a hande, the waues filled their vessel halfe full
of water and brused it vpon the one side. Being now more out of hope then
euer to escape out of this extreme peril, they cared not for casting out
of the water which now was almost ready to drowne them. And as men
resolued to die, euery one fell down backewarde, and gaue themselues ouer
to the will of the waues. When as one of them a little hauing taken heart
vnto him declared vnto them how litle way they had to sayle, assuring them
that if the winde held, they should see land within three dayes. This man
did so encourage them, that after they had throwne the water out of the
Pinnesse they remained three dayes without eating or drinking, except it
were of the sea water. When the time of his promise was expired, they were
more troubled then they were before, seeing they could not descry any
land. (M417) Wherefore in their extreme dispaire certaine among them made
this motion that it was better that one man should dye, then that so many
men should perish: they agreed therefore that one should die to sustaine
the others. Which thing was executed in the person of La Chere, of whom we
have spoken heretofore, whose flesh was diuided equally among his
fellowes: a thing so pitiful to recite, that my pen is loth to write it.
After so long time and tedious trauels, God of his goodnesse vsing his
accustomed fauour, changed their sorow into ioy, and shewed vnto them the
sight of land. Whereof they were so exceeding glad, that the pleasure
caused them to remaine a long time as men without sence: whereby they let
the Pinnesse flote this and that way without holding any right way or
course. (M418) But a small English barke boarded the vessell, in the which
there was a Frenchman which had bene in the first voyage into Florida, who
easily knew them, and spake vnto them, and afterward gaue them meat and
drinke. (M419) Incontinently they recouered their naturall courages, and
declared vnto him at large all their navigation. The Englishmen consulted
a long while what were best to be done, and in fine they resolued to put
on land those that were most feeble, and to cary the rest vnto the Queene
of England, which purposed at that time to send into Florida. Thus you see
in briefe that which happened to them which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left
in Florida. And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine owne
voyage.
The second voyage vnto Florida, made and Written by Captaine Laudonniere,
which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter.
(M420) After our arriuall at Diepe, at our comming home, from our first
voyage (which was the twentieth of Iuly 1562) we found the ciuil warees
begun,(117) which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured, as
Captaine Iohn Ribault had promised them: whereof it followed that Captaine
Albert was killed by his souldiers, and the countrey abandoned, as
heretofore we haue sufficiently discoursed, and as it may more at large be
vnderstood by those men which were there in person. After the peace was
made in France,(118) my Lord Admirall de Chastillon shewed vnto the king,
that he heard no newes at all of the men which Captaine Iohn Ribault had
left in Florida, and that it were pitty to suffer them to perish. In which
respect the king was content he should cause 3 ships to be furnished, the
one of sixe score tunnes, the other of 100, and the third of 60, to seeke
them out, and to succour them.
(M421) My Lord Admirall therefore being well informed of the faithfull
seruice which I had done, aswell vnto his Maiestie as to his predecessors
kings of France, aduertised the king how able I was to doe him seruice in
this voyage, which was the cause that he made me chiefe Captaine ouer
these 3 shippes, and charged me to depart with diligence to performe his
commandenent, which for mine owne part I would not gainesay, but rather
thinking my selfe happy to haue bene chosen out among such an infinite
number of others, which in my iudgement were very well able to haue
quitted themselues in this charge, I embarked my selfe at New Hauen the 22
of Aprill 1564, and sayled so, that we fell neere vnto the coast of
England: and then I turned towards the South, to sayle directly to the
fortunate Islands, at this present called the Canaries, one of which
called the Isle Saluage (because as I thinke it is altogether without
inhabitants) was the first that our ships passed. Sayling therefore on
forward, we landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffa, otherwise called
the Pike, because that in the middest thereof there is an exceeding high
mountaine, neere as high as that of Etna, which riseth vp like a pike,
into the top whereof no man can go vp but from the middest of May vntill
the middest of August, by reason of the ouer great colde which is there
all the yere; which is a wonderfull strange thing, considering that it is
not past 27 degrees and an half distant from the Equator. We saw it all
couered ouer with snow, although it were then but the fift of May. The
inhabitants in this Isle being heretofore pursued but by Spaniards,
retired themselues into this mountaine, where for a space they made warre
with them, and would not submit themselues to their obedience, neither by
foule nor faire meanes, they disdained so much the losse of their Island.
For those which went thither on the Spaniards behalfe, left their carkases
there, so that not so much as one of them returned home to bring newes.
Notwithstanding in the ende, the inhabitants not able to liue in that
place according to their nature, or for want of such things as were
necessary for the commoditie of their liuelyhood, did all die there. After
I had furnished my selfe with some fresh water, very good and excellent,
which sprang out of a rocke at the foote of this mountaine, I continued my
course toward the West, wherein the windes fauoured me so well, that 15
dayes after our ships arriued safe and sound at the Antilles: and going on
land at the Isle of Martinino, one of the first of them, the next day we
arriued at Dominica, twelue leagues distant from the former.
Dominica is one of the fayrest Islands of the West, full of hilles, and of
very good smell. Whose singularities desiring to know as we passed, and
seeking also to refresh our selues with fresh water, I made the Mariners
cast anker, after wee had sayled about halfe along the coast thereof. As
soone as we had cast anker, two Indians (inhabitants of that place) sayled
toward vs in two Canoas full of a fruite of great excellencie which they
call Ananas.(119) As they approched vnto our Barke, there was one of them
which being in some misdoubt of vs, went backe againe on land, and fled
his way with as much speede as he could possibly. Which our men perceiued
and entred with diligence into the other Canoa, wherein they caught the
poore Indian, and brought him vnto me. But the poore fellow became so
astonied in beholding vs, that he knew not which way to behaue himselfe,
because that (as afterward I vnderstood) he feared that he was fallen into
the Spaniards hands, of whom he had bene taken once before, and which, as
he shewed vs, had cut of his stones. At length this poore Indian was
secure of vs, and discoursed vnto vs of many things, wherof we receiued
very small pleasure, because we vnderstood not his minde but by his
signes. Then he desired me to giue him leaue to depart, and promised me
that he would bring me a thousand presents, whereunto I agreed on
condition that he would haue patience vntill the next day, when I purposed
to goe on land, where I suffered him to depart, after I had giuen him a
shirte, and certaine small trifles, wherwith he departed very well
contented from vs.
The place where we went on shore was hard by a very high Rocke, out of
which there ran a litle riuer of sweet and excellent good water: by which
riuer we stayed certaine dayes to discouer the things which were worthy to
be seene, and traffiqued dayly with the Indians: which aboue all things
besought vs that none of our men should come neere their lodgings nor
their gardens, otherwise that we should giue them great cause of
iealousie, and that in so doing, wee should not want of their fruite which
they call Ananas, whereof they offered vs very liberally, receiuing in
recompence certaine things of small value. This notwithstanding, it
happened on a day that certaine of our men desirous to see some new things
in these strange countries, walked through the woods: and following still
the litle riuers side, they spied two serpents of exceeding bignes, which
went side by side ouerthwart the way. My souldiers went before them
thinking to let them from going into the woods: but the serpents nothing
at all astonied at these gestures glanced into the bushes with fearful
hyssings: yet for all that, my men drew their swords and killed them, and
found them afterward 9 greate foote long, and as big as a mans leg. During
this combate, certaine others more vndiscreete went and gathered their
Ananas in the Indians gardens, trampling through them without any
discretion: and not therewithall contented, they went toward their
dwellings; whereat the Indians were so much offended, that without,
regarding any thing they rushed vpon them and discharged their shot, so
that they hit one of my men named Marline Chaueau, which remained behind.
We could not know whether hee were killed on the place, or whether he were
taken prisoner: for those of his company had inough to doe to saue
themselues without thinking of their companion. Whereof Monsieur de
Ottigni my Lieutenant being aduertised, sent vnto me to know whether I
thought good that he should lay an ambush for the Indians which had either
taken or killed our man, or whether he should go directly to our dwellings
to know the trueth. I sent vnto him after good deliberation herevpon, that
he should not attempt any thing, and that for diuers occasions: but
contrariwise that he should embark himselfe with al diligence, and
consequently al they that were on land: which he did with speed. But as he
sayled towards our ships he perceiued along the shore a great number of
Indians which began to charge them with their arrowes: hee for his part
discharged store of shot against them, yet was not able to hurt them, or
by any meanes to surprise them: for which cause he quite forsooke them,
and came vnto our ship. Where staying vntill the next day morning we set
sayle following our wonted course, and keeping the same, we discouered
diuerse Isles conquered by the Spaniards, as the Isles of S. Christopher,
and of the Saintes, of Monserrate, and La Redonda: Afterward we passed
betweene Anguilla and Anegada, sayling toward New France. (M422) Where we
arriued 15 dayes after, to witte, on Thurseday the 22 of Iune about 3 of
the clocke in the afternoone, and landed neere a litte riuer, which is 30
degrees distant from the Equator, and 10 leagues aboue Cape François
drawing toward the South, and aboue 30 leagues aboue the Riuer of May.
After wee had strooken sayle and cast anker athwart the Riuer, I
determined to goe on shore to discouer the same. Therefore being
accompanied with Monsieur Ottigni, with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne,
and a certaine number of Gentlemen and souldiers, I embarked my selfe
about 3 or 4 of the clocke in the euening. And being arriued at the mouth
of the riuer, I caused the chanell to be sounded, which was found to be
very shallow, although that farther within the same the water was there
found reasonably deepe, which separateth it selfe into two great armes,
whereof one runneth toward the South, and the other toward the North.
Hauing thus searched the Riuer, I went on land to speake with the Indians
who waited for vs vpon the shore, which at our comming on land came before
vs, crying with a loud voyce in their Indian language, Antipola Bonassou,
which is as much as to say, as brother, friend, or some such like thing.
After they had made very much of vs, they shewed vs their Paracoussy, that
is to say, their King and Gouernour, to whom I presented certaine toyes,
wherewith he was well pleased. And for mine owne part, I prayse God
continually, for the great loue which I haue found in these Sauages, which
were sory for nothing, but that the night approached, and made vs retire
vnto our ships.
For though they endeuoured by al meanes to make vs tary with them, and
shewed by signes the desire that they had to present vs with some rare
things, yet neuerthelesse for many iust and reasonable occasions I would
not stay on shore all night: but excusing my selfe for all their offers, I
embarked my selfe againe, and returned toward my ships. Howbeit, before my
departure I named this Riuer, the riuer of Dolphines, because (M423) that
at mine arriuall, I saw there a great number of Dolphines, which were
playing in the mouth thereof. The next day the 23 of this moneth (because
that toward the South I had not found any commodious place for vs to
inhabite, and to build a fort) I gaue commandement to weigh anker, and to
hoise our sailes to saile toward the riuer of May, where wee arriued two
days after, and cast anker. Afterward going on land, with some number of
Gentlemen and Souldiers to know for a certaintie the singularitie of this
place, we espied the Paracoussy of the countrey, which came towards vs
(this was the very same that we saw in the voyage of Captaine Iohn
Ribault) which hauing espied vs, cryed very far off, Antipola, Antipola:
and being so ioyfull that he could not containe himselfe, he came to meet
vs, accompanied then with two of his sonnes, as faire and mightie persons
as might be found in al the world, which had nothing in their mouthes but
this word, Amy, Amy: that is to say, friend, friend: yea, and knowing
those which were there in the first voyage, they went principally to them
to vse this speech vnto them. Their was in their trayne a great number of
men and women, which stil made very much of vs, and by euident signes made
vs vnderstand how glad they were of our arriuall. This good entertainment
past, the Paracoussy prayed me to goe see the pillar which we had erected
in the voyage of Iohn Ribault (as we haue declared heretofore) as a thing
which they made great account of.
Hauing yeelded vnto him and being come to the place where it was set vp,
wee found the same crowned with crownes of Bay, and at the foote thereof
many little baskets full of Mill which they call in their language Tapaga
Tapola.(120) Then when they came thither they kissed the same with great
reuerence and besought vs to do the like, which we would not denie them,
to the ende we might drawe them to be more friendship with vs. This done,
the Paracoussy tooke me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me
vnderstand some great secret, and by signes shewed me very well vp within
the riuer the limits of his dominion, and said that he was called
Paracoussy Satourioua, which is as much as King Satourioua. His children
haue the selfe same title of Paracoussy: The eldest is named Athore, a
man, I dare say, perfect in beautie, wisedome, and honest sobrietie,
shewing by his modest grauitie that he deserueth the name which be
beareth, besides that he is gentle and tractable. After we had soiourned a
certaine space with them, the Paracoussy prayed one of his sonnes to
present vnto me a wedge of siluer, which hee did and that with a good wil:
in recompence whereof I gave him a cutting hooke and some other better
present: wherewith he seemed to be very well pleased. Afterward we tooke
our leaue of them, because the night approched, and then returned to lodge
in our shippes. Being allured with this good entertainment I failed not
the next day to imbarke my selfe againe with my Lieutenant Ottigni and a
number of souldiers to returne toward the Paracoussy of the riuer of May,
which of purpose waited for vs in the same place, where the day before we
conferred with him. We found him vnder the shadow of an arbour accompanied
with fourescore Indians at the least, and apparelled at that time after
the Indian fashion, to wit, with a great Harts skinne dressed like
Chamois, and painted with deuices of strange and diuers colours, but of so
liuely a portrature, and representing antiquity, with rules so iustly
compassed, that there is no Painter so exquisite that could finde fault
therewith: the naturall disposition of this strange people is so perfect
and well guided that without any ayd and fauour of artes, they are able by
the helpe of nature onely to content the eye of artizans, yea euen of
those which by their industry are able to aspire vnto things most
absolute.
Then I aduertised Paracoussy Satourioua, that my desire was to discouer
farther vp into the riuer, but that it should be with such diligence that
I would come againe vnto him very speedily: wherewith he was content,
promising to stay for me in the place where he was: and for an earnest of
his promise, he offered me his goodly skinne, which I refused then, and
promised to receiue it of him at my returne. For my part I gaue him
certaine small trifles, to the intent to retain him in our friendship.
Departing from thence, I had not sayled three leagues vp the fiuer, still
being followed by the Indians, which coasted me a long the riuer, crying
still, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friende, friende: but I discovered an
hill of meane height, neere which I went on land, hard by the fieldes that
were sowed with mil, at one corner whereof there was an house built for
their lodging, (M424) which keepe and garde the mill: for there are such
numbers of Cornish choughes in this Countrey, which continually deuoure
and spoyle the mill, that the Indians are constrained to keepe and watch
it, otherwise they should be deceiued of their haruest. I rested my selfe
in this place for certaine houres, and commanded Monsieur de Ottigni, and
my Sergeant to enter into the woodes to search out the dwellings of the
Indians: where after they had gone a while, they came vnto a Marish of
Reeds, where finding their way to be stopped, they rested vnder the shadow
of a mightie Bay tree to refresh themselves a little and to resolue which
way to take. Then they discouered, as it were on the suddaine, fiue
Indians halfe hidden in the woodes, which seemed somewhat to distrust our
men, vntill they said vnto them in the Indian language Antipola Bonassou,
to the end that vnderstanding their speech they might come vnto vs more
boldely, which they did incontinently. But because they sawe, that the
foure that went last, bare vp the traine of the skinne wherewith he that
went foremost was apparelled our men imagined that the foremost must
needes bee some man of greater qualitie then the rest, seeing that withal
they called him Paracoussy, Paracoussy, wherfore, some of our company went
towards him, and vsing him courteously shewed him, Monsieur de Ottigni,
their Lieutenant, for whom they had made an harbour with Bay and Palme
boughes after the Indian fashion, to the ende that by such signes the
Sauages might thinke the Frenchmen had companied with such as they at
other times.
(M425) The Indian Paracoussy drew neere to the French, and began to make
him a long Oration, which tended to no other end, but that he besought the
Frenchmen very earnestly to come and see his dwelling and his parents,
which they granted him, and straight for pledge of better amitie, he gaue
vnto my Lieutenant Ottigni, the very skinne that he was clad with.
Then he tooke him by the hande, leading him right toward the Marishes,
ouer which the Paracoussy, Monsieur Ottigni, and certaine other of our men
were borne vpon the Indians shouldiers: and the rest which could not passe
because of the myre and reedes, went through the woodes, and followed a
narrow path which led them foorth vntill they came vnto the Paracoussyes
dwelling; out of which there came about fiftie Indians to receiue our men
gallantly, and to feast them after their manner. After which they brought
at their entrance a great vessel of earth, made after a strange fashion
full of fountaine water cleare and very excellent.
This vessell was borne by an Indian, and there was another younger which
bare of this water in another little vessel of wood, and presented thereof
to euery one to drinke, obseruing in doing the same, a certaine order and
reuerence, which hee made to each of them, to whome hee gaue drinke. Our
thirst well quenched by this meanes, and our men beeing sufficiently
refreshed, the Paracoussy brought them to his fathers lodging, one of the
oldest men that liued vpon the earth. Our men regarding his age, began to
make much of him, vsing this speech, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friende,
friende, whereat the olde sier shewed himselfe very glad.
(M426) Afterward they questioned with him concerning the course of his
age: whereunto he made answere, shewing that he was the first liuing
originall, from whence fiue generations were descended, as he shewed vnto
them by another olde man that sate directly ouer against him, which farre
exceeded him in age. And this man was his father, which seemed to be
rather a dead carkeis then a liuing body: for his sinewes, his veines, his
artiers, his bones, and other parts, appeared so cleerely thorow his
skinne, that a man might easily tell them, and discerne them one from
another. Also his age was so great, that the good man had lost his sight,
and could not speake one onely word but with exceeding great paine.
Monsieur de Ottigni hauing seene so strange a thing, turned to the yoonger
of these two olde men, praying him to vouchsafe to answere him to that
which he demanded touching his age. Then the olde man called a company of
Indians, and striking twise vpon his thigh, and laying his hand vpon two
of them, he shewed him by signes that these two were his sonnes: againe
smiting vpon their thighes he shewed him others not so olde, which were
the children of the two first, which he continued in the same maner vntill
the fift generation. But though this olde man had his father aliue more
olde then himselfe, and that both of them did weare their haire very long,
and as white as was possible, yet it was tolde them, that they might yet
liue thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of nature: although the
younger of them both was not lesse then two hundred and fiftie yeeres
olde. (M427) After he had ended his communication, hee commaunded two
young Egles to be giuen to our men, which he had bred vp for his pleasure
in his house. Hee caused also litle Paniers made of Palme leaues full of
Gourds red and blew to be deliuered vnto them. For recompence of which
presents he was satisfied with French toyes.
These two olde men caused our men to bee guided backe againe to the place
from whence they came, by the young Paracoussy which had brought them
thither. And hauing taken leaue of the Paracoussy, they came and sought me
out in the place where I stayed, and rehearsed vnto mee all that they had
seene, praying mee also that I would rewarde their guide, which so
frankely and heartely had receiued them into his house, which I would not
faile to doe by any meanes.
Nowe was I determined to search out the qualities of the hill. Therefore I
went right to the toppe thereof, where we found nothing else but Cedars,
Palme, and Baytrees of so souereigne odour, that Baulme smelleth nothing
like in comparison. The trees were enuironed rounde about with Vines
bearing grapes in such quantitie, that the number would suffice to make
the place habitable. Besides this fertilitie of the soyle for Vines, a man
may see Esquine wreathed about the shrubs in great quantitie. Touching the
pleasure of the place, the Sea may be seene plaine and open from it, and
more then sixe leagues off, neere the Riuer Belle, a man may behold the
medowes diuided asunder into Iles and Islets enterlacing one another:
Briefly the place is so pleasant, that those which are melancholicke would
be enforced to change their humour.
After I had stayed there a while, I imbarked againe my people to sayle
towards the month of the Riuer, where wee found the Paracoussy, which
according to his promise waited tor vs. Wherefore to content him, we went
on shore, and did him that reuerence that on our part was requisite. Then
hee gaue me the skinne so richly painted, and I recompensed him with
somewhat of our marchandise. I forgat not to demaund of him the place
whence the wedge of siluer came which he had giuen me before; whereunto he
made me a very sudden answere, which notwithstanding I vnderstoode not,
which he well perceiued. And then he shewed me by euident signes that all
of it came from (M428) a place more within the Riuer by certaine dayes
iourneyes from this place, and declared vnto vs that all that which they
had thereof, they gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of the
place, named by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and naturall enemies, as
he largely declared. Whereupon when I sawe with what affection he spake
when he pronounced Thimogoa, I vnderstoode what he would say. And to bring
my selfe more into his fauour, I promised to accompanie him with all my
force, if hee would fight against them: which thing pleased him in such
sorte, that from henceforth he promised himselfe the victorie of them, and
assured mee that hee would make a voyage thither within a short space,
would cause store of Mill to be prepared, and would commaund his men to
make ready their Bowes, and furnish themselues with such store of arrowes,
that nothing should bee wanting to giue battaile to Thimogoa. In fine hee
prayed mee very earnestly not to faile of my promise, and in so doing hee
hoped to procure mee Golde and Siluer in such good quantitie, that mine
affaires shoulde take effect according to mine owne and his desire.
The matter thus fully resolued vpon, I tooke my leaue of him to returne
vnto my shippes, where after wee had rested ourselues all the night
following, we hoysed sayles the next day very earely in the morning, and
sayled towarde the Riuer of Seine, distant from the Riuer of May about
foure leagues: and there continuing our course towarde the North, we
arriued at the mouth of Somme, which is not past sixe leagues distant from
the Riuer of Seine: where wee cast Anker, and went on shoare to discouer
that place as wee had done the rest. There wee were gratiously and
courteously receiued of the Paracoussy of the Countrey, which is one of
the tallest men and best proportioned that may bee founde. His wife sate
by him, which besides her Indian beautie, wherewith shee was greatly
endowed, had so vertuous a countenance and modest grauitie, that there was
not one amongst vs but did greatly commend her; shee had in her traine
fiue of her daughters of so good grace and so well brought vp, that I
perswaded my selfe that their mother was their Mistresse, and had taught
them well and straightly to preserue their honestie. After that the
Paracoussy had receiued vs as I haue sayde, hee commaunded his wife to
present mee with a certaine number of bullets of siluer, for his owne part
bee presented mee with his bowe and his arrowes, as hee had done vnto
Captaine Iohn Ribault in our first voyage, which is a signe of a
perpetuall amitie and alliance with those which they honour with suche a
kinde of present. In our discoursing with one another, wee entred into
speech as touching the exercise of armes. Then the Paracoussy caused a
corselet to be set on end, and prayed me to make a proofe of our
Harguebuzes and their bowes: but this proof pleased him very little; for
assoone as he knew that our Harguebuzes did easily pearce that which all
the force of their bowes could not hurt, he seemed to be sorie, musing
with himselfe how this thing might be done. Neuerthelesse going about to
dissemble in his minde that which his countenance could not doe by any
meanes, he began to fall into another matter and prayed vs very earnestly
to stay with him that night in his house or lodging, affirming that no
greater happinesse could come vnto him then our long abode, which he
desired to recompence with a thousand presents.
(M429) Neuerthelesse wee could not grant him this poynt, but tooke our
leaue of him to returne to our shippes: where soone after I caused all my
companie to be assembled, with the Masters and Pilots of my shippes, to
consult together of the place whereof wee should make choice to plant our
habitation. First I let them vnderstand, howe none of them were ignorant,
that the part which was towarde the Cape of Florida, was altogether a
marish Countrey, and therefore vnprofitable for our inhabitation: A thing
which could yeelde neither profite to the King, nor any contentment or
pleasure to vs, if peraduenture we would inhabite there. On the other side
if wee passed further toward the North to seeke out Port Royall, it would
be neither very profitable nor conuenient: at the least if wee should giue
credit to the report of them which remained there a long time, although
the Hauen were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that in this
case the question was not so much of the beautie of the place, as of
things necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting it was much
more needefull for vs to plant in places plentifull of victuall, then in
goodly Hauens, faire, deepe and pleasaunt to the view. In consideration
whereof that I was of opinion, if it seemed good vnto them, to seate our
selues about the Riuer of May: seeing also that in our first voyage wee
found the same onely among all the rest to abounde in Maiz and corne,
besides the Golde and Siluer that was found there: a thing that put me in
hope of some happie discouerie in time to come.
After I had proposed these things, euery one gaue his opinion thereof: and
in fine all resolued, namely those which had beene with me in the first
voyage, that it was expedient to seate themselues rather on the Riuer of
May then on any other, vntill they might heare newes out of France. This
point being thus agreed vpon, wee sayled toward the Riuer, and vsed such
diligence, that with the fauor of the windes wee arriued there the morrow
after about the breake of day, which was on Thursday the 29. of the moneth
of Iune. Hauing cast anker, I embarked all my stuffe and the souldiers of
my companie, to sayle right toward the opening of the Riuer: wherein we
entred a good way vp and found a Creeke of a reasonable bignesse, which
inuited vs to refresh our selues a little, while wee reposed our selues
there. Afterward wee went on shoare to seeke out a place plaine without
trees, which wee perceiued from the Creeke.
But because wee found it not very commodious for vs to inhabite there: wee
determined to returne vnto the place which wee had discouered before, when
wee had sayled vp the Riuer. This place is ioyning to a mountaine, and it
seemed vnto vs more fit and commodious to build a fortresse, then that
where we were last. Therefore we tooke our way towards the forests being
guided therein by the young Paracoussy which had ledde vs before to his
fathers lodging. Afterward we found a large plaine couered with high
Pinetrees distant a little from the other: vnder which wee perceiued an
infinite number of Stagges which brayed amidst the plaine, athwart the
which we passed: then wee discouered a little hill adioyning vnto a great
vale very greene and in forme flat: wherein were the fairest meadowes of
the world, and grasse to feede cattel. Moreouer it is inuironed with a
great number of brookes of fresh water, and high woodes, which make the
vale more delectable to the eye. After I had taken the viewe thereof at
mine ease, I named it at the request of our souldiers, The Vale of
Laudonniere. Thus we went forward. Anon hauing gone a little forward, we
met an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was a Hermaphrodite, who
came before vs with a great vessel full of cleere fountaine water,
wherewith she greatly refreshed vs. For we were exceeding faint by reason
of the ardent heate which molested vs as we passed through those high
woods. And I beleeue that without the succour of that Indian
Hermaphrodite, or rather, if it had not bene for the great desire which we
had to make vs resolute of our selues, we had taken vp our lodging all
night in the wood. Being therefore refreshed by this meane, wee gathered
our spirits together, and marching with a cheerefull courage, wee came to
the place which wee had chosen to make our habitation in: whereupon at
that instant neere the riuers brinke we strowed a number of boughes and
leaues, to take our rest on them the night following, which wee found
exceeding sweete, because of the paine which before we had taken in our
trauell.
On the morrow about the breake of day, I commaunded a trumpet to be
sounded, that being assembled we might giue God thankes for our fauourable
and happie arriuall. (M430) There we sang a Psalme of thankesgiuing vnto
God, beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continue his
accustomed goodnesse toward vs his poore seruants, and ayde vs in all our
enterprises, that all might turne to his glory and the aduancement of our
King. The prayer ended, euery man began to take courage.
Afterward hauing measured out a piece of ground in forme of a triangle,
wee indeuoured our selues of all sides, some to bring earth, some to cut
fagots, and others to raise and make the rampire, for there was not a man
that had not either a shouell, or cutting hooke, or hatchet, as well to
make the ground plaine by cutting downe the trees, as for the building of
the Fort, which we did hasten with such cheerfulnesse, that within few
dayes the effect of our diligence was apparant: in which meane space the
Paracoussy Satourioua our neerest neighbour, and on whose ground wee built
our Fort, came vsually accompanyed with his two sonnes and a great number
of Indians to offer to doe vs all courtesie. And I likewise for my part
bestowed diuers of our trifles frankely on him, to the end he might know
the good will we bare him, and thereby make him more desirous of our
friendship, in such sort, that as the dayes increased, so our amitie and
friendship increased also.
After that our Forte was brought into forme, I began to build a Grange to
retire my munition and things necessarie for the defence of our Fort:
praying the Paracoussy to command his subiects to make vs a couering of
Palme leaues, and this to the ende that when that was done, I might
vnfraight my shippes, and put vnder couerture those things that were in
them. (M431) Suddenly the Paracoussy commaunded in my presence all the
Indians of his companie to dresse the next day morning so good a number of
Palme leaues, that the Grange was couered in lesse then two dayes: so that
businesse was finished. For in the space of those two dayes, the Indians
neuer ceased from working, some in fetching Palme leaues, others in
interlacing of them: in such sort that their Kings commandement was
executed as he desired.
(M432) Our Fort was built in forme of a triangle. The side toward the
West, which was toward the lande, was inclosed with a little trench and
raised with turues made in forme of a Battlement of nine foote high: the
other side which was toward the Riuer, was inclosed with a Pallisado of
plankes of timber after the maner that Gabions are made. On the South side
there was a kinde of bastion within which I caused an house for the
munition to be built: it was all builded with fagots and sand, sauing
about two or three foot high with turfes, whereof the battlements were
made. (M433) In the middest I caused a great Court to be made of eighteene
paces long and broad, in the middest whereof on the one side drawing
toward the South I builded a Corps de gard, and an house on the other side
toward the North, which I caused to bee raised somewhat too high: for
within a short while after the wind beat it down: and experience taught
me, that we may not build with high stages in this Countrey, by reason of
the windes whereunto it is subiect. One of the sides that inclosed my
Court, which I made very faire and large, reached vnto the Grange of my
munitions: and on the other side towardes the Riuer was mine owne lodging,
round about which were galleries all couered. (M434) The principall doore
of my lodging was in the middest of the great place, and the other was
towarde the Riuer. A good distance from the Fort I built an Ouen to auoyde
the danger against fire, because the houses are of Palme leaues, which
will soone be burnt after the fire catcheth holde of them, so that with
much adoe a man shall haue leasure to quench them. Loe here in briefe the
description of our Fourtresse, which I named Caroline in the honour of our
Prince King Charles.
After wee were furnished with that which was most necessarie, I would not
lose a minute of an houre, without imploying of the same in some vertuous
exercise: therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant, a man in
trueth worthy of all honour for his honestie and vertue, to search vp
within the Riuer, what this Thimogoa might be, whereof the Paracoussy
Satourioua had spoken to vs so often at our comming on shoare. For
execution hereof the Paracoussy gaue him two Indians for his guides, which
taking vpon them to lead him in this voyage, seemed to goe vnto a wedding,
so desirous they were to fight with their enemies.
(M435) Being imbarked they hoised sayle, and hauing sayled about twentie
leagues, the Indians which still looked on this side and that side to
espie some of their enemies, discouered three Canoas. And immediatly they
began to crie Thimogoa, Thimogoa, and spake nothing else but to hasten
forward to goe fight with them: which the Captaine seemed to be willing to
doe, to content them. When they came to boord them, one of the Indians gat
holde of an Halbert, another of an Coutelas in such a rage, that hee would
haue leapt into the water to haue fought with them alone. Neuerthelesse
Ottigni would not let them doe it, for while hee deferred to boord them,
he gaue the others respite to turne the prowes of their Canoas toward the
shoare, and so to escape into the woods. Againe the meaning of Ottigni was
not to make warre vpon them of Thimogoa, but rather to make them friendes,
and to make them thenceforth to liue in peace one with another if it were
possible, hoping by this meane to discouer dayly some new thing, and
especially the certaine course of the Riuer. For this purpose he caused
the barke to retire, wherein were the two Indians his guides, and went
with his men towards the Canoas which were on the Riuers side. Being come
vnto them, he put certaine trifles into them, and then retired a good way
from them, which thing caused the Indians which were fled away to returne
to their boats, and to understand by this signe, that those of our Barke
were none of their enemies, but rather come onely to traffique with them.
Wherefore being thus assured of vs, they called to our men to come neere
vnto them: which they did incontinently and set foote on lande, and spake
freely vnto them, with diuers ceremonies ouer long to recount. In the ende
Ottigni demaunded of them by signes if they had any Golde or Siluer among
them. But they tolde him they had none as then: and that if he would send
one of his men with them, they would bring him without danger into a place
where they might haue some. (M436) Ottigni seeing them so willing,
deliuered them one of his men which seemed very resolute, to vndertake
this voyage: this fellow stayed with them vntill tenne of the clocke the
next morning, so that Captaine Ottigny somewhat offended with his long
stay, sayled ten great leagues further vp the Riuer: although he knew not
which way he should goe, yet he went so farre vp that hee espied the Boate
wherein his souldier was: which reported vnto him, that the Indians would
haue carried him three great dayes iourney further, and told him that a
King named Mayrra rich in Gold and Siluer, dwelt in those quarters, and
that for small quantitie of marchandise enough might be had of him: yet
that hee would not hazard himselfe without his leaue, and that he brought
but a very little Golde. This being done, our men returned toward our Fort
Caroline, after they had left the souldier with the Indians to informe
himselfe more and more of such things as he might discouer more at
leasure.
(M437) Fifteene dayes after this voyage to Thimogoa, I dispatched Captaine
Vasseur and my Sergeant also to returne againe into this Countrey, and to
seeke out the souldier which remained there in the former voyage. Being
therefore imbarked, they sayled two whole dayes: and before they came to
the dwelling of the Indians, they found two of them on the Riuers side,
which were expressly sent vnto that place to descry whether any of their
enemies were come to that part, with intention to surprise them, as they
did vsually.
When they perceiued Captaine Vasseur, they knew incontinently that he was
none of their enemies, and therefore made no difficultie to come neere
vnto the Barke, and shewed him by signes that the Souldier which they
sought was not in that place, but was at that present in the house of King
Molloua which was vassall vnto another great King named by them Olata Ouae
Vtina: and that if the Captaine would sayle thitherward, hee should come
thither very quickly: wherewith he was content, and caused his men to rowe
to that part which the Indians shewed him: whereat they were so glad, that
they ranne quickly before by land to declare his arriuall, which was at
the lodging of king Molloua, after he had rowed not past halfe a league.
While king Molloua had ended intertaining Captaine Vasseur and his men,
the souldier came in with fiue or sixe pounds weight of siluer which he
had trucked and traffiqued with Indians.
This King caused bread to bee made, and fish to bee dressed after the
Indian fashion to feast our men: to whom, while they were at meate, hee
made a discourse of diuers other kings his friends and allies, reckoning
vp to the number of nine of them by name, to wit, Codecha, Chilili,
Eclauou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua, Omittaqua, Aequara, Moquoso: all
which with him to the number of more then fortie, hee assured vs to bee
the vassals of the most renowned Olata Ouae Vtina.
This done, hee went about likewise to discouer the enemies of Ouae Vtina,
in which number he placed at the first the Paracoussy Satourioua Monarch
of the confines of the riuer of May, which hath vnder his obeysance
thirtie other Paracoussies, whereof there were ten which were all his
brethren, and that therefore hee was greatly esteemed in those partes:
then hee named three others no lesse puissant then Satourioua, whereof the
first dwelt two dayes iourney from his lord Olata Ouae Vtina, and
ordinarily made warre vpon him, whose name was Potanou, a man cruell in
warre, but pitifull in the execution of his furie. For hee tooke the
prisoners to mercy, being content to marke them on the left arme with a
great marke like vnto a seale, and so imprinted as if it had bene touched
with an hotte yron, then hee let them goe without any more hurt. (M438)
The two others were named Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua, being great Lords,
and abounding in riches and principally Onatheaqua, which dwelt neere vnto
the high mountaines, wherein there was abundance of many rare things, and
infinite quantitie of a kinde of slate stone, wherewith they made wedges
to cleaue their wood. The occasion which (as he sayd) mooued Pontanou to
wage warre against Olata Ouae Vtina, was the feare that he had, lest he
and his companions should get of that hard stone in his Countrey,
wherewith they headed their arrowes, and could not get it in any neerer
place.
Besides all this, Molloua recited to Captaine Vasseur, that the kings
allies the vassals of the great Olata, armed their brests, armes, thighes,
legs and foreheads with large plates of gold and siluer: and that by this
meanes the arrowes that were discharged vpon them could do them no maner
of hurt at all, but rather were broken against them. Hereupon Captaine
Vasseur inquired whether the Kings Onetheaqua and Houstaqua were like vnto
vs. For by the description that they made of them, he began to doubt
whether they were Spaniards or no: but Molloua tolde him that (M439) they
were not, but that they were Indians like the rest, sauing that they
painted their faces with blacke and that the rest as Molloua painted them
with red. Then my Lieutenant Vasseur, and my Seargent promised him that
one day I should march with my forces into those Countreys, and that
ioyning my selfe with his Lord Olata, I would subdue the inhabitants of
the highest of those mountaines. Hee was very glad of this speach, and
answered that the least of these Kings which hee had named should present
vnto the Generall of these succours the height of two foot of gold and
siluer, which by force of armes they had already gotten of those two
Kings, Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua.
The good cheere being done, and the discourses ended, my men imbarked
themselves againe, with intention to bring mee those good newes vnto the
Fort Caroline. But after they had sayled a very long while downe the
Riuer, and were come within three leagues of vs, the tyde was so strong
against them, that they were constrained to goe on lande, and to retire
themselues because of the night, vnto the dwelling of a certaine
Paracoussy named Molona, which shewed himselfe very glad of their
arriuall: for hee desired to know some newes of Thimogoa, and thought that
the French men went thither for none other occasion but for to inuade
them. Which Captaine Vasseur perceiuing, dissembled so wel, that he made
him beleeue that he went to Thirmogoa with none other intention, but to
subdue them, and to destroy them with the edge of the sworde without
mercy, but that their purpose had not such successe as they desired,
because that the people of Thimogoa being aduertised of this enterprise,
retired into the woods, and saued themselues by flight: that neuerthelesse
they had taken some as they were fleeing away, which carried no newes
thereof vnto their fellowes.
The Paracoussy was so glad of this relation, that he interrupted him, and
asked Vasseur of the beginning and maner of his execution, and prayed him
that hee would shew him by signes howe all things passed. Immediatly
Francis la Caille the Sergeant of my band tooke his sword in his hand,
saying, that with the point thereof he had thrust through two Indians
which ranne into the woods, and that his companions had done no lesse for
their partes. And that if fortune had so fauoured them, that they had not
beene discouered by the men of Thimogoa, they had had a victorie most
glorious and worthie of eternall memorie. Hereupon the Paracoussy shewed
himselfe so well satisfied, that he could not deuise how to gratifie our
men, which hee caused to come into his house to feast them more
honourably; and hauing made Captaine Vasseur to sit next him, and in his
owne chaire (which the Indians esteeme for the chiefest honour) and then
vnderneath him two of his sonnes, goodly and mightie fellowes, hee
commanded all the rest to place themselues as they thought good. This
done, the Indians came according to their good custome, to present their
drinke Cassine to the Paracoussy, and then to certaine of his chiefest
friends, and the Frenchmen. Then hee which brought it set the cup aside,
and drew out a little dagger stucke vp in the roofe of the house, and like
a mad man he lift his head aloft, and ranne apace, and went and smote an
Indian which sate alone in one of the corners of the hall, crying with a
loud voyce, Hyou, the poore Indian stirring not at all for the blowe,
which he seemed to endure patiently. He which held the dagger went quickly
to put the same in his former place, and began againe to giue vs drinke as
hee did before: but he had not long continued, and had scarce giuen three
or foure thereof, but he left his bowle againe, tooke the dagger in his
hand, and quickly returned vnto him which hee had strocken before, to whom
he gaue a very sore blow on the side, crying Hyou, as he had done before:
and then hee went to put the dagger in his place, and set himselfe downe
among the rest. A little while after he that had bene stricken fell downe
backwards, stretching out his armes and legs, as if hee had bene ready to
yeeld vp the latter gaspe. And then the younger sonne of the Paracoussy
apparelled in a long white skinne, fell downe at the feete of him that was
fallen backward, weeping bitterly halfe a quarter of an houre: after, two
other of his brethren clad in like apparell, came about him that was so
stricken, and began to sigh pitifully. Their mother bearing a little
infant in her armes came from another part, and going to the place where
her sonnes were, at the first shee vsed infinite numbers of outcries, the
one while lifting vp her eyes to heauen, another while falling downe vnto
the ground, shee cryed so dolefully, that her lamentable mournings would
haue moued the most hard and stony heart in the world with pitie. Yet this
sufficed not, for there came in a companie of young gyrles, which did
neuer leaue weeping for a long while in the place where the Indian was
fallen downe, whom afterward they tooke, and with the saddest gestures
they could deuise, carried him away into another house a little way off
from the great hall of the Paracoussy, and continued their weepings and
mournings by the space of two long houres: in which meane while the
Indians ceased not to drinke Cassine, but with such silence that one word
was not heard in the parlour.
Vasseur being grieued that he vnderstood not these ceremonies, demanded of
the Paracoussy what these things meant: which answered him slowly,
Thimogoa, Thimogoa, without saying any more. (M440) Being more displeased
then he was before with so sleight an answere, he turned vnto another
Indian the Paracoussyes brother, who was a Paracoussy as well as his
brother, called Malica, which made him a like answere as hee did at the
first, praying him to aske no more of these matters, and to haue patience
for that time. The subtil old Paracoussy prayed him within a while after
to shew him his sword, which he would not denie him, thinking that hee
would haue held the fashion of his weapons: but he soone perceiued that it
was to another ende: for the old man holding it in his hand, behelde it a
long while on euery place, to see if he could finde any blood vpon it,
which might shew that any of their enemies had bene killed: for the
Indians are woont to bring their weapons wherewith their enemies haue
beene defeated, with some blood vpon them, for a token of their victories.
But seeing no signe thereof vpon it, he was vpon the point to say vnto him
that he had killed none of them of Thimogoa: when as Vasseur, preuenting
that which hee might obiect, declared and shewed vnto him by signes, the
maner of his enterprise, adding, that by reason of the two Indians which
he had slaine, his sword was so bloudy, that hee was inforced to wash and
make it cleane a long while in the Riuer: which the olde man beleeued to
be like to be true, and made no maner of replie thereunto.
Vasseur, La Caille, and their other companions went out of the hal to goe
into the roome whither they had carried the Indian; there they found the
Paracoussy sitting vpon tapestries made of small reedes, which was at
meate after the Indian fashion, and the Indian that was smitten hard by
him, lying vpon the selfe same tapistry, about whom stoode the wife of the
Paracoussy, with all the young damsels which before bewailed him in the
hall: which did nothing else but warme a great deal of mosse instead of
napkins to rub the Indians side. Hereupon our men asked the Paracoussy
againe for what occasion the (M441) Indian was so persecuted in his
presence: hee answered, that this was nothing else but a kinde of
ceremonie, whereby they would call to minde the death and persecutions of
the Paracoussies their ancestours executed by their enemie Thimogoa:
alleaging moreouer that as often as he him selfe, or any of his friends
and allies returned from the Countrey, without they brought the heads of
their enemies or without bringing home some prisoner, hee vsed for a
perpetuall memorie of his predecessors, to beate the best beloued of his
children with the selfe same weapons wherewith they had beene killed in
times past: to the ende that by renewing of the wound their death should
be lamented afresh. Now when they were thus informed of those ceremonies,
they thanked the Paracoussy for their good intertainement which they had
receiued, and so setting saile came to me vnto the fort: where they
declared all vnto me as I haue recited it heretofore. (M442) The eight and
twentieth day of Iuly our shippes departed to returne into France. And
within a while, about two moneths after our arriuall in Florida, the
Paracoussy Satourioua sent certaine Indians vnto mee to know whether I
would stande to my promise which I had made him at my first arriuall in
that Countrey, which was that I should shewe my selfe friend to his
friendes, and enemie vnto his enemies, and also to accompany him with a
good number of Harquebuzes, when he should see it expedient and should
finde a fit occasion to go to warre. Now seeing he rested vpon this
promise, hee prayed mee not to deferre the same: seeing also that making
accompt thereof, hee had taken such good order for the execution of his
enterprise, that he was ready, and was furnished with all things that were
necessary for the voyage: I made him answere, that for his amitie I would
not purchase the enmitie of the other, and that albeit I would yet
notwithstanding I wanted meanes to doe it. For it behoued mee at that
present to make prouision of victuals and munition for the defence of my
Fort. On the other side, that my Barkes were nothing ready, and that this
enterprise would require time: Moreouer, that the Paracoussy Satourioua
might holde himselfe ready to depart within three moneths, and that then I
would thinke of fulfilling my promise to him.
The Indians caried this answere to their Paracoussy, which was litle
pleased with it, because hee could not deferre his execution or
expedition, aswell because all his victuals were ready, as also because
tenne other Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance of
this enterprise. (M443) The ceremonie which this Sauage vsed before hee
embarked his armie deserueth not to be forgotten. For when hee was set
downe by the Riuers side, being compassed about with tenne other
Paracoussies, hee commaunded water to be brought him speedily. This done,
looking vp into heauen, hee fell to discourse of diuers things with
gestures that shewed him to be in exceeding great choller, which made him
one while shake his head hither and thither, and by and by with I wote not
what furie to turne his face toward the Countrey of his enemies, and to
threaten to kill them. Hee oftentimes looked vpon the Sunne, praying him
to graunt him a glorious victory of his enemies. Which when hee had done
by the space of halfe an houre, he sprinkled with his hand a litle of the
water which hee helde in a vessel vpon the heads of the Paracoussies, and
cast the rest as it were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there
prepared for the purpose. This done hee cried out thrise, He Thimogoa, and
was followed by at least fiue hundred Indians, which were there assembled,
which cried all with one voyce, He Thimogoa. This ceremonie, as a certaine
Indian tolde mee familiarly signified nothing else, but that Satourioua
besought the Sunne to graunt vnto him so happy a victory, that he might
shed his enemies blood, as he had shed that water at his pleasure.
Moreouer that the Paracoussies which were sprinkled with a part of that
water, might returne with the heads of their enemies, which is the onely
and chiefe triumph of their victories.
The Paracoussy Satourioua had no sooner ended his ceremonies and had taken
a viewe of all his company, but he embarked himselfe, and vsed such
diligence with his Almadies or boates, that the next day two houres before
the Sunnes set, he arriued on the territories of his enemies about eight
or tenne leagues from their villages. (M444) Afterward causing them all to
goe on land, hee assembled his counsell, wherein it was agreed that fiue
of the Paracoussies should saile vp the Riuer with halfe of the troupes,
and by the break of day should approch vnto the dwelling of their eniemie:
for his owne part, that hee would take his iourney through the woods and
forrests as secretly as hee coulde: that when they were come thither as
well they that went by water as hee which went by land should not faile by
the breake of the day to enter into the village, and cut them all to
pieces, except the women and little children.
(M445) These things which were thus agreed vpon, were executed with as
great fury as was possible: which when they had done they tooke the heads
of their enemies which they had slaine, and cut off their haire round
about with a piece of their sculles: they tooke also foure and twentie
prisoners, which they led away, and retired themselues immediatly vnto
their Boates which wayted for them. Being come thither, they beganne to
sing praises vnto the Sunne, to whom they attributed their victorie. And
afterwards they put the skins of those heads on the end of their
iauelings, and went altogether toward the territories of Paracoussy
Omoloa, one of them which was in the company. Being come thither, they
diuided their prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies, and left
thirteene of them to Satourioua, which straightway dispatched an Indian
his subject, to carry newes before of the victory to them which stayed at
home to guard their houses, which immediately beganne to weepe. But
assoone as night was come, they neuer left dancing and playing a thousand
gambols, in honour of the feast.
(M446) The next day the Paracoussy Satourioua came home, who before he
entred into his lodging caused all the haire skuls of his enemies to bee
set vp before his doore, and crowned them with branches of Lawrell,
shewing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which hee
had obtained. Straight way beganne lamentation and mournings, which
assoone as the night beganne were turned into pleasures and dances.
After that I was aduertised of those things, I sent a Souldier vnto
Satourioua, praying him to send mee two of his prisoners: which hee denied
mee, saying that hee was nothing beholding vnto mee, and that I had broken
my promise, against the oath which I had sworn vnto him at my arriuall.
Which when I vndentoode by my Souldier, which was come hacke with speede,
I deuised howe I might be reuenged of this Sauage, and to make him know
how dearly this bolde brauado of his should cost him: therefore I
commaunded my Sergeant to provide mee twentie souldiers to goe with mee to
the house of Satourioua: Where after I was come and entred into the hall
without any maner of salutation, I went and sate downe by him, and stayed
a long while without speaking any woorde vnto him, or shewing him any
signe of friendship, which thing put him deeply in his dumpes: besides
that certaine Souldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had giuen expresse
commaundement to suffer no Indian to goe foorth: hauing stood still about
halfe an houre with this countenance, at length I demaunded where the
prisoners were which hee had taken at Thimogoa, and commaunded them
presently to bee brought vnto mee.
Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart, and astonied wonderfully,
stoode a long while without making any answere, notwithstanding at last
hee answered me very stoutly, that being afraide to see vs comming thither
in such warrelike manner they fled into the woods, and that not knowing
which way they were gone, they were not able by any meanes to bring them
againe. Then I seemed to make as though I understood not what he saide,
and asked for his prisoners againe, and for some of his principall allies.
Then Satourioua commaunded his sonne Athore to seeke out the prisoners,
and to cause them to be brought into that place, which thing he did within
an houre after.
After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy, they humbly saluted
mee, and lifting vp their hands before me, they would haue fallen downe
prostrate as it were at my feet: but I would not suffer them, and soone
after ledde them away with me vnto my owne Fort. The Paracoussy being
wonderfully offended with this brauado, bethought himselfe by all meanes
how hee might be reuenged of vs. But to giue vs no suspition thereof, and
the better to couer his intention, hee sent his messengers oftentimes vnto
vs bringing alwayes with them some kinde of presents. (M447) Among others
one day hee sent three Indians, which brought vs two baskets full of great
Pompions, much more excellent then those which we haue in France, and
promised me in their Kings behalfe, that during mine abode in that
Countrey, I should neuer want victuals: I thanked them for their Kings
good will, and signified vnto them the great desire which I had, aswell
for the benefit of Satourioua, as for the quiet of his Subjects, to make a
peace betweene him and those of Thimogoa: which thing coulde not choose
but turne to their great benefite, seeing that being allied with the Kings
of those parts, hee had an open passage against Onatheaqua his ancient
enemie, which otherwise he could not set vpon. Moreouer that Olata Ouae
Vtina was so mightie a Paracoussy, that Satourioua was not able to
withstand his forces: but being agreed together they might easily
ouerthrow all their enemies, and might passe the confines of the farthest
Riuers that were towards the South. The messengers prayed mee to haue
patience vntil the morowe, at what time they would come againe vnto me to
certifie me of their Lords inclination: which they failed not to doe,
aduertising me that Paracoussy Satourioua was the gladdest man in the
world to treate of this accord (although indeed hee was quite contrary)
and that he besought mee to be diligent therein, promising to obserue and
performe whatsoever I should agree vpon with those of Thimogoa: which
things the messengers also rehearsed vnto the prisoners which I had ledde
away. After they were departed, I resolued within two dayes to sende backe
againe the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina, whose subiects they were: but
before I embarked them, I gaue them certaine small trifles, which were
little kniues or tablets of glasse, wherein the image of King Charles the
ninth was drawen very liuely, for which they gaue me very great thankes,
as also for the honest entertainment which was giuen them at the Fort
Caroline. After this they embarked themselues, with Captaine Vasseur, and
with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne, which I had sent of purpose to
remaine a certaine time with Ouae Vtina, hoping that the fauour of this
great Paracoussy would serue my turne greatly to make my discoueries in
time to come. I sent with him also one of my Sergeants, and sixe gallant
Souldiers.
(M448) Thus things passed on this maner, and the hatred of Paracoussy
Satourioua against mee did still continue, vntill that on the nine and
twentieth of August a lightning from heauen, fell within halfe a league of
our Fort, more worthy I beleeue to be wondered at, and to bee put in
writing, then all the strange signes which haue bene seene in times past,
and whereof the histories haue neuer bene written. For although the
medowes were at that season all greene, and halfe couered ouer with water,
neuerthelesse the lightning in one instant consumed aboue fiue hundred
acres therewith, and burned with the ardent heate thereof all the foules
which tooke their pastime in the meddowes, which thing continued for three
dayes space, which caused vs not a little to muse, not being able to iudge
whereof this fire proceeded: for one while wee thought that the Indians
had burnt their houses, and abandoned their places for feare of vs:
another while wee thought that they had discouered some shippes in the
Sea, and that according to their custome they had kindled many fires here
and there, to signifie that their Countrey was inhabited: neuerthelesse
being not assured, I determined to sende to Paracoussy Serrany to knowe
the trueth thereof. But euen as I was vpon the point to sende one by boate
to discouer the matter, sixe Indians came vnto mee from Paracoussy
Allimacany, which at their first entrie made vnto mee a long discourse,
and a very large and ample oration (after they had presented mee with
certaine baskets full of Maiz, of Pompions and of Grapes) of the louing
amity which Allimacany desired to continue with mee, and that he looked
from day to day when it would please mee to employ him in my seruice.
(M449) Therefore considering the seruiceable affection that hee bare vnto
mee, hee found it very strange, that I thus discharged mine Ordinance
against his dwelling, which had burnt vp an infinite sight of greene
medowes, and consumed euen downe vnto the bottome of the water, and came
so neere vnto his mansion, that hee thought hee saw the fire in his house:
wherefore hee besought mee most humbly to commaund my men that they would
not shoote any more towards his lodging, otherwise that hereafter he
should be constrained to abandon his countrey, and to retire himselfe into
some place further off from vs.
(M450) Hauing vnderstood the foolish opinion of this man, which
notwithstanding coulde not choose but be very profitable for vs, I
dissembled what I thought thereof for that time, and answered the Indians
with a cheerefull countenance, that the relation which they made vnto mee
of the obedience of their Paracoussy did please mee right well, because
that before hee had not behaued himselfe in such sort towards mee,
especially when I summoned him to sende mee the prisoners of great Olata
Ouae Vtina which he detained, whereof notwithstanding he made no great
accompt, which was the principall cause whereof I had discharged mine
Ordinance against him: not that I meant to reach vnto his house (as I
might haue done easily, if it had pleased me) but that I was content to
shoote the halfe way to make him knowe my force: assuring him furthermore,
that on condition that he would continue in his good affection, no more
Ordinance should be discharged against him hereafter; and besides that I
would become his faithfull protectour against his greatest enemies.
The Indians contented with mine answere returned to assure their
Paracoussy, which notwithstanding the assurance withdrewe himselfe from
his dwelling twentie or fiue and twentie leagues off and that for the
space of more then two moneths. After that three dayes were expired, the
fire was quite extinguished. (M451) But for two dayes after there followed
such an excessiue heate in the aire, that the Riuer neere vnto which we
planted our habitation, became so hoat, that I thinke it was almost ready
to seeth. (M452) For there died so great abundance of fish, and that of so
many diuers sorts, that in the mouth of the Riuer onely there were founde
dead ynough to haue loaden fiftie Carts, whereof there issued a
putrefaction in the aire, which bred many dangerous diseases amongst vs,
inasmuch that most of my men fell sicke, and almost ready to ende their
dayes. Yet notwithstanding it pleased our mercifull God so to prouide by
his prouidence, that all our men recouered their health without the losse
of any one of them.
(M453) Monsieur de Arlac, Captaine Vasseur, and one of my Sergeants, being
embarked with their tenne Souldiers about the tenth of September to cary
backe the prisoners vnto Vtina, sailed so farre vp the Riuer, that they
discouered a place called Mayarqua distant from our Fort about fourescore
leagues, where the Indians gaue them good entertainetment, and in many
other villages which they found. (M454) From this place they rowed to the
dwelling of Paracoussy Vtina, which after hee had feasted them according
to his abilitie and power, prayed Monsieur de Arlac and all his Souldiers
to stay a while with him, to ayde and assist him in battaile against one
of his enemies, called Potanou, whereunto Monsieur de Arlac consented
willingly. And because hee knew not how long he might haue occasion to
stay in these parts, hee sent mee Captaine Vasseur and the Barke backe
againe, which brought home onely fiue Souldiers with him.
(M455) Nowe because the custome of the Indians is alwayes to wage war by
surprise, Vtina resolued to take his enemie Potanou in the morning by the
breake of the day: to (M456) bring this to passe, hee made his men to
trauaile all the night, which might be in number two hundred persons, so
well aduised, that they prayed our French-shot to be in the fore-front,
the ende (as they saide) that the noyse of their pieces might astonish
their enemies: notwithstanding they coulde not march so secretly, but that
those of the village of Potanou, distant from the dwelling of Vtina about
fiue and twentie leagues, were ware of them: which suddenly employed and
bestowed all their endeuour to defend their village enclosed all with
trees, and issued out in great companies: but finding themselues charged
with shotte, (a thing wherewith they neuer had bene acquainted) also
beholding the Captaine of their bande fall downe dead in the beginning of
their skirmish, with a shot of an Harquebuse which strooke him in the
forehead, discharged by the hande of Monsieur de Arlac, they left the
place: and the Indians of Vtina gate into the village, taking men, women,
and children prisoners. (M457) Thus Paracoussy Vtina obtained the victory
by the ayde of our men, which slew many of his enemies, and lost in his
conflict one of their companions, wherewith Vtina was very much grieued.
Eight or tenne dayes after, sent Captaine Vasseur backe againe with a
Barke to fetch home Monsieur de Arlac and his Souldiers, which at their
returne brought mee certaine presents from Vtina, as some siluer, a small
quantitie of golde painted skinnes, and other things, with a thousand
thankes, which the Paracoussy gaue me, which promised that if in any
enterprise of importance I should haue neede of his men, he would furnish
mee with three hundreth and about.
(M458) While I thus trauailed to purchase friends, and to practise one
while with one here, an other while with another there, certaine Souldiers
of my company were suborned vnder hand by one named La Roquette of the
Countrey of Perigort, which put in their heads that hee was a great
Magician, and that by the secrets of Art-magicke he had discouered a Mine
of golde and siluer farre vp within the Riuer, whereby (vpon the losse of
his life,) euery Souldier should receiue in ready Bullion the value of
tenne thousand Crownes, beside and aboue fifteene hundred thousand should
be reserued for the Kings Maiestie: wherefore they allied themselues with
La Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le Genre, in
whom (M459) notwithstanding I had great affiance. (M460) This Genre
exceeding desirous to enrich himselfe in those parts, and seeking to be
reuenged, because I would not giue him the carriage of the Paquet into
France, secretly enfourmed the Souldiers that were already suborned by La
Roquette, that I would depriue them of this great gaine, in that I did set
them dayly on worke, not sending them on euery side to discouer the
Countreys: therefore that it were a good deede, after they had made mee
vnderstande so much, to seeke meanes to dispatch me out of the way, and to
choose another Captaine in my place, if I would not giue them victuals
according to their disordinate appetite. (M461) Hee also brought mee word
hereof himselfe, making a large discourse vnto mee of the good affection
of the Souldiers, which all besought mee that I would conduct them to the
Countrey where the Mine was: I made him answere that all could not goe
thither, and that it was necessary before their departure to settle our
Fortresse in such estate, that those which which were to stay at home
behind should remaine in securitie against the Indians which might
surprise them. Furthermore, that their manner of proceeding seemed strange
vnto mee, for that they imagined, that the Kings Maiestie was at the
charges of our voyage for none other ende, but onely to enrich them at
their first arriuall, in as much as they shewed themselues much more giuen
vnto couetousnesse, then vnto the seruice of their Prince: But seeing mine
answere tended vnto none other ende but to make our Fortresse strong and
defensible, they determined to trauaile in the worke, and made an ensigne
of olde linnen, which ordinarily they bare vpon the rampart when they went
to woorke, alwayes wearing their weapons, which I thought they had done to
incourage themselues to worke the better. (M462) But as I perceiued
afterwards, and that by the confession of Genre sent mee in letters which
he writ to mee of that matter, these gentle Souldiers did the same for
none other ende, but to haue killed mee and my Lieutenant also, if by
chance I had giuen them any hard speeches.
About the twentieth of September, as I came home from the woods and
coppises to finish the building of my Fort, (and that according to my
vsual maner, I marched first to giue encouragement vnto my Souldiers) I
chafed my selfe into such sort, that I (M463) fell into a sore and
grieuous sicknesse, whereof I thought I should haue died: During which
sicknesse, I called Le Genre often vnto mee, as one that I trusted aboue
all others, and of whose conspiracies I doubted not any whit at all.
(M464) In this meane while assembling his complices, sometime in his
chamber and sometime in the woods to consult with them, hee spake vnto
them to choose another Captaine besides mee, to the intent to put mee to
death: but being not able by open force to execute his mischieuous
intention, hee gate him vnto mine Apothecarie praying him instantly to
mingle in my medicine, which I was to receiue one or two dayes after, some
drugge that should make mee pitch ouer the pearch, or at the least that
hee would giue him a little Arsenike or Quicke Siluer, which hee himselfe
would put into my drinke. But the Apothecarie denied him, as did in like
maner Master S. which was Master of the fire-workes. Thus wholly
disappointed of both his meanes, hee with certaine others resolued to hide
a little barrell of gunne powder vnderneath my bed, and by a traine to set
it on fire.
(M465) Vpon these practises a Gentleman which I had dispatched to returne
into France, being about to take his leaue of me, aduertised me that
Gienre had giuen him a booke full of all kinde of lewde inuectiues and
slanders against me, against Monsieur de Ottigny, and against the
principal of my company: vpon which occasion, I assembled all my Souldiers
together, and Captaine Bourdet with all his, which on the fourth of
September arriued in the roade, and were come into our Riuer. In their
presence I caused the contents of the booke to bee read alowde, that they
might beare record of the vntruths that were written against mee. Gienre,
which had gotten him into the woods for feare of being taken, (where he
liued for a while after with the Sauages by my permission,) writ vnto mee
often, and in many of his letters confessed vnto mee, that hee had
deserued death, condemning himselfe so farrefoorth, that he referred all
to my mercie and pitie.
(M466) The seuenth or eighth day of Nouember, after I had caused
sufficient prouision of such victuals as were needefull to bee made, I
sent two of my men, to wit, La Roche Ferriere, and another towarde King
Vtina, to discouer euery day more and more of the Countrey: where he was
the space of fiue or sixe moneths, during which hee discouered many small
villages, and among others one named Hostaqua, the King whereof being
desirous of my friendship, sent vnto me a quiuer made of Luserns skinne
full of arrowes, a couple of bowes, foure or fiue skinnes painted after
their maner, and a cheine of Siluer weying about a pounde weight. In
recompence of which presents I sent him two whole sutes of apparell, with
certaine cutting hookes or hatchets.
After these things therefore in this sort passed, about the tenth of this
moneth, Captaine Bourdet determined to leaue mee and returne into France.
Then I requested him, yea rather was exceeding importunate with him, to
carry home with him some sixe or seuen Souldiers, whom I could not trust
by any meanes: which hee did for my sake, and would not charge himselfe
with Gieure, which offered him a great summe of money, if it would please
him to carry him into France: hee transported him onely to the other side
of the Riuer. (M467) Three dayes after his departure thirteene Mariners
which I had brought out of France suborned by certaine other Mariners
which Captaine Bourdet had left me, stole away my Barkes in maner
following. These Mariners of Captaine Bourdet put mine in the head, that
if they had such Barkes as mine were, they might gaine very much in the
Iles of the Antilles, and make an exceeding profitable voyage. Hereupon
they beganne deuise howe they might steale away my Barkes, and consulted
that when I should command them to goe vnto the village of Sarauahi
distant about a league and a halfe from our Fort, and situated vpon an
arme of the Riuer, (whither according to my maner I sent them dayly to
seeke clay, to make bricke and morter for our houses) they would returne
no more, but would furnish themselues with victuals as well as they might
possibly: and then would embarke themselues all in one vessell, and would
goe their way: as indeede they did. (M468) And that which was worse, two
Flemish Carpenters, which the saide Bourdet had left mee, stole away the
other Barke, and before their departure cut the cables of the Barke, and
of the ship boate, that it might goe away with the tyde, that I might not
pursue them: so that I remained without either Barke or boate, which fell
out as vnluckily for mee as was possible. For I was ready to imbarke my
selfe with all speede, to discouer as farre vp our Riuer, as I might by
any meanes. (M469) Nowe my Mariners, (as I vnderstood afterwards) tooke a
Barke that was a passenger of the Spaniards neere the Isle of Cuba,
wherein they founde a certaine quantitie of golde and siluer, which they
seazed vpon. And hauing this bootie they lay a while at Sea, vntill their
victuals beganne to faile them: which was the cause, that oppressed with
famine they came vnto Hauana the principall Towne of the Isle of Cuba:
whereupon proceeded that mischiefe which hereafter I will declare more at
large. When I saw my Barkes returned not at their wanted houre, and
suspecting that which fell out in deed, I commanded my Carpenters with all
diligence to make a little boat with a flat bottome, to searce those
Riuers for some newes of these Mariners. The boate dispatched within a day
and a night, by reason that my Carpenters found planks and timber ready
sawed to their hands, as commonly I caused my Sawyers to prouide it, I
sent men to seeke some newes of my thieues: but all was in vaine. (M470)
Therefore I determined to cause two great Barkes to be built, ech of which
might be thirtie fiue, or thirtie sixe foote long in the keele.
(M471) And now the worke was very well forwarde which I set my workemen
about, when ambition and auarice, the mother of all mischiefe, tooke roote
in the hearts of foure or fiue souldiers which could not away with the
worke and paines taking: and which from henceforward (namely one
Fourneaux, and one La Croix, and another called Steuen le Geneuois, the
three principall authors of the sedition) beganne to practise with the
best of my troupe, shewing them that it was a vile thing for men of honest
parentage, as they were, to moyle themselues thus with abiect and base
worke, seeing they had the best occasion of the worlde offered them to
make themselues all riche: which was to arme the two Barkes which were in
building, and to furnish them with good men: (M472) and then to saile vnto
Peru, and the other Isles of the Antilles, where euery Souldier might
easily enrich himselfe with tenne thousand Crownes. And if their
enterprise should bee misliked withall in France, they should bee alwayes
able, by reason of the great wealth that they should gaine, to retire
themselues into Italy, vntill the heate were ouerpassed, and that in the
meane season some warre would fall out, which would cause all this to be
quite forgotten.
This word of riches sounded so well in the eares of my Souldiers, that in
fine, after they had oftentimes consulted of their affaires, they grew to
the number of threescore and sixe: which to colour their great desire
which they had to goe on stealing, they caused a request to bee presented
vnto mee by Francis de la Callie Sergeant of my company, contayning in sum
a declaration of the small store of victuals that was left to maintaine
vs, vntil the time that shippes might returne from France: for remedy
whereof they thought it necessary to sende to New Spaine, Peru, and all
the Isles adioyning, which they besought mee to be content to graunt. But
I made them answere, that when the Barkes were finished, I would take such
good order in generall, that by meanes of the Kings marchandise, without
sparing mine owne apparell, wee would get victuals of the inhabitants of
the Countrey: seeing also that wee had ynough to serue vs for foure
moneths to come. (M473) For I feared greatly, that vnder pretence of
searching victuals, they would enterprise somewhat against the King of
Spaines Subiects, which in time to come might iustly bee layde to my
charge, considering that at our departure out of France, the Queene had
charged me very expresly, to doe no kinde of wrong to the King of Spaines
Subiects, nor any thing whereof he might conceiue any ielousie.
They made as though they were content with this answere. But eight dayes
after, as I continued in working vpon our Fort, and on my Barkes, I fell
sicke. Then my seditious companions forgetting all honour and duetie,
supposing that they had found good occasion to execute their rebellious
enterprise, beganne to practise afresh their former designes, handling
their businesse so well, during my sicknesse, that they openly vowed that
they would seaze on the Corps de gard, and on the Fort, yea, and force mee
also, if I woulde not consent vnto their wicked desire. My Lieutenant
being hereof aduertised, came and tolde mee that he suspected some euill
practise: and the next day in the morning I was saluted at my gate with
men in complet harnesse, what time my Souldiers were about to play mee a
shrewde tricke: then I sent to seeke a couple of Gentlemen whom I most
trusted, which brought mee word that the Souldiers were determined to come
to me to make a request vnto me: But I tolde them that this was not the
fashion to present a request vnto a Captaine in this maner, and therefore
they should send some few vnto me to signifie vnto mee what they would
haue. Hereupon the fiue chiefe authors of the sedition armed with
Corslets, their Pistolles in their handes already bent, prest into my
chamber saying vnto mee, that they would goe to New Spaine to seeke their
aduenture. Then I warned them to bee well aduised what they meant to doe:
but they foorthwith replyed, that they were fully aduised already, and
that I must graunt them this request. Seeing then (quoth I) that I am
enforced to doe it, I will sende Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant, which
will make answere and giue mee an accompt of euery thing that shall be
done in this voyage: And to content you, I thinke it good that you take
one man out of euery chamber, that they may accompany Captaine Vasseur and
my Sergeant. Whereupon, blaspheming the Name of God, they answered that
they must goe thither: and that there lacked nothing, but that I should
deliuer them the armour which I had in my custodie, for feare least I
might vse them to their disaduantage (being so villanously abused by
them:) wherein notwithstanding I would not yeeld vnto them. (M474) But
they tooke all by force, and caried it out of my house, yea and after they
had hurt a Gentleman in my chamber, which spake against their doings, they
layd hands on mee, and caried me very sicke, as I was, prisoner into a
shippe which rode at ancker in the middest of the Riuer, wherein I was the
space of fifteene dayes attended vpon with one man onely without
permission for any of my seruants to come to visite mee: from euery one of
whom, as also from the rest that tooke my part, they tooke away their
armour. And they sent mee a passeport to signe, telling me plainely after
I had denied them, that if I made any difficulty, they would all come and
cut my throat in the shippe. Thus was I constrained to signe their
Passe-port, and forthwith to grant them certaine mariners, with Trenchant
an honest and skilfull Pilot. When the barks were finished, they armed
them with the kings munition, with powder, with bullets, and artillery,
asmuch as they needed, and chose one of my Sergeants for their Captain,
named Bertrand Conferrent, and for their Ensigne one named La Croix. They
compelled Captaine Vasseur to deliuer them the flag of his ship. Then
hauing determined so saile vnto a place of the Antilles called Leauguaue,
belonging vnto the king of Spaine, and there to goe on land on Christmasse
night, with intention to enter into the Church while the Masse was sayd
after midnight, and to murder all those that they found there, they set
saile the eight of December. But because the greatest part of them by this
time repented them of their enterprise, and that now they began to fall
into mutinies among themselues, when they came foorth of the mouth of the
riuer, the two barks diuided themselues: the one kept along the coast vnto
Cuba, to double the Cape more easily, and the other went right foorth to
passe athwart the Isles of Lucaya: by reason whereof they met not vntill
sixe weekes after their departure. During which time the barke that tooke
her way along the coast, wherein one of the chiefe conspiratours named De
Orange was Captaine, and Trenchant his Pilot, neere vnto a place called
Archaha, tooke a Brigantine laden with a certaine quantity of Cassaui,
which is a kinde of bread made of rootes, and yet neuerthelesse is very
white, and good to eate, and some little wine, which was not without some
losse of their men: for in one assault that the inhabitants of Archaha
made vpon them, two of their men were taken, to wit, Steuen Gondeau, and
one named Grand Pré, besides two more that were slaine in the place,
namely Nicolas Master and Doublet: yet neuerthelesse they tooke the
Brigantine, wherein they put all their stuffe that was in their owne
Barke, because it was of greater burthen and better of saile then their
owne. Afterward they sailed right vnto the Cape of Santa Maria nere to
Leauguaue, where they went on land to calke and bray their ship which had
a great leake. In this meane while they resolued to saile to Baracou,
which is a village of the Isle of Iamaica: where at their arriuall they
found a carauel of fifty or three score tunnes burden, which they tooke
without any body in it: and after they had made good cheere in the village
the space of fiue or sixe dayes, they embarked themselues in it, leauing
their second ship: then they returned to the Cape of Tiburon, where they
met with a Patach, which they tooke by force after a long conflict. In
this Patach the gouernour of Iamaica was taken, with great store of
riches, aswell of golde and siluer as of merchandise and wine, and many
other things; wherewith our seditious companions not content, determined
to seeke more in their carauell, and their gouernour of Iamaica also.
After they were come to Iamaica, they missed of another carauel which did
saue it selfe in the hauen. The gouernour being fine and subtile, seeing
himselfe brought vnto the place which he desired and where he commanded,
obtained so much by his faire words, that they which had taken him let him
put two little boyes which were taken with him into a little cocke boat,
and send them to his wife into the village, to aduertise her that she
should make prouision of victuals to send vnto him. But in stead of
writing vnto his wife, he spake vnto the boyes secretly that with all
diligence she should send the vessels that were in the hauens neere that
place to succour and rescue him. Which she did so cunningly, that on a
morning about the breake of the day, as our seditious companions were at
the hauens mouth (which reacheth aboue two leagues vp within the land)
there came out of the hauen a malgualire which maketh saile both forward
and backward, and then two great shippes, which might be ech of them of
fourescore or an hundred tunnes a piece, with good store of ordinance, and
well furnished with men: at whose comming our mutinous fellowes were
surprised, being not able to see them when they came, as well because of
the darknesse of the weather, as also by reason of the length of the
hauen, considering also they mistrusted nothing. True it is that fiue or
six and twenty that were in the brigantine discouered these ships when
they were nere them, which seeing themselues pressed for want of leasure
to weagh their anker, cut their cable, and the trumpeter which was in it
aduertised the rest: whereupon the Spanyards seeing themselues descried,
discharged a volley of canon shot against the French men, which they
followed by the space of three leagues, and recouered their own ships: the
brigantine which escaped away, passed in the sight of the Cape des
Aigrettes, and the Cape of S. Anthony situate in the Isle of Cuba, and
from thence passed within the sight of Hauana; but Trenchant their pilot,
and the trumpeter, and certaine other mariners of this brigantine, which
were led away by force in this voyage (as elsewhere we haue declared)
desired nothing more then to returne to me: wherefore these men agreed
together (if peraduenture the wind serued them well) to passe the chanell
of Bahama, while their seditious companions were asleepe: which they did
accomplish with such good successe, that in the morning toward the breake
of the day about the fiue and twentieth of March they arriued vpon the
coast of Florida: where knowing the fault which they had committed, in a
kinde of mockery they counterfaited the Iudges: but they played not this
pranke vntill they had tippled well of the Wine which remained yet in
their prize. One counterfeited the Iudge, another presented my person: one
other after he had heard the matter pleaded, concluded thus: Make you your
causes as good as it pleaseth you, but if when you come to the fort
Caroline the Captaine cause you not to be hanged, I will neuer take him
for an honest man: others thought that my choller being passed, I would
easily forget this matter. Their saile was no sooner descried vpon the
coast, but the king of the place named Patica, dwelling eight leagues
distant from our fort, and being one of our good friends, sent an Indian
to aduertise me that he had descried a shippe vpon the coast, and that he
thought it was one of our nation. (M475) Hereupon the brigantine oppressed
with famine, came to an anker at the mouth of the Riuer of May, when at
the first blush we thought they had bene shippes come from France; which
gaue vs occasion of great ioy: but after I had caused her to be better
viewed, I was aduertised that they were our seditious companions that were
returned. Therefore I sent them word by Captaine Vasseur and my Seargeant,
that they should bring vp their brigantine before the fortresse: which
they promised to doe. Now there was not aboue two leagues distance from
the mouth of the riuer where they cast anker vnto the fortresse. The next
day I sent the same Captaine and Sergeant with thirty souldiers, because I
saw they much delayed their comming. Then they brought them: and because
certaine of them had sworne at their departure, that they would neuer come
againe within the fort, I well pleased they should keep their oth. For
this purpose I waited for them at the riuers mouth, where I made my barks
to be built and commanded my Sergeant to bring the foure chiefe authours
of the mutiny on shore: whom I caused immediatly to be put in fetters: for
my meaning was not to punish the rest, considering that they were
suborned, and because my counsell expressly assembled for this purpose had
concluded that these foure only should die, to serue for an example to the
rest In the same place I made an Oration vnto them in this maner.
(M476) My friends, you know the cause why our king sent vs vnto this
countrey: you know that he is our naturall Prince, whom we are bound to
obey according to the commandement of God, in such sort, that we ought
neither to spare our goods nor our liues to do those things that concerne
his seruice: ye know, or at least you cannot be ignorant, that besides
this generall and naturall obligation, ye haue this also ioyned thereunto,
that in receiuing of him reasonable pay and wages, you are bound to follow
those whom he hath established ouer you to be your gouernours, and to
command you in his name, hauing for this purpose giuen him an oth of
fidelitie, which you cannot by any meanes reuoke for any faire apparance
which you haue to doe the contrary: for this is reason that seeing you
liue vpon his charges on this condition (this is reason I say) that you
should be faithfull vnto him. Notwithstanding you haue had more regard
vnto your vnbridled affections then vnto vertue, which inuited you, to the
obseruance of your oth, in such sort that being become contemners of all
honesty, you haue passed your bonds, and thought that all things were
lawfull for you. Whereupon it is fallen out that while you thought to
escape the iustice of men, you could not auoid the iudgement of God, which
as a thing by no meanes to be auoided hath led you, and in spight of you
hath made you to arriue in this place, to make you confesse how true his
iudgements are, and that he neuer suffereth so foule a fault to escape
vnpunished.
(M477) After that I had vsed vnto them these or the like speeches,
following that which wee had agreed vpon in councell, in respect of the
crimes which they had committed, aswel against the kings Maiesty as
against mee which was their Captaine, I commanded that they should be
hanged. Seeing therefore that there was no starting hole, nor meanes at
all to saue themselues from this arrest, they tooke themselues vnto their
prayers: yet one of the foure, thinking to raise a mutiny among my
souldiers, sayd thus vnto them: What, brethem and companions, will you
suffer vs to die so shamefully? And taking the word out of his mouth, I
sayd vnto him, that they were not companions of authours of sedition and
rebels vnto the kings seruice. (M478) Heerevpon the souldiers besought me
not to hang them, but rather let them be shot thorow, and then afterward,
if I thought good, their bodies might be hanged vpon certaine gibbets
along the hauens mouth: which I caused presently to be put into execution.
Loe here what was the end of my mutinous souldiers, without which I had
alwayes liued peaceably, and enioyed the good desire which I had to make
an happy and quiet voyage. But because I haue spoken of nothing but their
accident and aduentures which happened vnto them after their departure,
without making any mention of our fort, I will returne vnto the matters
from which I digressed, to declare that which fell out after their
departure. First, I beganne to consider to the ende I might confirme and
make myselfe more constant in mine affliction, that these murmurers could
not ground their sedition vpon want of victuals: for from the time of our
arriuall, euery souldier dayly vnto this day, and besides vntill the eight
and twentieth day of February, had a loafe of bread weighing two and
twenty ounces. Againe I recounted with my selfe that all new conquest by
sea or by land are ordinarily troubled with rebellions, which are easie to
be raised, as well in respect of the distance of place, as in respect of
the hope that the souldiers haue to make their profit, as we may be well
informed both by ancient histories and also by the troubles which lately
happened vnto Christopher Columbus, after his first discouery, to Francis
Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro in Peru, and to Fernando Cortes. An hundred
thousand other things came vnto my minde, to incourage and confirme me. My
Lieutenant Ortigny, and my Sergeant of my band came to seeke me in the
ship, where I was prisoner, and caried me from thence in a barke assoone
as our rebels were departed. (M479) After I was come vnto the fort I
caused all my company that remained, to be assembled in the midst of the
place before the Corps de garde, and declared vnto them the faults which
they that had forsaken vs had committed, praying them to beare them in
memory, to beare witnesse thereof when need should require. Foorthwith I
ordained new Captaines to command the troups; and prescribed them an
order, according whereunto they were to gouerne themselues from thence
forward, and to enter into their watch: for the greatest part of the
souldiers, of whom I had the best opinion, were gone away with them. My
declaration ended, they promised mee all with one accord to obey mee most
humbly, and to doe whatsoeuer I should command them, though it were to die
at my feet for the Kings seruice; wherein assuredly they neuer after
failed: so that I dare say, after the departure of my mutinous companions
I was as well obeyed as euer was Captaine in place where he commanded. The
next day after my returne vnto the fort, I assembled my men together
againe, to declare vnto them that our fort was not yet finished, and that
it was needfull that all of vs should put thereto our helping hands, to
assure our selues against the Indians: wherein hauing willingly agreed
vnto mee, they raised it all with turfes from the gate vnto the riuer
which is on the West side. (M480) This done, I set my Carpenters on worke
to make another barke of the same bignesse that the others were of: I
commanded the Sawyers that they should prepare plancks, the Smithes to
prepare yron and nailes, and certaine others to make coales: so that the
barke was finished in eighteene dayes. Afterward I made another lesser
then the first, the better to discouer vp the riuer. In this meane space
the Indians visited me, and brought me dayly certaine presents, as: Fish,
Deere, Turki-cocks, Leopards, little Beares, and other things according to
the place of their habitation. I recompensed them with certaine Hatchets,
Kniues, Beads of glasse, Combes, and Looking-glasses. Two Indians came
vnto me one day to salute me on the behalfe of their King, whose name was
Marracou, dwelling from the place of our fort some forty leagues toward
the South, and tolde mee that there was one in the house of King Onathaqua
which was called Barbu or the bearded man, and in the house of King
Mathiaca another man whose name they knew not, which was not of their
nation: whereupon I conceiued that these might be some Christians.
Wherefore I sent to all the kings my neighbours to pray them, that if
there were any Christian dwelling in their countreys, they would finde
meanes that he might be brought vnto mee, and that I would make them
double recompense. They which loue rewards, tooke so much paine, that the
two men, whereof we haue spoken, were brought vnto the fort vnto me.
(M481) They were naked, wearing their haire long vnto their hammes as the
Sauages vse to do, and were Spanyards borne, yet so well accustomed to the
fashion of the countrey, that at the first sight they found our maner of
apparell strange; After that I had questioned of certaine matters with
them, I caused them to be apparelled, and to cut their haire; which they
would not loose, but lapped it vp in a linnen cloth, saying that they
would cary it into their countrey to be a testimony of the misery that
they had indured in the Indies. In the haire of one of them was found a
little gold hidden, to the value of fiue and twenty crownes, which he gaue
vnto me. And examining them of the places where they had bene, and how
they came thither, they (M482) answered me that fifteene yeeres past,
three shippes, in one of which they were, were cast away ouer against a
place named Calos vpon the Flats which are called The Martyres, and that
the king of Calos recouered the greatest part of the riches which were in
the sayd shippes, trauelling in such sort that the greatest part of the
people was saued, and many women; among which number there were three or
foure women maried, remaining there yet, and their children also, with
this king of Calos. I desired to learne what this king was. They answered
me, that he was the goodliest and the tallest Indian of the countrey, a
mighty man, a warrier, and hauing many subiects vnder his obedience. They
tolde me moreouer, that he had great store of golde and siluer, so farre
foorth that in a certaine village he had a pit full thereof, which was at
the least as high as a man, and as large as a tunne: all which wealth the
Spanyards fully perswaded themselues that they could cause me to recouer,
if I were able to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that which I
might get of the common people of the countrey, which had also great store
thereof. (M483) They further also aduertised me, that the women going to
dance, did weare about their girdles plates of golde as broad as a sawcer,
and in such number that the weight did hinder them to dance at their ease;
and that the men ware the like also. The greatest part of these riches was
had, as they sayd, out of the Spanish shippes, which commonly were cast
away in this straight; and the rest by the traffique which this king of
Calos had with the other kings of the countrey: Finally, that he was had
in great reuerence of his subiects; and that hee made them beleeue that
his sorceries and charmes were the causes that made the earth bring foorth
her fruit: and that hee might the easier perswade them that it was so, he
retired himselfe once or twise a yeere to a certaine house, accompanied
with two or three of his most familiar friends, where hee vsed certaine
inchantments; and if any man intruded himselfe to goe to see what they did
in this place, the king immediatly caused him to be put to death.
Moreouer, they tolde me, that euery yeere in the time of haruest, this
Sauage king sacrificed one man, which was kept expresly for this purpose,
and taken out of the number of the Spanyards which by tempest were cast
away vpon that coast. (M484) One of these two declared vnto me, that hee
had serued him a long time for a (M485) messenger; and that oftentimes by
his commandement he had visited a king named Oathcaqua, distant from Calos
foure or fiue dayes iourney, which alwayes remained his faithfull friend:
but that in the midway there was an Island situate in a great lake of
fresh water named Sarrope, about fiue leagues in bignesse, abounding with
many sorts of fruits, specially in Dates, which growe on the Palme trees,
whereof they make a woonderfull traffique; yet not so great as a kinde of
root, whereof they make a kinde of meale, so good to make bread of, that
it is vnpossible to eate better, and that for fifteene leagues about, all
the countrey is fed therewith: which is the cause that the inhabitants of
the Isle gaine of their neighbours great wealth and profit: for they will
not depart with this root without they be well payed for it. Besides that,
they are taken for the most warlike men of all that countrey, as they made
good proofe when the king of Calos, hauing made alliance with Oathcaqua,
was depriued of Oathcaquaes daughter, which he had promised to him in
mariage. (M486) He tolde me the whole matter in this sort: As Oathcaqua
well accompanied with his people caried one of his daughters, exceeding
beautifull, according to the colour of the countrey, vnto king Calos, to
giue her vnto him for his wife, the inhabitants of this Isle aduertised of
the matter, layed an ambush for him in a place where he should passe, and
so behaued themselues that Oathcaqua was discomfited, the betrothed yoong
spouse taken, and all the damosels that accompanied her: which they caried
vnto their Isle; which thing in all the Indians countrey they esteeme to
be the greatest victory: for afterward they marry these virgins, and loue
them aboue all measure. The Spanyard that made this relation, tolde mee
that after this defeat he went to dwell with Oathcaqua, and had bene with
him full eight yeeres, euen vntill the time that he was sent vnto me. The
place of Calos is situate vpon a riuer which is beyond the Cape of
Florida, forty or fifty leagues towards the Southwest: and the dwelling of
Othcaqua is on this side the Cape toward the North, in a place which we
call in the Chart Cannaueral, which is in 28 degrees.
About the fiue and twentieth of Ianuary Paracoussy Satourioua my neighbour
sent me certaine presents by two of his subiects, to perswade me to ioyne
with him, and to make warre vpon Ouae Vtina; which was my friend: and
further besought me to retire certaine of my men which were with Vtina;
for whom if it had not beene, he had oftentimes set vpon him, and defeited
him. He besought me heerein by diuers other kings his allies, which for
three weekes or a moneths space sent messengers vnto mee to this end and
purpose: but I would not grant vnto them that they should make warre vpon
him; yea rather contrariwise I endeaured to make them friends; wherein
they condescended vnto mee, so farre foorth that they were content to
allow of any thing that I would set downe: (M487) wherevpon the two
Spanyards which of long time knew well the nature of the Indians, warned
me that in any case I should not trust vnto them, because that when they
shewed good countenance and the best cheere vnto men, then was the time
that they would surprise and betray them; and that of their nature they
were the greatest traitours and most deepe dissemblers of the world.
Besides I neuer trusted them but vpon good ground, as one that had
discouered a thousand of their crafts and subtilties, aswell by experience
as by reading of the histories of late yeres. Our two barks were not so
soone finished, but I sent Captaine Vasseur to discouer along the coast
lying toward the North, and commanded him to saile vnto a riuer, the king
whereof was called Audusta, which was lord of that place, where those of
the yere 1562 inhabited. I sent him two sutes of apparell, with certaine
hatchets, kniues, and other small trifles, the better to insinuate my
selfe into his friendship. And the better to win him, I sent in the barke
with captaine Vasseur a souldier called Aimon, which was one of them which
returned home in the first voyage, hoping that king Audusta might remember
him. (M488) But before they were imbarked I commanded them to make inquiry
what was become of another called Rouffi, which remained alone in those
parts, when Nicholas Masson and those of the first voyage imbarked
themselues to returne into France. They vnderstood at their arriuall
there, that a barke passing that way had caried away the same souldier:
and afterward I knew for a certainty that they were Spaniards which had
caried him to Hauana. (M489) The king Audusta sent me backe my barke full
of mill, with a certaine quantity of beanes, two stags, some skinnes
painted after their maner, and certaine pearles of small value, because
they were burnt: and sent me word that if I would dwel in his quarters, he
would giue me a great countrey: and that after he had gathered his mill,
he would spare me as much as I would haue. In the meane while there came
vnto our fort a flocke of stocke-doues in so great number that for the
space of seuen weeks together, that euery day wee killed with harquebush
shot two hundred in the woods about our fort.(121) After that Captaine
Vasseur was returned, I caused the two barks to be furnished againe with
souldiers and mariners, and sent them to cary a present from me vnto the
widow of king Hiocaia, whose dwelling was distant from our fort about
twelue leagues Northward. (M490) She courteously receiued our men; sent me
backe my barks full of mill and acornes with certaine baskets full of the
leaues of Cassine, wherewith they make their drinke. And the place where
this widow dwelleth is the most plentifull of mill that is in all the
coast, and the most pleasant. (M491) It is thought that the queene is the
most beautifull of all the Indians, and of whom they make most account:
yea, and her subjects honour her so much, that almost continually they
beare her on their shoulders, and will not suffer her to go on foot.
Within a few dayes after the returne of my barks, she sent to visit me by
her Hiatiqui, which is as much to say, as her interpreter. (M492) Now
while I thought I was furnished with victuals vntill the time that our
ships might come out of France (for feare of keeping my people idle) I
sent my two barks to discouer along the riuer, and vp toward the head
thereof, which went so far vp that they were thirty leagues good beyond a
place named Mathiaqua, and there they discovered the entrance of a lake,
vpon the one side whereof no land can be seene, according to the report of
the Indians, which had oftentimes climed on the highest trees in the
countrey to see land, and notwithstanding could not discerne any: which
was the cause that my men went no further, but returned backe; and in
comming home went to see the Island of Edelona, situated in the midst of
the riuer, as faire a place as any that may be seene thorow the world: for
in the space of some three leagues, that it may conteine in length and
bredth, a man may see an exceeding rich countrey, and maruellously
peopled. At the comming out of the village of Edelano to go vnto the
riuers side a man must passe thorow an alley about three hundred paces
long and fifty paces broad: on both sides wherof great tres are planted,
the boughes whereof are tied together like an arch, and meet together so
artificially that a man would thinke it were an arbour made of purpose, as
faire I say, as any in all christendome, although it be altogether
natural. Our men departing from this place rowed to Eneguape, then to
Chilily, from thence to Patica, and lastly they came vnto Coya: where
leauing their barks in a little creeke of the riuer with men to guard
them, they went to visit Vtina, which receiued them very courteously: and
when they departed from his house, he intreated them so earnestly, that
sixe of my men remained with him: of which number there was one gentleman,
named Groutald, which after he had abode there about two moneths, and
taken great paines to discouer the countrey, with another which I had left
a great while there to that intent, came vnto me to the fort, and tolde me
that he neuer saw a fairer countrey. Among other things, he reported vnto
me that he had seene a place named Hostaqua, and that the king thereof was
so mighty, that he was able to bring three or foure thousand Sauages to
the field; with whom if I would ioyne and enter into league, we might be
able to reduce all the rest of the inhabitants vnto our obedience: besides
that this king knew the passages vnto the mountaine of Apalatci, which the
French men desired so greatly to atteine vnto, and where the enemy of
Hostaqua made his abode; which was easie to be subdued, if so be wee would
enter into league together. The king sent me a plate of a minerall that
came out of this mountaine, out of the foot whereof there runneth a
streame of golde or copper, as the Sauages thinke, out of which they dig
vp the sand with an hollow and drie cane of reed vntill the cane be full;
afterward they shake it, and finde that there are many small graines of
copper and siluer among this sand: which giueth them to vnderstand, that
some rich mine must needs be in the mountaine. And because the mountaine
was not past fiue or sixe dayes iourney from our fort, lying toward the
Northwest, I determined assoone as our supply should come out of France,
to remooue our habitation vnto some riuer more toward the North, that I
might be nerer therevnto. One of my souldiers whose name was Peter Gamby,
which had remained a long space before in this countrey to learne the
languages and traffique with the Indians, at the last came to the village
of Edelano, where hauing gotten together a certaine quantitie of golde and
siluer, and purposing to returne vnto me, he prayed the king of the
village to lend him a canoa (which is a vessell made of one whole piece of
wood, which the Indians vse to fish withal, and to row vpon the riuers)
which this lord of Edelano granted him. But being greedy of the riches
which he had, he commanded two Indians, which he had charged to conduct
him in the canoa, to murder him and bring him the merchandise and the gold
which he had. Which the two traitours villanously executed: for they
knockt him on the head with an hatchet, as he was blowing of the fire in
the canoa to see the fish. (M493) The Paracoussy Vtina sent certeine dayes
afterward, to pray me to lend him a dozen or fifteene of my shot, to
inuade his enemy Potanou, and sent me word, that this enemy once
vanquished, he would make me passage, yea, and would conduct me vnto the
mountaines in such sort, that no man, should be able to hinder me. Then I
assembled my men to demand their aduice, as I was woont to do in all mine
enterprises. (M494) The greater part was of opinion, that I should do well
to send succour vnto this Paracoussy, because it would be hard for me to
discouer any further vp into the countrey without his helpe: and that the
Spanyards when they were imployed in their conquests, did alwayes enter
into alliance with some one king to ruine another. Notwithstanding,
because I did alwayes mistrust the Indians, and that the more after the
last aduertisement that the Spanyards had giuen me, I doubted lest the
small number which Vtina demanded might incurre some danger; wherefore I
sent him thirty shot vnder the charge of my Lieutenant Ottigny, which
stayed not aboue two dayes with Vtina, while he prepared victuals for his
voyage, which ordinarily and according to the custome of the countrey are
caried by women and yoong boyes, and by hermaphrodites. (M495) Vtina
setting forward with three hundred of his subiects, hauing ech of them
their bowe and quiuer full of arrowes, caused our thirty shot to be placed
in the foreward, and made them march all the day, vntill that the night
approching, and hauing not gone past halfe the way, they were inforced to
lie all night in the woods, nere a great lake, and there to incampe
themselues: they separated themselues by sixe and sixe, making ech of them
a fire about the place where their king lay, for whose guard they ordeined
a certeine number of those archers, in whom he put most confidence.
Assoone as day was come, the campe of the Indians marched within three
leagues of Potanou: there king Vtina requested my Lieutenant to grant him
foure or fiue of his men to go and discouer the countrey; which departed
immediatly, and had not gone farre, but they perceiued vpon a lake,
distant about three leagues from the village of Potanou, three Indians
which fished in a canoa. Now the custome is that when they fish in this
lake, they haue alwayes a company of watchmen, armed with bowes and
arrowes to guard the fishers. Our men being hereof aduertised by those of
the company, durst not passe any further, for feare of falling into some
ambush: wherefore they returned towards Vtina, which suddenly sent them
backe with a greater company to surprise the fishers before they might
retire and aduertise their king Potanou of the comming of his enemies.
Which they could not execute so politikely, but that two of them escaped;
the third also did the best he could to saue himselfe by swimming, in
which meane while he was stayed with shot of arrowes, and they drew him
starke dead vnto the banks side, where our Indians flayed off the skinne
of his head, cut off both his armes in the high way, reseruing his haire
for the triumph, which their king hoped to make for the defeat of his
enemy. (M496) Vtina, fearing least Potanou aduertised by the fishers which
were escaped, should put himselfe in armes to withstand him valiantly,
asked counsell of his Iawa, which is asmuch to say in their language as
his Magician, whether it were best to goe any further. (M497) Then this
Magician made certeine signes, hidious and fearefull to beholde, and vsed
certeine words: which, being ended, he sayd vnto his king, that it was not
best to passe any further, and that Potanou accompanied with two thousand
Indians at the least stayed in such and such a place for him, to bidde him
battell: and besides this, that all the sayd Indians were furnished with
cords to binde the prisoners which they made full account to take.
This relation caused Vtina to be vnwilling to passe any further: whereupon
my Lieutenant being as angry as euer he might be, because hee had taken so
great paines without doing of any thing of account, sayd vnto him, that
hee would neuer thinke well of him nor of his people, if hee would not
hazzard himselfe: and that if he would not doe it, at the least, that he
would giue him a guide to conduct him and his small company to the place
where the enemies were encamped. (M498) Heereupon Vtina was ashamed, and
seeing the good affection of Monsieur de Ottigny determined to go forward:
and he failed not to finde his enemies in the very place which the
Magician had named: where the skirmish beganne, which lasted three long
houres; wherein without doubt Vtina had beene defeated, vnlesse our
harquebusiers had not borne the burthen and brunt of all the battell, and
slaine a great number of the souldiers of Potanou, vpon which occasion
they were put to flight. Wherewithall Vtina being content for the present,
caused his people to retire and returne homeward to the great
discontentment of Monsieur de Ottigny, which desired nothing more, then to
pursue his victorie. (M499) After he was come home to his house he sent
messengers to eighteene or twentie villages of other kings his vassals,
and summoned them to be present at the feasts and dances which he purposed
to celebrate because of his victorie. In the meane while Monsieur de
Ottigny refreshed himselfe for two dayes: and then taking his leaue of the
Paracoussi, and leauing him twelue of his men to see that Potamou,
bethinking himselfe of his late losse, should not come to burne the houses
of Vtina, he set forward on his way to come vnto me vnto our Fort, where
he vp and told me how euery thing had passed: and withall that he had
promised the twelue souldiers, that he would come backe againe to fetch
them. Then the kings my neighbours all enemies to Vtina, being aduertised
of the returne of my Lieutenant, came to visite me with presents and to
enquire how things had passed, praying me all to receiue them into my
fauour, and to become enemie to Vtina, which notwithstanding I would not
grant them for many reasons that mooued me.
(M500) The Indians are wont to leaue their houses and to retire themselues
into the woods the space of three moneths, to wit Ianuary, February, and
March: during which time by no meanes a man can see one Indian. For when
they goe on hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, whereunto
they retire themselues, liuing vpon that which they take in hunting. This
was the cause that during this time, we could get no victuals by their
meanes: and had it not beene that I had made good (M501) prouision
thereof, while my men had store, vntill the end of Aprill (which was the
time when at the vttermost, we hoped to haue had succour out of France) I
should haue beene greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the
souldiers tooke no great care to looke well vnto their victuals, although
I deuided equally among them that which I could get abroad in the
countrey, without reseruing vnto my selfe any more then the least souldier
of al the company. The moneth of May approching and no manner of succour
come out of France, we fell into extreme want of victuals, constrained to
eate the rootes of the earth and certaine sorrell which we found in the
fields. For although the Sauages were returned by this time vnto their
villages, yet they succoured vs with nothing but certaine fish, without
which assuredly wee had perished with famine. Besides they had giuen vs
before the greatest part of their maiz and of their beanes for our
marchandise. (M502) This famine held vs from the beginning of May vntill
the middest of Iune. During which time the poore souldiers and
handicraftsmen became as feeble as might be, and being not able to worke
did nothing but goe one after nothing in Centinel vnto the clift of an
hill, situate very neere vnto the Fort, to see if they might discouer any
French ship. In fine being frustrated of their hope, they assembled
altogether, and came to beseech me to take some order that they might
returne into France, considering that if we let passe the season to
embarke our selues, we were neuer like to see our countrey, where it could
not be chosen but that some troubles were fallen out, seeing they had
broken their promise made vnto vs, and that no succour was come from
thence. Thereupon it was consulted and resolued by all the company, that
the barke Breton should be trimmed vp, whereof Captaine Vasseur had
charge. But because the ship was not bigge enough to receiue vs all, some
thought good to build the Brigandine two deckes higher, which our mutinous
souldiers had brought backe, and that 25 men should hazard themselues to
passe therein into France. The rest being better aduised said that it
should be farre better to build a faire ship vpon the keele of the Galiote
which I had caused to be made, promising to labour couragiously therupon.
Then I enquired of my shipwrights to knowe in what space they could make
this shippe readie. They assured the whole company that being furnished
with all things necessarie they would make it readie by the 8. of August.
Immediatly I disposed of the time to worke vpon it, I gaue charge to
Monsieur de Ottigny my Lieutenant to cause timber necessary for the
finishing of both the vessels to be brought, and to Monsieur de Arlac my
Standart-bearer to goe with a barke a league off from the Fort to cut
downe trees fit to make plankes, and to cause the sawiers which he carried
with him to saw them: and to my Sergeant of the company to cause fifteene
or sixteene men to labour in making coales: and to Master Hance keeper of
the Artillery, and to the gunner to gather store of rosen to bray the
vessels: wherein he vsed such diligence, that in lesse then 3 weekes he
gathered 2 hogs-heads of the same together. There remained now but the
principal, which was to recouer victuals to sustaine vs while our worke
endured: which I vndertooke to doe with the rest of my company and the
Mariners of the ship. To this end I embarked my selfe making vp the
thirtieth in my great barke, to make a voyage of forty or fifty leagues,
hauing with vs no prouision at all of victuals: whereby it may easily he
gathered how simply those of our Fort were prouided. True it is that
certaine souldiers being better husbandes then the rest, and hauing made
some prouision of mast, solde a little measure thereof for fifteene and
twentie sous vnto their companions. During our voyage we liued of nothing
else but raspices, of a certaine round graine little and blacke, and of
the rootes of palmitos which we got by the riuer sides: wherein after we
had sayled a long time in vaine, I was constrained to returne to the Fort:
where the souldiers beginning to be wearie of working, because of the
extreme famine which did consume them, assembled themselues and declared
vnto me, that seeing we could get no victuals of the Indians, it was
expedient for the sauing of their liues, to seaze vpon the person of one
of the Kings of the Countrey: assuring themselues that one being taken,
the subiects would not suffer our men to want victuals. I made them
answere that this enterprise was not rashly to be attempted: But that wee
ought to haue good regarde vnto the consequence that might insue thereof.
Hereupon they replyed vnto me, that seeing the time was past of our
succour from France, and that we were resolued to abandon the Countrie,
that there was no danger to constraine the Sauages to furnish vs with
victuals: which for the present I would not grant vnto them, but promised
them assuredly that I would send to aduertise the Indians that they should
bring me victuals for exchange of marchandise and apparell: which they
also did for the space of certaine daies, during which they brought of
their mast and of their fish: (M503) which these Indians being traiterous
and mischieuous of nature and knowing our exceeding strange famine, sold
vs at so deere a price, for that lesse then nothing they had gotten from
vs all the rest of our marchandise which remained. And which was worse,
fearing to be forced by vs and seeing that they had gotten all from vs,
they came no neere to our Fort then the shot of an Harquebuze. Thither
they brought their fish in their little boats, to which our poore
souldiers were constrained to goe, and oftentimes (as I haue seene) to
giue away the very shirts from their backs to get one fish. If at any time
they shewed vnto the Sauages the excessiue price which they tooke, these
villaines would answere them roughly and churlishly: if thou make so great
account of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish: then fell
they out laughing and mocked vs with open throat. Whereupon our souldiers
vtterly impatient, were oftentimes ready to cut them in pieces, and to
make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancy. Notwithstanding
considering the importance hereof, I tooke paines to appease the impatient
souldier: for I would not by any meanes enter into question with the
Sauages, and it suffised me to delay the time. Wherefore I deuised to send
vnto Vtina, to pray him to deale so farre foorth with his subiects, as to
succour me with mast and maiz: which he did very sparingly, sending me 12
or 15 baskets of mast, and two of pinocks, which are a kind of little
greene fruits which grow among the weedes in the riuer, and are as big as
cheries: yea, and this was not but by giuing of them in exchange twise as
much marchandise and apparell as they were worth. For the subiectes of
Vtina perceiued euidently the necessitie wherein we were, and began to vse
the like speech vnto vs, as the others did: as it is commonly seene that
neede altereth mens affections. While these things were in doing, a
certaine breathing space presented it selfe for Vtina gaue me to
vnderstand that there was a king his subiect whose name was Astina, which
he determined to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his disobedience:
that for this cause if I would giue him aide with a certaine number of my
souldiers, he would bring them to the village of Astina, where there was
meanes to recouer mast and maiz. In the meane season he excused himselfe
vnto me because he had sent me no more maiz, and sent me word that the
little store he had left was scarcely sufficient for his seede-corne. Now
being relieued, as I thought, by the hope which I had of this offer, I
would not faile to send him the men which he had desired of me, which
neuerthelesse were very euill intreated: for he deceiued them, and in
stead of leading them against Astina, he caused them to march against his
other enemies. My Lieutenant which had the charge of this enterprise with
Captaine Vasseur, and my Sergeant was determined to be reuenged of Vtina
and to cut him to pieces and his people: and had it not bene that they
feared to do any thing against my wil, without all doubt they would haue
put their enterprise in execution. Therefore they would not passe any
further without aduertising me thereof. Wherefore being come backe againe
vnto the Fort, angry and pricked deeply to the quicke for being so mocked,
they made their complaints vnto me, declaring vnto me that they were
almost dead for hunger. They told the whole matter to the rest of the
souldiers, which were very glad that they had not entred into that action,
and resolued, assembling themselues againe together, to let me vnderstand
that they did persist in their first deliberation, which was, to punish
the boldnesse and maliciousnes of the Sauages, which they could no longer
endure, and were determined to take one of their kings prisoner: which
thing I was enforced to grant vnto them to the ende to auoid a greater
mischiefe, and the sedition which I foresaw would ensue, if I had made
refusall thereof. For, sayd they, what occasion haue you to deny vs,
considering the necessitie wherein we are, and the small account that they
make of vs. Shall it not be lawfull for vs to punish them for the wrongs
which they doe vnto vs, besides that we know apparently how little they
respect vs? Is not this sufficient although there were no necessitie at
all, since they thus delude vs, and haue broken promise with vs? After I
had therefore resolued with them to seaze vpon the person of Vtina, which
besides that he had giuen vs occasion hereof, was also most able to help
vs to recouer victualls, I departed with fiftie of my best souldiers all
embarked in two Barkes and wee arriued in the dominions of Vtina, distant
from our Fort about 40 or 50 leagues: (M504) then going on shore we drew
towards his village situated 6 leagues from the riuer, where we tooke him
prisoner, howbeit not without great cries and alarmes, and led him away in
our barkes, hauing first signified vnto his Father in law and his chiefe
subiects, that in that I had taken him, it was not for any desire that I
had to doe him any harme, but onely to relieue my necessitie and want of
victuals which oppressed me, and that in case they would helpe me to some,
I would find meanes to set him againe at libertie: that in the meane space
I would retire myselfe into my Barkes (for I feared least they would there
assemble themselues together, and that some mischiefe might thereof insue)
where I would stay for him two dayes to receiue his answere:
notwithstanding that my meaning was not to haue any thing without exchange
of marchandise. This they promised they would doe. And in very deede the
very same euening, his wife accompanied with all the women of the village
came vnto the riuers brinke, and cryed vnto me to enter into the barke, to
see her husband and her sonne, which I held both prisoners. I discovered
the next day fiue or sixe hundred Indian archers, which drew neere vnto
the riuer side, and came to me to signifie vnto me how that during the
absence of their king, their enemie Potanou, being thereof aduertised, was
entred into their village and had set all on fire. They prayed me that I
would succour them: neuerthelesse in the mean while they had one part of
their troope in ambush, with intent to set vpon me if I had come on land,
which was easie for me to discerne. For seeing that I refused so to doe,
they greatly doubted that they were discouered, and sought by all meanes
to remooue out of my minde that euill opinion which I had conceiued of
them. They brought mee therefore fish in their little boates and of their
meale of Mast, they made also of their drinke which they call cassine,
which they sent to Vtina and we.
Now albeit I had gotten this point of them that I held their king
prisoner, yet neuerthelesse I could not get any great quantity of victuals
for the present: the reason was, because they thought that after I had
drawen victuals from them, I would put their king to death. For they
measured my wil according to their custome whereby they put to death all
the men prisoners that they take in warre. And thus being out of all hope
of his libertie, they assembled themselues in a great house, and hauing
called all the people together they proposed the election of a new king,
at which time the Father in lawe of Vtina set one of the kings young
sonnes vpon the Royall throne: and tooke such paynes that euery man did
him homage by the maior part of the voyces. This election had like to haue
bene the cause of great troubles among them. For there was a kinsman of
the kings neere adioyning, which pretended a Title to the kingdome, and in
deede he had gotten one part of the subiects: notwithstanding this
enterprise could not take effect, forasmuch as by a common consent of the
chiefe, it was consulted and concluded, that the sonne was more meete to
succeede the Father then any other. Now all this while I kept Vtina with
me, to whom I had giuen some of mine apparell to cloth him, as I had
likewise done vnto the sonne. But his subiects which before had an opinion
that I would haue killed him, being aduertised of the good entertainment
which I vsed towards him, sent two men which walked along the riuer, and
came to visite him, and brought vs some victuals. These two men at their
comming were receiued by me with all courtesie, and entertained according
to the victuals which I had. While these things thus passed, there arriued
from all quarters many Sauages of the countries adioyning, which came to
see Vtina, and sought by all meanes to perswade me to put him to death,
offering that if I would do so, they would take order that I should want
no victuals. (M505) There was also a king my neighbour whose name was
Saturioua, a subtile and crafty man and one that shewed by proofe that he
was greatly practised in affaires. This King sent me ordinarily messengers
vnto me, to pray me to deliuer Vtina vnto him: and to win me the more
easily, he sent twise seuen or eight baskets of Maiz or of Mast thinking
by this means to allure me, and to make me come to composition with him:
in the end notwithstanding when he saw he lost his time, he ceased to
visite me with ambassages and victuals: and in the meane while I was not
able with the same store of victuals which I had, so well to proportion
out the trauaile vpon the ships which we built to returne into France, but
that in the end we were constrained to endure extreme famine, which
continued among vs all the moneth of May: (M506) for in this latter
season, neither Maiz nor Beanes, nor Mast was to be found in the villages,
because they had employed all for to sowe their fields, insomuch that we
were constrayned to eate rootes, which the most part of our men punned in
the morters which I had brought with me to beate gunnepowder in, and the
graine which came to vs from other places: some tooke the wood of Esquine,
beate it, and made meale thereof, which they boyled with water, and eate
it: others went with their harquebusies to seeke to kill some foule. Yea
this miserie was so great, that one was found that gathered vp among the
filth of my house, all the fish bones that he could finde, which he dried
and beate into powder to make bread thereof. The effects of this hideous
famine appeared incontinently among vs, for our bones eftsoones beganne to
cleaue so neere vnto the skinne, that the most part of the souldiers had
their skinnes pierced thorow with them in many partes of their bodies: in
such sort that my greatest feare was, least the Indians would rise vp
against vs, considering that it would haue bene very hard for vs to haue
defended our selues in such extreme decay of all our forces, besides the
scarsitie of all victuals, which fayled vs all at once. For the very riuer
had not such plentie of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that the land
and water did fight against vs. (M507) Now as we were thus vpon termes of
dispayre, about the end of the moneth of May and the beginning of Iune, I
was aduertised by certaine Indians that were my neighbours, that in the
high Countrey vp aboue the riuer, there was new Maiz, and that that
countrey was most forward of all. This caused me to take vpon me to go
thither with a certaine number of my men, and I went vp the riuer to a
place called Enecaque: where I met the sister of Vtina in a village where
she made vs very good cheere and sent vs fish. We found that which was
tolde vs to be true: for the maiz was now ripe: but by this good lucke one
shrewde turne happened vnto me. For the most part of my souldiers fell
sicke with eating more of it then their weakened stomackes could digest.
(M508) We had also beene the space of foure dayes since we departed from
our Fort, without eating any thing, sauing little pinockes, and a little
fish, which we got of the fishers which wee met sometimes along the riuer.
And yet this was so little that certaine souldiers eate priuily little
whelpes which were newly whelped. The next day I purposed to go into the
Ile of Edelano to take the king which had caused one of my men to be
slaine, as I haue mentioned before: but being aduertised of my departing
out of my Fort, and of the way which I tooke vp the riuer, he feared that
I went foorth with a purpose to be reuenged of the euill turne which he
played: so that when I came thither I found the houses emptie, for he was
retyred a little before with all his people: and I could not by any meanes
keepe my souldiers, being angry because they had lost one of their
companions, from setting the village on fire. At my departure from thence
I passed backe againe by Enecaque, where I gathered as much maiz as I
could possibly: which with great diligence I conueied to our Fort to
succour my poore men, which I had left in great necessitie. They therefore
seeing me a farre off comming, ranne to that side of the riuer where they
thought I would come on land: for hunger so pinched them to the heart,
that they could not stay vntill the victuals were brought them to the
Fort. And that they well shewed assoone as I was come, and that I had
distributed that little maiz among them, which I had giuen to ech man,
before I came out of the barke: for they eate it before they had taken it
out of the huske. But seeing my selfe in this extreme nede, I tooke paines
day by day to seeke some villages where there was some food. (M509) And as
I trauailed this way and that way, it happened that two of my Carpenters
were killed by the two sonnes of king Emola, and by one whose name was
Casti, as they went on walking to the village called Athore. The cause of
this murder was, because they could not refraine themselues as they walked
through the fields from gathering a little maiz, which as they were doing,
they were taken in the maner: wherof I was presently aduertised by an
Indian which a little before had brought me a present from Nia Cubacani
Queene of a village, and neighbour to our Fort. Vpon receipt of this
aduertisement, I sent my Sergeant with a number of souldiers which found
nothing else but the 2 dead corpses, which they buried and returned
without doing any other exploit, because the inhabitants were fled away,
fearing they should be punished for such a foule fact. As these things
thus passed, and that by this time we had almost driuen out the moneth of
May, two subjects of king Vtina came vnto me with an Hermaphrodite, which
shewed mee that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of
their quarters. Whereupon Vtina signified vnto me that in case I would
carrie him home to his house, he would take such good order that I should
haue plentie of maiz and beanes: and withall, that the field which he had
caused to be sowen for me, should be reserued to my vse. I consulted with
my men concerning this matter, and found by the aduice of all my company,
that it was best to grant him his request, saying that he had meanes to
succour vs with food sufficient to serue our turnes for our embarkement,
and that therefore I might do well to carry him home. (M510) Wherefore I
caused the two barks forthwith to be made readie, wherein I sailed to
Patica, a place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues, where I found no
bodie, for they were gotten into the woods, and would not shew themselues,
albeit Vtina shewed himselfe vnto them, for as much as they imagined that
I should be constrained to let him go. But seeing no body to shew
themselues, I was constrained to hazard one of my men which had bene
acquainted with the state of the countrie, to whom I deliuered the young
sonne of Vtina, and commanded him to goe with diligence to the village of
Vtina, vnto his father in law and his wife, to aduertise them that if they
would haue their king againe, they should bring me victuals vnto the side
of the little riuer whither I was gone. At my mans comming euery one made
much of the little childe, neither was there a man that thought not
himselfe well appaide to touch him. His father in law and his wife hearing
of these newes came presently towards our barkes, and brought bread which
they gaue vnto my souldiers, they held me there three dayes, and in the
meane while did all that they could to take me: which presently I
discouered, and therefore stood diligently vpon my gard. Wherefore
perceiuing they could not haue their purpose, and that they were already
discouered, they sent to aduertise me that as yet they could not helpe me
to victuals, and that the corne was not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained
to returne and to carry backe Vtina home, where I had much adoe to saue
him from the rage of my souldiers: which perceiuing the maliciousnes of
the Indians, went about to haue murdered him. Moreouer it seemed they were
content that they had gotten the sonne, and that they cared not greatly
for the father. Now my hope fayling me on this side, I deuised to send my
men to the villages where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe; I went
to diuers places, and continued so doing 15 daies after, when as Vtina
besought me again to send him vnto his village, assuring himselfe that his
subiects would not sticke to giue me victuals: and that in case they
refused so to do, he was content that I should do what I thought good with
him. I vndertooke this voyage the second time, the two barkes furnished as
before. At my comming vnto the little riuer, we found his subiects there,
which failed not to come thither with some quantitie of bread, beanes, and
fish, to giue my souldiers. Neuerthelesse returning againe to (M511) their
former practise they sought all meanes to entrap me, hoping to cry
quittance for the imprisonment of their king if they might haue gotten the
victorie of me. But after that they sawe the small meanes, which they had
to annoy me, they returned to intreaties, and offered that if I would giue
them their king with certaine of my souldiers, they would conduct them
vnto the village, and that the subiects seeing him, would be more willing
to giue vs victuals. Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant vnto
them (mistrusting their subtilitie, which was not so couert,) vntill they
had first giuen me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they
should bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, and gaue mee two men
which I put in chaines for feare they should escape away, as I knew well
they were instructed to doe. Foure dayes were spent in these conferences,
at the end whereof they declared vnto me, that they could not fully and
wholly performe their promise: and that the vttermost that they could doe
for the present, was to cause ech subiect to bring his burthen of mill. To
conclude, they were content to doe so on condition that I would send them
their two pledges within ten dayes. (M512) As my Lieutenant was ready to
depart, I warned him aboue all things to take heede he fell not into the
Indians hands: because I knew them to be very subtill and craftie to
enterprize and execute any thing to our disaduantage. He departed
therefore with his troope, and came to the small riuer whereinto we were
accustomed to enter to approch as neere as we could vnto the village of
Vtina, being sixe French leagues distant from thence. There he went on
shore, put his men in good array, and drew streight towards the great
house that was the kings, where the chiefe men of the countrey were
assembled, which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one
and then another, in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or
foure dayes: in which meane while they gathered men together, to set vpon
vs in our retreit. They vsed therefore many meanes to holde vs still in
breath. (M513) For one while they demanded their pledges, another while
(seeing my Lieutenant would not yeeld to them, vntill such time as they
had brought the victuals vnto the boats; according to the agreement passed
betwene vs) they signified vnto him that the women and young children were
afraide out of all measure to see fire in their matches so neere their
harquebuses: and that therefore they most earnestly besought them to put
them out, that they might more easily get people ynough to carry the
victuals, and that they for their partes would leaue their bowes and
arrowes, and would be contented that their seruants should carrie them.
This second request was as flatly denied them as the former: For it was an
easie matter to smel out their intention. But while these things were thus
in handling, Vtina by no meanes was to be seene, but hid and kept himselfe
secret in a little house apart, where certaine chosen men of mine went to
see him shewing themselues agreeued with him for the long delayes of his
subiectes: whereunto he answered, that his subiectes were so much incensed
against vs, that by no meanes possible he was able to keepe them in such
obedience as he willingly would haue done, and that he could not hold them
from waging of warre against Monsieur de Ottigny. (M514) That he also
called to minde, that euen while he was prisoner, at what time our men
ledde him into his Countrey to obtaine some victuals, he saw along the
high wayes arrowes stucke vp, at the endes whereof long haires were
fastened, which was a certaine signe of open warre proclaimed, which
arrowes the Captaine also carried with him to the fort. He said further
that in respect of the good will he bare to the Captaine, he forewarned
his Lieutenant that his subiectes were determined to cut downe the trees,
and cause them to fall a thwart the little riuer where the boates were, to
keepe them from departing thence, that they might fight with them at their
ease, and that if it thus fell out, he assured him for his part he would
not be there to meddle in the matter. And that which much more augmented
the suspition of warre was, that as my messengers departed from Vtina,
they heard the voyce of one of my men which during the voyage had alwayes
beene among the Indians, and whom as yet they would neuer render, vntill
they had gotten their pledges home. This poore fellow cryed out amaine
because two Indians would haue carried him into the woods to haue cut his
throat: whereupon he was succoured and deliuered. These admonitions being
well vnderstoode, after ripe deliberation thereof Monsieur de Ottigny
resolued to retire himselfe the seuen and twentieth of Iuly. Wherefore he
set his souldiers in order, and deliuered to ech of them a sacke full of
mill: and afterward hee marched toward his barkes, thinking to preuent the
enterprise of the sauages. There is at the comming forth of the village a
great alley about three or foure hundred paces long, which is couered on
both sides with great trees. My Lieutentent disposed his men in this alley
and set them in such order as they desired to march: for he was well
assured that if there were any ambush, it would be at the comming out of
the trees. Therefore he caused Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne to march
some what before with 8 harquebusiers to discouer whether there were any
danger; besides he commanded one of my Sergeants and Corporals to march on
the out side of the alley with foure harquebusiers while he himselfe
conducted the rest of his company through it. (M515) Now as he suspected,
so it fell out: for Monsieur de Arlac met with two or three hundred
Indians at the end of the alley, which saluted him with an infinite number
of their arrowes, and with such furie that it was easie to see with what
desire they sought to charge vs. Howbeit they were so well sustained in
the first assault which mine Ensigne gaue them, that they which fell downe
dead, did somewhat abate the choler of those which remained aliue. This
done my Lieutenant hasted to gaine ground in such sort as I haue already
said. (M516) After he had marched about foure hundred paces, he was
charged afresh with a newe troope of Sauages which were in number about
300, which assayled him before, while the rest of the former set vpon him
behind. This second assault was so valiantly sustained, that I may iustly
say that Monsieur de Ottigny so well discharged his dutie as was possible
for a good Captaine to doe. And so it stood them vpon: for he had to deal
with such kind of men, as knewe well how to fight and to obey their head
which conducted them, and which knewe so well to behaue themselues in this
conflict, as if Ottigny had not preuented their practise, he had beene in
danger to haue beene defeated. (M517) Their maner in this fight was, that
when two hundred had shot, they retyred themselues and gaue place to the
rest that were behind, and all the while had their eye and foote so quicke
and readie, that assoone as euer they saw the harquebuze laide to the
cheeke, so soone were they on the ground, and eftsoone vp to answere with
their bowes and to flie their way, if by chance they perceiued we went
about to take them: for there is nothing that they feare so much, because
of our swords and daggers. This conflict continued and lasted from nine of
the clocke in the morning, vntill the night departed them. And if Ottigny
had not bethought himselfe to cause his men to breake the arrowes which
they found in their way, and so to depriue the Sauages of the meanes to
beginne againe, without all doubt he should haue had very much to do: for
by this mean they lacked arrowes, and so were constrayned to retire
themselues. During the time of the conflict they cryed and made signes
that they were the Captaines and Lieutenants friends: and that they fought
for none other cause but to be reuenged on the Souldiers, which were their
mortall enemies. My Lieutenant being come vnto his boates tooke a reuiew
of his companie, and found two men wanting which were killed, of whom the
one was called Iames Sale, and the others name was Mesurer. He found
moreouer 22 of them wounded, which with much adoe he caused to be brought
vnto the boates. All the mill that he found among his company came but to
two mens burdens, which he deuided equally among them. For assoone as the
conflict began, euery man was constrained to leaue his sacke to put his
hand to his weapon. In this meane while I remained at the Forte, and
caused euery man diligently to trauell, hoping that my Lieutenant would
bring vs victuals. But seeing the time consume away, I began to suspect
the truth of that which fell out, whereof I was assured immediately after
at their returne. Seeing therefore mine hope frustrate on that side, I
made my prayer vnto God, and thanked him of his grace which hee had shewed
vnto my poore souldiers which were escaped: Afterward I thought vpon newe
meanes to obtaine victuals, aswell for our returne into France, as to
driue out the time vntill our embarking. I was aduertised by certaine of
our company, which vsually went on hunting into the woods and through the
villages, that in the village Sarauahi situated on the other side of the
riuer, and two leagues distant from the Forte, and in the village Emoloa
there were fields wherein the mill was very forward, and that there was
thereof in those partes in great abundance. Wherefore I caused my boates
to be made ready, and sent my Sergeant thither with certaine Souldiers
which vsed such diligence, that wee had great store of mill. I sent also
to the Riuer which the Sauages call Iracana, named by Captaine Ribault the
Riuer of Somme, where Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant arriued with two
boates and their ordinary furniture, and found there a great assembly of
the Lords of the Countrey, among whome was Athore the sonne of Satourioua,
Apalou, and Tacadocorou, which were there assembled to make merrie:
because in this place are the fairest maids and women of the countrey.
(M518) Captaine Vasseur in my name gaue certaine small trifles to all the
Lords, to the Queene, to the maids and women of the villages. Wherevpon
the boates were foorthwith laden with mill, after they had made our men as
good cheere as they could deuise. The Queene sent me two small Mats so
artificially wrought as it was vnpossible to make better. Nowe finding
ourselues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals, we beganne
each of vs in his place, to trauaile and vse such diligence, as the desire
to see our natiue countrey might mooue vs. But because two of our
Carpenters were slaine by the Indians (as heretofore I mentioned) Iohn de
Hais, master Carpenter, a man very worthy of his vocation, repaired vnto
me and tolde me that by reasom of want of men hee was not able to make me
vp the ship against the time that he had promised me: which speech caused
a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he escaped killing: howbeit
I appeased them as well as I could, and determined to worke no more from
thencefoorth vpon the shippe, but to content our selues to repaire the
Brigandine which I had. (M519) So we began to beate downe all the houses
that were without the Fort, and caused coles to be made of the timber
thereof: likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which was toward
the waters side, neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it. I
had also determined to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to set
it on fire, for feare least some new-come guest should haue enioyed and
possessed it. In the meane while there was none of vs to whom it was not
an extreme griefe to leaue a countrey, wherein wee had endured so great
trauailes and necessities, to discouer that which we must forsake through
our owne countreymens deficit. (M520) For if wee had bene succoured in
time and place, and according to the promise that was made vnto vs, the
warre which was betweene vs and Vtina, had not fallen out, neither should
wee haue had occasion to offend the Indians, which with all paines in the
world I entertained in good amitie, aswell with merchandise and apparel,
as with promise of greater matters, and with whom I so behaued myself,
that (M521) although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some
few villages, yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my
neighbours, which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they
were able to afford. (M522) Yea this was the principall scope of all my
purposes, to winne and entertaine them, knowing how greatly their amitie
might aduance our enterprise, and principally while I discouered the
commodities of the countrey, and sought to strengthen my selfe therein.
(M523) I leaue it to your cogitation to thinke how neere it went to our
hearts, to leaue a place abounding in riches (as we were throughly
enformed thereof) in comming whereunto, and doing seruice vnto our Prince,
we left our owne countrey, wiues, children, parents, and friends, and
passed the perils of the sea and were therein arriued, as in a plentifull
treasure of all our hearts desire. (M524) As ech of vs were much tormented
in minde with these or such like cogitations, the third of August I
descried foure sayles in the sea, as I walked vpon a little hill, whereof
I was exceeding well apaid: I sent immediately one of them which were with
me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof, which were so glad of those
newes, that one would haue thought them to bee out of their wittes to see
them laugh and leape for ioy. After these ships had cast anker, we
descried that they sent one of their ship boates to land: whereupon I
caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to send to meete them, and
to know who they were. In the meane while, fearing lest they were
Spaniards, I set my souldiers in order and in readinesse, attending the
returne of Captaine Vasseur and my Lieutenant, which were gone to meete
them, which brought me word that they were Englishmen: (M525) and in
trueth they had in their company one whose name was Martine Atinas of
Diepe, which at that time was in their seruice, which on the behalfe of
Master Iohn Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I would suffer
them to take fresh water, whereof they stood in great neede, signifying
vnto me that they had bene aboue fifteene dayes on the coast to get some.
Hee brought vnto mee from the Generall two flagons of wine, and bread made
of wheate: which greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as for seuen moneths
space I neuer tasted a drop of wine: neuerthelesse it was all diuided
among the greatest part of my souldiers. This Martine Atinas had guided
the Englishmen vnto our coast, wherewith he was acquainted: for in the
yeere 1562 he came thither with me, and therefore the Generall sent him to
me. Therefore after I had granted his request, hee signified the same vnto
the Generall, which the next day following caused one of his small shippes
to enter into the riuer, and came to see me in a great shipboate,
accompanied with gentlemen honourably apparelled, yet vnarmed. (M526) He
sent for great store of bread and wine, to distribute thereof to euery
one: On my part I made him the best cheere I could possibly, and caused
certaine sheepe and poultry to be killed, which vntill this present I had
carefully preserued hoping store the countrey withall. For notwithstanding
all the necessities and sicknesse that happened vnto me, I would not
suffer so much as one chicken to be killed: by which meanes in a short
time I had gathered together aboue an hundred pullets. (M527) Nowe three
dayes passed, while the English General remained with me, during which
time the Indians came in from all parts to see him, and asked me whether
he were my brother: I tolde him he was so, and signified vnto them, that
he was come to see me and ayde me with so great store of victuals, that
from thence forward I should haue no neede to take any thing of them. The
bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer all the countrey, in such sort
as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts, which on the behalfe of the
kings their masters desired to make alliance with me: and euen they, which
before sought to make warre against me, came to offer their friendship and
seruice vnto me: Whereupon I receiued them and gratified them with
certaine presents. The General immediately vnderstood the desire and
vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France: whereupon he offred to
transport me and all my company home: whereunto notwithstanding I would
not agree, being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large an offer.
(M528) For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the
English: and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in
France, before hee would touch in England, yet I stood in doubt least he
would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse. Wherfore I
flatly refused his offer: whereupon there arose a great mutinie among my
souldiers, which sayd that I sought to destroy them all, and that the
Brigandine, wherof I spake before, was not sufficient to transport them,
considering the season of the yeere wherein wee were. The bruite and
mutiny increased more and more: for after that the Generall was returned
to his ships, he told certaine gentlemen and souldiers which went to see
him, partly to make good cheere with him, hee declared, I say vnto them,
that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be able to passe safely in
those vessels which we had: and that in case we should enterprise the
same, we should no doubt be in great ieopardy: notwithstanding, if I were
so contented, he would transport part of my men in his ships, and that he
would leaue me a small ship to transport the rest. The souldiers were no
sooner come home, but they signified the offer vnto their companions,
which incontinently consented together that in case I would not accept the
same, they would embarke themselues with him and forsake mee, so that he
would receiue them according to his promise. They therefore assembled
themselues all together and came to seeke me in my chamber, and signified
vnto me their intention, wherunto I promised to answere within one houre
after. In which meane space I gathered together the principall members of
my company, which after I had broken the matter with them, answered me all
with one voyce, that I ought not to refuse this offer, nor contemne the
occasion which presented it selfe, and that they could not thinke euill of
it in France, if being forsaken, as we were, we aided our selues with such
means as God had sent vs. (M529) After sundry debatings of this matter, in
conclusion I gaue mine aduise, that wee ought to deliuer him the price of
the ship which he was to leaue vs, and that for my part I was content to
giue him the best of my stuffe, and the siluer which I had gathered in the
countrey. (M530) Wherupon notwithstanding it was determined that I should
keepe the siluer, for feare lest the Queene of England seeing the same,
should the rather bee encouraged to set footing there, as before she had
desired: that it was far better to carie it into France to giue
encouragement vnto our Princes not to leaue off an enterprise of so great
importance for our commonwealth, and that seeing wee were resolued to
depart, it was farre better to giue him our Artillerie, which otherwise we
should be constrained to leaue behinde vs, or to hide it in the ground by
reason of the weakenesse of our men, being not able to embarke the same.
This point being thus concluded and resolued on, I went myselfe vnto the
English Generall, accompanied with my Lieutenant, and Captaine Vasseur,
Captaine Verdier, and Trenchant the Pilot, and my Sergeant, all men of
experience in such affaires, and knowing sufficiently how to driue such a
bargaine. We therefore tooke a view of the ship which the Generall would
sell, whom we drew to such reason, that he was content to stand to mine
owne mens iudgement, who esteemed it to be worth seuen hundreth crownes,
whereof we agreed very friendly. Wherefore I deliuered him in earnest of
the summe, two bastards, two mynions, one thousand of iron, and one
thousand of powder. (M531) This bargain thus made, he considered the
necessity wherin we were, hauing for all our sustenance but mill and
water: wherupon being mooued with pitie, he offered to relieue me with 20
barels of meale, sixe pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred
of waxe to make candels. Moreouer forasmuch as he sawe my souldiers goe
bare foote, he offered me besides fifty paires of shoes, which I accepted
and agreed of a price with him, and gaue him a bill of mine hand for the
same, for which vntill this present I am indebted to him. He did more then
this: for particularly he bestowed vpon my selfe a great iarre of oyle, a
iarre of viniger, a barrell of Oliues, and a great quantitie of Rice, and
a barrell of white Biscuit. Besides he gaue diuers presents to the
principall Officers of my company according to their qualities: so that I
may say that we receiued as many courtesies of the Generall as it were
possible to receiue of any man liuing. Wherein doubtlesse he hath wonne
the reputation of a good and charitable man, deseruing to be esteemed
asmuch of vs all as if he had saued all our liues. (M532) Incontinent
after his departure I spared no paine to hasten my men to make biscuits of
the meale which he had left me, and to hoope my caske to take in water
needfull for the voyage. A man may well thinke what diligence we vsed, in
respect of the great desire we had to depart, wherein we continued so well
that the fifteenth day of August the biscuit, the greatest part of our
water, and all the souldiers stuffe was brought aboord: so that from that
day forward wee did nothing but stay for good windes to driue vs to
France: which had freed vs from an infinite number of mischiefes which
afterward we suffred, if they had come as we desired: but it was not Gods
good pleasure, as shall appeare hereafter. Being thus in readinesse to set
sayle, we bethought ourselues that it would doe well to bring certaine men
and women of the countrey into France, to the ende that if this voyage
should be taken in hand againe they might declare vnto their Kings the
greatnesse of our King, the excellencie of our Princes, the goodnesse of
our Countrey, and the maner of liuing of the Frenchmen: and that they
might also learne our language, to serue our turnes thereby in time to
come. Wherein I tooke so good order, that I found meanes to bring away
with me the goodliest persons of all the countrey, if our intentions had
succeeded as I hoped they would haue done. In the mean season the Kings my
neighbours came often to see and visite me: which, that after they
vnderstoode that I would returne into France, demaunded of mee whether I
meant to returne againe or no, and whether it should be in short time. I
signified vnto them that within tenne Moones (so they call their Moneths)
I would visite them againe with such force, that I would be able to make
them Conquerors ouer all their enemies. They prayed me that I would leaue
them my house, that I would forbid my souldiers to beate downe the Fort
and their lodgings, and that I would leaue them a boate to ayde them
withall in their warre against their enemies. Which I made as though I
would grant vnto them, to the ende I might alwaies remaine their friend
vntil my last departure.
The third voyage of the Frenshmen made by Captaine Iohn Ribault vnto
Florida.
(M533) As I was thus occupied in these conferences, the winde and the tide
serued well to set sayle, which was the eight and twentieth of August, at
which instant Captaine Vasseur which commanded in one of my shippes, and
Captaine Verdier which was chiefe in the other, now ready to goe foorth,
began to descry certaine sayles at sea, whereof they aduertised mee with
diligence: whereupon I appointed to arme foorth a boate in good order to
goe and discrie and know what they were. I sent also to the Centinels,
which I caused to be kept on a little knappe, to cause certaine men to
climbe vp to the toppe of the highest trees the better to discouer them.
(M534) They descried the great boate of the shippes, which as yet they
could not perfectly discerne, which as farre as they could iudge, seemed
to chase my boate, which by this time was passed the barre of the riuer:
so that we could not possibly iudge whether they were enemies which would
haue caried her away with them: for it was too great a ken to iudge the
trueth thereof. Vpon this doubt I put my men in order and in such array as
though they had beene enemies: and in deede I had great occasion to
mistrust the same: for my boate came vnto their ship about two of the
clocke in the afternoone, and sent me no newes all that day long to put me
out of doubt who they should be. The next day in the morning about eight
or nine of the clocke I saw seuen boates (among which mine owne was one)
full of souldiers enter into the riuer, hauing euery man his harquebuze
and morion on his head, which marched all in battaile along the cliffes
where my centinels were, to whom they would make no kind of answere,
notwithstanding all the demandes that were made vnto them, insomuch as one
of my souldiers was constrained to bestowe a shot at them without doing
hurt neuerthelesse to any of them, by reason of the distance betweene him
and the boates. The report hereof being made vnto me, I placed each of my
men in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend ourselues, if they
had beene enemies, as in trueth we thought them to haue bene: likewise I
caused two small field pieces which I had left me, to be trimmed in such
sort, as if in approching to the Fort they had not cryed that it was
Captaine Ribault, I had not failed to haue discharged the same vpon them.
(M535) Afterward I vnderstoode that the cause why they entred in this
maner, proceeded of the false reports which had bene made vnto mine Lord
Admirall by those which were returned into France in the first shippes.
For they had put in his head, that I played the Lord and the King, and
that I would hardly suffer that any other saue my selfe should enter in
thither to gouerne there. (M536) Thus we see how the good name of the most
honest is oftentimes assayled by such, as hauing no meanes to win
themselues credit by vertuous and laudable endeauours, thinke by debasing
of other mens vertues to augment the feeble force of their faint courage,
which neuerthelesse is one of the most notable dangers which may happen in
a commonwealth, and chiefly among men of warre which are placed in
gouernment. For it is very hard yea vtterly vnpossible, that in gouerning
of a company of men gathered out of diuers places and sundry Nations, and
namely such as we know them to be in our warres, it is, I say, vnpossible
but there will be alwayes some of euil conditions and hard to be ruled,
which easily conceiue an hatred against him, which by admonitions and
light corrections endeauoureth to reduce them to the discipline of warre.
For they seeke nothing else, but for a small occasion grounded vpon a
light pretext to sound into the eares of great lords that which
mischieuously they haue contriued against those, whose execution of
iustice is odious vnto them. And albeit I will not place my selfe in the
ranke of great and renowmed Captaines, such as liued in times passed, yet
we may iudge by their examples, how hurtfull backbiters haue beene vnto
commonwealths. (M537) I will onely take Alcibiades for witnesse in the
commonwealth of the Athenians, which by this meane was cast into
banishment, whereupon his citizens felt the smart of an infinite number of
mischiefes: insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home
againe, and acknowledge at length the fault they had committed in
forgetting his good seruices, and rather beleeuing a false report, then
hauing had regard vnto so many of his notable exploits which in former
time hee had atchieued. But that I loose not my selfe in digressing so
farre in this my iustification, I will returne againe to my first course.
(M538) Being therfore aduertised that it was Captaine Ribault, I went
foorth of the Fort to goe to meete him, and to do him all the honour I
could by any means, I caused him to be welcommed with the artillery, and a
gentle volley of my shot whereunto he answered with his. Afterward being
come on shore and receiued honourably with ioy, I brought him to my
lodging, reioycing not a little because that in his company I knew a good
number of my friends, which I intreated in the best sorte that I was able,
with such victuall as I could get in the countrey, and that small store
which I had left me, with that which I had of the English Generall.
Howbeit I marueiled not a little when as all of them with one voyce began
to vtter vnto me these or the like speeches. My Captaine, we praise God
that we haue found you aliue, and chiefly because we know that the reports
which haue beene made of you are false. These speeches mooued me in such
sort, that I would needes out of hand know more, mistrusting some euill.
Wherefore hauing accosted Captaine Iohn Ribault, and going both of vs
aside together out of the Fort, he signified vnto me the charge which he
had, praying mee not to returne into France, but to stay with him my selfe
and my company, and assured me that he would make it well thought of at
home. Whereupon I replyed that out of this place I would do him all
seruice: that for the present I could not nor ought not to accept this
offer, since he was come for no other intent then to occupie the place
which I before possessed, that I could haue no credite to be there
commanded: that my friends would neuer like of it, and that he would
hardly giue me that counsaile, if in good earnest I should demand his
aduise therein. He made me answere that he would not command me, that we
should be companions, and that he would build another fortresse and that
he would leaue mine owne vnto me. This notwithstanding I fully aduertised
him that I could not receiue a greater comfort then the newes which he
brought me to returne into France: and farther that though I should stay
there, yet it must needes be that one of vs both was to command with title
of the Kings Lieutenant, that this could not well agree together: that I
had rather haue it cast in my teeth to be the poorest begger in the world,
then to be commanded in that place, where I had endured so much to
inhabite and plant there, if it were not by some great Lord or Knight of
the order: and that in these respects I prayed him very hartily to deliuer
me the letters which my Lord Admirall had written vnto me, which he
performed.
The contents of those letters were these.
(M539) Captaine Laudonniere, because some of them which are returned from
Florida speake indifferently of the Countrey, the King desireth your
presence, to the end, that according to your tryall, he may resolue to
bestow great cost thereon, or wholly to leaue it: and therefore I send
Captaine Iohn Ribault to bee gouernour there, to whom you shall deliuer
whatsoeuer you haue in charge, and informe him of all things you haue
discouered. And in a postscript of the letter was thus written. Thinke
not, that whereas I send for you, it is for any euill opinion or mistrust
that I haue of you, but that it is for your good and for your credit, and
assure your selfe that during my life you shall find me your good Master.
CHASTILLON.
(M540) Now after I had long discoursed with Captaine Ribault, Captaine la
Grange accosted mee, and told me of an infinite number of false reports
which had bene made of mee to my great hinderance: and among other things
he informed me, that my Lord Admirall tooke it very euill that I had
caried a woman with mee: likewise that some bodie had tolde him that I
went about to counterfeit the King, and to play the tyrant: that I was too
cruell vnto the men that went with mee: that I sought to be aduanced by
other meanes then by my Lord Admirall: and that I had written to many
Lords of the Court, which I ought not to haue done. (M541) Whereunto I
answered, that the woman was a poore chambermayd, which I had taken vp in
an Inne, to ouersee my houshold businesse, to looke to an infinite sort of
diuers beasts, as sheepe and poultrie which I caried ouer with me to store
the countrey withall: that it was not meete to put a man to attend this
businesse: likewise, considering the length of the time that I was to
abide there, mee thought it should not offend any body to take a woman
with me, aswell to help my souldiers in their sickenesses, as in mine
owne, whereinto I fell afterward. And how necessary her seruice was for
vs, ech one at that time might easily perceiue: That all my men thought so
well of her, that at one instant there were sixe or seuen which did demand
her of mee in mariage; as in very deede one of them had her after our
returne. Touching that which was sayd that I playd the King, these reports
were made, because I would not beare with any thing which was against the
duety of my charge, and the Kings seruice. Moreouer, that in such
enterprises it is necessary for a Gouernour to make himselfe knowen and
obeyed, for feare least euery body would become a master, perceiuing
themselues far from greater forces. And that if the tale-tellers called
this rigour, it rather proceeded of their disobedience, then of my nature
lesse subiect to cruelty then they were to rebellion. For the two last
points, that I had not written to any of the Lords of the Court but by the
aduice and commandement of my Lord Admirall, which willed me at my
departure to send part of such things as I should find in the countrey
vnto the Lords of the Counsel: to the end that being mooued by this meane,
they might deale with the Queene mother for the continuance of this
enterprise: that hauing bene so small time in the countrey, continually
hindred with building of fortresses, and vnlading of my ships, I was not
able to come by any newe or rare things to send them, wherupon I thought
it best to content them in the meane while with letters, vntill such time
as I might haue longer space to search out the Countrey, and might recouer
something to sende them: the distribution of which letters I meant not
otherwise but to referre to my Lord Admirals good pleasure: that if the
bearer had forgot himselfe so farre, as that he had broken the couering of
the letters, and presented them himselfe for hope of gaine, it was not my
commandement. And that I neuer honoured noble man so much, nor did to any
man more willing and faithfull seruice then to my Lord Admirall, nor euer
sought aduancement but by his meanes. You see how things passed for this
day. The next day the Indians came in from all parts, to know what people
these were: to whom I signified that this was he which in the yeere 1562.
arriued in this countrey, and erected the pillar which stood at the entrie
of the riuer. Some of them knew him: for in trueth he was easie to be
knowen by reason of the great bearde which he ware. He receiued many
presents of them which were of the villages neere adioyning, among whom
there were some that he had not yet forgotten. (M542) The kings Homoloa,
Serauahi, Alimacani, Malica, and Casti came to visit him and welcome him
with diuers gifts according to their manner. I aduertised them that hee
was sent thither by the king of France, to remaine there in my roome, and
that I was sent for. (M543) Then they demanded and prayed him, if it might
stand with his good pleasure, to cause the merchandise that hee had
brought with him to be deliuered them, and that in fewe daies they would
bring him to the mountaines of Apalatcy, whither they promised to conduct
me, and that in case they performed not their promise, that they were
content to be cut in pieces. In those mountaines, as they sayd, is found
redde copper, which they call in their language Sieroa Pira, which is as
much to say as red mettall, whereof I had a piece, which at the very
instant I shewed to Captaine Ribault, which caused his gold-finer to make
an assay thereof, which reported vnto him that it was perfect golde. About
the time of these conferences, commings and goings of the kings of the
countrey, being weakened with my former trauaile, and fallen into a
melancholy vpon the false reports that had bene made of mee, I fell into a
great continuall feuer, which held me eight or nine dayes: during which
time Captaine Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on shore, and
bestowed the most part thereof in the house which my lieutenant had built
about two hundred pases without the forte: (M544) which hee did to the
ende they might bee the better defended from the weather, and likewise to
the intent that the meale might bee neerer to the bake-house, which I had
built of purpose in that place, the better to auoide the danger of the
fire, as I sayd before. But loe howe oftentimes misfortune doth search and
pursue vs, euen then when we thinke to be at rest! loe see what happened
after that captaine Ribault had brought vp three of his small ships into
the riuer, which was the fourth of September! Sixe great Spanish ship
arriued in the rode, where foure of our greatest ships remained, which
cast anker, assuring our men of good amity. (M545) They asked how the
chiefe captaines of the enterprise did, and called them by all their names
and surnames. I report me to you if it could be otherwise but these men
before they went out of Spaine must needs be informed of the enterprise
and of those that were to execute the same. About the breake of day they
began to make toward our men: but our men which trusted them neuer a
deale, had hoysed their sayles by night, being ready to cut the strings
that tyed them. Wherefore perceiuing that this making toward our men of
the Spaniards was not to doe them any pleasure and knowing wel that their
furniture was too smal to make head against them, because that the most
part of their men were on shore, they cut their cables, left their ankers,
and set saile. The Spaniards seeing themselues discouered, lent them
certaine volleis of their great ordinance, made saile after them, and
chased them all day long: but our men got way of them still toward the
sea. And the Spaniards seeing they could not reach them, by reason that
the French ships were better of saile then theirs, and also because they
would not leaue the coast, turned backe and went on shore in the riuer
Seloy,(122) which we cal the riuer of Dolphines 8 or 10 leagues distant
from the place where we were. Our men therefore finding themselues better
of saile then they, followed them to discry what they did, which after
they had done, they returned vnto the riuer of May, where Captaine Ribault
hauing descried them, embarked himselfe in a great boat to know what newes
they had. Being at the entry of the riuer he met with the boat of captaine
Cousets ship, wherin there was a good number of men which made relation
vnto him of all the Spaniards doings: and how the great ship named the
Trinitie had kept the sea, and that she was not returned with them. They
told him moreouer that they had seen three Spanish ships enter into the
riuer of Dolphins, and the other three remained in the rode; farther that
they had put their souldiers, their victuals and munition on land. After
he vnderstood these newes hee returned to the fortresse, and came to my
chamber where I was sick, and there in the presence of the Captaines, La
Grange, S. Marie, Ottigny, Visty, Yonuille, and other gentlemen, he
propounded, that it was necessary for the kings seruice, to embarke
himselfe with all his forces, and with the three ships that were in the
rode to seeke the Spanish fleete, whereupon he asked our aduise. (M546) I
first replyed, and shewed vnto him the consequence of such an enterprise,
aduertising him among other things of the perilous flawes of windes that
rise on this coast, and that if it chanced that hee were driuen from the
shore, it would be very hard for him to recouer it againe, that in the
meane while they which should stay in the Forte should be in feare and
danger. The Captaines, Saint Marie, and La Grange declared vnto him
farther, that they thought it not good to put any such enterprise in
execution, that it was farre better to keepe the land, and do their best
indeuour to fortifie themselues: And that after that the Trinitie (which
was the principall ship) were returned, there would be much more
likelyhood to enterprise this voyage. (M547) This notwithstanding he
resolued to vndertake it, and that which more is, after he vnderstoode by
king Emola, one of our neighbours which arriued vpon the handling of these
matters, that the Spaniards in great numbers were gone on shore, which had
taken possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most part whereof they had
placed their Negroes, which they had brought to labour, and also lodged
themselues and had cast diuers trenches about them. Thus for the
considerations which he had, and doubting (as he might well doe) that the
Spanyards would encampe themselues there to molest vs, and in the ende to
chase vs out of the Countrey, he resolued and continued in his embarkment,
caused a Proclamation to be made, that all souldiers that were vnder his
charge should presently with their weapons embarke them, and that his two
ensignes should march: which was put in execution. He came into my
chamber, and prayed me to lend him my Lieuteuant, mine ensigne, and my
sergeant, and to let all my good souldiers, which I had, goe with him,
which I denied him, because my selfe being sicke, there was no man to stay
in the fort. Thereupon he answered me that I needed not to doubt at all,
and that he would returne the morrow after, that in the meane space
Monsieur de Lys should stay behind to looke to all things. Then I shewed
vnto him that he was chiefe in this Countrey, and that I for my part had
no further authoritie: that therefore hee would take good aduisement what
hee did, for feare least some inconuenience might ensue. Then he tolde me
that he could doe no lesse, then to continue this enterprise, and that in
the letter which he had receiued from my Lord Admirall, there was a
postcript, which hee shewed mee written in these wordes: (M548) Captain
Iohn Ribault, as I was enclosing vp this letter, I receiued a certaine
aduice, that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spaine to goe to the coast
of Newe France: see you that you suffer him not to encroch vpon you, no
more then he would that you should encroch vpon him. You see (quoth he)
the charge that I haue, and I leaue it vnto your selfe to iudge, if you
could do any lesse in this case, considering the certaine aduertisement
that we haue, that they are already on lande, and will inuade vs. This
stopped my mouth. Thus therefore confirmed or rather obstinate in this
enterprise, and hauing regard rather vnto his particular opinion then vnto
the aduertisements which I had giuen him, and the inconueniences of the
time whereof I had forewarned him, he embarked himselfe the eight of
September, and tooke mine ensigne and eight and thirtie of my men away
with him. I report mee to those that know what warres meane, if when an
ensigne marcheth, any souldier that hath any courage in him will stay
behind, to forsake his ensigne: Thus no man of commandement stayed behind
with mee, for ech one followed him as chiefe, in whose name straight after
his arriuall, all cries and proclamations were made. Captaine Grange,
which liked not very well of this enterprise, was vnto the tenth of the
month with mee and would not haue gone aborde, if it had not beene for the
instant requestes that Captaine Ribault made vnto him, which staid two
dayes in the rode attending vntill La Grange was come vnto him; who being
come abord, they set sayle altogether, and from that time forward I neuer
saw them more. (M549) The very day that he departed, which was the tenth
of September, there arose so great a tempest accompanied with such
stormes, that the Indians themselues assured me that it was the worst
weather that euer was seene on the coast: wherevpon two or three dayes
after, fearing least our shippes might be in some distresse, I sent for
Monsieur du Lys vnto mee, to take order to assemble the rest of our people
to declare vnto them what neede wee had to fortifie our selues: which was
done accordingly: and then I gaue them to vnderstand the necessity and
inconueniences whereinto we were like to fall, aswel by the absence of our
ships, as by the neernesse of the Spanyards, at whose hand we could looke
for no lesse then an open and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing that they
had taken land and fortified themselues so neere vnto us. And if any
misfortune were fallen vnto our men which were at Sea, we ought to make a
full account with ourselves that wee were to endure many great miseries,
being in so small number, and so many wayes afflicted as we were. (M550)
Thus euery one promised mee to take paines: and therefore considering that
their proportion of victuals was small and that so continuing, they would
not be able to doe any great worke, I augmented their allowance: although
that after the arriuall of Captaine Ribault my portion of victuals was
allotted vnto mee as vnto a common souldier, neither was I able to giue so
much as part of a bottell of wine to any man which deserued it: for I was
so farre from hauing meanes to doe so, that the Captaine himselfe tooke
two of my boates, wherein the rest of the meale was, which was left me of
the biscuits which I caused to bee made to returne into France: so that if
I should say that I receiued more fauour at the handes of the Englishmen,
beeing Strangers vnto mee, I should say but a trueth. (M551) Wee beganne
therefore to fortifie our selues and to repaire that which was broken
downe, principally toward the water side, where I caused three score foote
of trees to be planted, to repaire the Palissado with the plankes which I
caused to bee taken of the ship that I had builded. Neuerthelesse
notwithstanding all our diligence and truaille, wee were neuer able fully
to repaire it by reason of the stormes which commonly did vs so great
annoy, that wee could not finish our inclosure. (M552) Perceiuing myselfe
in such extremitie I tooke a muster of the men, which captaine Ribault had
left me, to see if there were any that wanted weapon: I found nine or
tenne whereof not past two or three had euer drawen sword out of the
scabbard, as I thinke. Let them which haue bene bold to say, that I had
men ynough left me, so that I had meanes to defend my selfe, giue eare a
little vnto mee, and if they haue eyes in their heads, let them see what
men I had. Of the nine there were foure but yong striplings, which serued
Captaine Ribault and kept his dogs, the fift was a cooke: among those that
were without the fort, and which were of the foresaid company of Captaine
Ribault, there was a Carpenter of threescore yeeres olde, one a Beere
brewer, one olde Crosse-bowe maker, two Shoomakers, and foure or fiue men
that had their wiues, a player on the virginals, two seruants of Monsieur
du Lys, one of Monsieur de Beauhaire, one of Monsieur de la Grange, and
about fourescore and fiue or sixe in all, counting aswel Lackeys as women
and children. Behold the goodly troupe so sufficient to defend themselues,
and so couragious as they haue esteemed them to be: and for my part I
leaue it to others consideration to imagine whether Captaine Ribault
woulde haue left them with me to haue borrowed my men, if they had bene
such. Those that were left me of mine owne company were about sixeteene or
seuenteene that coulde beare armes, and all of them poore and leane: the
rest were sicke and maymed in the conflict which my Lieutenant had against
Vtina. This view being taken, wee set our watches, whereof wee made two
Centinels, that the Souldiers might haue one night free. Then wee
bethought our selues of those which might bee most sufficient, among whome
wee choose two, one of whom was named Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other
Monsieur de la Vigne, to whom we deliuered candles and Lanterns to goe
round about the fort to viewe the watch because of the foule and foggie
weather. I deliuered them also a sandglasse or clocke, that the Centinels
might not be troubled more one then another. In the meane while I ceased
not, for all the foule weather nor my sickenesse which I had, to ouersee
the Corps de garde. The night betweene the nineteenth and twentieth of
September La Vigne kept watch with his company, wherein he vsed all
endeauour, although it rayned without ceasing. When the day was therefore
come, and that he saw that it rayned still worse then it did before, hee
pitied the Centinels so too moyled and wette: and thinking the Spanyardes
would not haue come in such a strange time, hee let them depart, and to
say the trueth, he went himselfe vnto his lodging. (M553) In the meane
while one which had something to doe without the fort, and my trumpet
which went vp vnto the rampart perceiued a troupe of Spanyards which came
downe from a little knappe. Where incontinently they beganne to cry
alarme, and the Trumpetter also: Which assoone as euer I vnderstoode,
foorthwith I issued out, with my target and sword in my hand, and gatte
mee into the middest of the Court, where I beganne to crie vpon my
souldiers. Some of them which were of the forward sort went toward the
breach, which was on the Southside, and where the munitions of the
artillerie lay, where they were repulsed and slaine. (M554) By the selfe
same place two ensignes entred, which immediately were planted on the
wals. Two other ensignes also entred on the other side toward the West,
where there was another breach: and those which were lodged in this
quarter, and which shewed themselues, were likewise defeated. (M555) And
as I went to succour them which were defending the breach on the southwest
side, I encountred by chance a great company of Spaniards, which had
already repulsed our men and were now entred, which draue me backe vnto
the court of the fort: being there I espied with them one called Francis
Iean, which was one of the Mariners which stole away my barks, and had
guided and conducted the Spanyards thither. Assoone as he sawe me, he
began to say, This is the Captaine. (M556) This troupe was led by a
captaine whose name as I thinke, was Don Pedro Melendes: these made
certain pushes at me with their pikes which lighted on my target. But
perceiuing that I was not able to withstand so great a company, and that
the court was already wonne, and their ensignes planted on the ramparts,
and that I had neuer a man about me, sauing one only whose name was
Bartholomew, I entred into the yard of my lodging, into which they
followed me, and had it not bene for a tent that was set vp, I had bin
taken: but the Spanyards which followed me were occupied in cutting of the
cordes of the tent, and in the meane while I saued my selfe by the (M557)
breach which was on the West side neere vnto my Lieutenants lodging, and
gate away into the woods: where I found certain of my men which were
escaped, of which number there were three or foure which were sore hurt.
Then spake I thus vnto them: Sirs, since it hath pleased God that this
mischance is happened vnto vs, we must needs take the paines to get ouer
the marshes vnto the ships which are at the mouth of the riuer. Some would
needs go to a little village which was in the woods, the rest followed me
through the reedes in the water, where being able to go no farther by
reason of my sicknesse which I had, I sent two of my men which were with
me, which could swim well, vnto the ships to aduertise them of that which
had happened, and to send them word to come and helpe me. They were not
able that day to get vnto the ships to certifie them thereof: so I was
constrained to stand in the water vp to the shoulders all that night long,
with one of my men which would neuer forsake me. (M558) The next morning,
being scarcely able to draw my breath any more, I betooke me to my prayers
with the souldier which was with mee, whose name was Iohn du Chemin: for I
felt my selfe so feeble, that I was afraid I should die suddenly: and in
trueth if he had not imbraced me in both his armes, and so held me vp, it
had not bene possible to saue me. After we had made an ende of our
prayers, I heard a voyce, which in my iudgement was one of theirs which I
had sent, which were ouer against the ships and called for the ship boat,
which was so in deed: and because those of the ships had vnderstanding of
the taking of the fort by one called Iohn de Hais, master Carpenter, which
fled vnto them in a shallop; (M559) they had set saile to run along the
coast to see if they might saue any: wherin doubtlesse they did very well
their endeuour. They went straight to the place where the two men were
which I had sent, and which called them. Assoone as they had receiued them
in and vnderstood where I was, they came and found me in a pitifull case.
Fiue or sixe of them tooke me and caried me into the shallop: for I was
not able by any means to go on foot. After I was brought into the shallop
some of the Mariners took their clothes from their backs to lend them me,
and would haue caried me presently to their ships to giue me a little Aqua
vitae. Howbeit I would not goe thither, vntill I had first gone with the
boat along the reeds, to seeke out the poore soules which were scattered
abroad, where we gathered vp 18 or 20 of them. (M560) The last that I took
in was the nephew of the Treasurer le Beau. After we were al come to the
ship, I comforted them as well as I could, and sent back the boat againe
with speed to see if they could find yet any more. (M561) Vpon her
returne, the Mariners told mee how that captaine Iames Ribault which was
in his ship about two muskets shot distant from the fort, had parled with
the Spaniards, and that Francis Iean came vnto his ship, where hee staied
a long space, whereat they greatly marueiled, considering hee was the
cause of this enterprise, how hee would let him escape. After I was come
into the ship called the Greyhound, captaine Iames Ribault and captaine
Valuot came to see me: and there we concluded to returne into France. Now
forasmuch as I found the ship vnfurnished of Captaine, Pilot, Master, and
Masters-mate, I gaue aduice to choose out one of the most able men among
al the mariners, and that by their owne voices. I tooke also sixe men out
of another small ship, which we had sunke because it wanted ballast and
could not be saued. Thus I increased the furniture of the ship wherein I
was myselfe embarked, and made one, which had bene Masters mate in the
foresaid small ship, Master of mine. (M562) And because I lacked a pilot,
I prayed Iames Ribault that he would grant me one of the foure men that he
had in his ship, which I should name vnto him, to serue me for a Pilot: he
promised to giue me them, which neuerthelesse he did not at the instant
when wee were ready to depart, notwithstanding all the speech I vsed to
him, in declaring that it was for the kings seruice. I was constrained to
leaue the ship behind me which I had bought of the English Captaine,
because I wanted men to bring her away. For captaine Iames Ribault had
taken away her furniture: I tooke away her ordinance onely, which was all
dismounted, whereof I gaue nine pieces to Iames Ribault to carie into
France, the other fiue I put into my ship. (M563) The 25 of September wee
set sailes to returne into France, and Captain Iames Ribault and I kept
company all that day and the next vntill three or foure a clock in the
afternoone: but because his ship was better at bowline then ours, he kept
him to the wind and left vs the same day. Thus we continued our voyage,
wherein we had marueilous flawes of wind. And about the eight and
twentieth of October in the morning at the breake of the day we discried
the Isle of Flores, one of the Açores, where immediatly vpon our
approching to the load we had a mightie gust of wind which came from the
Northeast, which caused vs to beare against it foure dayes: afterward the
wind came South and Southeast, and was alwayes variable. In all the time
of our passage we had none other foode sauing biscuit and water. About the
tenth or eleuenth of Nouember, after we had sailed a long time, and
supposing we were not farre from land, I caused my men to sound, where
they found threescore and fifteene fathoms water, whereat we all reioyced,
and praised God because we had sailed so prosperously. Immediatly after I
caused them to set saile again and so we continued our way: but forasmuch
as we had borne too much toward the Northeast we entred into Saint Georges
chanell, a place much feared of all Sailers, and whereas many ships are
cast away: But it was a faire gift of God that we entred in it when the
weather was cleare. We sailed all the night, supposing wee had bene shot
into the narrow Sea betweene England and France, and by the next day to
reach Diepe, but we were deceiued of our longing: for about two or three
of the clocke after midnight as I walked vpon the hatches, I descried land
round about me, whereat wee were astonied. Immediatly I caused them to
strike saile and sound: we found we had not vnder vs past 8 fathoms of
water, whereupon I commanded them to stay till breake of day: which being
come, and seeing my Mariners told me that they knew not this land, I
commanded them to approch vnto it. Being neere thereunto I made them cast
anker, and sent the boat on shore to vnderstand in what Countrey we were.
Word was brought me that we were in Wales a prouince of England. I went
incontinently on land, where after I had taken the ayre, a sicknesse tooke
mee whereof I thought I should haue dyed. (M564) In the meane while I
caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small towne called
Swansey, where I found merchants of S. Malo, which lent me money,
wherewith I made certaine apparel for my selfe and part of my company that
was with me: and because there were no victuals in the ship, I bought two
Oxen, and salted them, and a tunne of Beere which I deliuered into his
hands which had charge of the ship, praying him to cary it into France,
which he promised me to doe: (M565) for mine owne part I purposed with my
men to passe by land, and after I had taken leaue of my Mariners, I
departed from Swansey, and came that night with my company to a place
called Morgan, where the Lord of the place, vnderstanding what I was,
stayed me with him for the space of 6 or 7 dayes, and at my departure
mooued with pitie to see me goe on foot, especially being so weake as I
was, gaue me a litle Hackny. (M566) Thus I passed on my iourney first to
Bristoll and then to London, where I went to doe my duty to Monsieur de
Foix, which for the present was the kings Ambassador, and holpe me with
mony in my necessitie. From thence I passed to Caleis, afterward to Paris,
where I was informed that the king was gone to Molins to soiourne there:
incontinently, and with all the hast I could possibly make, I gate me
thither with part of my company. (M567) Thus briefly you see the discourse
of all that happened in New France since the time it pleased the kings
Maiesty to send his subiects thither to discouer those parts. The
indifferent and vnpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my
doings, and be vpright iudges of the endeuour which I there vsed. For mine
owne part I wil not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth mee to haue
followed the trueth of the history, whereof many are able to beare
witnesse, which were there present. (M568) I will plainly say one thing,
That the long delay that Captaine Iohn Ribault vsed in his embarking, and
the 15. daies that he spent in rouing along the coast of Florida, before
he came to our fort Caroline, were the cause of the losse that we
susteined. For he discouered the coast the 14 of August, and spent the
time in going from riuer to riuer, which had bene sufficient for him to
haue discharged his ships in, and for me to haue embarked my selfe to
returne into France. I wote well that al that he did was vpon a good
intent: yet in mine opinion he should haue had more regard vnto his
charge, then to the deuises of his owne braine, which sometimes hee
printed in his head so deeply, that it was very hard to put them out:
which also turned to his vtter vndoing: for hee was no sooner departed
from vs, but a tempest tooke him, which in fine wrackt him vpon the coast,
where all his shippes were cast away, and he with much adoe escaped
drowning, to fall into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all his
company.
The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida, vnder the conduct of
Captaine Gourgues, in the yeere, 1567.
Captaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the Countrey neere Bourdeaux
incited with a desire of reuenge, to repaire the honour of his nation,
borowed of his friends and sold part of his owne goods to set forth and
furnish three ships of indifferent burthen with all things necessary,
hauing in them an hundred and fiftie souldiers, and fourescore chosen
Mariners vnder Captaine Cazenoue his lieutenant, and Francis Bourdelois
Master ouer the Mariners. He set forth the 22 of August 1567. And hauing
endured contrary winds and stormes for a season, at length hee arriued and
went on shore in the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to the Cape of
Saint Antony at the end of the Ile of Cuba, about two hundred leagues
distant from Florida, where the captaine disclosed vnto them his intention
which hitherto he had concealed from them, praying and exhorting them not
to leaue him being so neere the enemie, so well furnished, and in such a
cause: (M569) which they all sware vnto him, and that with such courage
that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the chanell of Bahama,
but speedily discouered Florida, where the Spanyards saluted them with two
Canon shot from their fort, supposing that they had beene of their nation;
and Gourgues saluted them againe to entertaine them in this errour that
hee might surprise them at more aduantage, yet sailing by them, and making
as though he went to some other place vntil he sailed out of sight of the
place, (M570) so that about euening, hee landed 15 leagues from the fort,
at the mouth of the Riuer Tacatacourou, which the Frenchmen called Seine,
because they thought it to bee like Seine in France. Afterward perceiuing
the shore to bee couered with Sauages with their bowes and arrowes,
(besides the signe of peace and amitie which he made them from his ships)
he sent his Trumpetter, to assure them, that they were come thither for
none other ende but to renew the amitie and ancient league of the French
with them. The Trumpetter did his message so well (by reason he had bene
there before vnder Laudonniere) that he brought backe from king
Satourioua, the greatest of all the other kings, a kidde and other meat to
refresh vs, besides the offer of his friendship and amitie. Afterward they
retired dansing in signe of ioy, to aduertise all the kings Satouriouaes
kinsmen to repaire thither the next day to make a league of amitie with
the Frenchmen. Whereupon in the meane space our generall went about to
sound the chanel of the riuer to bring in his ships, and the better to
traffike and deale with the Sauages, of whom the chief the next day in the
morning presented themselues, namely the great king Satourioua,
Tacatacourou, Halmacanir, Athore, Harpaha, Helmacapé, Helicopilé, Molloua,
and others his kinsmen and allies, with their accustomed weapons. Then
sent they to intreat the French generall to come on shore, which he caused
his men to do with their swords and harquebusies, which he made them leaue
behind, in token of mutuall assurance, leauing his men but their swords
only, after that the Sauages complaining thereof had left and likewise
sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues. This done Satourioua
going to meet him, caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat of wood
of lentisque couered with mosse made of purpose like vnto his owne. Then
two of the company pulled vp the brambles and other weeds which were
before them, and after they had made the place very cleane, they all sate
round about them on the ground. (M571) Afterward Gourgues being about to
speake, Satourioua preuented him, declaring at large vnto him the
incredible wrongs, and continuall outrages that all the Sauages, their
wiues and children had receiued of the Spanyards since their comming into
the Countrey and massacring of the Frenchmen, with their continuall desire
if we would assist them throughly to reuenge so shame full a treason,
aswell as their owne priuate griefes, for the firme good will they alwayes
had borne vnto the Frenchmen. Whereupon Gourgues giuing them his faith,
and making a league betweene them and him with an othe gaue them certaine
presents of daggers, kniues, looking glasses, hatchets, rings, belles, and
such other things, trifles vnto vs, but precious vnto these kings: which
moreouer, seeing his great liberality, demanded eche one a shirt of him to
weaire onely on their festiuall dayes, and to be buried in at their death.
Which things after they had receiued, and Satourioua had giuen in
recompense to Captaine Gourgues two chaines of siluer graines which hung
about his necke, and ech of the kings certaine deere skinnes dressed after
their manner, they retired themselues dancing and very iocund, with
promise to keep all things secret, and to bring vnto the sayd place good
companies of their subiects all well armed to be auenged throughly on the
Spanyards. (M572) In the meane space Gourgues very narrowly examined Peter
de Bré borne in Newhauen, which being but a young stripling escaped out of
the fort into the woods while the Spanyards murdered the rest of the
French, and was afterward brought vp with Satourioua, which at that time
bestowed him on our generall, whose aduise stoode him in great steade:
Whereupon he sent to discouer the fort and the estate of the enemies by
certaine of his men, being guided by Olotacara Satouriouaes nephew which
hee had giuen him for this purpose and for assurance of Estampes a
gentleman of Cominges, and others which he sent to descry the state of the
enemies. (M573) Moreouer he gaue him a sonne of his starke naked as all of
them are, and his wife which he loued best of all the rest, of eighteene
yeeres olde, apparelled with the mosse of trees, which for 3 dayes space
were in the ships, vntill our men returned from discrying the state of the
enemie, and the kings had furnished their preparation at their rende-uous.
Their marching being concluded, and the Sauages rende-uous being appointed
them beyond the riuer Salincani, of our men called Somme, they all dranke
with great solemnitie their drinke called Cassine, made of the iuice of
certaine hearbs (as they are wont to do, when they go to any place of
danger,) which hath such force, that it taketh from them hunger and thirst
for 24 houres, and Gourgues was faine to make as though he dranke thereof
for company. Afterward they lift vp their handes and sware all that they
would neuer forsake him. Olotocara followed him with pike in hand. Being
all met at the riuer of Sarauahi, not without great trouble, by reason of
the raine and places full of water which they must needes passe, which
hindred their passage, they were distressed with famine finding nothing by
the way to eat, their bark of prouision being not arriued which was come
unto him from the ships, the ouersight and charge whereof he had left vnto
Burdelois with the rest of the Mariners. (M574) Now he had learned that
the number of the Spanyards were foure hundred strong, diuided into three
forts builded and flanked, and well fortified upon the riuer of May, the
great fort especially begunne by the French, and afterward repaired by
them: vpon the most dangerous and principall landing place whereof, two
leagues lower and neerer towarde the Riuers mouth, they had made two
smaller Forts, which were defended, the riuer passing betweene them, with
sixe score souldiers, good store of artillery and other munition, which
they had in the same. (M575) From Saracary vnto these smal forts was two
leagues space, which he found very painful, because of the bad waies and
continual raines. Afterward he departed from the riuer Catacouru with 10
shot, to view the first fort, and to assault it the next day in the
morning by the breake of day, which hee could not doe, because of the
foule weather, and darknesse of the night. King Helicopile seeing him out
of quiet in that he had failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide
him a more easie way, though it were further about. Insomuch as leading
him through the woods, he brought him within sight of the fort, where he
discerned one quarter which was but begun to bee entrenched. Thus after he
had sounded the small riuer that falleth downe thereby, hee stayed vntill
ten of the clock in the morning for an ebbe water, that his men might
passe ouer there, vnto a place where he had seene a litle groue between
the riuer and the fort (that he might not be seene to passe and set his
souldiers in array) causing them to fasten their flasks to their Morions,
and to hold vp their swords and kaliuers in their hands, for feare least
the water, which reached vp to their girdles, should not wet them: where
they found such abundance of great oysters, and shels which were so
sharpe, that many had their legs cut with them, and many others lost their
shoes. Notwithstanding assoone as they were passed ouer, with a French
courage they prepared themselues to the assault on the Sunday eue next
after Easter day, in April 1568. (M576) Insomuch that Gourgues to employ
the ardent heat of this good affection, gaue twenty shot to his Lieutenant
Cazenoue, and ten Mariners laden with pots and balles of wild fire to
burne the gate: and then he assaulted the Fort on another side, after he
had made a short speech vnto his men of the strange treasons which the
Spanyards had paid their companions. But being descried as they came
holding downe their heads within two hundred paces from the Fort, the
Gunner being vpon the terrace of the Fort, after he had cried, Arme, Arme,
these be French men, discharged twise vpon them a coluerine, wherein the
Armes of France were grauen, which had bin taken from Laudonniere. But as
he went about (M577) to charge it the third time, Olotocara, which had not
learned to keepe his ranke, or rather moued with rage, lept on the
platforme, and thrust him through the bodie with his pike and slew him.
Whereupon Gourgues aduanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenoue cry,
that the Spaniards which issued out armed at the cry of the alarme, were
fled, hee drew to that part, and so hemmed them in betweene him and his
Lieutenant, that of threescore there escaped not a man, sauing only
fifteene reserued vnto the same death which they had put the French vnto.
The Spanyards of the other fort in the meane while ceased not to play with
their ordinance, which much annoied the assailants: although to answere
them they had by this placed and oftentimes pointed the foure pieces found
in the first Fort. (M578) Whereupon Gourgues being accompanied with
fourescore shot went abord the barke which met him there to good purpose
to passe into the wood neere vnto the Fort, out of which he supposed the
Spanyards would issue to saue themselues thorow the benefit of the woods
in the great fort, which was not past one league distant from the same.
(M579) Afterward the Sauages not staying for the returne of the bark, lept
al into the water holding vp their bowes and arrowes in one hand, and
swimming with the other, so that the Spaniards seeing both the shores
couered with so great a number of men, thought to flee towards the woods:
but being charged by the French, and afterward repulsed by the Sauages,
toward whom they would haue retired, they were sooner then they would
bereft of their liues. (M580) To conclude they al there ended their dayes
sauing 15 of those which were reserued to be executed for the example of
others. Whereupon Captaine Gourgues hauing caused al that he found in the
second fort to be transported vnto the first, where he ment to strengthen
himselfe to take resolution against the great Fort, the state whereof hee
did not vnderstand: in fine a Sergeant of a band one of the prisoners
assured him that they might be there very neere 300 wel furnished vnder a
braue Gouernor, which had fortified there, attending farther succours.
(M581) Thus hauing obtained of him the platforme, the height, the
fortification and passages vnto it, and hauing prepared eight good
lathers, and raised all the Countrey against the Spanyard, that he neither
might haue newes, nor succours, nor retract on any side, he determined to
march forward. (M582) In the meane while the Gouernour sent a Spanyard
disguised like a Sauage to spie out the state of the French. And though he
were discouered by Olotocara, yet he vsed all the cunning he could
possibly to perswade them that he was one of the second fort, out of which
hauing escaped, and seeing none but sauages on euery side, he hoped more
in the Frenchmens then their mercy, vnto whom he came to yeeld himself
disguised like a sauage, for feare lest if he should haue bin knowen, he
should haue bin massacred by those Barbarians: but the spie being brought
face to face with the sergeant of the band, and conuicted to be one of the
great fort, was reserued vntil an other time: after that he had assured
Gourgues that the bruit was that he had 2000 Frenchmen with him for feare
of whom the 200 and threescore Spaniards which remained in the great fort,
were greatly astonied. Whereupon Gourgues being resolued to set vpon them,
while they were thus amazed, and leauing his Standard-bearer and a
Captaine with fifteene shot to keepe the Fort, and the entry of the Riuer,
he caused the Sauages to depart by night to lye in ambush within the woods
on both sides of the riuer, then he departed in the Morning, leading the
Sergeant and the spy fast bound along with him, to shew him that in deede,
which they had only made him vnderstand in paynting. As they marched
Olotocara a resolute Sauage which newer left the Captaine, said vnto him,
that he had serued him faithfully, and done whatsoeuer hee had commaunded
him, that he was assured to dye in the conflict at the great Fort, wherein
neuerthelesse he would not faile, though it were to saue his life: (M583)
but he prayed him to giue that vnto his wife, if hee escaped not, which he
had meant to be tow on him, that shee might bury the same with him, that
thereby hee might be better welcome vnto the village of the soules or
spirits departed. To whom Captaine Gourgues answered, after he had
commended his faithfull valour, the loue toward his wife, and his noble
care of immortall honour, that he desired rather to honour him aliue then
dead, and that by Gods helpe he would bring him home againe with victorie.
After the discouerie of the Fort, the Spaniards were no niggards of their
Canon shotte, nor of two double Coluerines, which being mounted vpon a
Bulwarke, commaunded all along the Riuer, (M584) which made captaine
Gorgues to get to the hill couered with wood, at the foot whereof the Fort
beginneth, and the forrest or wood continueth and stretcheth foorth beyond
it: so that he had sufficient couerture to approch thereunto without
offence. He purposed also to remaine there vntill the Morning, wherein hee
was resolued to assault the Spaniards by scalling their walles on the side
toward the hill, where the Trench seemed not sufficiently flanked for the
defence of the courtains, and from whence part of his men might draw them
that were besieged, which should shew themselues to defend the rampart
while the rest were comming vp. But the Gouernour hastened his vnhappie
destinie, causing threescore shotte to sallie foorth, which passing
through the Trenches, aduanced forward to descrye the number and valour of
the French, whereof twentie vnder the conduct of Cazanoue, getting
betweene the Fort and them which now were issued forth, cut off their
repassage, while Gourgues commanded the rest to charge them in the Front,
but not to discharge but neere at hand, and so that they might be sure to
hitte them, that afterward with more ease they might cut them in pieces
with their swordes. (M585) So that turning their backes assoone as they
were charged and compassed in by his Lieutenant, they remayned all slaine
vpon the place. Whereat the rest that were besieged were so astonied, that
they knew none other meane to saue their liues but by fleeing into the
Wooddes adioyning, where neuerthelesse being incountred againe by the
arrowes of the Sauages which lay in wayte there for them (whereof one
ranne through the target and body of a Spanyard, which therewithall fell
downe starke dead) some were constrayned to turne backe, choosing rather
to dye by the hand of the French, which pursued them: assuring themselues
that none of them coulde finde any fauour neyther with the one nor the
other Nation, whom they had alike and so out of measure cruelly intreated,
sauing those which were reserued to be an example for the time to come.
The Fort when it was taken, was found well prouided of all necessaries:
namely of fiue double Coluerines, and foure Mynions, with diuers other
small pieces of all sorts, and eighteene grosse cakes of gunne powder, all
sorts of weapons, which Gourgues caused with speede to be imbarked, sauing
the powder and other moueables, by reason it was all consumed with fire
through the negligence of a Sauage, which in seething of his fish, set
fire on a tunne of powder which was made and hidden by the Spanyardes, to
haue blasted the French at the first assault, thus blowing vp the store
house and the other houses buylt of Pine trees. The rest of the Spaniards
beeing led away prisoners with the others, after that the generall had
shewed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the
French Nation, were all hanged on the boughes of the same trees, whereon
the French hung: of which number fiue were hanged by one Spaniard, which
perceiuing himselfe in the like miserable estate, confessed his fault, and
the iust iudgement which God had brought vpon him. (M586) But in stead of
the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged ouer them, imprinting these
words in Spanish, I doe not this as vnto French men, but as vnto
Lutherans, Gourgues caused to be imprinted with a searing iron in a table
of Firewood, I doe not this as vnto Spaniardes, nor as vnto Mariners, but
as vnto Traitors, Robbers, and Murtherers. Afterward considering he had
not enough to keep his Forts which he had wonne, much lesse to store them,
fearing also lest the Spaniard which hath Dominions neere adioyning should
renew his forces, or the Sauages should prevaile against the French men,
vnlesse his Maiestie would send thither, hee resolued to raze them. (M587)
And indeede, after he had assembled and in the ende perswaded all the
Sauage kings so to doe, they caused their subiects to runne thither with
such affection, that they ouerthrew all the three forts flatte euen with
the ground in one day. (M588) This done by Gourgues, that he might returne
to his Shippes which he had left in the Riuer of Seyne called
Tacatacourou, fifteene leagues distant from thence, he sent Cazenoue and
the artillery by water: afterward with fourescore harquebusiers, armed
with corslets, and matches light, followed with fortie Mariners bearing
pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to haue in so many
Sauages, he marched by land alwayes in battell ray, finding the wayes
couered with Sauages, which came to honour him with presents and prayses,
as the deliuerer of all the countries round about adioyning. An old woman
among the rest sayd vnto him, that now she cared not any more to dye,
since she had seene the Frenchmen once againe in Florida, and the
Spaniards chased out. Briefly being arriued, and finding his ships set in
order, and euery thing ready to set sayle, hee counselled the kings to
continue in the amitie and ancient league which they had made with the
king of France, which would defend them against all Nations: which they
all promised, shedding teares because of his departure. Olocotara
especially: for appeasing of whom he promised them to returne within
twelue Moones, (so they count the yeeres) and that his king would send
them an army, and store of kniues for presents, and other things
necessary. (M589) So that after he had taken his leaue of them, and
assembled his men, he thanked God of all his successe since his setting
foorth, and prayed to him for an happy returne. (M590) The third of May
1568, all things were made ready, the Rendez-uous appoynted, and the
Ankers weighed to set sayle so prosperously, that in seuenteene dayes they
ranne eleuen hundred leagues: continuing which course they arriued at
Rochel the sixt of Iune, the foure and thirtieth day after their departure
from the Riuer of May, hauing lost but a small Pinnesse and eight men in
it, with a few gentlemen and others which were slaine in the assaulting of
the Forts. After the cheere and good intertainment which he receiued of
those of Rochel, hee sayled to Burdeaux to informe Monsieur Monluc of the
things aboue mentioned, albeit hee was aduertised of eighteene Pinnesses,
and a great Shippe of two hundred Tunnes full of Spanyardes, which being
assured of the defeat in Florida, and that he was at Rochel, came as farre
as Che-de-Bois, the same day that he departed thence, and followed him as
farre as Blay (but he was gotten already to Bordeaux) to make him yeeld
another account of his voyage, then that, wherewith hee made many
Frenchmen right glad. The Catholicke king being afterward informed that
Gourgues could not easily be taken, offered a great summe of money to him
that could bring him his head, praying moreover king Charles to doe
iustice on him as of the authour of so bloody an act contrary to their
alliance and good league of friendshippe. In so much as comming to Paris
to present himselfe vnto the King, to signifie vnto him the successe of
his Voyage, and the meanes which hee had to subdue this whole Countrey
vnto his obedience, (wherein hee offered to imploy his life, and all his
goods) hee found his entertainment and answere so contrary to his
expectation, that in fine hee was constrayned to hide himselfe a long
space in the Court of Roan, about the yeere 1570. And without the
assistance of President Marigny, in whose house he remained certayne
dayes, and of the Receiuer of Vacquieulx, which alwayes was his faithful
friend, hee had beene in great danger. Which grieued not a litle Dominique
de Gourgues, considering the services which hee had done aswell vnto him
as to his prdecessours kings of France. (M591) Hee was borne in Mount
Marsan in Guyenne, and imployed for the seruice of the most Christian
Kings in all the Armies made since these twentie fiue or thirty yeeres: at
last he had the charge and honour of a Captaine, which in a place neere
vnto Siene, with thirtie Souldyers sustayned the brunt of a part of the
Spanish Armie, by which beeing taken in the assault, and hauing all his
men cutte in pieces, hee was put into a Galley in token of the good warre
and singular fauour which the Spanyard is woont to shew vs. But as the
Galley was going toward Sicillie, beeing taken by the Turkeys, ledde away
to Rhodes, and thence to Constantinople, it was shortly afterwarde
recouered by Romeguas, commaunder ouer the Armie of Malta. By this meane
returning home, hee made a Voyage on the coast of Africa, whence hee tooke
his course to Bresil, and to the South Sea. At length beeing desirous to
repayre the honour of France, he set vpon Florida with such successe as
you haue heard. So that being become by his continuall warlike actions
both by Land and Sea no lesse valiant Captaine then skillfull Mariner, hee
hath made himselfe feared of the Spanyard, and acceptable vnto the Queene
of England for the desert of his vertues. To conclude, he dyed in the
yeere 1582, to the great griefe of such as knew him.
XXXVI. The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis Drake
brought from Saint Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned sixe
yeeres, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by Master
Richard Hakluyt 1586.
Three score leagues vp from the Northwest from Saint Helena are the
mountaines of the golde and Chrystall Mines, named Apalatci.
The riuer of Wateri is thirtie leagues from S. Helena Northward, which is
able to receiue any Fleete of ships of great burden.
Wateri and Caiowa are two kings, and two riuers to the North of Saint
Helena.
The Spaniards haue killed three hundred of the subiects of Potanou.
The greatest number of Spaniards that haue bene in Florida this sixe
yeeres, was three hundred, and now they were but two hundred in both the
Forts.
There is a great City sixteene or twentie dayes iourney from Saint Helena
Northwestward, which the Spaniards, call La grand Copal, which they thinke
to bee very rich and exceeding great and haue bene within the sight of it,
some of them.
They haue offered in generall to the King to take no wages at all of him,
if he will giue them leaue to discouer this citie, and the rich
mountaines, and the passage to a sea or mighty Lake which they heare to be
within foure and twenty dayes trauel from Saint Helena, which is in 32.
degrees of latitude: and is that riuer which the French called Port-royal.
He saith also that he hath seene a rich Diamond which was brought from the
mountaines that lye vp in the countrey Westward from S. Helena. These hils
seeme wholy to be the mountaines of Apalatci, whereof the Sauages
aduertised Laudonniere; and it may bee they are the hils of Chaunis
Temoatam, which Master Lane had aduertisement of.
XXXVII. The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir Francis
Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he had remayned
sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriots hearing.
This Nicholas Burgoignon sayth, that betweene S. Augustine and S. Helen
there is a Casique whose name is Casicôla, which is lord of ten thousand
Indians, and another casique whose name is Dicasca, and another called
Touppekyn toward the North, and a fourth named Potanou toward the South,
and another called Moscita toward the South likewise. Besides these he
acknowledgth Oristou, Ahoia, Ahoiaue, Isamacon, alledged by the Spaniard.
He further affirmeth, that there is a citie Northwestward from S. Helenes
in the mountaines, which the Spaniards call La grand Copal, and is very
great and rich, and that in these mountains there is great store of
Christal, golde, and Rubies, and Diamonds: And that a Spaniard brought
from thence a Diamond which was worth fiue thousand crownes, which Pedro
Melendes the marques nephew to olde Pedro Melendes that slew Ribault, and
is now gouerner of Florida, weareth. He saith also, that to make passage
vnto these mountaines, it is needefull to haue store of Hatchets to giue
vnto the Indians, and store of Pickaxes to breake the mountaines, which
shine so bright in the day in some places, that they cannot behold them,
and therefore they trauell vnto them by night. Also corslets of Cotton,
which the Spanyards call Zecopitz, are necessary to bee had against the
arrowes of the Sauages.(123)
He say farther, that a Tunne of the sassafras of Florida is solde in
Spaine for sixtie ducates: and that they haue there great store of Turkie
cocks, of Beanes, of Peason, and that there are great store of pearles.
The things, as he reporteth, that the Floridians make most account of, are
red Cloth, or redde Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles: copper, and
hatchets to cut withall.
The Spaniards haue all demaunded leaue at their owne costs, to discouer
these mountaines, which the King denyeth, for feare lest the English or
French would enter into the same action once knowen.
All the Spaniards would passe vp by the riuer of Saint Helena vnto the
mountaines of golde and Chrystall.
The Spaniards entring 50. leagues vp Saint Helena, found Indians wearing
golde rings at their nostrels and eares. They found also Oxen, but lesse
then ours.
Sixe leagues from Saint Helena toward the North, there is a poynt that
runneth farre into the sea, which is the marke to the Seamen to finde
Saint Helena and Waterin.
Waterin is a riuer fortie leagues distant Northward from Saint Helena,
where any fleete of great ships may ride safely. I take this riuer to be
that which we call Waren in Virginia, whither at Christmasse last 1585.
the Spaniards sent a barke with fortie men to discouer where we were
seated: in which barke was Nicholas Burgoignon the reporter of all these
things.
The Spaniards of S. Augustine haue slaine three hundred or the subjects of
Potanou. One Potassi is neighbour to Potanou. Oratina is he which the
French history calleth Olala Outina.
Calauai is another casique which they knowe.
XXXVIII. Virginia Richly Valued, by the Description of the Maine Land of
Florida, Her Next Neighbour: Out of the Foure Yeeres Continuall Trauell
and Discouuerie, For Aboue One Thousand Miles East and West, of Don
Ferdinando De Soto, and Sixe Hundred Able Men in his Companie.
Preface By Richard Hakluyt.
This worke, right Honourable, right Worshipfull, and the rest, though
small in shew, yet great in substance, doth yeeld much light to our
enterprise now on foot: whether you desire to know the present and future
commodities of our countrie; or the qualities and conditions of the
Inhabitants, or what course is best to be taken with them.
(M592) Touching the commodities, besides the generall report of Cabeça de
Vaca to Charles the Emperour (who first trauelled through a great part of
the Inland of Florida, next adioyning vpon our Virginia) That Florida was
the richest countrie of the world; and that after hee had found clothes
made of cotton wooll, he saw gold and siluer, and stones of great value: I
referre you first to the rich mines of gold reported to be in the prouince
of Yupaha, and described in the twelfth Chapter of this Treatise to come
within our limits: And againe, to the copper hatchets found in
Cutifachiqui, standing vpon the Riuer of Santa Helena, which were said to
haue a mixture of gold. (M593) It seemeth also that the last Chronicler of
the West Indies, Antonio de Herrera,(124) speaking of the foresaid Riuer
of Santa Helena, which standeth in 32. degrees and an halfe, alludeth to
the prouince of Yupaha, in these words: Y el oro, y plata, que hailaron,
no era de aquella tierra, sino de 60. leguas, adentro al norte, de los
pueblos dichos Otapales y Olagatanos, adonde se intiende, que ay minas de
oro, plata, y cobre. That is to say, that the gold and siluer which they
found, was not of that countrie (of Santa Helena) but 60. leagues distant
toward the North, of the townes called Otapales and Olagatanos, where we
vnderstand that there are mines of gold, siluer, and copper. By which
reckoning these rich mines are in the latitude of 35. degrees and an
halfe. (M594) I desire you likewise to take knowledge of the famous golden
prouince of Chisca, stretching further to the North, whereof the Cacique
of Coste gaue notice to Ferdinando de Soto in the towne of Chiaha,
affirming, that there were mines of copper, and of another mettall of the
same colour, saue that it was finer, and of a farre more perfect lustre,
and farre better in sight, and that they vsed it not so much, because it
was softer. And the selfsame thing was before told the Gouernour in
Cutifachiqui: who sent two Christians from Chiaha with certaine Indians
which knew the countrie of Chisca, and the language thereof, to view it,
and to make report of that which they should find. (M595) We likewise
reade not long after, that the Gouernour set forward to seeke a prouince
called Pacaha, which hee was informed to bee neere vnto Chisca where the
Indians told him, that there was gold. (M596) And in another place hee
saith: That from Pacaha hee sent thirtie horsemen and fiftie footmen to
the prouince of Caluça, to see if from thence he might trauell to Chisca,
where the Indians said, there was a worke of gold and copper. So that here
is fours times mention, and that in sundrie places, of the rich and famous
golden mines of Chisca, and that they lie beyond the mountaines toward the
North, ouer which they were not able to trauell for the roughnes thereof.
But what neede I to stand vpon forren testimonies, since Master Thomas
Heriot, a man of much iudgement in these causes, signified vnto you all,
at your late solemne meeting at the house of the right honourable the
Earle of Exeter, how to the Southwest of our old fort in Virginia, the
Indians often informed him, that there was a great melting of red mettall,
reporting the manner in working of the same. Besides, our owne Indians
haue lately reuealed either this or another rich mine of copper or gold in
a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac.
(M597) Another very gainfull commoditie is, the huge quantitie of
excellent perles, and little babies and birds made of them; that were
found in Cutifachiqui. The abundance whereof is reported to be such, that
if they would haue searched diuers graues in townes thereabout, they might
haue laded many of their horses. Neither are the Turkie stones and cotton
wooll found at Guasco to be forgotten, nor passed ouer in silence.
But that, which I make no small account of, is, the multitude of Oxen,
which, from the beginning of the 16. to the end of the 26. Chapter, are
nine seuerall times made mention of, and that along from Chiaha, Coste,
Pacaha, Coligoa, and Tulla, still toward the North, to wit, toward vs,
there was such store of them, that they could keepe no corne for them: and
that the Indians liued vpon their flesh. The haire of these Oxen is
likewise said to be like a soft wooll, betweene the course and fine wooll
of sheepe: and that they vse them for couerlets, because they are very
soft and woolled like sheep: and not so onely, but they make bootes,
shooes, targets and other things necessarie of the same. Besides the
former benefits, their young ones may be framed to the yoke, for carting
and tillage of our ground. And I am in good hope, that ere it be long we
shall haue notice of their being neerer vs, by that which I reade in the
Italian relation of Cabeça de Vaca, the first finder of them; which
writeth, That they spread themselues within the countrie aboue foure
hundred leagues. Moreouer, Vasquez de Coronado, and long after him,
Antonio de Espejo (whose voiages are at large in my third volume)
trauelled many leagues among these herds of Oxen, and found them from 33.
degrees ranging very farre to the North and Northeast.
A fourth chiefe commoditie wee may account to be the great number of
Mulberrie trees, apt to feede Silke-wormes to make silke: whereof there
was such plentie in many places, that, though they found some hempe in the
countrie, the Spaniards made ropes of the barks of them for their
brigandines, when they were to put to sea for Noua Hispania.
A fifth is the excellent and perfect colours, as blacke, white, greene,
yellow, and red, and the materials to dye withall, so often spoken of in
this discourse: among which I haue some hope to bring you to the knowledge
of the rich graine of Cochonillio, so much esteemed, and of so great
price. I speake nothing of the seuerall sorts of passing good grapes for
Wine and Raisons.
(M598) Neither is it the least benefit, that they found salt made by the
Indians at Cayas, and in two places of the prouince of Aguacay: the manner
also how the Inhabitants make it, is very well worth the obseruation.
(M599) One of the chiefest of all the rest may be the notice of the South
Sea, leading vs to Iapan and China, which I finde here twice to be spoken
of. Whereof long since I haue written a discourse, which I thinke not fit
to be made ouer common.
For closing vp this point, The distances of places, the qualities of the
soiles, the situations of the regions, the diuersities and goodnesse of
the fruits, the seuerall sorts of beasts, the varietie of fowles, the
difference betweene the Inhabitants of the mountaines and the plaines, and
the riches of the Inland in comparison of the Sea coast, are iudicially
set downe in the conclusion of this booke, whereunto for mine owne ease I
referre you.
To come to the second generall head, which in the beginning I proposed,
concerning the manners and dispositions of the Inhabitants: among other
things, I finde them here noted to be very eloquent and well spoken, as
the short Orations, interpreted by Iohn Ortiz, which liued twelue yeeres
among them, make sufficient proofe. And the author, which was a gentleman
of Eluas in Portugall, emploied in all the action, whose name is not set
downe, speaking of the Cacique of Tulla, saith, that aswell this Cacique,
as the others, and all those which came to the Gouernour on their behalfe,
deliuered their message or speech in so good order, that no Oratour could
vtter the same more eloquently. But for all their faire and cunning
speeches, they are not ouermuch to be trusted: for they be the greatest
traitors of the world, as their manifold most craftie contriued and bloody
treasons, here set down at large, doe euidently proue. They be also as
vnconstant as the wethercock, and most readie to take all occasions of
aduantages to doe mischiefe. They are great liars and dissemblers; for
which faults often times they had their deserued paiments. And many times
they gaue good testimonie of their great valour and resolution. To handle
them gently, while gentle courses may be found to serue, it will be
without comparison the best: but if gentle polishing will not serue, then
we shall not want hammerours and rough masons enow, I meane our old
soldiours trained vp in the Netherlands, to square and prepare them to our
Preachers hands. To conclude, I trust by your Honours and Worships wise
instructions to the noble Gouernour, the worthy experimented Lieutenant
and Admirall, and other chiefe managers of the businesse, all things shall
be so prudently carried, that the painfull Preachers shall be reuerenced
and cherished, the valiant and forward soldiour respected, the diligent
rewarded, the coward emboldened, the weake and sick relieued, the mutinous
suppressed, the reputation of the Christians among the Saluages preserued,
our most holy faith exalted, all Paganisme and Idolatrie by little and
little vtterly extinguished. And her reposing and resting my selfe vpon
this sweete hope, I cease, beseeching the Almightie to blesse this good
work in your hands to the honour and glorie of his most holy name, to the
inlargement of the dominions of his sacred Majestie, and to the generall
good of all the worthie Aduenturers and vndertakers. From my lodging in
the Colledge of Westminster this 15. of Aprill, 1609.(125)
By one publikely and anciently deuoted to Gods seruice, and all yours in
this so good action,
RICHARD HAKLUYT.
Chap. I. Which declareth who Don Ferdinando de Soto was, and how he got
the gouernment of Florida.
Captaine Soto was the son of a Squire of Xerez of Badaioz. He went into
the Spanish Indies, when Peter Arias of Auila was Gouernour of the West
Indies: And there he was without any thing else of his owne, saue his
sword and target: and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made
him Captaine of a troope of horsemen, and by his commandement hee went
with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru: where (as many persons of
credit reported which were there present) as well at the taking of
Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault of the citie of Cusco, and in
all other places where they found resistance, wheresoeuer hee was present,
hee parted all other Captaines and principall persons. For which came,
besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share:
whereby in time he gathered an hundred and foure score thousand Duckets
together with that which fell to his part: which he brought into Spaine:
whereof the Emperour borrowed a certaine part, which he repaied againe
with 60000 Rials of plate in the rent of the silkes of Granada, and all
the rest was deliuered him in the Contractation house of Siuil. He tooke
seruents, to wit, a Steward, a Gentleman Vsher, Pages, a Gentleman of the
House, a Chamberlaine, Lakies, and al other officers that the house of a
Noble man requireth. From Siuil hee went to the Court, and in the Court,
there accompanied him Iohn Doierces of Siuil, and Lewis Moscoso
D’Aluarado, Nuncio de Tetuan, and John Rodriguez Lobillo. Except Iohn D,
all the rest came with him from Peru: and euery one of them brought
fourteene or fifteene thousand Duckets: all of them went well and costly
apparelled. And although Soto of his owne nature was not liberall, yet
because that was the first time that hee was to showe himselfe in the
Court, he spent frankely and went accompanied with those which I haue
named, and with his seruants, and many other which resorted vnto him. Hee
married with Donna Isabella en Bouadilla, daughter of Peter Arias de
Auila. Farie of Punno de Rostro. The Emperour made him the Gouernour of
the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or President of Florida, with a title of
Marques of certaine part of the lands which he should conquer.
Chap. II. How Cabeça de Vaca came to the Court and gave relation of the
Countrie of Florida: And of the Companie that was assembled in Siuil to
goe with Ferdinando de Soto.
When Don Ferdinando had obtained the gouernment, there came a Gentle man
from the Indies to the Court, named Cabeça de Vaca, which had been with
the gouernour Pamphilo de Naruaez which died in Florida, who reported that
Naruaez was cast away at sea with all the companie that went with him. And
how he with foure more escaped and arrived in Nueua Espanna: Also he
brought a relation in writing of that which he had seene in Florida; which
said in some places: In such a place I haue seene this; and the rest which
here I saw, I leaue to conferre of betweene his Majestie and my selfe.
Generally he reported the miserie of the Countrie, and the troubles which
hee passed: and he tolde some of his kinsfolke, which were desirous to goe
into the Indies, and vrged him very much to tell them whether he had seene
any rich country in Florida, that he might not tell them, because hee and
another, whose name was Orantes, (who remained in Nueua Espanna with
purpose to returne into Florida: for which intent hee came into Spaine to
beg the gouernment thereof of the Emperour) had sworne not to discouer
some of those things which they had seene, because no man should preuent
them in begging the same: And hee informed them, that it was the richest
Countrie of the world. Don Ferdinand de Soto was very desirous to haue him
with him, and made him a fauourable offer: and after they were agreed,
because Soto gaue him not a summe of money which he demanded to buy a ship
they broke off againe. Baltasar de Gallégos, and Christopher de Spindola,
the kinesmen of Cabeça de Vaca, told him, that for that which hee had
imparted to them, they were resolued to passe with Soto into Florida, and
therefore they prayed him to aduise them what they were best to doe.
Cabeça de Vaca told them, that the cause why he went not with Soto was,
because hee hoped to beg another gouernment, and that hee was loth to goe
vnder the command of another: and that hee came to beg the conquest of
Florida: but seeing Don Ferdinando de Soto had gotten it alreadie, for his
others sake hee might tell them nothing of that which they would know: but
he counselled them to sell their goods and goe with him, and that in so
doing they should doe well. As soone as he had opportunitie hee spake with
the Emperour, and related vnto him whatsoeuer hee had passed and seene,
and come to vnderstand. Of this relation made by word of mouth to the
Emperour, the Marques of Astorga had notice, and forthwith determined to
send with Don Ferdinando de Soto his brother Don Antonio Osorio: and with
him two kinsmen of his prepared themselues, to wit, Francis Osorio, and
Garcia Osorio. Don Antonio dispossessed himselfe of 60000 Rials of rent
which hee held by the Church: and Francis Osorio of a town of Vassals,
which he had in the Countrie de Campos. And they made their Rendezuous
with the Adelantado in Siuil. The like did Nunnez de Tonar, and Lewis de
Moscoso, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo, each of whom had brought from Peru
fourteene or fifteene thousand Duckets. Lewis de Moscoso carried with him
two brethren: there went also Don Carlos, which had married the Gouernours
Neece, and tooke her with him. From Badaioz there went Peter Calderan, and
three kinsemen of the Adelantado, to wit, Arias Tinoco, Alfonso Romo, and
Diego Tinoco. (M600) And as Lewis de Moscoso passed through Eluas, Andrew
de Vasconselos spake with him, and requested him to speake to Don
Ferdinando de Soto concerning him, and deliuered him certaine warrants
which he had receiued from the Marques of Villa real, wherein he gaue him
the Captaineship of Ceuta in Barbarie, that he might shew them vnto him.
And the Adelantado saw them; and was informed who hee was, and wrote vnto
him, that hee would fauour him in all things, and by al meanes, and would
giue him a charge of men in Florida. And from Eluas went Andrew de
Vasconselos, and Fernan Pegado, Antonio Martinez Segurado, Men Roiz
Fereira, Iohn Cordero, Stephen Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Aluaro
Fernandez. And out of Salamanca and Iaen, and Valencia, and Albuquerque,
and from other partes of Spaine, many people of Noble birth assembled at
Siuil: insomuch that in Saint Lucar many men of good account which had
sold their goods remained behind for want of shipping, whereas for other
known and rich Countries, they are wont to want men: and this fell out by
occasion of that which Cabeça de Vaca told the Emperour, and informed such
persons as hee had conference withall touching the State of that Countrie.
Soto made him great offers: and being agreed to goe with him (as I haue
said before) because he would not giue him monie to pay for a ship, which
he had brought, they brake off, and he went for Gouernour to the Riuer of
Plate. (M601) His kinsemen Christopher de Spindola, and Báltasar de
Gallégos went with Soto. Baltasar de Gallégos sold houses and vineyards,
and rent corne, and ninetie rankes of Oliue trees in the Xarafe of Siuil:
Hee had the office of Alcalde Mayor, and tooke his wife with him: and
there went also many other persons of account with the President, and had
the officers following by great friendship, because they were officers
desired of many: to wit, Antonie de Biedma was Factor, Iohn Danusco was
Auditor, and Iohn Gaytan nephew to the Cardinall of Ciguenza had the
office of Treasurer.
Chap. III. How the Portugales went to Siuil, and from thence to S. Lucar:
he appointed Captaines ouer the ships, and distributed the people which
were to goe in them.
The Portugales departed from Eluas the 15. of Ianuarie, and came to Siuil
the 19. of the same moneth, and went to the lodging of the Gouernour, and
entred into a court, ouer the which were certaine galleries where hee was,
who came downe and receiued them at the staires, whereby they went vp into
the galleries: when he was come vp, he commanded chaires to be giuen them
to sit on. And Andrew de Vasconcellos told him who hee and the other
Portugales were, and how they all were come to accompany him, and serue
him in his voiage. He gaue him thanks and made shew of great contentment
for his comming and offer. And the table being alreadie laid he inuited
them to dinner. And being at dinner he commanded his steward to seeke a
lodging for them neere vnto his owne, where they might bee lodged. The
Adelantado departed from Siuil to Saint Lucar with al the people which
were to goe with him: And he commanded a muster to be made, at the which
the Portugales shewed themsetues armed in verie bright armour, and the
Castellans very gallant with silke vpon silke, with many pinkings and
cuts. The Gouernour, because these brauaries in such an action did not
like him, commanded that they should muster another day, and euery one
should come foorth with his armour: at the which the Portugales came as at
the first armed with very good armour. The Gouernour placed them in order
neere vnto the standard which the ensigne-bearer carried. The Castellanes
for the most part did weare very bad and rustie shirts of maile, and all
of them head peeces and steele cappes, and very bad lances. And some of
them sought to come among the Portugales. (M602) So those passed and were
counted and enroled, which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompanie
him into Florida; which were in all sixe hundred men. He had alreadie
bought seuen ships, and had all necessarie prouision aboord them: he
appointed Captaines, and deliuered to euery one his ship, and gaue them in
a role what people euery one should carrie with them.
Chap. IV. How the Adelantado with his people departed from Spaine, and
came to the Canaries, and afterward to the Antiles.
In the yeere of our Lord 1538. in the moneth of Aprill, the Adelantado
deliuered his shippes to the Captaines which were to goe in them: and
tooke for himselfe a new ship, and good of saile, and gaue another to
Andrew de Vasconcelos in which the Portugales went: hee went ouer the
barre of S. Lucar on Sunday being S. Lazarus day, in the morning, of the
moneth and yeere aforesaid, with great ioy, commanding his trumpets to be
sounded, and many shots of the ordinance to be discharged. Hee sailed
foure daies with a prosperous wind: and suddenly it calmed: the calmes
continued eight daies with swelling seas, in such wise, that wee made no
way. The 15th day after his departure from S. Lucar, hee came to Gomera,
one of the Canaries, on Easter day in the morning. The Earle of that
Island was apparrelled all in white, cloke, ierkin, hose, shooes, and
cappe, so that hee seemed a Lord of the Gypses. He receiued the Gouernour
with much ioy: hee was well lodged, and all the rest had their lodgings
gratis, and gat great store of victuals for their monie, as bread, wine
and flesh: and they tooke what was needfull for their ships: and the
Sunday following, eight daies after their arriuall, they departed from the
Isle of Gomera. The Earle gaue to Donna Isabella the Adelantados wife a
bastard daughter that hee had to bee her waiting maid. They arriued at the
Antilles, in the Isle of Cuba, at the port of the City of Sant Iago vpon
Whitsunday. Assone as they came thither, a Gentleman of the Citie sent to
the sea side a very faire roan horse and well furnished for the Gouernour,
and a mule for Donna Isabella: and all the horsemen and footemen that were
in the towne came to receiue him at the sea side. The Gouernour was well
lodged, visited, and serued of all the inhabitants of that Citie, and all
his companie had their lodgings freely: those which desired to goe into
the countrie, were diuided by foure and foure, and sixe and sixe in the
farmes or granges, according to the abilitie of the owners of the farmes,
and were furnished by them with all things necessarie.
Chap. V. Of the inhabitants which are in the Citie of S. Iago, and in the
other townes of the Island: and of the qualitie of the soile, and fruites
that it yeeldeth.
The Citie of S. Iago hath fourescore houses which are great and well
contriued. The most part haue their walls made of bords, and are couered
with thatch; it hath some houses builded with lime and stone, and couered
with tiles. (M603) It hath great Orchards and many trees in them,
differing from those of Spaine: there be figgetrees which beare figges as
big as ones fist, yellow within, and of small taste; and other trees which
beare a fruit which they call Ananes, in making and bignes like to a small
Pineapple: it is a fruite very sweete in taste: the shel being taken away,
the kernel is like a peece of fresh cheese. In the granges abroad in the
countrie there are other great pineapples, which grow on low trees, and
are like the Aloe tree:(126) they are of a very good smell and exceeding
good taste. Other trees do beare a fruit, which they call Mameis of the
bignes of Peaches. This the Islanders do hold for the best fruit of the
country. There is another fruit which they call Guayahas like Filberds, as
bigge as figges. There are other trees as high as a iaueline, hauing one
only stocke without any bough, and the leaues as long as a casting dart:
and the fruite is of the bignesse and fashion of a Cucumber, one bunch
beareth 20. or 30. and as they ripen, the tree bendeth downeward with
them: they are called in this countrie Plantanos; and are of a good taste,
and ripen after they be gathered, but those are the better which ripen
vpon the tree it selfe: they beare fruite but once: and the tree being cut
downe, there spring vp others out of the but, which beare fruite the next
yeere. (M604) There is another fruit; whereby many people are sustained,
and chiefly the slaues, which are called Batatas. These grow now in the
Isle of Terçera, belonging to the Kingdome of Portugal, and they grow
within the earth, and are like a fruit called Iname, they haue almost the
taste of a chestnut. (M605) The bread of this countrie is also made of
rootes which are like the Batatas. And the stocke whereon those rootes doe
grow is like an Elder tree: they make their ground in little hillocks and
in each of them they thrust 4. or 5. stakes; and they gather the rootes a
yeere and an halfe after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a
Batata or Potato roote, chance to eate of it neuer so little, he is in
great danger of death: which was seene by experience in a souldier, which
assone as hee had eaten a very little of one of those rootes, hee died
quicklie. They pare these rootes and stamp them and squese them in a thing
like a presse: the iuyce that commeth from them is of an euill smell. The
bread is of little taste and lesse substance. Of the fruits of Spaine,
there are Figges and Oranges, and they beare fruite all the yeere, because
the soile is very ranke and fruitfull. (M606) In this countrie are many
good horses, and there is greene grasse all the yeere. There be many wild
oxen and hogges, whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with
flesh: Without the townes abroad in the Countrie are many fruites. And it
happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth out of the way and is lost 15.
or 20. daies, because of the many paths in the thicke groues that crosse
too and fro made by the oxen: and being thus lost, they sustaine them
selues with fruites and palmitos: for there be many great groues of Palme
trees through all the Island: they yeeld no other fruite that is of any
profit. (M607) The Isle of Cuba is 300. leagues long from the East to the
West, and in some places 30. in others 40. leagues from North to South. It
hath 6. townes of Christians: to wit, S. Iago, Baracôa, Bayamo, Puerto de
Principes, S. Espirito, and Hauana. Euery one hath betweene 30. and 40.
households, except S. Iago and Hauana, which hath about 60. or 80. houses.
They haue Churches in each of them, and a Chaplen which confesseth them
and saith Masse. In S. Iago is a Monasterie of Franciscan Friars: it hath
but few Friers, and is well prouided of almes, because the countrie is
rich: The Church of S. Iago hath honest reuenew, and there is a Curat and
Prebends and many Priests, as the Church of that Citie, which is the
chiefe of all the Island. There is in this countrie much gold, and few
slaues to get it: For many haue made away themselues, because of the
Christians euill vsage of them in the mines. (M608) A steward of Vasques
Porcallo, which was an inhabitour in that Island, vnderstanding that his
slaues would make away themselues, staid for them with a cudgill in his
hand at the place where they were to meete, and told them, that they could
neither doe nor thinke any thing, that hee did not know before; and that
hee came thither to kill himselfe with them, to the end, that if hee had
vsed them badly in this world, hee might vse them worse in the world to
come: And this was a meane that they changed their purpose, and turned
home againe to doe that which he commanded them.
Chap. VI. How the Gouernour sent Donna Isabella with the ships to Hauana,
and he with some of his people went thither by land.
The Gouernour sent from S. Iago his Nephew Don Carlos with the ships in
company of Donna Isabella to tarrie for him at Hauana, which is an hauen
in the west part toward the head of the Island, 180. leagues from the
Citie of Saint Iago. The Gouernour and those which staied with him bought
horses and proceeded on their iournie. The first towne they came vnto was
Bayamo: they were lodged foure and foure, and sixe and sixe, as they went
in company, and where they lodged they tooke nothing for their diet, for
nothing cost them ought saue the Maiz or corne for their horses, because
the Gouernour went to visit them from towne to towne, and seased them in
the tribute and seruice of the Indians. Bayamo is 25. leagues from the
Citie of S. Iago. Neere vnto the towne passeth a great Riuer, which is
called Tanto; it is greater then Guadiana, and in it be very great
Crocodiles, which sometimes hurt the Indians, or the cattell which passeth
the Riuer. In all the countrie are neither Wolfe, Foxe, Beare, Lion, nor
Tiger. There are wild dogges which goe from the houses into the woods and
feed vpon swine. There be certaine Snakes as bigge as a mans thigh or
bigger, they are very slow, they doe no kind of hurt. From Bayamo to
Puerto dellos principes are 50. leagues. In al the Iland from towne to
towne, the way is made by stubbing vp the vnderwood: and if it bee left
but one yeere vndone, the wood groweth so much, that the way cannot be
seene, and the paths of the oxen are so many, that none can trauell
without an Indian of the Countrie for a guide: for all the rest is very
hie and thicke woods. From Puerto dellos principes the Gouernour went to
the house of Vasques Porcallo by sea in a bote, (for it was neere the sea)
to know there some newes of Donna Isabella, which at that instant (as
afterward was knowne) was in great distresse, in so much that the ships
lost one another: and two of them fell on the coast of Florida, and all of
them endured great want of water and victuals. When the storme was ouer,
they met together, without knowing where they were: in the end they
descried the Cape of S. Anton, a countrie not inhabited of the Island of
Cuba: there they watered; and at the end of 40. daies, which were passed
since their departure from the City of S. Iago, they arriued at Hauana.
The Gouernour was presently informed thereof, and went to Donna Isabella.
And those which went by land which were one hundred and fiftie horsemen,
being diuided into two parts, because they would not oppresse the
inhabitants, trauelled by S. Espirito, which is 60. leagues from Puerto
dellos principes. The food which they carried with them was Caçabe bread,
which is that whereof I made mention before: and it is of such a qualitie,
that if it be wet, it breaketh presently, whereby it happened to some to
eate flesh without bread for many daies. They carried dogges with them,
and a man of the Country, which did hunt; and by the way, or where they
were to lodge that night, they killed as many hogges as they needed. In
this iourney they were well prouided of beefe and porke: And they were
greatly troubled with Muskitos, especially in a lake, which is called the
mere of Pia, which they had much adoe to passe from noone till night, the
water might be some halfe league ouer, and to be swome about a crosse bowe
shot, the rest came to the waste, and they waded vp to the knees in the
mire, and in the bottome were cockle shels, which cut their feete very
sore; in such sort, that there was neither boote nor shoe sole that was
hole at halfe way. Their clothes and sandels were passed in baskets of
Palme trees. Passing this lake, stripped out of their clothes, there came
many muskitos, vpon whose bitting there arose a wheale that smarted very
much: they strooke them with their hands, and with the blow which they
gaue they killed so many, that the blood did runne downe the armes and
bodies of the men. That night they rested very little for them, and other
nights also in the like places and times. They came to Santo Espirito,
which is a towne of thirtie houses; there passeth by it a little Riuer: it
is very pleasant and fruitfull, hauing great store of Oranges and citrons,
and fruites of the Countrie: One halfe of the companie were lodged here,
and the rest passed forward 25. leagues to another towne called la
Trinidad of 15 or 20 households. Here is an hospitall for the poore, and
there is none other in all the Island. And they say, that this towne was
the greatest of all the Countrie and that before the Christians came into
this land, as a ship passed along the coast, there came in it a very sicke
man which desired the Captaine to set him on shore: and the Captaine did
so, and the ship went her way: The sicke man remained set on shore in that
countrie, which vntill then had not bene haunted by Christians; wherevpon
the Indians found him, carried him home, and looked vpon him till he was
whole; and the Lord of that towne maried him vnto a daughter of his, and
had warre withall the inhabitants round about, and by the industrie and
valour of the Christian, he subdued and brought vnder his command all the
people of that Island. A great while after, the Gouernour Diego Velasques
went to conquer it, and from thence discouered new Spaine: And this
Christian which was with the Indians did pacifie them, and brought them to
the obedience and subiection of the Gouernour. From this towne della
Trinidad vnto Hauana are 80. leagues, without any habitation, which they
trauelled. They came to Hauana in the end of March; where they found the
Gouernor, and the rest of the people which came with him from Spaine. The
Gouernour sent from Hauana Iohn Danusco with a carauele and two
brigantines with 50. men to discouer the hauen of Florida; and from thence
hee brought two Indians, which he tooke vpon the coast, wherwith (aswell
because they might be necessarie for guides and for interpretours, as
because they said by signes that there was much gold in Florida) the
Gouernour and all the companie receiued much contentment, and longed for
the houre of their departure, thinking in himselfe that this was the
richest Countrie, that vnto that day had been discouered.
Chap. VII. How we departed from Hauana, and ariued in Florida, and of such
things as happened vnto vs.
Before our departure, the Gouernour depriued Nunno de Touar of the office
of Captaine Generall, and gaue it to Porcallo de Figueroa, an inhabitant
of Cuba, which was a meane that the shippes were well furnished with
victuals: for he gaue a great many loads of Casabe bread, and manie
hogges. The Gouernour tooke away this office from Nonno de Touar, because
he had fallen in loue with the daughter of the Earle of Gomera, Donna
Isabellas waighting maid, who, though his office were taken from him, (to
returne againe to the Gouernours fauour) though she were with child by
him, yet tooke her to his wife, and went with Soto into Florida. The
Gouernour left Donna Isabella in Hauana; and with her remained the wife of
Don Carlos, and the wiues of Baltasar de Gallégos, and of Nonno de Touar.
And hee left for his lieutenant a Gentleman of Hauana, called Iohn de
Roias, for the gouernment of the Island.
On Sunday the 18. of May, in the yeere of our Lord, 1539. the Adelantado
or president departed from Hauana in Cuba with his fleete, which were nine
vessels, fiue great ships, two carauels, and two brigantines: They sailed
seuen daies with a prosperous wind. The 25. day of May, the day de Pasco
de Spirito Santo, (which we call Whitson Sonday,) they saw the land of
Florida; and because of the shoalds, they came to an anchor a league from
the shore. (M609) On Friday the 30. of May they landed in Florida, two
leagues from a towne of an Indian Lord, called Vcita. They set on land two
hundred and thirteene horses, which they brought with them, to vnburden
the shippes, that they might draw the lesse water. Hee landed all his men,
and only the sea men remained in the shippes, which in eight daies, going
vp with the tide euery day a little, brought them vp vnto the towne.
(M610) Assoone as the people were come on shore, hee pitched his campe on
the sea side, hard vpon the Bay which went vp vnto the towne. And
presently the Captaine generall Vasques Porcallo with other 7. horsemen
foraged the Countrie halfe a league round about, and found sixe Indians,
which resisted him with their arrowes, which are the weapons which they
vse to fight withall: The horsemen killed two of them, and the other foure
escaped; because the countrie is cumbersome with woods and bogs, where the
horses stacke fast, and fell with their riders, because they were weake
with trauelling vpon the sea. The same night following the Gouernour with
an hundred men in the brigantines lighted vpon a towne, which he found
without people, because, that assoone as the Christians had sight of land,
they were descried, and saw along the coast many smokes, which the Indians
had made to giue aduice the one to the other. The next day Luys de
Moscoso, Master of the Campe set the men in order, the horsemen in three
squadrons, the Vantgard, the Batallion, and the Rerewarde: and so they
marched that day, and the day following, compassing great Creekes which
came out of the Bay: They came to the towne of Vcita, where the Gouernour
was, on Sunday the first of Iune, being Trinitie Sunday. The towne was of
seuen or eight houses. The Lordes house stoode neere the shore vpon a very
hie mount, made by hand for strength. At another ende of the towne stood
the Church, and on the top of it stood a fowle made of wood with gilded
eies. Heere were found some pearles of small valew, spoiled with the fire,
which the Indians do pierce and string them like beades, and weare them
about their neckes and hand wrists, and they esteeme them very much. The
houses were made of timber, and couered with Palme leaues. The Gouernour
lodged himselfe in the Lords houses, and with him Vasques Porcallo, and
Luys de Moscoso: and in others that were in the middest of the towne, was
the chiefe Alcalde or Iustice, Baltasar de Gallégos lodged; and in the
same houses was set in a place by it selfe, al the prouision that came in
the ships: the other houses and the Church were broken down, and euery
three or foure souldiers made a little cabin wherein they lodged. The
Countrie round about was very fennie, and encombred with great and hie
trees. The Gouernor commanded to fel the woods a crossebow shot round
about the towne, that the horses might runne, and the Christians might
haue the aduantage of the Indians, if by chance they should set vpon them
by night. In the waies and places conuenient, they had their Centinelles
of footemen by two and two in euery stand, which did watch by turnes, and
the horsemen did visit them, and were readie to assist them, if there were
any alarme. The Gouernour made foure Captaines of the horsemen, and two of
the footemen. The Captaines of the horsemen were, one of them Andrew de
Vasconcelos, and another Pedro Calderan de Badaioz: and the other two were
his kinsemen, to wit, Arias Tinoco, and Alfonso Romo, borne likewise in
Badaioz. The Captaines of the footemen, the one was Francisco Maldonado of
Salamanca, and the other Iuan Rodriguez Lobillo. While wee were in this
towne of Vcita, the two Indians, which Iohn Danusco had taken on that
coast, and the Gouernor caried along with him for guides and
interpretours, through carelessnes of two men, which had the charge of
them, escaped away one night. For which the Gouernour and all the rest
were very sorie, for they had alreadie made some roades, and no Indians
could bee taken, because the countrie was full of marish grounds, and in
many places full of very hie and thicke woods.
Chap. VIII. Of some inrodes that were made into the Countrie: and how
there was a Christian found, which had bin long time in the power of an
Indian Lord.
From the towne of Vcita, the Gouernour sent the Alcalde Mayor, Baltasar de
Gallégos with 40. horsemen and 80. footemen into the Countrie to see if
they could take any Indians: and the Captaine Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo
another way with 50. footemen, the most of them were swordmen and
targettours, and the rest were shot and crossebowmen. They passed through
a countrie full of bogges, where horses could not trauell. Halfe a league
from the campe, they lighted vpon certaine cabins of Indians neere a
Riuer: The people that were in them leaped into the Riuer; yet they tooke
foure Indian women; And twentie Indians charged vs, and so distressed vs,
that wee were forced to retire to our campe, being, as they are, exceeding
readie with their weapons. It is a people so warlike and so nimble, that
they care not awhit for any footemen. For if their enemies charge them,
they runne away, and if they turne their backs, they are presently vpon
them. And the thing that they most flee, is the shot of an arrow. They
neuer stand still, but are alwaies running and trauersing from one place
to another: by reason whereof neither crossebow nor arcubuse can aime at
them: and before one crossebowman can make one shot, an Indian will
discharge three or foure arrowes; and he seldome misseth what hee shooteth
at. An arrow, where it findeth no armour, pierceth as deeply as a
crossebow. Their bowes are very long, and their arrowes are made of
certaine canes like reedes, very heauie, and so strong, that a sharpe cane
passeth thorow a target: Some they arme in point with a sharpe bone of a
fish like a chisel, and in others they fasten certaine stones like points
of Diamants. For the most part when they light vpon an armour, they breake
in the place where they are bound together. Those of cane do split and
pierce a coate of maile, and are more hurtfull then the other. Iohn
Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the campe with sixe men wounded, whereof one
died; and brought the foure Indian women which Baltasar Gallégos had taken
in the cabins or cotages. Two leagues from the towne, comming into the
plaine field, he espied ten or eleuen Indians, among whom was a Christian,
which was naked, and scorched with the Sunne, and had his armes razed
after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing at all from them.
And assoone as the horsemen saw them they ran toward them. The Indians
fled, and some of them hid themselues in a wood, and they ouertooke two or
three of them, which were wounded: and the Christian, seeing an horseman
runne vpon him with his lance, began to crie out, Sirs, I am a Christian,
slay me not, nor these Indians, for they haue saued my life. And
straightway he called them, and put them out of feare, and they came
foorth of the wood vnto them. The horse men tooke both the Christian and
the Indians vp behind them; and toward night came into the Campe with much
ioy; which thing being known by the Gouernour, and them that remained in
the Campe, they were receiued with the like.
Chap. IX. How this Christian came to the land of Florida, and who he was:
and what conference he had with the Gouernour.
(M611) This Christians name was Iohn Ortiz, and he was borne in Siuil, of
worshipful parentage. He was 12. yeeres in the hands of the Indians. He
came into this Countrie with Pamphilo de Naruaez, and returned in the
ships to the Island of Cuba, where the wife of the Gouernour Pamphilo de
Naruaez was: and by his commandement with 20. or 30. other in a brigandine
returned backe againe to Florida: and comming to the port in the sight of
the towne, on the shore they saw a cane sticking in the ground, and riuen
at the top, and a letter in it: and they beleeued that the Gouernour had
left it there to giue aduertisement of himselfe, when he resolued to goe
vp into the land: and they demanded it of foure or fiue Indians, which
walked along the sea shore: and they had them by signes to come on shore
for it: which against the will of the rest Iohn Ortiz and another (M612)
did. And assoone as they wereon land, from the houses of the towne issued
a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and tooke them in a
place where they could not flee: and the other which sought to defend
himselfe, they presentlie killed vpon the place, and tooke Iohn Ortiz
aliue, and carried him to Vcita their Lord. And those of the brigandine
sought not to land, but put themselues to sea, and returned to the Island
of Cuba. Vcita commaunded to bind Iohn Ortiz hand and foote vpon foure
stakes aloft vpon a raft, and to make a fire vnder him, that there he
might bee burned: But a daughter of his desired him that he would not put
him to death, alleaging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt
nor good, telling him, that it was more for his honor to keepe him as a
captiue. And Vcita granted her request, and commaunded him to be cured of
his wounds: and assoone as he was whole, he gaue him the charge of the
keeping of the Temple: because that by night the wolues did cary away the
dead corpse out of the towne, who commended himselfe to God and tooke vpon
him the charge of his temple. One night the wolues gatte from him the
corpse of a little child, the sonne of a principal Indian: and going after
them he threw a darte at one of the wolues and wounde him that carried
away the corps, who feeling himselfe wounded, left it, and fell downe dead
neere the place: and hee not seeing what he had done, because it was
night, went backe againe to the Temple: the morning being come, and
finding not the bodie of the child, he was very sad. Assoone as Vcita knew
therof, he resolued to put him to death; and sent by the track, which he
said the wolues went, and found the bodie of the child and the wolfe dead
a little beyond: whereat Vcita was much concerned with the Christian, and
with the watch which hee kept in the Temple, and from thence forward
esteemed him much. Three yeeres after he fell into his hands there came
another Lord called Mocoço, who dwelleth two daies iourney from the Port,
and burned his towne. Vcita fled to another towne that he had in another
sea port. Thus Iohn Ortiz lost his office and fauour that he had with him.
These people being worshippers of the deuill, are wont to offer vp vnto
him the liues and blood of their Indians, or of any other people they can
come by: and they report, that when he will haue them doe that sacrifice
vnto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them, that he is athirst, and
willeth them to sacrifice vnto him. Iohn Ortiz had notice by the damsell
that had deliuered him from the fire, how her father was determined to
sacrifice him the day following, who willed him to flee to Mocoço: for
shee knew that he would vse him wel: for she heard say, that he had asked
for him, and said hee would bee glad to see him: and because he knew not
the way, she went with him halfe a league out of the towne by night, and
set him in the way, and returned, because she would not be discouered.
Iohn Ortiz trauailed all that night, and by the morning came vnto a Riuer,
which is in the territorie of Mocoço: and there he saw two Indians
fishing; and because they were in war with the people of Vcita, and their
languages were different, and hee knew not the language of Mocoço, he was
afraid, because he could not tell them who hee was, nor how hee came
thither, nor was able to answer any thing for himselfe, that they would
kill him, taking him for one of the Indians of Vcita; and before they
espied him he came to the place where they had laid their weapons: and
assoone as they saw him, they fled toward the towne, and although he
willed them to stay, because he meant to do them no hurt, yet they
vnderstood him not, and ran away as fast as euer they could. And assone as
they came to the towne with great outcries, many Indians came forth
against him, and began to compasse him to shoote at him: Iohn Ortiz seeing
himselfe in so great danger, sheilded himselfe with certaine trees, and
began to shreeke out, and crie very loud, and to tell them that he was a
Christian, and that he was fled from Vcita, and was come to see and serue
Mocoço his Lord. It pleased God that at that very instant there came
thither an Indian that could speake the language and vnderstood him; and
pacified the rest; who told them what hee said. Then ran from thence three
or foure Indians to beare the newes to their Lord: who came foorth a
quarter of a league from the towne to receiue him; and was very glad of
him. He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the
Christians, that hee would not run away from him to any other Lord: and
promised him to entreate him very well; and that if at any time there came
any Christians into that countrie, he would freely let him goe, and giue
him leaue to goe to them: and likewise tooke his oth to performe the same
according to the Indian custome. (M613) About three yeeres after certaine
Indians, which were fishing at sea two leagues from the towne, brought
newes to Mocoço that they had seene ships: and hee called Iohn Ortiz, and
gaue him leaue to go his way: who taking his leaue of him, with all the
haste he could came to the sea, and finding no ships, he thought it to be
some deceit, and that the Cacique had done the same to learne his mind. So
he dwelt with Mocoço nine yeeres, with small hope of seeing any
Christians. Assoone as our Gouernour arriued in Florida, it was knowne to
Mocoço, and straightway he signified to Iohn Ortiz, that Christians were
lodged in the towne of Vcita: And he thought he had iested with him, as he
had done before, and told him, that by this time he had forgotten the
Christians, and thought of nothing else but to serue him. But he assured
him that it was so, and gaue him licence to goe vnto them: saying vnto
him, that if hee would not doe it, and if the Christians should goe their
way, he should not blame him, for hee had fulfilled that which he had
promised him. The ioy of Iohn Ortiz was so great, that he could not
beleeue that it was true: notwithstanding he gaue him thankes, and tooke
his leaue of him: and Mocoço gaue him tenne or eleuen principall Indians
to beare him companie: and as they went to the port where the Gouernour
was, they met with Baltasar de Gallégos, as I haue declared before. (M614)
Assoone as he was come to the campe, the Gouernour commanded to giue him a
suite of apparell, and very good armour, and a faire horse: and enquired
of him, whether hee had notice of any countrie, where there was any gold
or siluer: He answered, No, because he neuer went ten leagues compasse
from the place where he dwelt: But 30. leagues from thence dwelt an Indian
Lord, which was called Parocossi, to whom Mocoço and Vcita, with al the
rest of that coast paied tribute, and that hee peraduenture might haue
notice of some good countrie: and that his land was better then that of
the sea coast, and more fruitfull and plentifull of maiz. Whereof the
Gouernour receiued great contentment: and said that he desired no more
then to finde victuals, that hee might goe into the maine land, for the
land of Florida, was so large, that in one place or other there could not
chuse but bee some rich Countrie. The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to
visit the Gouernor and made this speech following.
Right hie and mightie Lord, I being lesser in mine owne conceit for to
obey you, then any of those which you haue vnder your command; and greater
in desire to doe you greater seruices, doe appeare before your Lordship
with so much confidence of receiuing fauour, as if in effect this my good
will were manifested vnto you in workes: not for the small seruice I did
vnto you touching the Christian which I had in my power, in giuing him
freely his libertie, (For I was bound to doe it to preserue mine honour,
and that which I had promised him:) but because it is the part of great
men to vse great magnificences: And I am perswaded, that as in bodily
perfections, and commanding of good people, you doe exceede all men in the
world, so likewise you doe in the parts of the minde, in which you may
boast of the bountie of nature. The fauour which I hope for of your
Lordship is, that you would hold mee for yours, and bethinke your selfe to
command me any thing, wherein I may doe you seruice.
The Gouernour answereth him, That although in freeing and sending him the
Christian, he had presented his honour and promise, yet he thanked him,
and held it in such esteeme, as it had no comparison; and that hee would
alwaies hold him as his brother, and would fauour him in all things to the
vtmost of his power. Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him, and other
things, where with the Cacique being verie well contented, tooke his leaue
of him, and departed to his owne towne.
Chap. X. How the Gouernour sent the ships to Cuba: and left an hundred men
at the Hauen de Spirito Santo, and himself with the rest of his people
went into the maine land.
From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Gouernour lay, he sent the
Alcalde Mayor Baltasar de Gallégos with 50. horsemen, and 30. or 40.
footemen to the prouince of Paracoussi, to view the disposition of the
countrie, and enforme himselfe of the land farther inward, and to send him
word of such things as he found. Likewise he sent his shippes backe to the
Iland of Cuba, that they might returne within a certaine time with
victuals. Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa, which went with the Gouernour as
Captaine Generall, (whose principall intent was to send slaues from
Florida, to the Iland of Cuba, where he had his goods and mines;) hauing
made some inrodes, and seeing no Indians were to be got, because of the
great bogs and thicke woods that were in the Countrie, considering the
disposition of the same, determined to returne to Cuba. And though there
was some difference between him and the Gouernour, whereupon they neither
dealt nor conuersed together with good countenance, yet notwithstanding
with louing words he asked him leaue and departed from him. Baltasar de
Gallégos came to the Paracossi: There came to him 30. Indians from the
Cacique, which was absent from his town, and one of them made this speech:
Paracossi, the Lord of this prouince, whose vassals we are sendeth vs vnto
your worship, to know what it is that you seeke in this his countrie, and
wherein he may doe you seruice.
Baltasar de Gallégos said vnto him, that hee thanked them very much for
their offer, willing them to warne their Lord to come to his towne, and
that there they would talke and confirme their peace and friendship, which
he much desired. The Indians went their way, and returned the next day,
and said, that their Lord was ill at ease, and therefore could not come,
but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded. He asked them
if they knew or had notice of any rich Countrie where there was gold or
siluer. They told them, they did: and that toward the West, there was a
prouince which was called Cale; and that others that inhabited other
Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie, where the most part
of the yeere was sommer, and that there was much gold: and that when those
their enemies came to make ware with them of Cale, these inhabitants of
Cale did weare hats of gold, in manner of head peeces. Baltasar de
Gallégos, seeing that the Cacique came not, thinking all that they said
was fained, with intent that in the meane time they might set themselues
in safetie, fearing, that if he did let them goe, they would returne no
more, commanded the thirty Indians to be chained, and sent word to the
Gouernour, by eight horsemen, what had passed: whereof the Gouernour and
al that were with him, at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great
comfort, supposing, that that which the Indians reported, might be true.
Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port, with thirtie horsemen, and
seuentie footemen, with prouision for two yeeres, and himselfe with all
the rest marched into the maine land, and came to the Paracossi, at whose
towne Baltasar de Gallégos was: and from thence with all his men tooke the
way to Cale. He passed by a little towne called Acela, and came to another
called Tocaste: and from thence he went before with 30 horsemen, and 50
footemen toward Cale. And passing by a towne, whence the people were fled,
they saw Indians a little from thence in a lake; to whom the Interpreter
spake. They came vnto them and gaue them an Indian for a guide: and hee
came to a Riuer with a great current, and vpon a tree, which was in the
midst of it, was made a bridge, whereon the men passed: the horses swam
ouer by a hawser, that they were pulled by from the otherside: for one,
which they droue in without it, was drowned. From thence the Gouernour
sent two horsemen to his people that were behind, to make haste after him;
because the way grew long and their victuals short. Hee came to Cale, and
found the towne without people. He tooke three Indians, which were spies,
and tarried there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed
with hunger and euill waies, because the Countrie was very barren of Maiz,
low, and full of water, bogs, and thicke woods; and the victuals, which
they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo, were spent.
Whersoeuer any towne was found, there were some beetes, and hee that came
first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eate them without
any other thing: and such as could not get them, gathered the stalkes of
Maiz and eate them, which because they were young, had no Maiz in them.
When they came to the Riuer which the Gouernour had passed, they found
palmitos vpon lowe Palmetrees like those of Andaluzia. There they met with
the two horsemen which the Gouernour sent vnto them, and they brought
newes that in Cale there was plentie of Maiz: at which newes they all
reioyced. Assoone as they came to Cale, the Gouernour commanded them to
gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field, which was sufficient for
three moneths. At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians
and one of them which were taken told the Gouernour that within seuen
dayes iournie, there was a very great Prouince, and plentifull of Maiz,
which was called Apalache. And presently he departed from Cale with 50
horsemen and 60. footemen. He left the master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso
with all the rest of the people there, with charge that hee should not
depart thence vntill hee had word from him. And because hitherto none had
gotten any slaues, the bread that euery one was to eate, he was faine
himselfe to beate in a morter made in a piece of timber with a pestle, and
some of them did sift the flower through their shirts of maile. They baked
their bread vpon certaine tileshares which they set ouer the fire, in such
sort as heretofore I haue said they vse to doe in Cuba. It is so
troublesome to grind their Maiz, that there were many that would rather
not eate it, then grind it: and did eate the Maiz parched and sodden.
Chap. XI. How the Gouernour came to Caliquen, and carrying from thence the
Cacique with him went to Napetuca, where the Indians sought to haue taken
him from him, and in an assault many of them were slaine, and taken
prisoners.
The 11. day of August 1539, the Gouernour departed from Cale: hee lodged
in a little town called Ytara, and the next day in another called Potano,
and the third day at Vtinama, and came to another towne, which they named
the towne of Euil peace; because an Indian came in peace, saying, That he
was the Cacique, and that he with his people would serue the Gouernour,
and that if he would set free 28. persons, men and women, which his men
had taken the night before, he would command prouision to be brought him,
and would giue him a guide to instruct him in his way: The Gouernour
commanded them to be set at libertie, and to keepe him in safegard. The
next day in the morning there came many Indians, and set themselues round
about the towne neere to a wood. The Indian wished them to carrie him
neere them; and that he would speake vnto them, and assure them, and that
they would doe whatsoeuer hee commanded them. And when he saw himselfe
neere vnto them he brake from them, and ran away so swiftly from the
Christians, that there was none that could ouertake him, and all of them
fled into the woods. The Gouernour commanded to loose a grayhound, which
was alreadie fleshed on them, which passing by many other Indians, caught
the counterfait Cacique, which had escaped from the Christians, and held
him till they came to take him. From thence the Gouernour lodged at a
towne called Cholupaha: and because it had store of Maiz in it, they named
it Villa farta. Beyond the same there was a Riuer, on which he made a
bridge of timber, and trauelled two daies through a desert. The 17. of
August, he came to Caliquen, where he was informed of the Prouince of
Apalache: They told him that there Pamphilo de Naruaez had bin there, and
that hee tooke shipping, because hee could find no way to goe forward:
that there was none other towne at al; but that on both sides was all
water. The whole companie were very sad for these newes: and counselled
the Gouernour to goe backe to the Port de Spirito Santo, and to abandon
the Countrie of Florida, lest hee should perish as Naruaez had done:
declaring, that if he went forward, he could not returne backe when he
would, and that the Indians would gather vp that small quantitie of Maiz
which was left. Whereunto the Gouernour answered, that he would not go
backe, till he had seene with his eies that which they reported: saying,
that he could not beleeue it, and that wee should be put out of doubt
before it were long. And he sent to Luys de Moscoso to come presently from
Cale, and that he tarried for him here. Luys de Moscoso and many others
thought, that from Apalache they should returne backe; and in Cale they
buried their yron tooles, and diuers other things. They came to Caliquen
with great trouble; because the Countrie, which the Gouernour had passed
by, was spoiled and destitute of Maiz. After all the people were come
together, hee commanded a bridge to bee made ouer a Riuer that passed
neere the towne. Hee departed from Caliquen the 10. of September, and
carried the Cacique with him. After hee had trauelled three daies, there
came Indians peaceably, to visit their Lord, and euery day met vs on the
way playing vpon flutes: which is a token that they vse, that men may know
that they come in peace. They said, that in our way before there was a
Cacique, whose name was Vzachil, a kinseman of the Cacique of Caliquen
their Lord, waiting for him with many presents, and they desired the
Gouernour that he would loose the Cacique. But he would not, fearing that
they would rise, and would not giue him any guides, and sent them away
from day to day with good words. He trauelled fiue daies, he passed by
some smal townes, he came to a towne called Napetuca, the 15. day of
September. Thither came 14. or 15. Indians, and besought the Gouernor to
let loose the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord. He answered them that he
held him not in prison, but that hee would haue him to accompanie him to
Vzachil. The Gouernour had notice by Iohn Ortiz, that an Indian told him
how they determined to gather themselues together, and come vpon him, and
giue him battell, and take away the Cacique from him. The day that it was
agreed vpon, the Gouernour commanded his men to bee in a readines, and
that the horsemen should bee readie armed and on horsebacke euery one in
his lodging, because the Indians might not see them, and so more
confidently come to the towne. There came four hundred Indians in sight of
the campe, with their bowes and arrowes, and placed themselues in a wood,
and sent two Indians to bid the Gouernour to deliuer them the Cacique. The
Gouernour with sixe footemen leading the Cacique by the hand, and talking
with him, to secure the Indians, went toward the place where they were:
And seeing a fit time, commanded to sound a trumpet: and presently those
that were in the towne in the houses, both horse and foot, set vpon the
Indians, which were so suddenly assaulted, that the greatest care they had
was which way they should flee: They killed two horses; one was the
Gouernours, and hee was presently horsed againe vpon another. There were
30. or 40. Indians slaine. The rest fled to two very great lakes, that
were somewhat distant the one from the other: There they were swimming,
and the Christians round about them. The caliuermen and crossebowmen shot
at them from the banke: but the distance being great and shooting afarre
off, they did them no hurt. The Gouernour commanded that the same night
they should compasse one of the lakes, because they were so great, that
there were not men enow to compasse them both: being beset, assoone as
night shut in, the Indians, with determination to runne away, came
swimming very softly to the banke; and to hide themselues, they put a
water lillie leafe on their heads. The horsemen assoone as they perceiued
it to stirre, ran into the water to the horses breasts, and the Indians
fled againe into the lake. So this night passed without any rest on both
sides, Iohn Ortiz perswaded them, that seeing they could not escape, they
should yeeld themselues to the Gouernour: which they did, enforced
thereunto by the coldnes of the water; and one by one, hee first whom the
cold did first ouercome, cried to Iohn Ortiz desiring that they would not
kill him, for he came to put himselfe into the hands of the Gouernour. By
the morning watch they made an end of yeelding themselues: only 12.
principall men, being more honorable and valorous then the rest, resolued
rather to die then to come into his hands. And the Indians of Paracossi,
which were now loosed out of chaines, went swimming to them, and pulled
them out by the haire of their heads, and they were all put in chaines;
and the next day were diuided among the Christians for their seruice.
Being thus in captiuitie, they determined to rebell; and gaue in charge
(M615) to an Indian, which was interpretour, and held to be valiant, that
assoone as the Goueruour did come to speak with him, hee should cast his
hands about his necke, and choke him: Who, when he saw opportunitie, laid
hands on the Gouernour, and before he cast his hands about his necke, he
gaue him such a blow on the nostrils, that hee made them gush out with
blood, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any weapons
at hand, or the handle wherewith he did grind the Maiz, sought to kill his
master, or the first hee met before him: and hee that could get a lance or
sword at hand, bestirred himselfe in such sort with it, as though he had
vsed it all his life time. One Indian in the market place enclosed
betweene 15. or 20. footemen, made a way like a bull with a sword in his
hand, till certaine halbardiers of the Gouernour came, which killed him.
Another gat vp with a lance to a left made of canes, which they build to
keep their Maiz in, which they call a Barbacoa, and there hee made such a
noise, as though tenne men had been there defending the doore: they slew
him with a partisan. (M616) The Indians were in all about two hundred men.
They were all subdued. And some of the youngest the Gouernour gaue to them
which had good chaines, and were carefull to looke to them that they gat
not away. Al the rest he commanded to be put to death, being tied to a
stake in the midst of the market place: and the Indians of the Paracossi
did shoote them to death.
Chap. XII. How the Gouernour came to Apalache, and was informed, that
within the land, there was much gold.
The Gouernour departed from Napetuca the 23. of September: he lodged by a
Riuer, where two Indians brought him a buck from the Cacique of Vzachil.
The next day he passed by a great towne called Hapaluya and lodged at
Vzachil, and found no people in it, because they durst not tarrie for the
notice the Indians had of the slaughter of Napetuca. He found in that
towne great store of Maiz, French beanes, and pompions, which is their
foode, and that wherewith the Christians there sustained themselues. The
Maiz is like course millet, and the pompions are better and more sauorie
than those of Spaine. From thence the Gouernour sent two Captaines each a
sundry way to seeke the Indians. They tooke an hundred men and women: of
which aswel there as in other places where they made any inrodes, the
Captaine chose one or two for the Gouernour, and diuided the rest to
himselfe, and those that went with him. They led these Indians in chaines
with yron collars about their neckes: and they serued to carrie their
stuffe, and to grind their Maiz, and for other seruices that such captiues
should doe. Sometimes it happened that going for wood or Maiz with them,
they killed the Christian that led them, and ran away with the chaine:
others filed their chaines by night with a peece of stone, wherewith they
cut them, and vse it in stead of yron. Those that were perceiued paid for
themselues, and for the rest, because they should not dare to doe the like
another time. The women and young boyes, when they were once an hundred
leagues from their Countrie, and had forgotten things, they let goe loose,
and so they serued; and in a very short space they vnderstood the language
of the Christians. From Vzachil the Gouernour departed toward Apalache,
and in two daies iournie, hee came to a towne called Axille, and from
thence forward the Indians were carelesse, because they had as yet no
notice of the Christians. The next day in the morning, the first of
October, he departed from thence, and commanded a bridge to bee made ouer
a Riuer which hee was to passe. The deepe of the Riuer where the bridge
was made, was a stones cast, and forward a crossebow shot the water came
to the waste; and the wood, whereby the Indians came to see if they could
defend the passage, and disturbe those which made the bridge, was very hie
and thicke. The crossebow men so bestirred themselues that they made them
giue back: and certaine plancks were cast into the Riuer, whereon the men
passed, which made good the passage. The Gouernour passed vpon Wednesday,
which was S. Francis his day, and lodged at a towne which was called
Vitachuco, subiect to Apalache: he found it burning; for the Indians had
set it on fire. From thence forward the countrie was much inhabited, and
had great store of Maiz. Hee passed by many granges, like hamlets. On
Sunday the 25. of October, he came to a towne, which is called Vzela, and
vpon Tuesday to Anaica Apalache, where the Lord of all that Countrie and
Prouince was resident: in which towne the Campemaster, whose office it is
to quarter out, and lodge men, did lodge all the companie round about
within a league, and halfe a league of it. There were other townes, where
was great store of Maiz, Pomions, French Beanes, and Plummes of the
Countrie, which are better then those of Spaine, and they grow in the
fields without planting. The victuals that were thought necessarie to
passe the winter, were gathered from these townes to Anaica Apalache. The
Gouernour was informed, that the sea was ten leagues from thence. Hee
presently sent a Capiaine thither with horsemen and footemen: And sixe
leagues on the way, he found a towne, which was named Ochete, and so came
to the Sea: and found a great tree felled, and cut into peeces, with
stakes set vp like mangers, and saw the skulles of horses. Hee returned
with this newes. And that was held for certaine, which was reported of
Pamphilo de Naruaez, that there hee had builded the barkes wherewith he
went out of the land of Florida, and was cast away at sea. Presently the
Gouernour sent Iohn Danusco with 30. horsemen to the port de Spirito
Santo, where Calderan was, with order, that they should abandon the port,
and all of them come to Apalache. Hee departed on Saturday the 17 of
Nouember. In Vzachil and other townes that stood in the way he found great
store of people already carelesse. Hee would take none of the Indians, for
not hindring himselfe, because it behoued him to giue them no leasure to
gather themselues together. Hee passed through the townes by night, and
rested without the townes three or foure houres. In tenne daies he came to
the Port de Spirito Santo. Hee carried with him 20. Indian women which hee
tooke in Ytara, and Potano, neere vnto Cale, and sent them to Donna
Isabella in the two carauels, which hee sent from the Port de Spirito
Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footemen in the brigandines, and
coasting along the shore, came to Apalache. And Calderan with the
horsemen, and some crossebowmen on foot went by land; and in some places
the Indians set vpon him, and wounded some of his men. Assoone as he came
to Apalache presently the Gouernour sent sawed plankes and spikes to the
sea side, wherewith was made a piragua or barke, wherein were embarked 30.
men well armed; which went out of the Bay to the Sea, looking for the
brigandines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which passed along
the harbour in their canoes. Vpon Saturday the 29. of Nouember, there came
an Indian through the Watch vndiscouered, and set the towne on fire, and
with the great wind that blew, two parts of it were consumed in a short
time. On Sonday the 28. of December came Iohn Danusco with the
brigandines. The Gouernour sent Francisco Maldonado a captaine of footemen
with 50 men to discouer the coast Westward, and to seeke some Port,
because he had determined to goe by land, and discouer that part. That day
there went out eight horsemen by commandement of the Gouernour into the
field, two leagues about the towne to seeke Indians: for they were now so
emboldened, that within two crossebow shot of the camp, they came and slew
men. They found two men and a woman gathering French Beanes: the men,
though they might haue fled, yet because they would not leaue the woman,
which was one of their wiues, they resolued to die fighting: and before
they were slaine, they wounded three horses, whereof one died within a few
daies after. Calderan going with his men by the Sea-coast, from a wood
that was neere the place, the Indians set vpon him, and made him forsake
his way, and many of them that went with him forsooke some necessarie
victuals, which they carried with them. Three or foure daies after the
limited time giuen by the Gouernour to Maldonado for his going and
comming, being alreadie determined and resolued, if within eight daies he
did not come to tarrie no longer for him, he came and brought an Indian
from a Prouince, which was called Ochus, sixtie leagues Westward from
Apalache; where he had found a good Port of good depth and defense against
weather. And because the Gouernour hoped to find a good countrie forward
he was well contented. And he sent Maldonado for victuals to Hauana, with
order, that he should tarrie for him at the Port of Ochus, which hee had
discouered, for hee would goe seeke it by land: and if he should chance to
stay, and not come thither that summer, that then he should returne to
Hauana, and should come again the next summer after and tarrie for him at
that port, for he said hee would doe none other thing but goe to seeke
Ochus. Francisco Maldonado departed, and in his place for captaine of the
footemen remained Iohn de Guzman. (M617) Of those Indians which were taken
in Napetuca, the treasurer Iohn Gaytan had a young man, which said, that
he was not of that countrie, but of another farre off toward the
Sunrising, and that it was long since he had trauelled to see countries;
and that his countrie was called Yupaha, and that a woman did gouern it;
and that the towne where she was resident was of a wonderfull bignesse,
and that many lords round about were tributaries to her; and some gaue her
clothes, and others gold in abundance; and hee told, how it was taken out
of the mines, and was moulten and refined, as if hee had seene it done, or
the diuel had taught it him. So that all those which knew anything
concerning the same, said that it was impossible to giue so good a
relation, without hauing seene it; And all of them, as if they had seene
it, by the signes that he gaue, beleeued all that hee said to be true.
Chap. XIII. How the Gouernour departed from Apalache to seeke Yupaha, and
of that which happened vnto him.
On Wednesday the third of March, of the yeere 1540. the Gouernor departed
from Anaica Apalache to seeke Yupaha. He commanded his men to goe prouided
with Maiz for sixtie leagues of desert. The horsemen carried their Maiz on
their horses, and the footemen at their sides; because the Indians that
were for seruice, with their miserable life that they lead that winter,
being naked and in chaines, died for the most part. Within foure daies
iournie they came to a great Riuer: and they made a piragua or ferrie
bote, and because of the great current, they made a cable with chaines,
which they fastened on both sides of the Riuer; and the ferrie bote went
along by it; and the horses swam ouer, being drawne with capstans. Hauing
passed the Riuer, in a day and an halfe, they came to a towne called
Capachiqui. Vpon Friday the 11. of March, they found Indians in armes. The
next day fiue Christians went to seeke morters, which the Indians haue to
beate their Maiz, and they went to certaine houses on the backside of the
Campe enuironed with a wood: And within the wood were many Indians which
came to spie vs; of the which came other fiue and set vpon vs. One of the
Christians came running away, giuing an alarme vnto the Campe. Those which
were most readie answered the alarme. They found one Christian dead, and
three sore wounded. The Indians fled vnto a lake adioyning neere a very
thicke wood, where the horses could not enter. The Gouernour departed from
Capachiqui, and passed through a desert. On Wednesday the 21. of the
moneth he came to a towne called Toalli. And from thence forward there was
a difference in the houses. For those which were behind vs were thatched
with straw, and those of Toalli were couered with reeds in manner of
tiles. These houses are verie cleanly. Some of them had walles daubed with
clay, which shewed like a mudwall. In all the cold countrie the Indians
haue euery one a house for the winter daubed with clay within and without,
and the doore is very little: they shut it by night, and make fire within;
so that they are in it as warme as in a stoue: and so it continueth all
night that they need not clothes: and besides these, they haue others for
summer; and their kitchins neere them, where they make fire and bake their
bread: and they haue barbacoas wherein they keepe their Maiz; which is an
house set vp in the aire vpon foure stakes, boorded about like a chamber,
and the floore of it is of cane hurdles. The difference which Lords or
principall mens houses haue from the rest, besides they be greater, is,
that they haue great galleries in their fronts, and vnder them seates made
of canes in manner of benches: and round about them they haue many lofts,
wherein they lay vp that which the Indians doe giue them for tribute,
which is Maiz, Deeres skins, and mantles of the Countrie, which are like
blankets: they make them of the inner rinde of the barke of trees, and
some of a kind of grasse like vnto nettles, which being beaten, is like
vnto flaxe. The women couer themselues with these mantles; they put one
about them from the wast downeward; and another ouer their shoulder, with
their right arme out, like vnto the Egyptians. The men weare but one
mantle vpon their shoulders after the same manner: and haue their secrets
hid with a Deeres skin, made like a linen breech, which was wont to be
vsed in Spaine. The skins are well corried, and they giue them what colour
they list, so perfect, that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloath in
graine, and the blacke is most fine: and of the same leather they make
shooes; and they die their mantles in the same colours. The Gouernour
departed from Toalli the 24. of March: he came on Thursday at euening to a
small Riuer, where a bridge was made whereon the people passed, and Benit
Fernandez a Portugall fell off from it, and was drowned. Assoone as the
Gouernour had passed the Riuer, a little distance thence he found a towne
called Achese. The Indians had no notice of the Christians: they leaped
into a Riuer: some men and women were taken; among which was one that
vnderstood the youth which guided the Gouernour to Yupaha: whereby that
which he had reported was more confirmed. For they passed through
Countries of diuers languages, and some which he vnderstood not. The
Gouernour sent by one of the Indians that were taken to call the Cacique,
which was on the other side of the Riuer. Hee came and made this speech
following:
Right high, right mightie, and excellent Lord, those things which seldome
happen doe cause admiration. What then may the sight of your Lordship, and
your people doe to mee and mine, whom we neuer saw? especially being
mounted on such fierce beasts as your horses are, entring with such
violence and furie into my Countrie, without my knowledge of your comming.
It was a thing so strange, and caused such feare and terrour in our
mindes, that it was not in our power to stay and receiue your Lordship
with the solemnitie due to so high and renowmed a Prince, as your Lordship
is. And trusting in your greatnesse and singular vertues, I doe not onely
hope to be freed from blame, but also to receiue fauours: and the first
which I demand of your Lordship is, that you will vse me, my Countrie, and
subiects as your owne; and the second, that you will tell mee who you are,
and whence you come, and whither you goe, and what you seeke, that I the
better may serue you therein.
The Gouernour answered him that hee thanked him as much for his offer and
good will, as if hee had receiued it, and as if hee had offered him a
great treasure; and told him that he was the sonne of the Sun, and came
from those parts where he dwelt, and trauelled through that Countrie, and
sought the greatest Lord, and richest Prouince that was in it. The Cacique
told him; that farther forward dwelt a great Lord, and that his dominion
was called Ocute. He gaue him a guide, and an interpretour for that
Prouince. The Gouernour commanded his Indians to bee set free, and
trauelled through his Countrie vp a Riuer very well inhabited. He departed
from his towne the first of Aprill; and left a very high crosse of Wood
set vp in the middest of the market place: and because the time gaue no
more leasure, hee declared to him onely, that that crosse was a memorie of
the same, whereon Christ, which was God and man, and created the heauens
and the earth, suffered for our saluation: therefore he exhorted them that
they should reuerence it: and they made shew as though they would doe so.
The fourth of Aprill the Gouernour passed by a towne called Altamaca, and
the 10. of the moneth he came to Ocute. The Cacique sent him two thousand
Indians with a present, to wit, many conies, and partridges, bread of
Maiz, two hens, and many dogs: which among the Christians were esteemed as
if they had been fat wethers, because of the great want of flesh meate and
salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great need; and they
were so scarse, that if a man fell sicke, there was nothing to cherish him
withall: and with a sicknesse, that in another place easilie might haue
been remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones were
left: and they died of pure weaknes, some of them saying, If I had a slice
of meate, or a few cornes of salt, I should not die. The Indians want no
fleshmeat; for they kill with their arrowes many deere, hennes, conies,
and other wild fowle: for they are very cunning at it: which skill the
Christians had not: and though they had it, they had no leasure to vse it:
for the most of the time they spent in trauell, and durst not presume to
straggle aside. And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when sixe
hundred men that went with Soto, came to any towne, and found 30. or 40.
dogs, he that could get one and kill it, thought himselfe no small man:
and he that killed it, and gaue not his Captaine one quarter, if he knew
it, he frowned on him, and made him feele it, in the watches, or in any
other matter of labour that was offered, wherein hee might doe him a
displeasure. On Monday the 12. of Aprill, the Gouernour departed from
Ocute. (M618) The Cacique gaue him two hundred Tamenes, to wit, Indians to
carrie burdens: hee passed through a towne, the Lord whereof was named
Cofaqui, and came to a prouince of an Indian Lord, called Patofa, who,
because he was in peace with the Lord of Ocute, and with the other
bordering Lords, had many daies before notice of the Gouernour, and
desired to see him: He came to visit him, and made this speech following.
Mightie Lord, now with good reason I will craue of fortune to requite this
my so great prosperitie with some small aduersitie; and I will count my
selfe verie rich, seeing I haue obtained that, which in this world I most
desired, which is, to see, and bee able to doe your Lordship some seruice.
And although the tongue bee the image of that which is in the heart, and
that the contentment which I feele in my heart I cannot dissemble, yet is
it not sufficient wholly to manifest the same. Where did this your
countrie, which I doe gouerne, deserue to be visited of so soueraigne, and
so excellent a Prince, whom all the rest of the world ought to obey and
serue? And those which inhabite it being so base, what shall be the issue
of such happines, if their memorie doe not represent vnto them some
aduersitie that may betide them, according to the order of fortune? If
from this day forward we may be capable of this benefit, that your
Lordship will hold vs for your owne, we cannot faile to be fauoured and
maintained in true iustice and reason, and to haue the name of men. For
such as are void of reason and iustice, may be compared to brute beastes.
For mine owne part, from my very heart with reuerence due to such a
Prince, I offer my selfe vnto your Lordship, and beseech you; that in
reward of this my true good will, you will vouchsafe to make vse of mine
owne person, my countrie and subiects.
The Gouernour answered him, that his offers and good wil declared by the
effect, did highly please him, whereof he would alwaies be mindfull to
honour and fauour him as his brother. This countrie, from the first
peaceable Cacique, vnto the Prouince of Patofa, which were fiftie leagues,
is a fat countrie, beautifull, and very fruitfull, and very well watered,
and full of good Riuers. And from thence to the Port de Spirito Santo,
where wee first arriued in the land of Florida, (which may bee 350.
leagues little more or lesse) is a barren land, and the most of it groues
of wild Pine-trees, low and full of lakes, and in some places very hie and
thicke groues, whither the Indians that were in armes fled, so that no man
could finde them, neither could any horses enter into them. Which was an
inconuenience to the Christians, in regard of the victuals which they
found conueied away: and of the trouble which they had in seeking of
Indians to bee their guides.
Chap. XIIII. How the Gouernour departed from the Prouince of Patofa, and
went through a desert, where he and all his men fell into great distresse,
and extreme miserie.
In the towne of Patofa the youth, which the Gouernour carried with him for
an interpretour and a guide, began to fome at the mouth, and tumble on the
ground, as one possessed with the diuell: They said a Gospell ouer him;
and the fit left him. And he said, that foure daies iournie from thence
toward the Sunne rising, was the Prouince that he spake of. The Indians of
Patofa said, that toward that part they knew no habitation; but that
toward the Northwest, they knew a Prouince which was called Coça, a verie
plentifull countrie, which had very great townes in it. The Cacique told
the Gouernour, that if he would go thither, he would giue him guides and
Indians for burdens; and if he would goe whither the youth spake of, that
he would likewise giue him those that he needed: and so with louing words
and offers of courtesie, they tooke their leaues the one of the other. Hee
gaue him seuen hundred Indians to beare burdens. He tooke Maiz for foure
daies iournie. Hee trauelled sixe daies by a path which grew narrow more
and more, till it was lost altogether: (M619) He went where the youth did
lead him, and passed two Riuers which were waded: each of them was two
crossebowshot ouer: the water came to the stirrops, and had so great a
current, that it was needfull for the horsemen to stand one before
another, that the footemen might passe aboue them leaning vnto them.
(M620) He came to another Riuer of a greater current and largenes, which
was passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim at the comming
out about a lances length. Hauing passed this Riuer, the Gouernor came to
a groue of pinetrees, and threatned the youth, and made as though hee
would haue cast him to the dogges, because he had told him a lie, saying
it was but foure daies iournie, and they had trauelled nine, and euery day
7. or 8. leagues, and the men by this time were growne wearie and weake,
and the horses leane through the great scanting of the Maiz. The youth
said, that hee knew not where hee was. It saued him that he was not cast
to the dogges, that there was neuer another whom Iohn Ortiz did
vnderstand. The Gouernour with them two, and with some horsemen and
footemen, leauing the Campe in a groue of pinetrees, trauelled that day 5.
or 6. leagues to seek a way, and returned at night very comfortlesse, and
without finding any signe of way or towne. The next day there were sundrie
opinions deliuered, whether they should goe backe, or what they should
doe: and because backward the Countrie whereby they had passed was greatly
spoiled and destitute of Maiz, and that which they brought with them was
spent, and the men were very weake, and the horses likewise, they doubted
much whether they might come to any place where they might helpe
themselues. And besides this, they were of opinion, that going in that
sort out of order, that any Indians would presume to set vpon them, so
that with hunger, or with warre, they could not escape. The Gouernour
determined to send horsemen from thence euery way to seeke habitation: and
the next day he sent foure Captaines, euery one a sundrie way with eight
horsemen. At night they came againe, leading their horses, or driuing them
with a sticke before; for they were so wearie, that they could not lead
them; neither found they any way nor signe of habitation. The next day,
the Gouernour sent other foure with as many horsemen that could swim, to
passe the Ose and Riuers which they should find, and they had choice
horses the best that were in the Campe. The Captaines were Baltasar de
Gallégos, which went vp the Riuer; and Iohn Danusco, downe the Riuer:
Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez Lobillo went into the inward parts of the
land. (M621) The Gouernour brought with him into Florida thirteene sowes,
and had by this time three hundred swine: He commanded euery man should
haue halfe a pound of hogs flesh euery day: and this hee did three or
foure daies after the Maiz was all spent. With this small quantitie of
flesh, and some sodden hearbs, with much trouble the people were
sustained. The Gouernour dismissed the Indians of Patofa, because hee had
no food to giue them; who desiring to accompanie and serue the Christians
in their necessitie, making shew that it grieued them very much to
returne, vntill they had left them in a peopled Countrie, returned to
their owne home. Iohn Danusco came on Sunday late in the euening, and
brought newes that he had found a little towne 12. or 13. leagues from
thence: he brought a woman and a boy that he tooke there. With his comming
and with those newes, the Gouernour and all the rest were so glad, that
they seemed at that instant to haue returned from death to life. Vpon
Monday the twentie sixe of Aprill, the Gouernour departed to goe to the
towne, which was called Aymay; and the Christians named it the towne of
Reliefe. He left where the Camp had lien at the foote of a Pinetree a
letter buried, and letters carued in the barke of the pine, the contents
whereof was this: Dig heere at the foot of this pine, and you shal find a
letter. And this he did, because when the Captaines came, which were sent
to seeke some habitation, they might see the letter, and know what was
become of the Gouernour, and which way he was gone. There was no other way
to the town, but the markes that Iohn Danusco left made vpon the trees.
The Gouernour with some of them that had the best horses came to it on the
Monday: And all the rest inforcing themselues the best they could, some of
them lodged within two leagues of the towne, some within three or foure,
euery one as he was able to goe, and his strength serued him. There was
found in the towne a storehouse full of the flowre of parched Maiz; and
some Maiz, which was distributed by allowance. Here were foure Indians
taken, and none of them would confesse any other thing, but that they knew
of none other habitation. (M622) The Gouernour commanded one of them to be
burned; and presently another confessed, that two daies iourney from
thence, there was a Prouince that was called Cutifa Chiqui. Vpon Wednesday
came the Captaines Baltasar de Gallégos, Alfonso Romo, and Iohn Rodriguez
Lobillo: for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the
Gouernour had taken toward the towne. Two men of Iohn Rodriguez companie
were lost, because their horses tired: the Gouernour checked him very sore
for leauing them behind, and sent to seeke them: and assoone as they came,
he departed toward Cutifa Chiqui. In the way three Indians were taken,
which said, that the Ladie of that Countrie had notice alreadie of the
Christians, and staied for them in a towne of hers. The Gouernour sent by
one of them to offer her his friendship, and to aduertise her how he was
comming thither. The Gouernour came vnto the towne: and presently there
came foure canoes to him; in one of them came a sister of the Ladie, and
approching to the Gouernour she said these words:
Excellent Lord, my sister sendeth vnto you by me to kisse your Lordships
hands, and to signifie vnto you, that the cause why she came not in
person, is, that she thinketh to do you greater seruice staying behind, as
she doth, giuing order, that with all speed, al her canoes be readie, that
your Lordship may passe the Riuer, and take your rest, which shall be
presentlie performed.
The Gouernour gaue her thankes, and she returned to the other side of the
Riuer. Within a little while the Ladie came out of the towne in a Chaire,
whereon certaine of the principall Indians brought her to the Riuer. She
entred into a barge, which had the sterne tilted ouer, and on the floore
her mat readie laied with two cushions vpon it one vpon another, where she
sate her downe; and with her came her principall Indians in other barges,
which did wait vpon her. She went to the place where the Gouernour was,
and at her comming she made this speech following:
Excellent Lord, I wish this comming of your Lordship into these your
Countries, to be most happie: although my power be not answerable to my
wil, and my seruices be not according to my desire, nor such as so high a
Prince, as your Lordship, deserueth; yet since the good will is rather to
be accepted, then all the treasures of the world, that without it are
offered, with most vnfaileable and manifest affection, I offer you my
person, lands, and subiects, and this small seruice.
And therewithal she presented vnto him great store of clothes of the
Countrie, which shee brought in other canoes; to wit, mantles and skinnes;
and tooke from her owne necke a great cordon of perles, and cast it about
the necke of the Gouernour, entertaining him with very gracious speeches
of loue and courtesie, and commanded canoes to be brought thither, wherein
the Gouernour and his people passed the Riuer. (M623) Assoone as hee was
lodged in the towne, she sent him another present of many hens. This
Countrie was verie pleasant, fat, and hath goodly meadows by the Riuers.
Their woods are thin, and ful of Walnut trees and Mulberrie trees. They
said the sea was two daies journey from thence. Within a league, and a
halfe a league about this towne, was great townes dispeopled, and
ouergrowne with grasse; which shewed, that they had been long without
inhabitants. The Indians said, that two yeere before there was a plague in
that countrie, and that they remooued to other townes. There was in their
storehouses great quantitie of clothes, mantles of yarne made of the
barkes of trees, and others made of feathers, white, greene red, and
yellow, very fine after their vse, and profitable for winter. There were
also many Deeres skinnes, with many compartiments traced in them, and some
of them made into hose, stockings and shooes. And the Ladie perceiuing,
that the Christians esteemed the perles, aduised the Gouernour to send to
search certaine graues that were in that towne, and that hee should find
many: and that if hee would send to the dispeopled townes, hee might load
all his horses. They sought the graues of the towne, and there found
fourteene rooues of perles, and little babies and birdes made of them. The
people were browne, well made, and well proportioned, and more ciuill then
any others that were seene in all the countrie of Florida, and all of them
well shod and clothed. The youth told the Gouernour, that hee began now to
enter into the land which hee spake of: and some credit was giuen him that
it was so, because hee vnderstood the language of the Indians: and hee
requested that hee might bee christened, for hee said he desired to become
a Christian: Hee was christened, and named Peter; and the Gouernour
commanded him to be loosed from a chaine, in which vntill that time he had
gone. This countrie, as the Indians reported, had beene much inhabited,
and had the fame of a good countrie. And, as it seemeth, the youth which
was the Gouernours guide, had heard of it, and that which he knew by
heresay, hee affirmed that hee had seene, and augmented at his pleasure.
In this towne was found a dagger, and beades, that had belonged to
Christians. (M624) The Indians reported that Christians had been in the
hauen, which was two daies iourney from this towne, many yeeres agoe. Hee
that came thither was the Gouernour, the Licenciate Lucas Vasquez de
Ayllon, which went to conquer this countrie, and at his comming to the
Port hee died; and there was a diuision, quarrels and slaughters betweene
some principall men which went with him, for the principall gouernment:
And without knowing anything of the countrie they returned home to
Hispaniola. All the company thought it good to inhabite that countrie,
because it was in a temperat climate: And that if it were inhabited, al
the shippes of New Spaine, of Peru, Santa Martha, and Tierra firme in
their returne for Spaine, might well touch there: because it was in their
way; and because it was a good countrie, and sited fit to raise
commoditie. The Gouernour, since it was his intent to seeke another
treasure, like that of Atabalipa Lord of Peru, was not contented with a
good countrie, nor with perles, though many of them were worth their
weight in gold. And if the countrie had been diuided among the Christians,
those which the Indians had fished for afterward, would haue been of more
value; for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did
leese their colour. The Gouernour answered them, that vrged him to
inhabit, That in all the countrie there were not victuals to susteine his
men one moneth; and that it was needfull to resort to the Port of Ocus,
where Maldanado was to stay for them: and that if no richer Countrie were
found, they might returne againe to that whensoeuer they would: and in the
meane time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better
furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians, whether they had notice
of any great Lord farther into the land. They told him, that 12. daies
iournie from thence, there was a Prouince called Chiaha, subiect to the
Lord of Coça. Presently the Gouernour determined to seeke that land. And
being a sterne man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift and know
the opinion of all men, yet after hee had deliuered his owne, he would not
be contraried, and alwaies did what liked himselfe, and so all men did
condescend vnto his will. And though it seemed an errour to leaue that
Countrie, (for others might haue been sought round about, where the people
might haue been sustained, vntill the haruest had been readie there, and
the Maiz gathered) yet there was none that would say any thing against
him, after they knew his resolution.
Chap. XV. How the Gouernour departed from Cutifa-Chiqui to seeke the
Prouince of Coça; and what happened vnto him in the way.
The Gouernour departed from Cutifa-Chiqui the third day of May. And
because the Indians had reuolted, and the will of the Ladie was perceiued,
that if she could, she would depart without giuing any guides or men for
burdens, for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians: (for
there neuer want some among many of the base sort, that for a little doe
put themselues and others in danger of vndoing.) The Gouernour commanded
her to be kept in safegard, and carried with him, not with so good vsage
as she deserued for the good wil she shewed and good entertainment that
she had made him. And he verified that old prouerb which saith; For
weldoing I receiue euill. And so he carried her on foot with his bondwomen
to looke vnto her. In all the townes where the Gouernour passed, the Ladie
commanded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one towne to
another. We passed through her Countrie an hundred leagues, in which, as
we saw, she was much obeyed; For the Indians did all that she commanded
them with great efficacie and diligence. Peter the youth that was our
guide, said, that she was not the Ladie her selfe, but a neece of hers,
which came to that towne to execute certaine principal men by commandement
of the Ladie, which had withheld her tribute: which words were not
beleeued, because of the lies which they had found in him before: but they
bare with all things, because of the need which they had of him, to
declare what the Indians said. (M625) In seuen daies space the Gouernour
came to a Prouince called Chalaque, the poorest Country of Maiz that was
seene in Florida. The Indians fed vpon rootes and herbes which they seeke
in the fields, and vpon wild beasts, which they kil with their bowes and
arrowes: and it is a verie gentle people. All of them goe naked, and are
very leane. There was a Lord, which for a great present, brought the
Gouernour two Deeres skins: and there were in that Countrie many wild
hennes. In one towne they made him a present of 700. hennes, and so in
other townes they sent him those which they had or could get. From this
Prouince to another, which is called Xualla, he spent fiue daies: here he
found very little Maiz; and for this cause, though the people were
wearied, and the horses very weake, he staied no more but two daies. From
Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui, may bee some hundred and thirtie leagues, whereof
80. are wildernesse. From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, two hundred and fiftie,
and it is an hillie Countrie. The Gouernour departed from Xualla toward
Guaxule: he passed very rough and hie hilles. In that iournie, the Ladie
of Cutifa-chiqui (whom the Gouernour carried with him, as is afore said,
with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule, because her territorie reached
thither) going on a day with the bondwomen which lead her, went out of the
way, and entred into a wood, saying, she went to ease her selfe, and so
she deceiued them, and hid her selfe in the wood; and though they sought
her they could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made
of canes in manner of a coffer, which they call Petaca, full of vnbored
perles. Some which could iudge of them, said, that they were of great
value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them. The Gouernour
not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, making account that
in Guaxule he would ask them of her, when he gaue her leaue to returne:
which coffer she carried away, and went to Xualla with three slaues which
fled from the Campe, and one horseman which remained behind, who falling
sicke of an ague went out of the way, and was lost. This man, whose name
was Alimamos, dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose, and
returne with him to the Christians: which two of them did; and Alimamos
and they ouertooke the Gouernour 50. leagues from thence in a Prouince
called Chiaha; and reported how the Ladie remained in Xualla with a slaue
of Andrew de Vasconcellos, which would not come backe with them, and that
of a certaintie they liued as man and wife together, and meant to goe both
to Cutifa-chiqui. Within fiue daies the Gouernour came to Guaxule. The
Indians there gaue him a present of 300 dogges, because they saw the
Christians esteeme them, and sought them to feed on them: for among them
they are not eaten. In Guaxule, and all that way was very little Maiz: The
Gouernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of
Chiaha, to desire him to gather some Maiz thither, that he might rest a
few daies in Chiaha. The Gouernour departed from Guaxule, and in two daies
iournie came to a towne called Canasagua. There met him on the way 20.
Indians euery one laden with a basket full of Mulberries: for there be
many, and those very good, from Culifa-chiqui thither, and so forward in
other Prouinces, and also nuts and plummes. And the trees grow in the
fields without planting or dressing them, and are as big and rancke, as
though they grew in gardens digged and watered. From the time that the
Gouernour departed from Canasagua, hee iournied fiue daies through a
desert; and two leagues before hee came to Chiaha, there met him 15.
Indians loaded with Maiz, which the Cacique had sent; and they told him on
his behalfe that he waited his comming with 20. barnes full of it; and
farther that himselfe his countrie, and subiects, and al things els were
at his seruice. On the 5. day of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Chiaha:
The Cacique voided his owne houses, in which he lodged and receiued him
with much ioy, saying these words following:
Mightie and excellent Lord, I hold my selfe for so happie a man, in that
it hath pleased your Lordship to vse me, that nothing could haue happened
vnto me of more contentment, nor that I would haue esteemed so much. From
Guaxule your Lordship sent vnto me, that I should prepare Maiz for you in
this towne for two moneths: Here I haue for you 20. barnes full of the
choisest that in all the countrie could be found. If your lordship bee not
entertained by mee in such sort, as is fit for so hie a Prince, respect my
tender age, which excuseth me from blame, and receiue my good will, which
with much loyaltie, truth, and sinceritie, I will alwaies shew in any
thing, which shall concerne your Lordships seruice.
The Gouernour answered him, that he thanked him very much for his seruice
and offer, and that he would alwaies account him as a brother. There was
in this towne much butter in gourds melted like oile: they said it was the
fat of beares. There was found also great store of oile of walnuts, which
was cleare as butter, and of good taste, and a pot full of honie of bees,
which neither before or afterward was seene in all the countrie. The towne
was in an Island betweene two armes of a Riuer, and was seated nigh one of
them. The Riuer diuided it selfe into those two branches two crossebow
shot aboue the towne, and meeteth againe a league beneath the same. The
plaine betweene both the branches is sometimes one crosse-bowe shot ouer.
The branches are very broad, and both of them may be waded ouer. There
were all along them verie good meadowes, and many fields sowne with Maiz.
And because the Indians staid in their towns the Gouernour only lodged in
the houses of the Cacique, and his people in the fields; where there was
euer a tree, euerie one tooke one for himselfe. Thus the camp lay
separated one from another, and out of order. The Gouernour winked at it,
because the Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the
people should haue suffered great extremities, if it had not bin so.
(M626) The horses came thither so weake, that for feeblenesse, they were
not able to carrie their masters: because that from Cutifa-chiqui, they
alwaies trauelled with very little prouender, and were hunger-starued and
tired euer since they came from the desert of Ocute. And because the most
of them were not in case to vse in battell, though need should require,
they sent them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Camp.
The Christians were there in great danger, because that if at this time
the Indians had set vpon them, they had been in euill case to haue
defended themselues. The Gouernour rested there thirtie daies, in which
time, because the Countrie was very fruitfull, the horses grew fat. At the
time of his departure, by the importunitie of some, which would haue more
then was reason, hee demanded of the Cacique 30. women to make slaues of.
Hee answered that hee would conferre with his chiefe men. And before hee
returned answere, one night all of them with their wiues and children
forsooke the towne, and fled away. The next day the Gouernour purposing to
goe to seeke them, the Cacique came vnto him, and at his comming vsed
these words vnto the Gouernour:
Mightie Lord, with shame and feare of your Lordship, because my subiects
against my will haue done amisse in absenting themselues, I went my way
without your license; and knowing the errour which I haue committed, like
a loyall subiect, I come to yeeld my selfe into your power, to dispose of
mee at your owne pleasure. For my subiects do not obey mee, nor do any
thing but what an Vncle of mine commandeth, which gouerneth this Countrie
for me, vntill I be of a perfect age. If your lordship will pursue them,
and execute on them that, which for their disobedience they deserue, I
will be your guide, since at this present my fortune will not suffer me to
performe any more.
(M627) Presently the Gouernour with 30. horsemen, and as many footmen,
went to seeke the Indians, and by passing by some townes of the principall
Indians which had absented themselues, hee cut and destroyed great fields
of Maiz; and went vp the Riuer, where the Indians were in an Island, where
the horsemen could not come at them. There he sent them word by an Indian
to returne to their towne and feare nothing, and that they should giue him
men to carrie burdens, as al those behind had done; for he would haue no
Indian women, seeing they were so loth to part with them. The Indians
accepted his request, and came to the Gouernour to excuse themselues; and
so all of them returned to their towne. A Cacique of a Prouince called
Coste, came to this towne to visit the Gouernour. (M628) After hee had
offered himselfe, and passed with him some words of tendring his seruice
and curtesie; the Gouernour asking him whether he had notice of any rich
Countrie? he said, yea: to wit, “that toward the North, there was a
Prouince named Chisca: and that there was a melting of copper, and of
another metall of the same colour, saue that it was finer, and of a farre
more perfect colour, and farre better to the sight and that they vsed it
not so much, because it was softer.” And the selfe same thing was told the
Gouernour in Cutifa-chiqui; where we saw some little hatchets of copper,
which were said to haue a mixture of gold. (M629) But in that part the
Countrie was not well peopled, and they said there were mountaines, which
the horses could not passe: and for that cause the Gouernour would not goe
from Cutifa-chiqui directly thither: And hee made account, that trauelling
through a peopled Countrie, when his men and horses should be in better
plight, and hee were better certified of the truth of the thing, he would
returne toward it, by mountaines, and a better inhabited Countrie, whereby
hee might haue better passage. (M630) He sent two Christians from Chiaha
with certain Indians which knew the Countrie of Chisca, and the language
thereof to view it, and to make report of that which they should find;
where he told them that he would tarrie for them.
Chap. XVI. How the Gouernour departed from Chiaha, and at Coste was in
danger to haue been slaine by the hands of the Indians, and by a
stratageme escaped the same: And what more happened vnto him in this
iourney, and how he came to Coça.
When the Gouernour was determined to depart from Chiaha to Coste, he sent
for the Cacique to come before him, and with gentle words tooke his leaue
of him, and gaue him certaine things, wherewith he rested much contented:
In seuen daies he came to Coste. The second of Iulie he commanded his
campe to be pitched two crossebow shot from the towne: and with eight men
of his guard he went where he found the Cacique, which to his thinking
receiued him with great loue. As hee was talking with him, there went from
the campe certaine footemen to the towne to seeke some Maiz, and not
contented with it, they ransacked and searched the houses, and tooke what
they found. With this despite the Indians began to rise and take their
armes: and some of them with cudgils in their hands, ran vpon fiue or sixe
Christians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure.
(M631) The Gouernour seeing them al in an vprore, and himselfe among them
with so few Christians, to escape their hands vsed a stratagem, farre
against his owne disposition, being as hee was very francke and open: and
though it grieued him very much that any Indian should be so bold, as with
reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he tooke vp a cudgel,
and tooke their parts against his owne men; which was a meanes to quiet
them: And presently he sent word by a man very secretly to the Campe, that
some armed men should come toward the place where he was; and hee tooke
the Cacique by the hand, vsing very mild words vnto him, and with some
principall Indians that did accompanie him, he drew them out of the towne
into a plaine way, and vnto the sight of the Campe, whither by little and
little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather
about them. Thus the Gouernour led the Cacique, and his chiefe men vntill
he entred with them into the Campe: and neere vnto his tent, hee commanded
them to be put in safe custodie: and told them, that they should not
depart without giuing him a guide and Indians for burthens, and till
certaine sicke Christians were come, which he had commanded to come downe
the Riuer in canoes from Chiaha; and those also which he had sent to the
Prouince of Chisca: (for they were not returned; and he feared that the
Indians had slaine the one, and the other.) Within three daies after,
those which were sent to Chisca returned, and made report, that the
Indians had carried them through a countrie so poore of Maiz, and so
rough, and ouer so hie mountaines, that it was impossible for the armie to
trauell that way; and that seeing the way grew very long, and that they
lingered much, they consulted to returne from a little poore towne, where
they saw nothing that was of any profit, and brought an oxe hide, which
the Indians gaue them, as thinne as a calues skinne, and the haire like a
soft wool, betweene the course and fine wooll of sheepe. The Cacique gaue
a guide, and men for burdens, and departed with the Gouernours leaue. The
Gouernour departed from Coste the ninth of Iulie, and lodged at a towne
called Tali: the Casique came foorth to receiue him on the way, and made
this speech:
Excellent Lord and Prince, worthie to be serued and obeyed of all the
Princes in the world; howsoeuer for the most part by the outward
phisiognomie, the inward vertue may bee iudged, and that who you are, and
of what strength was knowne vnto mee before now: I will not inferre
hereupon how meane I am in your presence, to hope that my poore seruices
will be gratefull and acceptable: since whereas strength faileth, the will
doth not cease to be praised and accepted. And for this cause I presume to
request your Lordship, that you will be pleased onely to respect the same,
and consider wherein you will command my seruice in this your countrie.
The Gouernour answered him, that his good will and offer was as acceptable
vnto him, as if he had offered him all the treasures of the world, and
that hee would alwaies intreate, fauour, and esteeme him as if he were his
owne brother. The Cacique commanded prouision necessarie for two daies,
while the Gouernour was there, to be brought thither: and at the time of
his departure, he gaue him foure women and two men, which hee had need of
to beare burthens. The Gouernour trauelled sixe daies through many townes
subiect to the Cacique of Coça: and as he entred into his Countrie many
Indians came vnto him euery day from the Cacique, and met him on the way
with messages, one going, and another comming. Hee came to Coça vpon
Friday, the 26. of Iulie. The Cacique came foorth to receiue him two
crossebow shot from the towns in a chaire, which his principall men
carried on their shoulders, sitting vpon a cushion, and couered with a
garment of Marterns, of the fashion and bignes of a womans huke: hee had
on his head a diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing
vpon flutes, and singing. Assoone as he came vnto the Gouernour, he did
his obeysance, and vttered these words following:
Excellent and mightie Lord, aboue all them of the earth; although I come
but now to receiue you, yet I haue receiued you many daies agoe in my
heart, to wit, from the day wherein I had first notice of your Lordship;
with so great desire to serue you, with so great pleasure and contentment,
that this which I make shew of is nothing in regard of that which is in my
heart neither can it haue any kind of comparison. This you may hold for
certaine, that to obtaine the dominion of the whole world, would not haue
reioyced me so much, as your sight, neither would I haue held it for so
great a felicitie. Doe not looke for me to offer you that which is your
owne: to wit, my person, my lands, and subiects: onely I busie my selfe in
commanding my men with all diligence and due reuerence to welcome you from
hence to the towne with playing and singing, where your Lordship shall be
lodged and attended ypon by my selfe and them: and all that I possesse,
your Lordship shall vse as it were your owne. For your Lordship shall doe
mee a verie great fauour in so doing.
The Gouernour gaue him thankes, and with great ioy they both were
conferring together, till they came to the towne: and he commanded his
Indians to void their houses, wherein the Gouernour and his men lodged.
There was in the barnes, and in the fields, great store of Maiz and French
Beanes: The Country was greatly inhabited with many great townes, and many
sowne fields, which reach from the one to the other. It was pleasant, fat,
full of good meadowes vpon Riuers. There were in the fields, many Plum
trees, aswell of such as grow in Spaine, as of the Countrie: and wild tall
vines, that runne vp the trees; and besides these, there were other low
vines with big and sweet grapes; but for want of digging and dressing,
they had great kirnels in them. The Gouernour vsed to set a guard ouer the
Caciques, because they should not absent themselues, and carried them with
him, till he came out of their Countries, because that carrying them along
with him, hee looked to find people in the townes, and they gaue him
guides, and men to carrie burdens: and before hee went out of their
Countries, he gaue them licence to returne to their houses, and to their
porters likewise, assoone as he came to any other Lordship, where they
gaue him others. The men of Coça seeing their Lord detained, tooke it in
euill part, and reuolted and hid themselues in the woods, aswell those of
the towne of the Cacique, as those of the other townes of his principall
subjects. The Gouernour sent out foure Captaines, euery one his way to
seeke them. They tooke many men and women, which were put into chaines:
They seeing the hurt which they receiued, and how little they gained in
absenting themselues, came againe, promising to do whatsoeuer they were
commanded. Of those which were taken prisoners, some principall men were
set at libertie, whom the Cacique demanded: and euery one that had any,
carried the rest in chaines like slaues, without letting them goe to their
Countrie: neither did any returne, but some few, whose fortune helped them
with the good diligence which they vsed to file off their chaines by
night, or such as in their trauelling could slippe aside out of the way,
seeing any negligence in them that kept them: some escaped away with the
chaines, and with the burdens, and clothes which they carried.
Chap. XVII. How the Gouernour went from Coça to Tascaluca.
The Gouernour rested in Coça 25. daies. He departed from thence the 20. of
August to seeke a Prouince called Tascaluca: hee carried with him the
Cacique of Coça. He passed that day by a great towne called Tallimuchase,
the people were fled: he lodged halfe a league farther neere a brooke. The
next day he came to a towne called Ytaua, subiect to Coça. Hee staied
there sixe daies because of a Riuer that passed by it, which at that time
was very hie; and assoone as the Riuer suffered him to passe, he set
forward, and lodged at a towne named Vllibahali. There came to him on the
way, on the Caciques behalfe of that Prouince, ten or twelue principall
Indians to offer him his seruice; all of them had their plumes of
feathers, and bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour comming to the towne with
twelue horsemen, and some footemen of his guard, leauing his people a
crossebow shot from the towne, entred into it, hee found all the Indians
with their weapons: and as farre as he could ghesse, they seemed to haue
some euill meaning. It was knowne afterward, that they were determined to
take the Cacique of Coça, from the Gouernour, if hee had requested it.
(M632) The Gouernour commanded all his people to enter the towne, which
was walled about, and neere vnto it passed a small Riuer. The wall, aswell
of that, as of others, which afterward wee saw, was of great posts thrust
deepe into the ground and very rough, and many long railes as big as ones
arme laid acrosse between them, and the wall was about the height of a
lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, and had loope
holes. On the other side of the Riuer was a towne, where at that present
the Cacique was. The Gouernour sent to call him, and hee came presently.
After he had passed with the Gouernour some words of offering his
seruices, he gaue him such men for his cariages as he needed, and thirtie
women for slaues. In that place was a Christian lost, called Mançano, home
in Salamanca, of noble parentage, which went astray to seeke for grapes,
whereof there is great store, and those very good. The day that the
Gouernour departed from thence, he lodged at a towne subiect to the Lord
of Vllibahali: and the next day hee came to another towne called Toasi.
The Indians gaue the Gouernour thirtie women, and such men for his
cariages as he needed. Hee trauelled ordinarily 5. or 6. leagues a day
when he trauelled through peopled Countries: and going through deserts, he
marched as fast as he could, to eschew the want of Maiz. From Toasi,
passing through some townes subiect to a Cacique, which was Lord of a
prouince called Tallise, hee trauelled fiue daies: He came to Tallise the
18. of September: The towne was great, and situated neere vnto a maine
Riuer. On the other side of the Riuer were other townes, and many fields
sowne with Maiz. On both sides it was a very plentifull Countrie, and had
store of Maiz: they had voided the towne. The Gouernour commanded to call
the Cacique; who came, and betweene them passed some words of loue and
offer of his seruices, and hee presented vnto him 40. Indians. There came
to the Gouernour in this towne a principall Indian in the behalfe of the
Cacique of Tascaluca, and made this speech following:
Mightie, vertuous, and esteemed Lord, the great Cacique of Tascaluca my
Lord, sendeth by me to kisse your Lordships hands, and to let you
vnderstand, that he hath notice, how you iustly rauish with your
perfections and power, all men on the earth; and that euerie one by whom
your Lordship passeth doth serue and obey you; which he acknowledgeth to
be due vnto you, and desireth, as his life, to see, and to serue your
Lordship. For which cause by me he offereth himselfe, his lands and
subiects, that when your Lordship pleaseth to go through his Countrie, you
may be receiued with all peace and loue, serued and obeyed; and that in
recompence of the desire he hath to see you, you will doe him the fauour
to let him know when you will come: for how much the sooner, so much the
greater fauour he shall receiue.
The Gouernour receiued and dispatched him graciously, giuing him beades,
which among them were not much esteemed, and some other thinges to carrie
to his Lord. And he gaue licence to the Cacique of Coça to returne home to
his owne Countries. The Cacique of Tallise gaue him such men for burthens
as he needed. And after he had rested there 20. daies, hee departed thence
toward Tascaluca. That day when he went from Tallise, hee lodged at a
great towne called Casiste. And the next day passed by another, and came
to a small towne of Tascaluca; and the next day hee camped in a wood two
leagues from the towne where the Cacique resided, and was at that time.
And he sent the Master of the Camp, Luys de Moscoso, with 15. horsemen, to
let him know how hee was comming. The Cacique was in his lodgings vnder a
Canopie: and without doores, right against his lodgings, in an high place,
they spread a mat for him, and two cushions one vpon another, where he sat
him downe, and his Indians placed themselues round about him, somewhat
distant from him, so that they made a place, and a void roome where he
sate: and his chiefest men were neerest to him, and one with a shadow of
Deeres skinne, which keept the Sunne from him, being round, and of the
bignes of a target, quartered with black and white, hauing a rundell in
the middest: a farre off it seemed to be of taffata, because the colours
were very perfect. It was set on a small staffe stretched wide out. This
was the deuice which hee carried in his warres. He was a man of a very
tall stature, of great limmes, and spare, and well proportioned, and was
much feared of his neighbours and subiects. He was Lord of many
territories and much people: In his countenance hee was very graue. After
the Master of the Campe had spoken with him, hee and those that went with
him coursed their horses, pransing them to and fro, and now and then
toward the place where the Cacique was, who with much grauitie and
dissimulation now and then lifted vp his eies, and beheld them as it were
with disdaine. At the Gouernours comming, hee made no offer at all to
rise. The Gouernour tooke him by the hand, and both of them sate downe
together on a seate which was vnder the cloth of estate. The Cacique said
these words vnto him:
Mighty Lord, I bid your Lordship right hartily welcome. I receiue as much
pleasure and contentment with your sight, as if you were my brother whom I
dearly loued: vpon this point it is not needfull to vse many reasons;
since it is no discretion to speake that in many wordes, which in few may
be vttered. How much the greater the will is, so much more giueth it name
to the workes, and the workes giue testimonie of the truth. Now touching
my will, by it you shall know, how certaine and manifest it is, and how
pure inclination I haue to serue you. Concerning the fauour which you did
me, in the things which you sent me, I make as much account of them as is
reason to esteeme them: and chiefly because they were yours. Now see what
seruice you will command me.
The Gouernor satisfied him with sweet words, and with great breuitie. When
hee departed from thence he determined to carrie him along with him for
some causes, and at two daies iournie he came to a towne called Piache, by
which there passed a great Riuer. The Gouernour demanded canoes of the
Indians: they said, they had them not, but that they would make rafts of
canes and drie timber, on which he might passe well enough. And they made
them with all diligence and speed, and they gouerned them; and because the
water went very slow, the Gouernour and his people passed very well.
From the Port de Spirito Santo to Apalache, which is about an hundred
leagues, the Gouernour went from East to West: And from Apalache to
Cutifa-chiqui, which are 430. leagues, from the Southwest to the
Northeast: and from Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, which are about two hundred
and fiftie leagues, from the South to the North: And from Xualla to
Tascaluca, which are two hundred and fiftie leagues more, an hundred and
ninetie of them he trauelled from East to West, to wit, to the Prouince of
Coça: and the other 60. from Coça to Tascaluca from the North to the
South.
Hauing passed the Riuer of Piache, a Christian went from his companie from
thence to seeke a woman slaue that was runne away from him, and the
Indians either tooke him captiue, or slue him. The Gouernor vrged the
Cacique that he should giue account of him, and threatened him, that if he
were not found, he would neuer let him loose. The Cacique sent an Indian
from thence to Mauilla, whither they were trauelling, which was a towne of
a principall Indian and his subiect, saying, that he sent him to aduise
them to make readie victuals, and men for carriages. But, (as afterward
appeared) hee sent him to assemble all the men of warre thither, that hee
had in his Countrie. The Gouernour trauelled three daies; and the third
day he passed all day through a peopled Countrie: and he came to Mauilla
vpon Monday the 18. of October. He went before the Camp with 15. horsemen
and 30. footemen. And from the towne came a Christian, whom he had sent to
the principall man, three or foure daies before, because he should not
absent himselfe, and also to learne in what sort the Indians were: who
told him that hee thought they were in an euill purpose: for while hee was
there, there came manie people into the towne, and many weapons, and that
they made great haste to fortifie the wall. Luys de (M633) Moscoso told
the Gouernour, that it would bee good to lodge in the field, seeing the
Indians were of such disposition: and hee answered, that he would lodge in
the towne, for hee was wearie of lodging in the field. When hee came neere
vnto the towne, the Cacique came foorth to receiue him with many Indians
playing vpon flutes and singing: And after hee had offered himselfe, hee
presented him with three mantels of marterns. The Gouernour, with both the
Caciques, and seuen or eight men of his guard, and three or foure horsemen
which alighted to accompanie him, entred into the towne, and sat him downe
vnder a cloth of estate. The Cacique of Tascaluca requested him, that hee
would let him remaine in that towne, and trouble him no more with
travelling: And seeing he would not giue him leaue, in his talke he
changed his purpose, and dissemblinglie fained that he would speake with
some principall Indians, and rose vp from the place where hee sate with
the Gouernour, and entred into a house, where many Indians were with their
bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour when he saw he returned not, called him,
and he answered, that he would not come out from thence, neither would he
goe any farther then that towne, and that if he would goe his way in
peace, hee should presently depart, and should not seeke to carrie him
perforce out of his Countrie and territorie.
Chap. XVIII. How the Indians rose against the Gouernour, and what ensued
thereupon.
The Gouernour seeing the determination, and furious answere of the
Cacique, went about to pacifie him with faire words: to which he gaue no
answere, but rather with much pride and disdaine, withdrew himselfe where
the Gouernor might not see him, nor speake with him. As a principall
Indian passed that way, the Gouernor called him, to send him word, that
hee might remaine at his pleasure in his Countrie, and that it would
please him to giue him a guide, and men for carriages, to see if he could
pacifie him with mild words. The Indians answered with great pride, that
hee would not hearken vnto him. Baltasar de Gallégos, which stood by tooke
hold of a gowne of marternes which hee had on; and he cast it ouer his
head, and left it in his hands: and because all of them immediatly began
to stirre, Baltasar de Gallégos gaue him such a wound with his coutilas,
that hee opened him downe the backe, and presently all the Indians with a
great crie came out of the houses shooting their arrowes. The Gouernour
considering, that if hee tarried there, hee could not escape, and if hee
commanded his men to come in, which were without the towne, the Indians
within the houses might kill their horses, and doe much hurt, ranne out of
the towne, and before hee came out, hee fell twice or thrice, and those
that were with him did helpe him vp againe; and he and those that were
with him were sore wounded: and in a moment there were fiue Christians
slaine in the towne. The Gouernour came running out of the towne, crying
out, that euery man should stand farther off, because from the wall they
did them much hurt. The Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and
some of them, or the most part, more then an ordinary pase, shot with
great boldnesse at them, and strooke downe such as they could ouertake.
The Indians which the Christians did lead with them in chaines, had laid
downe their burthens neere vnto the wall: and assoone as the Gouernour and
his men were retired, the men of Mauilla laid them on the Indians backs
againe, and tooke them into the towne, and loosed them presently from
their chaines, and gaue them bowes and arrowes to fight withall. (M634)
Thus they possessed themselues of al the clothes and perles, and all that
the Christians had, which their slaues carried. And because the Indians
had been alwaies peaceable vntill wee came to this place, some of our men
had their weapons in their fardels and remained vnarmed. And from others
that had entred the towne with the Gouernour they had taken swords and
halebards, and fought with them. When the Gouernour was gotten into the
field, hee called for an horse, and with some that accompanied him, hee
returned and slew two or three Indians: All the rest retired themselues to
the towne, and shot with their bowes from the wall. And those which
presumed of their nimblenes, sallied foorth to fight a stones cast from
the wall: And when the Christians charged them, they retired themselues at
their leasure into the towne. At the time that the broile began, there
were in the towne a Frier, and a Priest, and a seruant of the Gouernour,
with a woman slave: and they had no time to come out of the towne: and
they tooke an house, and so remained in the towne. The Indians beeing
become Masters of the place, they shut the doore with a field gate: and
among them was one sword which the Gouernors seruant had, and with it he
set himselfe behind the doore, thrusting at the Indians which sought to
come into them: and the Frier and the Priest stood on the other side, each
of them with a barre in their hands to beate him downe that first came in.
The Indians seeing they could not get in by the doore, began to vncouer
the house top. By this time, all the horsemen and footemen which were
behind, were come to Mauilla. Here there were sundrie opinions, whether
they should charge the Indians to enter the towne, or whether they should
leaue it, because it was hard to enter: and in the end it was resolued to
set vpon them.
Chap. XIX. How the Gouernour set his men in order, and entred the towne of
Mauilla,
Assoone as the battell and the rereward were come to Mauilla, the
Gouernour commanded all those that were best armed to alight, and made
foure squadrons of footmen. (M635) The Indians, seeing how he was setting
his men in order, concluded with the Cacique, that hee should goe his way,
saying vnto him, as after it was knowne by certaine women that were taken
there, that he was but one man, and could fight but for one man, and that
they had there among them many principall Indians verie valiant and expert
in feates of armes, that any one of them was able to order the people
there; and forasmuch as matters of warre were subiect to casualtie, and it
was vncertaine which part should overcome, they wished him to saue
himselfe, to the end, that if it fel out that they should end their daies
there, as they determined, rather then to be ouercome, there might remaine
one to gouerne the Countrie. For all this hee would not haue gon away: but
they vrged him so much, that with fifteene or twentie Indians of his owne,
hee went out of the towne, and carried away a skarlat cloke, and other
things of the Christians goods; as much as hee was able to carrie, and
seemed best vnto him. The Gouernour was informed how there went men out of
the towne, and hee commanded the horsemen to beset it, and sent in euery
squadron of footemen one souldier with a firebrand to set fire on the
houses, that the Indians might haue no defense: all his men being set in
order, hee commanded an harcubuz to bee shot off. The signe being giuen,
the foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe with great furie, gaue the
onset, and with great hurt on both sides they entred the towne. The Frier
and the Priest, and those that were with them in the house were saued,
which cost the liues of two men of account, and valiant, which came
thither to succour them. The Indians fought with such courage, that many
times they draue our men put of the towne. The fight lasted so long, that
for wearinesse and great thirst many of the Christians went to a poole
that was neere the wal, to drink, which was all stained with the blood of
the dead, and then came againe to fight. Thie Gouernour seeing this,
entred among the footemen into the towne on horseback, with certaine that
accompanied him, and was a meane that the Christians came to set fire on
the houses, and brake and ouercame the Indians, who running out of the
towne from the footemen, the horsemen without draue in at the gates again,
where being without all hope of life, they fought valiantly, and after the
Christians came among them to handy blowes, seeing themselues in great
distresse without any succour, many of them fled into the burning houses,
where one vpon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. (M636)
The whole number of the Indians that died in this towne, were two thousand
Indians and fiue hundred, little more or lesse. Of the Christians there
died eighteene; of which one was Don Carlos, brother in law to the
Gouernour, and a nephew of his, and one Iohn de Gamez, and Men Rodriguez
Portugals, and Iohn Vasquez de Villanoua de Barca Rota, all men of honour,
and of much valour: the rest were footemen. Besides those that were
slaine, there were an hundred and fiftie wounded with 700. wounds of their
arrowes: and it pleased God that of very dangerous wounds they were
quickly healed; Moreouer, there were twelue horses slaine, and seuentie
hurt. All the clothes which the Christians carried with them to clothe
themselues withall, and the ornaments to say Masse, and the perles, were
all burnt there: and the Christians did set them on fire themselues;
because they held for a greater inconuenience, the hurt which the Indians
might doe them from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods
together, then the losse of them. Here the Gouernour vnderstood, (M637)
that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it
was sixe daies iournie from thence; and he dealt with Iohn Ortiz to keepe
it secret, because he had not accomplished that which he determined to
doe; and because the perles were burnt there, which he meant to haue sent
to Cuba for a shew, that the people hearing the newes, might be desirous
to come to that Countrie. He feared also, that if they should haue newes
of him without seeing from Florida neither gold nor siluer, nor any thing
of value, it would get such a name, that no man would seeke to goe
thither, when he should haue neede of people. And so he determined to send
no newes of himselfe, vntill hee had found some rich Countrie.
Chap. XX. How the Gouernour departed from Mauilla toward Chicaça, and what
happened vnto him.
From the time that the Gouernour entred into Florida, vntill his departure
from Mauilla, there died an hundred and two Christians, some of sicknesse,
and others which the Indians slew. He staied in Mauilla, because of the
wounded men, eight and twentie daies: all which time he lay in the field.
It was a well inhabited and a fat countrie, there were some great and
walled townes: and many houses scattered all about the fields, to wit, a
crossebow shot or two, the one from the other. Vpon Sonday, the eighteenth
of Nouember, when the hurt men were knowne to bee healed, the Gouernour
departed from Mauilla. Euery one furnished himselfe with Maiz for two
daies, and they trauelled fiue daies through a desert: they came to a
Prouince called Pafallaya, vnto a towne, named Taliepataua: and from
thence they went to another, called Cabusto: neere vnto it ran a great
Riuer. The Indians on the other side cried out, threatning the Christians
to kill them, if they sought to passe it. The Gouernour commanded his men
to make a barge within the towne, because the Indians should not perceiue
it: it was finished in foure daies, and being ended, he commanded it to be
carried one night vpon sleds halfe a league vp the Riuer. In the morning
there entred into it thirtie men well armed. The Indians perceiued what
was attempted, and those which were neerest, came to defend the passage.
They resisted what they could, till the Christians came neere them; and
seeing that the barge came to the shore, they fled away into the groues of
canes. The Christians mounted on horsebacke, and went vp the Riuer to make
good the passage, whereby the Gouernour and his companie passed the Riuer.
There was along the Riuer some townes well stored with Maiz and French
Beanes. From thence to Chicaça the Gouernour trauelled fiue daies through
a desert. Hee came to a Riuer, where on the otherside were Indians to
defend the passage. He made another barge in two daies; and when it was
finished, the Gouernour sent an Indian to request the Cacique to accept of
his friendship, and peaceably to expect his comming: whom the Indians that
were on the other side the Riuer slew before his face, and presently
making a great shout went their way. Hauing passed the Riuer, the next
day, being the 17. of December, the Gouernour came to Chicaça, a small
towne of twentie houses. And after they were come to Chicaça, they were
much troubled with cold, because it was now winter and it snowed, while
most of them were lodged in the field, before they had time to make
themselues houses. This countrie was very well peopled, and the houses
scattered like those of Mauilla, fat and plentifull of Maiz, and the most
part of it was fielding: they gathered as much as sufficed to passe the
winter. Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the Cacique
esteemed greatly. The Gouernour sent an Indian to signifie to the Cacique,
that he desired to see him and to haue his friendship. The Cacique came
vnto him, to offer him his person, countrie and subiects, and told him,
that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace; who within
few daies after came with him, and with their Indians: the one was called
Alimamu, the other Nicalasa. They gaue a present vnto the Gouernour of an
hundred and fiftie conies, and of the countrie garments, to wit, of
mantles and skinnes. The Cacique of Chicaça came to visit him many times;
and sometimes the Gouernour sent to call him, and sent him a horse to goe
and come. He complained vnto him, that a subiect of his was risen against
him, and depriued him of his tribute, requesting his aide against him, for
he meant to seeke him in his countrie, and to punish him according to his
desert. (M638) Which was nothing els but a fained plot. For they
determined assoone as the Gouernour was gone with him, and the campe was
diuided into two parts, the one of them to set vpon the Gouernour, and the
other vpon them that remained in Chicaça. Hee went to the towne where he
vsed to keepe his residence, and brought with him two hundred Indians with
their bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour tooke thirtie horsemen, and eightie
footemen, and they went to Saquechuma (for so was the Prouince called of
that chiefe man, which he said had rebelled.) They found a walled towne,
without any men: and those which went with the Cacique set fire on the
houses, to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and
heedfullnesse, that was as well in the Gouernors people which hee carried
with him, as of those which remained in Chicaça, they durst not assault
them at that time. The Gouernour inuited the Cacique, and certaine
principall Indians, and gaue them hogges flesh to eate. And though they
did not commonly vse it, yet they were so greedie of it, that euery night
there came Indians to certaine houses a crossebow shot from the Camp,
where the hogges lay, and killed, and carried away as many as they could.
And three Indians were taken in the manner. Two of them the Gouernour
commanded to be shot to death with arrowes; and to cut off the hands of
the other; and he sent him so handled to the Cacique. Who made as though
it grieued him that they had offended the Gouernor, and that he was glad
that he had executed that punishment on them. He lay in a plaine countrie
half a league from the place, where the Christians lodged. Foure horsemen
went a straggling thither, to wit Francisco Osorio, and a seruant of the
Marques of Astorga, called Reynoso, and two seruants of the Gouernour, the
one his page called Ribera, and the other Fuentes his Chamberlaine: and
these had taken from the Indians some skinnes, and some mantles, wherewith
they were offended and forsooke their houses. The Gouernour knew of it,
and commanded them to be apprehended; and condemned to death Francisco
Osorio, and the Chamberlaine as principalls, and all of them to losse of
goods. The Friers and Priests and other principall persons were earnest
with him to pardon Francisco Osorio his life, and to moderate his
sentence, which hee would not grant for any of them. While he was readie
to command them to be drawne to the market place to cut off their heads,
there came certaine Indians from the Cacique to complaine of them. Iohn
Ortiz, at the request of Baltasar de Gallégos and other persons changed
their words, and told the Gouernour that the Cacique said he had notice
how his Lordship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that
they were in no fault, neither had they done him any wrong, and that if he
would do him any fauour he would set them free. And he told the Indians;
That the Gouernour said, he had them in prison, and that he would punish
them in such sort, that they should bee an example to others. Hereupon the
Gouernour commanded the prisoners to be loosed. (M639) Assoone as March
was come, hee determined to depart from Chicaça, and demanded of the
Cacique two hundred men for cariages. He sent him answere, that hee would
speake with his principall men. Vpon Twesday the eight of March, the
Gouernour went to the towne where he was, to aske him for the men; Hee
told him, he would send them the next day. Assoone as the Gouernour was
come to Chicaça, he told Luys de Moscoso the Camp-master, that hee
misliked the Indians, and that he should keepe a strong watch that night,
which hee remembred but a little. The Indians came at the second watch in
foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe, and assoone as they were descried,
they sounded a drum, and gaue the assault with a great cry, and with so
great celeritie, that presently they entred with the scoutes, that were
somewhat distant from the Campe. (M640) And when they were perceiued of
them which were in the towne, halfe the houses were on fire, which they
had kindled. That night three horsemen chanced to bee skouts, two of them
were of base calling, and the worst men in all the Camp, and the other,
which was a nephew of the Gouernour, which vntill then was held for a tall
man, shewed himselfe there as great a coward, as any of them: for all of
them ran away. And the Indians without any resistance came and set the
towne on fire; and taried without behind the doores for the Christians,
which ran out of the houses, not hauing any leasure to arme themselues:
and as they ran hither and thither amazed with the noise, and blinded with
the smoke and flame of the fire, they knew not which way they went,
neither could they light vpon their weapons, nor saddle their horses,
neither saw they the Indians that shot them. Manie of the horses were
burned in the stables, and those which could breake their halters gat
loose. The disorder and flight was such, that euery man fled which way he
could, without leauing any to resist the Indians. But God (which
chastiseth his according to his pleasure, and in the greatest necessities
and dangers sustaineth them with his hand,) so blinded the Indians, that
they saw not what they had done, and thought that the horses which ran
loose, were men on horsebacke, that gathered themselues together to set
vpon them. The Gouernour only rod on horsebacke, and with him a souldier
called Tapia, and set vpon the Indians, and striking the first he met with
his lance, the saddle fell with him, which with haste was euill girded,
and so hee fell from his horse. And all the people that were on foote were
fled to a wood out of the towne, and there assembled themselues together.
And because it was night, and that the Indians thought the horses were men
on horsebacke which came to set vpon them, as I said before, they fled;
and one onely remained dead, and that was he whom the Gouernour slew with
his lance. The towne lay all burnt to ashes. There was a woman burned,
who, after shee and her husband were both gone out of their house, went in
againe for certaine perles, which they had forgotten and when she would
haue come out, the fire was so great at the doore that shes could not,
neither could her husband succour her. Other three Christians came out of
their lodgings so cruelly burned, that one of them died within three
daies, and the other two were carried many daies each of them vpon a couch
betweene staues, which the Indians carried on their shoulders, for
otherwise they could not trauell. There died in this hurlieburlie eleuen
Christians, and fiftie horses; and there remained an hundred hogges, and
foure hundred were burned. If any perchance had saued any clothes from the
fire of Mauilla, here they were burned, and many were clad in skinnes, for
they had no leasure to take their coates. They endured much cold in this
place, and the chiefest remedie were great fires. They spent all night in
turnings without sleepe: for if they warmed one side, they freesed on the
other. Some inuented the weauing of certaine mats of drie iuie, and did
weare one beneath, and another aboue: many laughed at this deuice, whom
afterward necessitie inforced to doe the like. The Christians were so
spoiled, and in such want of saddles and weapons which were burned, that
if the Indians had come the second night, they had ouercome them with
little labour. They remooued thence to the towne where the Cacique was
wont to lie, because it was in a champion countrie. Within eight daies
after, there were many lances and saddles made. There were ash trees in
those parts, whereof they made as good lances as in Biscay.
Chap. XXI. How the Indians set againe vpon the Christians, and how the
Gouernour went to Alimamu, beyond which towne in warlike sort they tarried
for him in the way.
Vpon Wednesday the 15. of March 1541. after the Gouernour had lodged 8.
daies in a plaine, halfe a league from the place which he had wintered in,
after he had set vp a forge, and tempered the swords which in Chicaça were
burned, and made many targets, saddles, and lances, on Tuesday night, at
the morning watch, many Indians came to assault the Campe in three
squadrons, euery one by themselues: Those which watched gaue the alarme.
The Gouernour with great speed set his men in order in other three
squadrons, and leauing some to defend the Campe, went out to incounter
them. The Indians were ouercome and put to flight. The ground was champion
and fit for the Christians to take the aduantage of them; and it was now
breake of day. But there happened a disorder, whereby there were not past
thirtie or fortie Indians slaine: and this it was: that a Frier cried out
in the Campe without any iust occasion, To the Campe, To the Campe:
Whereupon the Gouernour and all the rest repaired thither, and the Indians
had time to saue themselues. There were some taken, by whom the Gouernour
informed himselfe of the Countrie, through which he was to passe. The 25.
of Aprill, he departed from Chicaça, and lodged at a small towne called
Alimamu. They had very little Maiz, and they were to passe a desert of
seuen daies iournie. The next day, the Gouernour sent three Captaines
euerie one his way with horsemen and footemen to seeke prouision to passe
the desert. And Iohn Dannusco the Auditor went with fifteene horsemen, and
40. footemen that way that the Gouernour was to goe, and found a strong
fort made, where the Indians staied for him, and many of them walked on
the top of it with their weapons, hauing their bodies, thighes and armes
okered and died with blacke, white, yellow and red, striped like vnto
paines, so that they shewed as though they went in hose and doublets: and
some of them had plumes, and others had hornes on their heads, and their
faces blacke, and their eies done round about with strakes of red, to
seeme more fierce. Assoone as they saw that the Christians approched, with
a great crie sounding two drummes with great furie they sallied foorth to
receiue them. Iohn Dannusco and those that were with him, thought good to
auoid them, and to acquaint the Gouernour therewith. They retired to a
plaine place, a crossebowshot from the fort in sight of it, the footemen,
the crossebowmen, and targetters placed themselues before the horsemen,
that they might not hurt the horses. The Indians sallied out by seuen and
seuen, and eight and eight to shoote their arrowes, and retired againe:
and in sight of the Christians they made a fire, and tooke an Indian, some
by the feete, and some by the head, and made as though they went to cast
him into the fire, and gaue him first many knocks on the head: signifying,
that they meant so to handle the Christians. Iohn Danusco sent three
horsemen to aduertise the Gouernour hereof. He came presently: for his
intent was to driue them from thence, saying, that if he did it not, they
would be emboldened to charge him another time, when they might doe him
more harme. He made the horsemen to alight, and set his men in foure
squadrons: The signe being giuen, they set vpon the Indians, which made
resistance till the Christians came neere the fort, and assoone as they
saw they could not defend themselues, by a place where a brooke passed
neere the fort, they ran away, and from the otherside they shot some
arrowes: and because at that instant we knew no ford for the horses to
passe, they had time enough to get out of our danger. Three Indians were
slaine there, and many Christians were hurt, whereof within few daies,
there died fifteene by the way. All men thought the Gouernour to bee in
fault, because he sent not to see the disposition of the place on the
other side of the Riuer, and to know the passage before hee set vpon them.
For with the hope they had to saue themselues by flight that way, when
they saw none other meanes, they fought til they were broken, and it was
an incouragement to defend themselues vntill then, and to offend the
Christians without any danger to themselues.
Chap. XXII. How the Gouernour went from Alimamu to Quizquiz, and from
thence to Rio Grande, or the great Riuer.
Three daies after they had sought some Maiz, whereof they found but little
store, in regard of that which was needfull, and that for this cause, as
well for their sakes that were wounded, it was needfull for them to rest,
as for the great iournie they were to march to come where store of Maiz
was: yet the Gouernour was inforced to depart presentlie toward Quizquiz.
He trauelled seuen daies through a desert of many marishes and thicke
woods: but it might all be trauelled on horseback, except some lakes which
they swamme ouer. Hee came to a towne of the Prouince of Quizquiz without
being descried, and tooke all the people in it before they came out of
their houses. The mother of the Cacique was taken there: and he sent vnto
him by an Indian, that he should come to see him, and that he would giue
him his mother, and al the people which he had taken there. The Cacique
sent him answere againe, that his Lordship should loose and send them to
him, and that he would come to visit and serue him. The Gouernour, because
his people for want of Maiz were somewhat weake and wearie, and the horses
also were leane, determined to accomplish his request, to see if hee could
haue peace with him, and so commanded to set free his mother and all the
rest, and with louing words dismissed them and sent them to him. The next
day, when the Gouernour expected the Cacique, there came many Indians with
their bowes and arrowes with a purpose to set vpon the Christians. The
Gouernour had commanded all the horsemen to be armed, and on horsebacke,
and in a readines. When the Indians saw that they were readie, they staied
a crossebowe shot from the place where the Gouernour was neere a brooke.
(M641) And after halfe an houre that they had stood there stil, there came
to the Camp sixe principall Indians, and said, they came to see what
people they were, and that long agoe, they had been informed by their
forefathers, “That a white people should subdue them: and that therefore
they would returne to their Cacique, and bid him come presently to obey
and serue the Gouernour:” and after they had presented him with sixe or
seuen skinnes and mantles which they brought, they tooke their leaue of
him, and returned with the other, which waited for them by the brookeside.
The Cacique neuer came againe nor sent other message. (M642) And because
in the towne where the Gouernour lodged, there was small store of Maiz, he
remooued to another halfe a league from Rio Grande, where they found
plentie of Maiz: And he went to see the Riuer, and found, that neere vnto
it was great store of timber to make barges, and good situation of ground
to incampe in. Presently he remooued himselfe thither. They made houses,
and pitched their Campe in a plaine field a crossebow shot from the Riuer.
And thither was gathered all the Maiz of the townes, which they had lately
passed. They began presently to cut and hew down timber, and to saw
plankes for barges. (M643) The Indians came presently down the Riuer: they
leaped on shore, and declared to the Gouernor, That they were subiects of
a great Lord, whose name was Aquixo, who was Lord of many townes, and
gouerned many people on the other side of the Riuer, and came to tell him
on his behalfe, that the next day he with al his men would come to see,
what it would please him to command him. The next day with speed, the
Cacique came with two hundred canoes full of Indians with their bowes and
arrowes, painted, and with great plumes of white feathers, and many other
colours, with shields in their hands, wherewith they defended the rowers
on both sides, and the men of warre stood from the head to the sterne,
with their bowes and arrowes in their hands. The canoe wherein the Cacique
was, had a tilt ouer the sterne, and hee sate vnder the tilt; and so were
other canoes of the principall Indians. And from vnder the tilt where the
chiefs man sat, hee gouerned and commanded the other people. All ioyned
together, and came within a stones cast of the shore. From thence the
Cacique said to the Gouernour, which walked along the Riuers side with
others that waited on him, that he was come thither to visit, to honour,
and to obey him; because he knew he was the greatest and mightiest Lord on
the earth: therefore he would see what he would command him to doe. The
Gouernour yeelded him thankes, and requested him to come on shore, that
they might the better communicate together. And without any answere to
that point, hee sent him three canoes, wherein was great store of fish and
loaues, made of the substance of prunes like vnto brickes. After he had
receiued al, he thanked him, and prayed him againe to come on shore. And
because the Caciques purpose was, to see if with dissimulation he might
doe some hurt, when they saw that the Gouernour and his men were in
readinesse, they began to goe from the shore: and with a great crie, the
crossebowmen which were ready, shot at them, and slue fiue or sixe of
them. They retired with great order: none did leaue his oare, though the
next to him were slaine; and shielding themselues, they went farther off.
Afterward they came many times and landed: and when any of vs came toward
them, they fled vnto their canoes, which were verie pleasant to behold:
for they were very great and well made, and had their tilts, plumes,
paueses, and flagges, and with the multitude of people that were in them,
they seemed to be a faire armie of gallies. In thirtie dayes space, while
the Gouernour remained there, they made foure barges: In three of which
hee commanded twelue horsemen to enter, in each of them foure; in a
morning, three houres before day, men which hee trusted would land in
despight of the Indians, and make sure the passage, or die, and some
footemen being crossebowmen went with them, and rowers to set them on the
other side. And in the other barge he commanded Iohn de Guzman to passe
with the footemen, which was made Captaine in stead of Francisco
Maldonado. And because the streame was swift, they went a quarter of a
league vp the Riuer along the bancke, and crossing ouer, fell downe with
the streame, and landed right ouer against the Camp. (M644) Two stones
cast before they came to land, the horsemen went out of the barges on
horsebacke to a sandie plot very hard and cleere ground, where all of them
landed without any resistance. Assoone as those that passed first, were on
land on the other side, the barges returned to the place where the
Gouernour was: and within two houres after Sunnerising, all the people
were ouer. The Riuer was almost halfe a league broad. If a man stood still
on the other side, it could not be discerned, whether he were a man or no.
The Riuer was of great depth, and of a strong current: the water was
alwaies muddie: there came downe the Riuer continually many trees and
timber, which the force of the water and streame brought downe. There was
great store of fish in it of sundrie sorts, and the most of it differing
from the freshwater fish of Spaine, as hereafter shall be shewed.
Chap. XXIII. How the Gouernour departed from Aquixo to Casqui, and from
thence to Pacaha: and how this Countrie differeth from that which we had
passed.
Hauing passed Rio grande, the Gouernour trauelled a league and an halfe,
and came to a great towne of Aquixo, which was dispeopled before hee came
thither. They espied thirtie Indians comming ouer a plaine, which the
Cacique sent, to discouer the Christians determination: and assoone as
they had sight of them, they tooke themselues to flight. The horsemen
pursued them, and slue tenne, and tooke fifteene. And because the towne,
whither the Gouernour went, was neere vnto the Riuer, he sent a Captaine,
with as many men as he thought sufficient to carrie the barges vp the
Riuer. And because in his trauelling by land many times he went farre from
the Riuer to compasse the creekes that came from it, the Indians tooke
occasion to set vpon them of the barges, and put them in great danger,
because that by reason of the great current, they durst not leaue the
shore, and from the bancke they shot at them. Assoone as the Gouernour was
come to the towne, hee presently sent crossebow men downe the Riuer, which
came to rescue them; and vpon the comming of the barges to the towne, hee
commanded them to bee broken, and to saue the iron for others, when it
should bee needfull. Hee lay there one night, and the day following, hee
set forward to seeke a Prouince, called Pacaha: which hee was informed to
bee neere vnto Chisca, where the Indians told him there was gold. He
passed through great townes of Aquixo, which were all abandoned for feare
of the Christians. Hee understood by certaine Indians that were taken,
that three daies iournie from thence dwelt a great Cacique, whose name was
Casqui. Hee came to a small Riuer, where a bridge was made, by which they
passed: that day till Sunset, they went all in water, which in some places
came to the waste, and in some to the knees. When they saw themselues on
dry land, they were very glad, because they feared they should wander vp
and downe as forlorne men al night in the water. At noone they came to the
first towne of Casqui: they found the Indians carelesse, because they had
no knowledge of them. There were many men and women taken, and store of
goods, as mantles and skinnes, as well in the first towne, as in another,
which stood in a field halfe a league from thence in sight of it; whither
the horsemen ran. This Countrie is higher, drier, and more champion, than
any part bordering neere the Riuer, that vntill then they had seene. There
were in the fields many Walnut trees, bearing soft shelled Walnuts in
fashion like bullets, and in the houses they found many of them, which the
Indians had laid vp in store. The trees differed in nothing else from
those of Spaine, nor from those which we had seene before, but onely that
they have a smaller leafe. There were many Mulberrie trees and Plum trees,
which bare red plums like those of Spaine, and other gray, somewhat
differing, but farre better. And all the trees are all the yeere so
fruitfull, as if they were planted in orchards: and the woods were verie
thinne. The Gouernour trauelled two daies through the Countrie of Casqui,
before hee came to the towne where the Cacique was: and most of the way
was alway by champion ground, which was full of great townes, so that from
one towne, you might see two or three. He sent an Indian to certifie the
Cacique, that hee was comming to the place where he was, with intent to
procure his friendship, and to hold him as his brother. Whereunto he
answered, That he should be welcome, and that he would receiue him with
speciall good wil, and accomplish all that his Lordship would command him.
Hee sent him a present vpon the way; to wit, skinnes, mantles, and fish:
And after these complements, the Gouernour found all the townes, as he
passed, inhabited with people, which peaceablie attended his comming, and
offered him skinnes, mantles, and fish. The Cacique accompanied with many
Indians came out of the towne, and staied halfe a league on the way to
receiue the Gouernour, and when hee came to him, he spake these words
following:
Right high, right mighty, and renowned Lord, your Lorship is most hartilie
welcome. Assoone as I had notice of your Lordship, of your power, and your
perfections, although you came into my Countrie, killing and taking
captiues the inhabitants thereof and my subiects: yet I determined to
conforme my will vnto yours, and as your owne to interpret in good part
all that your Lordship did: beleeuing, that it was conuenient it should be
so for some iust respect, to preuent some future matter reuealed vnto your
Lordship, and concealed from me. For well may a mischiefe be permitted to
auoid a greater, and that good may come thereof: which I beleeue will so
fall out. For it is no reason to presume of so excellent a Prince, that
the noblenesse of his heart, and the effect of his will would permit him
to suffer any vniust thing. My abilitie is so small to serue you as your
Lordship deserueth, that if you respect not mine abundant good will, which
humblie offereth all kind of seruice, I deserue but little in your
presence. But if it bee reason that this be esteemed, receiue the same; my
selfe, my Countrie, and subiects for yours, and dispose of me and them at
your pleasure. For if I were Lord of all the world, with the same good
will should your Lordship by me be receiued, serued and obeyed.
The Gouernour answered him to the purpose, and satisfied him in few words.
Within a while after both of them vsed words of great offers and courtesie
the one to the other, and the Cacique requested him to lodge in his
houses. The Gouernour, to preserue the peace the better, excused himselfe,
saying, that hee would lodge in the fields. And because it was very hot,
they camped neere certaine trees a quarter of a league from the towne.
(M645) The Cacique went to his towne, and came againe with many Indians
singing. Assoone as they came to the Gouernour, all of them prostrated
themselues vpon the ground. Among these came two Indians that were blind.
The Cacique made a speech: to auoid tediousnesse, I will onely tell in few
words the substance of the matter. Hee said, that seeing the Gouernour was
the sonne of the Sunne, and a great Lord, he besought him to doe him the
fauour to giue sight to those two blind men. The blind men rose vp
presently, and very earnestly requested the same of the Gouernour. He
answered, That in the high heauens was he that had power to giue them
health, and whatsoeuer they could aske of him, whose seruant he was: And
that this Lord made the heauens and the earth, and man after his owne
likenesse, and that he suffered vpon the crosse to saue mankind, and rose
againe the third day, and that he died as he was man, and as touching his
diuinitie, he was, and is immortall; and that he ascended into heauen,
where he standeth with his armes open to receiue all such as turne vnto
him: and straightway he commanded him to make a verie high crosse of wood,
which was set vp in the highest place of the towne; declaring vnto him,
that the Christians worshipped the same in resemblance and memorie of that
whereon Christ suffered. The Gouernour and his men kneeled downe before
it, and the Indians did the like. The Gouernour willed him, that from
thencefoorth hee should worship the same, and should aske whatsoeuer they
stood in need of, of that Lord that he told him was in heauen. Then he
asked him how far it was from thence to Pacaha: He said, one daies
iournie, and that at the end of his Countrie, there was a lake like a
brooke which falleth into Rio Grande, and that hee would send men before
to make a bridge whereby he might passe. The same day that the Gouernour
departed thence, he lodged at a towne belonging to Casqui: and the next
day hee passed in sight of other townes, and came to the lake, which was
halfe a crossebow shot ouer, of a great depth and current. At the time of
his comming, the Indians had made an end of the bridge, which was made of
timber, laid one tree after another: and on one side it had a course of
stakes higher then the bridge, for them that passed to take hold on. The
Cacique of Casqui came to the Gouernour, and brought his people with him.
The Gouernour sent word by an Indian to the Cacique of Pacaha, that though
hee were enemie to the Cacique of Casqui, and though hee were there, yet
he would doe him no disgrace nor hurt, if he would attend him peaceablie,
and embrace his friendship; but rather would intreate him as a brother.
The Indian, which the Gouernour sent, came againe, and said, that the
Cacique made none account of that which hee told him, but fled with all
his men out at the other side of the towne. Presentlie the Gouernour
entred, and ran before with the horsemen, that way, by which the Indians
fled; and at another towne distant a quarter of a league from thence, they
tooke many Indians: and assoone as the horsemen had taken them, they
deliuered them to the Indians of Casqui, whom, because they were their
enemies, with much circumspection and reioycing, they brought to the towne
where the Christians were: and the greatest griefe they had, was this,
that they could not get leaue to kill them. There were found in the towne
many mantles, and Deere skinnes, Lions skins, and Beares skinnes, and many
Cats skins. Many came so farre poorely apparrelled, and there they clothed
themselues: of the mantles, they made them cotes and cassocks, and some
made gownes, and lined them with Cats skins; and likewise their cassocks.
Of the Deeres skinnes, some made them also ierkins, shirts, hose and
shooes: and of the Beare skinnes, they made them verie good clokes: for no
water could pierce them. There were targets of raw oxe hides found there;
with which hides they armed their horses.
Chap. XXIIII. How the Cacique of Pacaha came peaceablie to the Gouernour,
and the Cacique of Casqui absented himselfe, and came againe to make his
excuse, and how the Gouernour made them both friends.
Vpon Wednesday, the 19. of Iune, the Gouernour entred into Pacaha: He
lodged in the towne, where the Cacique vsed to reside, which was very
great, walled, and beset with towers, and many loopeholes were in the
towers and wall. And in the towne was great store of old Maiz, and great
quantitie of new in the fields. Within a league and halfe a league were
great townes all walled. Where the Gouernour was lodged, was a great lake,
that came neere vnto the wall: and it entred into a ditch that went round
about the towne, wanting but a little to enuiron it round. From the lake
to the great Riuer was made a weare by the which the fish came into it;
which the Cacique kept for his recreation and sport: with nets, that were
founde in the towne, they tooke as much as they would: and tooke they
neuer so much, there was no want perceiued. There was also great store of
fish in many other lakes that were thereabout, but it was soft, and not so
good as that which came from the Riuer, and the most of it was different
from the fresh water fish of Spaine. There was a fish which they call
Bagres: the third part of it was head, and it had on both sides the
gilles, and along the sides great pricks like very sharpe aules: those of
this kind that were in the lakes were as big as pikes: and in the Riuer,
there were some of an hundred, and of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight,
and many of them were taken with the hooke. There was another fish like
barbilles; and another like breames, headed like a delicate fish, called
in Spaine besugo,(127) betweene red and gray. This was there of most
esteeme. There was another fish called a pele fish: it had a snout of a
cubit long, and at the end of the vpper lip it was made like a peele.
There was another fish like a Westerne shad; And all of them had scales,
except the bagres, and the pele fish. There was another fish, which
sometimes the Indians brought vs, of the bignes of a hog, they call it the
Pereo fish: it had rowes of teeth beneath and aboue. The Cacique of Casqui
sent many times great presents of fish, mantles, and skinnes. Hee told the
Gouernour that he would deliuer the Cacique of Pacaha into his hands. He
went to Casqui, and sent many canoes vp the Riuer, and came himselfe by
land with many of his people. The Gouernour with 40. horsemen and 60.
footemen tooke him along with him vp the Riuer. And his Indians which were
in the canoes, discouered where the Cacique of Pacaha was in a little
Island, situated betweene two armes of the River. And fiue Christians
entred into a canoe, wherein Don Antonio Osorio went before, to see what
people the Cacique had with him. There were in the Isle fiue or six
thousand soules. And assoone as they saw them, supposing that the Indians
which were in the other canoes were also Christians, the Cacique, and
certaine which were in three canoes, which they had there with them, fled
in great haste to the other side of the Riuer: The rest with great feare
and danger, lept into the Riuer, where much people was drowned, especially
women and little children. Presently the Gouernour which was on land, not
knowing what happened to Don Antonio, and those that went with him,
commanded the Christians with all speed to enter with the Indians of
Casqui in the canoes, which were quickly with Don Antonio in the little
Island, where they tooke many men and women, and much goods. Great store
of goods, which the Indians had lain vpon hurdles of canes, and rafts of
timber to carrie ouer to the other side, draue downe the river, wherewith
the Indians of Casqui filled their canoes: and for feare lest the
Christians would take it from them, the Cacique went home with them downe
the Riuer, without taking his leave of the Gouernour: whereupon the
Gouernour was highly offended with him: and presently returned to Pacaha,
he ouerran the Countrie of Casqui the space of two leagues, where hee
tooke twentie or thirtie of his men. And because his horses were wearie,
and he wanted time that day to goe any farther, hee returned to Pacaha,
with determination within three or four daies after to inuade Casqui. And
presently hee let loose one of the Indians of Pacaha, and sent word by him
to the Cacique, that if hee would haue his friendship, he should repaire
vnto him, and that both of them would make warre upon Casqui. And
presently came many Indians that belonged to Pacaha, and brought an
Indian, in stead of the Cacique, which was discouered by the Caciques
brother which was taken prisoner. The Gouernour wished the Indians that
their Master himselfe should come: for hee knew very well that that was
not hee, and told them, that they could doe nothing which he knew not
before they thought it. (M646) The next day the Cacique came, accompanied
with many Indians, and with a present of much fish, skinnes and mantles.
He made a speech that all were glad to heare, and concluded, saying, That
though his Lordship, without his giuing occasion of offence had done him
hurt in his Countrie and subiects; yet hee would not therefore refuse to
bee his, and that he would alwaies be at his commandement. The Gouernour
commanded his brother to be loosed, and other principall Indians that were
taken prisoners. That day came an Indian from the Cacique of Casqui, and
said, that his Lord would come the next day to excuse himselfe of the
error which he had committed, in going away without licence of the
Gouernour. The Gouernour willed the messenger to signifie vnto him that if
he came not in his owne person, hee would seeke him himselfe, and giue him
such punishment as he deserued. The next day with all speede came the
Cacique of Casqui, and brought a present to the Gouernour of many mantles,
skinnes, and fish, and gaue him a daughter of his, saying, that he greatly
desired to match his blood with the blood of so great a Lord as he was,
and therefore he brought him his daughter, and desired him to take her to
his wife. Hee made a long and discreet oration, giuing him great
commendations, and concluded, saying, that hee should pardon his going
away without licence, for that Crosses sake, which he had left with him:
protesting that hee went away for shame of that which his men had done
without his consent. The Gouernour answered him, that hee had chosen a
good patrone; and that if hee had not come to excuse himselfe, hee had
determined to seeke him, to burne his townes, to kill him and his people,
and to destroy his countrie. To which he replied saying:
My Lord, I and mine are yours, and my countrie likewise is yours:
therefore if you had done so, you should haue destroyed your owne
countrie, and haue killed your owne people: whatsoeuer shall come vnto me
from your hand, I will receiue as from my Lord, as well punishment as
reward: And know you, that the fauour which you did me in leauing me the
Crosse, I do acknowledge the same to be a very great one, and greater then
I haue euer deserued. For you shall vnderstand, that with great droughts,
the fields of Maiz of my countrie were withered; and assoone as I and my
people kneeled before the Crosse, and prayed for raine, presently our
necessitie was relieued.
The Gouernour made him and the Cacique of Pacaha friends; and set them
with him at his table to dine with him: and the Caciques fell at variance
about the seats, which of them should sit on his right hand. The Gouernour
pacified them; telling them that among the Christians, all was one to sit
on the one side or on the other, willing them so to behaue themselues,
seeing they were with him, that no bodie might heare them, and that euery
one should sit in the place that first hee lighted on. From thence he sent
thirtie horse men, and fiftie footemen to the Prouince of Caluça, to see
if from thence hee might trauel to Chisca, where the Indians said, there
was a worke of gold and copper. They trauelled seuen daies iournie through
a desert, and returned verie wearie, eating greene plummes and stalkes of
Maiz, which they found in a poore towne of sixe or seuen houses. From
thence forward toward the North; the Indians said, That countrie was very
ill inhabited, because it was very cold: (M647) And that there were such
store of Oxen, that they could keep no corne for them: that the Indians
liued vpon their flesh. The Gouernour seeing that toward that part the
countrie was so poore of Maiz, that in it they could not be sustained,
demanded of the Indians, which way it was most inhabited; and they said,
they had notice of a great Prouince, and a verie plentifull countrie,
which was called Quigaute, and that it was toward the South.
FOOTNOTES
M1 The principall causes why this voyage is vndertaken.
M2 The seconde kinde of planting
M3 Iosua 4.
M4 Iosua 6.
M5 Ioshua 8.
M6 Ioshua 9.
M7 Iudg. 11. 13.
M8 Iudg. 1.
M9 A good note for al Conquerers to be mercifull. Iudg. 6. 7.
M10 Ruffinus lib. I. cap. 9.
M11 Meropius slaine; Edesius and Frumentius preserued by the Indians.
M12 Frumentius in great fauour with the Queene of the Indias; Another
great worke begunne by a man a meane birth.
M13 Ruffinus the Author of this storie.
_ 1 Marginal note_. Euseb. in his Ecclesiasticall historie, testifieth
how that Constantine the great did enlarge his dominions by subduing
of Infidels and Idolatrous nations. Eusebius lib. I. de vita
Constant. cap. 4. et cap. 9. Euseb. cod. lib. cap. 39.
M14 Theodoret in eccle. lib. 5. cap 20.
M15 Theodoretus cap. 26. eodem lib.
M16 1170. Owen Guyneth was then Prince of Northwales.
M17 Nullum tempus occurrit Regi. This Island was discouered by Sir
Humfrey and his company, in this his last iourney.
2 Montezuma.
M18 Mutezuma his Oration to his subiects in presence of Hermando Cortes,
which Oration was made about the yeere 1520.
M19 M. Oliuer Dalbony. M. Edward Reow. M.R.H. M.I.A.
M20 Cox the master.
_ 3 Marginal note_.—Clothiers. Woolmen. Carders. Spinners. Weauers
Fullers. Sheermen. Diers. Drapers. Cappers. Hatters, &c. and many
decayed townes repayred.
M21 The idle persons of this realme shall by occasion of this iourney
bee well imployed and set on worke.
M22 Hempe doeth growe neere S. Laurence riuer naturally.
M23 Read the beginning of the booke intituled Diuers touching the
discouery of America.
M24 Beasts for pleasure.
M25 Hides solde for forty shillings a piece.
M26 Great grapes. Wine of the Palme tree.
M27 Commodities found in August last.
M28 2 Corinth. 9.
M29 This bargen cannot be uniust, where both parties are gainers.
4 Equator
M30 2. Decad. lib. 5. fol. 77. of the West Indies in English. Canoa is a
kind of boat. 3. Decad. lib. I. fol. 97. About the yere of our Lord
1511.
M31 Conquest of the West Indies. fol. 43. and 45. English.
M32 A marueilous victorie.
5 Louis Cadamosto, a Venetian, born about 1422, sailed from Madeira in
1455. under the auspices of Dom Henry, son of King John of Portugal.
He discovered Senegal, Cape Verd, and Gambia River. In a second
voyage, in 1456, he pushed as far as the Saint Dominic River. On his
return to his native land in 1464, he published an account of his
travels.
M33 Ceffella accompted to be the place where the noble and wise king
Salomon did fetch his gold.
6 Vasco da Gama was the first to double the Cape of Good Hope. Died at
Cochin, 24th December 1525.
7 Alonzo, Duke of Albuquerque, an illegitimate descendant of the Kings
of Portugal, established the Portuguese power on the East Coast of
Africa, in Arabia, the Persian Gulf, further India, the Moluccas,
etc. As Viceroy of the East Indies, his justice and chivalrous
nature won the love and respect of all, and many years after his
death, which happened in 1515, the natives used to make pilgrimages
to his tomb to pray for justice against his cruel successors.
8 Ceylon.
M34 These are the furthest parts of the world from England. At these
Islands hath sir Francis Drake bene, where the fame of the Queenes
most excellent Maiestie was renowmed.
M35 Remember the great arrest of the Hollanders. An. 1598.
M36 Commodities of this voyage in shortnesse.
M37 Commodities of the countrey more then those of Moscouie.
M38 The seuerall merchandise.
M39 A lake of salt in Vasques his voyage.
_ 9 Marginal note_.—The ewer of metal brought by M. Fromisher, caused
two seuerall supplies, the two yeeres next following; whereof the
latter was of thirteene tall ships.
M40 Master Carliles owne experience
M41 The Frenchmens trade renewed in Canada, in the yeere 1581.
M42 The South part best for inhabiting and traffique.
M43 The furnishing foorth of 100. men for one yeere will cost 4000. li.
M44 The fleete of Canada.
M45 The markes of the harbour of the Isle Ramea.
M46 An Isle like a Floure de lice.
M47 A banke of sand.
M48 The maine a shold coast.
M49 Lisle Blanche. The place where they killed 1500. Morses.
M50 Sands and sholds. A smal Island conteining a league of ground.
M51 A hard hauen.
M52 Markes to come into the hauen.
M53 The barre.
M54 The best anchorage.
M55 Another entrance. The Isle of Cormorants.
10 This page refers to Vol. III. of the Edition of 1812. For Jacques
Cartier’s voyage, see farther on.
11 A very curious account of the Unicorn is to be found in Goldsmid’s
Myths of Ancient Science, 1886.
M56 The voyage of M. Drake of Apsham to Ramea.
M57 The Isle of Ramea, or Menquit.
M58 The English men land vpon Cape Briton.
M59 They goe on shore in another place.
M60 The people of the countrey came downe to our men.
M61 Blacke dogs.
M62 A secret trade to the Southwest of Cape Briton.
M63 Soundings to the South and Southwestward of Cape Briton.
M64 They sayle 50 or 60 leagues to the South-West of Cape Briton.
M65 Great store of Seales, Porposes, Whales and Cods.
M66 They continue on the coast from Cape Briton Westwards full eleuen
weekes.
M67 An huge Whale pursued their ship by the space of many dayes till one
of their men fell ouerboord.
12 Probably a Shark.
M68 The Islands of the Martyers. The Isles of S. Peter.
M69 They land on the Isle of Natiscotec.
M70 The Isle of Menego.
M71 The 2 Islands of Birdes.
M72 Store of Morsses.
M73 In Bryans Island excellent ground for corne and meadow.
M74 Another harbourough in Ramea.
M75 A skirmish betweene the French men and vs.
M76 A new treason of the Britons.
M77 The bar of the hauen of Ramea.
M78 They depart from Ramea.
M79 Isle Blanch or the White Isle.
M80 The riuer of Cape Briton.
M81 Their arriuall in the Isle of Cape Briton.
M82 The Chancewel cast away 18 leagues within Cape Briton.
M83 Woods on the Isle of Cape Briton.
M84 The Sauages of Cape Briton come aboord of our ship.
M85 Cibo an harborow in the Isle of Cape Briton.
M86 They departed from Cape Briton.
M87 S. Peters Islands.
M88 A Spanish ship taken.
M89 M. Crafton.
M90 The harborow of Cape S. Marie.
M91 A Briton ship of 200 tunnes taken.
13 Blank in original.
M92 A great white bear.
M93 Les Chasteaux.
M94 Blanc Sablon or white Sands.
M95 Brest a place to the North in Newfoundland.
14 Blank in original.
M96 The riuer of S. Iaques.
M97 Boats made of the barke of birch trees.
15 Blank in original.
M98 The Islands of Margaulx.
M99 Morses or Sea oxen.
M100 An exceeding goodly land.
M101 Varietie of goodly trees.
16 Blank in original.
M102 The passage de Chasteaux.
M103 Trees able to mast ships of 300. tunnes.
M104 Fortie or 50 boates of sauages.
M105 Three hundred gentle Sauages.
M106 Bay du Chaleur, or the Bay of heat.
17 Sous.
M107 Maize.
M108 This hauen seemeth to be Gaspay.
M109 Two sauages taken.
18 Blank in original.
M110 Fifty degrees of latitude.
M111 The Streit of S. Peter.
19 Gulf of Mexico.
M112 The Isle of birds in 49 degrees 40 minutes.
M113 The Bay des Chasteaux or The Grant Bay.
M114 A Cape of the Isle of Assumption.
M115 A mighty skull of Whales.
M116 The mouth of the riuer of Hochelaga about thirty leagues broad.
M117 The Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec.
M118 A hauen on the Southerne coast.
M119 This is the riuer of Tadascu, or of Saguenay.
M120 The Ile of Condres or Filberds.
M121 This great Iland is called The Ile of Orleans. Maiz.
M122 Santa Croix.
M123 Goodly hemp.
M124 The Ile of Bacchus, or the Ile of Orleans.
M125 Vines laden with grapes.
M126 Hochelay.
M127 The lake of Angolesme.
M128 Wild rats as big as Conies.
M129 They leaue their Pinnesse behind.
M130 Hochelaga distant from the lake of Angolesme 45 leagues.
M131 The third of October.
M132 Hochelaga sixe miles from the riuer side.
M133 This Millet is Maiz.
M134 The description of Hochelaga.
M135 Maiz, pease, beanes, musk-millions, cucumbers, and other fruits.
Plentie of fish and the preseruing thereof.
M136 Esurgni good to stanch blood.
M137 A ridge of mountaines to the North of Hochelaga and another to the
South.
M138 The 3 faults or falls of water in 44 degrees of latitude.
M139 The riuer of Saguenay commeth from the West, where there is gold and
siluer.
M140 Toudamani dwelling Southward of Canada.
M141 They desire to be baptised.
M142 Tobacco described.
M143 It is now found to be but 200 leagues.
M144 Riuers falling from mountaines.
M145 Beasts.
M146 Birds.
M147 Fishes.
M148 The right way to Saguenay.
M149 Store of gold and red copper.
M150 Two or three great lakes. Maredulcum aquarum.
M151 A perfect remedy against the French Pocks.
M152 A long winter.
M153 Rubies, Gold, and wollen cloth with other riches in Saguenay.
M154 A people called Picquemians.
M155 The towne of Sidatin.
M156 Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia taken.
M157 Four and twenty chains of Esurgny.
M158 The Isle of Orleans. Isle de Coudres.
M159 A knife of red coper brought from Saguenay.
M160 The Isle of Hares.
M161 Ten Sauages brought into France. Great riches and very good soile in
Saguenay, which is beyond the saults.
20 Near Boulogne, between that town and Calais.
M162 The kings letters to Cartier.
M163 The great mischiefe of leesing the season.
M164 Carpont Hauen.
M165 Transporting of diuers sorts of cattell for breed.
M166 The new king of Canada.
M167 Great dissimulation of a Sauage.
M168 A good roade 4. leagues aboue Saincte Croix.
M169 Trees aboue 3. fathoms about. Hanneda the most excellent tree of the
world.
M170 Abundance of Vines of grapes.
M171 Fruit like Medlers.
M172 Seed sprong out of the ground within 8 days.
21 Turnips. (French, _Navets_).
M173 A great Plaine of very good arable ground.
M174 Diamants of Canada.
M175 Excellent and strong hempe.
M176 The rich countrey of Saquenay situated beyond the Saults which are
in 44. deg.
M177 They depart from Charlesburg Royal the 7. of Septem.
M178 They delight in red cloth.
M179 The 11 of September.
M180 Bad ground and a great current.
M181 Another village of good people which dwell ouer against the second
Sault.
M182 400 persons about their boates.
M183 Like those of New Albion.
M184 The sauages are great dissemblers.
M185 The Sauages conspire together against the French.
M186 A very great number of Sauages assembled together.
22 This may refer either to Lake St. Peter or Lake Ontario; I should
think the latter.
M187 The Saults are in 44. deg. and easie to passe.
M188 But 5. leagues iourney to passe the 3 Saults.
M189 Ten dayes iourney from the Saults to this great Lake.
M190 The Isle of Blanc Sablon or white sand.
M191 The Isle Ascention, Assumption or Naliscotec.
M192 The commendation of the Isle of Ascension.
23 Hedgehogs.
24 Query, Mount Logan.
25 Cape Gaspe.
26 Chaleur Bay.
M193 Greater store and better fish then in Newfoundland.
M194 The mouth of the riuer of Canada twenty fiue leagues broad.
27 Filbert.
M195 The riuer is here but 10 leagues broad.
M196 The riuer 8 leagues broad.
28 Saguenay River really rises in Lake St. John.
M197 The riuer not past 4 leagues ouer.
29 The word _Canada_ in the native tongue meant, as we have seen above,
a town, and is probably the modern Rimouski.
M198 The beginning of the fresh water.
M199 The riuer but a quarter of a league broad.
M200 Why the countrey is colder in the Winter then France.
M201 A second reason.
M202 The variation of the compasse.
30 The name _Norumbega_ had a different meaning at different periods.
First, there was the fabulous city of Norumbega, situated on the
Penobucot. Secondly, there was the country of Norumbega, embracing
Nova Scotia and New England, and at one time reaching from Cape
Breton to 30 deg. in Florida. Subsequently it receded to narrower
limits and embraced only the region on both sides of the river above
named. (Woods, Introduction to Western Planting, p. lii.)
M203 Gold and siluer like to be found in Canada.
M204 A Bay in 42 degrees giuing some hope of a passage.
31 The Bay of Fundy is probably here alluded to.
M205 The cause of the often snowing in Canada.
M206 Iaques Cartier stole away.
M207 August 1542. September 14.
M208 The proportion of their victuals.
M209 The length of the Winter.
M210 So haue they of Ceuola, and Quiuira, and Meta Incognita.
M211 Their gouernment.
32 He was only knighted some time between December 1584 and February
1585.
33 Public Record Office. Dom. Eliz. Addenda, Vol. xxix., No. 9. This
letter was printed in full in the Maine Historical Society’s
_Documentary History of the State of Maine_, Vol. ii.
34 See the Introduction by Leonard Woods to the Reprint of Hakluyt’s
Discourse for the Maine Historical Society.
35 A great collector of Rare Books, who died in 1770, and whose library
was sold in 1815.
36 This “last edition” is evidently the limited one of Hakluyt’s
Collection of Voyages of 1809-12, 5 vols. 4to, edited by R. H. Evans
and printed by Woodfall.
37 Stevens’s Historical and Geographical Notes, p. 20.
38 Estavan Gomes, a Portuguese pilot, sailed with Magellan on his
famous voyage in 1519, but deserted with his ship and crew. In 1525
(_not_ 1524) he sailed from Corunna. He coasted Newfoundland as far
south as 40 deg. Here he took on board certain Indians and carried
them to Spain. (C.D.)
39 Born 1478. His _Historia general de los Indias_ was not published in
its entirety until 1851-55. (C.D.)
40 It appears from a passage in Chapter xvii. of this Discourse that
Hakluyt had seen an original manuscript account of Cartier’s second
voyage in the Royal Library at Paris.
M212 The Prynces of England called the defenders of the faithe.
41 This title was conferred on Henry VIII. by Leo X. by a bull dated
the fifth of the Ides of October 1521, for his book “Assertio Septem
Sacramentorum adversus Martin Lutherum,” etc., printed by Pynson,
1521.
M213 Plantings fyrste necessarye.
42 Friar Luys Cancel of Balvastro was, with other friars, sent to
Florida by Philip II. in 1549, where they were massacred and eaten.
(See Eden’s version of Gomara’s Historia general, cap. xiv. Woods.)
M214 A question of the adversary.
43 For an account of this earliest colony of Protestantism in America,
consult Bayle’s _Dictionnaire_, Art. _Villegagnon_ and _Ricker_;
Cotton Mather, _Magnalia_, Book I., Southey’s History of Brazil; De
Thou, Maimbourg, etc.
44 Dr. Woods thinks Hakluyt is mistaken in saying ministers went out
with Ribault to Florida. It is indeed hardly likely that Coligny
would have thus alienated the sympathy of Charles IX.
45 Master Wolfall was the name of the minister who accompanied
Frobisher, (see vol. xii. of this edition, p. 81), and Master
Francis Fletcher was with Drake in his voyage round the world in
1577-80. His notes of the voyage were republished by the Hakluyt
Society in 1854.
M215 Barbary
46 See the accounts of Voyages to Barbary given in Vol. xi. of this
Edition.
M216 The Domynions of the Kinge of Spayne.
47 See Vol xi. of this Edition.
M217 France.
48 Hakluyt was chaplain to the English Ambassador in Paris for five
years.
M218 Flaunders.
M219 Estlande.
M220 Denmarke.
49 Russye.
50 This is Ivan III., surnamed _the Great_; he asked Queen Elizabeth in
marriage in 1579.
M221 In the first volume of Ramusius, fol. 374, pag. 2.
51 When Hakluyt speaks of Florida, he means not only the peninsula so
called now, but as far north as 36 degrees. The most northerly
European colony in 1584 was situated south of the present town of
Savannah. It was probably St. Augustine.
52 The work alluded to is Ribault’s “The whole and true discoverye of
Terra Florida.... Prynted at London by Rouland Hall for Thomas
Hacket. 1563.” A copy is in the British Museum. The French version
is one of the lost books of the world.
M222 Sylke wormes exceedinge faire.
M223 The gentleness of the people.
M224 Harvest twise yn the yere.
M225 Pepper groweth here; yt is longe pepper.
53 This “Joyfull Newes” was a translation by Frampton of the “Historia
Medicinal ... de nuestras Indias,” (1574), of Nicholas Monardes, a
learned Spaniard, who died in 1578. The English version was
published in 1577. (C.D.) A copy is in my library.
M226 These apples growe in Italy, and are yellowe like a pipen.
54 Probably Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe.
M227 Excellent colours for dyenge.
55 Not improbably the old seaport of _Brouage_, near La Rochelle, now
deserted. This appears to be the only notice extant of an expedition
by de La Roche in 1584. For an account of his later expedition,
consult Parkman, _Pioneers of France_, pp. 210-212.—C.D.
56 The full account in English of de Coronado’s travels is given by
Hakluyt in this collection. Hakluyt probably was ignorant of
Spanish, as be always quotes the French or Italian versions.
57 Captain Richard Whitbourne, of Exmouth, in his Preface to "A
Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland," London, 1620, says he was
an eye-witness to Sir H. Gilbert’s taking possession of the
countrey—C.D.
58 This work was reprinted in full by Hakluyt in this collection. _See
ante._
M228 Letters the last yere, in Latin, out of Newfoundelande.
59 Also reprinted in full in the collection. _See ante._
M229 Afterwardes they sett the woodds on fire, which burnt three weekes
together.
M230 Greate heate in Newfoundelande in sommer.
60 This voyage of Cortereale took place in 1500.
61 In all these Italian quotations, the edition by Dr. Deane has the
word _e_ or _ed_ spelled _et_, a curious blunder.
62 In a “True Discourse of the late voyages of discoverie,” written by
George Best, who accompanied Frobisher, London, 1578, and reprinted
by the Hakluyt Society.
M231 A singuler commoditie for dyenge of Englishe clothe. Thinges
incident to a navy.
M232 Prevention to be taken hede of.
M233 Idle persons mutynous and desire alteration in the state.
63 This is a lost book. Emden was the capital of East Friseland. With
reference to the removal of the English merchants at Antwerp to
Emden, consult Strype’s Life of Grindall, Oxford, cap, ix.
64 No less than seven editions of Sleidan’s _De quatuor monarchiis_
were printed by the Elzeviers alone, a proof of the popularity of
the work. An English translation by John Daus was published in
London in 1560.
M234 Six hundred thousand pounde gayned yerely by Englishe wolles.
65 Reprinted in Hakluyt’s “Divers Voyages,” 1582.
M235 Objection. Aunswer.
66 See Myles Phillip’s Voyage, _post_. Also consult Nicholas,
_Pleasaunt Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India_, 1578, pp.
378-9.
M236 The benefits of plantings aboute Cape Bryton or Newfounde lande.
67 Utrecht.
M237 Kinge Phillipps injuries offred by his treasures.
68 These baseless assertions of complicity on the part of Phillip in
the attempts on the life of William of Nassau, only prove the bitter
prejudices of the Protestant party. I am surprised to find Dr.
Deane, in a note on this passage, endorsing Hakluyt’s unfounded
charges.
69 Marnix de Sainte Aldegonde was born at Brussels in 1538. Died 1598.
He was at one time Ambassador to England.—See Motley’s United
Netherlands, I. 145.—C.D.
M238 The example of Antigonus.
70 Golfo Dulce.
M239 A speciall note of a passage.
71 No such river was ever cut.—C.D.
M240 The Frenche.
72 Off the cost of Venezuela.
73 Port-au-Prince.
74 It is strange the Hakluyt should omit St. Vincent, Dominica,
Guadeloupe, etc., and mention such small islands as Marigalante. The
other two islands named are probably Urala and Curasoa.
M241 Bishop Bartholomewe de las Casas an eye wytnes of these cruelties.
75 This quotation is from the English translation, “The Spanish
Colonie,” London, 1583.
M242 Johannes Metellus Sequanus.
M243 The Spanishe monarchy is like unto the monarchy of Alexander the
Greate.
76 Hakluyt here refers to his “Divers Voyages,” published in 1582.
M244 A lecture of the arte of navigation.
M245 Marques de la Cruz Admyrall of the Ocean.
M246 A meane to avoid the sodden arrests of our navy.
M247 The cause why these discoveries went not forward in King Henry the
Seavenths tyme.
M248 (a symbol of a finger pointing)
77 This is not the case.
M249 Sawe milles.
78 See the translation of Zeno’s Voyages, printed by the Hakluyt
Society, and edited by Major.
79 See Introductory note.
80 The illegitimate son of the Infant Don Luiz and Violante Gomes.
Consult Froude, _Hist. of England_, vol. ix.
81 See Vol. xii of this collection of Voyages.
82 See Lamartine’s “Columbus” in my _Bibliotheca Curiosa_.
M250 The reason why the discovery was lefte of in Kinge Henry the
Seaventh’s tyme.
M251 N f land discoverd.
M252 Math. 16
83 Evidently memoranda added to the Manuscript from time to time.
M253 A most nedeful note.
M254 Free Denization graunted.
M255 Anno 1584.
84 This is the voyage that was taking place while Hakluyt was writing
his Discourse on Planting I have given above.
M256 A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia.
M257 A sweet smell from the land.
M258 The first riuer. Iuly 13 possession taken.
M259 Abundance of grapes.
M260 The Isle of Wokokon.
M261 Conference with a Sauage.
M262 Abundance of fish.
M263 The ariuall of the kings brother.
M264 Trafficke with the Sauages. Tinne much esteemed.
M265 White corall. Perles.
M266 Pitch trees.
M267 The manner or making their boates.
M268 Their Idole.
M269 Skicoak a great towne.
M270 A ship cast away.
M271 Their weapons.
M272 Or Pananuaioc.
M273 Roanoak sixteen miles long.
85 This is the same Sir Richard Grenville whose heroic fight in the
“Revenge” is so well known.
M274 The land vpon the Iland of S. Iohn de Porto Rico.
86 Should be 24th.
M275 Iune
M276 They land on the Iles of Caicos.
87 Off Smith’s Island.
M277 They land in Florida.
M278 Iuly.
88 Probably Lake Matimuskeet.
M279 August.
M280 September.
M281 October.
M282 The rich and manifold commodities of Virginia.
M283 Commodities fit to carie to Virginia.
M284 2 parts of this discourse.
89 Pamlico Sound.
90 Chesapeake Bay.
M285 The excellencie of the seat of Chesepioock.
91 Albemarle Sound.
92 River Meherrin.
M286 The towne of Chawanook able to make 700. men of warre.
M287 Pearles in exceeding quantitie.
M288 An enterprise of speciall importance.
M289 Whither M. Ralfe Lane meant to remoue.
93 River Appomatox?
94 James River?
M290 Wingina changeth his name. Conspiracie of the Sauages against the
English.
M291 Their women.
M292 A marueilous Mineral in the countrey of Caunis Temoatan.
M293 This skill of making weares would be learned.
M294 The beginning of their haruest in Iuly.
M295 The conspiracie of Pemisapan.
M296 The forme of the treason.
M297 The sufficiencie of our men to deal against the Sauages. 10 to an
hundred.
95 Night surprise. So called from having been made by horsemen with
white shirts over their armour so as to recognise each other in the
darkness.
M298 The slaughter and surprise of the Sauages.
M299 Pemisapan slaine.
M300 A letter from Sir Francis Drake.
M301 This ship arriued in Virginia.
M302 Sir Richard Grinuils third voyage.
96 See the different account given above by one of the colonists.
M303 Fifteen men more left in Virginia.
M304 Fiue thousand pearles gathered.
M305 Tabacco.
M306 Monardes parte 2, lib. 1. cap. 4.
97 This is no doubt, that most useful vegetable, the potato.
M307 The iuice of Coscushaw is poison.
M308 There are iii. kinds of Tunas whereof that which beareth no fruith
bringeth foorth the Cochinillo.
98 Of course, this is an error.
M309 In the gulfe of California they vse the like fishing.
99 Thanet
M310 Iaques Cartier voyage 2. chap. 8.
100 This is quite different from the Indians of South America, who
“rarely attacked in the night.” (Prescott, _Conquest of Peru_, II,
cap. X.)
M311 This want is hereafter to be supplied.
M312 One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Sauages.
101 One of the Virgin Islands.
M313 Circumspection to be vsed in strange places.
102 Now called Crux Bay.
M314 Musketos Bay, is a harbour vpon the south side of S. Iohns Island,
where we take in fresh water.
M315 A pleasant and fruitfull countrey, lying on the west end of S. Iohns
Island, where groweth plenty of Orenges, Limons, Plantans, and
Pines.
M316 An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok
M317 Their meaning to remoue 50 miles into the countrey.
M318 Smerwick in the West of Ireland.
103 Littlehampton.
104 Probably Dingle, County Kerry.
M319 The fight was in sight of the Iland of Nauaza.(105)
105 Novassa, south of the Windward Passage.
106 Or Florida Keys.
M320 The state of the currents from the cape of Florida to Virginia.
107 The Gulf Stream.
M321 Great diuersity of soundings.
108 This is either the Core Bank or Hatteras Bank.
M322 Hatorask in 36 degr. and a terce.
M323 They land.
M324 Captaine Spicer drowned.
M325 They leaue the coast of Virginia.
109 Heave to.
M326 13. Pipes of siluer
110 Between 1587 and 1602 Raleigh sent out five expeditions to Virginia.
To the last be firmly believed in the future of the country.
M327 The Isle of Madêra
M328 They discouer land.
M329 The coast trendeth to the East in 34. degrees of latitude.
111 North-East.
M330 Courteous and gentle people.
M331 They run 50 leagues farther.
M332 They ran along the coast 200 leagues. They make hollow their Canoes
with fire.
M333 Vines like those of Lombardie.
M334 A mighty riuer.
M335 People clad with feathers of diuers colours.
M336 The pleasantness and riches of the land.
M337 The description of Claudia, Iland, tenne leagues from the mayne.
Claudia was mother of king Francis.
M338 Most pleasant and fruitful lands.
M339 The fashion of their houses.
M340 The coast full of good havens.
M341 Their curing with Tobacco and perfumes.
M342 The description of a notable hauen in 41. deg. and 2 tierces.
M343 Here the people begin to be more sauage.
M344 Beades of copper.
M345 32 pleasant Islands.
M346 They ran almost to 50. degrees.
M347 Other mens misfortune ought to be our warning.
_ 112 Marginal note_.—The chiefe things worthie obseruation in Florida
are drawen in colours by Iames Morgues painter sometime liuing in
the Black fryers in London.
113 Pierced.
M348 A collection of the commodities of Virginia.
M349 Meanes to raise benefit in new discoueries vsed by the Spaniards and
Portugals.
M350 Kine, sugar-canes and ginger transported into Hispaniola and Madera
&c.
M351 Woad and vines planted in the Azores.
_ 114 Marginal note._—The great zeal of Elizabeth Queene of Castile and
Aragon in aduancing of new discoueries tending to Gods glory.
M352 The aptnesse of the people in the maine of Virginia to embrace
Christianitie. Seneca.
M353 2 Cor. 12. 14.
M354 Iosue 1. 6.
M355 The good successe in Ireland of Richard Strangbow earle of
Chepstowe.
M356 The happy late discouery of the Northwest of Captaine Dauis.
115 [Marginal note: The kings of Poartugal had neuer aboue ten thousand
of their naturall subiects in all their new conquered dominions.]
M357 Planting of Colonies.
M358 When force of armes is to be vsed.
M359 Nota.
M360 America vnknowen to all antiquity.
M361 Christopher Colon or Columbe. Americus Vespucius of whom America
took the name. The first generall part of America. Cabota in the
yeere 1597 had discouered all this tract for the crowne of England.
M362 The trees of Florida.
M363 These are perhaps those which the Sauages call Tunas.
M364 The beasts of Florida.
M365 The foule of Florida.
M366 The disposition and maners of the Floridians.
M367 The wearing of their haire.
M368 Many Hermaphrodites which have the nature of both sexes.
M369 Their order in marching to the warre.
M370 The drinking of Cassine before they goe to battell.
M371 Their maner of the buriall of Kings.
M372 The buriall of their Priests.
M373 Their maner of liuing in the Winter.
M374 Oile in Florida.
M375 The first voyage of Iohn Ribault to Florida. 1562.
M376 The course of the Spaniards not altogether necessary.
M377 Cape Francois in 30. degrees.
M378 A pillar set vp.
M379 Prayiers and thankes to God.
M380 Presents giuen to Ribault.
M381 Their fish weares like those of Virginia.
M382 They passe ouer the riuer.
116 Belle à voir.
M383 The Riuer of Port Royall in 32. degrees of latitude.
M384 A passage by a riuer into the Sea.
M385 Ribault saileth 12 leagues vp the Riuer.
M386 A Pillar of free stone wherein the Armes of France were grauen, set
vp in an Iland in the riuer of Port Royal.
M387 Two Indians taken away.
M388 The dolefull songs of the Indians.
M389 The Indians eat not before the sun be set.
M390 Landonniers putting down in writing the words and phrases of the
Indians speech.
M391 This seemeth to be La grand Copal.
M392 The 2 Indians escape away.
M393 The benefite of planting.
M394 The Oration of Iohn Ribault to his company.
M395 Ælius Pertinax descending from base parentage became Emperour of
Rome.
M396 Agathocles a potters sonne became king of Sicilie.
M397 Rusten Bassha of an heard-mans sonne through his valure became the
greate Turkes sonne in law.
M398 The souldiers answere to Ribaults Oration.
M399 The length and bredth of the fort taken by Laudonnier and Captaine
Salles.
M400 Ribaults speech to Captaine Albert.
M401 The riuer Base 15 leagues Northwards of Port Royall.
M402 Note.
M403 The feast of Toya largely described.
M404 The Indians trimming of themselues with rich feathers.
M405 Inuocations of the Iawas or Priests vnto Toya.
M406 The Indians manner of liuing in the Winter time of Mast and rootes.
M407 The liberalitie of king Ouade.
M408 The fort set on fire by casualtie.
M409 Their second iourney to the countrey of Ouade.
M410 The place where christall groweth in very good quantitie ten dayes
iourney from the riuer Belle.
M411 Note.
M412 Mutiny against the captaine, and the causes thereof.
M413 Captaine Albert slaine by his owne souldiers.
M414 They put to sea without sufficient victuals.
M415 Their victuals vtterly consumed.
M416 They drinke their vrine for want of fresh water.
M417 Extreme famine.
M418 The French succoured by an English Barke.
M419 It seemeth hee meaneth the voyage intended by Stukely.
M420 The ciuill warres the cause why the Frenchmen were not supplied,
which were left behinde in their first voyage.
117 The masacre of Huguenots at Vassy had taken place on March 1st 1562;
the battle of Dreux was fought in December.
118 The temporary Peace of Amboise.
M421 Laudonniers second voyage to Florida, with three ships the 22 of
Aprill 1564.
119 Pine Apples.
M422 Cape François between the riuer of Dolphins and the riuer of May,
maketh the distance 30 leagues about which is but 10 leagues ouer
land.
M423 The riuer of Dolphins called Seloy by the Sauages.
_ 120 Marginal note_.—The pillar set vp before by Ribault crowned with
garlands of Laurell and inuironed with small paniers full of corne,
worshipped by the Sauages.
M424 Grosses.
M425 The curtesie of the Floridians to the French.
M426 Men of exceeding old age.
M427 Sauages in Florida of 250. yeres olde.
M428 Siluer certain dayes iourney vp within the riuer of May. Thimogoa
mortall enemies to Satourioua.
M429 Laudionniers consultation with his company where it might be best
for them to plant.
M430 They begin their planting with prayer to God.
M431 In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues.
M432 The forme of the Fort Caroline.
M433 High building is not good for this Countrey.
M434 Note.
M435 The first voyage twentie leagues.
M436 Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer.
M437 The second voyage.
M438 An exceeding rich place.
M439 Some paint their faces with blacke, and some with red.
M440 King Malica.
M441 They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins.
M442 The returne of their shippes toward France the 28 of Iuly.
M443 The ceremonie which they vse before they goe to warre.
M444 Consultation before they assault their enemies.
M445 How they vse their enemies which they take in war.
M446 Their maner of triumph.
M447 Excellent Pumpions.
M448 A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August.
M449 The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians
Ordinance.
M450 Laudonnier vsed the present occasion to his profite.
M451 A wonderfull heate.
M452 Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat.
M453 The thirde voyage the tenth September. Mayarqua a place 80 leagues
vp the Riuer of May.
M454 King Patanou.
M455 The Indians maner of war.
M456 Two hundreth Indians.
M457 Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French.
M458 La Roquettes conspiracie.
M459 Monsieur de Genre.
M460 Gienres message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name.
M461 His answere.
M462 A dangerous practice against the Captaine and his Lieute’nt.
M463 Laudonniers sicknesse.
M464 Laudonniers Apothecarie.
M465 Captaine Bourdet arriued in Florida the 4. of September.
M466 The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember.
M467 One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners.
M468 Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters.
M469 One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey
men to the Spaniard, and brought them into Florida.
M470 A Saw-mill necessary here.
M471 The thirde sedition.
M472 By Peru the French meane the coast of Carthagena and Nombre de Dios.
M473 The captaines charge at his setting forth.
M474 Landonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers.
M475 The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditious souldiers.
M476 Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers.
M477 The sentence of death.
M478 Execution.
M479 Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne out of prison
to the fort.
M480 Reparation of the West side of the fort.
M481 Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages.
M482 Calos a place uopn the Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of
Florida.
M483 Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer.
M484 One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes.
M485 King Oathcaqua or Houathca.
M486 The greatest victory among the Floridians.
M487 The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers.
M488 Nicholas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre.
M489 King Audustas great humanity.
_ 121 Marginal note_.—Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad. 7. that the
like flocks of pigeons are in the isles of the Lucayos.
M490 The widow of King Hioacaia, or Hihouhacara.
M491 This queenes name was Nia Cubicani.
M492 The fift voyage vp the riuer of May.
M493 Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe.
M494 A good note.
M495 Three hundred Indians.
M496 Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician.
M497 Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians.
M498 The prediction of the Magician found true.
M499 Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his Vassals.
M500 A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths
and to liue in the woods.
M501 They looke for succour out of France by the end of April at the
vttermost.
M502 Extreme famine for sixe weekes space.
M503 The vile nature of the Indians.
M504 Vtina taken prisoner in his village by Laudonniere and 50 of his
souldiers.
M505 Note.
M506 Note.
M507 New corne by the end of May in Florida.
M508 A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries.
M509 Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maize.
M510 Patica a village.
M511 Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauage.
M512 A necessarie admonition.
M513 The Floridians subtilities.
M514 A certaine signe of warre.
M515 A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French.
M516 A second fresh charge of Sauages.
M517 The Floridians maner of fight.
M518 Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages.
M519 The beating downe of the houses without the fort, and the Palisade.
M520 The cause why the French lost Florida.
M521 Eight kings Laudonniers friends and allies.
M522 The principall scope of planters in strange countreys.
M523 Florida a rich countrey.
M524 Aug. 1565.
M525 M. Iohn Hawkins the English Generall.
M526 Sheepe and poulterie carried into Florida.
M527 An aduantage wisely taken.
M528 The French mistrusted that the Englishmen would plant in Florida.
M529 Silver found in Florida.
M530 Note. The great importance of this enterprise.
M531 The great humanitite and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the
French.
M532 The departure of the English Generall.
M533 The arriual of Captaine Iohn Ribault at the Fort the 28 of August
1565.
M534 Note.
M535 False reports of Laudonniere to the Admirall of France.
M536 The danger of back-biting.
M537 Alcibiades banished by backbiters.
M538 Laudonnieres receiuing of Captaine Ribault.
M539 Letters of the Lord Admirall vnto Laudonniere.
M540 Accusations against him.
M541 Laudonnieres answere thereunto.
M542 Five Indian kings.
M543 The mountaines of Apalatcy wherein are mines of perfect gold. Sieroa
Pira red mettall.
M544 Good meanes to auoid the danger of fire.
M545 The Spaniards undermining and surprizing of the French.
_ 122 Marginal note_.—The Riuer Seloy or the riuer of Dolphins but 8 or
10 leagues ouer land from the fort: but it is thirty doubling the
Cape by sea.
M546 Dangerous flawes of wind on the coast of Florida in September.
M547 A village and riuer both of that name.
M548 An aduertisment of my Lord Admirall to Captaine Ribault.
M549 A mighty tempest the 10 of September.
M550 Landonniere hardly vsed by Ribault.
M551 Landonniere and his company begin to fortifie themselues.
M552 A muster of men left in the fort by Ribault.
M553 The Spanyards discryed the 20 of September.
M554 The Spaniards enter the fort.
M555 Francis Iean a traitour to his nation.
M556 Don Pedro Melendes captaine of the Spaniards.
M557 Laudonniers escape.
M558 Iohn du Chemin a faithful seruant.
M559 The diligence of the Mariners to saue them that escaped out of the
fort.
M560 Among these was Iaques Morgues painter sometime liuing in the
Blackfryers in London.
M561 Francis Iean cause of this enterprise.
M562 The bad dealing of Iames Ribault.
M563 Our returne into France the 25. of September 1565.
M564 Laudonniers arriuall in Swansey Bay in Glamorganshire in South
Wales.
M565 The courtesie of our Master Morgan.
M566 Monsieur de Foix Ambassador for the French king in England.
M567 The conclusion.
M568 The causes why the French lost Florida.
M569 The chanell of Bahama betweene Florida and the Isles of Lucayos.
M570 The Frenchmens landing at the riuer Tacatacourou.
M571 Complaints of the Sauages against the Spanyards.
M572 Peter de Bré had liued about two yeeres with Satourioua.
M573 Three pledges deliuered to Gourges by Satourioua.
M574 The estate of the Spanyards in Florida.
M575 The riuer Saracary, or Sarauahi.
M576 The assault and taking of the first Fort.
M577 The valure of Olotocara.
M578 The assault and taking of the second fort.
M579 The Sauages great swimmers.
M580 The Spaniards of the second Fort all slaine.
M581 Note.
M582 A notable Spanish subtiltie.
M583 The cause why the Floridans bury their goods with them.
M584 Note.
M585 The slaughter of the Spaniards at the third fort.
M586 The writings hanged ouer the French and Spaniards slaine in Florida.
M587 The three Forts razed.
M588 Great honour done by the Sauages to Gourgues.
M589 Kniues in great estimation.
M590 The arriuall of Gourgues at Rochel, the sixt of Iune.
M591 The birth, life and death of captaine Gourgues.
123 See an account of these cotton breastplates in Prescott’s _Mexico_.
M592 Chap. 35.
M593 Decad. 3. lib. 8. cap. 8.
124 For a full account of Herrera and his writings, consult Prescott’s
_Mexico_.
M594 Chap. 15.
M595 Chap. 23.
M596 Chap. 24.
M597 Chap. 14.
M598 Chap. 31 and 32.
M599 Chap. 31 and 32.
125 From this preface it is clear that Hakluyt interested himself in
Virginia even after Raleigh’s disgrace.
M600 Eluas is a Citie in Portugal.
M601 Cabeça de Vaca was the Gouernour of the Riuer of Plate.
M602 Sixe hundred men went with Soto into Florida.
M603 Great figges.
126 Marginal note: Erua babosa Mameia, an excellent fruite.
M604 Batatas, or Potatos.
M605 The Cassaui root.
M606 Store of good horses.
M607 The length and breadth of Cuba.
M608 A wittie stratagem.
M609 This place was called Baya de Sirito Sancto, being on the West side
of Florida, in 29 degrees. 1/2.
M610 The ships came vp to the towne of Vcita.
M611 Iohn Ortiz liued 12. yeeres, among the Floridians of Vcita and
Mocoço.
M612 Mocoço dwelleth two daies iournie from Vcita.
M613 Mocoço his towne within 2. leagues of the sea.
M614 Paracossi 30. leagues from Puerto de Spirito Santo.
M615 A new conspiracie.
M616 Two hundred Indians taken.
M617 Chap. 11.
M618 Cosaqui. Patofa.
M619 Two swift Riuers.
M620 Another greater Riuer.
M621 The great increase of swine.
M622 An Indian burned for his falsehood.
M623 Cutifa-Chiqui.
M624 This towne was but two daies iourney from the hauen of Santa Helena.
In the yeere 1525. It is 32 degrees 1/2.
M625 Chalaque seuen daies iournie from Cutifa-Chiqui.
M626 The desert of Ocute, chap. 14.
M627 Certaine townes.
M628 Mines of copper and gold in Chisca toward the North.
M629 Chisca is directly North from Cutifa-Chiqui which is within two
daies of Santa Helena.
M630 Two Christians sent from Chiaha to seeke Chisca.
M631 A wise strategem.
M632 Vllibahali walled about.
M633 Mauilla walled.
M634 Al the clothes and perles of the Christians were lost.
M635 A consultation of the Indians to send away their Cacique.
M636 The death of 2500. Indians.
M637 The Port of Ochuse sixe daies iournie from Mauilla.
M638 An Indian stratagem.
M639 March, 1541.
M640 Chicaça set on fire by the Indians.
M641 An olde prophecie.
M642 Another towne, Rio Grande, or Rio de Espiritu Santo.
M643 Aquixo, a great Lord on the West side of Rio grande.
M644 They passe ouer Rio Grande.
M645 The chiefe towne of the Cacique of Casqui.
127 “Pez muy comun en los mares setentrionales de Espana, de un pie de
largo, comprimido, de color por el lomo azul claro, y por el vientre
bianco.” (_Diccionario de la Academia_.)—Probably the Sparus of
Pliny.
M646 The Cacique of Pacaha cometh to the Gouernour.
M647 Great store of Oxen toward the North of Pacaha. This is like
Quiuira.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of - the English Nation. Vol. XIII. America. Part II." ***
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