Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation — Volume 09 - Asia, Part II
Author: Hakluyt, Richard, 1552-1616
Language: English
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THE PRINCIPAL
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
AND
Discoveries
OF THE ENGLISH NATION.

Collected by

RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER

AND

Edited by

EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.

VOL. IX.

ASIA. PART II.



Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries

OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN ASIA.



CAPVT. 38.

De territorio Cathay, et moribus Tartarorum.

Totum Imperium Imperatoris Grand Can distinctum est in 12. magnas
prouincias, iuxta numerum duodecim filiorum primi Genitoris Can, quarum
quælibet in se continet circiter 6. millia ciuitatum, præter villas non
numeratas quæ sunt Velut ábsque numero. Habent et singulæ prouinciæ regem
principalem, hoc est 12. reges prouinciales, et horum quisque sub se reges
Insularum plurimos, alij 50. alij centum, alij plures, qui omnes et singuli
subiectissimè obediunt Grand Can Imperatori. Harum prouinciarum maior, et
nobilior dícitur Cathay, qui consistit in Asia profunda. Tres enim sunt
Asiæ, scilicet quæ profunda dicitur, et Asia dicta maior quæ nobis est
satis propinquior et tertia minor intra quam est Ephesus beati Ioannis
Euangelistæ sepultura, de qua habes in præcedentibus. Audistis statum
magnatum et nobilium esse permagnificum, et gloriosum, sed sciatis longè
secus esse apud communes et priuatos homines tam in ciuitatibus quam in
forensibus totius Tartariae. In prouincijs autem Cathay habetur tantum de
mercimonijs specierum, et de operibus sericosis; quòd multis facilius
acquirere esset praetiosum indumentam, quàm camisium de lino. Vnde et
quicunque sunt alicuius honestatis non carent desuper precioso vestimento.

Omnes tam viri quam faemina similibus in forma vestibus inducuntur,
videlicet valdè latis, et breuibus vsque ad genua cum apertura in lateribus
quam firmant (dum volunt) ansis quibusdam, nam vtérque sexus est brachijs
seu femoralibus plenè tectus. Nunquam vtuntur toga aut collobio, sed nec
caputio vndè nec per aspectum indumentorum potest haberi differentia inter
virum et mulierem innuptam. Sed nupta (vt supra dictum est) gestat per
aliquod tegumentum in capite formam pedes viri.

Nubit illic vir quotquot placet mulieribus, vt nonnulli habeant decem vel
duodecim vxores aut plures. Nam quísque maritus iungitur licentèr cuilibet
mulieri, exceptis matre, et amita, sorore, et filia. Sicut viri equitant,
tendunt, et currunt per patriam pro negotijs sic et mulieres, quoniam et
ipse operantur omnia ferè artificia mechanica sicut pannos et quicquid
efficiter de panno, corio, sericoque, minantque carrucas, et vehicula, sed
viri fabricant de ferro et de omni metallo, lapidibus atque ligno, nec vir
nec mulier nobilis aut degener comedit vltra semel in die communiter. Multa
nutriunt pecora sed nullos porcos, parum comeditur ibi de pane exceptis
magnatibus et diuitibus, sed carnes edunt pecorum, bestiarum, et
bestiolarum vtpote boum, ouium, caprarum, equorum, asinorum, canum,
cattorum, murium, et rattorum, ius carnium sorbentes, et omnis generis lac
bibentes.

Nobiles autem bibunt lac equarum, seu lamentorum, pro nobilissimo potu et
pauperes aquam bullitam cum modico mellis, quia nec vinum ibi habetur, nec
ceruisia confictur: et multi ac plurimi fontes consulunt in sua siti, per
villas, et rura. Domus, et habitacula rotundae sunt formae, compositae et
contextae paruis lignis, et flexilibus virgulis, ad modum cauearum quas nos
facimus pro auiculis, habentes rotundam in culmine aperturam praestantem
duo beneficia habitationi, quoniam et ignis quem in medio domus
constituunt, fumum emittit, et pro aspiciendo lumen immittit. Intrinsecus
sunt parietes vndíque de filtro, sed et tectum filtreum est: has domus, dum
locum habitandi mutare volunt, vel dum indiuitina expeditione procedunt,
ducunt secum in plaustris quasi tentoria.

Multas superuacuas obseruant ceremonias, quia respiciunt in vanitates et
insanias falsas: solem et lunam praecipuè adorant, eisque frequentèr genua
curuant, et ad nouilunium, quicquid est magni estimant inchoandum.

Nullus omnino vtitur calcaribus in equitando, sed cogunt equum flagello
scorpione, reputantes peccatum non leue si quis ad hoc flagellum appodiat,
aut iumentum percuteret suo freno, pleráque similia, quæ parum aut nihil
nocent, ponderant vt grauia, sicut imponere cultellum in igne, os osse
confringere, lac seu aliud potabile in terram effundere, nec non et
huiusmodi multa.

[Sidenote: Mingere intra dominum peccatum capitale.] Sed super hæc, tenent
pro grauiori admisso mingere intra domum quæ inhabitatur, et qui de tanto
crimine proclamaretur assuetus, mitteretur ad mortem. Et de singulis
necesse est vt confiteatur peccator Flamini suæ legis, et soluat summam
pecuniarum delicti. Et si peccatum deturpationis habitaculi venerit in
publicum, oportebit reconciliari domum per sacerdotem, priusquam vllus
audebit intrare. Insuper et peccatorem necesse erit pertransire ignem,
semel, bis, dut ter iuxta iudicium Flaminis, quatenus per ignis acrimoniam
purgetur à tanti inquinatione peccati.

Neminem hominum prohibent inter se habitare, sed indifferentèr receptant,
Iudæos, Christiános, Saracenos, et homines cuiuscúnque nationis, vel legis,
dicentes se satis putare suum ritum non ita securum ad salutem, nisi
quandóque; traherentur ad ritum magis salutarem, quem tamen determinate
nunc ignorant, imò multi de nobilibus sunt iam in Christianitate baptizati.

Attamen qui illorum sunt curiales Imperatoris non vellent in palatio
publicari.

Poenè oblitus eram, quod nunc hic dico notandum, quia dum ab extra
Imperium, quis veniens nuntius aut legatus cupit tradere proprijs manibus
literas Imperatori [Marginal note: Seu Gubernatorum.], vel deponere coram
illo mandata, non permittitur, donec prius in puris transeat liueas ad
venum ad minus regurn pro sui purgatione, ne quid forsitan afferat cuius
visu, vel odoratu seu tactu rex possit grauari.

[Sidenote: Arma Tartarorum.] Porrò Tartari in præcincto expeditionis habent
singuli duos arcus, cum magna pluralitate teloram: Nam omnes sunt
sagittarij ad manum et cum rigida et longa lancea. Nobilis autem in equis
preciosè phaleratis ferunt gladios, ver spatas breues et latas, scindentes
pro vno latere, et in capitibus galeas, de corio cocto, non altas, sed ad
capitis formara depressas.

Quicúnque de suis fugerit de prælio, ipso facto conseriptus est, vt
siquando inuentus fuerit occidatur. Si Castrum vel ciuitas obsessa se illis
reddere voluerit, nullam acceptant conditionem nisi cum morte omnium
inimicorum, vel si quis homo singularis se dederit victum nihilominus
ábsque vlla miseratione occidunt, detruncantes illi protinus aures, quas
postea coquentes, et in aceto (dum habuerint) ponentes mittunt inuicem ad
conuiuia pro extremo ferculo: [Sidenote: Tartari retro sagittantes.] dumque
ipsi in bellis arte fugam simulant, periculosum est eos insequi, quoniam
iaciunt sagittas à tergo, quibus equos et homines occidere norunt. Et
quando in prima acie comparant ad bellandum, mirabilitèr sese constringunt,
vt media pars numeri eoram vix credatur.

Generalitèr noueritis, omnes Tartaros habere paruos oculos, et modicam vel
raram barbam: in proprijs locis raro inter se litigant, contendunt, aut
pugnant, timentes legum pergraues emendas. Et inuenitur ibi rarius
vespilio, latro, fur, homicida, iniurians, adulter, aut fornicarius, quia
tales criminatores inuestigatione sollicita requiruntur, et sine
redemptione aliqua perimuntur.

Dum quis decumbit infirmus figitur lancea iuxta illum in terra, et cum
appropinquauerit morti, nullus remanet ìuxta ipsum, cum verò mortuus esse
scitur, confestim in campis, et cum lancea sepelitur.


The English Version.

And zee schulle undirstonde, that the empire of this gret Chane is devyded
in 12 provynces; and every provynce hathe mo than 2000 cytees; and of
townes with outen nombre. This contree is fulle gret. For it hathe 12
pryncypalle kynges, in 12 provynces. And every of tho kynges han many
kynges undre hem; and alle thei ben obeyssant to the gret Chane. And his
lond and his lordschipe durethe so ferre that a man may not gon from on hed
to another, nouther be see ne lond, the space of 7 zeer. And thorghe the
desertes of his lordschipe, there as men may fynde no townes, there ben
innes ordeyned be every iorneye, to resceyve bothe man and hors; in the
whiche thei schalle fynde plentee of vytaylle, and of alle thing, that hem
nedethe, for to go be the contree.

And there is a marveylouse custom in that contree, (but is profitable) that
zif ony contrarious thing, that scholde ben preiudice or grevance to the
Emperour, in ony kynde, anon the Emperour hathe tydynges there of and fulle
knowleche in a day, thoughe it be 3 or 4 iorneys fro him or more. For his
ambassedours taken here dromedaries or hire hors, and thei priken in alle
that evere thei may toward on of the innes: and whan thei comen there, anon
thei blowen an horne; and anon thei of the in knowen wel y now that there
ben tydynges to warnen the Emperour of sum rebellyoun azenst him. And
thanne anon thei maken other men redy, in alle haste that thei may, to
beren lettres, and pryken in alle that evere thei may, tille thei come to
the other innes with here lettres: and thanne thei maken fressche men redy,
to pryke forthe with the lettres, toward the Emperour; whille that the
laste bryngere reste him, and bayte his dromedarie or his hors. And so fro
in to in, tille it come to the Emperour. And thus anon hathe he hasty
tydynges of ony thing, that berethe charge, be his corrours, that rennen so
hastyly, thorghe out alle the contree. And also whan the Emperour sendethe
his corrours hastyly, thorghe out his lond, everyche of hem hathe a large
thong fulle of smale belles; and whan thei neyghen nere to the innes of
other corroures, that ben also ordeyned be the iorneyes, thei ryngen here
belles, and anon the other corrours maken hem redy, and rennen here weye
unto another in: and thus rennethe on to other, fulle spedyly and swyftly,
till the Emperours entent be served, in alle haste. And theise currours ben
clept chydydo, aftre here langage, that is to seye, a messagere.

Also whan the Emperour gothe from o contree to another, as I have told you
here before, and he passe thorghe cytees and townes, every man makethe a
fuyr before his dore, and puttethe there inne poudre of gode gommes, that
ben swete smellynge, for to make gode savour to the Emperour. And alle the
peple knelethe doun azenst him, and don him gret reverence. And there where
religyouse Cristene men dwellen, as thei don in many cytees in thei lond,
thei gon before him with processioun with cros and holy watre; and thei
seyngen, _Veni Creator, spiritus_, with an highe voys, and gon towardes
him. And whan he herethe hem, he commaundethe to his lordes to ryde besyde
him, that the religiouse men may come to him. And whan thei ben nyghe him,
with the cros, thanne he dothe a down his galaothe, that syt upon his hede,
in manere of a chapelet, that is made of gold and preciouse stone and grete
perles. And it is so ryche, that, men preysen it to the value of a roialme,
in that contre. And than he knelethe to the cros. And than the prelate of
the religiouse men seythe before him certeyn orisouns, and zevethe him a
blessynge with the cros: and he enclynethe to the blessynge fulle devoutly.
And thanne the prelate zevethe him sum maner frute, to the nombre of 9, in
a platere of sylver, with peres or apples or other manere frute. And he
takethe on; and than men zeven to the othere lordes, that ben aboute him.
For the custom is suche, that no straungere schalle come before him, but
zif he zeve hym sum manere thing, aftre the olde lawe, that seythe, _Nemo
accedat in conspectu meo vacuus_. And thanne the Emperour seythe to the
religious men, that thei withdrawe hem azen, that thei ne be hurt ne harmed
of the gret multytude of hors that comen behynde him. And also in the same
maner don the religious men, that dwellen there, to the Emperesses, that
passen by hem, and to his eldest sone; and to every of hem, thei presenten
frute.

And zee schulle undirstonde, that the people, that he hathe so many hostes
offe, abouten hym and aboute his wyfes and his sone, thei dwelle not
contynuelle with him: but alle weys, whan him lykethe, thei ben sent fore;
and aftre whan thei han don, thei retournen to hire owne housholdes; saf
only thei that ben dwellynge with hym in houshold, for to serven him and
his wyfes and his sones, for to governen his houshold. And alle be it, that
the othere ben departed fro him, aftre that thei han perfourmed hire
servyse, zit there abydethe contynuelly with him in court, 50000 men at
horse, and 200000 men a fote; with outen mynstrelles, and tho that kepen
wylde bestes and dyverse briddes, of the whiche I have tolde zou the nombre
before.

Undre the firmament, is not so gret a lord, ne so myghty, ne so riche, as
the gret Chane: nought Prestre Johan, that is Emperour of the highe Ynde,
ne the Sowdan of Babylone, ne the Emperour of Persye. Alle theise ne ben
not in comparisoun to the grete Chane; nouther of myght, ne of noblesse, ne
of ryaltee, ne of richesse: for in alle theise, he passethe alle erthely
princes. Wherfore it is gret harm, that he belevethe not feithfully in God.
And natheles he wil gladly here speke of God; and he suffrethe wel, that
Cristene men duelle in his lordschipe, and that men of his feythe ben made
Cristene men, zif thei wile, thorghe out alle his contree. For he
defendethe no man to holde no lawe, other than him lykethe.

In that contree, sum man hathe an 100 wyfes, summe 60, mo, somme lesse. And
thei taken the nexte of hire kyn, to hire wyfes, saf only, that thei out
taken hire modres, hire doughtres, and hire sustres on the fadir syde, of
another womman, thei may wel take; and hire bretheres wyfes also aftre here
dethe; and here step modres also in the same wyse.


Of the Lawe and customs of the Tartarienes, duellynge in Chatay; and how
  that men don, whan the Emperour schal dye, and how he schal be chosen.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXIII.] The folk of that contree usen alle longe clothes,
with outen furroures. And thei ben clothed with precious clothes of
Tartarye; and of clothes of gold. And here clothes ben slytt at the syde;
and thei ben festned with laces of silk. And thei clothen hem also with
pylches, and the hyde with outen. And thei usen nouther cappe ne hood. And
in the same maner as the men gon, the wommen gon; so that no man may unethe
knowe the men fro the wommen, saf only tho wommen, that ben maryed, that
beren the tokne upon hire hedes of a mannes foot, in signe that thei ben
undre mannes fote and undre subieccioun of man. And here wyfes ne dwelle
not to gydere but every of hem be hire self. And the husbonde may ligge
with whom of hem, that him lykethe. Everyche hathe his hous, bothe man and
womman. And here houses ben made rounde of staves; and it hathe a rounde
wyndowe aboven, that zevethe hem light, and also that servethe for
delyverance of smoke. And the helynge of here houses, and the wowes and the
dores ben alle of wode.

And whan thei gon to werre, thei leiden hire houses with hem, upon
chariottes; as men don tentes or pavyllouns. And thei maken hire fuyr, in
the myddes of hire houses. And thei han gret multytude of alle maner of
bestes, saf only of swyn: for thei bryngen non forthe. And thei beleeven
wel, o God, that made and formede alle thinges. And natheles zit han thei
ydoles of gold and sylver, and of tree, and of clothe. And to tho ydoles,
thei offren alle weys hyre first mylk of hire bestes, and also of hire
metes, and of hire drynkes, before thei eten. And thei offren often tymes
hors and bestes. And the clepen the God of Kynde, Yroga. And hire Emperour
also, what name that evere behave, thei putten evermore therto Chane. And
whan I was there, hire Emperour had to name Thiaut; so that he was clept
Thiaut Chane. And his eldeste sone was clept Tossue. And whanne he schalle
ben emperour, he schalle ben clept Tossue Chane. And at that tyme, the
Emperour hadde 12 sones, with outen him; that were named, Cuncy, Ordii,
Chahaday, Buryn, Negu, Nocab, Cadu, Siban, Cuten, Balacy, Babylan and
Garegan, And of his 3 wyfes, the firste and the pryncypalle, that was
Prestre Johnes doughtre, hadde to name Serioche Chan; and the tother Borak
Chan; and the tother Karanke Chan.

The folk of that contree begynnen alle hire thinges in the newe mone: and
thei worschipen moche the mone and the sonne, and often tyme knelen azenst
hem. And alle the folk of the contree ryden comounly with outen spores: but
thei beren alle weys a lytille whippe in hire hondes, for to chacen with
hire hors. And thei had gret conscience, and holden it for a gret synne, to
casten a knyf in the fuyr, and for to drawe flessche out of a pot with a
knyf, and for to smyte an hors with the handille of a whippe, or to smyte
an hors with a brydille, or to breke o bon with another, or for to caste
mylk or ony lykour, that men may drynke, upon the erthe, or for to take and
sle lytil children. And the moste synne, that ony man may do, is to pissen
in hire houses, that thei dwellen in. And who so that may be founden with
that synne, sykerly thei slen hym. And of everyche of theise synnes, it
behovethe hem to ben schryven of hire prestes, and to paye gret somme of
silver for hire penance. And it behovethe also, that the place, that men
han pissed in, be halewed azen; and elles dar no man entren there inne. And
whan thei han payed hire penance, men maken hem passen thorghe a fuyr or
thorghe 2, for to clensen hem of hire synnes. And also whan ony messangere
comethe and bryngethe lettres or ony present to the Emperour, it behovethe
him, that he with the thing that he bryngethe, passe thorghe 2 brennynge
fuyres, for to purgen hem, that he brynge no poysoun ne venym, ne no wykked
thing, that myght be grevance to the lord. And also, zif ony man or womman
be taken in avowtery or fornycacyoun, anon thei sleen him. Men of that
contree ben alle gode archeres, and schooten right welle, bothe men and
women, als wel on hors bak, prykynge, as on fote, rennynge. And the wommen
maken alle thinges and alle maner mysteres and craftes; as of clothes,
botes and other thinges; and thei dryven cartes, plowes and waynes and
chariottes; and thei maken houses and alle maner of mysteres, out taken
bowes and arwes and armures, that men maken. And alle the wommen weren
breech, as wel as men. Alle the folk of that contree ben fulle obeyssant to
hire sovereynes; ne thei fighten not ne chiden not, on with another. And
there ben nouther thefes ne robboures in that contree; and every man
worschipethe othere: but no man there dothe no reverence to no straungeres,
but zif thei ben grete princes. And thei eten houndes, lyounes, lyberdes,
mares and foles, asses, rattes and mees, and alle maner of bestes, grete
and smale; saf only swyn, and bestes that weren defended by the olde lawe.
And thei eaten alle the bestes, with outen and with inne, with outen
castynge awey of ony thing, saf only the filthe. And thei eten but litille
bred, but zif it be in courtes of grete lordes. And thei have not, in many
places, nouther pesen ne benes, ne non other potages, but the brothe of the
flessche. For littile ete thei ony thing, but flessche and the brothe. And
whan thei han eten, thei wypen hire hondes upon hire skirtes: for thei use
non naperye, ne towaylles, but zif it be before grete lordes: but the
common peple hathe none. And whan thei han eten, thei putten hire dissches
unwasschen in to the pot or cawdroun, with remenant of the flessche and of
the brothe, till thei wole eten azen. And the ryche men drynken mylk of
mares or of camaylles or of asses or of other bestes. And thei wil ben
lightly dronken of mylk, or of another drynk, that is made of hony and of
watre soden to gidre. For in that contree is nouther wyn ne ale. Thei lyven
fulle wrecched liche; and thei eten but ones in the day, and that but
lyttle, nouther in courtes ne in other places. And in soothe, o man allone
in this contree wil ete more in a day, than on of hem will ete in 3 dayes.
And zif ony straunge messagre come there to a lord, men maken him to ete
but ones a day, and that fulle litille.

And whan thei werren, thei werren fulle wisely, and alle weys don here
besynes, to destroyen hire enemyes. Every man there berethe 2 bowes or 3,
and of arwes gret plentee, and a gret ax. And the gentyles han schorte
speres and large, and fulle trenchant on that o syde: and thei han plates
and helmes, made of quyrboylle; and hire hors covertoures of the same. And
who so fleethe fro the bataylle, thei sle him. And whan thei holden ony
sege abouten castelle or toun, that is walled and defensable, thei behoten
to hem that ben with inne, to don alle the profite and gode, that it is
marveylle to here: and thei graunten also to hem that ben with inne, alle
that thei wille asken hem. And aftre that thei ben zolden, anon thei sleen
hem alle, and kutten of hire eres, and sowcen hem in vynegre, and there of
thei maken gret servyse for lordes. Alle here lust and alle here
ymaginacioun, is for to putten alle londes undre hire subieccioun. And thei
seyn, that thei knowen wel be hire prophecyes, that thei schulle ben
overcomen by archieres, and be strengthe of hem: but they knowe not of what
nacioun, ne of what lawe thei schulle ben offe, that schulle overcomen hem.
And therfore thei suffren, that folk of alle lawes may peysibely duellen
amonges hem.

Also whan thei wille make hire ydoles, or an ymage of ony of hire frendes,
for to have remembrance of hym, thei maken alle weys the ymage alle naked,
with outen any maner of clothinge. For thei seyn, that in gode love scholde
be no coverynge, that man scholde not love for the faire clothinge, ne for
the riche aray, but only for the body, suche as God hathe made it, and for
the gode vertues that the body is endowed with of nature; but only for fair
clothinge, that is not of kyndely nature.

And zee schulle undirstonde, that it is gret drede for to pursue the
Tartarines, zif thei fleen in bataylle. For in fleynge, thei schooten
behynden hem, and sleen bothe men and hors. And whan thei wil fighte, thei
wille schokken hem to gidre in a plomp; that zif there be 20000 men, men
schalle not wenen, that there be scant 10000. And thei cone wel wynnen lond
of straungeres, but thei cone not kepen it. For thei han grettre lust to
lye in tentes with outen, than for to lye in castelle or in townes. And
thei preysen no thing the wytt of other naciouns. And amonges hem, oyle of
olyve is fulle dere: for thei holden it for fulle noble medicyne. And alle
the Tartarienes han smale eyen and litille of berd, and not thikke hered,
but schiere. And thei ben false and traytoures: and thei lasten noghte that
thei behoten. Thei ben fulle harde folk, and moche peyne and wo mow suffren
and disese, more than ony other folk: for thei ben taughte therto in hire
owne contree, of Zouthe: and therfore thei spenden, as who seythe, right
nought.

And whan ony man schalle dye, men setter a spere besyde him: and whan he
drawethe towardes the dethe, every man fleethe out of the hous, tille he be
ded; and aftre that, thei buryen him in the feldes.


CAPVT. 39.

De sepultura Imperatoris Grand Can, et creatione successoris.

Imperator Grand Can postquam eius cognita fuerit defunctio defertur mox à
paucis viris in parco palatij, ad præuisum locum vbi debeat sepeliri. Et
nudato prius toto illo loco à graminibus cum cespite figitur ibi tentorium,
in quo velut in solio regali de ligno corpus defuncti residens collocatur,
paraturque mensa plena coram eo cibarijs præciosis, et potu de lacte
iumentorum. Instabulatur ibi et equa cum suo pullo, sed et ipse albus,
nobilitèr phaleratus, et onustatus certo pondere auri et argenti. Et est
totum Tentorij pauimentum de mundo stramine stratum.

Tuncque effodiunt in circuitu fossam latam valdè, et profundam vt totum
tentorium cum omnibus contentis descendat in illam. Eoque facto ita
equalitèr terram planificantes adoperiunt graminibus, vt in omni tempore
locus sepulturæ non valeat apparere. Et quoniam ignorantiæ nubilo turpiter
excæcati putant in alio seculo homines delectationibus frui, dicunt quòd
tentorium erit ei pro hospitio, cibi ad edendum, lac ad potandum, equus ad
equitandum, aurum et argentum ad respiciendum, sed et equa lac sempèr
præstabit, et pullos equinos successiue generabit.

Post has itaque Imperatoris defuncti miseras exequias, nullus omnino
audebit de ipso loqui coram vxoribus et filijs, et propinquis, sed nec
nominare, quia per hoc putarent derogari paci, et quieti illius, qua non
dubitant eum dominari, in maiori satis gloria Paradisi quam hic stetit.

Igitur Imperatore Grand Can sepulto obliuioni tradito, conueniunt quàm citò
nobiles de septem tribubus prouinciæ Cathay, et cui Imperium ex
propinquitate competit, dicunt sic.

    Ecce volumus, ordinamus, atque precamur, vt sis noster Dominus et
    Imperator.

Qui respondet

     Si vultis me super vos, sicut et iuris mei est, imperare, oportebit
     vos fore mihi obedientes tam ad mortem quàm ad vitam.

Et respondentes dicunt.

     Nos faciemus quicquid praeceperitis.

Túncque Imperator addit hæc verba: Ergo scitote, quod ex nunc verbum meum
acutum et scindens erit vt meus ensis: [Sidenote: i. cathedra.] Pergit
quóque sessum in suo Philtro nigro super pauimentum in conspectu throni
expanso, et cum ipso Philtro eleuatur ab omnibus, et infertur Imperij
solio, ac coronatur diademate præcedentis Imperatoris.

De inde singuli principes, et singuæ ciuitates, oppida, et villæ per
vniuersum imperium mittunt ei munera iocalia, vasa, pannos, equos,
elephantes, aurum, argentum, et lapides preciosos, quorum, qualium, et
quantorum vix vel in numero haberi potest aestimatio.


CAPVT. 40.

De multis regionibus Imperio Tartariae subiectis.

Breuitèr et nunc intendo cursum describere aliquarum magnarum regionum et
Insularum Imperij Tartariæ. Et primò illas quæ descendunt à prouincia
Cathay per septentrionalem plagam, vsque ad fines Christianitatis Prussiae,
et Russiae.

Ergò prouincia Cathay descendens in sui oriente à regno Tharsis iungitur ab
occidente regno Turquescen, in quo et sunt plurimae ciuitates, quarum
formosior dicitur Octopar. Ipsum autem Turquescen regnum iungitur ad
occidentem sui regno, seu Imperio. Persiae, et ad septentrionem regno
Corasinae, quod spaciosum este valde, habens versus orientem sui vltra
centum diaetas deserti: hoc regnum est multis bonis abundans, et appellatur
eius melior ciuitas etiam Corasine.

Isti quoque regno iungitur in occidente versus partes nostras regnum
Commanorum, quod et similiter longum est, et latum, sed in paucis sui locis
inhabitatum: Nam in quibusdam est frigus nimium, in alijs nimius calor, et
in nonnullis nimia muscarum multitudo.

De istis Commanis venit olim fugata quædam pluralitas populi vsque in
terram Ægypti quae ibidem succreta nunc ita inualuit, vt suppressis
indigenis videatur regnare: Nam et de seipsis constituerunt hunc, qui modo
est Soldanus, Melech Mandibron. Per Commanorum regnum decurrit Grandis
fluuius Echil, qui omni hyemali tempore in magna spissitudine gelatur; in
superiori quoque parte huius regni inter duo freta Caspiæ, et Oceani, mons
sublimis est valde Chocas. Nota quod à nostris partibus non possit vsque in
Indiam superiorem duci magnus exercitus per terras, nisi per tres
tantummodo transitus, quorum iste est vnus, qui tamen non valet transiri
nisi tempore glaciei, et hic appellatus est Lodekonc.

Alter per Turquescen, et per Persiam, tamen ibi sunt deserta plurium
dietarum, in quibus nisi esset exercitus bene prouisus, posset perire.

Tertius ad primos fines regni Commanorum, transfretando tamen mare vsque in
regnum Abchaz: principalis ciuitas Commanorum dicitur Sarach.

Ab hoc regno versus partes nostras inuenitur regio Laiton quae est vltima
paganismi, iungitur iste finis terræ Christianitatitis regno Prussiæ, et
Russiæ.

Post potestatem Imperij Tartariæ descendendo à prouincia Cathay in
Australem plagam venitur versus Persiam, Syriam, et Greciam. Versus terram
Christianorum possum aliqualiter in summa (quantum conuenit huic scripto)
connotare. Dixi supra iam prouinciam Cathay iungi regno Turquescen ad
occidentem, et illud quòque iungi regno seu Imperio Persiæ. Ad quod
sciendum, quamuis rex Persiæ habet etiam ab olim nomen Imperatoris; quia
(cum tenet aliquas terras sui Imperij ab Imperatore Tartarorum) necesse est
vt in tanto subiectus sit illi.

Sunt autem in Persia duæ regiones: vna altæ Persiæ, quæ à regno Turquescen
descendens, iungitur ad occidentem sui fluuis Pyson. In ista habentur
renominatæ ciuitates, quarum meliores duæ dicuntur Bocura et Seonargant,
quam aliqui appellant Samarkand. Et altera Regio bassæ Persiæ, descendens à
flumine Pyson, qui ad sui occidentem iungiter regno Mediæ et terræ minoris
Armeniæ, et ad Aquilonem mari Caspio, et ad Austrum terræ minoris Indiæ.

In hac bassa Persia tres principaliores ciuitates sunt Aessabor, Saphaon,
Sarmasaule. In terra autem maioris Armeniæ quondam habebantur quatuor regna
quæ nunc dicuntur subesse Imperio Persarum, habétque famam terræ nobilis,
et ad occidentem sui iungitur Regno Turciæ.

Hec Armenia multas valdè bonas continet ciuitates, quarum famosior est
Taurisa. Regnum Mediæ quod subest Regi Persarum quamuis non latum est,
tamen longum est, et ad occidentem sui regno Chaldeæ coniunctum. In Media
meliores duæ ciuitates sunt, Seras, et Keremen.

[Sidenote: Georgia. Abchas, aliàs Alchaz.] Hinc ad occidentem sui, iuncta
est regio Georgiæ, quæ modo constat diuisa in duo regna: Nam pars superior,
quæ iungitur Mediæ, reseruauit sibi nomen Georgiæ, sed inferior pars
dicitur regnum Abchaz. Ambo hæc regna, et regis eorum, sunt de fide
Christiana, et homines ita deuoti vt ad minus semel in hebdomada
communicent sacramentis, iuxta ritum Græcorum confectis. Et quidem regnum
Georgiæ subiacet imperio Grand Can: sed Abchaz nunquam ab ipso Imperatore
Tartariæ, neque Persarum, neque Medorum domino subdi potuit, eo quòd
munitum est aquis et rupibus et alijs prouisionibus contra impugnationes
hostiles.

[Sidenote: In parte regni Georgiæ sunt tenebrae.] Iuxta hoc regnum Abchaz
habetur vnum minum et mirabile, nam magnus est territorij locus dictus
Hamson, et continens in circuitu spacium viæ quatuor diætarum: videter
semper opertus tenebris densis vt nemo audeat illic intrare profundè,
quoniam si qui presumpserint, non sunt visi reuerti. Attamen fatentur
vicini sub illis se tenebris audisse nonnunquam clamores hominum, hinnitus,
mugitus, rugitus, et boatus pecudum, et bestiarum, sed et cantus gallorum,
vt per hæc et alia signa constet ibi habitare gentes: nam et fluuius
decurrens monstrat signa sæpè certissima in suo exitu: ignoratur tamen si
tenebræ per totum territorium sint eiusdem densitatis, an forte sint in
circuitu per aliquod spacium, et intrinsecus plus luminosum.

Dicuntur autem tenebræ istæ olim per diuinum miraculum aduenisse. Saboere
enim Imperatore Persarum, circa annum Gratiæ ducentessimum quinquagessimum
in persecutione Christianorum tendente cum pleno exercitu per hunc locum,
et Christianis tyrannidem eius fugientibus, contigit ex improuiso eos ità
arctari, vt se effugere desperarent, quapropter statim ad orationis
refugium omnes se sternentes clamauerunt ad Christum auxiliatorem suum: Et
deus, qui pro puro corde Christianos ad se orantes semper exaudit, expleuit
illic literam vaticinij Isaiæ: quia ecce tenebræ operient terram et caligo
populos, monstrans per tenebram terrenam, quam eis superduxit, quas passuri
essent inimici nominis Christi tenebras infernales, indicansque per
temporalem vitam, quam sibi fidelibus conseruauit, eam quam possessuri sunt
viri Christiani vitam perpetuam, et coelestem.

Itaque hoc regnum Abchaz ad occidentem sui iungitur regno Turciæ, quod in
longo et lato valdè extensum multas continet prouincias scilicet Iconiæ,
Cappadociæ, Sauræ, Brike, Besicon, Patan, et Gennoch; hij omnes Turci, cum
tota Syria et Arabia vsque ad Galliziam Hispaniæ, subsunt Imperatori
Babyloniæ Soldano, et sunt in singulis prouinciis et regionibus ciuitates
magnæ, ac multæ nimis. Consequentèr huic regno Turciæ ad Occidentem sui in
ciuitate Cathasa [Marginal note: Vel Sathata.] iungitur per mare Greciæ
superior pars potestatis Imperatoris Constantinopolitani, et quasi ad
Aquilonem contiguatur regno Syriæ: cuius vna prouincia est terra
promissionis, prout hoc satis dictum est suprà. Sunt et aliæ terre, et
Insulæ, et patriæ latæ, et spatiosæ, continentes in se multa regna, et
reges, et gentes diuersas, de quibus nunc per singula pertractare non est
consilij.

Ad supradictam Chaldæam iungitur Mesopotamia, et minor Armenia, et velut ad
Austrum eius Æthiopia, Mauritania, Lybia alta et bassa, et Nubia.
[Sidenote: Extensio Imperij Grand Can.] Excepto ergò duntaxat districtu
Imperij Persiæ, et potestate Soldani, omnes sæpè pertractatæ terræ,
regiones, regna et Insulæ descendendo tam par Aquilonem, quam ad Austrum à
prouincia Cathay, vsque ad Christianitatem sunt de Imperio Tartariæ Grand
Can. [Sidenote: Distantia à Roma ad Cathayam per Institores.] Et notandum
de spacio distantiæ, quod institores de Roma, vel Venetia festinantes tam
per terras, quàm per mare, expendunt de tempore 11. menses, et quandoque
duodecim, priusquam in Cathay valeant peruenire.

Hijs itaque visis describam saltem aliquas à prouincia Cathay in orientem
terras Imperij Tartarorum. [Sidenote: Cadilla Regio orientalior Cathay.
Angli nostri hanc bestiolam nuper viderunt in Persia.] Illic habetur regio
Cadilla spaciosa multum, simul et speciosa: crescunt namque in ea fructus
ad quantitatem magnorum Cawardorum, in quibus inuenitur vna bestiola, in
carne et sanguine ad formam agnelli absque lana, et manducatur totus
fructus cum bestiola. Sunt et alij plures diuersi fructus, quorum penes nos
non est respectus nec vsus. Nam et sunt ibi nonnullæ speciales vites
ferentes botros incredibiliter magnos, quorum vnum vix virilis vir valet in
hasta portare.

Et deinde in meridiem per aliquas diætas, potest perueniri ad primas Caspiæ
alpes, quæ descendendo descendunt vsque ad Amazoniam, insulam mulierum, de
qua tractatum est. Inter has Alpes retinetur maxima multitudo Iudæorum
decem tribum Israel, per Dei voluntatem ita inclusa, vt in copiosa
numerositate non possint à nostra parte exire, quamuis aliqui pauci
nonnunquam sunt visi transisse. Haberent autem competentem exitum circa
insulam Amazoniæ, sed illum diligenter regina obseruat.

[Sidenote: Bacchariæ Regnum vel Boghariæ.] Porrò de regione Cadilla in
orientem venitur ad regnum Backariae, in qua mali et multum crudeles
habitant homines, nec est securum itinerare per illam, quòd ad modicam
occasionem (si Deus non conseruaret) occiderent viatorem et manducarent.
[Sidenote: Arbor Lanifera.] Illic sunt arbores ferentes lanam velut ouium,
ex qua texunt pannos ad vestimenta. Hypocentauri sunt ibi pro media
superiori parte in forma humana, et pro inferiori figura equorum, seu
taurorum, venantes in terris, et piscantes in aquis quod comedunt, et super
omnia carnes hominum, quos capere possunt. [Sidenote: Gryphones, de quibus
Paulus Venetæ] Nec non et gryphi illic apparent pro media posteriori parte
in forma leonis, pro anteriori in forma aquilæ. Sed sciatis, corpus magni
gryphi maius esse octo leonibus de partibus istis. Nam postquam equum,
bouem vel hominem, etiam asinum occiderit, leuat et asportat pleno volatu:
tanquam cornua bouis aut vaccae sunt illi vngulæ, de quibus etiam fieri
solent ciphi ad bibendum, qui plurimùm reputantur preciosi. Fiunt quóque de
pennis alarum eius arcus rigidi, et fortes ad iaciendum missilia et
sagittas. Ad istius regni Baccariae extremitates in Orientum finitur terra
potestatis Grand Can: Et iungitur ei terra potestatis magni Imperatoris
Indiæ, qui semper vocatur Præsbyter Ioannes. Notandum, quoties per
prouincias totius Imperij Grand Can, quicquam accidit, quod Imperatorem non
oportet latere, confestim mittuntur per reges aut barones nuncij in
dromedarijs aut equis, qui celerrimè festinant ad certa hospitia, ad hoc
ipsum, velut ábsque numero per imperium instituta: Isque nuncius hospitio
appropinquans, et cornu resonans, dum auditor paratur minicius alter, qui
de manu suscipiens literas, per recentem dromedarium festinat ad aliud
hospitium, et sic in breui tempore perferuntur rumores ad curia aures.
[Sidenote: Cursores, Chidibo Tartaricè dicti.] Similique modo nuncij
pedites permutantur de hospitio in hospitium, vt citiùs percipiatur
negocium huius nuncij: appellantur sua lingua Chidibo.

[Sidenote: Charita Mandeuilli.] Ergò per præmissa satis elucet magnam esse
nobilitatem, potestatem, reuerentiam, et dominationem Imperatoris Tartariæ
Grand Can de Cathay, et quòd nullus ab ista parte Imperator nec Persiæ, nec
Babylonia, nec Greciæ, sed nec Romæ est illi comparandus. Vndè et multum
miserandum est, quia ipse cùm toto Imperio nec est fide Catholica
illustratus, nec salutari lauachro regeneratus: et hoc oremus vt in breui
eueniat, per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum.

Explicit pars secunda huius opens.


The English Version.

And whan the emperour dyethe, men setten him in a chayere in myddes the
place of his tent: and men setten a table before him clene, covered with a
clothe, and there upon flesche and dyverse vyaundes, and a cuppe fulle of
mares mylk: And men putten a mare besyde him, with hire fole, and an hors
saddled and brydeled; and thei leyn upon the hors gold and silver gret
quantytee: and thei putten abouten him gret plentee of stree: and than men
maken a gret pytt and a large; and with the tent and alle theise other
thinges, then putten him in erthe. And thei seyn, that whan he schalle come
in to another world, he schalle not ben with outen an hows, ne with owten
hors, ne with outen gold and sylver: and the mare schalle zeven him mylk,
and bryngen him forthe mo hors, tille he be wel stored in the tother world.
For thei trowen, that aftre hire dethe, thei schulle be etynge and
drynkynge in that other world, and solacynge hem with hire wifes, as thei
diden here. And aftre tyme, that the emperour is thus entered, no man
schalle be so hardy to speke of him before his frendes, And zit natheles
somtyme fallethe of manye, that thei maken hem to ben entered prevylly be
nyghte, in wylde places, and putten azen the grasse over the pytt for to
growe: or elle men coveren the pytt with gravelle and sond, that no man
schalle perceyve where, ne knowe where the pytt is, to that entent, that
never aftre, non of his frendes schulle han mynde ne rememberance of him.
And thanne thei seyn, that he is ravissht in to another world where he is a
grettre lord, than he was here. And thanne aftre the dethe of the emperour,
the 7 lynages assemblen hem to gidere, and chesen his eldest sone, or the
nexte aftre him, of his blood: and thus thei seye to him; wee wolen and wee
preyen and ordeynen, that zee ben oure lord and oure emperour. And thanne
he answerethe, zif yee wile, that I regne over zou, as lord, do eyeryche of
zou, that I schalle commanden him, outher to abyde or to go; and whom
soever that I commaunde to ben slayn, that anon he be slayn. And thei
answeren alle with o voys, what so evere zee commanden, it schalle be don.
Thanne seythe the emperour, now undirstondethe wel, that my woord from hens
forthe, is scharp and bytynge as a swerd. After men setten him upon a blak
stede, and so men bryngen him to a cheyere fulle richely arrayed, and there
thei crownen hym. And thanne alle the cytees and gode townes senden hym
ryche presentes; so that at that iourneye, he schalle have more than 60
chariottes charged with gold and sylver, with outen jewelles of gold and
precyouse stones, that lordes zeven hym, that ben withouten estymacioun:
and with outen hors and clothes of gold and of Camakaas and Tartarynes,
that ben with outen nombre.


Of the Roialme of Thurse and the Londes and Kyngdomes towardes the
  Septentrionale parties, in comynge down from the Lond of Cathay.

This lond of Cathay is in Asye the depe. And aftre, on this half, is
Asyetthe more. The kyngdom of Cathay marchethe toward the west, unto the
kyngdom of Tharse; the whiche was on of the kinges, that cam to presente
our Lord in Betheleem. And thei that ben of the lynage of that kyng, arn
somme Cristene. In Tharse, thei eten no flessche, ne thei drynken no wyn.
And on this half, towardes the west, is the kyngdom of Turquesten, that
strecchethe him toward the west, to the kyngdom of Persie; and toward the
Septrentionalle, to the kyngdom of Chorasme. In the contre of Turquesten,
ben but fewe gode cytees: but the beste cytee of that lond highte Octorar.
There ben grete pastures; but fewe Coornes; and therfore, for the most
partie, thei ben alle herdemen: and thei lyzn in tentes, and thei drynken a
maner ale, made of hony.

And aftre, on this half, is the kyngdom of Chorasme, that is a gode lond
and a plentevous, with outen wyn. And it hathe a desert toward the est,
that lastethe more than an 100 iourneyes. And the beste cytee of that
contree is clept Chorasme. And of that cytee, berethe the contree his name.
The folk of that contree ben hardy werryoures. And on this half is the
kyngdom of Comanye, where of the Comayns that dwelleden in Grece, somtyme
weren chaced out. This is on of the grettest kyngdomes of the world: but it
is not alle enhabyted. For at on of the parties, there is so gret cold,
that no man may dwelle there: and in another partie, there is so grete
hete, that no man may endure it. And also there ben so many flyes, that no
man may knowe on what syde he may turne him. In that contree is but lytille
arberye, ne trees that beren frute, ne othere. Thei lyzn in tentes. And
thei brenen the dong of bestes for defaute of wode.

This kyngdom descendeth on this half toward us, and toward Pruysse, and
toward Rossye. And thorghe that contree rennethe the ryvere of Ethille,
that is on of the grettest ryveres of the world. And it fresethe so
strongly alle zeres, that many tymes men han foughten upon the Ise with
grete hostes, bothe parties on fote, and hire hors voyded for the tyme: and
what on hors and on fote, mo than 200000 persones on every syde. And
betweene that ryvere and the grete see ocean, that thei clepen the see
maure, lyzn alle theise Roialmes. And toward the hede benethe in that
Roialme, is the mount Chotaz, that is the hiest mount of the world: and it
is betwene the see Maure and the see Caspy. There is fulle streyt and
dangerous passage, for to go toward Ynde. And therfore Kyng Alysandre leet
make there a strong cytee, that men clepen Alizandre, for to kepe the
contree, that no man scholde passe with outen his leve. And now men clepen
that cytee, the Zate of Helle. And the princypalle cytee of Comenye is
clept Sarak, that is on of the 3 weyes for to go in to Ynde: but be the
weye, ne may not passe no gret multytude of peple, but zif it be in wyntre.
And that passage men clepen the Derbent. The tother weye is for to go fro
the citee of Turquesten, be Persie: and be that weye, ben manye iourneyes
be desert. And the thridde weye is that comethe fro Comanye, and than to go
be the grete see and be the kyngdom of Abchaz.

And zee schulle undirstonde, that alle theise kyngdomes and alle theise
londes aboveseyd, unto Pruysse and to Rossye, ben alle obeyssant to the
grete Chane of Cathay; and many othere contrees, that marchen to other
costes. Wherfore his powere and his lordschipe is fulle gret, and fulle
myghty.


Of the Emperour of Persye, and of the lond of darknesse and of other
  Kyngdomes, that belongen to the grete Chane of Cathay, and other Londes
  of his, unto the See of Greece.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXV.] Now sithe I have devysed zou the londes and the
kyngdoms toward the parties septentrionales, in comynge down from the lond
of Cathay, unto the londes of the Cristene, towardes Pruysse and Rossye;
now schalle I devyse zou of other londes and kyngdomes, comynge doun be
other costes, toward the right syde, unto the see of Grece, toward the lond
of Cristene men: and therfore that, aftre Ynde and aftre Cathay, the
Emperour of Persie is the gretteste lord. Therfore I schalle telle zou of
the kyngdom of Persie. First, where he hathe 2 kyngdomes; the firste
kyngdom begynnethe toward the est, toward the kyngdom of Turquesten, and it
strecchethe toward the west, unto the ryyere of Phison, that is on of the 4
ryveres, that comen out of paradys. And on another syde, it strecchethe
toward the septemtrion, unto the see of Caspye: and also toward the southe,
unto the desert of Ynde. And this contree is gode and pleyn and fulle of
peple. And there ben manye gode cytees. But the 2 princypalle cytees ben
theise, Boyturra and Seornergant, that sum men clepen Sormagant. The tother
kyngdom of Persie strecchethe toward the ryvere of Phison, and the parties
of the west, unto the kyngdom of Mede: and fro the grete Armenye, and
toward the septemtrion, to the see of Caspie; and toward the southe, to the
land of Ynde. That is also a gode lond and a plentefous; and it hath 3
grete princypalle cytees, Messabor, Caphon and Sarmassane.

And thanne aftre is Armenye, in the which weren wont to ben 4 kyngdomes:
that is a noble contree, and fulle of godes. And it begyinnethe at Persie,
and strecchethe toward the west in lengthe, unto Turkye. And in largenesse,
it durethe to the cytee of Alizandre, that now is clept the Zate of Helle,
that I spak offe beforn, undre the kyngdom of Mede. In this Armenye ben
fulle manye gode cytees: but Tanrizo is most of name.

Aftre this, is the kyngdom of Mede, that is fulle long: but it is not fulle
large, that begynnethe toward the est, to the land of Persie, and to Ynde
the lesse. And it strecchethe toward the west, toward the kyngdom of
Caldee, and toward the septemtrion, descendynge toward the litille Armenye.
In that kyngdom of Medee, ther ben many grere hilles, and litille of pleyn
erthe. There duellen Sarazines, and another maner of folk, that men clepen
Cordynes. The beste 2 cytees of that kyngdom, ben Sarras and Karemen.

Aftre that, is the kyngdom of George, that begynnethe toward the est; to
the gret mountayne, that is clept Abzor; where that duellen many dyverse
folk of dyverse naciouns. And men clepen the contree Alamo. This kyngdom
strecchethe him towardes Turkye, and toward the grete see: and toward the
south, it marchethe to the grete Armenye. And there ben 2 kyngomes in that
contree; that on is the kyngdom of Georgie, and that other is the kyngdom
of Abcaz. And alle weys in that contree ben 2 kynges, and thei ben bothe
Cristene: but the Kyng of Georgie is in subieccioun to the grete Chane. And
the King of Abcaz hathe the more strong contree: and he alle weyes
vigerously defendethe his contree; azenst alle tho that assaylen him; so
that no man may make him in subieccioun to no man. In that kyngdom of Abcaz
is a gret marvaylle. For a provynce of the contree, that hathe wel in
circuyt 3 iorneyes, that men clepen Hanyson, is alle covered with
derknesse, with outen ony brightnesse or light; so that no man may see ne
here, ne no man dar entren in to hem. And natheles, thei of the contree
seyn, that som tyme men heren voys of folk, and hors nyzenge, and cokkes
crowynge. And men witen wel, that men duellen there: but thei knowe not
what men. And thei seyn, that the derknesse befelle be myracle of God. For
a cursed Emperour of Persie, that highte Saures, pursuede alle Cristene
men, to destroye hem, and to compelle hem to make sacrifise to his ydoles;
and rood with grete host, in alle that ever he myghte, for to confounde the
Cristene men. And thanne in that contree, dwellen manye gode Cristene men,
the whiche that laften hire godes, and wolde han fled in to Grece: and whan
they weren in a playn, that highte Megon, anon this cursed emperour mett
with hem, with his hoost, for to have slayn hem, and hewen hem to peces.
And anon the Cristene men kneleden to the grounde, and made hire preyeres
to God to sokoure hem. And anon a gret thikke clowde cam, and covered the
emperour and alle his hoost: and so thei enduren in that manere, that thei
ne mowe not gon out, on no syde; and so schulle thei ever more abyden in
derknesse, tille the day of dome, be the myracle of God. And thanne the
Cristene men wenten, where hem lykede best, at hire own plesance, with
outen lettynge of ony creature; and hire enemyes enclosed and confounded in
derknesse, with outen ony strok. Wherfore we may wel seye, with David, _A
Domino factum est istud; et est mirable in oculis nostris_. And that was a
gret myracle, that God made for hem. Wherfore methinkethe, that Cristene
men scholden ben more devoute, to serven oure Lord God, than ony other men
of ony other secte. For with outen ony drede, ne were cursednesse and synne
of Cristene men, thei scholden be lordes of alle the world. For the banere
of Jesu Crist is alle weys displayed, and redy on alle sydes, to the help
of his trewe lovynge servauntes: in so moche, that o gode Cristene man, in
gode beleeve, scholde overcomen and out chacen a 1000 cursed mysbeleevynge
men: as David seyth in the Psautere, _Quoniam persequebatur unus mille, et
duo fugarent decem milia_. Et, _Cadent a latere tuo mille, et decem milia a
dextris tuis_. And how that it myghte ben, that on scholde chacen a 1000,
David himself seythe, folewynge, _Quia manus Domini fecit hæc omnia_. And
oure Lord himself seythe, be the prophetes mouth, _Si in viis meis
ambulaveritis, super tribulantes vos misissem manum meam_. So that wee may
seen apertely, that zif wee wil be gode men, non enemye ne may not enduren
azenst us. Also zee schulle undirstonde, that out of that lond of
derknesse, gothe out a gret ryvere, that schewethe wel, that there ben folk
dwellynge, be many redy tokenes: but no man dar not entre in to it.

And wytethe well, that in the kyngdoms of Georgie, of Abchaz and of the
litile Armenye, ben gode Cristene men and devoute. For thei schryven hem
and howsele hem evermore ones or twyes in the woke. And there ben many of
hem, that howsele hem every day: and so do wee not on this half; alle be it
that Seynt Poul commandethe it, seyenge, _Omnibus diebus dominicis ad
communicandum hortor_. Thei kepen that commandement: but wee ne kepen it
not.

Also aftre, on this half, is Turkye, that marchethe to the gret Armenye.
And there ben many provynces, as Capadoche, Saure, Brique, Quesiton, Pytan
and Gemethe. And in everyche of theise ben many gode cytees. This Turkye
strecchethe unto the cytee of Sachala, that sittethe upon the see of Grece;
and so it marchethe to Syrie. Syrie is a gret contree and a gode, as I have
told zou before. And also it hathe, aboven toward Ynde, the kyngdom of
Caldee, that strecchethe fro the mountaynes of Calde, toward the est, unto
the cytee of Nynyvee, that sittethe upon the ryvere of Tygre: and in
largenesse, it begynnethe toward the northe, to the cytee of Maraga; and it
strecchethe toward the southe, unto the see occean. In Caldee is a pleyn
contree, and fewe hilles and few ryveres.

Aftre is the kyngdom of Mesopotayme, that begynnethe toward the est, to the
flom of Tygre, unto a cytee that is clept Moselle: and it strecchethe
toward the west, to the flom of Eufrate, unto a cytee that is clept Roianz:
and in lengthe it gothe to the mount of Armenye, unto the desert of Ynde
the lesse. This is a gode contree and a pleyn; but it hathe fewe ryveres.
It hathe but 2 mountaynes in that contree: of the whiche, on highte Symar,
and that other Lyson. And this lond marchethe to the kyngdom of Caldee.

Zit there is, toward the parties meridionales, many contrees and many
regyouns; as the lond of Ethiope, that marchethe, toward the est, to the
grete desertes; toward the west, to the kyngdom of Nubye; toward the
southe, to the kyngdom of Moretane; and toward the north to the Rede See.
Aftre is Moretane, that durethe fro the mountaynes of Ethiope, unto Lybie
the hize. And that contree lyzth a long fro the see ocean, toward the
southe; and toward the northe, it marchethe to Nubye, and to the highe
Lybye. (Theise men of Nubye ben Cristene.) And it marchethe fro the londes
aboveseyd to the desertes of Egypt. And that is the Egypt, that I have
spoken of before. And aftre is Libye the hye, and Lybye the lowe, that
descendethe down lowe, toward the grete see of Spayne. In the whiche
contree ben many kyngdomes and many dyverse folk. Now I have devysed zou
many contrees, on this half the kyngdom of Cathay: of the whiche, many ben
obeyssant to the grete Chane.


Of the Contrees and Yles, that ben bezonde the Lond of Cathay; and of the
  Frutes there; and of 22 Kynges enclosed within the Mountaynes.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXVI.]

Now schalle I seye zou sewyngly of contrees and yles, that ben bezonde the
contrees that I have spoken of. Wherfore I seye zou, in passynge be the
lond of Cathaye, toward the highe Ynde, and toward Bacharye, men passen be
a kyngdom, that men clepen Caldilhe; that is a fulle fair contree. And
there growethe a maner of fruyt, as thoughe it weren gowrdes: and whan thei
ben rype, men kutten hem a to, and men fynden with inne a lytylle best, in
flessche, in bon and blode, as though it were a lytylle lomb, with outen
wolle. And men eten bothe the frut and the best: and that is a gret
marveylle. Of that frute I have eten; alle thoughe it were wondirfulle: but
that I knowe wel, that God is marveyllous in his werkes. And natheles I
told hem, of als gret a marveylle to hem, that is amonges us: and that was
of the Bernakes. For I tolde hem, that in oure contree weren trees, that
beren a fruyt, that becomen briddes fleeynge: and tho that fellen in the
water, lyven; and thei that fallen on the erthe, dyen anon: and thei ben
right gode to mannes mete. And here of had thei als gret marvaylle, that
summe of hem trowed, it were an impossible thing to be. [Footnote: The
Barnacle-bearing trees are said to have grown in Ireland.] In that contree
ben longe apples of gode savour; where of ben mo than 100 in a clustre, and
als manye in another; and thei han gret longe leves and large, of 2 fote
long or more. And in that contree, and in other contrees there abouten,
growen many trees, that beren clowe gylofres and notemuges, and grete notes
of Ynde and of canelle and of many other spices. And there ben vynes, that
beren so grete grapes, that a strong man scholde have y now to done, for to
bere o clustre with alle the grapes. In that same regioun ben the
mountaynes of Caspye, that men clepen Uber in the contree. Betwene the
mountaynes, the Jewes of 10 lynages ben enclosed, that men clepen Gothe and
Magothe: and thei mowe not gon out on no syde. There weren enclosed 22
kynges with hire peple, that duelleden betwene the mountaynes of Sythye.
There Kyng Alisandre chacede hem betwene tho mountaynes; and there he
thoughte for to enclose hem thorghe werk of his men. But whan he saughe,
that he myghte not don it, ne bryng it to an ende, he preyed to God of
Nature, that he wolde parforme that that he had begonne. And alle were it
so, that he was a Payneme and not worthi to ben herd, zit God of his grace
closed the mountaynes to gydre: so that thei dwellen there, alle faste y
lokked and enclosed with highe mountaynes alle aboute, saf only on o syde;
and on that syde is the see of Caspye. Now may sum men asken, Sithe that
the see is on that o syde, wherfore go thei not out on the see syde, for to
go where that hem lykethe? But to this question, I schal answere, That see
of Caspye gothe out be londe, undre the mountaynes, and rennethe be the
desert at o syde of the contree; and aftre it strecchethe unto the endes of
Persie. And alle thoughe it be clept a see, it is no see, ne it touchethe
to non other see; but it is a lake, the grettest of the world. And thoughe
thei wolden putten hem in to that see, thei ne wysten never, where that
thei scholde arryven. And also thei conen no langage, but only hire owne,
that no man knowethe but thei: and therfore mowe thei not gon out. And also
zee schulle undirstond, that the Jewes han no propre lond of hire owne for
to dwellen inne, in alle the world, but only that lond betwene the
mountaynes. And zit thei zelden tribute for that lond to the Queen of
Amazoine, the whiche makethe hem to ben kept in cloos fulle diligently,
that thei schalle not gon out on no syde, but be the cost of hire lond. For
hire lond marchethe to tho mountaynes. And often it hathe befallen, that
summe of the Jewes han gon up the mountaynes, and avaled down to the
valeyes: but gret nombre of folk ne may not do so. For the mountaynes ben
so hye and so streghte up, that thei moste abyde there, maugre hire myghte.
For thei mowe not gon out, but be a littille issue, that was made be
strengthe of men; and it lastethe wel a 4 gret myle. And aftre, is there
zit a lond alle desert, where men may fynde no watre, ne for dyggynge, ne
for non other thing. Wherfore men may not dwellen in that place: so it is
fulle of dragounes, of serpentes and of other venymous bestes, that no man
dar not passe, but zif it be strong wyntre. And that streyt passage, men
clepen in that contree, Clyron. And that is the passage, that the Queen of
Amazoine makethe to ben kept. And thoghe it happene, sum of hem, be
fortune, to gon out; thei conen no maner of langage but Ebrow: so that thei
can not speke to the peple. And zit natheles, men seyn, thei schalle gon
out in the tyme of Antecrist, and that thei schulle maken gret slaughtre of
Cristene men. And therfore alle the Jewes, that dwellen in alle londes,
lernen alle weys to speken Ebrew, in hope that whan the other Jewes schulle
gon out, that thei may undirstonden hire speche, and to leden hem in to
Cristendom, for to destroye the Cristene peple. For the Jewes seyn, that
they knowen wel, be hire Prophecyes, that thei of Caspye schulle been undre
hire subieccioun, als longe as they had ben in subieccioun of hem. And zif
that zee wil wyte, how that thei schulle fynden hire Weye, aftre that I
have herd seye, I schalle telle zou. In the time of Antecrist, a fox
schalle make there his trayne, and mynen an hole, where Kyng Alisandre leet
make the Zates: and so longe he schalle mynen and perce the erthe, till
that he schalle passe thorghe, towardes that folk. And whan thei seen the
fox thei schulle have gret marveylle of him, be cause that thei saughe
never suche a best. For of alle other bestes, thei han enclosed amonges
hem, saf only the fox. And thanne thei schullen chacen him and pursuen him
so streyte, tille that he come to the same place, that he cam fro. And
thanne thei schullen dyggen and mynen so strongly, tille that thei fynden
the zates, that Kyng Alisandre leet make of grete stones and passynge huge,
wel symented and made stronge for the maystrie. And tho zates thei schulle
breken, and so gon out, be fyndynge of that issue.

Fro that lond, gon men toward the lond of Bacharie, where ben fulle
cruelle. In that lond ben trees, that beren wolle, as thoghe it were of
scheep; where of men maken clothes, and alle thing that may ben made of
wolle. In that contree ben many Ipotaynes, that dwellen somtyme in the
watre, and somtyme on the lond: and thei ben half man and half hors, as I
have seyd before: and thei eten men, whan thei may take hem. And there ben
ryveres of watres, that ben fulle byttere, three sythes more than is the
watir of the see. In that contree ben many Griffounes, more plentee than in
ony other contree. Sum men seyn, that thei han the body upward, as an
eagle, and benethe as a Lyoun: and treuly thei seyn sothe, that thei ben of
that schapp. But o griffoun hathe the body more gret and is more strong
thanne 8 lyouns, of suche lyouns as ben o this half; and more gret and
strongere, than an 100 egles, suche as we han amonges us. For o griffoun
there will bere, fleynge to his neste, a gret hors, or 2 oxen zoked to
gidere, as thei gon at the plowghe. For he hathe his talouns so longe and
so large and grete, upon his feet, as thoughe thei weren hornes of grete
oxen or of bugles or of Kyzn; so that men maken cuppes of hem, to drynken
of: and of hire ribbes and of the pennes and of hire wenges, men maken
bowes fulle stronge, to schote with arwes and quarelle. From thens gon men,
be many iourneyes, thorghe the lond of Prestre John, the grete Emperour of
Ynde. And men clepen his Roialme, the Yle of Pentexoire,


END OF PART II.



MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGES.

PART III.


Tertia pars.

CAPVT. 41.

De magnificentia Imperatoris Indiæ et preciositate Palatij.

[Sidenote: Seu Pentoxoria Ciuitas Nyse] Cum in præcedentibus Imperator
Indiæ dictus sit magnus, restat de illius magnificentia aliquid poni hoc
loco: cuius vtique gloria, nobilitas, et potestas, dici non habetur minor,
est tamen in aliquibus satis maior, quia omne æquale non est idem cum illo
cui æquatur: itáque à finibus regni Bachariæ supradicti vbi contiguatur
Imperio Indiæ, eundo per multas diætas intratur in Pentoxyriæ quod est
magnæ latitudinis, et abundantiæ in multis bonis: huius nominatior ciuitas,
dicitur Nyse, et in ea habet Imperator palatium Imperiale, in quo residet
dum sibi placet. Imperator iste semper vocitatus est Præsbyter Ioannes,
cuius nominis causam audieram quandoque non veram: sed in illis partibus
accepi rationem indubitatam, quam breuiter hîc enarro. [Sidenote: Narratio
de rebus gestis Ogeri Ducis Daniæ.] Circa annum ab incarnatione Domini
octingentessimum, dux Ogerus de Danemarchia, cum quindecim cognationis suæ
baronibus, et armatis viginti milibus transiuit mare Greciæ, et fauente
sibi Deo conquisiuit Christianitati per multa prælia pené omnes terras,
regiones, et insulas, quas esse de potestate Grand Can prædixi, nec non et
omnes, quæ sunt de potestate Imperij huius Imperatoris Indiæ. Eratque inter
Barones vnus denominatus Ioannes filius Goudebucf, regis Frisonum: qui
dictus Ioannes Deo deuotus fuit, et dum licuit Ecclesiarum limina iniuit,
vnde et barones ei dabant quasi per iocum Præsbyter Ioannes vocabulum.
[Sidenote: Vndè Presbyter Ioannis sit dictus. 4000. Insulæ.] Dum ergo
Ogerus dictas regiones expugnatas diuideret in hijs quindecim suis
cognatis, et quemlibet eorum in suo loco constitueret regem, quatenus
Christiana religio in illa orbis superficie semper stabilis permaneret,
tradidit isti Præsbytero Ioanni superiorem Indiam, cum 4000. insulis,
regionibus, et ipsum præfecit Imperatorem super reliquos cognatos, vt ei
certa tributa impenderent, et in omnibus obedirent, átque ex tunc omnes
successores Indiæ sunt vocati Præsbyter Ioannes et vsque in hodiernum
tempus boni manserunt Christiani, et religionis æmulatores. Interim cum
causa matrimoniorum aut procurationis filiorum dispersa est primi Imperij
integritas, et multæ de insulis conuersæ vel potius peruersæ retrocesserunt
ad vetustum squalorem paganismi primi. Nota. Recedens à Cambalu versus
orientem post 50. dietas ad terram Præsbyteri Ioannes, principalis ciuitas
terræ vocatur Cosan, satis parua sicut Vincentia: habet etiam sub se multas
alias ciuitates. Ex pacto semper habet in vxorem vnam de filiabus Grand
Can.

Per multas peruenitur ad prouinciam Casan, quæ est secunda melior de mundo,
vbi subtilior est, habet dietas 50. longior, 60. et est vna de duodecim
partibus Imperij Grand Can. Odericus. Vide infra capitulo 49. de Cassan, et
de Epulone. Deinde venitur in Thebeth prouinciam, quæ India est confinis.
Itaque Rex et Imperator iste tenet spatiosissimum Imperium plenum valdè
multis Regionibus et Insulis amplis, diuisum inter quatuor flumina magna de
Paradiso terrestri descendentia, Pyson, Gyon, Tygrim, et Euphratem. Nam
vltra fines orientales eius Imperij, et terrestram Paradisum, nullus
hominum habitat vel domitatur.

Præterea imperat multis alijs regionibus et insulis quæ distinguntur per
brachia maris Oceani, et in quibus singulis continetur grandis numerositas
ciuitatum ac villarum, et multitudo innumera populorum præ abundantia, et
præciositate omnium terrenorum bonorum.

Imperium Indiæ habetur famosum per vniuersum orbem. Sed et famosius
haberetur si mercatores mundi communitèr possint et auderent adire sicut
Cathay, Nostratibus enim perrarus est illic accessus, tam præ
longinquitate, quàm præ marinis periculis. Nam exceptis alijs sunt ibi
quamplures Adamantini colles, ad oram maris, et intra mare, qui sua virtute
attrahunt sibi naues ferrum continentes. Quoniam et mihi nauiganti
monstrabatur per nautas à remotis quasi paruula Insula in mari, quam
asserebant totalitèr ab antiquis temporibus paulatim ibi cumulatam de
nauibus per Adamantes retentis.

[Sidenote: Latitudo Imperij Præsbyteri Ioannis est 4. mensium iter.]
Estimatur autem latitudo huius Imperij per dietas quatuor mensium, sed
longitudini non datur estimatio, eo quòd tenditur vsque Paradisum vbi
nullus accedit.

Distinctum est Imperium per duodecim prouincias, quibus totidem præsunt
reges principales seu prouinciales, et quorum singuli habent sub se Reges,
Duces, Marchiones, et Barones, praestantes atque reddentes Praesbytero
Ioanni promptam obedientiam, et certa tributa. Saepius et communitèr tenet
Sedem Imperator in palatio vrbis Imperialis Suse. Hoc autem Palatium tale
et tantum est, vt per me non credatur debite estimandum. Istud tamen dico
audentèr in summa, quòd grandius, nobilius, preciosius, et placidius est,
in auro, gemmis, structuris, et schemate supra descripto palatio Grand Can
in Caydo.

Et ex speciali sciatis, istius palatij principales portas esse de
Sardonico, vndìque in ebore circumcluso: sed et transuersæ lineæ sunt omnes
Eburneæ, aularum et cubiculorum fenestræ christallinæ. Mensarum quaedam
Smaragdinæ, aliquæ Haematistinæ, caeterorumque lapidum preciosorum per
aurum sibimet coniunctorum. Et nonnullæ in toto aureæ vel gemmunculis
disseminatæ, et vnaquaeque de mensis cum stabilimento proprij generis. De
throni quoque preciositate, quia meæ demonstrationis excellit modum,
solummodo dico, singulos ascensionis gradus esse singulorum lapidum
preciosorum: Primum onychis, secundum christallai, tertium iaspidis,
quartum haematisti, quintum sardij, sextum cornelij. Et septimus qui est
sub sedentis Imperatoris pedibus, ipse est, chrysolitus, omnes circumfusi,
et inclusoria arte formati, auro splendida relucentes. Sed et ambo throni
reclinatoria ex smaragdis auro combinatis, eoque distincto nobilissimis
granis, et gemmis: cuncti pilarij in camera Regis dormitoria consistunt de
auro fuluo, disseminati baccis, et quampluribus carbunculorum rubetis,
totum de nocte habitaculum illustrantibus.

Et nihilominus in ea christallina lampas plena balsamo pistico sed ardens
et lucens, tam pro augendo lumine, quàm pro corrigendo aere, tamen etiam
pro ministrando optimo odore.

Forma lecti Imperatoris compacta est de puris et nobilissimis Saphyris,
conclusi vtique aureis vel eburneis ligaturis, vt virtute lapidum capiat
suauem somnum, motusque carnis inhonesti stimuli, in eo refrenentur.
Nunquam enim iungitur mulieri nisi soli coniugi propriæ, sed nec illi nisi
quatuor quindenis anni videlicet in capite hyemis, veris, æstatis, et
autumni causa sobolis generandæ.

Vtque breuitèr transeam de multa huius palatij nobilitate, mirabile hoc
solummodò praemissis super addo. Quia circa medium illius in summo apice
turris maioris, duo sunt nodi seu pomella de decoctissimi auri metallo miræ
magnitudinis, et serenæ resplendentiæ, et in ipsis formati duo carbunculi
grandes, et lati, sua virtute tenebras effugantes, et velut splendorem
plenilunij nocturno tempore mentientes.


The English Version.

Of the Ryalle estate of Prestre John; and of a riche man, that made a
  marveyllous Castelle, and cleped it Paradys; and of his Sotyltee.

[Sidenote: Chap. XXVII.] This Emperour Prestre John holt fulle gret lond,
and hathe many fulle noble cytees and gode townes in his royalme, and many
grete dyvene yles ond large. For alle the contree of Ynde is devysed in
yles, for the grete flodes, that comen from Paradys, that departen alle the
lond in many parties. And also in the see, he hathe fulle manye yles. And
the beste cytee in the yle of Pentexoire is Nyse, that is a fulle ryalle
cytee and a noble, and fulle riche. This Prestre John hathe undre him many
kynges and many yles and many dyverse folk of dyverse condiciouns. And this
lond is fulle gode and ryche; but not so riche as is the lond of the grete
Chane. For the marchauntes come not thidre so comounly, for to bye
marchandises, as thei don in the lond of the gret Chane: for it is to fer
to travaylle to. And on that other partie, in the yle of Cathay, men fynden
alle maner thing, that is nede to man; clothes of gold, of silk, and
spycerie. And therfore, alle be it that men han grettre chep in the yle of
Prestre John, natheles men dreden the longe wey and the grete periles in
the see, in tho parties. For in many places of the see ben grete roches of
stones of the adamant, that of his propre nature drawethe iren to him. And
therfore there passen no schippes, that han outher bondes or nayles of iren
with in hem: and zif there do, anon the roches of the adamantes drawen hem
to hem, that never thei may go thens. I my self have seen o ferrom in that
see, as thoughe it hadde ben a gret yle fulle of trees and buscaylle, fulle
of thornes and breres, gret plentee. And the schipmen tolde us, that alle
that was of schippes, that weren drawen thidre be the adamauntes, for the
iren that was in hem. And of the rotenesse and other thing that was with in
the schippes, grewen suche buscaylle and thornes and breres and grene
grasse and suche maner of thing; and of the mastes and the seylle zerdes;
it semed a gret wode or a grove. And suche roches ben in many places there
abouten. And therfore dur not the marchauntes passen there, but zif thei
knowen wel the passages, or elle that thei han gode lodes men. And also
thei dreden the longe weye: and therfore thei gon to Cathay; for it is more
nyghe: and zit is not so nyghe, but that men moste ben travayllynge be see
and lond, 11 monethes or 12, from Gene or from Venyse, or he come to
Cathay. And zit is the lond of Prestre John more ferr, be many dredfulle
iourneyes. And the marchauntes passen be the kyngdom of Persie, and gon to
a cytee that is clept Hermes: for Hermes the philosophre founded it. And
aftre that, thei passen an arm of the see, and thanne thei gon to another
cytee that is clept Golbache: and there thei fynden marchandises, and of
popengayes, as gret plentee as men fynden here of gees. And zif thei will
passen ferthere, thei may gon sykerly i now. In that contree is but lytylle
whete or berley: and therfore thei eten ryzs and hony and mylk and chese
and frute.

This Emperour Prestre John takethe alle weys to his wif, the doughtre of
the grete Chane: and the gret Chane also in the same wise, the doughtre of
Prestre John. For theise 2 ben the grettest lordes undir the firmament.

In the lond of Prestre John, ben manye dyverse thinges and many precious
stones, so gret and so large, that men maken of hem vesselle: as plateres,
dissches and cuppes. And many other marveylles ben there; that it were to
cumbrous and to long to putten it in scripture of bokes.


CAPVT 42.

De frequentia palatij et comitatu Imperatoris.

Seruiunt et praestò sunt iugitèr Domino Imperatori septem reges, qui in
capite singulorum mensium, alijs septem regibus pro illis palatium
ingredientibus recedunt ad propria, donec reuoluatur eis tempus statutum.
Hij curam habent de gubernatione administrationum in aula maiori per
subiectos eis 72. duces, et 300. et 63. comites seu barones, quorum
vnusquisque optimè nouit et diligentèr intendit proprio ministerio.

Nam isti sunt Imperatoris Cubicularij, isti Camerarij, isti scindunt Regi
morsellos: alij de apponendis curam gerunt ferculis et deponendis,
deafferendis, deasportandis, alij pincernæ, Archimandritæ, ostiarij, et sic
de singulis.

Nec non absque iam dictis, manducant omni die in aula coràm Imperatore,
duodecim Archiepiscopi, 220. Episcopi, quibus etiam alij totidem certis
temporibus succedunt per vices. Verumtamem ad quotidianas expensas vsque
praemissas, veniunt de Curia 300. millia personarum, sed non ampliùs: sed
sicut praedixi de Curia praecedentis Imperatoris sic nullus hic,
cuiuscunque sit status, aut sexus, comedit vltrà semel in die, et hoc ipsum
sobriè satis: quoniam prout æstimare possum, expensæ duodecim hominum de
nostris communitèr compensarent triginta hominum in partibus illis.

Dum Ioannem Presbyterum contingit procedere cum exercitu in plena
exhibitione, non deferuntur vexilla, sed tredecim cruces magnæ altitudinis
et grossitudinis, de auro distincto pretiosissimis petris, in honorem
Christi et suorum Apostolorum duodecim. Hæ vectantur in singulis curribus,
et singularum ad hoc maximis curribus cum custodia cuiuscunque crucis,
decem mille equitum, et centum mille peditum, nec tamen hic numerus auget
vel minuit principalem exercitum Paganorum.

Tempore pacis per terras proprias de palatio ad palatium, aut de regno ad
regnum, dum tendere ei placet, comitatur vtique magna multitudine hominum
antè et retrò, et ex vtroque laterum.

Tùncque portantur coràm eo tria valdè notabilia, quæ tam illi quàm omnibus
ea dignè notantibus esse possunt salutaria. Praecedit enim eum in spatio
circiter octodecim passuum discus onustus velut omni genere pretiosorum
vasorum auri et argenti, gemmarum, et inæstimabilis artificij. Illumque
discum subsequitur propinquiùs Imperatori ad spatium centum passuum, alia
crux lignea nullo penitùs auro, nulloue colore aut preciositate
artificialis operis adornata.

Dehinc ad sex passuum succedit ibidem propinquans Imperatori discus aureus
terra nigerrima plenus. Sunt enim prædicti comitatus in custodiam et
honorem personæ Imperatoris, discus vassorum in ostensionem diuitiarum, et
maiestatis Imperialis. Crux in recordatione passionis et mortis, quam in
cruce ligni simplice Christus passus est pro nobis. Et terra nigra in
memoriam diræ mortis, qua caro ipsius Imperatoris, quæ terra est, in terram
ibit corruptionis.


The English Version.

But of the princypalle yles and of his estate and of his lawe, I schalle
telle zou som partye. This Emperour Prestre John is Cristene; and a gret
partie of his contree also; but zit thei have not alle the articles of oure
feythe, as wee have. Thei beleven wel in the Fadre, in the Sone and in the
Holy Gost: and thei ben fulle devoute, and righte trewe on to another. And
thei sette not be no barettes, ne by cawteles, ne of no disceytes. And he
hathe undre him 72 provynces; and in every provynce is a kyng. And theise
kynges han kynges undre hem; and alle ben tributaries to Prestre John.


CAPVT. 43.

De quibusdam miris per regiones Indiæ.

Licèt plurima mira habeantur in terra Imperij Presbyteri Ioannis, ne
materia operis nimiùm proteletur, multa tego silentio: et solùm de
quibusdam in principalibus Insulis narro. [Sidenote: Magnum mare arenosum]
Ergò in primis dico vidisse me magnum mare arenosum, quod de solùm minuta
arena sine vlla aqua cum lapillorum granellis currit, et fluit per altas
eleuationes, et depressiones ad similitudinem maris aquæ, nec vnquam
quiescit: et quòd ipse non cesso stupere, inueniuntur pisces ad littus
proiecti, qui cum sint alterius formæ et speciei, quàm de nostro mari,
videntur tamen gustui in edendo delicatiores. [Sidenote: In orientali India
vsque hodie venti anniuersarij arenis ostia fluminum suffocant.] Nullo
tamen humano ingenio videtur hoc mare transuadari, aut nauigari, aut illo
piscari, sed nec propter sui longitudinem, et plura impedimenta de propè
circuiri.

Item ab hoc latere maris per tres dietas habentur magnæ montium alpes,
inter quas venit quasi oriens de Paradiso fluuius decurrentibus petris,
nihil penitùs habens aquæ, in quibus æstimandæ sunt plurimum magnarum esse
virtutum, quamuis de singulis humanæ scientiæ constare non potest.

Hîc petrarum fluuius currit ad intercisum tempus, quasi in tribus septimanæ
diebus, per spatium deserti Indiæ plurium dietarum, velut fluuius, quousque
tandem se perdat in mare arenosum praedictum, atque ex tunc ipsi lapides
penitùs non comparent. Tempore autem sui cursus nullus appropinquare
praesumit, præ strepitu eius et motu: sed tempore quietis aditur sine
periculo vitæ.

In Orientem versus fluuij originem ad ingressum deserti magni inter quosdam
de montibus, cernitur grandis terræ planicies tanquam spatiosi campi
totalitèr arenosi, in quo videntur ad Solis ortum exurgere de arena, et
secundùm eleuationem Solis excrescere quaedam virgulta, atque in feruore
meridiei producere fructum. Ac de illo in Solis decliuo fructus cum
arbustulis paulatim minui, et in occasu penitùs deperire, vnde et nullus
hominum audet illorum vti fructibus, ne sit quid fantasticum et nociuum.

In huius deserti interioribus, vidi homines in toto syluestres, qui etsi in
superioribus formam praetendere videantur humanam, descendunt in
subterioribus ad formam bestiæ alicuius.

Horum quidam frontes gerunt cornibus asperatas, grinientes vt feræ vel
apri: alij nonnulla vti videntur loquela, quam nemo rationalium nonit, et
quibusdam signis concepta depromunt. Et est illic pluralitas syluestrium
canum, qui dicuntur papiones, quibus postquam edomiti, et ad venandum
instructi fuerint, valent capi multæ bestiæ per desertum. [Sidenote:
Papagalli.] Est et copiositas papingonum auium viridium in colore quas
appellant phicake, et quarum diuersa sunt genera, nobiliores habent latas
in rostro linguas, et in vtroque pede digitos duos. Et quaedam ex istis
naturaliter loquuntur verba aut prouerbia, seu salutationes, in patriæ
idiomate, vt euidenter salutes, concedant, et reddant viatoribus, et
nonnunquam debitum iter errantibus per desertum ostendant. Minus autem
nobiles non loquuntur ex natura, sed si latas habent linguas, et non sunt
vltrà duorum annorum ætatis, possunt per assiduitatem instrui ad loquelam.

Aliæ nec loquuntur, nec eradiuntur, sed solùm clamitant pro voce milui, et
nisi tres digitos habent in pede.

Nota: in quarta orientali Deus dedit fratribus minoribus magnam gratiam,
vnde in magna Tartaria ita expellunt ab obsessis daemones, sicut de domo
canes: vnde quandoque per decem dietas ad eos adducuntur daemoniaci
alligati, et statim fratribus praecipientibus in nomine Iesu Christi,
exeunt, et liberati baptizantur, et comburunt idola, et plures credunt, et
quandoque exeunt idola de igne, et fratres proijciunt aquam benedictam, et
clamat daemon, Vide, de meo habitaculo expellor propter fratres minores.
Ita multi credunt, et baptizantur. Odericus.

[Sidenote Melescorde Regio. Vel regionis.] Item nota: dum recederem de
terra Praesbyteri Ioannis versos occidentem, applicui ad contratam vnam,
quæ dicitur Melescorde, quæ pulchra est, et multùm fertilis: inter montes
duos huius contratæ fecerat quidam murum circundantem montem, et in eo
fontes nobilissimos, et omne detectabile. Et hunc locum dicebant paradisum,
sicut hic ferè continetur. Ideò Odericus, qui posteà narrat de valle
infausta in hoc se terminat.

[Sidenote: Mischorach.] Ad supradictum Indiæ regnum Pentexoriæ satis propè,
et lata est et longa Insula, Mischorach, bonis copiosè referta, de qua vnum
scribo praeteritum mirum.

Ante paucos hos annos, villanus ditissimus, sibi valdè preciosum
construxerat palatium, quasi pro Paradiso terrestri, circundatum, munitum
fortalitijs, ac repletum omnibus corporalibus delicijs.

Illic areæ, turres, cameræ, cubicula, cum alijs ædificijs, in multo numero,
et gloria permagnifica, ac historiarum picturis, inter quas, nonnunquam
prodigioso artificio bestiæ et bestiolæ, aues et auiculæ discurrebant,
volitibant, et per pugnas, garritus, collusiones, mentiebantur viuere.

[Sidenote: Ditissimi villani paradisus fictitius.] Illic prata, et pometa,
et seruatoria circà deliciosi collis congestum, distincta velut omni genere
florum, arborum, et herbarum, cum multis fontibus et riuulis, quorum
perspicuitas, et fluxus in glaris suauem et auditui praestabant
refectionem, et super aliquos fuerunt exceptioris artificij, circumstructi
auro, et argento, et gemmis, et tres principales fontes emittentes ad
palatium Domini per occultas conductas, riuulos vini, lactis, et mellis.

Copiosus quoque numerus formosorum puerorum, et puellarum, ætatis inter
decem et sex decem annos, indutorum torquibus, et cycladibus exauratis,
exercentium inter iocos cantus et spectacula, ac seruientium suo Domino
prope nutum. Audiebantur ex turrium custodibus, nec non videbantur
dulcisonæ, symphoniæ, generum diuersorum, vt certissimè putares, non
hominum, sed Angelorum: et in istis, ac similibus, deliciebatur iste
villanus.

Sed et aurum liuido nil iuuat, imò nocet: quia enim hic inuidiæ et otij
facibus super ingenuitatem mentis omnium generaliter nobilium principum
verebatur in corde: (ingenuitas enim, et rusticitas nunquam cohabitant in
cordis vno domicilio) Composuerat ista sibi in hunc finem, vt per se
singulos aduocaret aliquos vasallos corpore robustos, menteque audaces,
atque ad omnem proteruiam benè procliues: et cuilibet pro placitis
muneribus commisit vt illum seu illum principem seu Baronem, quem dicebat
sibi aduersarium, clàm per insidias vel impetum, occideret, promittens
quenquam post factum ad se recepturum perpetuò in hunc locum: sed et velut
vaticinans pseudo praedicauit, si quem illorum pro his flagitijs contigeret
corporaliter tradi morti, nihilominùs animam eius in hunc amoenum Paridisum
recipi, et viuere in æeternum.

[Sidenote: Mandeuillus oculatus testis.] Per hunc igitur modum nonnulis
nobilibus occisis, et interfectis, tandem nudabatur eius nequitia tanta, et
congregati regionis Barones miserum occiderunt, eius opera destruentes.
Ipse ego inibi ductus vidi fontium loca, et multa rei vestigia.


CAPVT. 44.

De loco et dispositione vallis infaustæ.

Huius ad insulæ extremitates non procul à fluuio Pyson, habetur locus
mirabilis pariter et terribilis, vltrà omne mundanum, penè et procul: de
euentibus, ac laboribus infinitis, quæ mihi meísque in tempore
itinerationis acciderunt hucusque subticui, cùm iam vnum de maioribus ecce
narro.

Est illic in alpibus vallis infausta, quatuor fermè leucarum: longitudo
vallis, quasi ad quatuor milliaria Lombardica, appellata vallis
incantationis, seu periculosa, seu propiùs daemoniosa: intrà quam diebus ac
noctibus resonant boatus et tumultus tonitruorum, tempestatum, clamorum, et
stridorum, diuersique generis sonituum terribilium, quos illic exercet
multitudo spirituum malignorum.

Propè ad vallis medium sub vna rupium, apparet omni tempore visibiliter
integrum ac maximum caput daemonis vsque ad humeros tantùm, cuius speciem
præ horrore nullus pleno intuitu humanus audet diu oculus sustinere: nam
respicientes contrà aspicit truculentèr, agitans oculos minacitèr, tanquam
ex palpebris eiecturus (quæ et scintillant) flammas in altum. Totumque
caput sese rotat ad minas, et variat terribilitèr modum et continentiam sub
repentè diuersis maneriebus. Exitque de illo per totum ignis obscuratus
fumo, et foetor, tantus, quòd per magnum spatium viæ pessimam vallem
infectat.

Ingredi autem volentibus, apparet semper ad introitum vallis, magna copia
auri, argenti, vasorum, vestium, et rerum pretiosarum, quas proculdubio ibi
daemones confingunt, quibus et ab olim multi insipientium hominum
concupiscentia tracti intrarunt, et vsque nunc intrant pro colligendo
thesauro: sed de Infidelibus paucissimi reuertuntur, imò nec de
Christianis, qui auaritiæ causa ingrediuntur: per vallis autem semitam, quæ
inter montes et monticulos, tortuosa et aspera est, gradientes vident, et
audiunt, daemoniacos spiritus multos volutantes, et imaginibus corporum
visibilium, serpentum, volucrum, vlularum, lamiarum, et huiusmodi specierum
horribilium dentibus minitantes, vngulas erigentes, incognitos sibilos
spirantes propè super capita ad aures transgredientium. Sempérque minuitur
lumen aeris, donec ventum fuerit ad terribilissimum locum capitis
antedicti.

Si quis autem sinceræ fidei Christianus per contritionem veram et
confessionem, se posuerit in statu saluationis, munitus corporis Christi
mysterijs, ac signo crucis, cum intentione ibidem agendi poenitentiam de
admissis, et cauendi de admittendis, putatur posse hanc transire vallem
securus quidem à morte, non tamen liber à laboribus, horroribus, et
tormentis, et exire, de omnibus culpis praeteritis corruptis, ac de futuris
magis solito cautus, sicut scriptum est, territi purgabuntur.

Nota aliud mirabile magnum. Vidi cùm irem per vnam vallem positam iuxta
flumen quod egreditur de paradiso, vidi in ea multa corpora mortuorum, in
qua etiam audiui multa genera Musicorum, qui ibi mirabilitèr pulsabant:
tantus erat ibi tinnitus Musicorum, quòd incussit mihi timorem horribilem.

Est autem longitudo illius vallis quasi ad quatuor milliaria Lombardica, in
qua si vnus Infidelis intrat, nunquam egreditur, sed sine mora moritur: Et
licet sciui, quòd intrantes moriuntur, tamen acceptaui intrare, vt viderem
quid ibi esset. Dum intrassem tot humana cadauera ibi vidi, quod nisi quis
videret, credere non posset.

In hac valle, ab vno eius latere, vidi faciem hominis valdè horribilem, qui
tantum horrorem mihi incussit, quòd putaui me spiritum exhalare, propter
quod saepè repetij verbum vitæ, scilicet, verbum Caro factum est.

Ad illam faciem non audebam accedere, nisi ad distantiam octo passuum:
posteà iui ad caput vallis, et ascendi super montem arenosum, in quo
vndique circumspiciens, nihil videbam, nisi instrumenta musicalia, quæ
audiebam fortitèr pulsare. Cùm fuissem in capite montis, reperi multum
argentum congregatum ibi in similitudinem squamarum piscium, vnde posui in
gremio, sed quod de ipso non curabam, dimisi illud, et sic illaesus
transiui Deo concedente.

Sarraceni cùm hoc scirent, reuerebantur me esse baptizatum, et sanctum:
mortuos nunc in valle dicebant, homines infernales.

Odericus ad literam hic terminat suum librum: non fuit tot perpessus in
valle, sicut ego. Anno Domini 1331. Ianuarij nono, migrauit ad Christum, in
conuentu Minorum: cuius vitam statim in fine, et vsque nunc claris
miraculis diuina prouidentia approbat, et commendat, prout continebatur in
quaterno, à quo concordantias hic superseminaui.


CAPVT. 45.

De periculo et tormentis in valle eadem.

Itaque dico vobis, cùm sodalibus, qui simul eramus, quatuordecim diuersarum
nationum ante ingressum huius tanti periculi peruenissemus, nos tractatu
longo, et deliberatione acuta consiliabamur, vtrùmnam ingredi deberemus, et
quidam affirmabant, alii verò negabant. Erant autem in numero duo deuoti
fratres, de religione beati Francisci, natione Lombardi, qui videbantur pro
seipsis non multum curare ingressum, nisi quia noluerunt nos animare ad
ingressum, dicentes, si qui nostrum per confessionem, et Eucharistiæ
susceptionem se ibidem praemunirent, ingrederentur cum illis: quo, ab
omnibus mediante debita prouisione, quam ipsi fratres penes se gerebant
peracto, parauimus mentes nostras cum pedibus ad intrandum.

Sed ecce quinque de nobis, duo Graeci et tres Hispani, semetipsos ab alijs
segregantes, visi sunt alium requirere introitum nos praecedere cupientes,
et certè nos illos exinde non vidimus, et quid eis acciderit an periculum
subierint, velne ignoramus.

Nos autem nouem per vallem processimus in silentio, et cum cordis ea
deuotione, quam quisque sibi potuerit obtinere: et ecce in breui transacto
spatio apparuerunt cumuli massarum auri et argenti, et preciosorum copia
vasorum. Sed dico vobis pro parte mea, quia nihil horum tetigi, reputans id
fallaciam daemonum confinxisse ad mittendum concupiscentiam in cor nostram,
imò sine intermissione conabar cor meum custodire ad deuotionem inceptam.

Procedentibus igitur nobis lux coeli minuebator paulatim et augebatur
horror, quoniam propè nos vndique etiam sub pedibus nostris apparebant
iacere cadauera mortuorum hominum penitùs defuncta: alia adhuc spirantia,
et nonulla semiuiua, super quæ dum nos aliquando calcare contingeret,
conquerebantur, ac dolorosè submurmurabant.

Et licèt non certum id habebam, æstimaui hoc fieri in parte vel in toto
fictione daemonum, reputans in breui tempore tantam multitudinem hominum
spontaneè vallem intrasse, et si à longo tempore in ea perijssent
putrefactos fuisse.

Ergò in initio nostri processus quasi propè leucam inuenitur iter sub
pedibus satis promptum, sed lumine tanquam ad medium nobis sufficiente, via
torquebatur nimis, et asperabatur: et ecce figuræ daemonum, circum et suprà
in aere se ferentium, ad imagines horribilium luporum, leonum, laruarum,
megerarum, iuxtà cuiuscunque genus vlulantium, rugentium, stridentium,
gannientium, hiantes ore, intentantes dentibus, rostris, ac vnguibus, nos
terrere, mordere, discerpere, deglutire.

Quapropter pro breui interdum soluto silentio nos inuicèm hortabamur, ne
quis pro pusillanimitate terrori cederet, et tanto deficeret in agone. Hoc
igitur modo per secundam leucam expirante nobis vsque ad tenebras lumine,
quousque quis vix vmbram proximi agnoscere possit, praeter praedicta in
aere tormenta, incurrebant nobis ad tibias, et pedes pluralitas quasi
porcorum, vrsorum, et caprarum grinnientium, et impellentium nos ad lapsum,
quod vel ad tertium, vel quartum, aut sextum passum solatenus cadebamus in
palmas, seu genua, vel prosternebamur in faciem, aut supini.

Ac superuenere praeter hoc ventorum turbines, fulgurum coruscationes,
tonitruorum boatus, drandium casus et exundatio pluuiarum, quantas et
quales nunquam accepimus in hoc mundo, quibus iactabamur, ruebamus,
quassabamur, et periclitati fuimus extrà narrandum.

Interdum quoque sensimus tanquam graues baculorum ictus, per humeros,
dorsa, latera, et ad renes, alij quidem grauiores, alij vt puta secundum
demeritum vniuscuiusque. Et certè dum per tanta tormenta, quasi exhaustis
totis viribus, iam propè medium locum vallis erat ventum, accidit repentè,
sub vnico instanti temporis, quibusdam nostrum expalmatio ita dura, vt
omnes paritèr collisi, et prostrati iaceremus in extasi per vnam vul duas
forsitan horas.

Et isto defectu vidit quilibet suo modo spiritualem visionem
supermirabilem, et excedentem omne dictum, et scriptum.

Ego verò de visione mea nihil ausus sum scribere, vel loqui, quia et
fratres singuli inhibuerunt, nisi de his, quæ corporalitèr intuebamur, et
passi sumus.

Grauissimum singuli sustinuimus ictum per corporis loca diuersa, vnus in
facie, alius in pectore, ad costas, in dorso, vel ad humerum, et mansit
cuique signum percussuræ nigerrimum, ad formam virilis manus humanæ:

[Sidenote: Mirabilis ictus.] Ictum autem meum in colli ceruice tali ac
tanta passione, vt putabam caput abscissum de corpore auolare: et hinc ad
octodecimum annum mansit mihi in prima magnitudine signum: sed et vsque
nunc variato colore locus ille demonstrat penissimè cicatricem, donec cum
cadauere tota mutabitur in sepulchro: porrò vbi nos ab extasi in his
tenebris separauimus singuli per diuinam gratiam respirando, loquendo,
palpando, erigendo nos ipsos mutua humanitate, vt potuimus, recollegimus,
et cohortabamur, cùm subitò nobis apparuit sub tenebroso lumine, vel potiùs
fumosa caligine, locus ille spatiosus mediæ vallis, continens antedictum
horribile caput daemonis, plenus foetore inaestimabili, et iugi occupatus
exercitatione innumerorum spirituum malignorum.

Hunc ergo locum ineptum cùm vitare vellemus in toto nequiuimus extremitatem
eius, quocunque girantes, nullus nostrorum perfecto aspectu audebat
respicere quæ gerebantur ibidem, quia inuadens tremor statuebat
horripilationem extrahebat, sudorem, et pudorem omnes extinguere
videbantur. Nec tamen potuit esse consilium de reuertendo, ne propter
immutatum propositum confestim à daemonibus strangularemur.

Transiuimus, Dei gratia nobis opitulante, sed non sine maximo horroris,
foetorisque tormento: rursumque ex tunc procedentes nos apprehendebat
tenebrosa, validaque tempestas, ventorum, coruscationum, tonitruum,
grandinum, et pluuiarum, cuius, quassatione collabebamur in facies, et in
dorso dextrorsum, et sinistrorsum, interuoluente ad tibias, sicut priùs
multitudine grinnientium bestiarum, nec dubito scribere quoque ampliùs,
quàm 500. vicibus per hanc vallem quisque nostrum sternebatur ad terram.

Post verò exactam tertiam leucam, coepit nobis augeri lux aeris, ex quo
animosiores effecti, in vno tranquilliori loco nos parùm pausantes, gratias
Deo palmis extensis in caelum, reddidimus immensas, et praecipuè quod
nullus deesset de nouenario numero sociorum.

Nihilominùs tamen spiritus in aere nobis minari non cessabant, pretendentes
in derisionem sua pudenda simul, et foeda virilia et posteriora.

Pro certo ergò habeatis de his quæ vidi, et sensi, nullam possum vobis
tradere æquipollentiam verborum, cùm quia grauissima erant, tum quia,
singulis ne mihi deuotionem minueret non attendebam, tum etiam, quod præ
horrore, labore, et dolore multa memoriæ non commendabam.

Per quartam autem leucam (ductrice gratia) leuiùs transeuntes, sustinuimus
tamen sub pedibus hominum cadauera mortuorum, propè vallis exitum rerum
tentamina preciosarum.

Nunc itaque obsecro magno cordis effectu, haec legentes et audientes ego,
qui in illa hora quid erga me agebat misericordissimi Dei pietas ignorabam,
vt velitis pro me, simul et mecum ex mentis intimo collaudare ipsum
Dominum, qui tunc de potestate tenebrarum illarum eripuit me indignum, et
prout confido, à delictis iuuentutis me purgauit, quatenùs de posteà
commissis, et committendis, mihi propitiùs fore dignetur, cùm iam senior
sim effectus. Quoniam etsi ex tunc proposui mores corrigere, ex nunc statuo
in melius emendare, per filium eius Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum.

Ad hoc, addo breuitèr, quòd non auderem hortari quenquam, me consulentem,
vt spontaneè ingrederetur hanc vallem infaustam, quamuis ego curiosus
intraui. Venientes posthac ad proximas habitationes, necesse fuit nobis
intendere ad recreandum corpora cibarijs, et balneis, et ad medendum
vulneribus, et quassaturis, donec per aliquod tempus vnusquisque acciperet
deliberationem super suo futuro.

CAPVT. 46.

De quibusdam alijs admirandis per Indorum insulas.

[Sidenote: Gigantes Anthropophagi.] Vt modò procedam in tractatu. Sciatis
ad paucas inde dietas grandem insulam haberi gigantum, ad straturam
altitudinis viginti quinque pedum nostrorum, de quibus ipse vidi nonnullos,
sed extrà terram eorum, et audiuimus esse intrinsecùs quosdam triginta
pedum, et vltrà: hi operiuntur non vestibus, sed bestiarum pellibus
vtcunque sibi appensis, comedentes animalium carnes crudas, et lac pro potu
sorbentes, atque appetentes super omnem esum carnes humanas.

Istorum non curaui intrare insulam: nam et audiui quòd ad maris littus
solent insidiari nauigantibus, nauesque submergere, nisi interdum
redimantur tribus aut quatuor per sortem hominibus sibi datis.

[Sidenote: Letiferi aspectus mulierum.] Versus Austrum hinc in mari Oceano,
habetur inter alias insulas vna, vbi crudelibus quibusdam mulieribus
nascitur in oculis lapis rarus, et malus, quæ si per iram respexerint
hominem, more Basilisci interficiunt solo visu.

Et vltrà hanc insulam alia maior et populosior, vbi cùm multi sint vsus
nobis insueti, vnum describo.

[Sidenote: Insula vbi virgines vitiantur antequam nubant.] Dum
desponsauerit vir puellam, virginem, mandat hominem incompositum, velut
ribaldum, qui sua idonea claue per expertos super hoc diligentèr
considerata, si reputatur idonea reseret et vestiget sub nocte vnica
virginalem conclauem, pro mercede sibi tradita competenti. Et si postera
nocte accedens sponsus ita non inuenerit, poterit, et consueuit hominem
impetere ad mortis iudicium indeclinabile. Cumque huius moris discere
voluissem causam, accepi responsum, pro certis temporibus apud eos,
virgines habuisse in matricibus paruos serpentes, quibus nocebantur primi
ad illas intrantes.

Ideoque et viri, que pro mercede tantum subeunt periculum, vocant sua
loquela cadibrum, est, stultos desperatos.

Ex hac, apparet Insula in qua inter alios vsus, peruersæ sunt matres contra
naturam et scripturam, cum pepererent contristantur, et dum proles moritur
iocundantur, iactantes in magno igne cum conuiuio et exultatione, dumque
maritus ante vxorem decidit, patebit vxoris plena dilectio, si cum corpore
mariti, quod rogo traditur se iactat cremandum, vt quia in isto seculo
steterunt amoris vinculo colligati, non sint alio separati.

Nec tamen intelligunt illud seculum, nisi quod sibi confingunt terrestrem
Paradisum. Purum aut minorem annis, trahet mater secum si placet, sed
ætatis puer perfectæ, eliget pro proprio placito viuere superstes, aut mori
iuxta parentes.

Hic etiam non succedunt Reges per generationem sed per electionem, vt
assumatur non nobilior, aut fortior, sed morigeratior, et iustior, 50 ad
minus annorum, nullam habens sobolem aut vxorem, seruaturque illic iusticiæ
rigor in plena censura, in omnibus et contra omnes, etiamsi forefecerit
ipse Rex, qui nec eximitur a traditis legibus pro concupiscentia vel
contemptione quarumlibet personarum.

Veruntamen Rex si peccauerit non occiditur ob reuerentiam, sed quòd sub
poena mortis, publicè inhibetur, ne quispiam in Regione ei verbo vel vllo
facto communicet, et quoniam sui loco alter rex constituitur, necesse est
illi breui vita degere vel perpetuò exulare. Constat post ipsam, et alia
Insula, multis bonis locuples, et hominibus populosa, de qua recolo
scribendum, quod nulla occasione comedunt tria genera carnium, gallinarum,
leporam, et aucarum, quas etsi nutriant in copijs, vtuntur duntaxat
pellibus aut plumis.

Caeterarum vero bestiarum et animalium licitè vescuntur carnibus pro victu,
et lacte pro potu. Ibi quisque vir licitè potest coniungi cuique mulieri;
quantumcunque propinquet, exceptis progenitoribus, patre matre. Nam
cohabitatio, et commixtio omnium virorum ad singulas mulieres apparet ibi
communis, vnde mater natum paruulum suum, adicit pro sui placito cuicunque
viro, qui circa generationis tempus secumn dormierit, nec valet vllus
virorum esse certus de proprio generato, quem modum exlegem arbitror et
turpem.

Sicut ergò praefatus sum, multa mira videntur per Regiones Indorum, mira
quidem nobis, sed illis assueta, quibus si nostra recitarentur assueta,
audirent pro miris. Nam et dum quibusdam dixi aucas viuas apud nos nasci in
arboribus, admirati sunt satis. In multis locis seminatur singulis annis
sementum de Cothon, quod nos dicimus lanam arboream, exurgunt ei modica
arbusta, vel potius arbustula de quibus talis lana habetur: est arbor
luniperus, de cuius ligno desiccato, si carbones viuos sub proprijs
cineribus tenueris diligenter opertos, igniti seruabuntur ad annum.

Est et genus Nucum incredibilis magnitudinis ad quantitatem magni capitis:
et bestia vocata, oraflans, vel serfans, corpore in nostrorum aldtudine
caballorum, et collo in 20 longitudine cubitorum ad prospiciendum vltra
domos et muros, quorum posteriora apparent vt hinniculi siue lerni.

Genus est etiam Camelionum ad formam hynnulorum, qui semper patulo tendunt
ore, vel nil manducantes. Viuunt de aere, quæ etiam ad suum libitum
videntur sibi variare colorem, exceptis (vt dicitur) albo vel rubeo.

Maximi quóque serpentes, inuicem qualitate, et genere differentes
atque colore.

Aliqui cristam in capite gerunt, quidam more hominum ad duos pedes erecti
incedunt, et nonnulli qui dicuntur Reguli, venenum per ora distillare non
cessant, nec non quam plures cocodrilli, de quibus aliquid in
praecedentibus retuli; [Sidenote: Apri ingentes. Leones albi. Louheraus.]
et apri in nostrorum magnitudine boum, spinosi ericij, in quantitate
porcorum, leones albi in altitudine dextrariorum. Louheraus, seu Edouches
per Indiam habentur, quod ferarum genus satis est maius nostris communibus
equis, geren in fronte tetri capitis tria longa cornua, ad formam pugionis,
ex vtraque parte scindentia, vt eis nonnunquam interficiant Elephantes.

Aliæ quoque bestiæ crudeles vt vrsi cum capitibus ferè aprorum et habentes
pedes senos, qui finduntur latis vngulis bis acutis, et cum caudis leonum
siue pardorum.

Et quod vix credetur, mures pro quantitate, 10, aut 12. nostrorum et
vespertiliones ad modum coruorum.

Sed et aucæ in triplo maiores nostris, plumis indutæ rubris, nisi quod in
pectore et collo apparet nigredo.

Et breuiter tam ibi quàm alibi, habentur pisces, bestiæ, volucres, aut
vermes diuersorum generum, aut specierum, de quibus hoc loco, vel inutilis,
vel prolixa posset fieri narratio, quod nec illis qui nunquam propria
exierunt, credibilis videretur.


The English Version.

And he hathe in his lordschipes many grete marveyles. For in his contree,
is the see that men clepen the Gravely See, that is alle gravelle and sond,
with outen ony drope of watre: and it ebbethe and flowethe in grete wawes,
as other sees don: and it is never stille ne in pes, in no maner cesoun.
And no man may passe that see be navye, be no maner of craft: and therfore
may no man knowe, what lond is bezond that see. And alle be it that it have
no watre, zit men fynden there in and on the bankes, fulle gode fissche of
other maner of kynde and schappe, thanne men fynden in ony other see; and
thei ben of right goode tast, and delycious to mannes mete.

And a 3 iourneys long fro that see, ben gret mountaynes; out of the whiche
gothe out a gret flood, that comethe out of paradys: and it is fulle of
precious stones, with outen ony drope of water: and it rennethe thorghe the
desert, on that o syde; so that it makethe the see gravely: and it berethe
in to that see, and there it endethe. And that flomme rennethe also, 3
dayes in the woke, and bryngethe with him grete stones, and the roches also
therewith, and that gret plentee. And anon as thei ben entred in to the
gravely see, thei ben seyn no more; but lost for evere more. And in tho 3
dayes, that that ryvere rennethe, no man dar entren in to it: but in the
other dayes, men dar entren wel y now. Also bezonde that flomme, more
upward to the desertes, is a gret pleyn alle gravelly betwene the
mountaynes: and in that playn, every day at the sonne risynge, begynnen to
growe smale trees; and thei growen til mydday, berynge frute: but no man
dar taken of that frute; for it is a thing of fayrye. And aftre mydday,
thei discrecen and entren azen in to the Erthe, so that at the goynge doun
of the Sonne, thei apperen no more; and so thei don every day; and that is
a gret marvaille.

In that desert ben many wylde men, that ben hidouse to loken on: for thei
ben horned; and thei speken nought, but thei gronten, as pygges. And there
is also gret plentee of wylde Houndes. And there ben manye popegayes, that
thei clepen psitakes in hire langage: and thei speken of hire propre
nature, and salven men that gon thorghe the desertes, and speken to hem als
appertely, as thoughe it were a man. And thei that speken wel, han a large
tonge, and han 5 toos upon a Fote. And there ben also of other manere, that
han but 3 toos upon a fote; and thei speken not, or but litille: for thei
cone not but cryen.

This Emperour Prestre John, whan he gothe in to battaylle, azenst ony other
Lord, he hathe no baneres born before him: but he hathe 3 crosses of gold,
fyn, grete and hye, fulle of precious stones: and every of the crosses ben
sett in a chariot, fulle richely arrayed. And for to kepen every cros, ben
ordeyned 10000 men at Armes, and mo than 100000 men on Fote, in maner as
men wolde kepe a Stondard in oure Contrees, whan that wee ben in lond of
werre. And this nombre of folk is with outen the pryncipalle Hoost, and
with outen Wenges ordeynd for the bataylle. And he hathe no werre, but
ridethe with a pryvy meynee, thanne he hathe bore before him but o cross of
tree, with outen peynte peynture, and with outen gold or silver or precious
stones; in remembrance, that Jesus suffred dethe upon a cros of tree. And
he hathe born before him also a plater of gold fulle of erthe, in tokene
that his noblesse and his myghte and his flessche schalle turnen to erthe.
And he hathe born before him also a vesselle of silver, fulle of noble
jewelles of gold fulle riche, and of precious stones, in tokene of his
lordschipe and of his noblesse and of his myght. He duellethe comounly in
the cytee of Suse; and there is his principalle palays, that is so riche
and so noble, that no man wil trowe it by estymacioun, but he had seen it.
And aboven the chief tour of the palays, ben 2 rounde pomeles of gold; and
in everyche of hem ben 2 carboncles grete and large, that schynen fulle
brighte upon the nyght. And the principalle zates of his palays ben of
precious ston, that men clepen sardoyne: and the bordure and the barres ben
of ivorye: and the wyndowes of the halles and chambres ben of cristalle:
and the tables where on men eten, somme ben of emeraudes, summe of amatyst
and summe of gold, fulle of precious stones; and the pileres, that beren up
the tables, ben of the same precious stones. And the degrees to gon up to
his throne, where he sittethe at the mete, on is of oniche, another is of
cristalle, and another of jaspre grene, another of amatyst, another of
sardyne, another of corneline, and the sevene that he settethe on his feet,
is of crisolyte. And alle theise degrees ben bordured with fyn gold, with
the tother precious stones, sett with grete perles oryent. And the sydes of
the sege of his throne ben of emeraudes, and bordured with gold fulle
nobely, and dubbed with other precious stones and grete perles. And alle
the pileres in his chambre, ben of fyne gold with precious stones, and with
many carboncles, that zeven gret lyght upon the nyght to alle peple. And
alle be it that the charboncle zeve lyght right y now, natheles at alle
tymes brennethe a vesselle of cristalle fulle of bawme, for to zeven gode
smelle, and odour to the emperour, and to voyden awey alle wykkede eyres
and corrupciouns. And the forme of his bedd is of fyne saphires bended with
gold, for to make him slepen wel, and to refreynen him from lecherye. For
he wille not lyze with his wyfes, but 4 sithes in the zeer, aftre the four
cesouns: and that is only for to engendre children. He hathe also a fulle
fayr palays and a noble, at the cytee of Nyse, where that he dwellethe,
whan him best lykethe; but the ayr is not so attempree, as it is at the
cytee of Suse. And zee schulle undirstonde, that in alle his contree, ne in
the contrees there alle aboute, men eten noghte but ones in the day, as men
don in the court of the grete Chane. And so thei eten every day in his
court, mo than 30000 persones, with outen goeres and comeres. But the 30000
persones of his contree, ne of the contree of the grete Chane, ne spenden
noghte so moche gode, as don 12000 of oure contree. This Emperour Prestre
John hathe evere more 7 kynges with him, to serve him: and thei departen
hire service be certeyn monethes. And with theise kynges serven alle weys
72 dukes and 360 erles. And alle the dayes of the zeer, there eten in his
houshold and in his court, 12 erchebysshoppes and 20 bisshoppes. And the
patriark of Seynt Thomas is there, as is the Pope here. And the
erchebisshoppes and the bisshoppes and the abboties in that contree, ben
alle kynges. And everyche of theise grete lordes knowen wel y now the
attendance of hire servyse. This on is mayster of his houshold, another is
his chamberleyn, another servethe him of a dissche, another of the cuppe,
another is styward, another is mareschalle, another is prynce of his armes:
and thus is he fulle nobely and ryally served. And his lond durethe in
verry brede 4 moneths iorneyes, and in lengthe out of measure; that is to
seyn, alle the yles undir erthe, that wee supposen to ben undir us.

Besyde the yle of Pentexoire, that is the lond of Prestre John, is a gret
yle long and brode, that men clepen Milsterak; and it is in the lordschipe
of Prestre John. In that yle is gret plentee of godes. There was dwellynge
somtyme a ryche man, and it is not longe sithen, and men clept him
Gatholonabes; and he was fulle of cauteles and of sotylle disceytes; and he
hadde a fulle fair castelle, and a strong, in a mountayne, so strong and so
noble, that no man cowde devise a fairere ne a strangere. And he had let
muren alle the mountayne aboute with a strong walle and a fair. And with
inne tho walles he had the fairest gardyn, that ony man myghte beholde; and
therein were trees berynge alle maner of frutes, that ony man cowde devyse;
and there in were also alle maner vertuous herbes of gode smelle, and alle
other herbes also, that beren faire floures. And he had also in that
gardyn, many faire welles; and beside tho welles, he had lete make faire
halles and faire chambres, depeynted alle with gold and azure. And there
weren in that place many a dyverse thinges and many dyverse stories: and of
bestes and of bryddes, that songen fulle delectabely; and meveden be craft,
that it semede that thei weren quyke. And he had also in his gardyn alle
maner of foules and of bestes that ony man myghte thenke on, for to have
pley or desport to beholde hem. And he had also in that place, the faireste
zonge Damyseles, that myghte ben founde undir the age of 15 zere, and the
faireste zonge striplynges, that men myghte gete of that same age: and alle
thei weren clothed in clothes of gold fully richely: and he seyde, that tho
weren aungeles. And he had also let make 3 welles, faire and noble, and
alle envyround with ston of jaspre, of cristalle, pyapred with gold, and
sett with precious stones and grete orient perles. And he had made a
conduyt undir erthe, so that the 3 weles, at his list, on scholde renne
milk, another wyn, and another hony. And that place he clept paradys. And
whan that ony gode knyghte, that was hardy and noble, cam to see this
rialtee, he wolde lede him into his paradys, and schewen him theise
wondirfulle thinges, to his desport, and the marveyllous and delicious song
of dyverse briddes, and the faire damyseles, and the faire welles of mylk,
wyn and hony, plentevous rennynge. And he wolde let make dyyerse
Instrumentes of Musick to sownen in an highe Tour, so merily that it was
joye for to here; and no man scholde see the craft thereof: and tho, he
seyde, weren aungeles of God, and that place was paradys, that God had
behighte to his frendes, seyenge, _Dabo vobis terram fluentem lacte et
mel_. And thanne wolde he maken hem to drynken of certeyn drynk, where of
anon thei scholden be dronken. And thanne wolde hem thinken gretter delyt,
than thei hadden before. And than wolde he seye to hem, that zif thei wolde
dyen for him and for his love, that aftir hire dethe, thei scholde come to
his paradys; and thei scholde ben of the age of the damyseles, and thei
scholde pleyen with hem, and zit ben maydenes. And aftir thai, zit scholde
he putten hem in a fayrere paradys, where that thei schold see God of
Nature visibely, in His majestee and in His blisse. And than wolde He
schewe hem His entent, and seye hem, that zif thei wolde go sle suche a
Lord, or suche a man, that was his enemye, or contrarious to his list, that
thei scholde not dred to done it, and for to be slayn therefore hemself:
for aftir hire dethe, he wold putten hem into another paradys, that was an
100 fold fairer than ony of the tothere; and there schode thei dwellen with
the most fairest damyselles that myghte be, and play with hem ever more.
And thus wenten many dyverse lusty bacheleres for to sle grete lords, in
dyverse countrees, that weren his enemyes, and maden hem self to ben slayn,
in hope to have that paradys. And thus often tyme, he was revenged of his
enemyes, be his sotylle disceytes and false cauteles. And whan the worthi
men of the contree hadden perceyved this sotylle falshod of this
Gatholonabes, thei assembled hem with force, and assayleden his castelle,
and slowen him, and destroyden alle the faire places, and alle the
nobletees of that paradys. The place of the welles and of the walles and of
many other thinges, ben zit apertly sene: but the richesse is voyded clene.
And it is not longe gon, sithe that place was destroyed.


Of the Develes Hede in the Valeye perilous; and of the Customs of folk in
  dyverse Yles, that ben abouten, in the Lordschipe of Prestre John.

[Sidenote: Chap. XXVIII.] Besyde that Yle of Mistorak, upon the left syde,
nyghe to the ryvere of Phison, is a marveylous thing. There is a vale
betwene the mountaynes, that durethe nyghe a 4 myle: and summen clepen it
the Vale Enchaunted; some clepen it the Vale of Develes, and some clepen it
the Vale Perilous. In that vale, heren men often tyme grete tempestes and
thondres and grete murmures and noyses, alle dayes and nyghtes: and gret
noyse, as it were sown of tabours and of nakeres and trompes, as thoughe it
were of a gret feste; This ale is alle fulle of develes, and hathe ben alle
weyes. And men seyn there, that it is on of the entrees of helle. In that
vale is gret plentee of gold and sylver: wherefore many mysbelevynge men,
and manye Christene men also, gon in often tyme, for to have of the
thresoure, that there is: but fewe comen azen; and namely of the mys
belevynge men, ne of the Cristene men nouther: for thei ben anon strangled
of develes. And in mydde place of that vale, undir a roche, is an hed and
the visage of a devyl bodyliche, fulle horrible and dreadfulle to see, and
it schewethe not but the hed, to the schuldres. But there is no man in the
world so hardy, Cristene man ne other, but that he wolde ben a drad for to
beholde it: and that it wolde semen him to dye for drede; so is it hidous
for to beholde. For he beholdethe even man so scharply, with dreadfulle
eyen, that ben evere more mevynge and sparklynge, as fuyr, and chaungethe
and sterethe so often in dyverse manere, with so horrible countenance, that
no man dar not neighen towardes him. And fro him comethe out smoke and
stynk and fuyr, and so moche abhomynacioun, that unethe no man may there
endure. But the gode Cristene men, that ben stable in the feythe, entren
welle withouten perile. For thei wil first schryven hem, and marken hem
with the tokene of the Holy Cros; so that the fendes ne han no power over
hem. But alle be it that thei ben with outen perile, zit natheles ne ben
thei not with outen drede, whan that thei seen the develes visibely and
bodyly alle aboute hem, that maken fully dyverse assautes and manaces in
eyr and in erthe, and agasten hem with strokes of thondre blastes and of
tempestes. And the most drede is, that God wole taken vengeance thanne, of
that men han mys don azen his wille. And zee schulle undirstonde, that whan
my fellows and I weren in that vale, wee weren in gret thought, whether
that wee dursten putten oure bodyes in aventure, to gon in or non, in the
proteccioun of God. And somme of oure fellowes accordeden to enter, and
somme noght. So there weren with us 2 worthi men, Frere Menoures, that
weren of Lombardye, that seyden, that zif ony man wolde entren, thei wolde
gon in with us. And when thei hadden seyd so, upon the gracyous trust of
God and of hem, wee leet synge masse, and made every man to ben schryven
and houseld: and thanne wee entreden 14 personnes; but at oure goynge out,
wee weren but 9. And so we wisten nevere, whether that oure fellowes weren
lost, or elle turned azen for drede: but wee ne saughe hem never after: and
tho weren 2 men of Grece and 3 of Spayne. And oure other fellows, that
wolden not gon in with us, thei wenten by another coste, to ben before us,
and so thei were. And thus wee passeden that perilous vale, and founden
thereinne gold and sylver and precious stones and riche jewelles gret
plentee, both here and there, as us semed: but whether that it was, as us
semede, I wot nere: for I touched none, because that the develes ben so
subtyle to make a thing to seme otherwise than it is, for to disceyve
mankynde; and therfore I towched none; and also because that I wolde not
ben put out of my devocioun: for I was more devout thanne, than evere I was
before or after, and alle for the drede of fendes, that I saughe in dyverse
figures; and also for the gret multytude of dede bodyes, that I saughe
there liggynge be the weye, be alle the vale, as thoughe there had ben a
bataylle betwene 2 kynges and the myghtyest of the contree, and that the
gretter partye had ben discomfyted and slayn. And I trowe, that unethe
scholde ony contree have so moche peple with in him, as lay slayn in that
vale, as us thoughte; the whiche was an hidouse sight to seen. And I
merveylled moche, that there weren so manye, and the bodyes all hole, with
outen rotynge. But I trowe, that fendes made hem semen to ben so hole, with
outen rotynge. But that myghte not ben to myn avys, that so manye scholde
have entred so newely, ne so manye newely slayn, with outen stynkynge and
rotynge. And manye of hem were in habite of Cristene men: but I trowe wel,
that it weren of suche, that wenten in for covetyse of the thresoure, that
was there, and hadden over moche feblenesse in feithe; so that hire hertes
ne myghte not enduren in the beleve for drede. And therfore weren wee the
more devout a gret del: and zit wee weren cast doun and beten down many
tymes to the hard erthe, be wyndes and thondres and tempestes: but evere
more God of His grace halp us: and so we passed that perilous vale, with
outen perile and with outen encombrance. Thanked be alle myghty Godd.

Aftre this, bezonde the vale, is a gret yle, where the folk ben grete
geauntes of 28 fote longe or of 30 fote longe; and thei han no clothinge,
but of skynnes of bestes, that thei hangen upon hem: and thei eten no
breed, but alle raw flesche: and thei drynken mylk of bestes; for thei han
plentee of alle bestaylle. And thei have none houses, to lyen inne. And
thei eten more gladly mannes flessche, thanne ony other flesche. In to that
yle dar no man gladly entren: and zif thei seen a schipp and men there
inne, anon thei entren in to the see, for to take hem.

And men seyden us, that in an yle bezonde that, weren geantes of grettere
stature: summe of 45 fote, or 50 fote long, and as some men seyn, summe of
50 cubytes long: but I saghe none of tho; for I hadde no lust to go to tho
parties, because that no man comethe nouther in to that yle ne in to the
other, but zif he be devoured anon. And among tho geauntes ben scheep, als
grete as oxen here; and thei beren gret wolle and roughe. Of the scheep I
have seyn many tymes. And men han seyn many tymes tho geauntes taken men in
the see out of hire schippes, and broughte hem to lond, 2 in on hond and 2
in another, etynge hem goynge, alle rawe and alle quyk.

Another yle is there toward the northe, in the see occean, where that ben
fulle cruele and ful evele wommen of nature; and thei han precious stones
in hire eyen: and thei ben of that kynde, that zif thei beholden ony man
with wratthe, thei slen him anon with the beholdynge, as dothe the
basilisk.

Another yle is there, fulle fair and gode and gret, and fulle of peple,
where the custom is suche, that the firste nyght that thei ben maryed, thei
maken another man to lye be hire wifes, for to have hire maydenhode: and
therfore thei taken gret huyre and gret thank. And ther ben certeyn men in
every town, that serven of non other thing; and thei clepen hem Cadeberiz,
that is to seyne, the foles of Wanhope. For thei of the contree holden it
so gret a thing and so perilous, for to haven the maydenhode of a woman,
that hem semethe that thei that haven first the maydenhode, puttethe him in
aventure of his lif. And zif the husbonde fynde his wif mayden, that other
next nyghte, aftre that she scholde have ben leyn by of the man, that is
assigned therefore, perauntes for dronkenesse or for some other cause, the
husbonde schalle pleyne upon him, that he hathe not don his deveer, in
suche cruelle wise, as thoughe he wolde have him slayn therfore. But after
the firste nyght, that they ben leyn by, thei kepen hem so streytely, that
thei ben not so hardy to speke with no man. And I asked hem the cause, whi
that thei helden suche custom: and thei seyden me, that of old tyme, men
hadden ben dede for deflourynge of maydenes, that hadden serpentes in hire
bodyes, that stongen men upon hire zerdes, that thei dyeden anon: and
therfore thei helden that custom, to make other men, ordeyn'd therefore, to
lye be hire wyfes, for drede of dethe, and to assaye the passage be
another, rather than for to putte hem in that aventure.

Aftre that, is another yle, where that wommen maken gret sorwe, whan hire
children ben y born: and whan thei dyen, thei maken gret feste and gret
joye and revelle, and thanne thei casten hem into a gret fuyr brennynge.
And tho that loven wel hire husbondes, zif hire husbondes ben dede, thei
casten hem also in the fuyr, with hire children, and brennen hem. And thei
seyn, that the fuyr schalle clensen hem of alle filthes and of alle vices,
and thei schulle gon pured and clene in to another world, to hire
husbondes, and thei schulle leden hire children with hem. And the cause whi
that they wepen, when hire children ben born, is this, for whan thei comen
in to this world, thei comen to labour, sorwe and hevynesse: and whi thei
maken ioye and gladnesse at hire dyenge, is be cause that, as thei seyn,
thanne thei gon to Paradys, where the ryveres rennen mylk and hony, where
that men seen hem in ioye and in habundance of godes, with outen sorwe and
labour. In that yle men maken hire kyng evere more be eleccioun: and thei
ne chese him nought for no noblesse ne for no ricchesse, but suche an on as
is of gode maneres and of gode condiciouns, and therewith alle rightfulle;
and also that he be of gret age, and that he have no children. In that yle
men ben fulle rightfulle, and thei don rightfulle iuggementes in every
cause, bothe of riche and pore, smale and grete, aftre the quantytee of the
trespas, that is mys don. And the kyng may nought deme no man to dethe,
with outen assent of his barouns and other wyse men of conseille, and that
alle the court accorde therto. And zif the kyng him self do ony homycydie
or ony cryme, as to sle a man, or ony suche cas, he schalle dye therefore;
but he schalle not be slayn, as another man, but men schulle defende in
peyne of dethe, that no man be so hardy to make him companye, ne to speke
with hym, ne that no man zeve him ne selle him ne serve him nouther of mete
ne drynk: and so schalle he dye in myschef. Thei spare no man that hath
trespaced, nouther for love ne for favour ne for ricchesse ne for noblesse,
but that he schalle have aftre that he hathe don.

Bezonde that yle, is another yle, where is gret multytude of folk; and thei
wole not for nothing eten flesche of hares, ne of hennes, ne of gees: and
zit thei bryngen forthe y now, for to seen hem and to beholden hem only.
But thei eten Flesche of alle other bestes, and drynken mylk. In that
contre, thei taken hire doughtres and hire sustres to here wyfes, and hire
other kynneswomen. And zif there ben 10 or 12 men or mo dwellynge in an
hows, the wif of eyeryche of hem schalle ben comoun to hem alle, that
duellen in that hows; so that every man may liggen with whom he wole of
hem, on o nyght. And zif sche have ony child, sche may zeve it to what man
sche list, that hathe companyed with hire; so that no man knoweth there,
whether the child be his or anotheres. And zif ony man seye to hem, that
thei norrischen other mennes children, thei answeren, that so don other men
hires. In that contre and be all Ynde, ben gret plentee of cokodrilles,
that is the maner of a longe serpent, as I haye seyd before. And in the
nyght, thei dwellen in the watir, and on the day, upon the lond, in roches
and caves. And thei ete no mete in all the wynter: but thei lyzn as in a
drem, as don the serpentes. Theise serpentes slen men, and thei eten hem
wepynge: and whan thei eten, thei meven the over Jowe, and noughte the
nether Jowe; and thei have no Tonge. In that contree, and in many other
bezonde that, and also in manye on this half, men putten in werke the sede
of cotoun: and thei sowen it every zeer, and than growthe it in smale
trees, that beren cotoun. And so don men every zeer; so that there is
plentee of cotoun, at alle tymes. Item, in this yle and in many other,
there is a manner of wode, hard and strong: who so coverethe the coles of
that wode undir the assches there offe, the coles wil duellen and abyden
alle quyk, a zere or more. And that tre hathe many leves, as the gynypre
hathe. And there ben also many trees, that of nature thei wole never brenne
ne rote in no manere. And there ben note trees, that beren notes, als grete
as a mannes hed. There also ben many bestes, that ben clept orafles.
[Footnote: Giraffes.] In Arabye, thei ben clept gerfauntz; that is a best
pomelee or apotted; that is but a litylle more highe, than is a stede; but
he hathe the necke a 20 cubytes long: and his croup and his tayl is as of
an hert: and he may loken over a gret highe Hous. And there ben also in
that contree manye camles, that is a lytille best as a goot, that is wylde
and he lyvethe be the eyr, and etethe nought ne drynkethe nought at no
tyme. And he chaungethe his colour often tyme: for men seen him often
scithes, now in o colour and now in another colour: and he may chaunge him
in to alle maner of coloures that him list, saf only in to red and white.
There ben also in that contree passynge grete serpentes, sume of 120 Fote
long, and thei ben of dyverse coloures, as rayed, rede, grene and zalowe,
blewe and blake, and alle spekelede. And there ben othere, that han crestes
upon hire hedes: and thei gon upon hire feet upright: and thei ben wel a 4
fadme gret or more: and thei duellen alle weye in roches or in mountaynes:
and thei han alle wey the throte open, of whens thei droppen venym alle
weys. And there ben also wylde swyn of many coloures, als gret as ben oxen
in oure contree, and thei ben alle spotted, as ben zonge fownes. And there
ben also urchounes, als gret as wylde swyn here. Wee clepen hem poriz de
spyne. And ther ben lyouns alle whyte gret and myghty. And ther ben also of
other bestes, als grete and more gretter than is a destrere: and men clepen
hem loerancz: and sum men clepen hem odenthos: and thei han a blak hed and
3 longe hornes trenchant in the front, scharpe as a sword; and the body is
sclender. And he is a fulle felonous best: and he chacethe and sleethe the
olifaunt. There ben also manye other bestes, fullye wykked and cruelle,
that ben not mocheles more than a bere; and thei han the hed lyche a bore;
and thei han 6 feet: and on every foote 2 large clawes trenchant: and the
body is lyche a bere, and the tayl as a lyoun. And there ben also myse, als
gret as houndes; and zalowe myse, als grete as ravenes. And ther ben gees
alle rede, thre sithes more gret than oure here: and thei han the hed, the
necke and the brest alle black. And many other dyverse bestes ben in tho
contrees, and elle where there abouten: and manye dyverse briddes also; of
the whiche, it were to longe for to telle zou: and therefore I passe over
at this tyme.


CAPVT. 47.

De Bracmannorum et aliorum Insulis.

Bracmannorum Insula quasi ad medium Imperij consistit Praesbyteri Ioannis.
Hic licet Christiani non sunt, viuunt tamen naturali optimo more. Rudes
enim et incomparati, simplices, et inscij omnis artis apparent. Non cupidi,
superbi, inuidi, iracundi, gulosi, aut luxuriosi nec iurant, fraudant, aut
mentiuntur. Laborant corpora, sed intendunt animo implere quo ad valent
naturale mandatum, hoc facias alijs quod tibi vis fieri: credentes et
adorantes omnium creatorum Deum, et sperantes ab ipso simpliciter
Paradisum.

Sobrij quoque sunt, quapropter et longo tempore viuunt: et si quis ab eorum
moribus degenerat, proscribitur perpetuò sine mora, omnibus nulla posita
differentia personarum, vnde et in iusto Dei iudicio, quòd naturalem
exercere iustitiam contendunt, Elementa eis naturaliter obsequuntur, et
rarò eos tangit tempestas, aut fames, pestilentia aut gladius.

[Sidenote: Flumen Chene.] Magna riparia dicta Chene currit per Insulam,
ministrans piscium et aquarum copiam: Istos olim Alexander rex Grecorum
debellare cupiens, misit eis literas comminationis, cui inter caetera
notabilia remandauerunt, nihil se habere curiosi, quod Rex tantus deberet
concupiscere, nihilque ita se timere perdituros sicut pacem bonam, quam
hactenus habuerunt inconcussam: sicque diuino nutu est actum vt Rex
truculentus ad alia se verteret, atque in breui postmodùm caderet, quia
dissipat Dominus eos, qui bella volunt, et istis manet pax multa
diligentibus eam.

[Sidenote: Pytan.] Pytan Insula breuis continet paucos et breues
habitatores, Pygmaeis modico longiores, qui decoris vultibus nullo vnquam
cibo vescentes, specialis pomi quod secum portant sustentantur odore, quo
si carerent ad parum, color in vultu marcesceret, et die tertia vita
periret.

Discretio et rationabilitas ijs adest modica, nec enim habent laborare nisi
pro vestitu, quem sibi circa arbusta colligunt: Et conficit vnusquisque pro
12 annis vitæ suæ.

Vltra hanc Insulam siluestres, et fortes habentur homines, sed bestiales,
vestiti per totum corpus proprijs capillis et pilis, exceptis palmis, et
faciebus, qui videntur penitus gubernatione et politia carere: venantur
carnes per siluas, et discurrunt piscantes in aquis, omnia cruda vorantes.

[Sidenote: Fluius Briemer.] Huius ad terræ metas manat fluuius Briemer
latitudinis duarum leucarum, et semis, quem nos transire nequiuimus, nec
ausi fuimus. Quoniam illo transmisso instant deserta 15, aut plurium
diætatum inhabitata nunc temporis (prout audieramus) diuersis et nobis
ignotis generibus bestiarum, serpentum, draconum, gryphium, aspidum,
dypsarum, et colubrorum in multitudine tanta, vt centum millia armatorum
simul pertingere vsquè ad arbores, quæ ibi dicuntur solis et lunæ, vix
possent. Attamen suo tempore Alexander magnus scribitur pertigisse, et
quaedam ab arboribus fictitia succepisse responsa.

[Sidenote: Balsamum indicum.] Circa has arbores excolitur Balsamum, cuius
liquoris comparatio nusquam scitur contineri sub coelo. Nam ibidem homines,
de istarum arborum fructibus et Balsamo vtentes dicuntur illorum virtute
quadringentis aut pluribus annis viuere.

Peruenit autem et Dux Danus Ogerus, ac manducauit de illis, vnde et
nonnulli præ sensus stoliditate vel fidei leuitate putant ipsum adhuc alibi
viuere in terris. Ego autem quia tantum pro dilatanda Christianitate
laborauit arbitror magis, eum regnare cum Christo in coelis.

[Sidenote: Taprobana Insula, et eius descriptio.] Versus Orientales partes
Indorum consistit magna regio Taprobane exuberans optimis terrenorum
bonorum, in quam nauigio intrauimus in octo vel circa diaetis per aquam
satis tenuem, haud profundam. Ibi, sicut et in alijs multis Insulis, rex
non nascitur sed eligitur per partes terræ: et est haec vna de quindecim
nominatis Regionibus conquisitionis Ogeri. Ista, cum modicum declinet à
circulo terræ sub Æquatore, patitur in anno duas æstates, et duas hyemes,
si tamen hyems aliqua dici debeat, et non magis æstas, quia nullus hic dies
anni caret fructu, flore, germine.

Habitatores sunt discreti, et honesti, vnde et mercatores de remotis
partibus libenter cum ijs communicant: et sparsim per regionem habitant
plurimi diuites Christiani.

[Sidenote: Orilla. Argita.] Hijs iunguntur duæ insulæ (quas nos vocamus,
Orilla, et Argita), quanquam illa lingua aliter nominentur. In quarum prima
sunt multæ mineriæ auri, in secunda argenti, et propter quandam
crassitudinem aeris continuam, perpauca apparent sydera, praeter vnum quod
dicunt Canopum, quod æstimo planetam Veneris. [Sidenote: Hunc locum notat
Gerardus Mercator in sua charta generali.] Et quod mirum est valdè de omni
lunatione ijs apparet nisi 2. quarta. Cuius rei probabilis ratio effugit
etiam Astronomos valdè peritos. Atque per has Insulas quoddam rubrum mare à
mari Oceano segregatur.

Itaque in Orilla in locis multis effoditur, colligitur, et conflatur
optimum auri metallum, per viros, mulieres, et paruulos in hoc instructos,
sed et in nonnullis ibi montibus monstrantur congregationes bestiolarum in
quantitate nostrorum catulorum, in formicarum forma ac natura totali: qui
pro suis viribus effodiunt, purificant, et colligunt cum intenta
occupatione auri minutias, eas reponentes, et repositas retrahentes de
cauernis et specubus in cauernas et specus. Et in conseruando sum
diligentes et acres, vt nemo audeat de facili propinquare, nisi quod
interdum ab illis pausantibus; seu ab æstu se occultantibus, aliqui non
sine periculo in dromedarijs et veredarijs rapiunt, vel furantur.

Solet etiam ab eis obtineri, quòd excogitato ingenio super equam quæ nuper
foetum ediderit, imponentes homines duas de ligno cistulas, seu cophinos
nouos, vacuos, et apertos à lateribus dependentes propè terram: hanc
famelicam dimittunt vt se pascat ad herbas in montem: Quam formicæ videntes
solam salientes et iocantes, colludunt ad eam et ad eius confines pro
nouitate: et quoniam eis est naturale, vt circa se omne vacuum implere
conentur comportant certatim aurum suum in vasculis suis mundis. Cumque
homines a remotis tempus obseruauerint, emittunt pellum equæ vt videat
matrem, cuius aspectu iam diu stetit priuatus, ad cuius hinnitum protinus
equa reuertitur onusta de auro. Hijs ergò et similibus modis homines aurum
diripiunt à formicis.


CAPVT. 48.

Aliquid de loco Paradisi terrestris per auditum.

A Finibus Imperij Indiæ recta linea in orientem nihil est habitatum vel
habitabile, propter rupium, et montium altitudinem, et asperitatem, et
propter aeris inter Alpes diuersitatem: nam in multis locis, licet
quandoque aer sit serenus, nunc fit spissus nunc fumosus, vel venenosus, et
frequenter die medio tenebrosus. Durantque aut potius aggrauescunt
huiusmodi difficultates, vsque ad illum amænissimum Paradisi locum, quem
protoplausti per inobedientiam sibi et posteris perdidisse noscuntur, quod
spacium si metiri posset, est multarum vtique diætarum. Quia iam non
vlterius processi, nec procedere quiui, pauca duntaxat de illo loco referam
verisimilia, quæ didici per auditum.

[Sidenote: Descriptio Paradisi.] Paradisus terrestris dicitur locus
spaciosus ad amplitudinem quasi quinque Insularum nostrarum, Angliæ,
Normanniæ, Hiberniæ, Scotiæ, et Noruegiæ, aut forsan satis plurium. Cuius
situs est pertingens in altitudine ad aeris supremam superficiem, eò quod
illic terra vel terræ orbis sit multum spissior quàm alibi per modum
excentricum à vero centro mundi, nec valet hoc deinde ab aliquo experto
refelli, scriptura veritatis clamante, quòd ibi sit fons irrigans vniuersam
superficiem terrae: aquae enim est natura semper fluere ad Ima.

Exeunt autem ab illo fonte versus nostri partes hemispherij, hoc est nobis
de illo loco in occidentem quatuor flumina, Pyson, Gyon, Tygris, et
Euphrates, ab ista dimidia parte terrae circa Æquatoris circulum terrae
influentes, quapropter et merito credendum videtur, exire de eodem fonte et
alia quatuor flumina irrigantia terram oppositam, quae est circa alteram
dimidiam partem circuli Æquatoris, quamuis nos eorum fluminum loca,
virtutes, et nomina ignoramus, quòd homines habitant ab alia parte
Æquinoctij.

[Sidenote: Gentes ad austrum Aequatoris.] Hoc tamen volo sciri pro vero et
audiui, illic terræ faciem inhabitatam in maxima multitudine ciuitatum,
vrbium, et regionum, quoniam et eorum institores Indiam frequentant, et
nunciant sibi inuicem gentes et principes per literas, ac alijs modis
destinare sunt visi.

[Sidenote: Ganges fluuius.] Vnus nostrorum fluuiorum Pyson currit per
Indiam, et per eius deserta quandoque sub terra, sed saepiùs supra, qui et
Ganges illic appellatus est, ab illo vltimo Paganitatis rege, quem Dux
Ogerus deuictum cùm baptizari renueret in ipso flumine proiectum submersit.

Ad littus huius reperiuntur multi lapides praeciositatis immensæ et metalli
grani carissimi, nec non et auri mineriæ, multumque descendit in eo natans
lignum Aloes ex Paradiso, quod rebus miræ virtutis inserit Salomon in
Canticis.

Hinc secundus fluuius Gyon, currit per Aethiopiam, vnde dum venit in
Ægyptum, accipit nomen Nilus. Tertius Tygris veniens per Assyriam influit
maiorem Armeniam et Persiam: tandemque fluuij singuli per loca singula se
iactant in mare per quod defluunt vsque ad Nador, id est, ad oppositum
diametrum paradisi: Ideoque merito æstimantur omnes vniuerso orbe aquæ
dulces originem capere, à supradicto paradisi fonte, quamuis secundum
distantiam maiorem vel minorem, et secundum naturas rerum per quas meant
diuersos habere inueniuntur sapores, atque virtutes.

Porrò ipsum Paradisi locum audiui à tribus plagis, orientali, meridionali,
et septentrionali, inaccessibilem tam hominibus quàm bestijs, eo quòd
apparet ripis perpendiculariter abscissa, tanquam inestimabilis
altitudinis. Et ab occidente id est nostra parte tanquam super omnium
humanorum intuitum rogus ardens, qui in scripturis rumphea flammea
appellator, vt nulli creaturæ terrenæ ascensus in eum credatur nisi
quibusdam volatilibus, prout decreuit iusti iudicij Deus.

Ambulantibus enim illuc siue repentibus hominibus obstarent tenebræ imo
rupes, aer infestus, bestiæ, serpentes, frigus, et camua. Nauigare autem
contra ictum fluminis nitentes impediret intrinsecus recursus, ac
impetuosus et quandoque subterraneus aquæ cursus descendentis cum
vehementia ab euectissimo, vt dictum est, loco, qui suo quoque strepitu,
per petras atque strictos aliosque diuersos cadens gurgites, efficeret
surdos, et aeris mutatio caecos, vnde et multi tam nobiles quàm ignobiles,
fatua sese audacia in isto ponentes periculo perierunt, alijs excoecatis,
alijs absurdatis, et nonnullis in ipso accessu subitanea morte peremptis.
Ex quo nimirum credi habetur isto Deum displicere conatum.

Quapropter et ego ex illo loco statui animum ad repatriandum, quatenus Deo
propitio, Anglia quæ me produxit seculo viuentem, usciperet morientem.


Of the Godenesse of the folk of the Yle of Bragman. Of Kyng Alisandre: and
  wherfore the Emperour of Ynde is clept Prestre John.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXIX.] And bezonde that yle, is another yle, gret and gode,
and, plentyfous, where that ben gode folk and trewe, and of gode lyvynge,
aftre hire beleve, and of gode feythe. And alle be it that thei ben not
cristned, ne have no perfyt lawe, zit natheles of kyndely lawe, thei ben
fulle of alle vertue, and thei eschewen alle vices and alle malices and
alle synnes. For thei ben not proude ne coveytous ne envyous ne wrathefulle
ne glotouns ne leccherous; ne thei don to no man other wise than thei wolde
that other men diden to hem: and in this poynt, thei fullefillen the 10
commandementes of God: and thei zive no charge of aveer ne of ricchesse:
and thei lye not, ne thei swere not, for non occasioun; but thei seyn
symply, ze and nay. For thei seyn, He that swerethe, wil disceyve his
neyghbore: and therfore alle that thei don, thei don it with outen othe.
And men clepen that yle, the Yle of Bragman: and somme men clepen it the
Lond of Feythe. And thorgh that lond runnethe a gret ryvere, that is clept
Thebe. And in generalle, alle the men of tho yles and of alle the marches
there abouten, ben more trewe than in ony othere contrees there abouten,
and more righte fulle than othere, in alle thinges. In that yle is no
thief, ne mordrere, ne comoun woman, ne pore beggere, ne nevere was man
slayn in that contree. And thei ben so chast, and leden so gode lif, as tho
thei weren religious men: and thei fasten alle dayes. And because thei ben
so trewe and so rightfulle and so fulle of alle gode condiciouns, thei
weren nevere greved with tempestes ne with thondre ne with leyt ne with
hayl ne with pestylence ne with werre ne with hungre ne with non other
tribulaccioun, as wee ben many tymes amonges us, for our synnes. Wherfore
it semethe wel, that God lovethe hem and is plesed with hire creance, for
hire gode dedes. Thei beleven wel in God, that made alle thinges; and him
thei worschipen. And thei preysen non erthely ricchesse; and so thei ben
alle right fulle. And thei lyven fulle ordynatly, and so sobrely in met and
drynk, that thei lyven right longe. And the most part of hem dyen with
outen syknesse, whan nature faylethe hem for elde. And it befelle in Kyng
Alisandres tyme, that he purposed him to conquere that yle, and to maken
hem to holden of him. And whan thei of the contree herden it, thei senten
messangeres to him with lettres, that seyden thus: What may ben y now to
that man, to whom alle the world is insuffisant: thou schalt fynde no thing
in us, that may cause the to warren azenst us: for wee have no ricchesse,
ne none wee coveyten: and alle the godes of our contree ben in comoun. Oure
mete, that we susteyne with alle oure bodyes, is our richesse: and in stede
of tresoure of gold and sylver, wee maken oure tresoure of accord and pees,
and for to love every man other. And for to apparaylle with oure bodyes,
wee usen a sely litylle clout, for to wrappen in oure carcynes. Oure wyfes
ne ben not arrayed for to make no man plesance, but only connable array,
for to eschewe folye. Whan men peynen hem to arraye the body, for to make
it semen fayrere than God made it, thei don gret synne. For man scholde not
devise no aske grettre beautee, than God hathe ordeyned man to ben at his
birthe. The erthe mynystrethe to us 2 thynges; our liflode, that comethe of
the erthe that wee lyve by, and oure sepulture aftre oure dethe. Wee have
ben in perpetuelle pees tille now, that thou come to disherite us; and also
wee have a kyng, nought for to do justice to every man, for he schalle
fynde no forfete amonge us; but for to kepe noblesse, and for to schewe
that wee ben obeyssant, wee have a kyng. For justice ne hathe not among us
no place: for wee don no man otherwise than wee desiren that man don to us;
so that rightwisnesse ne vengeance han nought to don amonges us; so that no
thing thou may take fro us, but oure god pes, that alle weys hath dured
amonge us. And whan Kyng Alisandre had rad theise lettres, he thoughte that
he scholde do gret synne, for to trouble hem: and thanne he sente hem
surteez, that thei scholde not ben aferd of him, and that thei scholde
kepen hire gode maneres and hire gode pees, as thei hadden used before of
custom; and so he let hem allone.

Another yle there is, that men clepen Oxidrate; and another yle, that men
clepen Gynosophe, where there is also gode folk, and fulle of gode feythe:
and thei holden for the most partye the gode condiciouns and customs and
gode maneres, as men of the contree above seyd: but thei gon alle naked. In
to that yle entred Kyng Alisandre, to see the manere. And when he saughe
hire gret feythe and hire trouthe, that was amonges hem, he seyde that he
wolde not greven hem: and bad hem aske of him, what that they wolde have of
hym, ricchesse or ony thing elles; and thei scholde have it with gode
wille. And thei answerden, that he was riche y now, that hadde mete and
drynke to susteyne the body with. For the ricchesse of this world, that is
transitorie, is not worthe: but zif it were in his power to make hem
immortalle, there of wolde thei preyen him, and thanken him. And Alisandre
answerde hem, that it was not in his powere to don it, because he was
mortelle, as thei were. And thanne thei asked him, whi he was so proud and
so fierce and so besy, for to putten alle the world undre his subieccioun,
righte as thou were a god; and hast no terme of this lif, neither day ne
hour; and wylnest to have alle the world at thi commandement, that schalle
leve the with outen fayle, or thou leve it. And righte as it hathe ben to
other men before the, right so it schalle ben to othere aftre the: and from
hens schal thou bere no thyng; but as thou were born naked, righte so alle
naked schalle thi body ben turned in to erthe, that thou were made of.
Wherfore thou scholdest thenke and impresse it in thi mynde, that nothing
is immortalle, but only God, that made alle thing. Be the whiche answere,
Alisandre was gretly astoneyed and abayst; and alle confuse departe from
hem. And alle be it that theyse folk han not the articles of oure feythe,
as wee han, natheles for hire gode feythe naturelle, and for hire gode
entent, I trowe fulle, that God lovethe hem, and that God take hire servyse
to gree, right as he did of Job, that was a Paynem, and held him for his
trewe servaunt. And therfore alle be it that there ben many dyverse lawes
in the world, zit I trowe, that God lovethe alweys hem that loven him, and
serven him mekely in trouthe; and namely, hem that dispysen the veyn glorie
of this world; as this folk don, and as Job did also: and therfore seyde
oure Lorde, be the mouthe of Ozee the prophete, _Ponam eis multiplices
leges meas_. And also in another place, _Qui totum orbem subdit suis
legibus_. And also our Lord seythe in the Gospelle, _Alias oves habeo, que
non sunt ex hoc ovili_; that is to seyne, that he hadde othere servauntes,
than tho that ben undre Cristene lawe. And to that acordethe the avisioun,
that Seynt Petir saughe at Jaffe, how the aungel cam from Hevene, and
broughte before him diverse bestes, as serpentes and other crepynge bestes
of the erthe, and of other also gret plentee, and bad him take and ete. And
Seynt Petir answerde; I ete never, quoth he, of unclene bestes. And thanne
seyde the aungelle, _Non dices immunda, que Deus mundavit_. And that was in
tokene, that no man scholde have in despite non erthely man, for here
diverse lawes: for wee knowe not whom God lovethe, ne whom God hatethe. And
for that ensample, whan men seyn _De profundis_, thei seyn it in comoun and
in generalle, with the Cristene, _pro animabus omnium defunctorum, pro
quibus sit orandum_. And therfore seye I of this folk, that ben so trewe
and so feythefulle, that God lovethe hem. For he hathe amonges hem many of
the prophetes, and alle weye hathe had. And in tho yles, thei prophecyed
the incarnacioun of oure Lord Jesu Crist, how he scholde ben born of a
mayden; 3000 zeer or more or oure Lord was born of the Virgyne Marie. And
thei beleeven wel in the incarnacioun, and that fulle perfitely: but thei
knowe not the manere, how be suffred his passioun and dethe for us.

And bezonde theise yles, there is another yle, that is clept Pytan. The
folk of that contree ne tyle not, ne laboure not the erthe: for thei eten
no manere thing: and thei ben of gode colour, and of faire schap, aftre
hire gretnesse: but the smalle ben as dwerghes: but not so litylle, as ben
the pigmeyes. Theise men lyven be the smelle of wylde apples, and whan thei
gon ony fer weye, thei beren the apples with hem. For zif the hadde lost
the savour of the apples, thei scholde dyen anon. Thei ne ben not fulle
resonable: but thei ben symple and bestyalle.

Aftre that, is another yle, where the folk ben alle skynned, roughe heer,
as a rough best, saf only the face and the pawme of the hond. Theise folk
gon als wel undir the watir of the see, as thei don above the lond, alle
drye. And thei eten bothe flessche and fissche alle raughe. In this yle is
a great ryvere, that is wel a 2 myle and an half of brede, that is clept
Beumare. And fro that rivere a 15 journeyes in lengthe, goynge be the
desertes of the tother syde of the ryvere, (whoso myght gon it, for I was
not there: but it was told us of hem of the contree, that with inne tho
desertes) weren the trees of the sonne, and of the mone, that spaken to
Kyng Alisandre, and warned him of his dethe. And men seyn, that the folk
that kepen tho trees, and eten of the frute and of the bawme that growethe
there, lyven wel 400 zeere or 500 zere, be vertue of the frut and of the
bawme. For men seyn, that bawme growethe there in gret plentee, and no
where elles, saf only at Babyloyne, as I have told zou before. Wee wolde
han gon toward the trees fulle gladly, zif wee had myght: but I trowe, that
100000 men of armes myghte not passen the desertes safly, for the gret
multytude of wylde bestes, and of grete dragouns, and of grete multytude
serpentes, that there ben, that slen and devouren alle that comen aneyntes
hem. In that contre ben manye white olifantes with outen nombre, and of
unycornes, and of lyouns of many maneres, and many of suche bestes, that I
have told before, and of many other hydouse bestes with outen nombre.

Many other yles there ben in the lond of Prestre John, and many grete
marveyles, that weren to long to tellen alle, bothe of his ricchesse and of
his noblesse, and of the gret plentee also of precious stones, that he
hathe. I trow that zee knowe wel y now, and have herd seye, wherefore the
Emperour is clept Prestre John. But nathales for hem that knowen not, I
schalle seye zou the cause. It was somtyme an Emperour there, that was a
worthi and a fulle noble prynce, that hadde Cristene knyghtes in his
companye, as he hathe that is how. So it befelle, that he hadde gret list
for to see the service in the chirche, among Cristen men. And than dured
Cristendom bezonde the zee, alle Turkye, Surrye, Tartarie, Jerusalem,
Palestyne, Arabye, Halappee, and alle the lond of Egypte. So it befelle,
that this emperour cam, with a Cristene knyght with him, into a chirche in
Egypt: and it was the Saterday in Wyttson woke. And the bishop made ordres.
And he beheld and listend the servyse fulle tentyfly: and he askede the
Cristene knight, what men of degree thei scholden ben prestes. And than the
emperour seyde, that he wolde no longer ben clept kyng ne emperour, but
preest; and that he wolde have the name of the first preest, that went out
of the chirche: and his name was John. And so evere more sithens, he is
cleped Prestre John.

In his lond ben manye Cristene men of gode feythe and of gode lawe; and
namely of hem of the same contree; and han comounly hire prestes, that
syngen the messe, and maken the sacrement of the awtier of bred, right as
the Grekes don: but thei seyn not so many thinges as the messe, as men don
here. For thei seye not but only that, that the apostles seyden, as oure
Lord taughte hem: righte as seynt Peter and seynt Thomas and the other
apostles songen the messe, seyenge the Pater-noster, and the wordes of the
sacrement. But wee have many mo addiciouns, that dyverse popes han made,
that thei ne knowe not offe;


Of the Hilles of Gold, that Pissemyres kepen: and of the 4 Flodes, that
  comen fro Paradys terrestre.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXX.] Toward the est partye of Prestre Johnes lond, is an
yle gode an gret, that men clepen Taprobane, that is fulle noble and fulle
fructuous: and the kyng thereof is fulle ryche, and is undre the obeyssance
of Prestre John. And alle weys there thei make hire king be eleccyoun. In
that ile ben 2 someres and 2 wyntres; and men harvesten the corn twyes a
zeer. And in alle the cesouns of the zeer ben the gardynes florisht. There
dwellen gode folke and resonable, and manye Cristene men amonges hem, that
ben so riche, that thei wyte not what to done with hire godes. Of olde
tyme, whan men passed from the lond of Prestre John unto that yle, men
maden ordynance for to passe by schippe, 23 dayes or more: but now men
passen by schippe in 7 dayes. And men may see the botme of the see in many
places: for it is not fulle depe.

Besyde that yle, toward the est, ben 2 other yles: and men clepen that on
Orille, and that other Argyte; of the whiche alle the lond is myne of gold
and sylver. And tho yles ben right where that the Rede See departethe fro
the see occean. And in tho yles men seen ther no sterres so clerly as in
other places: for there apperen no sterres, but only o clere sterre, that
men clepen Canapos. And there is not the mone seyn in alle the lunacioun,
saf only the seconde quarteroun. In the yle also of this Taprobane ben gret
hilles of gold, that Pissemyres kepen fulle diligently. And thei fynen the
pured gold, and casten away the unpured. And theise Pissemyres ben gret as
houndes: so that no man dar come to tho hilles: for the Pissemyres wolde
assaylen hem and devouren hem anon; so that no man may gete of that gold,
but be gret sleighte. And therfore whan it is gret hete, the Pissemyres
resten hem in the erthe, from pryme of the day in to noon: and than the
folk of the con tree taken camayles, dromedaries and hors and other bestes
and gon thidre, and chargen hem in alle haste that thei may. And aftre that
thei fleen away, in alle haste that the bestes may go, or the Pissemyres
comen out of the erthe. And in other tymes, whan it is not so hote, and
that he Pissemyres ne resten hem not in the erthe, than thei geten gold be
this sotyltee: thei taken mares, that han zonge coltes or foles, and leyn
upon the mares voyde vesselles made therfore; and thei ben alle open
aboven, and hangynge lowe to the erthe: and thanne thei sende forth tho
mares for to pasturen aboute the hilles, and with holden the foles with hem
at home. And whan the Pissemyres sen tho vesselles, thei lepen in anon, and
thei han this kynde, that thei lete no thing ben empty among hem, but anon
thei fillen it, be it what maner of thing that it be: and so thei fillen
tho vesselles with gold. And whan that the folk supposen, that the vesselle
ben fulle, thei putten forthe anon the zonge foles, and maken hem to nyzen
aftre hire dames; and than anon the mares retornen towardes hire foles,
with hire charges of gold; and than men dischargen hem, and geten gold y
now be this sotyltee. For the Pissemyres wole suffren bestes to gon and
pasturen amonges hem; but no man in no wyse.

And bezonde the lond and the yles and the desertes of Prestre Johnes
lordschipe, in goynge streyght toward the est, men fynde nothing but
mountaynes and roches fulle grete: and there is the derke regyoun, where no
man may see, nouther be day ne be nyght, as thei of the contree seyn. And
that desert, and that place of derknesse, duren fro this cost unto Paradys
terrestre; where that Adam oure foremost fader, and Eve weren putt, that
dwelleden there but lytylle while; and that is towards the est, at the
begynnynge of the erthe. But that is not that est, that wee clep oure est,
on this half, where the sonne risethe to us: for whenne the sonne is est in
tho partyes, toward Paradys terrestre, it is thanne mydnyght in oure
parties o this half, for the rowndenesse of the erthe, of the whiche I have
towched to zou before. For oure Lord God made the erthe alle round, in the
mydde place of the firmament. And there as mountaynes and hilles ben, and
valeyes, that is not but only of Noes flode, that wasted the softe ground
and the tendre, and felle doun into valeyes: and the harde erthe, and the
roche abyden mountaynes, whan the soft erthe and tendre wax nessche,
throghe the water, and felle and becamen valeyes.

Of Paradys, ne can not I speken propurly: for I was not there. It is fer
bezonde; and that forthinkethe me: and also I was not worthi. But as I have
herd seye of wyse men bezonde, I schalle telle zou with gode wille. Paradys
terrestre, as wise men seyn, is the highest place of erthe, that is in alle
the world: and it is so highe, that it touchethe nyghe to the cercle of the
mone, there as the mone makethe hire torn. For sche is so highe, that the
flode of Noe ne myght not come to hire, that wolde have covered alle the
erthe of the world alle aboute, and aboven and benethen, saf Paradys only
allone. And this Paradys is enclosed alle aboute with a walle; and men wyte
not wherof it is. For the walles ben covered alle over with mosse; as it
semethe. And it semethe not that the walle is ston of nature. And that
walle strecchethe fro the southe to the northe; and it hathe not but on
entree, that is closed with fyre brennynge; so that no man, that is
mortalle, ne dar not entren. And in the moste highe place of Paradys, evene
in the myddel place, is a welle, that castethe out the 4 flodes, that
rennen be dyverse londes: of the whiche, the first is clept Phison or
Ganges, that is alle on: and it rennethe thorghe out Ynde or Emlak: in the
whiche ryvere ben manye preciouse stones, and mochel of lignum aloes, and
moche gravelle of gold. And that other ryvere is clept Nilus or Gyson, that
gothe be Ethiope, and aftre be Egypt. And that other is clept Tigris, that
rennethe be Assirye and be Armenye the grete. And that other is clept
Eufrate, that rennethe also be Medee and be Armonye and be Persye. And men
there bezonde seyn, that alle the swete watres of the world aboven and
benethen, taken hire begynnynge of the welle of Paradys: and out of that
welle, alle watres comen and gon. The firste ryvere is clept Phison, that
is to seyne in hire langage, Assemblee: for many other ryveres meten hem
there, and gon in to that ryvere. And sum men clepen it Ganges; for a kyng
that was in Ynde, that highte Gangeres, and that it ran thorge out his
lond. And that water is in sum place clere, and in sum place trouble: in
sum place hoot, and in sum place cole. The seconde ryvere is clept Nilus or
Gyson: for it is alle weye trouble: and Gyson, in the langage of Ethiope,
is to seye trouble: and in the langage of Egipt also. The thridde ryvere,
that is clept Tigris, is as moche for to seye as faste rennynge: for he
rennethe more faste than ony of the tother. And also there is a best, that
is cleped Tigris, that is faste rennynge. The fourthe ryvere is clept
Eufrates, that is to seyne, wel berynge: for there growen manye godes upon
that ryvere, as cornes, frutes, and othere godes y nowe plentee.

And zee schulle undirstonde, that no man that is mortelle, ne may not
approchen to that paradys. For be londe no man may go for wylde bestes,
that ben in the desertes, and for the highe mountaynes and gret huge
roches, that no man may passe by, for the derke places that ben there, and
that manye: and be the ryveres may no man go; for the water rennethe so
rudely and so scharply, because that it comethe doun so outrageously from
the highe places aboven, that it rennethe in so grete wawes, that no schipp
may not rowe ne seyle azenes it: and the watre rorethe so, and makethe so
huge noyse, and so gret tempest, that no man may here other in the schipp,
thoughe he cryede with alle the craft that he cowde, in the hyeste voys
that he myghte. Many grete lordes han assayed with gret wille many tymes
for to passen be tho ryveres toward paradys, with fulle grete companyes:
but thei myghte not speden in hire viage; and manye dyeden for werynesse of
rowynge azenst tho stronge wawes; and many of hem becamen blynde, and many
deve, for the noyse of the water: and summe weren perisscht and loste, with
inne the wawes: so that no mortelle man may approche to that place, with
outen specyalle grace of God: so that of that place I can seye zou no more.
And therfore I schall holde me stille, and retornen to that that I have
seen.


CAPVT. 49.

In reuertendo de Cassan, et Riboth, et de diuite Epulone.

[Sidenote: Via per quam Mandeuillus redijt in Angliam.] Ex hinc de illis
quæ in reuertendo vidi scribo cursim pauca, ne modum excedere videatur
materia. [Sidenote: Cassan.] Reuertebar itaque quasi per Aquilonare latus
Imperij Presbyteri Ioannis, et nunc terræ, non mari nos commendantes,
transiuimus Deo Ductore, multas Insulas in multis diaetis, et peruenimus ad
regionem magnam Cassan: haec cum sit vna de quindecim habens longitudinem
diaetarum 60. et latitudinem propè 30. posset esse nominatior omnibus ibi
circa prouincijs, si a nostris frequentaretur.

Notandum. Cassan (secundum Odericum) est melior prouincia de mundo, vbi
strictior est, habet diaetas 50. vbi longior 60, et est vna de 12.
prouincijs Imperij Grand Can. Est ista populosa, distincta ciuitatibus, vt
quisque à quacunque plaga de vna exeat ciuitate nouerit aliam in media
diaeta propinquam. Tenétque istam regionem Cassan rex diues et potens, pro
parte de Imperio Praebyteri Ioannis, et pro parte de Imperio Grand Can.

[Sidenote: Riboth.] De ista in reuersione nostra venimus ad Regnum Riboth,
quod similiter est vnum de quindecim, latum, et speciosum, in quo de multis
bonis, habetur plena copia. Hoc tenetur in toto de Imperio Tartarorum.

[Sidenote: Labassi, summus idolorum pontifex.] Vna est ibi inter et super
omnes ciuitas Sacerdotalis, et Regia, in qua Rex habet suum magnificum
palatium, et summus Idolorum Pontifex quem Labassi appellant, cui omnes
Regni obediunt et populi sicut Domino Papæ nos Christiani quoniam et iubet,
et benedicit, ac confert sacerdotibus beneficia idolorum.

Ciuitatis vndique muri sunt compacti albis et nigris lapidibus conquadratis
ad modum scakarij, omnesque contractæ simili pauimento sunt stratæ. Tanta
est illic reuerentia sacrificiorum vt si quis vel in modica quantitate,
sanguinem hominis, seu immolaticiæ pecudis fudisse deprehensus fuerit,
nequaquam iudicium mortis euadet. Et inter innumeras superstitiones est
illic vna talis.

Haeres cuius pater defungitur, si alicuius vult esse reputationis, mandat
cognatos, amicos, Relligiosos, et sacerdotes pro posse, qui certo Die
conuenientes sub magno Symphoniæ festo, corportant defuncti cadauer, in
montis sublime cacumen. Ibi accedens dignior Praelatorum, funeris caput
abscindit, tradens haeredi in aureo disco decantanti sub deuotione suas
orationes cum suis in propria lingua. Atque interim aues regionis rapaces,
et immundæ, vt corui, vultures, et aquilæ, quæ pro consuetudine optimè
morem norunt, aduolant magno numero in aere: Tuncque Relligiosi cum
sacerdotibus detruncant corpus in frusta velut in macello, proijcientes
pecias in altum auibus, ac decantantes certam ad hoc compositam orationem,
tanquam si nostri sacerdotes cantarent. Subuenite sancti Dei, etc.

Et habet eorum oratio, hunc sensum in sua lingua. Respice quàm iustus et
sanctus extitit homo iste, quem Angeli Dei conueniunt accipere et in
Paradisum deferre. Talique diabolico errore delusi, putant filius, et
amici, quod defunctus sit in Paradisum translatus, viuat illic sempiterne
beatus, quoniam, vbi plures conuenere volucrum, ibi maiorem laetantur et
iactant fuisse numerum Angelorum.

Hinc deinde reuertentes, cum choris, et resonantia Musicorum, filius
paratum praestat omnibus conuiuium, in cuius fine pro extremo ferculo,
tradit singulis particulam, de patris capite summa cum devotione. Hanc
etiam capitis caluariam filius facit postmodum debitè formari et poliri
sibi pro cypho, in quo bibit in conuijs, ob recordationem amantissimi
patris.

Ab hoc Regno decem dietis per potestatem Imperatoris Grand Can, inuenitur
Insula delectabilis, et speciosa satis: cuius Rex est praepotens in gloria,
et in diuitijs superabundans, et de multis quæ illic geruntur admirandis
vnum recito solum.

[Sidenote: Diues Epulo.] Quòd est ibi homo quidam ditissimus nullius
dignitatis nomine honoratus, sed bysso, ac serico adornatus, et splendide
omni tempore epulatus: non ergo vult dici princeps, Dux, comes, miles, aut
huiusmodi, licet superioritatem habeat super marchiones aliquos et barones.
Eius possessionis valor æstimatur in anno 30. cuman de assinarijs bladi, et
risi, nec quærit nisi delitiosè viuere in isto seculo, vt cum diuite
Epulone sepeliatur in inferno. Cum etiam sibi derelictus sit, iste viuendi
modus a retrogenitoribus, eum et ipse posteris derelinquet. Hic tanquam
Imperiali residet palatio, cuius muri ambitus ad tractum leucæ tenditur,
continens arbusta, vineta, rinulos, fontes et stagna, aulas, et cubicula
auro strata depictaque mirè, et sculpta artificiosè, vltra quam vales
explicare, et inter omnia ad medium palatium in celso vertice atrium
amaenum, valdè tamen modico, sed cunctis praeciosius, ædificio, quasi ad
seema nostrarum Ecclesiarium, cum turribus, pilarijs, et columnis, in
quibus nihil prominet indignius auro. Nunquam vel rarò hic exit de suo
palatio cum solis pulchris quos sibi conuocat et conuariat paruis pueris et
puellis, non excedentibus 16. annos ætatis. Tendit dum libet pedibus,
quandoque vectatur equo, interdum ducitur vehiculo, nonnunquam vult ferri
gestatorio, vel certè puellaribus brachijs, et visitat saepissimè praefatum
praeciosius ædificium: atque hijs et modis alijs excogitat delectare visum
pulchris, auditum suauibus, olfactum redolentibus, tactum lenibus, et
gustum pascere delicatis. Electas semper habet praesto 50. puellas ei, et
de proximo exquisitissimè ministrantes tam ad mensam quàm ad cubiculum, et
ad omne libitum.

[Sidenote: Versus.] Hæ ad prandium recumbenti afferunt processionis more
pro singulo ferculo semper 5. genera dapum nobilium cum dulcisonæ
resonantia cantilenæ, quarum aliquæ ei singulos detruncant genu flexo
morsellos, aliquæ ponunt in ore, mundis tergentes comedentis labia mappis.

Nam ipse quidem in mensa continet iacentes manus puras et quietas. Post
deseruitionem ferculi primi, seruitur pro secundo in 5. alijs dapum
generibus modo quo supra, et renouatur in apponendo cantus suauior melodia.

Ista àbsque vlla Domini cura per ministros quotidiè reparantur etiam in
maiori satis quam effor nobilitate, nisi dum ipse pro placito iusserit,
quandoque temperari.

Deliciosius igitur quo vult deducit carnem, non curans animam, sed nec
probitatem curans terrenam, pascit sterilem, et viduæ non benefacit. Et

    Quia viuit sicut porcus,
    Morientem suscipit orcus.

[Sidenote: Longitudo vnguium. Vtunturetiam in Florida principes longis
vnguibus.] Porrò quod eum dixi manus tenere quietas, noueritis nimirum nil
posse manibus capere vel tenere, propter longitudinem, et recuruitatem
vnguium in digitis, qui sibi nullo tempore praescinduntur. Seruatur enim
hoc pro nobili more patriæ, et viri diuites delicati, qui proprios possunt
habere ministros nunquàm sibi dimittunt vngues resecare, vnde et nonnullis
circumdantur vndique manus, acsi uiderentur armatæ.

[Sidenote: Noua historia Chinensis hoc testatur.] Foeminarum autem mos est
nobilis si habeant paruos pedes, vnde et generosarum in cunis strictissimè
simè obuoluuntur, vt vix ad medium debitæ quantitatis excrescere possint.


The English Version.

Of the Customs of Kynges, and othere that dwellen in the Yles costynge to
  Prestre Johnes Lond. And of the Worschipe that the Sone dothe to the
  Fader, whan he is dede.

[Sidenote: Cap. XXXI.] From tho yles, that I have spoken of before, in the
lond of Prestre John, that ben undre erthe as to us, that ben o this half,
and of other yles, that ben more furthere bezonde; who so wil, pursuen hem,
for to comen azen right to pursuen hem, for to comen azen right to the
parties that he cam fro; and so environne alle erthe: but what for the
yles, what for the see, and what for strong rowynge, fewe folk assayen for
to passen that passage; alle be it that men myghte don it wel, that myght
ben of power to dresse him thereto; as I have seyd zou before. And therfore
men returnen from tho yles aboveseyd, be other yles costynge fro the lond
of Prestre John. And thanne comen men in returnynge to an yle, that is
clept Casson: and that yle hathe wel 60 jorrneyes in lengthe, and more than
50 in brede. This is the beste yle, and the beste kyngdom, that is in alle
tho partyes, out taken Cathay. And zif the merchauntes useden als moche
that contre an thei don Cathay, it wolde ben better than Cathay, in a
schort while. This contree is fulle well enhabyted, and so fulle of cytees,
and of gode townes, and enhabyted with peple, that whan a man gothe out of
o cytee, men seen another cytee, evene before hem: and that is what partye
that a man go, in alle that contree. In that yle is gret plentee of alle
godes for to lyve with, and of alle manere of spices. And there ben grete
forestes of chesteynes. The kyng of that yle is fulle ryche and fulle
myghty: and natheles he holt his lond of the grete Chane, and is obeyssant
to hym. For it is on of the 12 provynces, that the grete Chane hathe undre
him, with outen his propre lond, and with outen other lesse yles, that he
hathe: for he hathe fulle manye.

From that kyngdom comen men, in returnynge, to another yle, that is clept
Rybothe: and it is also under the grete Chane. That is a fulle gode
contree, and fulle plentefous of alle godes and of wynes and frut, and alle
other ricchesse. And the folk of that contree han none houses: but thei
dwellen and lyggen all under tentes, made of black ferne, by alle the
contree. And the princypalle cytee, and the most royalle, is alle walled
with black ston and white. And alle the stretes also ben pathed of the same
stones. In that cytee is no man so hardy, to schede Blode of no man, ne of
no best, for the reverence of an ydole, that is worschipt there. And in
that yle dwellethe the pope of hire lawe, that they clepen Lobassy. This
Lobassy zevethe alle the benefices, and alle other dignytees, and all other
thinges, that belongen to the ydole. And alle tho that holden ony thing of
hire chirches, religious and othere, obeyen to him; as men don here to the
Pope of Rome.

In that yle thei han a custom, be alle the contree, that whan the fader is
ded of ony man, and the sone list to do gret worchipe to his fader, he
sendethe to alle his frendes, and to all his kyn, and for religious men and
preestes, and for mynstralle also, gret plentee. And thanne men beren the
dede body unto a gret hille, with gret joye and solempnyte. And when thei
han brought it thider, the chief prelate smytethe of the hede, and leythe
it upon a gret platere of Gold and of sylver, zif so be he be a riche man;
and than he takethe the hede to the sone; and thanne the sone and his other
kyn syngen and seyn manye orisouns: and thanne the prestes, and the
religious men, smyten alle the body of the dede man in peces: and thanne
thei seyn certeyn orisouns. And the fowles of raveyne of alle the contree
abouten knowen the custom of long tyme before, and comen fleenge aboyen in
the eyr, as egles, gledes, ravenes and othere foules of raveyne, that eten
flesche. And than the preestes casten the gobettes of the flesche; and than
the foules eche of hem takethe that he may, and gothe a litille thens and
etethe it: and so thei don whils ony pece lastethe of the dede body. And
aftre that, as preestes amonges us syngen for the dede, _Subvenite sancti
Dei_, &c. right so the preestes syngen with highe voys in hire langage,
beholdethe how so worthi a man, and how gode a man this was, that the
aungeles of God comen for to sechen him, and for to bryngen him in to
paradys. And thanne semethe in to the sone, that he is highliche worschipt,
whan that many briddes and foules and raveyne comen and eten his fader. And
he that hathe most nombre of foules, is most worschiped. Thanne the sone
bryngethe hoom with him alle his kyn, and his frendes, and alle the othere
to his hows, and makethe hem a gret feste. And thanne alle his frendes
maken hire avaunt and hire dalyance, how the fowles comen thider, here 5,
here 6, here 10, and there 20, and so forthe: and thei rejoyssen hem hugely
for to speke there of. And whan thei ben at mete, the sone let brynge
forthe the hede of his fader, and there of he zevethe of the flesche to his
most specyalle frendes, in stede of entre messe, or a sukkarke. And of the
brayn panne, he letethe make a cuppe, and there of drynkethe he and his
other frendes also, with great devocioun, in remembrance of the holy man,
that the aungeles of God han eten. And that cuppe the sone schalle kepe to
drynken of, alle his lif tyme, in remembrance of his fadir.

From that lond, in returnynge be 10 jorneyes thorghe out the lond of the
grete Chane, is another gode yle, and a gret kyngdom, where the kyng is
fulle riche and myghty. And amonges the riche men of his contree, is a
passynge riche man, that is no prince, ne duke ne erl; but he hathe mo that
holden of him londes and other lordschipes: for he is more riche. For he
hathe every zeer of annuelle rente 300000 hors charged with corn of dyverse
greynes and of ryzs: and so he ledethe a fulle noble lif, and a delycate,
aftre the custom of the contree. For he hathe every day, 50 fair damyseles,
alle maydenes, that serven him everemore at his mete, and for to lye be hem
o nyght, and for to do with hem that is to his pleasance. And whan he is at
the table, they bryngen him hys mete at every tyme, 5 and 5 to gedre. And
in bryngynge hire servyse, thei syngen a song. And aftre that, thei kutten
his mete, and putten it in his mouthe; for he touchethe no thing ne
handlethe nought, but holdethe evere more his hondes before him, upon the
table. For he hathe so long nayles, that he may take no thing, ne handle no
thing. For the noblesse of that contree is to have longe nayles, and to
make hem growen alle weys to ben as longe as men may. And there ben manye
in that contree, that han hire nayles so longe, that thei envyronne alle
the hond: and that is a gret noblesse. And the noblesse of the wommen, is
for to haven smale feet and litille: and therfore anon as thei ben born,
they leet bynde hire feet so streyte, that thei may not growen half as
nature wolde; and alle weys theise damyseles, that I spak of beforn, syngen
alle the tyme that this riche man etethe: and whan that he etethe no more
of his firste cours, than other 5 and 5 of faire damyseles bryngen him his
seconde cours, alle weys syngynge, as thei dide beforn. And so thei don
contynuelly every day, to the ende of his mete. And in this manere he
ledethe his lif. And so dide thei before him, that weren his auncestres;
and so schulle thei that comen aftre him, with outen doynge of ony dedes of
armes: but lyven evere more thus in ese, as a swyn, that is fedde in sty,
for to ben made fatte. He hathe a fulle fair palays and fulle riche, where
that he dwellethe inne: of the whiche, the walles ben in circuyt 2 myle:
and he hathe with inne many faire gardynes, and many faire halles and
chambres, and the pawment of his halles and chambres ben of gold and
sylver. And in the myd place of on of his gardynes, is a lytylle mountayne,
wher there is a litylle medewe: and in that medewe, is a litylle toothille
with toures and pynacles, alle of gold: and in that litylle toothille wole
he sytten often tyme, for to taken the ayr and to desporten hym: for that
place is made for no thing elles, but only for his desport.

Fro that contree men comen be the lond of the grete Chane also, that I have
spoken of before.

And ze schulle undirstonde, that of alle theise contrees, and of alle
theise yles, and of alle the dyverse folk, that I have spoken of before,
and of dyverse lawes, and of dyverse beleeves that thei han; zit is there
non of hem alle, but that thei han sum resoun with in hem and
undirstondynge, but zif it be the fewere: and that han certeyn articles of
oure feithe and summe gode poyntes of oure beleeve: and that thei beleeven
in God, that formede alle thinges and made the world; and clepen him God of
Nature, aftre that the prophete seythe, _Et metuent cum omnes fines terre_:
and also in another place, _Omnes gentes servient ei_; that is to seyn,
_Alle folke schalle serven Him_. But zit thei cone not speken perfytly;
(for there is no man to techen hem) but only that thei cone devyse be hire
naturelle wytt. For thei han no knouleche of the Sone, ne of the Holy Gost:
but thei cone alle speken of the Bible: and namely of Genesis, of the
prophetes lawes, and of the Bokes of Moyses. And thei seyn wel, that the
creatures, that thei worschipen, ne ben no goddes: but thei worschipen hem,
for the vertue that is in hem, that may not be, but only be the grace of
God. And of simulacres and of ydoles, thei seyn, that there ben no folk,
but that thei han simulacres: and that thei seyn, for we Cristene men han
ymages, as of Oure Lady, and of othere seyntes, that wee worschipen; nohte
the ymages of tree or of ston, but the seyntes, in whoos name thei ben made
aftre. For righte as the bokes of the Scripture of hem techen the clerkes,
how and in what manere thei schulle beleeven, righte so the ymages and the
peyntynges techen the lewed folk to worschipen the seyntes, and to have hem
in hire mynde, in whoos name that the ymages ben made aftre. Thei seyn
also, that the aungeles of God speken to hem in tho ydoles, and that thei
don manye grete myracles. And thei seyn sothe, that there is an aungele
with in hem: for there ben 2 maner of aungeles, a gode and an evelle; as
the Grekes seyn, Cacho and Calo; this Cacho is the wykked aungelle, and
Calo is the gode aungelle: but the tother is not the gode aungelle, but the
wykked aungelle, that is with inne the ydoles, for to disceyven hem, and
for to meyntenen hem in hire errour.


CAPVT. 50.

De compositione huius tractatus in nobili ciuitate Leodiensi.

In reuertendo igitur venitur ab hac insula per prouincias magnas Imperij
Tartarorum, in quibus semper noua, semper mira, imo nonnunquam incredibilia
viator potest videre, percipere, et audire.

Et Noueritis, vt praedixi, me pauca eorum vidisse, quæ in terris sunt
mirabilium, sed nec hic scripsisse centessimam partem eorum quæ vidi, quod
nec omnia memoriæ commendare potui, et de commendatis multa subticui,
proptèr modestiam, quam decet omnibus actibus addi.

Idcirco vt et alijs, qui vel antè me in partibus illis steterunt, vel ituri
sunt, maneat locus narrandi siue scribendi, modum huius pono tractatus,
potius decurtans quàm complens, quoniam aliàs loquendi non esset finis, nec
aures implerentur auditu.

[Sidenote: Concludit opus suum.] Itàque anno à natiuitate Domini nostri
Iesu Christi 1355. in patriando, cum ad nobilem Legiæ, seu Leodij ciuitatem
peruenissem, et præ grandeuitate ac artericis guttis illic decumberem in
vico qui dicitur, Bassessanemi, consului causa conualescendi aliquos
medicos ciuitatis: Et accidit, Dei nutu, vnum intrare physicum super alios
ætate simul et canicie venerandum, ac in sua arte euidenter expertum, qui
ibidem dicebatur communiter, Magister Ioannes ad barbam.

Is, dum paritèr colloqueremur, interseruit aliquid dictis, per quod tandem
nostra inuicem renouabatur antiqua notitia, quam quondam habueramus in Cayr
Aegypti apud Melech Mandibron Soldanum, prout suprà tetigi in 7. capitulo
libri.

Qui cum in me experientiam artis suæ excellenter monstrasset, adhortabatur
ac praecabatur instanter, vt de hijs quæ videram tempore peregrinationis,
et itinerationis meæ per mundum, aliquid digererem in scriptis ad legendum,
et audiendum pro vtilitate.

Sicque tandem illius monitu et adiutorio, compositus est iste tractatus, de
quo certè nil scribere proposueram, donec saltem ad partes proprias in
Anglia peruenissem. [Sidenote: Edwardus tertius.] Et credo praemissa circa
me, per prouidentiam et gratiam Dei contigisse, quoniam à tempore quo
recessi, duo reges nostri Angliæ, et Franciæ, non cessauerunt inuicem
exercere destructiones, depraedationes, insidias, et interfectiones, inter
quas, nisi à Domino custoditus, non transissem sine morte, vel mortis
periculo, et sine criminum grandi cumulo. Et ecce nunc egressionis meæ anno
33. constitutus in Leodij ciuitate, quæ à mari Angliæ distat solum per duas
diætas, audio dictas Dominorum inimicitias, per gartiam Dei consopitas:
quapropter et spero, ac propono de reliquo secundum maturiorem ætatem me
posse in proprijs, intendere corporis quieti, animaeque saluti.

Hie itaque finis sit scripti, in nomine Patris, et Filij, et spiritus
sancti, AMEN.

Explicit itinerarium à terra Angliæ, in partes Hierosolimitanas, et in
  vlteriores transmarinas, editum primò in lingua Gallicana, à Domino
  Ioanne Mandeuille milite, suo authore, Anno incarnationis Domini 1355. in
  Ciuitate Leodiensi: Et Paulò post in eadem ciuitate, translatum in dictam
  formam Latinam.


The English Version.

There ben manye other dyverse contrees and manye other marveyles bezonde,
that I have not seen: wherfore of hem I can not speke propurly, to telle
zou the manere of hem. And also in the contrees where I have ben, ben many
dyversitees of manye wondir fulle thinges, mo thanne I make mencioun of.
For it were to longe thing to devyse zou the manere. And therfore that that
I have devised zou of certeyn contrees, that I have spoken of before, I
beseche zoure worthi and excellent noblesse, that it suffise to zou at this
tyme. For zif that I devysed zou alle that is bezonde the see, another man
peraunter, that wolde peynen him and travaylle his body for to go in to tho
marches, for to encerche tho contrees, myghten ben blamed be my wordes, in
rehercynge many straunge thynges. For he myghten not seye no thing of newe,
in the whiche the hereres myghten haven outher solace or desport or lust or
lykynge in the herynge. For men seyn alle weys, that newe thynges and newe
tydynges ben plesant to here. Wherfore I wole holde me stille, with outen
ony more rehercyng of dyversiteez or of marvaylles, that ben bezonde, to
that entent and ende, that who so wil gon in to the contrees, he schalle
fynde y nowe to speke of, that I have not touched of in no wyse.

And zee schulle undirstonde, zif it lyke zou, that at myn hom comynge, I
cam to Rome, and schewed my lif to oure holy fadir the Pope, and was
assoylled of alle that lay in my conscience, of many a dyverse grevous
poynt: as men mosten nedes, that ben in company, dwellyng amonges so many a
dyverse folk of dyverse secte and of beleeve, as I have ben. And amonges
alle, I schewed hym this tretys, that I had made aftre informacioun of men,
that knewen of thinges, that I had not seen my self; and also of marveyles
and customes, that I hadde seen my self; as fer as God wolde zeve me grace:
and besoughte his holy fadirhode, that my boke myghten be examyned and
corrected be avys of his wyse and discreet conscille. And oure holy fadir,
of his special grace, remytted my boke to ben examyned and preved be the
avys of his seyd conscille. Be the whiche, my boke was preeved for trewe;
in so moche that thei schewed me a boke, that my boke was examynde by, that
comprehended fulle moche more, ben an hundred part; be the whiche, the
_Mappa Mundi_ was made after. And so my boke (alle be it that many men ne
list not to zeve credence to no thing, but to that that thei seen with hire
eye, ne be the auctour ne the persone never so trewe) is affermed and
preved be oure holy fadir, in maner and forme as I have seyd.

And I John Maundevylle knyghte aboveseyd, (alle thoughe I ben unworthi)
that departed from oure contrees and passed the see, the zeer of grace
1322, that have passed many londes and manye yles and contrees, and cerched
manye fulle straunge places, and have ben in manye a fulle gode honourable
comyanye, and at many a faire dede of armes, (alle be it that I dide none
my self, for myn unable insuffisance) now I am comen hom (mawgree my self)
to reste: for gowtes, artetykes, that me distreynen, tho diffynen the ende
of my labour, azenst my wille (God knowethe). And thus takynge solace in my
wrecched reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I have fulfilled theise thinges
and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come in to my mynde, the
zeer of grace 1356 in the 34 zeer that I departede from oure contrees.
Wherfore I preye to alle the rederes and hereres of this boke, zif it plese
hem, that thei wolde preyen to God for me: and I schalle preye for hem. And
alle tho that seyn for me a _Pater nostre_, with an _Ave Maria_, that God
forzeve me my synnes, I make hem parteneres, and graunte hem part of alle
the gode pilgrymages and of alle the gode dedes, that I have don, zif ony
be to his plesance: and noghte only of tho, but of alle that evere I
schalle do unto my lyfes ende. And I beseche Almighty God, fro whom alle
godenesse and grace comethe fro, that he vouchesaf, of his excellent mercy
and habundant grace, to fulle fylle hire soules with inspiracioun of the
Holy Gost, in makynge defence of alle hire gostly enemyes here in erthe, to
hire salvacioun, bothe of body and soule; to worschipe and thankynge of
Him, that is three and on, with outen begynnynge and withouten endynge;
that is, with outen qualitee, good, and with outen quantytee, gret; that in
alle places is present, and alle thinges conteynynge; the whiche that no
goodnesse may amende, ne non evelle empeyre; that in perfeyte Trynytee
lyvethe and regnethe God, be alle worldes and be alle tymes. Amen, Amen,
Amen.

       *       *       *       *       *

Richardi Hakluyti breuis admonitio ad Lectorem.

Ioannem Mandeuillum nostratem, eruditum et insignem Authorem (Balaeo,
Mercatore, Ortelio, et alijs, testibus) ab innumeris Scribarum et
Typographorum mendis repurgando, ex multorum, eorumque optimorum
exemplarium collatione, quid praestiterim, virorum doctorum, et eorum
praecipuè, qui Geographiæ et Antiquitatis periti sunt, esto iudicium. Quæ
autem habet de monstriferis hominum formis itinerarij sui praecedentis
capitibus trigessimo, trigessimo primo, trigessimo tertio, et sparsim in
sequentibus, quanquam non negem ab illo fortasse quædam eorum alicubi visa
fuisse, maiori tamen ex parte ex Caio Plinio secundo hausta videntur, vt
facile patebit ca cum his Plinianis, hic ideo a me appositis, collaturo,
quæ idem Plinius, singulis suis authoribus singula refert, in eorum
plærisque fidem suam minimè obstringens. Vale, atque aut meliora dato, aut
his vtere mecum.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ex libro sexto Naturalis historiæ C. Plinij secundi. Cap. 30.

Vniuersa verò gens Ætheria appellata est, deinde Atlantia, mox à Vulcani
filio Æthiope Æthiopia. Animalium hominumque effigies monstriferas circa
extremitates eius gigni minimè mirum, artifici ad formanda corpora
effigiésque caelandas mobilitate ignea. Ferunt certè ab Orientis parte
intimatgentes esse sine naribus. æquali totius oris planitie. Alias
superiore labro orbas, alias sine linguis. Pars etiam ore concreto et
naribus carens, vno tantùm foramine spirat, potùmque calamis auenæ trahit,
et grana eiusdem auenæ, sponte prouenientis ad vescendum; Quibusdam pro
sermone nutus motùsque membrorum est, &c.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ex libro eiusdem Plinij septimo. Cap. 2. cui titulus est, De Scythis, et
  aliarum diversitate gentium.

Esse Scytharum genera, et quidem plura, quæ corporibus humanis vescerentur,
indicauimus. Idipsum incredibile fortasse, ni cogitimus in medio orbe
terrarum, ac Sicilia et Italia fuisse, gentes huius monstri, Cyclopas et
Laestrigonas, et nuperrimè trans Alpes hominem immolari gentium carum more
solitum: quod paulum à mandendo abest. Sed et iuxta eos, qui sunt ad
Septentrionem versi, haud procul ab ipso Aquilonis exortu, specuque eius
dicto, quem locum Gesclitron appellant, produntur Arimaspi, duos diximus,
vno oculo in fronte media insignes: quibus assiduè bellum esse circa
metalla cum gryphis, ferarum volucri genere, quale vulgò traditur, eruente
ex cuniculis aurum, mira cupiditate et feris custodientibus, et Arimaspis
rapientibus, multi, sed maximè illustres Herodotus, et Aristeas
Proconnesius scribunt. Super alios autem Anthropophagos Scythas, in quadam
conualle magna Imai montis, regio est, quæ vocatur Abarimon, in qua
syluestres viuunt homines, auersis post crura plantis, eximiæ velocitatis,
passim cum feris vagantes. Hos in alio non spirare coelo, ideoque ad
finitimos reges non pertrahi, neque ad Alexandrum magnum pertractos, Beton
itinerum eius mensor prodidit. Priores Anthropophagos, quos ad
Septentrionem esse diximus decem dierum itinere supra Borysthenem amnem,
ossibus humanorum capitum bibere, cutibusque cum capillo pro mantelibus
ante pectora vti, Isigonus Nicænsis. Idem in Albania gigni quosdam glauca
oculorum acie, à pueritia statim canos, qui noctu plusquàm interdiu
cernant. Idem itinere dierum x. supra Borysthenem, Sauromatas tertio die
cibum capere semper. Crates Pergamenus in Hellesponto circa Parium, genus
hominum fuisse tradit, quos Ophiogenes vocat serpentum ictus contactu
leuare solitos, et manu imposita venena extrahere corpori. Varro etiam nunc
esse paucos ibi, quorum saliuæ contra ictus serpentum medeantur. Similis et
in Africa gens Psyllorum fuit, vt Agatharchides scribit, à Psyllo rege
dicta, cuius sepulchrum in parte Syrtium maiorum est. Horum corpori
ingenitum fuit virus exitiale serpentibus, vt cuius odore sopirent eas. Mos
verò, liberos genitos protinus obijciendi saeuissimis earum, eòque genere
pudicitiam coniugum experiendi, non profugientibus adulterino sanguine
natos serpentibus. Haec gens ipsa quidem prope internicione sublata est à
Nasamonibus, qui nunc eas tenent sedes: genus tamen hominum ex his qui
profugerant, aut cùm pugnatum est, abfuerant, hodièque remanent in paucis.
Simile et in Italia Marsorum gentis durat, quos à Circes filio ortos
seruant, et ideo inesse ijs vim naturalem eam. Et tamen omnibus hominibus
contra serpentes inest venenum: ferùntque ictas saliua, vt feruentis aquæ
contactum fugere. Quòd si in fauces penetrauerit, etiam mori: idque maximè
humani ieiuni oris. Supra Nasamonis confinésque illis Machlyas, Androginos
esse vtriusque naturæ, inter se vicibus coeuntes, Calliphanes tradit.
Aristoteles adijcit, dextram mamman ijs virilem, lacuam muliebrem esse. In
eadem Africa familias quasdam effascinantium, Isigonus et Nymphodorus
tradunt quarum laudatione intereant probata, arescant arbores, emoriantur
infantes. Esse eiusdem generis in Triballis et Illyrijs, adijcit Isigonus,
qui visu quoque effascinent, interimantque quos diutius intueantur. Iratis
praecipuè oculis: quod eorum malum faciliùs sentire puberes. Notabilius
esse quòd pupillas binas in oculis singulis habeant. Huius generis et
foeminas in Scythia, quæ vocantur Bithyæ, prodit Apollonides. Philarchus et
in Ponto Thibiorum genus, multosque alios eiusdem naturæ: quorum notas
tradit in altero oculo geminam pupillam, in altero equi effigiem. Eosdem
praetereà non posse mergi, ne veste quidem degrauatos. Haud dissimile ijs
genus Pharnacum in Æthiopia prodidit Damon, quorum sudor tabem contactis
corporibus afferat. Foeminas quidem omnes vbique visu nocere, quæ duplices
pupillas habeant, Cicero quoque apud nos autor est. Adeò naturæ, cùm
ferarum morem vescendi humanis visceribus in homine genuisset, gignere
etiam in toto corpore et in quorundam oculis quoque venena placuit: ne quid
vsquam mali esset, quod in homine non esset. Haud procul vrbe Roma in
Faliscorum agro familiæ sum paucæ, quæ vocantur Hirpiæ: quæ sacrificio
annuo, quod fit ad montem Soractem Apollini, super ambustam ligni struem
ambulantes non aduruntur. Et ob id perpetuo senatusconsulto militiæ
omniumque aliorum numerum vacationem habent. Quorundam corpore partes
nascuntur ad aliqua mirabiles sicut Pyrrho regi pollex in dextero pede:
cuius tactu lienosis medebatur. Hunc cremari cum reliquo corpore non
potuisse tradunt, conditumque loculo in templo. Praecipuè India Æthiopumque
tractus, miraculis scatent. Maxima in India gignuntur animalia, Indicio
sunt canes grandioris caeteris. Arbores quidem tantæ proceritatis
traduntur, vt sagittis superari nequeant. Haec facit vbertas soli,
temperies coeli, aquarum abundantia (si libeat credere) vt sub vna ficu
turmæ condantur equitum. Arundines verò tantæ proceritatis, vt singula
internodia alueo nauigabili ternos interdum homines ferant. Multos ibi
quina cubita constat longitudine excedere: non expuere: non capitis, aut
dentium, aut oculorum vllo dolore affici, rarò aliarum corporis partium:
tam moderato Solis vapore durari. Philosophos eorum quos Gymnosophystas
vocant, ab exortu ad Occasum praestare, contuentes Solem immobilibus
oculis: feruentibus harenis toto die alternis pedibus insistere. In monte
cui nomen est Milo, homines esse auersis plantis, octonos digitos in
singulis pedibus habentes, autor est Megasthenes. In multis autem montibus
genus hominum capitibus caninis, ferarum pellibus velari, pro voce latratum
edere, vnguibus armatum venatu et aucupio vesci. Horum supra centum viginti
millia fuisse prodente se, Ctesias scribit: et in quadam gente Indiæ,
foeminas semel in vita parere, genitosque confestim canescere. Item hominum
genus, qui Monosceli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, miræ pernicitatis ad
saltum: eosdemque Sciopodas vocari, quòd in maiori æstu humi iacentes
resupini, vmbra se pedum protegant, non longè eos à Troglodytis abesse.
Rursusque ab his Occidentem versus quosdam sine ceruice, oculos in humeris
habentes. Sunt et Satyri subsolanis Indorum montibus (Cartadalorum dicitur
Regio) pernicissimum animal, tum quadrupedes, tum rectè currentes humana
effigie propter velocitatem, nisi senes aut ægri, non capiuntur.
Choromandarum gentem vocat Tauron siluestrem sine voce, stridoris horrendi,
hirtis corporibus, oculis glaucis, dentibus caninis. Eudoxus in meridianis
Indiæ viris plantas esse cubitales, foeminis adeò paruas, vt Struthopodes
appellentur. Megastenes gentem inter Nomadas Indos narium loco foramina
tantùm habentem, anguium modo loripedem, vocarit Syrictas. Ad extremos
fines Indiæ ab Oriente, circa fontem Gangis, Astomorum gentem sine ore,
corpore toto hirtam vestiri frondium lanugine, halitu tantùm viuentem et
odore quem naribus trahant: nullum illis cibum, nullumque potum: tantum
radicum florumque varios odores et syluestrium malorum, quæ secum portant
longiore itinere, ne desit olfactus, grauiore paulò odore haud difficulter
examinari. Supra hos extrema in parte montium Spithamaei Pygmaei narrantur,
ternas spithamas longitudine, hoc est, ternos dodrantos non excedentes,
salubri caelo, sempérque vernante, montibus ab Aquilone oppositis, quos à
gruibus infestari Homerus quoque prodidit: Fama est, insidentes arietum,
caprarumque dorsis, armatos sagittis, veris tempore, vniuerso agmine ad
mare descendere, et oua pullosque earum alitum consumere, ternis
expeditionem eam mensibus confici, aliter futuris gregibus non resisti.
Casas eorum luto, pennisque, et ouorum putaminibus construi. Aristotelis in
cauernis viuere Pygmaeos tradit. Caetera de his, vt reliqui. Cyrnos Indorum
genus Isigonus annis centenis quadragenis viuere. Item Aethiopas
Marcrobios, et Seras existimat, et qui Athon montem incolant: hos quidem
quia viperinis carnibus alantur, itaque nec capiti, nec vestibus eorum
noxia corpori inesse animalia. Onesicritus, quibus in locis Indiæ vmbræ non
sint, corpora hominum cubitorum quinum, et binorum palmorum existere, et
viuere annos centum triginta, nec senescere, sed vt medio æuo mori. Crates
Pergamenus Indos, qui centenos annos excedant Gymnætas appelat, non pauci
Macrobios. Ctesias gentem ex his, quæ appellatur Pandore, in conuallibus
sitam, annos ducenos viuere, in iuuenta candido capillo, qui in senectute
nigrescat. Contra alios quadragenos non excedere annos, iunctos Macrobijs,
quorum foeminæ semel pariant: idque et Agatharchides tradit, prætereà
locustis eos ali, et esse pernices. Mandrorum nomen ijs dedit Clitarchus et
Megastenes, trecentosque eorum vicos annumerat. Foeminas septimo ætatis
anno parere, senectam quadragesimo anno accedere. Artemidorus, in Taprobana
insula longissimam vitam sine vllo corporis languore traduci. Duris,
Indorum quosdam cum feris coire, mistosque et semiferos esse partus. In
Calingis eiusdem Indiæ gente quinquennes concipere foeminas, octauum vitæ
annum non excedere, et alibi cauda villosa homines nasci pernicitatis
eximiæ, alios auribus totos contegi. Oritas ab Indis Arbis fluuius
disterminat. Ii nullum alium cibum nouere, quàm piscium, quos vnguibus
dissectos sole torreant, atque ita panem ex his faciunt, vt refert
Clitarchus. Troglodytas super Aethiopiam velociores esse equis, Pergamenus
Crates. Item Aethiopas octona cubita longitudine excedere. Syrbotas vocari
gentem eam Nomadum Aethiopum, secundùm flumen Astapum ad Septentrionem
vregentium. [Marginal note: Vel vergentium.] Gens Menisminorum appellata,
abest ab oceana dierum itinere viginti, animalium que Cynocephalos vocamus,
lacte viuit, quorum armenta pacscit maribus interemptis, praeterquam
sobolis causa. In Africæ solitudinibus hominum species obuiæ subinde fiunt,
momentoque euanescunt. Haec atque talia, ex hominum genere ludibria sibi,
nobis miracula, ingeniosa fecit natura: et singula quidem, quæ facit
indies, ac propè horas, quis enumerare valeat? Ad detegendam eius
potentiam, satis sit inter prodigia posuisse gentes.


END OF MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGES.

       *       *       *       *       *

Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Hierusalem, and
  confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome: in the 34 yere of Edward
  the first. Lelandus.

Antonius Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fuit, regnante Edwardo eius
appelationis ab aduentu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo. Electus est in
patriarcham Hierosolymitanum anno Christo 1305, et a Clemente quinto Rom.
pontifice confirmatus. Splendidus erat supra quàm decebat episcopum.
Construxit castrum Achelandæ, quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa
Vnduglessi fluuioli. Elteshamum etiam vicinum Grenouico, ac Somaridunum
castellum Lindianæ prouinciæ, ædificijs illustria reddidit. Deinde et
palatium Londini erexit, quod nunc Edwardi principis est. Tandem ex
splendore nimio, et potentia conflauit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem
inuidiam, quam viuens nunquam extinguere potuit. Sed de Antonio, et eius
scriptis fusiùs in opere, cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis,
dicemus. Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo, 1310,
Edwardo secundo regnante.


The same in English.

Anthony Beck was bishop of Durisme in the time of the reigne of Edward the
first of that name after the inuasion of William the great into England.
This Anthony was elected patriarch of Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord
God 1305, and was confirmed by Clement the fift, pope of Rome. He was of
greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop. He founded also the
castle of Acheland foure miles from Durisme, on the shore of a prety riuer
called Vnduglesme. [Footnote: Probably Barnard Castle, on the Tees.] He
much beautified with new buildings Eltham mannor nere vnto Greenwich, and
the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey. [Footnote: Lindsey is the
popular name for the north part of County Lincoln.] And lastly, he built
new out of the ground the palace of London, which now is in possession of
prince Edward. Insomuch, that at length, through his ouer great
magnificence and power he procured to himselfe great enuy among the
nobility, which he could not asswage during the rest of his life. But of
this Anthony and of his writings we will speake more at large in our booke
intituled of the Britain bishops. This Anthony finished his life in the
yere of our Lord God, 1310, and in the reigne of king Edward the second.

       *       *       *       *       *

Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus
  Orientalium Tartarorum.

Licet multa et varia de ritibus et conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a
multis, ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro Iulij de portu Vahonis, volens ad
partes infidelium transfretare, magna et mira vidi et audiui, quæ possum
veracitèr enarrare. Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera iuxta
Constantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam, quæ antiquitùs Pontus vocabatur:
Haec terra benè situata est, sicut scala quaedam Persarum et Medorum, et
eorum qui sunt vltra mare. In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit,
scilicet hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum. Homo autem per
terram gradiebatur, perdices vero volabant per aera, quas ipse ad quoddam
castrum dictum Zauena duxit, distans à Trapesunda per tres dietas. Hæ
perdices illius conditionis erant, cùm homo ille quiescere voluit, omnes se
aptabant circa ipsum, more pullorum gallinarum, et per illum modum duxit
eas vsque ad Trapesundam, et vsque ad palatium imperatoris, qui de illis
sumpsit quot voluit, et residuas vir ille ad locum vnde venerat, adduxit.
In hac ciuitate requiescit corpus Athanasij supra portem ciuitatis.
[Sidenote: Armenis maior.] Vltra transiui vsque in Armeniam maiorem, ad
quandam ciuitatem quæ vocatur Azaron, quæ erat multùm opulenta antiquitus,
sed Tartari eam pro magna parte destruxterunt: In ea erat abundantia panis
et carnium, et aliorum omnium victualium praeterquam vini et fructuum. Hæc
ciuitas est multum frigida, et de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quàm
aliqua alia in hoc mundo: haec optimas habet aquas, nam venæ illarum
aquarum oriri videntur et scaturire à flumine magno Euphrate quod per vnam
dietam ab ciuitate distat: haec ciuitas via media eundi Taurisium. Vltra
progressus sum ad quendam montem dictum Sobissacato. In ilia contrau est
mons ille supra quem requicscit arca Noe; in quem libenter ascendissem, si
societas mea me praestolare voluisset: A gente tamen illius contratæ
dicitur quòd nullus vnquam illum montem ascendere potuit, quia vt dicitur,
hoc Deo altissimo non placet. [Sidenote: Tauris ciuitas Persiæ.] Vltra veni
Tauris ciuitatem magnam et regalem, quæ antiquitus Susis dicta est. Haec
ciuitas melior pro mercenarijs reputatur, quàm aliqua quæ sit in mundo, nam
nihil comestibile, nec aliquid quod ad mercimonium pertinet, reperitur,
quod illic in bona copia non habetur. Haec ciuitas multum benè situatur:
Nam ad eam quasi totus mundus pro mercimonijs confluere potest: De hac
dicunt Christiani qui ibi sunt, quòd credunt Imperatorem plus de ea
accipere, quám Regem Franciæ de toto regno suo: Iuxta illam ciuitatem est
mons salinus praebens sal ciuitati, et de illo sale vnusquisque tantum
accipit, quantum vult, nihil soluendo alicui. In hac ciuitate multi
Christiani de omni natione commorantur, quibus Saraceni in omnibus
dominantur. [Sidenote: Sultania.] Vltra iui per decem dietas ad ciuitatem
dictam Soldania, in qua imperator Persarum tempore æstiuo commoratur; In
hyeme autem vadit ad ciuitatem aliam sitam supra mare vocatam Bakuc:
Praedicta autem ciuitas magna est, et frigida, in se habens bonas aquas, ad
quam multa mercimonia portantur. Vltra cum quadam societate Carauanorum iui
versus Indiam superiorem, ad quam dum transissem per multas dietas perueni
ad ciuitatem trium Magorum quæ vocatur Cassan, [Marginal note: Vel
Cassibin.] quæ regia ciuitas est et nobilis, nisi quod Tartari eam in
magnaparte destruxerunt: haec abundat pane, vino, et alijsbonis multis. Ab
hac ciuitate vsque Ierusalem quo Magi iuerunt miraculosè, sunt L. dietiæ,
et multa mirabilia sunt in hac ciuitate quæ pertranseo. [Sidenote: Gest.]
Inde recessi ad quandam ciuitatem vocatam Gest a qua distat mare arenosum
per vnam dietam, quod mirè est mirabile et periculosum: In hac ciuitate est
abundantia omnium victualium, et ficuum potissimè, et vuarum siccarum et
viridium, plus vt credo quàm in alia parte mundi. Haec est tertia cuitas
melior quam Rex Persarum habet in toto regno suo: De illa dicunt Saraceni,
quod in ea nullus Christianus vltra annum viuere vnquam potest. [Sidenote:
Como.] Vltra per multas dietas iui ad quandam ciuitatem dictam Comum quæ
maxima ciuitas antiquitùs erat, cuius ambitus erat ferè L. Miliaria, quæ
magna damna intulit Romanis antiquis temporibus. In ea sunt palatia integra
non habitata, tamen multis victualibus abundat. Vltra per multas terras
transiens, perueni ad terram Iob nomine Hus quæ omnium victualium
plenissima est, et pulcherrimè situata; iuxta eam sunt montes in quibus
sunt pascua multa pro animilibus: Ibi manna in magna copia reperitur. Ibi
habentur quatuor perdices pro minori, quam pro vno grosso: In ea sunt
pulcherrimi senes, vbi homines nent et filant, et faeminæ non: haec terra
correspondet Chaldeæ versus transmontana.


De moribus Chaldæorum, et de India.

Indè iui in Chaldaeam quæ est regnum magnum, et transiui iuxta turrim
Babel: Haec regio suam linguam propriam habet, et ibi sunt homines formosi,
et foeminæ turpes: et homines illius regionis vadunt compti crinibus, et
ornati, vt hîc mulieres, et portant super capita sua fasciola aurea cum
gemmis, et margaritis; mulieres verò solum vnam vilem camisiam attingentem
vsque ad genua, habentem manicas longas et largas, quæ vsque ad terram
protenduntur: Et vadunt discalceatæ portantes Serablans vsque ad terram.
Triceas non portant, sed capilli earum circumquaque disperguntur: et alia
multa et mirabilia sunt ibidem. Indé veni in Indiam quæ infra terram est,
quam Tartari multum destruxerunt; et in ea vt plurimum homines tantum
dactilos comedunt, quarum xlij, libræ habentur pro minori quam pro vno
grosso. [Sidenote: Ormus.] Vltra transsiui per multas dietas ad mare
oceanum, et prima terra, ad quam applicui, vocatur Ormes, quæ est optime
murata, et multa mercimonia et diuitiæ in ea sunt; in ea tantus calor est,
quod virilia hominum exeunt corpus et descendunt vsque ad mediam tibiarum:
ideò homines illius terræ volentes viuere, faciunt vnctionum, et vngunt
illa, et sic vncta in quibusdam sacculis ponunt circa se cingentes, et
aliter morerentur: In hac terra homines vtuntur nauigio quæ vocatur Iase,
suitium sparto. [Sidenote: Thana.] Ego autem ascendi in vnum illorum in quo
nullum ferrum potui reperrire, et in viginta octo dietis perueni ad
ciuitaten Thana, in qua pro fide Christi quatuor de fratribus nostris
martyrizati sunt. Hæc terra est optimè situata, et in ea abundantia panis
et vini, et aliorum victualium. Hæc terra antiquitus fuit valde magna, et
fuit regis Pori, qui cum rege Alexandro prælium magnum commisit. Huius
terræ populus Idolatrat, adorans ignem serpentes, et arbores: Et istam
terram regunt Saraceni, qui vio lenter eam acceperunt, et subiacent imperio
regis Daldili. Ibi sunt diuersa genera bestiarum, leones nigri in maxima
quantitate: sunt et ibi simiæ, gatimaymones, et noctuae magnæ sicut hic
habentur columbæ; ibi mures magni sunt, sicut sunt hîc scepi, et ideò canes
capiunt ibi mures, quia murelegi non valent. Ad hæc, in illa terra quilibet
homo habet ante domum suam vnum pedem fasciculorum, ita magnum sicut esset
vna columna, et pes ille non desiccatur, dummodò adhibeatur sibi aqua.
Multæ nouitates sunt ibi, quas pulcherrimum esset audire.


De martyrio fratrum.

Martyrium autem quatuor fratrum nostrorum in illa ciuitate Thana fuit per
istum modum; dum praedicti fratres fuerant in Ormes, fecerunt pactum cum
vna naui vt nauigarent vsque Polumbrum, et violentèr deportati sunt vsque
Thanam vbi sunt 15. domus Christianorum, qui Nestoriani sunt et
Schismatici, et cum illic essent, hospitati sunt in domo cuiusdam illorum;
contigit dum ibi manerent litem oriri inter virum domus, et vxorem eius,
quam sero ver fortiter verberauit, quæ suo Kadi, i. Episcopo conquesta est;
à qua interrogauit Kadi, vtrum hoc probari posset? quæ dixit, quod sic;
quia 4. Franchi, i. viri religiosi erant in domo hoc videntes, ipsos
interrogate, qui dicent vobis veritatem: Muliere autem sic dicente, Ecce
vnus de Alexandria praesens rogauit Kadi vt mitteret pro eis, dicens eos
esse homines maximæ scientiæ et scripturas bene scire, et ideo dixit bonum
esse cum illis de fide disputare: Qui misit pro illis, et adducti sunt isti
quatuor, quorum nomina sunt frater de Tolentino de Marchia, frater Iacobus
de Padua, frater Demetrius Laicus, Petrus de Senis. Dimisso autem fratre
Petro, vt res suas custodiret, ad Kadi perrexerunt, qui coepit cum illis de
fide nostra disputare; dicens Christum tantum hominem esse et non Deum. E
contra frater Thomas rationibus et exemplis Christum verum Deum et hominem
esse euidenter ostendit, et in tantum confudit Kadi, et infideles qui cum
eo tenuerunt, quod non habuerunt quid rationabiliter contradicere: Tunc
videns Kadi se sic confusum, incepit clamare sic; Et quid dicis de
Machometo? Respondit frater Thomas: Si tibi probauimus Christum verum Deum
et hominem esse, qui legem posuit inter homines, et Machometus è contrario
venit, et legem contrariam docuit, si sapiens sis optime scire poteris,
quid de eo dicendum sit. Iterum Kadi et alij Saraceni clamabant, Et tu quid
iterum de Machometo dicis? Tunc frater T. respondit: vos omnes videre
potestis, quid dico de eo. Tum ex quo vultis quod plane loquar de eo, dico
quod Machometus vester filius perditionis est, et in inferno cum Diabolo
patre suo. Et non solum ipse, sed omnes ibi erunt qui tenent legem hanc,
quia ipsa tota pestifera est, et falsa, et contra Deum, et contra salutem
animæ. Hoc audientes Saraceni, coeperunt clamare, moriatur, moriatur ille,
qui sic contra Prophetam locutus est. Tunc acceperunt fratres et in sole
vrente stare permiserunt, vt ex calore solis adusti, dira morte interirent.
Tantus enim est calor solis ibi, quòd si homo in eo per spacium vnius missæ
persisteret, moreretur; fratres tamen illi sani et hilares à tertia vsque
ad nonam laudantes et glorificantes dominum in ardore solis permanserunt,
quod videntes Saraceni stupefacti ad fratres venerunt, et dixerunt, volumus
ignem accendere copiosum, et in illum vos proijcere, et si fides vestra sit
vt dicitis, ignis non poterit vos comburere: si autem vos combusserit,
patebit quòd fides vestra nulla sit. Responderunt fratres; parati sumus pro
fide nostra ignem, carcerem, et vincula, et omnium tormentorum genera
tolerare: verum tamen scire debetis, quòd si ignis potestatem habeat
comburendi nos hoc non erit propter fidem nostram, sed propter peccata
nostra: fides enim nostra perfectissima et verissima est, et non est alia
in mundo in qua animsæ hominum possunt saluæ fieri; Dum autem ordinaretur
quòd fratres conburerentur, rumor insonuit per totam ciuitatem, de qua
omnes senes, et iuuenes, viri et mulieres, qui ire poterant, accurrerunt ad
illud spectaculum intuendum. Fratres autem ducti fuerunt ad plateam
ciuitatis, vbi accensus est ignis copiosus, in quen frater Thomas voluit se
proijcere, sed quidam Saracenus cepit eam per caputium et retraxit dicens;
Non vadus tu cum sis senex, quia carmen aliquod vel experimentum habere
posses super te, quare te ignis non posset laedere, sed alium ire in ignem
permittas. Tunc 4 Saraceni sumentes fratrem Iacobum, eum in ignem proijcere
volebant; quibus ille, permittatis, me quia libenter pro fide mea ignem
intrabo: Cui Saraceni non adquiescentes eum violentèr in ignem proiecerunt:
ignis autem ita accensus erat, quòd nullus eum videre poteret, vocem tamen
eius audierunt, inuocantem semper nomen virginis gloriosæ; Igne autem
totalitèr consumpto stetit frater Iacobus super prunas illaesus, et laetus,
manibus in modum crucis eleuatis, in coelum respiciens, et Deum laudans et
glorificans, qui sic declararet fidem suam: nihil autem in eo nec pannus,
nec capillus laesus per ignem inuentus est; Quod videns populus vnanimitèr
conclamare coepit, sancti sunt, sancti sunt, nefas est offendere eos, modò
videmus quia fides eorum bona et sancta est. Tunc clamare coepit Kadi:
sanctus non est ille, quia combustus non est, quia tunica quam portat est
de lana terræ Habraæ, et ideò nudus exspolietur, et in ignem proijciatur,
et videbitur si comburetur vel non. Tunc Saraceni pessimi ad praeceptum
Kadi ignem in duplo magis quàm priùs accenderunt, et fratrem Iacobum
nudantes, corpus suum abluerunt, et oleo abundantissimè vnxerunt, insuper
et oleum maximum in struem lignorum ex quibus ignis fieret, fuderunt, et
igne accenso fratrem in ipsum proiecerunt. Frater autem Thomas, et frater
Demetrius extra populum in loco separato flexis genibus orantes cum
lachrymis deuotioni se dederunt Frater autem Iocobus iterum ignem exiuit
illaesus sicut prius fecerat: quod videns omnis populus clamare coepit,
peccatum est, deccatum est, offendere eos, quià sancti sunt. Hoc autem
tantum miraculum videns Melich. i. potestas ciuitatis, vocauit ad se
fratrem Iacobum, et fecit eum ponere indumenta, sua, et dixit, videte
fratres, Ite cum gratia Dei, quia nullum malum patiemini a nobis, modò benè
videmus vos sanctos esse, et fidem vestram bonam ac veram esse; et ideo
consulimus vobis, vt de ista terra exeatis, quàm citiùs poteritis, quia
Kadi pro posse suo vobis nocere curabit, quia sic confudistis eum: Hora
autem tunc erat quasi completorij, et dixerunt illi de populo, attoniti,
admirati, et stupefacti, tot, et tanta mirabilia vidimus ab istis
hominibus, quòd nescimus quid tenere et obseruare debemus. Melich verò
fecit duci illos tres fratres vltra vnum paruum brachium maris in quendam
Burgum modicum ab illa ciuitate distantem: ad quem etiam ille in cuius iam
domo fuerant hospitati associauit eos, vbi in domo cuiusdam idolatri
recepti sunt. Dum haec argerenter, Kadi iuit ad Melich, dicens quid
facimus? Lex Machometi destructa est, veruntamen hoc scire debes, quod
Machomet praecepit in suo Alcorano, quod si quis vnum Christianum
interficeret, tantum mereretur, ac si in Mecha ad ipsum peregrinaretur. Est
enim Alkoranus lex Sarracenorum sicut Euangelium, Mecha, verò est locus vbi
iacet Machomet. Quem locum ita visitant Saraceni, sicut Christiani
sepulchram Christi. Tunc Melich respondet, vade, et fac sicut vis: quo
dicto statim Kadi accepit quatuor homines armatos vt irent, et illos
fratres interficerent, qui cùm aquam transijssent, facta est nox, et illo
sero eos non inuenerunt, statim Melieh omnes Christianos in ciuitate capi
fecit, et incarcerauit, media autem nocte fratres surrexerunt dicere
matutinum, quos illi Saraceni qui missi fuerant, inuenerunt, et extra
burgum, sub quadam arbore adduxerunt, dixerunt eis. Sciatis fratres nos
mandatum habere a Kadi et Melich interficere vos, quod tamen faciemus
inuiti, quia vos estis boni homines et sancti, sed non audemus aliter
facere; quia si iussa sua non perficeremus, et nos cum liberis nostris et
vxoribus moreremur. Tunc fratres responderunt, vos qui huc venistis, et
tale mandatum recepistis, vt per mortem temporalem vitam æternam
adipiscamur, quod vobis iniunctum est perficite; quia pro amore domini
nostri Iesu Christi, qui pro nobis crucifigi et mori dignatus est, et pro
fide nostra, parati sumus omnia tormenta, et etiam mortem libenter
sustinere. Christianas autem qui fratres comitabatur, multum cum illis
quatuor armatis altercatus est dicens, quod si gladium haberet, vel eos à
nece tam sanctorum hominum impediret, vel ipse cum eis interfectus esset.
Tunc armati fecerunt fratres se exspoliare, et frater Thomas primus iunctis
manibus in modum crucis genuflectens capitis abscissionem suscepit: Fratrem
verò Iacobum vnus percussit in capite, et eum vsque ad oculos scidit, et
alio ictu totum caput abscidit. Frater autem Demetrius, primò percussus est
cum gladio in pectore, et secundò caput suum abscissum est: Statim vt
fratres suum martyrium compleuerunt, aer ita lucidus effectus est, quod
omnes admirati sunt, et luna maximam claritatem ostendit. Statim quasi
subito tanta tonitrua, et fulgura, et coruscationes, et obscuritas fiebant,
quòd omnes mori crediderunt: Nauis etiam illa quæ illos debuerat deportasse
submersa est cum omnibus quæ in se habuit, ita quod nunquam de illa posteà
aliquid scitum est. Facto mane misit Kadi pro rebus fratrum prædictorum
nostrorum, et tunc inuentus est frater Petrus de Senis quartus socius
fratrum prædictorum, quem ad Kadi duxerunt: Cui Kadi, et alij Saraceni
maxima promittentes persuaserunt quòd fidem suam renueret, et legem
Machometi confiteretur, et teneret. Frater autem Petrus de illis truffabat,
eos multum deridendo, quem de mane vsque ad meridiem diuersis pænarum ac
tormentorum generibus affixerunt ipso semper constantissimè in fide, et in
Dei laudibus persistente, et fidem illorum Machometi deridente et
destruente. Videntes autem Saraceni eum non posse a suo proposito euelli,
eum super quandam arborem suspenderunt, in qua de nona vsque ad noctem
viuus et illaesus pependit: nocte verò ipsum de arbore sumpserunt, et
videntes illum laetum, viuum et illaesum per medium suum corpus diuiserunt,
mane autem facto nihil de corpore eius inuentum est, vni tamen personæ fide
dignæ reuelatum est, quod Deus corpus eius occultauerat reuelandum in certo
tempore, quandò Deo placuerit Sanctorum corpora manifestare. Vt autem Deus
ostenderet animas suorum martyrum iam in coelis consistere, et congaudere
cum Deo et Angelis et alijs Sanctis eius, die sequenti post martyrium
fratrum praedictorum Melich dormitioni se dedit, et ecce apparuerunt sibi
isti fratres gloriosi, et sicut Sol, lucidi, singulos enses tenentes in
manibus, et supra eum eos sic vibrantes, quod vt si eum perfodere ac
diuidere vellent: qui excitatus horribilitèr exclamauit sic, quòd totam
familiam terruit: quæ sibi accurrens quaesiuit, quid sibi esset? quibus
ille, Illi Raban Franchi quos interfici iussi, venerunt hac ad me cum
ensibus, volentes me interficere. Et statim Melich misit pro Kadi, referens
sibi visionem et petens consilium, et consolationem, quia timuit per eos
finaliter interire. Tunc Kadi sibi consuluit, vt illis maximas eleemosynas
faceret, si de manibus interfectorum euadere vellet. Tunc misit pro
Christianis quos in carcere intrudi praeceperat: A quibus cum ad eum
venissent indulgentiam petijt pro facto suo, dicens se esse amodo socium
eorum, et confratrem: Praecepit autem et legem statuit, quòd pro tempore
suo, si quis aliquem Christianum offenderet, statim moreretur, et sic omnes
illaesos, et indemnes abire permisit: Pro illis autem quatuor fratribus
interfectis quatuor mosquetas. (i.) Ecclesias ædificari fecit, quas per
Sacerdotes Saracenorum inhabitari fecit. Audiens autem imperator Dodsi
istos tres fratres talem sententiam subijsse, misit pro Melich, vt vinctus
ad eum duceretur, A quo cùm adductus esset, quaesiuit imperator, quare ita
crudeliter illos fratres iusserat interfici, respondit, quia subuertere
volebant legem nostram, et malum et blasphemiam de propheta nostro
dicebant: et imperator ad eum; O crudelissime canis, cùm videres quod Deus
omnipotens bis ab igne eos liberauerit, quo modo ausus fuisti illis mortem
inferre tam crudelem. Et edicta sententia, ipsum Melich cum tota sua
familia per medium scindi fecit, sicut ipse talem mortem fratri inflixerat.
Kadi verò audiens, de terra illa, et etiam de imperatoris illius dominio
clàm fugit, et sic euasit.


De miraculis quatuor fratrum occisorum

Est autem consuetudo in terra illa, quòd corpora mortua non traduntur
sepulturæ, sed in campis dimittuntur, et ex calore Solis citò resoluuntur,
et sic consumantur: Corpora autem trium fratrum praedictorum per 14. dies
illic in fuerore Solis iacuerunt, et ita recentia et redolentia inuenta
fuerunt sicut illa die quandò martirizati erant: quod videntes Christiani
qui in illa terra habitabant, praedicta corpora ceperunt, et honorificè
sepelierunt. Ego autem Odoricus audiens factum et martyrium illorum
fratrum, iui illuc, et corpora eorum effodi, et ossa omnia mecum accepi, et
in pulchris towallijs colligaui, et in Indiam superiorem ad vnum locum
fratrum nostrorum ea deportaui, habens mecum socium, et vnum famulum. Cum
autem essemus in via, hospitabamus in domo cuiusdam hospitarij, et ipsa
ossa capiti meo supposui, et dormiui: Et dùm dormirem domus illa à
Saracenis subitò accendebatur, vt me cum domo comburerent. Domo autem sic
accensa, socius meus et famulus de domo exierunt, et me solum cum ossibus
dimiserunt, qui videns ignem supra me, ossa accepi et cum illis in angulos
domus recollegi. Tres autem anguli domus statim combusti fuerunt, angulo in
quo steti cum ossibus saluo remanente: Supra me autem ignis se tenuit in
modum aeris lucidi, nec descendit quamdiu ibi persistebam; quàm citò autem
cum ossibus exiui, statim tota pars illa sicut aliæ priores igne consumpta
est, et multa alia loca circumadiacentia combusta sunt. Aliud miraculum
contigit, me cum ossibus per mare proficiente ad ciuitatem Polumbrum vbi
piper nascitur abundantèr, quia nobis ventus totaliter defecit: quapropter
venerunt Idolatræ adorantes Deos suos pro vento prospero, quem tamen non
obtinuerunt: Tunc Saraceni suas inuocationes, et adorationes laboriose
fecerunt, sed nihil profecerunt: Et praeceptum est mihi et socio meo vt
orationes funderemus Deo nostro: Et dixit rector nauis in Armenico mihi,
quod alij non intelligerent: quòd nisi possemus ventum prosperum à Deo
nostro impetrare, nos cum ossibus in mare proijcerent: Tunc ego et socius
fecimus orationes, vouentes multas missas de beata virgine celebrare, sic
quòd ventum placeret sibi nobis impetrare. Cum autem tempus transiret, et
ventus non veniret, accepi vnum de ossibus, et dedi famulo, vt ad caput
nauis iret, et clàm in mare proijceret; quo proiecto statim affuit ventus
prosper qui nunquam nobis defecit, vsquequò peruenimus ad portum, meritis
istorum martyrum cum salute. Deinde ascendimus aliam nauem vt in Indiam
superiorem iremus; Et venimus ad quandam ciuitatem vocatam Carchan in qua
sunt duo loca fratrum nostrorum, et ibi reponere istas reliquias volebamus.
In naui autem illa erant plus 700. mercatores et alij: Nunc illi Idolatræ
istam consuetudinem habebant, quòd semper antequàm ad portum applicuerint,
totam nauem perquirerent, si isti aliqua ossa mortuorum animalium
inuenirent, qui reperta statim in mare proijcerent, et per hoc bonum portum
attingere, et mortis periculum euadere crederent. Cùm autem frequentèr
perquirerent, et illa ossa frequenter tangerent, semper oculi delusi
fuerunt, sic quòd illa non perpenderunt; et sic ad locum fratrum
deportauimus cum omni reuerentia, vbi in pace requiescunt; vbi etiam inter
idolatras Deus continuè miracula operatur. Cum enim aliquo morbo grauantur,
in terra illa vbi fratres passi sunt ipsi vadunt; et de terra vbi corpora
sanguinolenta iacuerunt sumunt quam abluunt, et ablutionem bibunt, et sic
ab infirmitatibus suis liberantur.


Quo modo habetur Piper, et vbi nascitur.

[Sidenote: Malabar.] Vt autem videatur quo modo habetur piper, sciendum
quòd in quodam imperio ad quod applicui, nomine Minibar, nascitur, et in
nulla parte mundi tantum, quantum ibi; Nemus enim in quo nascitur, continet
octodecim dietas, et in ipso nemore sunt duæ ciuitates vna nomine
Flandrini, alia nomine Cyncilim: In Flandrina habitant Iudaei aliqui et
aliqui Christiani, inter quos est bellum frequenter, sed Christiani vincunt
Iudaeos semper: In isto nemore habetur piper per istum modum. Nam primò
nascitur in folijs olerum, quæ iuxta magnas arbores plantantur, sicut nos
ponimus vites; et producunt fructum, sicut racemi nostri producunt vuas;
sed quandò maturescunt sunt viridis coloris, et sic vindemiantur vt inter
nos vindemiantut vuæ, et ponuntur grana ad solem vt desiccentur: quæ
desiccata reponuntur in vasis terreis, et sic fit piper, et custoditur. In
isto autem nemore sunt flumina multa in quibus sunt Crocodili multi, et
multi alij serpentes sunt in illo nemore, quos homines per stupam et paleas
comburunt, et sic ad colligendum piper securé accedunt. [Sidenote:
Polumbrum ciuitas. Adoratio bouis.] A capite illius nemoris versus meridiem
est ciuitas Polumbrum in qua maxima mercimonia cuiuscunque generis
reperiuntur Omnes autem de terra illa bouem viuum sicut Deum suum adorant,
quem 6. annis faciunt laborare, et in septimo faciunt ipsum quiescere ab
omni opere; ponentes ipsum in loco solemni, et communi, et dicentes ipsum
esse animal sanctum. Hunc autem ritum obseruant: quolibet mane accipiunt
duas pelues de auro, vel de argento, et vnam submittunt vrinæ bouis, et
aliam stercori, de vrina lauant sibi faciem et oculos, et omnes 5. sensus:
de stercore verò ponunt in vtròque oculo, posteà liniunt summitates
genarum, et tertiò pectus, et ex tunc dicunt se sanctificatos pro toto die
illo: et sicut facit populus, ita etiam facit rex et regina. Isti etiam
aliud idolum mortuum adorant, quod in medietate vna superior est homo, et
in alia est bos, et iliud idolum dat eis responsa, et aliquotièns pro
stipendio petit sanguinem, 40. virginum: et ideo homines illius regionis
ita vouent filias suas et filios, sicut Christiani aliqui alicui religioni,
vel sancto in coelis. Et per istum modum immolant filios et filias, et
multi homines per istum ritum moriuntur ante idolum illud, et multa alia
abominabilia facit populus iste bestialis, et multa mirabilia vidi inter
eos quæ nolui hic inserere. [Sidenote: Combustio mortuorum.] Aliam
consuetudinem vilissimam habet gens illa: Nam quamdo homo moritur,
comburunt ipsum mortuum, et si vxorem habet, ipsam comburunt viuam, quia
dicunt quod ipsa ibit in aratura, et cultura cum viro suo in alio mundo: si
autem vxor illa habeat liberos ex viro suo, potest manere cum eis si velit
sine verecundia et improperio, communiter tamen omnes praeeligunt comburi
cum marito; si autem vxor praemoriatur viro, lex illa non obligat virum,
sed potest aliam vxorem ducere. Aliam consuetudinem habet gens illa, quòd
foeminæ ibi bibunt vinum, et homines non: foeminæ etiam faciunt sibi radi
cilia, et supercilia, et barbam, et homines non: et sic de multis alijs
vilibus contra naturam sexus eorum. [Sidenote: Mobar regnum vel Maliapor.]
Ab isto regno iui decem dietas ad iliud regnum dictum Mobar, quod habet in
se multas ciuitates, et in illo requiescit in vna ecclesia corpus beati
Thomæ Apostoli, et est ecclesia illa plena idolis, et in circuitu ecclesiæ
simul Cononici viuunt in 15 domibus Nestoriani, id est, mali Christiani, et
schismatici.


De quodam idolo mirabili, et de quibusdam ritibus eorum.

In hoc regno est vnum Idolum mirabile, quod omnes Indi reuerentur: et est
statura hominis ita magni, sicut noster Christophorus depictus, et est
totum de auro purissimo et splendidissimo, et circa collum habet vnam
chordulam sericam cum lapidibus pretiosissimis, quorum aliquis valet plus
quàm vnum regnum: Domus idoli est tota de auro, scilicet in tecto, et
pauimento, et superficie parietum interius et exterius. Ad illud idolum
peregrinantur Indi, sicut nos ad S. Petrum: Alij veniunt cum chorda ad
collum, alij cum manibus retro ligatis, alij cum cultello in brachio vel
tibia defixo, et si post peregrinationem fiat brachium marcidum, illum
reputant sanctum, et benè cum Deo suo. Iuxta ecclesiam illius idoli est
lacus vnus manufactus, et manifestus, in quem peregrini proijciunt aurum et
argentum, et lapides pretiosos in honorem Idoli, et ad ædificationem
ecclesiæ suæ, et ideo quando aliquid debet ornari, vel reparari, vadunt
homines ad hunc lacum, et proiecta extrahunt: die autem annua
constructionis illius idoli, rex et regina, cum toto populo et omnibus
peregrinis accedunt, et ponunt illud idolum in vno curru pretiosissimo
ipsum de ecclesia educentes cum Canticis, et omni genere musicorum, et
multae virgines antecedunt ipsum binæ et binæ, processionaliter combinatæ
modulantes: [Sidenote: Crudelissima Satanæ tyrannis, et carnificina.]
Peregrini etiam multi ponunt se sub curru, vt transeat Deus supra eos; et
omnes super quos currus transit, comminuit, et per medium scindit, et
interficit, et per hoc reputant se mori pro deo suo, sanctè et securè: et
in omni anno hoc modo moriuntur in via sub idolo plusquam 500. homines,
quorum corpora comburuntur, et cineres sicut reliquiæ custodiuntur, quia
sic pro Deo suo moriuntur. Alium ritum habent, quando aliquis homo offert
se mori pro deo suo, conueniunt omnes amici eius et parentes cum
histrionibus multis, facientes sibi festum magnum, et post festum appendunt
collo eius 5 cultellos acutissimos ducentes eum ante idolum, quo cum
peruenerit, sumit vnum ex cultellis, et clamat alta voce, pro deo meo
incido mihi de carne mea, et frustum incisum proijcit in faciem idoli:
vltima vero incisione per quam seipsum interficit, dicit, me mori pro deo
meo permitto, quo mortuo corpus eius comburitur, et sanctum fore ab omnibus
creditur. Rex illius regionis est ditissimus in auro et argento, et gemmis
pretiosis; ibi etiam sunt margaritæ pulchriores de mundo. Indè transiens
iui per mare oceanum versus meridiem per 50 dietas ad unam terram vocatam
Lammori, in qua ex immensitate caloris, tam viri quam foeminæ omnes
incedunt nudi in toto corpore: Qui videntes me vestitum, deridebant me,
dicentes Deum, Adam et Euam fecisse nudos. In illa regione omnes mulieres
sunt communes, ita quod nullus potest dicere, haec est vxor mea, et cùm
mulier aliqua parit filium vel filiam dat cui vult de hijs qui
concubuerunt: Tota etiam terra illius regionis habetur in communi, ita quod
non meum et tuum in diuisione terrarum, domos tamen habent speciales:
Carnes humanæ quando homo est pinguis ita benè comeduntur, sicut inter nos
bouinæ: et licet gens sit pestifera, tamen terra optima est, et abundat in
omnibus bonis, carnibus, bladis, riso, auro, argento, et lignis Aloe,
canfari, et multis alijs. Mercatores autem cum accedunt ad hanc regionem
ducunt secum homines pingues vendentes illos genti illius regionis, sicut
nos vendimus porcos, qui statim occidunt eos et comedunt. [Sidenote:
Simoltra vel Samotra.] In hac insula versus meridiem est aliud regnum
vocatum Symolcra, in quo tam viri quam mulieres signant se ferro calido in
facie, in 12. partibus, Et hij semper bellant cum hominibus nudis in alia
regione. Vltra transiú ad aliam insulam quæ vocatur Iaua cuius ambitus per
mare est trium millium milliarium, et rex illius insulæ habet sub se 7.
reges coronatos, et haec insula optimè inhabitatur, et melior secunda de
mundo reputatur. In ea nascuntur in copia garyophylli, cubibez, et nuces
muscatæ: et breuiter omnes species ibi sunt, et maxima abundantia omnium
victualium praeterquam vini. Rex illius terræ habet palatium nobilissimum
inter omnia quæ vidi altissime stat, et gradus et scalas habet altissimos,
quorum semper vnus gradus est aureus, alius argenteus: Pauimentum vero vnum
laterem habet de auro, alium de argento. Parietes vero omnes interius sunt
laminati laminis aureis, in quibus sculpti sunt Equites de auro habentes
circa caput circulum aureum plenum lapidibus pretiosis: Tectum est de auro
puro. Cum isto rege ille magnus Canis de Katay frequenter fuit in bello:
Quem tamen semper ille Rex vicit et superauit.


De arboribus dantibus farinam, et mel, et venenum.

Iuxta istam Insulam est alia contrata vocata Panten, vel alio nomine
Tathalamasim, [Marginal note: Vel Malasmi.] et Rex illius contratæ multas
insulas habet sub se. In illa terra sunt arbores dantes farinam, et mel, et
vinum, et etiam venenum periculosius quod sit in mundo, quia contra illud
non est remedium, nisi vnum solum, et est illud. Si aliquis illud venenum
sumpsisset, si velit liberari, sumat stercus hominis et cum aqua temperet,
et in bona quantitate bíbat, et statim fugat venenum faciens exire per
inferiores partes. Farinam autem faciunt arbores hoc modo, sunt magnæ et
bassæ, et quandò inciduntur cum securi propè terram, exit de stipite liquor
quidam secut gummæ, quem accipiunt homines et ponunt in sacculis de folijs
factis, et per quindecim dies in sole dimittunt, et in fine decimi quinti
diei ex isto liquore desiccato fit farina, quam primò ponunt in aqua maris,
posteà lauant eam cum aqua dulci, et fit pasta valdè bona et odorifera, de
qua faciunt cibos vel panes sicut placet eis. De quibus panibus ego comedi,
et est panis exterius pulcher, sed interius aliquantulum niger. [Sidenote:
Mare quod semper currit versus meridiem.] In hac contrata est mare mortuum
quod semper currit versus meridiem, in quod si homo ceciderit, nunquam
posteà comparet. In contrata illa inueniuntur Cannæ longissimæ plures
passus habentes quàm 60 et sunt magnæ vt arbores. Aliæ etiam Cannæ sunt ibi
quæ vocantur Cassan quæ per terram diriguntur vt gramen, et in quolibet
nodo earum ramuli producuntur qui etiam prolongantur super terram per vnum
miliare ferè: in hijs Cannis reperiuntur lapides, quorum si quis vnum super
se portauerit, hon poterit incidi aliquo ferro, et ideò, communiter homines
illius contratæ portant illos lapides super: Multi etiam faciunt pueros
suos dum sunt parui incidi in vno brachio, et in vulnere ponunt vnum de
illis lapidibus, et faciunt vulnus recludere se per vnum puluerem de quodam
pisce, cuius nomen ignoro, qui puluis statim vulnus consolidat et sanat: et
virtute illorum lapidum communitèr isti homines triumphant in bellis, et in
mari, nec possent isti homines laedi per aliqua arma ferra: Vnum tamen
remedium est, quod aduersarij illius gentis scientes virtutem lapidum,
prouident sibi propugnacula ferrea contra spicula illorum, et arma venenata
de veneno arborum, et in manu portant palos ligneos accutissimos et ita
duros in extremitate sicut esset ferrum: Similitér sagittant cum sagittis
sino ferro, et sic confundunt aliquos et perforant inermes ex lapidum
securitate. [Sidenote: Vela ex arundinibus facta.] De istis etiam Cannis
Cassan faciunt sibi vela pro suis nauibus et domunculas paruas, et multa
sibi necessaria. [Sidenote: Campa.] Inde recessi per multas dietas ad aliud
regnum vocatum Campa, pulcherrimum, et opulentissimum in omnibus
victualibus. Cuius rex quamdo fui ibi tot habuit vxores, et alias mulieres,
quod de illis 300. filios et filias habuit. Iste rex habet decies millesies
et quatuor elephantum domesticorum, quos ita facit custodiri sicut inter
nos custodiunt boues, vel greges in pascuis.


De multitudine Piscium, qui se proijciunt in aridam.

In hac contrata vnum mirabile valde reperitur, quod vnaquaeque generatio
piscium in mari ad istam contratam venit in tanta quantitate, quod per
magnum spatium maris nil videtur nisi dorsa piscium, et super aridam se
proijciunt quando prope ripam sunt, et permittunt homines per tres dies
venire, et de illis sumere quantum placuerint, et tunc redeunt ad mare:
Post illam speciem per illum modum venit alia species, et offert se, et sic
de omnibus speciebus, semel tamen tantum hoc faciunt in anno. Et quaesiui à
gente illa quomodo et qualiter hoc possit fieri? responderunt quod hoc modo
pisces per naturam docentur venire, et imperatorem suum reuereri.
[Sidenote: Testitudines magnæ.] Ibi etiam sunt testudines ita magnæ sicut
est vnus furnus, et multa alia vidi quæ incredibilia forent, nisi homo illa
vidisset. In illa etiam contrata homo mortuus conburitur, et vxor viua cum
eo, sicut superius de alia contrata dictum est, quia dicunt homines illi
quod illa vadit ad alium mundum ad morandum cum eo, ne ibi aliam vxorem
accipiat. [Sidenote: Moumoran.] Vltra transiui per mare Oceanum versus
meridiem, et transiui per multas contratas et insulas, quarum vna vocatur
Moumoran, et habet in circuitu 2000. milliaria, in qua homines portant
facies caninas et mulieres similitèr, et vnum bouem adorant pro Deo suo, et
ideo quilibet vnum bouem aureum vel argenteum in fronte portat: Homines
illius contratæ et mulieres vadunt totaliter nudi, nisi quod vnum pannum
lineum portant ante verenda sua. Homines illius regionis sunt maximi et
fortissimi, et quia vadunt nudi, quando debent bellare, portant vnum scutum
de ferro, quod cooperit eos à capite vsque ad pedes, et si contingat eos
aliquem de aduersarijs capere in bello qui pecunia non possit redimi,
statim comedunt eum; si autem possit se redimere pecunia, illum abire
permittunt: Rex eorum portat 300. margaritas ad collum suum maximas et
pulcherrimas, et 300. orationes omni die dicit Deo suo: Hic etiam portat in
digito suo vnum lapidem longitudinis vnius spansæ, et dum habet illum
videtur ab alijs quasi vna flamma ignis, et ideò nullus audet sibi
appropinquare, et dicitur quòd non est lapis in mundo pretiosior illo.
Magnus autem imperator Tartarorum de Katai, nunquam vi, nec pecunia, nec
ingenio illum obtinere potuit, cùm tamen circa hoc laborauerit.


De Insula Ceilan, et de monte vbi Adam planxit Abel filium suum.

[Sidenote: Ceilan insula.] Transiui per aliam insulam vocatam Ceilan, quæ
habet in ambitu plusquam duo millia milliaria, in qua sunt serpentes quasi
infiniti, et maxima multitudo leonum, vrsarum, et omnium animalium
rapacium, et siluestrium, et potissimè elephantum. In illa contrata est
mons maximus, in quo dicunt gentes illius regionis quod Adam planxit Abel
filium suum 500. annis. In medio illius montis est planicies pulcherrima,
in qua est lacus paruus multum habens de aqua, et homines illi dicunt aquam
illam fuisse de lachrymis Adæ et Euæ, sed probaui hoc falsum esse, quia
vidi aquam in lacu scaturire: haec aqua plena est hirudinibus et
sanguisugis, et lapidibus pretiosis; istos lapides rex non accepit sibi,
sed semel vel bis in anno permittit pauperes sub aqua ire pro lapidibus, et
omnes quot possunt colligere illis concedit, vt orent pro anima sua. Vt
autem possint sub aqua ire accipiunt lymones, et cum illis vngunt se valdè
benè, et sic nudos se in aquam submergunt, et sanguisugæ illis nocere non
possunt. Ab isto lacu aqua exit et currit vsque ad mare, et in transitu
quando retrahit se, fodiuntur Rubiæ, et adamantes, et margaritæ, et aliæ
gemmæ pretiosæ: vndè opinio est quod rex ille magis abundat lapidibus
pretiosis, quàm aliquis in mundo. In contrata illa sunt quasi omnia genera
animalium et auium; et dixerunt mihi gentes illæ quod animalia illa nullum
forensem inuadunt, nec offendunt, sed tantum homines illius regionis. Vidi
in illa insula aues ita magnas sicut sunt hic anseres, habentes duo capita,
et alia mirabilia quæ non scribo. [Sidenote: Bodin Insula.] Vltra versus
meridiem transiui, et applicui, ad insulam quandam quæ vocatur Bodin, quod
idem est quod immundum in lingua nostra. In ea morantur pessimi homines,
qui comedunt carnes crudas, et omnem immunditiam faciunt quæ quasi
excogitari non poterit; nam pater comedit filium et filius patrem, et
maritus vxorem, et è contrario, et hoc per hunc modum: si pater alicuius
infirmetur, filius vadet ad Astrologum sacerdotem, scz. rogans eum quod
consulat Deum suum, si pater de tali infirmitate euadet, vel non. Tunc ambo
vadunt ad idolum aureum, vel argenteum, facientes orationes in hac forma.
Domine, tu es Deus noster, te adoramus, et rogamus vt nobis respondeas,
debetnè talis à tali infirmitate mori vel liberari? Tunc Daemon respondet,
et si dicat, viuet, filius vadit et ministrat illi vsque ad plenam
conualescentiam: Si autem dicat, morietur, Sacerdos ibit ad eum, et vnum
pannum super os eius ponet, et suffocabit eum, et ipsum mortuum incidet in
frusta, et inuitabuntur omnes amici, et parentes eius ad comedendum eum cum
canticis, et omni laetitia, ossa tamen eius honorificè sepelient. Cum autem
ego eos de tali ritu reprehendi, quaerens causam: Respondit vnus mihi, hoc
facimus ne vermes carnes eius comedant, tunc eius anima magnam poenam
sustinerit, nec poteram euellere eos ab isto errore: et multæ aliæ
nouitates sunt ibi, quas non crederent, nisi qui viderent. Ego autem coram
Deo nihil hic refero, nisi illud de quo certus sum sicut homo certificari
poterit. De ista insula inquisiui à multis expertis, qui omnes vno ore
responderunt mihi, dicentes, quod ista India 4400. insulas continet sub se,
siue in se, in qua etiam sunt 64. reges coronati, et etiam dicunt quod
maior pars illius insulæ benè inhabitatur. Et hic istius Indiæ facio finem.


De india superiori, et de Prouincia Manci.

In primis refero, quòd cum transirem per mare Oceanum per multas dietas
versus Orientem, perueni ad illam magnam prouinciam Manci, quæ India
vocatur à Latinis. De ista India superiori inquisiui à Christianis,
Saracenis, idolatris, et omnibus, qui officiales sunt domini Canis magni,
qui omnes vno ore responderunt, quod hæ prouincia Manci habet plusquam
2000, magnarum ciuitatum, et in ipsa est maxima copia omnium victualium,
puta, panis, vini, risi, carnium, piscium, &c. Omnes homines istius
prouinciæ sunt artifices et mercatores, qui pro quacunque penuria, dummodo
proprijs manibus iuuare se possent per labores, nunquam ab aliquo
eleemosynam peterent. Viri istius prouinciæ sunt satis formosi, sed
pallidi, et rasas et paruas barbas habentes; foeminæ vero sunt pulcherrimæ
inter omnes do mundo. Prima ciuitas ad quam veni de ista India vocatur
Ceuskalon, [Marginal note: Vel Ceuscala.] et distat à mari per vnam dietam,
positaque est super flumen, cuius aqua propè mare cui contignatur, ascendit
super terram per 12. dietas. Totus populus illius Indiæ idolatrat. Ista
autem ciuitas tantum nauigium habet, quod incredibile foret nisi videnti.
[Sidenote: Hi sunt alcatrarsi vel onocratoli.] In hac ciuitate vidi quod
300. libræ de bono et recenti zinzibero habentur pro minori quam pro vno
grosso: Ibi sunt anseres grossiores et pulchriores, et maius forum de
illis, quam sit in mundo, vt credo, et sunt albissimi sicut lac, et habent
vnum os super caput quantitatis oui, et habet colorem sanguineum, sub gula
habent vnam pellem pendentem semipedalem: Pinguissimi sunt, et optimi fori:
et ita est de anatibus, et gallinis, quæ magnæ sunt valdé in illa terra
plusquam duæ de nostris. Ibi sunt serpentes maximi, et capiuntur et a gente
illa comeduntur: vnde qui faceret festum solemne, et non daret serpentes,
nihil reputaret se facere; breuiter in hac ciuitate sunt omnia victualia in
maxima abundantia. Indè transiui per ciuitates multas, et veni ad ciuitatem
nomine Kaitan, [Marginal note: Vel Zaiton.] in qua fratres Minores habent
duo loca, ad quæ portaui de ossibus fratrum nostrorum pro fidi Christi
interfectorum, de quibus supra. In hac est copia omnium victualium pro
leuissimo foro, haec ciuitas ita magna est, sicut bis Bononia, et in ea
multa monasteria religiosorum, qui omnes idolis seruiunt. In vno autem
istorum monasteriorum ego fui, et dictum est mihi quòd inerant 3000.
religiosorum habentium 11000. idoloram, et vnum illorum, quod quasi paruum
inter caetera mihi videbatur, est ita magnum sicut Christophorus noster.
Isti religiosi omni die pascunt Deos suos, vnde semel iui ad videntum
comestionem illam, et vidi quòd illa quæ detulerunt sibi comestibilia sunt,
et calidissima, et multum fumigantia, ita quòd fumus ascendit ad idola, et
dixerunt Deos illo fumo recreari. Totum autem cibum illi reportauerunt et
comederunt, et sic de fumo tantum Deos suos pauerunt.


De Ciuitate Fuko.

Vltra versus Orientem veni ad ciuitatem quæ vocatur Fuko, [Marginal note:
Vel Foqaien.] cuius circuitus continet 30. milliaria, in qua sunt Galli
maximi et pulcherrimi, et gallinæ ita albæ sicut nix, lanam solum pro
pennis habentes sicut pecudes. Haec ciuitas pulcherrima est, et sita supra
mare. Vltra iui per 18. dietas, et pertransij multas terras et ciuitates,
et in transitu veni ad quendam montem magnum, et vidi quod in vno latere
montis omnia animalia erant nigra vt carbo, et homines et mulieres diuersum
modum viuendi habent: ab alio autem latere omnia animalia erant alba sicut
nix, et homines totaliter diuersè ab alijs vixerunt. Ibi omnes foeminæ quæ
sunt desponsatæ portant in signum quod habent maritos vnum magnum barile de
cornu in capita. [Sidenote: Magnum flumen.] Inde transiui per 18. dietas
alias, et veni ad quoddam magnum flumen, et intraui ciuitatem vnam, quæ
transuersum illius fluminis habet pontem maximum, et hospitabar in domo
vnius hospitarij, qui volens mihi complacere, dixit mihi: si velis videre
piscari, veni mecum; et duxit me super pontem, et vidi in brachijs suis
mergos ligatos super perticas, ad quorum gulam vbi ille ligauit vnum filum,
ne illi capientes pisces, comederent eos: Postea in brachio vno posuit 3.
cistas magnas, et tunc dissoluit mergos de perticis, qui statim in aquam
intrauerunt, et pisces ceperunt, et cistas illas repleuerunt in pania hora,
quibus repletis vir ille dissoluit fila à collis eorum, et ipsi reintrantes
flumen se de piscibus recreauerunt, et recreati ad perticas redierunt, et
se ligari sicut priùs permiserunt: Ego autem de illis piscibus comedi, et
optimi mihi videbantur. [Sidenote: Aliâs Cansai, vel Quinzai.] Inde
transiens per multas dietas veni ad vnam ciuitatem quæ vocatur Kanasia, quæ
sonat in lingua nostro ciuitas coeli: Nunquam ita magnam ciuitatem vidi,
Circuitus enim eus continet 100. millaria, nec in ea vidi spatium quin benè
inhabitaretur; Imo vidi multas domus habentes 10. vel 12. solaria vnum
supra aliud: haec habet suburbia maxima continentia maiorem populum quàm
ipsa ciuitas contineat 12. portas habet principales, et in via de qualibet
illarum portarum ad 8. milliaria sunt ciuitates fortè maiores vt æstimo,
quàm est ciuitas Venetiarum, et Padua. Haec ciuitas sita est in aquis quæ
semper stant, et nec fluunt, nec refluunt, vallum tamen habet propter
ventum sicut ciuitas Venetiarum. In ea sunt plus decem mille et 2. pontium,
quorum multos numeraui et transiui, et in qualibet ponte stant custodes
ciuitatis continuè custodientes ciuitatem pro magno Cane imperatore Catai.
Vnum mandatum dicunt gentes illius ciuitatis a domino se recepisse. Nam
quilibet ignis soluit vnum balis, i. 5. cartas bombicis, qui unum florenum
cum dimidio valent, et 10. vel 12. supellectiles facient vnum ignem, et sic
pro vno igne soluent. Isti ignes sunt benè 85. Thuman, eum alijs 4.
Saracenorum quæ faciunt 89. Thuma vero vnum decem milia ignium facit,
reliqui autem de populo ciuitatis sunt alij Christiani, alij mercatores, et
alij transeuntes per terram, vndè maximè fui miratus quo modo tot corpora
hominum poterant simul habitare: in ea est maxima copia victualium, scz.
panis et vini, et carnium de porco praecipué cum alijs necessarijs.


De monasterio vbi sunt multa animalia diuersa in quodam monte.

In illa ciuitate 4. fratres nostri conuerterant vnum potentem ad fidem
Christi, in cuius hospitio continué habitabam, dum fui ibi, qui semèl dixit
mihi, Ara, i. pater, vis tu venire et videre ciuitatem istam: et dixi quòd
sic, et ascendimus vnam barcham, et iuimus ad vnum monasterium maximum, de
quo vocauit vnum religiosum sibi notum, et dixit sibi de me. Iste Raban
Francus, i. religiosus venit de indé vbi sol occidit, et nunc vadit
Cambaleth, vt deprecetur vitam pro magno Cane, et ideò ostendas sibi
aliquid, quòd si reuertatur ad contratas suas possit referre quod tale quid
nouum vidi in Canasia ciuitate: tunc sumpsit ille religiosus duos mastellos
magnos repletos reliquijs quæ supererant de mensa, et duxit me ad vnam
perclusam paruam, quam aperuit cum claue, et aparuit, viridarium gratiosum
et magnum in quod intrauimus, et in illo viridario stat vnas monticulus
sicut vnum campanile, repletus amoenis herbis et arboribus, et dum staremus
ibi, ipse sumpsit cymbalum, et incoepit percutere ipsum sicut percutitur
quando monachi intrant refectorium, ad cuius sonitum multa animalia diuersa
descenderunt de monte illo, aliqua vt simiæ, aliqua vt Cati, Maymones, et
aliqua faciem hominis habentia, et dum sic starem congregauerunt se circa
ipsum, 4000. de illis animalibus, et se in ordinibus collocauerunt, coram
quibus posuit paropsidem et dabat eis comedere, et cum comedissent iterum
cymbalum percussit, et omnia ad loca propria redierunt. Tunc admiratus
inquisiui quæ essent animalia ista? Et respondit mihi quod sunt animæ
nobilium virorum, quas nos hic pascimus amore Dei, qui regit orbem, et
sicut vnus homo fuit nobilis, ita anima eius post mortem in corpus nobilis
animalis intrat. Animæ verò simplicium et rusticorum, corpora vilium
animalium intrant. Incoepi istam abusionem improbare, sed nihil valuit
sibi, non enim poterat credere, quòd aliqua anima posset sine corpore
manere. [Sidenote: Chilenso.] Indè transiui ad quandam ciuitatem nomine
Chilenso, cuius muri per 40. milliaria circuerunt. In ista ciuitate sunt
360. pontes lapidei pulchriores quàm vnquam viderim, et benè inhabitatur,
et nauigium maxinium habet, et copiam omnium victualium et aliorum bonorum.
[Sidenote: Thalay. Kakam.] Inde iui ad quoddam flumen dictum Thalay, quod
vbi est strictius habet in latitudine 7. milliaria, et illud flumen per
medium terræ Pygmæorum transit, quorum ciuitas vocatur Kakam, quæ de
pulchrioribus ciuitatibus mundi est. Isti Pigmaei habent longitudinem trium
spansarum mearum, et faciunt maiora et meliora goton, et bombicinam quàm
aliqui homines in mundo. Indè per illud flumen transiens, veni ad vnam
ciuitatem Ianzu, in qua est vnus locus fratrum nostrorum, et sunt in ea
tres ecclesiæ Nestorianorum: haec ciuitas nobilis est, et magna, habens in
se 48. Thuman ignium, et in ea omnia victualia, et animalia in magna copia,
de quo Christiani viuunt: Dominus istius ciuitatis solum de sale habet in
redditibus 50. Thuman Balisi, et valet balisus vnum florenum cum dimidio:
Ita quod vnum Thuman facit 15. millia florenorum, vnam tamen gratiam facit
dominus populo, quia dimittit ei, ne sit caristia in eo, 200. Thuman. Habet
haec ciuitas consuetudinem, quod quando vnus vult facere conuiuium amicis
suis, ad hoc sunt hospitia deputata, et vbi ille circuit per hospites,
dicens sibi tales amicos meos habebis, quos festabis nomine meo, et tantum
in festo volo expendere, et per illum modum meliùs conuiuant amici in
pluribus hospitijs quam facerent in vno. [Sidenote: Montu.] Per 10.
milliaria ab ista ciuitate in capite fluminis Thalay est vna ciuitas vocata
Montu, quæ maius nauigium habet, quàm viderim in toto mundo; Et omnes naues
ibi sunt albæ sicùt nix, et in ipsis sunt hospitia, et multa alia quæ
nullus homo crederet nisi viderentur.


De ciuitate Cambaleth.

[Sidenote: Caramoran.] Indè transiui per 8. dietas per multas terras et
ciuitates, et veni tandem per aquam dulcem ad quandam ciuitatem nomine
Leneyn, quæ est posita super flumen vocatum Caramoran, quod per medium
Catai transit, et magnum damnum sibi infert, quando erumpit. Indè transiens
per flumen versus Orientem per multas dietas et ciuitates, veni ad vnam
ciuitatem nomine Sumacoto, quæ maiorem copiam habet de serico, quàm aliqua
ciuitas in mundo: Quando enim est maior caristia Serici, ibi 40. libræ
habentur pro minori quàm pro 8. grossis. In ea est copia omnium
mercimoniorum et omnium victualium, panis, vini, carnium, piscium, et
omnium specierum electarum. [Sidenote: Cambalec.] Inde transiui versus
Orientem per multas ciuitates, et veni ad illam nobilem, et nominatam
Cambaleth quæ est ciuitas multum antiqua, et veni ad Catai, et eam ceperunt
Tartari: Et iuxta eam ad dimidium miliare aliam ciuitatem fecerunt, quæ
vocatur Caido et haec 12. portas habet, et semper inter vnam et aliam sunt
duo miliaria, et medium inter illas ciuitates benè inhabitatur, ita quòd
faciunt quasi vnam ciuitatem; Et ambitus istarum duarum ciuitatum est
plusquàm 40. milliaria. [Sidenote: Mandeuil cap. 33.] In hac ciuitate
magnus imperator Canis habet sedem suam principalem, et suum magnum
palatium, cuius muri bene 4. miliaria continent; et infra illud palatium
sunt multa alia palatia dominorum de familia sua. In palatio etiam illo est
vnus mons pulcherrimus consitus arboribus, propter quod mons viridis
nominatur, et in monte palatium amoenissimum in quo communitèr Canis
residet: A latere autem montis est vnus lacus magnus, supra quem pons
pulcherrimus est factus, et in illo lacu est magna copia anserum et anatum,
et omnium auium aquaticarum; et in silua montis copia omnium auium et
ferarum siluestrium, et ideo quando dominus Canis vult venari non oportet
eum exire palatium suum. Palatium vero principale, in quo sedes sua est,
est magnum valde, et habet interius 14. columnas aureas, et omnes muri eius
cooperti sunt pellibus rubeis quæ dicuntur nobiliores pelles de mundo: Et
in medio palatij est vna pigna altitudinis duorum passuum, quæ tota est de
vno lapide pretioso nomine merdochas; et est tota circumligata auro, et in
quolibet angulo eius est vnum serpens de auro qui verberatos fortissimé:
Habet etiam haec pignaretia de margaritis, et per istam pignam defertur
potus per meatus et conductus qui in curia regis habetur; et iuxta eam
pendent multa vasa aurea cum quibus volentes bibere possunt. In hoc autem
palatio sunt multi pauones de auro; et cùm aliquis Tartarus facit festum
domino suo, tunc quando conuiuantes collidunt manus suas præ gaudio et
læticia, pauones emittunt alas suas, et expandunt caudas, et videntur
tripudiare; Et hoc credo factura arte Magica, vel aliqua cautela
subterranea.


De gloria magni Canis.

Qvando autem magnus ille Imperator Canis in sede sua imperiali residet,
tunc a sinistro latere sedet Regina, et per vnum gradum inferius duo
mulieres quas ipse tenet pro se; quando non potest ad Reginam accedere: In
infimo autem gradu resident omnes dominae de sua parentela. Omnes autem
mulieres nuptæ portant supra caput suum vnum pedem hominis, longitudinis
vnius brachij cum dimidio; et subter illum pedem sunt pennæ gruis, et totus
ille pes ornatur maximis margaritis. A latero verò dextro ipsius Canis
residet filius eius primogenitus, regnaturus post ipsum, et inferius ipso
omnes qui sunt de sanguine regio: Ibi etiam sunt 4. scriptores scribentes
omnia verba quæ dicit rex; Ante cuius conspectum sunt Barones sui, et multi
alij nobiles cum sua gente maxima, quorum nullus audet loqui nisi a domino
licentia petatur exceptis fatuis et histrionibus, qui suum dominum
consolari habent; Illi etiam nihil audent facere, nisi secundum quod
Dominus voluerit eis legem imponere. Ante portam palatij sunt Barones
custodientes, ne aliquis limen portæ tangat. Cùm autem ille Canis voluerit
facere conuiuium, habet secum 14000. Barones portantes circulos, et
coronulas in capite, et domino suo seruientes; Et quilibet portat vnam
vestem de auro et margaritis tot quot valent plus quam decies millies
florenorum. Curia eius optime ordinatur per denarios, centenarios, et
millenarios, et taliter quòd quilibet in suo ordine peragit officium sibi
deputatum, nec aliquis defectus reperitur. Ego frater Odoricus fui ibi per
tres annos, et multotiens in istis festis suis fui, quià nos fratres
minores in sua curia habemus locum nobis deputatum, et oportet nos semper
ire, et dare sibi nostram benedictionem: et inquisiui ab illis de curia, de
numero illorum qui sunt in curia domini, et responderunt mihi quod de
histrionibus sunt bene 18. Thuman; Custodes autem canum et bestiarum, et
auium sunt. 15. Thuman; Medici vero pro corpore Regis sunt 400. Christiani
autem 8. et vnus Saracenus. Et ego quando fui ibi, hij omnes omnia
necessaria tam ad victum, quam ad vestitum habebant de Curia domini Canis.
Quando autem vult equitare de vna terra ad aliam, habet 4. exercitus
equitum, et vnus per vnam dietam ipsum antecedit, secundus aliam, et
tertius similitèr, et quartus; ita quod semper ipse se tenet in medio in
modum crucis; et ita omnes exercitus habent omnes dietas suas ordinatas,
quod inueniunt omnia victualia parata sine defectu. Illémet autem dominus
Canis per illum modum vadit; Sedet in curru cum duabus rotis in quo facta
est pulcherrima sella tota de lignis Aloe, et auro ornata, et margaritis
maximis, et lapidibus pretiosis; et 4. Elephantes bene ordinati ducunt
istum currum, quos praecedunt 4. equi altissimi optime cooperti. Iuxta
currum à lateribus sunt 4. Barones tenentes currum, ne aliquis appropinquet
domino suo. Supra currum sedent duo Gerfalcones albissimi, et dùm videt
aues quos vult capere, dimittit Falcones volare, et capiunt eas; Et sic
habet solatium suum equitando, et per iactum vnius lapidis nullus audet
appropinquare currui nisi populus assignatus: vnde incredibile esset homini
qui non vidisset de numero gentis suæ, et reginæ, et primogeniei sui. Istæ
Dominus Canis imperium suum diuisit in 12. partes, et vna habet sub se 200.
magnarum ciuitatum: vnde ita latum et longum est suum imperium, quod ad
quamcunque partem iret, satis haberes facere in sex mensibus, exceptis
insulis, quæ sunt bene 5000.


De hospitijs paratis per totum imperium pro transeuntibus.

Iste Dominus, vt transeuntes habeant omnia necessaria sua per totum suum
imperium, fecit hospitia praeparari vbique per vias; in quibus sunt omnia
parata quæ ad victualia pertinent: Cum autem aliqua nouitas oritur in
imperio suo, tunc si distat, ambassiatores super equos vel dromedarios
festinant, et cùm lassantur in cursu, pulsant cornu, et proximum hospitium
parat vnum similitèr, equum, qui quando alius venit fessus accipit literam,
et currit ad hospitium, et sic per hospitia, et per diuersos cursores rumor
per 30. dietas, vno die naturali venit ad imperatorem; et ideò nihil
ponderis potest fieri in imperio suo, quin statim scitur ab eo. Cum autem
ipse Canis vult ire venatum; istum modum habet. Extra Cambaleth ad 20.
dietas, est vna foresta quæ 6. dietas continet in ambitu; in qua sunt tot
genera animalium et auium quòd mirabile est dicere: Ad illud nemus vadit in
fine trium annorum vel quatuor cum tota gente, cum qua ipsum circuit, et
canes intrare permittit, qui animalia, scilicet leones, ceruos, et alia
animalia reducunt ad vnam planitiem pulcherrimam in medio nemoris, quia ex
clamoribus canum maximè tremunt omnes bestiæ syluæ. Tunc accedit magnus
Canis super tres elephantes et 5. sagittas mittit in totam multitudinem
animalium, et post ipsum omnes Barones, et post ipsos alij de familia sua
emittunt sagittas suas; et omnes sagittæ sunt signatæ certis signis et
diuersis: Tunc vadit ad animalia interfecta, dimittens viua nemus reintrare
vt aliàs habeat ex eis venationem suam, et quilibet illud animal habebit in
cuius corpere inuenit sagittam suam quam iaciebat.


De quatuor festis quæ tenet in anno Canis in curia.

Quatuor magna festa in anno facit Dominus Canis, scilicet festum
natiuitatis, festum circumcisionis, coronationis, et desponsationis suæ; et
ad ista festa conuocat omnes Barones, et histriones, et omnes de parentela
sua. Tunc domino Cane in suo throno sedente, accedunt Barones cum circulis
et coronis in capite, vestiti vario modo, quia aliqui de viridi, scilicet
primi, secundi de sanguineo, et tertij de croceo, et tenent in manibus vnam
tabulam eburneam de dentibus Elephantum, et cinguntur cingulis aureis vno
semisse latis, et stant pedibus silentium tenentes. Circa illos stant
histriones cum suis instrumentis: In vno autem angulo cuiusdam magni
palatij resident Philosophi omnes ad certas horas, et puncta attendentes:
et cum deuenitur ad punctumn et horam petitam à philosopho, vnus praeco
clamat valentèr. Inclinetis vos omnes imperatori vestro: tunc omnes Barones
cadunt ad terram; et iterum clamat, Surgite omnes, et illi statim surgunt.
Iterum philosophi ad aliud punctum attendunt, et cùm peruentum fuerit,
iterum praeco clamat; ponite digitum in aurem, et statim dicit, extrahite
ipsum; iterùm ad aliud punctum clamat, Buratate farinam: et multa alia
faciunt, quæ omnia dicunt certam signifcationem habere, quæ scriberi nolui,
nec curaui, quia vana sunt et risu digna. Cùm autem peruentum fuerit ad
horam histrionum, time Philosophi dicunt, facite festum domino, et omnes
pulsant instrumenta sua, et faciunt maximum sonitum; et statim alius
clamat; Taceant omnes, et omnes tacent: Tunc accedunt histrionatrices ante
dominum dulcitèr modulantes, quod mihi plus placuit. Tunc veniunt leones,
et faciunt reuerentiam domino Cani; Et tunc histriones faciunt ciphos
aureos plenos vino volare per aerem, et ad ora hominum se applicare vt
bibant. Haec et multa alia mirabilia in curia illius Canis vidi, quæ nullus
crederet nisi videret; et ideò dimitto ea. De alio mirabili audiui à fide
dignis, quòd in vno regno istius Canis in quo sunt montes Kapsei (et
dicitur illud regnum Kalor) nascuntur pepones maximi, qui quando sunt
maturi aperiuntur, et intùs inuenitur vna bestiola similis vni agnello:
sicut audiui quòd in mari Hybernico stant arbores supra ripam maris et
portant fructum sicut essent cucurbitæ, quæ certo tempore cadunt in aquam
et fiunt aues vocatæ Bernakles, et illud est verum.


De diuersis Prouincijs et ciuitatibus.

De isto imperio Katay recessi post tres annos, et transiui 50. dietas
versus Occidentem; et tandem veni ad terram Pretegoani, cuius ciuitas
principalis Kosan vocatur, quæ multas habet sub se ciuitates. [Sidenote:
Casan.] Vltra per multas dietas iui, et perueni ad vnam prouinciam vocatam
Kasan; et haec est secunda melior prouincia mundi, vt dicitur, et est
optimè habitata: Sic quod quando exitur à porta vnius ciuitatis, videntur
portæ alterius ciuitatis, sicut egomet vidi de multis. Latitudo Prouinciæ
est 50. dietarum, et longitudo plusquam 60. In ea est maxima copia omnium
victualium, et maximè castaneorum; et haec est vna de 12. prouincijs magni
Canis. [Sidenote: Tibec regio aliàs Tebet Guillielmo de Rubricis.] Vltra
veni ad vnum regnum vocatum Tibek quod est subiectum Cani, in quo est maior
copia panis et vini, quam sit in toto mundo vt credo. Gens illius terræ
moratur communiter in tenorijs factis ex feltris nigris: Principalis
ciuitas sua murata est pulcherrimè ex lapidibus albissimis, et nigerrimis
interescalariter dispositis et curiosè compositis, et omnes viæ eius optimè
pouatæ. In ista contrata nullus audet effundere sanguinem hominis, nec
alicuius animalis, ob reuerentiam vnius Idoli. In ista ciuitate moratur
Abassi i. Papa eorum, qui est caput et princeps omnium Idolatrarum; quibus
dat et distribuit beneficia secundum morem eorum; sicut noster Papa Romanus
est caput omnium Christianorum. Foeminæ in hoc regno portant plusquam
centum tricas, et habent duos dentes in ore ita longos sicut apri. Quando
etiam pater alicuius moritur, tunc filius conuocat omnes sacerdotes et
histriones, et dicit se velle patrem suum honorare, et facit eum ad campum
duci sequentibus parentibus omnibus, amicis, et vicinis, vbi sacerdotes cum
magna solemnitate amputant caput suum, dantes illud filio suo, et tunc
totum corpus in frusta concidunt, et ibi dimittunt, cum orationibus cum eo
redeuntes; [Sidenote: Eadem historia de eodem populo apud Guilielmum de
Rubricis.] Tunc veniunt vultures, de monte assuefacti ad huiusmodi, et
carnes omnes asportant: Et ex tunc currit fama de eo quòd sanctus est, quia
angeli domini ipsum portant in paradisum: Et iste est maximus honor, quem
reputat filius posse fieri patri suo mortuo: Tunc filius sumit caput
patris, et coquit ipsum, et comedit, de testa eius faciens ciphum in quo
ipse cum omnibus de domo et cognatione eius bibunt cum solemnitate et
laetitia in memoriam patris comesti. Et multa vilia et abominabilia facit
gens illa quæ non scribo, quia non valent, nec homines crederent nisi
viderent.


De diuite qui pascitur à 50. Virginibus.

Dum fui in prouincia Manzi transiui iuxta palatium vnius hominis popularis,
qui habuit 50. domicellas virgines sibi continuè ministrantes, in omnibus
pascentes eum sicut auis auiculas, et habet semper 5. fercula triplicata;
et quando pascunt eum, continuè cantant dulcissimè: Iste habet in
redditibus Tagaris risi 30. Thuman, quorum quodlibet decies millies facit:
vnum autem Tagar pondus est asini. Palatium suum duo millaria tenet in
ambitu; cuius pauimentum semper vnum laterem habet aureum, alium argenteum:
Iuxta ambitum istius palatij est vnus monticulus artificialis de auro et
argento, super quo stant Monasteria, et campanilia, et alia delectabilia
pro solatio illius popularis; Et dictum fuit mihi, quòd quatuor tales
homines sunt in regno illo. [Sidenote: Mulierum parui pedes.] Nobilitas
virorum est longos habere vngues in digitis, praecipue pollicis quibus
circueunt sibi manus: Nobilitas autem et pulchritudo mulierem est pauos
habere pedes: Et ideò matres quando filiæ suæ sunt tenellæ ligant pedes
earum, et non dimittunt crescere. [Sidenote: Milestorite.] Vltra transiens
versus meridiem applicui ad quandam contratam, quæ vocatur Milestorite, quæ
pulchra est valdè et fertilis: Et in ista contrata erat vnus vocatus Senex
de monte, qui inter duos montes fecerat sibi vnum murum circumuentem istos
montes. Infra istum murum erant fontes pulcherrimi de mundo; Et iuxta
fontes erant pulcherrimæ virgines in maximo numero, et equi pulcherrimi, et
omni illud quod ad suauitatem, et delectationem corporis fieri poterit, et
ideo illum locum vocant homines illius contratæ Paradisum. Iste senex cùm
viderit aliquem iuuenem formosum et robustum, posuit eum in illo paradiso;
Per quosdam autem conductus descendere facit vinum et lac abundantèr. Iste
Senex cùm voluerit se vindicare, vel interficere regem aliquem vel Baronem,
dicit illi qui præerat illi paradiso vt aliquem de notis illius regis, vel
Baronis introduceret in paradisum illum, et illum delicijs frui
permitteret, et tunc daret sibi potionem vnam, quæ ipsum sopiebat in
tantum, quòd insensibilem redderet, et ipsum sic dormientem faceret extra
paradisum deportari: qui excitatus et se extra paradisum conspiciens, in
tanta tristitia positus foret, quòd nesciret quid faceret: Tunc ad illum
senem iret, rogans eum, vt interùm in paradisum introduceretur: qui sibi
dicit, tu illic introduci non poteris, nisi talem vel talem interficias; et
siue interfeceris, siue non, reponam te in paradiso, et ibidem poteris
semper manere; Tunc ille sic faceret, et omnes seni odiosos interficeret;
Et ideò omnes reges orientales illum senem timuerunt, et sibi tributum
magnum dederunt.


De morte Senis de monte.

Cum autem Tartari magnam partem mundi cepissent, venerunt ad istum Senem,
et dominium illius Paradisi ab eo abstulerunt, qui multos sicarios de
Paradiso illo emisit, et nobiliores Tartarorum interfici fecit. Tartari
autem hoc videntes ciuitatem, in qua erat senex obsederunt, eum ceperunt,
et pessima morte interfecerunt. Hanc gratiam habent fratres ibidem, quod
citissimè per virtutem nominis Christi Iesu, et in virtute illius sanguinis
pretiosi, quem effudit in cruce pro salute generis humani, daemonia ab
obsessis corporibus expellunt; et quia multi ibidem sum obsessi, ducuntur
per decem dietas ad fratres ligati, qui liberati statim credunt in
Christum, qui liberauit ebs habentes ipsum pro Deo suo, et baptizati sunt,
et idola sua, et pecorum suorum statim dant fratribus, quæ sunt communitèr
de feltro, et de crinibus mulierum et fratres ignem in communi loci faciunt
ad quem populus confluit, vt videat Deos vicinorum suorum comburi et
fratres coram populo Idola in ignem proijciunt; Et prima vice de igne
exierunt; Tunc fratres ignem cum aqua benedicta conspercerunt, et interùm
Idola in ignem proiecerunt, et daemones in effigie fumi nigerrimi fugerunt,
et Idola remanserunt, et combusta sunt. Posteà auditor clamor per aerem
talis, vide, vide, quo modo de habitatione mea expulsus sum. Et per istum
modum fratres maximam multitudinem baptizant, qui citò recidiuant ad idola
pecorum: qui fratres continuò quasi stent cum illis, et illos informent.
Aliud terribile fuit quod ego vidi ibi. Nam cùm irem per vnam vallem quæ
sita est iuxta fluuium deliciarum, multa corpora mortua vidi, et in illa
valle audiui sonos musicos dulces et diuersos, et maximè de cytharis, vndè
multum timui. Haec vallis habet longitudinem septem, vel octo milliarium ad
plus, in quam si quis intrat, moritur, et nunquam viuus potest transire per
medium illius vallis, et ideò omnes de contrata declinant à latere: Et
tentatus eram intrare, et videre, quid hoc esset. Tandem oratis et Deo me
recommendans, et cruce signans, in nomine Iesu intraui, et vidi tot corpora
mortua ibi, quòd nullus crederet nisi videret In hac valle ab vno eius
latere, in vno saxo vnam faciem hominis vidi, quæ ita terribilitèr me
respexit, quòd omnino credidi ibi fuisse mortuus: Sed semper hoc verbum
(verbum caro factum est et habitauit in nobis) protuli, et cruce me
signaui, nec propiùs quàm per 7. passus, vel 8. accedere capiti ausus fui:
Iui autem fugiens ad aliud caput vallis, et super vnum monticulum arenosum
ascendi, in quo vndique circumspiciens nihil vidi nisi cytharas illas, quas
per se (vt mihi videbatur) pulsari et resonare mirabiliter audiui. Cùm vero
fui in cacumine montis, inueni ibi argentum in maxima quantitate, quasi
fuissent squamæ piscium. Congregans autem inde in gremio meo pro mirabili
ostendendo, sed ductus conscientia, in terram proieci, nihil mecum
reseruans, et sic per gratiam Dei liber exiui. Cùm autem homines illius
contratæ sciuerunt me viuum exisse, reuerebantur me multum, dicentes me
baptizatum et sanctum: et corpora illa fuisse daemonum infernalium qui
pulsant cytharas vt homines alliciant intare, et interficiant. Haec de
visis certudinalitér ego frater Odoricus hic inscripsi; et multa mirabilia
omisi ponere, quia homines hon credidissent nisi vidissent.


De honore et reuerentia factis Domino Cani.

Vnum tantùm referam de magno Cane quod vidi. Consuetudo est in partibus
illis quòd quando praedictus dominus per aliquam contratam transit, homines
ante ostia sua accendunt ignem et apponunt aromata, ac faciunt fumum, vt
dominus transiens suauem sentiat adorem, et multi obuiam sibi vadunt. Dum
autem semel veniret in Cambeleth, et fama vndique diuulgaretur de suo
aduentu, vnus noster Episcopus, et aliqui nostri minores fratres et ego
iuimus obuiàm sibi benè per duas dietas: Et dum appropinquaremus ad eum,
posuimus crucem super lignum, et ego habebam mecum in manu thuribulum, et
incepimus cantare alta voce dicentes: Veni creator spiritus: Et dum sic
cantaremus audiuit voces, nostras, fecítque nos vocari, ac iussit nos ad
eum accedere; cùm vt suprà dictum est, nullus audeat appropinquare currui
suo ad iactum lapidis, nisi vocatus, exceptis illis qui currum custodiunt.
Et dum iuissemus ad eum, ipse deposuit galerum suum, sine capellum
inestimabilis quasi valoris, et fecit reuerentiam Cruci; et statim incensum
posui in thuribulo; Episcopus noster accepit thuribulum, et thurificauit
eum; ac sibi praedictus Episcopus dedit benedictionem suam. Accedentes verò
ad praedictum dominum, sempèr sibi aliquid offerendum deferunt; secum illam
antiquam legem obseruantes; Non apparebis in conspectu meo vacuus; Idcirco
portauimus nobiscum poma, et ea sibi super vnum incisorium reuerentèr
obtulimus; et ipse duo accepit, et de vno aliquantulum comedit: Et tunc
fecit nobis signum quod recederemus, ne equi venientes in aliquo nos
offenderent; statimque ab eo discessimus, atque diuertimus, et iuimus ad
aliquos Barones per fratres nostri ordinis ad fidem conuersos, qui in
exercitu eius erant, et eis obtulimus de pomis praedictis, qui cum maximo
gaudio ipsa accipientes ita videbantur laetari, ac si praebuissemus eis
familiaritèr magnum munus. Haec praedicta frater Guilelmus de Solangna in
scriptis redegit, sicùt praedictus frater Odoricus ore tenus exprimebat.
Anno Domini 1330, mense Maij in loco Sancti Antonij de Padua; Nec curauit
de latino difficili, et stilo ornato; Sed sicut ipse narrabat ad hoc vt
homines faciliùs intelligerent quæ dicuntur. Ego frater Odoricus de Foro
Iulij de quadam terra quæ dicitur Portus Vahonis de ordine minorum
testificor, et testimonium perhibeo reuerendo patri Guidoto ministro
prouinciæ Sancti Antonij in Marchia Triuisana, cùm ab eo fuerim per
obedientiam requisitus, quòd haec omnia quæ superiùs scripta sunt, aut
proprijs oculis ego vidi, aut a fide dignis audiui: Communis etiam loquutio
illarum terrarum illa quæ nec vidi testatur esse; Multa etiam alia ego
dimisissem, nisi illa proprijs oculis conspexissem. Ego autem de die in
diem me propono contratas seu terras accedere, in quibus mori, et viuere me
dispono, si placuerit Deo meo.


De morte fratris Odorici.

Anno igitur Domini 1331. disponente se praedicto fratre Odorico ad
perficiendum iter suæ peregrinationis, prout mente conceperat, et etiam vt
via et labor esset sibi magnis ad meritum, decreuit primò praesentiam adire
Domini et patris omnium summi Pontificis Domini Ioannis Papæ 22: cuius
benedictione obedientiaque recepta cum societate fratrum secum ire
volentium ad partes infidelium se transferret: Cùmque sic eundo versus
summum Pontificem, non multum distaret à ciuitate Pisana, in quadam via
occurrit sibi quidam senex in habitu peregrini eum salutans ex nomine, Aue
(inquiens) frater Odorice: Et cùm frater quaereret quo modo ipsius haberet
noticiam? Respondit, Dum eras in India noui te, tuùm qui noui sanctum
propositum; Sed et tu modò ad conuentum vndè venisti reuertere, quia die
sequenti decimo ex hoc mundo migrabis. Verbis igitur senis attonitus et
stupefactus, praesertim cùm Senex ille statim post dictum ab eius aspectu
disparuit; reuerti decreuit; Et reuersus est in bona prosperitate nullam
sentiens grauedinem corporis, seu aliquam infirmitatem; Cùmque esset in
conuentu suo Vtinensi. N. in prouincia Paduana decimo die, prout facti sibi
fuir reuelatio, accepta communione, ipsoque ad Deum disponente, etiam
corpore existens incolumis in Domino foeliciter requieuit: Cuius sacer
obitus Domino summo Pontifici praefato sub manu Notarij publici
transmittitur; qui sic scribet.

Anno Domini 1331. decima quarta die mensis Ianuarij obijt in Christo Beatus
Odoricus ordinis fratrum Minorum, cuius precibus omnipotens Deus multa, et
varia miracula demonstrauit; quæ ego Guetelus notarius communis Vtini,
filius domini Damiani de portu Gruario, de mandato et voluntate nobilis
viri Domini Conradi de Buardigio Castaldionis, et consilij Vtini, scripsi,
sicut potui, bona fide, et fratribus Minoribus exemplum dedi; sed non de
omnibus, quià sunt innumerabilia, et mihi difficilia ad scribendum.


The same in English.

Here beginneth the iournall of Frier Odoricus, one of the order of the
  Minorites, concerning strange things which hee sawe among the Tarters of
  the East.

Albeit many and sundry things are reported by diuers authors concerning the
fashions and conditions of this world: notwithstanding I frier Odoricus of
Friuli, de portu Vahonis being desirous to trauel vnto the foreign and
remote nations of infidels, sawe and heard great and miraculous things,
which I am able truely to auoch. [Sidenote: Pera. Trapesunda.] First of al
therefore sayling from Pera by Constantinople, I arrived at Trapesunda.
This place is right commodiously situate, as being an hauen for the
Persians and Medes, and other countreis beyonde the sea. In this lande I
behelde with great delight a very strange spectacle, namely a certaine man
leading about with him more then foure thousande partriges. The man
himselfe walked vpon the ground, and the partriges flew in the aire, which
he ledde vnto a certaine castle called Zauena, being three dayes iourney
distant from Trapesunda. The saide partriges were so tame, that when the
man was desirous to lie downe and rest, they would all come flocking about
him like chickens. And so hee led them vnto Trapesunda, and vnto the palace
of the Emperour, who tooke as many of them as he pleased, and the rest the
saide man carried vnto the place from whence he came. In this citie lyeth
the body of Athanasius, vpon the gate of the citie. [Sidenote: The citie of
Azaron in Armenia maior.] And then I passed on further vnto Armenia maior,
to a certaine citie called Azaron, which had bene very rich in olde time,
but nowe the Tarters haue almost layde it waste. In the saide citie there
was abundance of bread and flesh, and of all other victuals except wine and
fruites. This citie also is very colde, and is reported to be higher
situated, then any other city in the world. It hath most holesome and
sweete waters about it: for the veines of the said waters seeme to spring
and flow from the mighty riuer of Euphrates, which is but a dayes iourney
from the saide city. Also, the said citie stands directly in the way to
Tauris. [Sidenote: Sobissacalo.] And I passed on vnto a certaine mountaine
called Sobissacalo. In the foresaide countrey there is the very same
mountalne whereupon the Arke of Noah rested: vnto the which I would
willingly haue ascended, if my company would haue stayed for me. Howbeit
the people of that countrey report, that no man could euer ascend the said
mountaine, because (say they) it pleaseth not the highest God. [Sidenote:
Tauris a citie of Persia.] And I trauailed on further vnto Tauris that
great and royal city, which was in old time called Susis. This city is
accompted for traffique of marchandize the chiefe city of the world: for
there is no kinde of victuals, nor anything else belonging vnto
marchandize, which is not to be had there in great abundance. This city
stands very commodiously: for vnto it all the nations of the whole worlde
in a maner may resort for traffique. Concerning the saide citie, the
Christians in those parts are of opinion, that the Persian Emperour
receiues more tribute out of it, then the King of France out of all his
dominions. Neare vnto the said city there is a salt-hill yeelding salt vnto
the city: and of that salt ech man may take what pleaseth him, not paying
ought to any man therefore. In this city many Christians of all nations do
inhabite, ouer whom the Saracens beare rule in alle things. Then I
traueiled on further vnto a city called Soldania, [Marginal note: Or,
Sultania.] wherein the Persian Emperour lieth all Sommer time: but in
winter hee takes his progresse vnto another city standing upon the sea
called Baku. [Marginal note: The Caspian sea.] Also the foresaid city is
very great and colde, hauing good and holesome waters therein, vnto the
which also store of marchandize is brought. Moreouer I trauelled with a
certaine company of Carauans toward vpper India: and in the way, after many
days iourney, I came vnto the citie of the three wise men called Cassan
[Marginal Note: Or Cassibin.], which is a noble and renowmed city, sauing
that the Tartars haue destroyed a great part thereof, and it aboundeth with
bread, wine, and many other commodities. From this city vnto Ierusalem
(whither the three foresaid wise-men were miraculously led) it is fiftie
days iourney. There be many wonders in this citie also, which, for
breuities sake, I omit [Sidenote: Geste.] From thence I departed vnto a
certaine city called Geste, whence the Sea of Sand is distant, one dayes
iourney, which is a most wonderful and dangerous thing. In this city there
is abundance of all kinds of victuals, and especially of figs, reisins, and
grapes; more (as I suppose) then in any part of the whole world besides.
This is one of the three principall cities in all the Persian Empire. Of
this city the Saracens report, that no Christian can by any meanes liue
therein aboue a yeere. [Sidenote: Como.] Then passing many dayes ioumey on
forward, I came vnto a certaine citie called Comum, which was an huge and
mightie Citie in olde time, conteyning well nigh fiftie miles in circuite,
and hath done in times past great damage vnto the Romanes. In it there are
stately palaces altogether destitute of inhabitants, notwithstanding it
aboundeth with great store of victuals. From hence traueiling through many
countreys, at length I came vnto the land of Iob named Hus, which is fulle
of all kinde of victuals, and very pleasantly situated. Thereabouts are
certaine mountains hauing good pastures for cattell upon them. Here also
Manna is found in great aboundance. Four partriges are here solde for lesse
than a groat In this countrey there are most comely olde men. Here also the
men spin and card, and not the women. This land bordereth vpon the North
part of Chalddæa.


Of the maners of the Chaldaeans, and of India.

[Sidenote: The Tower of Babel.] From thence I traueled into Chaldæa which
is a great kingdome, and I passed by the tower of Babel. This region hath a
language peculiar vnto it selfe, and there are beautifull men, and deformed
women. The men of the same countrey vse to haue their haire kempt, and
trimmed like vnto our women: and they weare golden turbants vpon their
heades richly set with pearle, and pretious stones. The women are clad in a
coarse smock onely reaching to their knees, and hauing long sleeues hanging
downe to the ground. And they goe bare-footed, wearing breeches which reach
to the ground also. Thei weare no attire vpon their heads, but their haire
hangs disheaueled about their eares: and there be many other strange things
also. From thence I came into the lower India, which the Tartars ouerran
and wasted. And in this countrey the people eat dates for the most part,
whereof 42. li. are there sold for lesse than a groat. [Sidenote: Ormus.] I
passed further also many dayes iourney vnto the Ocean sea, and the first
land where I arriued, is called Ormes, being well fortified, and hauing
great store of marchandize and treasure therein. Such and so extreme is the
heat in that countrey, that the priuities of men come out of their bodies
and hang down euen vnto their mid-legs. And therefore the inhabitants of
the same place, to preserue their own liues, do make a certaine ointment,
and anointing their priuie members therewith, do lap them up in certaine
bags fastened vnto their bodies, for otherwise they must needs die. Here
also they vse a kinde of Bark or shippe called Iase being compact together
onely with hempe. [Sidenote: Thana, whereof Frederick Cæsar maketh
mention.] And I went on bourd into one of them, wherein I could not finde
any yron at all, and in the space of 28 dayes I arriued at the city of
Thana, wherein foure of our friers were martyred for the faith of Christ.
This countrey is well situate, hauing abundance of bread and wine, and of
other victuals therein. This kingdome in olde time was very large and vnder
the dominion of king Porus, who fought a great battell with Alexander the
great. The people of this countrey are idolaters worshipping fire, serpents
and trees. And ouer all this land the Saracen do beare rule, who tooke it
by maine force, and they themselues are in subjection unto King Daldilus.
There be diuers kinds of beasts, as namely blacke lyouns in great
abundance, and apes also, and monkeis, and battes as bigge as our doues.
Also there are mise as bigge as our countrey dogs, because cats are not
able to incounter them. Moreouer in the same countrey euery man hath a
bundle of great boughs standing in a water-pot before his doore, which
bundle is as great as a pillar, and it will not wither, so long as water is
applied thereunto: with many other nouelties and strange things, the
relation whereof would breed great delight.


How peper is had: and where it groweth.

[Sidenote: Malabar.] Moreouer, that it may be manifest how peper is had, it
is to be vnderstood that it groweth in a certaine kingdome whereat I my
selfe arriued, being called Minibar, and it is not so plentifull in any
other part of the worlde as it is there. For the wood wherein it growes
conteineth in circuit 18 dayes iourney. And in the said wood or forrest
there are two cities, one called Flandrina, and the other Cyncilim. In
Flandrina both Iewes and Christians doe inhabite, betweene whom there is
often contention and warre: howbeit the Christians ouercome the Iewes at
all times. In the foresaid wood pepper is had after this maner: first it
groweth in leaues like vnto pot-hearbs, which they plant neere vnto great
trees as we do our vines, and they bring forth pepper in clusters, as our
vines doe yeeld grapes, but being ripe, they are of a greene colour, and
are gathered as we gather grapes, and then the graines are layed in the
Sunne to be dried, and being dried are put into earthen vessels: and thus
is pepper made and kept. Now, in the same wood there be many riuers,
wherein are great store of Crocodiles, and of other serpents, which the
inhabitants thereabout do burne vp with straw and with other dry fewel, and
so they go to gather their pepper without danger. [Sidenote: Polumbrum.] At
the South end of the said forrest stands the city of Polumbrum, which
aboundeth with marchandize of all kinds. All the inhabitants of that
countrey do worship a liuing oxe, as their god, whom they put to labour for
sixe yeres, and in the seuenth yere they cause him to rest from al his
worke, placing him in a solemne and publique place, and calling him an holy
beast Moreouer they vse this foolish ceremonie: Euery morning they take two
basons, either of siluer, or of gold, and with one they receiue the vrine
of the oxe, and with the other his dung. With the vrine they wash their
face, their eyes, and all their fiue senses. Of the dung they put into both
their eyes, then they anoint the bals of the cheeks therewith, and thirdly
their breast: and then they say that they are sanctified for all that day;
And as the, people doe, euen so doe their King and Queene. This people
worshippeth also a dead idole, which, from the nauel vpward, resembleth a
man, and from the nauel downeward an oxe. The very same Idol deliuers
oracles vnto them, and sometimes requireth the blood of fourtie virgins for
his hire. And therefore the men of that region do consecrate their
daughters and their sonnes vnto their idols, euen as Christians do their
children vnto some Religion or Saint in heauen. Likewise they sacrifice
their sonnes and their daughters, and so, much people is put to death
before the said Idol by reason of that accursed ceremony. Also, many other
hainous and abominable villanies doeth that brutish beastly people commit:
and I sawe many moe strange things among them which I meane not here to
insert. [Sidenote: The burning of their dead.] Another most vile custome
the foresaide nation doeth retaine: for when any man dieth they burne his
dead corps to ashes: and if his wife suruiueth him, her they burne quicke,
because (say they) she shall accompany her husband in his tilthe and
husbandry, when he is come into a new world. Howbeit the said wife hauing
children by her husband, may if she will, remain with them, without shame
or reproach; notwithstanding, for the most part, they all of them make
choice to be burnt with their husbands. Now, albeit the wife dieth before
her husband, that law bindeth not the husband to any such inconuenience,
but he may mary another wife also. Likewise, the said nation hath another
strange custome, in that their women drink wine, but their men do not. Also
the Women haue the lids and brows of their eyes and beards shauen, but the
men haue not: with many other base and filthy fashions which the said women
do vse contrary to the nature of their sexe. [Sidenote: Mobar, or
Maliapor.] From that kingdom I traueiled 10. daies iourney vnto another
kingdome called Mobar, which containeth many cities. Within a certaine
church of the same countrey, the body of S. Thomas the Apostle is interred,
the very same church being full of idols: and in 15. houses round about the
said Church, there dwell certaine priests who are Nestorians, that is to
say, false, and bad Christians, and schismatiques.


Of a strange and vncouth idole: and of certaine customes and ceremonies.

In the said kingdome of Mobar there is a wonderfull strange idole, being
made after the shape and resemblance of a man, as big as the image of our
Christopher, et [sic passim--KTH] consisting all of most pure and
glittering gold. And about the neck thereof hangeth a silke riband, ful of
most rich and precious stones, some one of which is of more value then a
whole kingdome. The house of this idol is all of beaten gold, namely the
roofe, the pauement, and the sieling of the wall within and without. Vnto
this idol the Indians go on pilgrimage, as we do vnto S. Peter. Some go
with halters about their necks, some with their hands bound behind them,
some others with kniues sticking on their armes or legs: and if after their
peregrination, the flesh of their wounded arme festereth or corrupteth,
they esteeme that limme to be holy, and thinke that their God is wel
pleased with them. Neare vnto the temple of that idol is a lake made by the
hands of men in an open et common place, whereinto the pilgrimes cast gold,
siluer, and precious stones, for the honour of the idol and the repairing
of his temple. And therefore when any thing is to be adorned or mended,
they go vnto this lake taking vp the treasure which was cast in. Moreouer
at euery yerely feast of the making or repairing of the said idol, the king
and queene, with the whole multitude of the people, and all the pilgrimes
assemble themselues, and placing the said idol in a most stately and rich
chariot, they cary him out of their temple with songs, and with all kind of
musical harmonie, and a great company of virgins go procession-wise two and
two in a rank singing before him. Many pilgrims also put themselues vnder
the chariot wheeles, to the end that their false god may go ouer them: and
al they ouer whom the chariot runneth, are crushed in pieces, and diuided
asunder in the midst, and slaine right out. Yea, and in doing this, they
think themselues to die most holily and securely, in the seruice of their
god. And by this meanes euery yere, there die vnder the said filthy idol,
mo then 500. persons, whose carkases are burned, and their ashes are kept
for reliques, because they died in that sort for their god. Moreouer they
haue another detestable ceremony. For when any man offers to die in the
seruice of his false god, his parents, and all his friends assemble
themselues together with a consort of musicians, making him a great and
solemne feast: which feast being ended, they hange 5. sharpe kniues about
his neck carying him before the idol, and so soone as he is come thither,
he taketh one of his kniues crying with a loud voice, For the worship of my
god do I cut this my flesh, and then he casteth the morsel which is cut, at
the face of his idol: but at the very last wound wherewith he murthereth
himselfe, he vttereth these words: Now do I yeeld my self to death in the
behalfe of my god, and being dead, his body is burned, and is esteemed by
al men to be holy. The king of the said region is most rich in gold,
siluer, and precious stones, and there be the fairest vnions in al the
world. Traueling from thence by the Ocean sea 50. daies iourney southward,
I came vnto a certain land named Lammori, [Marginal note: Perhaps he
meaneth Comori.] where, in regard of extreeme heat, the people both men and
women go stark-naked from top to toe: who seeing me apparelled scoffed at
me, saying that God made Adam et Eue naked. In this countrey al women are
common, so that no man can say, this is my wife. Also when any of the said
women beareth a son or a daughter, she bestowes it vpon any one that hath
lien with her, whom she pleaseth. Likewise al the land of that region is
possessed in common, so that there is not mine and thine, or any propriety
of possession in the diuision of lands: howbeit euery man hath is owne
house peculiar vnto himselfe. Mans flesh, if it be fat, is eaten as
ordinarily there, as beefe in our country. And albeit the people are most
lewd, yet the country is exceedingly good, abounding with al commodities,
as flesh, corne, rise, siluer, gold, wood of aloes, Campheir, and many
other things. Marchants comming vnto this region for traffique do vsually
bring with them fat men, selling them vnto the inhabitants as we sel hogs,
who immediatly kil and eat them. [Sidenote: Sumatra.] In this island
towards south, there is the another kingdome called Simoltra, where both
men and women marke themselues with red-hot yron in 12. sundry spots of
their faces: and this nation is at continual warre with certaine naked
people in another region. [Sidenote: Iaffa.] Then I traueled further vnto
another island called Iaua, the compasse whereof by sea is 3000. miles. The
king of this Iland hath 7. other crowned kings vnder his iurisdiction. The
said Island is throughly inhabited, and is thought to be one of the
principall Ilands of the whole world. In the same Iland there groweth great
plenty of cloues, cubibez, and nutmegs, and in a word all kinds of spices
are there to be had, and great abundance of all victuals except wine. The
king of the said land of Iaua hath a most braue and sumptuous pallace, the
most loftily built, that euer I saw any, and it hath most high greeses and
stayers to ascend vp to the roomes therein contained, one stayre being of
siluer, and another of gold, throughout the whole building. Also the lower
roomes were paued all ouer with one square plate of siluer, and another of
gold. All the wals vpon the inner side were seeled ouer with plates of
beaten gold, whereupon were engrauen the pictures of knights, hauing about
their temples, ech of them a wreath of golde, adorned with precious stones.
The roofe of the palace was of pure gold. With this king of Iaua the great
Can of Catay hath had many conflictes in war: whom notwithstanding the said
king hath alwayes ouercome and vanquished.


Of certaine trees yeelding meale, hony, and poyson.

Nere vnto the said Iland is another countrey called Panten, or
Tathalamasin. And the king of the same country hath many Ilands vnder his
dominion: In this land there are trees yeelding meale, hony, and wine, and
the most deadly poison in all the whole world: for against it there is but
one only remedy: and that is this: if any man hath taken of the poyson, and
would be deliuered from the danger thereof, let him temper the dung of a
man in water, and so drinke a good quantitie thereof, and it expels the
poyson immediatly, making it to auoid at the fundament. Meale is produced
out of the said trees after this maner. They be mighty huge trees, and when
they are cut with an axe by the ground, there issueth out of the stocke a
certain licour like vnto gumme, which they take and put into bags made of
leaues, laying them for 15 daies together abroad in the sun, and at the end
of those 15 dayes, when the said licour is throughly parched, it becommeth
meale. Then they steepe it first in sea water, washing it afterward with
fresh water, and so it is made very good and sauorie paste, whereof they
make either meat or bread, as they thinke good. Of which bread I my selfe
did eate, and it is fayrer without and somewhat browne within. [Sidenote: A
sea running still Southward.] By this countrey is the sea called Mare
mortuum, which runneth continually Southward, into the which whoseuer
falleth is neuer seene after. In this countrey also are found canes of an
incredible length, namely 60 paces high or more, and they are as bigge as
trees. Other canes there be also called Cassan, which overspread the earth
like grasse, and out of euery knot of them spring foorth certaine branches,
which are continued vpon the ground almost for the space of a mile. In the
sayd canes there are found certaine stones, one of which stones, whoseuer
carryeth about with him, cannot be wounded with any yron: and therefore the
men of that countrey for most part, carry such stones with them,
whithersoeuer they goe. Many also cause one of the armes of their children,
while they are yong, to be launced, putting one of the said stones in the
wound, healing also, and closing vp the said wound with the powder of a
certaine fish (the name whereof I do not know) which powder doth immediatly
consolidate and cure the said wound. And by the vertue of these stones, the
people aforesaid doe for the most part triumph both on sea and land.
Howbeit there is one kind of stratageme, which the enemies of this nation,
knowing the vertue of the sayd stones, doe practise against them: namely,
they prouide themselues armour of yron or steele against their arrowes, and
weapons also poisoned with the poyson of trees, and they carry in their
hands wooden stakes most sharpe and hard-pointed, as if they were yron:
likewise they shoot arrowes without yron heads, and so they confound and
slay some of their vnarmed foes trusting too securely vnto the vertue of
their stones. [Sidenote: Sayles made of reedes.] Also Of the foresayd canes
called Cassan they make sayles for their ships, and litle houses, and many
other necessaries. [Sidenote: Campa.] From thence after many dayes trauell,
I arrived at another kingdome called Campa, a most beautiful and rich
countrey, and abounding with all kind of victuals: the king whereof, at my
being there, had so many wiues and concubines, that he had 300 sonnes and
daughters by them. This king hath 10004 tame Elephants, which are kept euen
as we keepe droues of oxen, or flocks of sheepe in pasture.


Of the abundance of fishes, which cast themselues vpon the shore.

In this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued, that euery
seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said
countrey in such abundance, that, for a great distance into the sea,
nothing can be seene but the backs of fishes: which, casting themselues
vpon the shore when they come neare vnto it, do suffer men, for the space
of 3. daies, to come and to take as many of them as they please, and then
they returne againe vnto the sea. After that kind of fishes comes another
kind, offering it selfe after the same maner, and so in like sort all other
kinds whatsoeuer: notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere. And I
demaunded of the inhabitants there, how, or by what meanes this strange
accident could come to passe: They answered, that fishes were taught, euen
by nature, to come and to do homage vnto their Emperour. [Sidenote:
Tortoises.] There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen. Many other things
I saw which are incredible, vnlesse a man should see them with his own
eies. In this country also dead men are burned, and their wiues are burned
aliue with them, as in the city of Polumbrum above mentioned: for the men
of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world, that
he should take none other wife in marriage. [Sidenote: Moumoran.] Moreouer
I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south, and passed
through many countries and islands, whereof one is called Moumoran, and it
containeth in compasse ii. M. miles, wherein men and women haue dog faces,
and worship an oxe for their god: and therefore euery one of them cary the
image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads. The men and the
women of this country go all naked, sauing that they hang a linen cloth
before their priuities. The men of the said country are very tall and
mighty, and by reason that they goe naked, when they are to make battell,
they cary yron or steele targets before them, which do couer and defend
their bodies from top to toe: and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in
battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money, they presently deuoure
him: but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money, they let him go free.
Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions,
and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god. He weareth vpon his finger
also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire, and
therefore when he weareth it, no man dare once approch vnto him: and they
say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it.
Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by
force, money, or policie obtaine it at his hands: notwithstanding that he
hath done the vtmost of his indeuour for this purpose.


Of the Island of Sylan: and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his
  sonne Abel.

I passed also by another island called Sylan, which conteineth in compasse
aboue ii. M. miles: wherein are an infinit number of serpents, and great
store of lions, beares, and al kinds of rauening and wild beasts, and
especially of elephants. In the said country there is an huge mountaine,
whereupon the inhabitants of that region do report that Adam mourned for
his son Abel the space of 500. yeres. In the midst of this mountain there
is a most beautiful plain, wherin is a litle lake conteining great plenty
of water, which water the inhabitants report to haue proceeded from the
teares of Adam and Eue: howbeit I proued that to be false, because I saw
the water flow in the lake. This water is ful of hors-leeches, and
blood-suckers, and of precious stones also: which precious stones the king
taketh not vnto his owne vse, but once or twise euery yere he permitteth
certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for the said stones, and al
that they can get he bestoweth vpon them, to the end they may pray for his
soule. But that they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water, they take
limons which they pil, anointing themselues throughly with the iuice
therof, and so they may diue naked vnder the water, the hors-leeches not
being able to hurt them. From this lake the water runneth euen vnto the
sea, and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies, diamonds, pearls, and
other pretious stones out of the shore: wherupon it is thought, that the
king of this island hath greater abundance of pretious stones, then any
other monarch in the whole earth besides. In the said country there be al
kinds of beasts and foules: and the people told me, that those beasts would
not inuade nor hurt any stranger, but only the natural inhabitants. I saw
in this island fouls as big as our countrey geese, hauing two heads, and
other miraculous things, which I will not here write off. Traueling on
further toward the south, I arriued at a certain island called Bodin,
[Marginal note: Or, Dadin.] which signifieth in our language vnclean. In
this island there do inhabit most wicked persons, who deuour and eat raw
flesh committing al kinds of vncleannes and abominations in such sort, as
it is incredible. For the father eateth his son, and the son his father,
the husbande his owne wife, and the wife her husband: and that after this
maner. If any mans father be sick, the son straight goes vnto the
soothsaying or prognosticating priest, requesting him to demand of his god,
whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity of no: Then both of them
go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer, making their praiers vnto it in maner
folowing: Lord, thou art our God, and thee we do adore, beseeching thee to
resolue vs, whether such a man must die, or recouer of such an infirmity or
no: Then the diuel answereth out of the foresaid idol: if he saith (he shal
liue) then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him, til
he hath attained vnto his former health: but if he saith (he shal die) then
goes the priest vnto him, and putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle
him therewith: which being done, he cuts his dead body into morsels, and al
his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof, with musique
and all kinde of mirth: howbeit his bones are solemnely buried. And when I
found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof, one of them gaue
me this answer: this we doe, least the wormes should eat his flesh, for
then his soule should suffer great torments, neither could I by any meanes
remooue them from that errour. Many other nouelties and strange things
there bee in this countrey, which no man would credite, vnles he saw them
with his owne eyes. Howbeit, I (before almighty God) do here make relation
of nothing but of that only, whereof I am as sure, as a man may be sure.
Concerning the foresaid islands I inquired of diuers wel-experienced
persons, who al of them, as it were with one consent, answered me saying,
That this India contained 4400. islands vnder it, or within it: in which
islands there are sixtie and foure crowned kings: and they say moreouer,
that the greater part of those islands are wel inhabited. And here I
conclude concerning that part of India.


Of the vpper India: and of the prouince of Mancy.

First of al therefore, hauing traueled many dayes iourney vpon the
Ocean-sea toward the East, at length I arriued at a certaine great prouince
called Mancy, being in Latine named India. Concerning this India I inquired
of Christians, of Saracens, and of Idolaters, and of al such as bare any
office vnder the great Can. Who all of them with one consent answered, that
this prouince of Mancy hath mo then 2000. great cities within the precincts
thereof, and that it aboundeth with all plenty of victuals, as namely with
bread, wine, rise, flesh, and fish. All the men of this prouince be
artificers and marchants, who, though they be in neuer so extreme penurie,
so long as they can helpe themselues by the labor of their hands, wil neuer
beg almes of any man. The men of this prouince are of a faire and comely
personage, but somewhat pale, hauing their heads shauen but a litle: but
the women are the most beautiful vnder the sunne. The first city of the
said India which I came vnto, is called Ceuskalon, [Marginal note: Or,
Ceuskala.] which being a daies iourney distant from the sea, stands vpon a
riuer, the water whereof, nere vnto the mouth, where it exonerateth it
selfe into the sea, doth ouerflow the land for the space of 12. daies
iourney. All the inhabitants of this India are worshippers of idols. The
foresaid city of Ceuskalon hath such an huge nauy belonging thereunto, that
no man would beleeue it vnlesse he should see it. In this city I saw 300.
li. of good and new ginger sold for lesse than a groat. There are the
greatest, and the fairest geese, and most plenty of them to be sold in al
the whole world, as I suppose: [Sidenote: He meaneth Pellicans, which the
Spaniards cal Alcatrarzi.] they are as white as milke, and haue a bone vpon
the crowne of their heads as bigge as an egge, being of the colour of
blood: vnder their throat they haue a skin or bag hanging downe halfe a
foot. They are exceeding fat and wel sold. Also they haue ducks and hens in
that country, one as big as two of ours. There be monstrous great serpents
likewise, which are taken by the inhabitants and eaten: whereupon a solemne
feast among them without serpents is not set by: and to be briefe, in this
city there are al kinds of victuals in great abundance. From thence I
passed by many cities, and at length I came vnto a city named Caitan,
[Marginal note: Or, Zaiton.] wherin the friers Minorites haue two places of
aboad, vnto the which I transported the bones of the dead friers, which
suffred martyrdom for the faith of Christ, as it is aboue mentioned. In
this city there is abundance of al kind of victuals very cheap. The said
city is as big as two of Bononia, and in it are many monasteries of
religious persons, al which do worship idols. I my selfe was in one of
those Monasteries, and it was told me, that there were in it iii. M.
religious men, hauing xi. M. idols: and one of the said idols which seemed
vnto me but litle in regard of the rest, was as big as our Christopher.
These religious men euery day do feed their idol-gods: wherupon at a
certeine time I went to behold the banquet: and indeed those things which
they brought vnto them were good to eat, and fuming hote, insomuch that the
steame of the smoke thereof ascended vp vnto their idols, and they said
that their gods were refreshed with the smoke: howbeit all the meat they
conueyed away, eating it vp their owne selues, and so they fed their dumb
gods with the smoke onely.


Of the citie Fuco.

Traueling more eastward, I came vnto a city named Fuco, which conteineth
30. miles in circuit, wherin be exceeding great and faire cocks, and al
their hens are as white as the very snow, hauing wol in stead of feathers,
like vnto sheep. It is a most stately and beautiful city, and standeth vpon
the sea. Then I went 18. dates iourney on further, and passed by many
prouinces and cities, and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine,
vpon the one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as a
cole, and the men and women on that side differed somwhat in maner of
liuing from others: howbeit, on the other side of the said hil euery liuing
thing was snow-white, and the inhabitants in their maner of liuing, were
altogether vnlike vnto others. There, all maried women cary in token that
they haue husbands, a great trunke of horne vpon their heads. [Sidenote: A
great riuer.] From thence I trauelled 18. dayes journey further, and came
vnto a certaine great riuer, and entered also into a city, whereunto
belongeth a mighty bridge, to passe the said riuer. And mine hoste, with
whom I soiourned, being desirous to shew me some sport, said vnto me: Sir,
if you will see any fish taken, goe with me. [Sidenote: Foules catching
fish.] Then he led me vnto the foresaid bridge, carying in his armes with
him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules, bound vnto a company of poles,
and about euery one of their necks he tied a threed, lest they should eat
the fish as fast as they tooke them: and he carried 3. great baskets with
him also: then loosed he the diue doppers from the poles, which presently
went into the water, and within lesse then the space of one houre, caught
as many fishes as filled the 3. baskets: which being full, mine hoste
vntyed the threeds from about their neckes, and entering the second time
into the riuer they fed themselues with fish, and being satisfied they
returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles as they
were before. And when I did eate of those fishes, me thought they were
exceeding good. Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys, at length I arriued
at another city called Canasia, [Marginal note: Or Cansai, or Quinzai.]
which signifieth in our language, the city of heauen. Neuer in all my life
did I see so great a citie; for it conteineth in circuit an hundreth miles:
neither sawe I any plot thereof, which was not throughly inhabited: yea, I
sawe many houses of tenne or twelue stories high, one aboue another. It
hath mightie large suburbs containing more people than the city it selfe.
Also it hath twelue principall gates: and about the distance of eight
miles, in the high way vnto euery one of the saide gates standeth a city as
big by estimation as Venice, and Padua. The foresaid city of Canasia is
situated in waters or marshes, which alwayes stand still, neither ebbing
nor flowing: howbeit it hath a defence for the winde like vnto Venice. In
this city there are mo than 10002. bridges, many whereof I numbred and
passed ouer them: [Sidenote: The Italian copy in Ramusius, hath 11000.
bridges.] and vpon euery of those bridges stand certaine watchmen of the
citie, keeping continuall watch and ward about the said city, for the great
Can the Emperour of Catay. The people of this countrey say, that they haue
one duetie inioyned vnto them by their lord: for euery fire payeth one
Balis in regard of tribute: and a Balis is fiue papers or pieces of silke,
which are worth one floren and an halfe of our coine. Tenne or twelue
housholds are accompted for one fire, and so pay tribute but for one fire
onely. Al those tributary fires amount vnto the number of 85. Thuman, with
other foure Thuman of the Saracens, which make 89. in al; And one Thuman
consisteth of 10000. fires. The residue of the people of the city are some
of them Christians, some marchants, and some traueilers through the
countrey: whereupon I marueiled much howe such an infinite number of
persons could inhabite and liue together. There is great aboundance of
victuals in this citie, as namely of bread and wine, and especially of
hogs-flesh, with other necessaries.


Of a Monastery where many strange beastes of diuers kindes doe liue vpon an
  hill.

In the foresaide citie foure of our friers had conuerted a mighty and riche
man vnto the faith of Christ, at whose house I continually abode, for so
long time as I remained in the citie. Who vpon a certaine time saide vnto
me: Ara, that is to say, Father, will you goe and beholde the citie? And I
said, yea. Then embarqued we our selues, and directed our course vnto a
certaine great Monastery: where being arrived, he called a religious person
with whom he was acquainted, saying vnto him concerning me: this Raban
Francus, that is to say, this religious Frenchman commeth from the Westerne
parts of the world, and is now going to the city of Cambaleth to pray for
the life of the great Can, and therefore you must shew him some rare thing,
that when hee returnes into his owne countrey, he may say, this strange
sight or nouelty haue I seene in the city of Canasia. Then the said
religious man tooke two great baskets full of broken reliques which
remained of the table, and led me vnto a little walled parke, the doore
whereof he vnlocked with his key, and there appeared vnto vs a pleasant
faire green plot, into the which we entred. In the said greene stands a
litle mount in forme of a steeple, replenished with fragrant herbes and
fine shady trees. And while we stood there, he tooke a cymball or bell, and
rang therewith, as they vse to ring to dinner or beuoir in cloisters, at
the sound whereof many creatures of diuers kinds came downe from the mount,
some like apes, some like cats, some like monkeys and some hauing faces
like men. And while I stood beholding of them, they gathered themselues
together about him, to the number of 4200. of those creatures, putting
themselues in good order, before whom he set a platter, and gaue them the
said fragments to eate. And when they had eaten he rang vpon his cymbal the
second time, and they al returned vnto their former places. Then, wondring
greatly at the matter, I demanded what kind of creatures those might be?
They are (quoth he) the soules of noble men which we do here feed, for the
loue of God who gouerneth the world: and as a man was honorable or noble in
this life, so his soule after death, entreth into the body of some
excellent beast or other, but the soules of simple and rusticall people do
possesse the bodies of more vile and brutish creatures. Then I began to
refute that foule error: howbeit my speach did nothing at all preuaile with
him: for he could not be perswaded that any soule might remaine without a
body. [Sidenote: Chilenso.] From thence I departed vhto a certaine citie
named Chilenso, the walls whereof conteined 40. miles in circuit. In this
city there are 360. bridges of stone, the fairest that euer I saw: and it
is wel inhabited, hauing a great nauie belonging thereunto, and abounding
with all kinds of victuals and other commodities. [Sidenote: Thalay.] And
thence I went vnto a certaine riuer called Thalay, which where it is most
narrow, is 7. miles broad: [Sidenote: Cakam.] and it runneth through the
midst of the land of Pygmæi, whose chiefe city is called Cakam, and is one
of the goodliest cities in the world. These Pigmæans are three of my spans
high, and they make larger and better cloth of cotten and silke, then any
other nation vnder the sunne. [Sidenote: Ianzu.] And coasting along by the
saide riuer, I came vnto a certaine citie named Ianzu, in which citie there
is one receptacle for the Friers of our order, and there be also three
Churches of the Nestorians. This Ianzu is a noble and great citie,
containing 48 Thuman of tributarie fiers, and in it are all kindes of
victuals, and great plenty of such beastes, foules and fishes, as
Christians doe vsually liue vpon. The lord of the same citie hath in
yeerely reuenues for salt onely, fiftie Thuman of balis, and one balis is
worth a floren and a halfe of our coyne: insomuch that one Thuman of balis
amounteth vnto the value of fifteene thousand florens. Howbeit the sayd
lord fauoureth his people in one respect, for sometimes he forgiueth them
freely two hundred Thuman, least there should be any scarcity or dearth
among them. There is a custome in this citie, that when any man is
determined to banquet his friends, going about vnto certaine tauernes or
cookes houses appointed for the same purpose, he sayth vnto euery
particular hoste, you shall haue such, and such of my friendes, whom you
must intertaine in my name, and so much I will bestowe vpon the banquet.
And by that means his friendes are better feasted at diuerse places, then
they should haue beene at one. Tenne miles from the sayde citie, about the
head of the foresayd riuer of Thalay, there is a certaine other citie
called Montu, which hath the greatest nauy that I saw in the whole world.
All their ships are as white as snow, and they haue banqueting houses in
them, and many other rare things also, which no man would beleeue, vnlesse
he had seene them with his owne eyes.


Of the citie of Cambaleth.

[Sidenote: Karamoron.] Traueiling eight dayes iourney further by diuers
territories and cities, at length I came by fresh water vnto a certaine
citie named Lencyn, standing vpon the riuer of Karauoran, which runneth
through the midst of Cataie, and doeth great harme in the countrey when it
ouerfloweth the bankes, or breaketh foorth of the chanell. [Sidenote:
Sumacoto.] From thence passing along the riuer Eastward, after many dayes
trauell, and the sight of the diuers cities, I arriued at a citie called
Sumakoto, which aboundeth more with silke then any other citie in the
world: for when there is great scarcitie of silke, fortie pound is sold for
lesse then eight groates. In this citie there is abundance of all
merchandize, and all kindes of victuals also, as of bread, wine, flesh,
fish, with all choise and delicate spices. Then traueiling on still towards
the East by many cities, I came vnto the noble and renowmed citie of
Cambaleth, which is of great antiquitie being situate in the prouince of
Cataie. This citie the Tartars tooke, and neare vnto it within the space of
halfe a mile, they built another citie called Caido. The citie of Caido
hath twelue gates, being each of them two miles distant from another. Also
the space lying in the midst betweene the two foresayd cities is very well
and throughly inhabited, so that they make as it were but one citie
betweene them both. The whole compasse or circuit of both cities together,
is 40. miles. In this citie the great emperour Can hath his principall
seat, and his Imperiall palace, the wals of which palace containe foure
miles in circuit: and neere vnto this his palace are many other palaces and
houses, of his nobles which belong vnto his court. Within the precincts of
the sayd palace Imperiall, there is a most beautiful mount, set and
replenished with trees, for which cause it is called the Greene mount,
hauing a most royall and sumptuous palace standing thereupon, in which, for
the most part, the great Can is resident. Vpon the one side of the sayd
mount there is a great lake, whereupon a most stately bridge is built, in
which lake is great abundance of geese, ducks, and all kindes of water
foules: and in the wood growing vpon the mount there is great store of all
birds, and wilde beasts. And therefore when the great Can will solace
himselfe with hunting or hauking, he needs not so much as once to step
forth of his palace. Moreouer, the principall palace, wherein he maketh his
abode, is very large, hauing within it 14 pillers of golde, and all the
walles thereof are hanged with red skinnes, which are sayd to be the most
costly skinnes in all the world. In the midst of the palace standes a
cisterne of two yards high, which consisteth of a precious stone called
Merdochas, and is wreathed about with golde, and at ech corner thereof is
the golden image of a serpent, as it were, furiously shaking and casting
forth his head. This cisterne also hath a kind of networke of pearle
wrought about it. Likewise by the sayd cisterne there is drinke conueyed
thorow certeine pipes and conducts, such as vseth to be drunke in the
emperors court, vpon the which also there hang many vessels of golde,
wherein, whosoeuer will may drinke of the sayd licour. In the foresayd
palace there are many peacocks of golde: and when any Tartar maketh a
banquet vnto his lord, if the guests chance to clap their hands for ioy and
mirth, the sayd golden peacocks also will spread abroad their wings, and
lift vp their traines, seeming as if they danced: and this I suppose to be
done by arte magike or by some secret engine vnder the ground.


Of the glory and magnificence of the great Can.

Moreouer, when the great emperor Can sitteth in his imperiall throne of
estate, on his left hand sitteth his queene or empresse, and vpon another
inferior seate there sit two other women, which are to accompany the
emperor, when his spouse is absent, but in the lowest place of all, there
sit all the ladies of his kindred. All the maried women weare vpon their
heads a kind of ornament in shape like vnto a mans foote, of a cubite and a
halfe in length, and the lower part of the sayd foote is adorned with
cranes feathers, and is all ouer thicke set with great and orient pearles.
Vpon the right hand of the great Can sitteth his first begotten sonne and
heire apparent vnto his empire, and vnder him sit all the nobles of the
blood royall. There bee also foure Secretaries, which put all things in
writing that the emperor speaketh. In whose presence likewise stand his
Barons and diuers others of his nobilitie, with great traines of folowers
after them, of whom none dare speake so much as one word, vnlease they haue
obtained licence of the emperor so to doe, except his iesters and
stage-players, who are appointed of purpose to solace their lord. Neither
yet dare they attempt to doe ought, but onely according to the pleasure of
their emperor, and as hee inioineth them by lawe. About the palace gate
stand certaine Barons to keepe all men from treading vpon the threshold of
the sayd gate. When it pleassth the great Can to solemnize a feast, he hath
about him 14000. Barons, carying wreathes and litle crownes vpon their
heads, and giuing attendance vpon their lord, and euery one of them weareth
a garment of gold and precious stones, which is woorth ten thousand
Florens. His court is kept in very good order, by gouernours of tens,
gouernours of hundreds, and gouernours of thousands, insomuch that euery
one in his place performeth his duetie committed vnto him, neither is there
any defect to bee found. I Frier Odoricus was there present in person for
the space of three yeeres, and was often at the sayd banquets; for we
friers Minorites haue a place of aboad appointed out for vs in the emperors
court, and are enioined to goe and to bestow our blessing vpon him. And I
enquired of certaine Courtiers concerning the number of persons pertaining
to the emperors court? And they answered mee that of stage-players,
musicians, and such like, there were eighteene Thuman at the least, and
that the keepers of dogs, beasts and foules were fifteene Thuman, and the
physicians for the emperours body were foure hundred; the Christians also
were eight in number, together with one Saracen. At my being there, all the
foresayd number of persons had all kind of necessaries both for apparell
and victuals out of the emperors court. Moreouer, when he will make his
progresse from one countrey to another, hee hath foure troupes of horsemen,
one being appointed to goe a dayes iourney before, and another to come a
dayes iourney after him, the third to march on his right hand, and the
fourth on his left, in the manner of a crosse, he himselfe being in the
midst, and so euery particular troupe haue their daily iourneys limited
vnto them, to the ende they may prouide sufficient victuals without defect.
Nowe the great Can himselfe is caried in maner following; hee rideth in a
chariot with two wheeles, vpon which a maiesticall throne is built of the
wood of Aloe, being adorned with gold and great pearles, and precious
stones, and foure elephants brauely furnished doe drawe the sayd chariot,
before which elephants, foure great horses richly trapped and couered doe
lead the way. Hard by the chariot on both sides thereof, are foure Barons
laying hold and attending thereupon, to keepe all persons from approaching
neere vnto their emperour. Vpon the chariot also two milke-white
Ier-falcons doe sit, and seeing any game which hee would take, hee letteth
them flie, and so they take it, and after this maner doeth hee solace
himselfe as hee rideth. Moreover, no man dare come within a stones cast of
the chariot, but such as are appointed. The number of his owne followers,
of his wiues attendants, and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and
heire apparent, would seeme incredible vnto any man, vnlesse hee had seene
it with his owne eyes. The foresayd great Can hath diuided his Empire into
twelue partes or Prouinces, and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand
great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon his empire is of that
length and breadth, that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his
iourny, he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse, except
his Islands which are at the least 5000.


Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the
  whole empire.

The foresayd Emperor (to the end that trauailers may haue all things
necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certaine Innes to be
prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes, where all things pertaining
vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse. And when any alteration or
newes happen in any part of his Empire, if he chance to be farre absent
from that part, his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto
him, and when themselues and their beasts are weary, they blow their horne,
at the noise whereof, the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man,
who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne:
and so by diuers Innes, and diuers postes, the report, which ordinarily
could skarce come in 30. dayes, is in one naturall day brought vnto the
emperor: and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire,
but straightway he hath intelligence thereof. Moreouer, when the great Can
himselfe will go on hunting, he vseth this custome. Some twenty dayes
iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe
dayes iourney in circuit, in which forrest there are so many kinds of
beasts and birds, as it is incredible to report. Vnto this forrest, at the
ende of euery third or fourth yere, himselfe with his whole traine
resorteth, and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest, sending
dogs into the same, which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts: namely,
lions and stags, and other creatures, vnto a most beautifull plaine in the
midst of the forrest, because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble,
especially at the cry of hounds. Then commeth the great Can himselfe, being
caried vpon three elephants, and shooteth fine arrowes into the whole herd
of beasts, and after him all his Barons, and after them the rest of his
courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also,
and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke. Then they all goe vnto the beasts
which are slaine (suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that
they may haue more sport with them another time) and euery man enjoyeth
that beast as his owne, wherein he findeth his arrow sticking.


Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his
  Court.

Foure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate: namely the
feast of his birth, the feast of his circumcision, the feast of his
coronation, and the feast of his mariage. And vnto these feasts he inuiteth
all his Barons, his stage-players, and all such as are of his kinred. Then
the great Can sitting in his throne, all his Barons present themselues
before him, with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads, being diuersly
attired, for some of them are in greene, namely the principall: the second
are in red, and the third in yellow, and they hold each man in his hand a
little Iuorie table of elephants tooth, and they are girt with golden
girdles of halfe a foote broad, and they stand vpon their feete keeping
silence. About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their
instruments. And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace, all the
Philosophers or Magicians remaine for certaine howers, and doe attend vpon
points or characters: and when the point and hower which the sayd
Philosophers expected for, is come, a certaine crier crieth out with a loud
voyce, saying, Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour: with that
all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth. Then hee crieth out againe; Arise
all, and immediately they all arise. Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon
a point or character the second time, and when it is fulfilled, the crier
crieth out amaine; Put your fingers in your eares: and foorthwith againe he
saieth; Plucke them out. Againe, at the third point he crieth, Boult this
meale. Many other circumstances also doe they performe, all which they say
haue some certaine signification: howbeit, neither would I write them, nor
giue any heed vnto them, because they are vaine and ridiculous. And when
the musicians hower is come, then the Philosophers say, Solemnize a feast
vnto your Lord: with that all of them sound their instruments, making a
great and a melodious noyse. And immediately another crieth, Peace, peace,
and they are all whist. Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly
before the Emperour, which musike was more delightfull vnto me. After them
come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the
iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre,
and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them.
These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can,
which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen with his owne eies, and
therefore I omit to speake of them. [Sidenote: A lambe in a gourd.] I was
informed also by certaine credible persons, of another miraculous thing,
namely, that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can, wherein stand the
mountains called Kapsei (the kingdomes name is Kalor) there grewe great
Gourds or Pompions, which being ripe, doe open at the tops, and within them
is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe, euen as I my selfe haue
heard reported, that there stand certaine trees vpon the shore of the Irish
sea, bearing fruit like vnto a gourd, which, at a certaine time of the
yeere doe fall into the water, and become birds called Bernacles, and this
is most true. [Footnote: This report is first found in the writings of
Giraldus Cambreusis, tutor to King John.]


Of diuers prouinces and cities.

And after three yeeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie, trauailing
fiftie dayes iourney towards the West. [Sidenote: His returne Westward.]
And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani, whose principall citie
is Kosan, which hath many other cities vnder it. [Sidenote: Casan] From
thence passing many dayes trauell, I came vnto a prouince called Casan,
which is for good commodities, one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne,
and is very well inhabited, insomuch that when we depart out of the gates
of one city we may beholde the gates of another city, as I my selfe saw in
diuers of them. The breadth of the sayd prouince is fifty dayes iourney,
and the length aboue sixty. In it there is great plenty of all victuals,
and especially of chesnuts, and it is one of the twelue prouinces of the
great Can. Going on further, I came vnto a certaine kingdome called Tebek,
[Marginal note: Or Thebet.] which is in subiection vnto the great Can also,
wherein I thinke there is more plenty of bread and wine then in any other
part of the whole world besides. The people of the sayd countrey do, for
the most part, inhabit in tents made of blacke felt. Their principall city
is inuironed with faire and beautifull walles, being built of most white
and blacke stones, which are disposed chekerwise one by another, and
curiously compiled together: likewise all the high wayes in this countrey
are exceedingly well paued. In the sayd countrey none dare shed the bloud
of a man, or of any beast, for the reuerence of a certaine idole. In the
foresayd city their Abassi, that is to say, their Pope is resident, being
the head and prince of all idolaters (vpon whom he bestoweth and
distributeth gifts after his maner) euen as our pope of Rome accounts
himselfe to be the head of all Christians. The women of this countrey weare
aboue an hundreth tricks and trifles about them, and they haue two teeth in
their mouthes as long as the tushes of a boare. When any mans father
deceaseth among them, his sonne assembleth together all the priests and
musicians that he can get, saying that he is determined to honour his
father: then causeth he him to be caried into the field (all his kinsfolks,
friends, and neighbours, accompanying him in the sayd action) where the
priests with great solemnity cut off the father's head, giuing it vnto his
sonne, which being done, they diuide the whole body into morsels, and so
leaue it behinde them, returning home with prayers in the company of the
sayd sonne. So soone as they are departed, certaine vultures, which are
accustomed to such bankets, come flying from the mountaines, and cary away
all the sayd morsels of flesh: and from thenceforth a fame is spread
abroad, that the sayd party deceased was holy, because the angels of God
carried him into paradise. And this is the greatest and highest honour,
that the sonne can deuise to performe vnto his deceased father. [Sidenote:
The same story concerning the very same people is in William de Rubricis.]
Then the sayd sonne taketh his fathers head, seething it and eating the
flesh thereof, but of the skull he makes a drinking cup, wherein himselfe
with all his family and kindred do drinke with great solemnity and mirth,
in the remembrance of his dead and deuoured father. Many other vile and
abominable things doth the said nation commit, which I meane not to write,
because men neither can nor will beleeue, except they should haue the sight
of them.


Of a certaine rich man, who is fed and nourished by fiftie virgins.

While I was in the prouince of Mancy, I passed by the palace of a certaine
famous man, which hath fifty virgin damosels continually attending vpon
him, feeding him euery meale, as a bird feeds her yoong ones. Also he hath
sundry kindes of meat serued in at his table, and three dishes of ech
kinde; and when the sayd virgins feed him, they sing most sweetly. This man
hath in yeerely reuenues thirty thuman of tagars of rise, euery of which
thuman yeeldeth tenne thousand tagars, and one tagar is the burthen of an
asse. His palace is two miles in circuit, the pauement whereof is one plate
of golde, and another of siluer. Neere vnto the wall of the sayd palace
there is a mount artificially wrought with golde and siluer, whereupon
stand turrets and steeples and other delectable things for the solace and
recreation of the foresayd great man. And it was tolde me that there were
foure such men in the sayd kingdome. [Sidenote: Long nailes.] It is
accounted a great grace for the men of that countrey to haue long nailes
vpon their fingers, and especially vpon their thumbes which nailes they may
fold about their hands: but the grace and beauty of their women is to haue
small and slender feet: and therefore the mothers when their daughters are
yoong, do binde vp their feet, that they may not grow great. [Sidenote:
Melistorte.] Trauelling on further towards the South, I arriued at a
certaine countrey called Melistorte, which is a pleasant and fertile place.
And in this countrey there was a certeine man called Senex de monte, who
round about two mountaines had built a wall to inclose the sayd mountaines.
Within this wall there were the fairest and most chrystall fountaines in
the whole world: and about the sayd fountaines there were most beautifull
virgins in great number, and goodly horses also, and in a word, euery thing
that could be deuised for bodily solace and delight, and therefore the
inhabitants of the countrey call the same place by the name of Paradise.

The sayd olde Senex, when he saw any proper and valiant yoong man, he would
admit him into his paradise. Moreouer, by certaine conducts he makes, wine
and milke to flow abundantly. This Senex, when he hath a minde to reuenge
himselfe or to slay any king or baron, commandeth him that is gouernor of
the sayd paradise, to bring thereunto some of the acquaintance of the sayd
king or baron, permitting him a while to take his pleasure therein, and
then to giue him a certaine potion being of force, to cast him into such a
slumber as should make him quite voide of all sense, and so being in a
profound sleepe to conuey him out of his paradise: who being awaked, and
seeing himselfe thrust out of the paradise would become so sorrowfull, that
he could not in the world deuise what to do, or whither to turne him. Then
would he goe vnto the foresaid old man, beseeching him that he might be
admitted againe into his paradise: who saith vnto him, You cannot be
admitted thither, vnlesse you will slay such or such a man for my sake, and
if you will giue the attempt onely, whether you kill him or no, I will
place you againe in paradise, that there you may remaine alwayes: then
would the party without faile put the same in execution, indeuouring to
murther all those against whom the sayd olde man had conceiued any hatred.
And therefore all the kings of the east stood in awe of the sayd olde man,
and gaue vnto him great tribute.


Of the death of Senex de monte.

And when the Tartars had subdued a great part of the world, they came vnto
the sayd olde man, and tooke from him the custody of his paradise: who
being incensed thereat, sent abroad diuers desperate and resolute persons
out of his forenamed paradise, and caused many of the Tartarian nobles to
be slaine. The Tartars seeing this, went and besieged the city wherein the
said olde man was, tooke him, and put him to a most cruell and ignominious
death. The friers in that place haue this speciall gift and prerogatiue:
namely, that by the vertue of the name of Christ Iesu, and in the vertue of
his pretious bloud, which he shedde vpon the crosse for the saluation of
mankinde, they doe cast foorth deuils out of them that are possessed. And
because there are many possessed men in those parts, they are bound and
brought ten dayes iourney unto the sayd friers, who being dispossessed of
the vncleane spirits, do presently beleeue in Christ who deliuered them,
accounting him for their God, and being baptized in his name, and also
deliuering immediatly vnto the friers all their idols, and the idols of
their cattell, which are commonly made of felt or of womens haire: then the
sayd friers kindle a fire in a publike place (whereunto the people resort,
that they may see the false gods of their neighbors burnt) and cast the
sayd idols thereinto: howbeit at the first those idols came out of the fire
againe. Then the friers sprinkled the sayd fire with holy water, casting
the idols into it the second time, and with that the deuils fled in the
likenesse of blacke smoake, and the idols still remained till they were
consumed vnto ashes. Afterward, this noise and outcry was heard in the
ayre: Beholde and see how I am expelled out of my habitation. And by these
meanes the friers doe baptize great multitudes, who presently reuolt againe
vnto their idols: insomuch that the sayd friers must eftsoones, as it were,
vnderprop them, and informe them anew. There was another terrible thing
which I saw there: for passing by a certaine valley, which is situate
beside a pleasant riuer, I saw many dead bodies, and in the sayd valley
also I heard diuers sweet sounds and harmonies of musike, especially the
noise of citherns, whereat I was greatly amazed. This valley conteineth in
length seuen or eight miles at the least; into the which whosoeuer entreth,
dieth presently, and can by no meanes passe aliue thorow the middest
thereof: for which cause all the inhabitants thereabout decline vnto the
one side. Moreouer, I was tempted to go in, and to see what it was. At
length, making my prayers, and recommending my selfe to God in the name of
Iesu, I entred, and saw such swarmes of dead bodies there, as no man would
beleeue vnlesse he were an eye witnesse thereof. At the one side of the
foresayd valley vpon a certaine stone, I saw the visage of a man, which
beheld me with such a terrible aspect, that I thought verily I should haue
died in the same place. But alwayes this sentence, the word became flesh,
and dwelt amongst vs, I ceased not to pronounce, signing my selfe with the
signe of the crosse, and neerer then seuen or eight pases I durst not
approach vnto the said head: but I departed and fled vnto another place in
the sayd valley, ascending vp into a little sand mountaine, where looking
round about, I saw nothing but the sayd citherns, which me thought I heard
miraculously sounding and playing by themselues without the help of
musicians. And being vpon the toppe of the mountaine, I found siluer there
like the scales of fishes in great abundance: and I gathered some part
thereof into my bosome to shew for a wonder, but my conscience rebuking me,
I cast it vpon the earth, reseruing no whit at all vnto my selfe, and so,
by Gods grace I departed without danger. And when the men of the countrey
knew that I was returned out of the valley aliue, they reuerenced me much,
saying that I was baptised and holy, and that the foresayd bodies were men
subiect vnto the deuils infernall, who vsed to play vpon citherns, to the
end they might allure people to enter, and so murther them. Thus much
concerning those things which I beheld most certainely with mine eyes, I
frier Odoricus haue heere written: many strange things also I haue of
purpose omitted, because men will not beleeue them vnlesse they should see
them.


Of the honour and reuerence done vnto the great Can.

I will report one thing more, which I saw, concerning the great Can. It is
an vsuall custome in those parts, that when the forsayd Can traueileth
thorow any countrey, his subiects kindle fires before their doores, casting
spices thereinto to make a perfume, that their lord passing by may smell
the sweet and delectable odours thereof, and much people come forth to meet
him. And vpon a certaine time when he was cumming towardes Cambaleth, the
fame of his approch being published, a bishop of ours with certaine of our
minorite friers and my selfe went two dayes iourney to meet him: and being
come nigh vnto him, we put a crosse vpon wood, I my selfe hauing a censer
in my hand, and began to sing with a loud voice: Veni creator spiritus. And
as we were singing on this wise, he caused vs to be called, commanding vs
to come vnto him: notwithstanding (as it is aboue mentioned) that no man
dare approach within a stones cast of his chariot, vnlesse he be called,
but such onely as keepe his chariot. And when we came neere vnto him, he
vailed his hat or bonet being of an inestimable price, doing reuerance vnto
the crosse. And immediatly I put incense into the censer, and our bishop
taking the censer perfumed him, and gaue him his benediction. Moreouer,
they that come before the sayd Can do alwayes bring some oblation to
present vnto him, obseruing the antient law: Thou shall not appeare in my
presence with an empty hand. And for that cause we carried apples with vs,
and offered them in a platter with reuerence vnto him: and taking out two
of them he did eat some part of one. And then he signified vnto vs, that we
should go apart, least the horses comming on might in ought offend vs. With
that we departed from him, and turned aside, going vnto certaine of his
barons, which had bene conuerted to the faith by certeine friers of our
order, being at the same time in his army: and we offered vnto them of the
foresayd apples, who receiued them at our hands with great ioy, seeming
vnto vs to be as glad, as if we had giuen them some great gift.

All the premisses abouewritten friar William de Solanga hath put downe in
writing euen as the foresayd frier Odoricus vttered them by word of mouth,
in the yeere of our Lord 1330. in the moneth of May, and in the place of S.
Anthony of Padua. Neither did he regard to write them in difficult Latine
or in an eloquent stile, but euen as Odoricus himselfe rehearsed them, to
the end that men might the more easily vnderstand the things reported. I
frier Odoricus of Friuli, of a certaine territory called Portus Vahonis,
and of the order of the minorites, do testifie and beare wimesse vnto the
reuerend father Guidotus minister of the prouince of S. Anthony, in the
marquesate of Treuiso (being by him required vpon mine obedience so to doe)
that all the premisses aboue written, either I saw with mine owne eyes, or
heard the same reported by credible and substantiall persons. The common
report also of the countreyes where I was, testifieth those things, which I
saw, to be true. Many other things I haue omitted, because I beheld them
not with mine owne eyes. Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to
trauell countreyes or lands, in which action I dispose myselfe to die or to
liue, as it shall please my God.


Of the death of frier Odoricus.

In the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus
preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney, that his
trauel and labour might be to greater purpose, he determined to present
himselfe vnto Pope Iohn the two and twentieth, whose benediction and
obedience being receiued, he with a certaine number of friers willing to
beare him company, might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of
infidels. And as he was trauelling towards the pope, and not farre distant
from the city of Pisa, there meets him by the waye a certaine olde man, in
the habit and attire of a pilgrime, saluting him by name, and saying: All
haile frier Odoricus. And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of
him: he answered: Whiles, you were in India I knew you full well, yea, and
I knew your holy purpose also: but see that you returne immediatly vnto the
couer from whence you came, for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of
this present world. Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes
(especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight, presently after he had
spoken them) he determined to returne. And so he returned in perfect
health, feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body. And being in his
couen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua, the tenth day after the foresayd
vision, hauing receiued the Communion, and preparing himselfe vnto God,
yea, being strong and sound of body, hee happily rested in the Lord; whose
sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid, vnder the hand of
the publique notary in these words following.

In the yeere of our Lord 1331, the 14. day of Ianuarie, Beatus Odoricus a
Frier minorite deceased in Christ, at whose prayers God shewed many and
sundry miracles, which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina, sonne of M.
Damianus de Porto Gruaro, at the commandement and direction of the
honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion, and one of the Councell of
Vtina, haue written as faithfully as I could, and haue deliuered a copie
thereof vnto the Friers minorites: howbeit not of all, because they are
innumerable, and too difficult for me to write.

       *       *       *       *       *

The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland, Earle of Huntington, brother by the
  mothers side to King Richard the second, to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins
  mount.

[Sidenote: 1394. Froyssart.] The Lord Iohn of Holland, Earle of Huntington,
was as then on his way to Ierusalem, and to Saint Katherins mount, and
purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie. For as he passed through
France (where he had great cheere of the King, and of his brother and
vncles) hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue
battell together: therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney.

       *       *       *       *       *

The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem, in the
  yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed, pag. 1233.

Thomas lord Moubray, second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord
Moubray her husband, was advanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21.
yeere of the reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which, hee was appealed
by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason; and caried to the castle of
Windsore, where he was strongly and safely garded, hauing a time of combate
granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes, the 16. day of
September, in the 22. of the sayd king, being the yeere of our redemption
1398. But in the end the matter was so ordered, that this duke of Norfolke
was banished for euer: whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem, he died
at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem, in the first
yeere of King Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption, 1399.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Voiage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem, in the sixt yeere of
  the reigne of Henry the fift, which was the yeere of our Lord, 1417.
  Thomas Walsingham.

Vltimo die mensis Octobris, episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium
Constanciense, peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electionem summi pontificis
celebratam, vbi tantum valuit eius facunda persuasio, vt et excitaret
dominos Cardinales ad concordiam, et ad electionem summi pontificis se
ocyùs præpararent.


The same in English.

The last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of
Constance, which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his
iourney to Ierusalem: where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed, that
he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord, and also
moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope.

       *       *       *       *       *

A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land
  against the infidels in the yere 1413, being the last yere of his reigne:
  wherein he was preuented by death: written by Walsingham, Fabian,
  Polydore Virgile, and Holenshed.

[Sidenote: Order taken for building of ships and gallies.] In this
fourteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in
the White friers in London, at the which among other things, order was
taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready, and all other
things necessary to be prouided for a voyage, which he meant to make into
the Holy land, there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels:
for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes, that
were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another, to the perill
of their owne soules, rather than to make warre against the enemies of the
Christian faith, as in conscience, it seemed to him, they were bound. We
finde, sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle, that he was taken with his last
sickeness, while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine, there
as it were, to take his leaue, and so to proceede foorth on his iourney. He
was so suddenly and grieuously taken, that such as were about him feared
least he would haue died presently: wherefore to relieue him, if it were
possible, they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand, belonging to
the Abbot of Westminster, where they layd him on a pallet before the fire,
and vsed all remedies to reuiue him. At length he recouered his speech, and
perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not, he willed to
knowe if the chamber had any particular name, whereunto answere was made,
that it was called Ierusalem. Then sayde the king, Laudes be giuen to the
father of heauen: for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber,
according to the prophesie of mee declared, that I should depart this life
in Ierusalem.

       *       *       *       *       *

Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following.

Post haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse antiquius, quàm ad
officium iustitiæ, quæ ad hominum vtilitatem pertinet, omne suum studium
conferre, protinùs omisso ciuili bello, quo pudebat videre Christianos omni
tempore turpitèr occupari, de republica Anglica benè gubernanda, de bello
in hostes communes sumendo, de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis
plura destinabat, classemque iam parabat, cum ei talia agenti atque
meditanti casus mortem attulit: subito enim morbo tentatus, nulla medicina
subleuari potuit. Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium, annum agens
quadragesimum sextum, qui fuit annus salutis humanæ, 1413.


The same in English.

Afterward, King Henry calling to minde, that nothing ought to be more
highly esteemed by any man, then to doe the vtmost of his indeuour for the
performance of iustice, which tendeth to the good and benefite of mankinde;
altogether abondoning ciuill warre (wherewith he was ashamed to see, how
Christians at all times were dishonourably busied) entered into a more
deepe consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England, of waging
warre against the common enemie, and of recouering, in processe of time the
citie of Ierusalem, yea, and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose,
whenas in the very midst of this his heroicall action and enterprise, he
was surprised with death: for falling into a sudden disease, he could not
be cured by any kinde of physicke. He deceased at Westminster in the 46
yeare of his age, which was in the yeere of our Lord, 1413.

       *       *       *       *       *

The voyage of M. Iohn Locke to Ierusalem.

In my voyage to Ierusalem, I imbarked my selfe the 26 of March 1553 in the
good shippe called the Mathew Gonson, which was bound for Liuorno, or
Legorne and Candia. It fell out that we touched in the beginning of Aprill
next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia, where the Spaniardes, according to
their accustomed maner with all shippes of extraordinarie goodnes and
burden, picked a quarell against the company, meaning to haue forfeited, or
at least to haue arrested the sayd shippe. And they grew so malicious in
their wrongfull purpose that I being vtterly out of hope of any speedie
release, to the ende that my intention should not be ouerthrowen, was
inforced to take this course following. Notwithstanding this hard
beginning, it fell out so luckily, that I found in the roade a great shippe
called the Caualla of Venice, wherein after agreement made with the patron,
I shipped my selfe the 24. of May in the said yere 1553. and the 25 by
reason of the winde blowing hard and contrary, we were not able to enter
the straits of Gibraltar, but were put to the coast of Barbarie, where we
ankered in the maine sea 2. leagues from shore, and continued so vntill two
houres before sunne set, and then we weighed againe, and turned our course
towards the Straits, where we entered the 26 day aforesayd, the winde being
calme, but the current of the straites very fauourable. The same day the
winde beganne to rise somewhat, and blew a furthering gale, and so
continued at Northwest vntill we arriued at Legorne the third of Iune. And
from thence riding ouer land vnto Venice, I prepared for my voyage to
Ierusalem in the Pilgrimes shippe.

[Sidenote: The ship Fila Cauena departeth for Ierusalem. Rouigno a port in
Istria.] I John Locke, accompanied with Maister Anthony Rastwold, and
diuers other, Hollanders, Zelanders, Almaines and French pilgrimes entered
the good shippe called Fila Cauena of Venice, the 16 of July 1553. and the
17 in the morning we weighed our anker and sailed towardes the coast of
Istria, to the port of Rouigno, and the said day there came aboard of our
ship the Perceuena of the shippe named Tamisari, for to receiue the rest of
all the pilgrimes money, which was in all after the rate of 55. Crownes for
euery man for that voyage, after the rate of fiue shillings starling to the
crowne: This done, he returned to Venice.

[Sidenote: Sancta Eufemia.] The 19 day we tooke fresh victuals aboard, and
with the bote that brought the fresh provision we went on land to the
Towne, and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia, where we sawe the
bodie of the sayd Saint.

[Sidenote: Monte de Ancona.] The 20 day wee departed from Rouignio, and
about noone we had sight of Monte de Ancona, and the hilles of Dalmatia, or
else of Sclauonia both at one time, and by report they are 100. miles
distant from ech other, and more.

[Sidenote: Il Pomo.] The 21 we sayled still in sight of Dalmatia, and a
little before noone, we had a sight of a rocke in the midst of the sea,
called in the Italian il Pomo, it appeareth a farre off to be in shape like
a sugarloafe. [Sidenote: Sant Andrea.] Also we sawe another rocke about two
miles compasse called Sant Andrea; on this rocke is only one Monasterie of
Friers: [Sidenote: Lissa an Iland.] we sayled betweene them both, and left
S. Andrea on the left hand of vs, and we had also kenning of another Iland
called Lissa, all on the left hande, these three Ilands lie East and West
in the sea, and at the sunne setting we had passed them. [Sidenote: Lezina
Iland.] Il pomo is distant from Sant Andrea 18 miles, and S. Andrea from
Lissa ten miles, and Lissa from another Iland called Lezina, which standeth
betweene the maine of Dalmatia and Lissa, tenne miles. This Iland is
inhabited and hath great plentie of wine and frutes and hereagainst we were
becalmed.

[Sidenote: Catza. Pelagosa.] The 22. we had sight of another small Iland
called Catza, which is desolate and on the left hand, and on the right
hand, a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa, this is also desolate, and
lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines: it is very
dangerous and low land, and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe
miles into the sea, so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them.
There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles, and these two Ilands are
distant from Venice 400. miles. [Sidenote: Augusta.] There is also about
twelue miles eastward, a great Iland called Augusta, about 14 miles in
length, somewhat hillie, and well inhabited, and fruitfull of vines, corne
and other fruit, this also we left on the left hand: and we haue hitherto
kept our course from Rouignio East southeast. [Sidenote: Meleda. Mount Sant
Angelo.] This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa, it is
distant from Ragusa 50 miles, and there is by that Iland a greater, named
Meleda, which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa, it is about 30 miles
in length, and inhabited, and hath good portes, it lyeth by East from
Augusta, and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo,
vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy, and we had sight of both landes at one
time.

The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of
Ragusa, and towardes night we were within 7. or 8. miles of Ragusa, that we
might see the white walles, but because it was night, we cast about to the
sea, minding at the second watch, to beare in againe to Ragusa, for to know
the newes of the Turkes armie, but the winde blew so hard and contrary,
that we could not. [Sidenote: Ragusa paieth 14000. Sechinos to the Turke
yerely.] This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene
thousand Sechinos, and euery Sechino is of Venetian money eight liuers and
two soldes, besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas
when they come thither. The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile
of the said towne, for the which the Raguseos would giue much money, but
they doe keepe it more for the namesake, then for profite. This rocke lieth
on the Southside of the towne, and is called Il Cromo, there is nothing on
it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo. The maine of the Turkes
countrie is bordering on it within one mile, for the which cause they are
in great subiection. This night we were put backe by contrarie winds, and
ankered at Melleda.

The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda, we would haue gone on land, but the
winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course, and
left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland, and on the left hand
betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna, and within a mile of that
vnder the maine by East, another Iland called Isola de Mezo. This Iland
hath two Monasteries in it, one called Santa Maria de Bizo, and the other
Sant Nicholo. Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant
Andrea: these Ilands are from the maine but two miles, and the channell
betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse, but
very deepe, for we had at an anker fortie fathoms. The two Ilands of
Zupanno and Mezo are well inhabited, and very faire buildings, but nothing
plentie saue wine onely. This night toward sunne set it waxed calme, and we
sayled little or nothing.

The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles, and there we mette with two Venetian
ships, which came from Cyprus, we thought they would haue spoken with vs,
for we were desirous to talke with them, to knowe the newes of the Turkes
armie, and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice. About noone, we had
scant sight of Castel nouo, which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke
tooke from the Emperour, in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish
souldiers, besides the rest which were taken prisoners, and made gallie
slaves. This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de
Cataro. The Venetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro, this
channell goeth vp to Budoa, and further vp into the countrey. About sunne
set we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia, in the which
hilles the Venetians haue a towne called Antiueri, and the Turkes haue
another against it called Marcheuetti, the which two townes continually
skirmish together with much slaughter. At the end of these hils endeth the
Countrey of Sclauonia, and Albania beginneth. These hilles are thirtie
miles distant from Ragusa.

The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia, and left Albania on the left
hand. The 28. we had sight of both the maines, but we were neere the coast
of Puglia, for feare of Foystes. It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and
Cape Otranto in Puglia 60 miles. Puglia is a plaine low lande, and Chimera
in Albania is very high land, so that it is seene the further. Thus sayling
our course along the coast of Puglia, we saw diuerse white Towers, which
serue for sea-markes. About three of the clocke in the after noone, we had
sight of a rocke called Il fano, 48 miles from Corfu, and by sunne set we
discouered Corfu. Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde, and
made our way after twelue mile euery houre. Most part of this way we were
accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide, it
is a fish three quarters of a yard in length, in colour, eating, and making
like a Makarell, somewhat bigge and thick in body, and the tayle forked
like a halfe moone, for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not
suffer them to be taken in all his dominions.

The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland, which we left on our
left hande called Cephalonia, it is vnder the Venetians, and well
inhabited, with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of which hill the
Iland beareth her name, it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle, and
plentie of corne and wine, their language is Greek, it is distant from the
maine of Morea, thirtie miles, it is in compasse 80 miles. One houre within
night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia,
whereby we might perceiue their lights. There come oftentimes into the
creeks and riuers, the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriual,
the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights,
as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland, and thus they doe from one to
another the whole Iland ouer. Aboute three of the clocke in the afternoone
the winde scanted, and wee minded to haue gone to Zante, but we could not
for that night. [Sidenote: Zante.] This Iland of Zante is distant from
Cephalonia, 12 or 14 miles, but the towne of Cephalonia, from the towne of
Zante, is distant fortie miles. This night we went but little forward.

The 30 day we remained still turning vp and downe because the winde was
contrary, and towards night the winde mended, so that we entered the
channell betweene Cephalonia, and Zante, the which chanell is about eight
or tenne miles ouer, and these two beare East and by South, and West and by
North from the other. The towne of Zante lieth within a point of the land,
where we came to an anker, at nine of the clocke at night.

[Sidenote: Iohn Locke, and fiue Hollanders goe on land.] The 31 about sixe
of the clocke in the morning, I with fiue Hollanders went on land, and
hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia. After breakfast we went to see the
towne, and passing along we went into some of the Greeke churches, wherein
we sawe their Altares, images, and other ornaments. [Sidenote: Santa Maria
de la Croce.] This done, wee went to a Monasterie of Friers called Sancta
Maria de la Croce, these are westerne Christians, for the Greekes haue
nothing to doe with them, nor they with the Greekes, for they differ very
much in religion. There are but 2. Friers in this Friery. [Sidenote: The
tombe of M. T. Cicero.] In this Monasterie we saw the tombe that M. T.
Cicero was buried in, with Terentia Antonia, his wife. This tombe was
founde about sixe yeeres since, when the Monastery was built, there was in
time past a streete where the tombe stoode. At the finding of the tombe
there was also found a yard vnder ground, a square stone somewhat longer
then broad, vpon which stone was found a writing of two seuerall handes
writing, the one as it seemed, for himselfe, and the other for his wife,
and vnder the same stone was found a glasse somewhat proportioned like an
vrinall, but that it was eight square and very thicke, wherein were the
ashes of the head and right arme of Mar. T. Cicero, for as stories make
mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua, for insurrection. And his
wife hauing got his head and right arme, (which was brought to Rome to the
Emperor) went from Rome, and came to Zante, and there buried his head and
arme, and wrote vpon his tombe this style M. T Cicero. Haue. [Marginal
note: Or, Aue.] Then followeth in other letters, _Et tu Terentia Antonia_,
which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one
time. [Sidenote: The Description of the tombe.] The tombe is long and
narrowe, and deepe, walled on euery side like a graue, in the botome
whereof was found the sayd stone with the writing on it, and the said
glasse of ashes, and also another litle glasse of the same proportion,
wherein, as they say, are the teares of his friendes, and in those dayes
they did vse to gather and bury with them, as they did vse in Italy and
Spaine to teare their haire, to bury with their friendes. In the sayde
tombe were a fewe bones. After dinner we rested vntill it drew towards
euening by reason of the heat. [Sidenote: Sant Elia, but one Frier.] And
about foure of the clocke we walked to another Frierie a mile out of the
towne called Sant Elia, these are white Friers, there were two, but one is
dead, not sixe dayes since. This Frierie hath a garden very pleasant, and
well furnished with Orenges, Lemons, pomegranates, and diuers other good
fruites. The way to it is somewhat ragged, vp hill and downe, and very
stonie, and in winter very durtie. It standeth very plesantly in a clift
betweene two hilles, with a good prospect. From thence we ascended the hill
to the Castle, which is situated on the very toppe of a hill. [Sidenote:
The description of the Castle of Zante.] This Castle is very strong, in
compasse a large mile and a halfe, which being victualed, (as it is neuer
vnfurnished) and manned with men of trust, it may defende itselfe against
any Princes power. This Castle taketh the iust compasse of the hill, and no
other hill neere it, it is so steepe downe, and so high and ragged, that it
will tyre any man or euer he be halfe way vp. Very nature hath fortified
the walles and bulwarkes: It is by nature foure square, and it commandeth
the towne and porte. The Venetians haue alwayes their Podesta, or
Gouernour, with his two Counsellours resident therein. The towne is welle
inhabited, and hath great quantity of housholders. The Iland by report is
threescore and tenne miles about, it is able to make twentie thousand
fighting men. They say they have alwayes fiue or sixe hundred horsemen
readie at an houres warning. They saye the Turke hath assayed it with 100.
Gallies, but he could neuer bring his purpose to passe. It is strange to
mee how they should maintains so many men in this Iland, for their best
sustenance is wine, and the rest but miserable.

The first of August we were warned aboord by the patron, and towards
euening we set sayle, and had sight of a Castle called Torneste, which is
the Turkes, and is ten miles from Zante, it did belong to the Venetians,
but they haue now lost it, it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in
Morea. All that night we bare into the sea, because we had newes at Zante
of twelue of the Turkes gallies, that came from Rhodes, which were about
Modon, Coron, and Candia, for which cause we kept at the sea.

The second of August, we had no sight of land, but kept our course, and
about the thirde watch the winde scanted, so that we bare with the shore,
and had sight of Modon and Coron.

The third we had sight of Cauo Mattapan, and all that day by reason of
contrary windes, which blew somewhat hard, we lay a hull vntill morning.

The fourth we were still vnder the sayd Cape, and so continued that day,
and towardes night there grewe a contention in the ship amongst the
Hollanders, and it had like to haue bene a great inconuenience, for we had
all our weapons, yea euen our kniues, taken from vs that night.

The fift, we sayled by the Bowline, and out of the toppe we had sight of
the Iland of Candia, and towardes noone we might see it plaine, and towards
night the winde waxed calme.

The sixt toward the breake of day we saw two small Ilands called Gozi, and
towards noone we were betweene them: the one of these Ilands is fifteene
miles about, and the other 10. miles. In those Ilands are nourished store
of cattell for butter and cheese. There are to the number of fiftie or
sixtie inhabitants, which are Greekes, and they liue chiefly on milke and
cheese. The Iland of Candia is 700 miles about, it is in length, from Cape
Spada, to Cape Salomon, 300 miles, it is as they say, able to make one
hundred thousand fighting men. We sayled betweene the Gozi, and Candia, and
they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles. The Candiots are strong men, and
very good archers, and shoot neere the marke. This Ilande is from Zante 300
miles.

The seuenth we sayled all along the sayd Iland with little winde and
vnstable, and the eight day towards night we drew to the East end of the
Iland.

The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land.

The 11 in the morning, we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus, and towards
noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota, and about foure of the
clocke we were as farre as Baffo, and about sunne set we passed Cauo
Bianco, and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de la
gatte, and ankered afore Limisso, but the wind blew so hard, that we could
not come neere the towne, neither durst any man goe on land. The towne is
from Cauo de le gatte twelue miles distant.

The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso: this towne is
ruinated and nothing in it worth writing, saue onely in the midst of the
towne there hath bene a fortresse, which is now decayed, and the wals part
ouerthrowen, which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about
10. or 12. yeeres past. [Sidenote: Caualette is a certaine vermine in the
Island of Cyprus.] This day walking to see the towne, we chanced to see in
the market place, a great quantitie of certaine vermine called in the
Italian tongue Caualette. It is as I can learne, both in shape and bignesse
like a grassehopper, for I can iudge but little difference. Of these many
yeeres they haue had such quantitie that they destroy all their corne. They
are so plagued with them, that almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose
halfe their corne, whether it be the nature of the countrey, or the plague
of God, that let them iudge that can best define. But that there may no
default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of them, they haue
throughout the whole land a constituted order, that euery Farmor or
husbandmen (which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord) shall
euery yeere pay according to his territorie, a measure full of the seede or
egges of these forenamed Caualette, the which they are bound to bring to
the market, and present to the officer appointed for the same, the which
officer taketh of them very straight measure, and writeth the names of the
presenters, and putteth the sayd egges or seed, into a house appointed for
the same, and hauing the house full, they beate them to pouder, and cast
them into the sea, and by this pollicie they doe as much as in them lieth
for the destruction of them. This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the
time of corne being ripe, and the corne beyng had away, in the clods of the
same ground do the husbandmen find the nestes, or, as I may rather terme
them, cases of the egges, of the same vermine. Their nests are much like to
the keies of a hasel-nut tree, when they be dried, and of the same length,
but somewhat bigger, which case being broken you shall see the egges lie
much like vnto antes egges, but somewhat lesser. This much I haue written
at this time, because I had no more time of knowledge, but I trust at my
returne to note more of this island, with the commodities of the same at
large.

[Sidenote: The pilgrimes going to the Greeke churches.] The 13. day we went
in the morning to the Greeks church, to see the order of their ceremonies,
and of their communion, of the which to declare the whole order with the
number of their ceremonious crossings, it were to long. Wherefore least I
should offend any man, I leaue it vnwritten: but onely that I noted well,
that in all their Communion or seruice, not one did euer kneele, nor yet in
any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images, but painted or
portrayed. Also they haue store of lampes alight, almost for euery image
one. Their women are alwayes separated from the men, and generally they are
in the lower ende of the Church. This night we went aboord the ship,
although the wind were contrary, we did it because the patrone should not
find any lacke of vs, as sometimes he did: when as tarying vpon his owne
businesse, he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes.

The 14. day in the morning we set saile, and lost sight of the Island of
Cyprus, and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea, and sawe no land: and the
16. day towards night, we looked for land, but we sawe none. But because we
supposed our selues to be neere our port, we tooke in all our sailes except
onely the foresaile and the mizzen, and so we remained all that night.

The 17. day in the morning, we kept by report of the Mariners, some sixe
miles from Iaffa, but it prooued contrary. But because we would be sure,
wee made to an anker seuen miles from the shore, and sent the skiffe with
the Pilot and the master gunner, to learne the coast, but they returned,
not hauing seen tree nor house, nor spoken with any man. But when they came
to the sea side againe, they went vp a little hill standing hard by the
brinke, whereon as they thought, they sawe the hill of Ierusalem, by the
which the Pilot knew (after his iudgement) that we were past our port. And
so this place where we rode was, as the mariners sayd, about 50. mile from
Iaffa. This coast all alongst is very lowe, plaine, white, sandie, and
desert, for which cause it hath fewe markes or none, so that we rode here
as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes.

[Sidenote: A great currant.] The 18. day we abode still at anker, looking
for a gale to returne backe, but it was contrary: and the 19. we set saile,
but the currant hauing more force then the winde, we were driuen backe,
insomuch that the ship being vnder saile, we cast the sounding lead, and
(notwithstanding the wind) it remained before the shippe, there wee had
muddie ground at fifteene fadome. The same day about 4. of the clocke, wee
set saile againe, and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh
side-winde. [Sidenote: A Cat fallen into the sea and recouered.] It chanced
by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea, which being downe, kept
her selfe very valiauntly aboue water, notwithstanding the great waues,
still swimming, the which the master knowing, he caused the Skiffe with
halfe a dozen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe, when she was
almost halfe a mile from the shippe, and all this while the ship lay on
staies. I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one
of the company had bene in the like perill. They made the more haste
because it was the patrons cat. This I haue written onely to note the
estimation that cats are in, among the Italians, for generally they esteeme
their cattes, as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell. The same night
about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed, and because none of the shippe
knewe where we were, we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we
were at before, and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome.

The 20 it was still calme, and the current so strong still one way, that we
were not able to stemme the streame: moreouer we knew not where we were,
whereupon doubting whither wee were past, or short of our port, the Master,
Pilot, and other Officers of the shippe entered into counsell what was best
to doe, wherevpon they agreed to sende the bote on lande againe, to seeke
some man to speake with all, but they returned as wise as they went. Then
we set sayle againe and sounded euery mile or halfe mile, and found still
one depth, so we not knowing where we were, came againe to an anker, seuen
or eight miles by West from the place we were at. Thus still doubting where
we were, the bote went on land againe, and brought newes that wee were
short 80 miles of the place, whereas we thought wee had beene ouershot by
east fiftie miles. Thus in these doubts we lost foure dayes, and neuer a
man in the shippe able to tell where we were, notwithstanding there were
diuerse in the shippe that had beene there before. [Sidenote: They met with
two Moores on land.] Then sayd the Pylot, that at his comming to the shore,
by chance he saw two wayfaring men, which were Moores, and he cryed to them
in Turkish, insomuch that the Moores, partly for feare, and partly for
lacke of vnderstanding, (seeing them to be Christians) beganne to flie, yet
in the end with much a doe, they stayed to speake with them, which men when
they came together, were not able to vnderstand ech other, but our men made
to them the signe of the Crosse on the sande, to giue them to vnderstand
that they were of the shippe that brought the pilgrims. Then the Moores
knowing (as al the country else doth) that it was the vse of Christians to
go to Ierusalem, shewed them to be yet by west of Iaffa. Thus we remained
ail that night at anker, and the farther west that we sayled, the lesse
water we had.

The 21 we set sayle againe and kept our course Northeast, but because we
would not goe along the shore by night, wee came to an anker in foure and
twentie fathome water. [Sidenote: The two towers of Iaffa. Scolio di Santo
Petro.] Then the next morning being the 22 we set sayle againe, and kept
our course as before, and about three of the clocke in the afternoone, wee
had sight of the two towers of Iaffa, and about fiue of the clocke, wee
were with a rocke, called in the Italian tongue, Scolio di Santo Petro, on
the which rocke they say he fished, when Christ bid him cast his net on the
right side, and caught so many fishes. This rocke is now almost worne away.
It is from Iaffa two or three mile: here before the two towers we came to
an anker. Then the pilgrimes after supper, in salutation of the holy lande,
sang to the prayse of God, Te Deum laudamus, with Magnificat, and
Benedictus, but in the shippe was a Frier of Santo Francisco, who for anger
because he was not called and warned, would not sing with vs, so that he
stood so much vpon his dignitie, that he forgot his simplicitie, and
neglected his deuotion to the holy land for that time, saying that first
they ought to haue called him yer they did beginne, because he was a Fryer,
and had beene there, and knewe the orders.

[Sidenote: A messenger departeth for Ierusalem.] The 23 we sent the bote on
land with a messenger to the Padre Guardian of Ierusalem. [Sidenote:
Mahomet is clothed in green.] This day it was notified vnto mee by one of
the shippe that had beene a slaue in Turkie, that no man might weare greene
in this land, because their prophet Mahomet went in greene. This came to my
knowledge by reason of the Scriuanello, who had a greene cap, which was
forbidden him to weare on the land.

The 24. 25. and 26 we taryed in the shippe still looking for the comming of
the Padre guardian, and the 26 at night we had a storme which lasted all
the next day.

[Sidenote: The Guardian of Ierusalem commeth to Iaffa, with the Cady, and
Subassi.] The 27 in the morning, came the Cadi, the Subassi, and the
Meniwe, with the Padre guardian, but they could not come at vs by reason of
the stormy weather: in the afternoone we assayed to send the bote on land,
but the weather would not suffer us. Then againe towards night the bote
went a shore, but it returned not that night. [Sidenote: A cloud called of
the Italians Cion most dangerous.] The same day in the afternoone we sawe
in the element, a cloud with a long tayle, like vnto the tayle of a
serpent, which cloud is called in Italian Cion, the tayle of this cloud did
hang as it were into the sea: and we did see the water vnder the sayde
cloude ascend, as it were like a smoke or myste, the which this Cion drew
vp to it. The Marriners reported to vs that it had this propertie, that if
it should happen to haue lighted on any part of the shippe, that it would
rent and wreth sayles, mast, shroudes and shippe and all in manner like a
wyth: on the land, trees, houses, in whatsoeuer else it lighteth on, it
would rent and wreth. [Sidenote: A coniuration.] These marriners did vse a
certaine coniuration to breake the said tayle, or cut it in two, which as
they say doth preuaile. They did take a blacke hafted knife, and with the
edge of the same did crosse the said taile as if they would cut it in
twain, saying these words, Hold thou Cion, eat this, and then they stucke
the knife on the ship side with the edge towards the said cloude, and I saw
it therewith vanish in lesse than one quarter of an houre. But whether it
was then consumed, or whether by vertue of the Inchantment it did vanish I
knowe not, but it was gone. Hereof let them iudge that know more then I.
This afternoone we had no winde, but the sea very stormy, insomuch that
neither cheste, pot, nor any thing else could stand in the shippe, and wee
were driuen to keepe our meate in one hand, and the pot in the other, and
so sit downe vpon the hatches to eate, for stand we could not, for that the
Seas in the very port at an anker went so high as if wee had bene in the
bay of Portugall with stormy weather. The reason is, as the Mariners said
to me, because that there meete all the waues from all places of the
Straights of Gibralter, and there breake, and that in most calmes there go
greatest seas, whether the winde blow or not.

The 28. the weather growing somewhat calme, we went on land and rested our
selues for that day, and the next day we set forward toward the city of
Ierusalem.

What I did, and what places of deuotion I visited in Ierusalem, and other
parts of the Holy land, from this my departure from Iaffa, vntill my
returne to the said port, may briefly be seene in my Testimoniall, vnder
the hand and seale of the Vicar generall of Mount Sion, which for the
contentment of the Reader I thought good here to interlace.

Vniuersis et singulis præsentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino
nostro Iesu Christo. Attestamur vobis ac alijs quibuscunque qualiter
honorabilis vir Iohannes Lok ciuis Londoniensis, filius honorabilis viri
Guilhelmi Lok equitis aurati, ad sacratissima terræ sanctæ loca
personaliter se contulit, sanctissimum Domini nostri Iesu Christi
sepulchrum, equo die tertia gloriosus à mortuis resurrexit, sacratissimum
Caluariæ montem, in quo pro nobis omnibus cruci affixus mori dignatus est,
Sion etiam montem vbi coenam illam mirificam cum discipulis suis fecit, et
vbi spiritus sanctus in die sancto Pentecostes in discipulos eosdem in
linguis igneis descendit, Oliuetique montem vbi mirabiliter coelos
ascendit, intemeratæ virginis Mariæ Mausoleum in Iosaphat vallis medio
situm, Bethaniam quoque Bethlehem ciuitatem Dauid in qua de purissima
virgine Maria natus est, ibique inter animalia reclinatus, pluraque loca
alia tam in Hierusalem ciuitate sancta terre Iudææ, quàm extra, à modernis
peregrinis visitari solita, deuotissimè visitauit, pariterque adorauit. In
quorum fidem, ego frater Anthonius de Bergamo ordinis fratrum minorum
regularis obseruantiæ prouinciæ diui Anthonij Sacri conuentus montis Sion
vicarius (licet indignus) necnon aliorum locorum terræ Sanctæ, apostolica
authoritate comissarius et rector, has Sigillo maiori nostri officij
nostraque subscriptione muniri volui. Datum Hierosolymis apud sacratissimum
domini coenaculum in sæpè memorato monte Sion, Anno Domini millesimo
quingentesimo, quinquagesimo tertio, die vero sexto mensis Septembris.

Frater Antonius qui supra.

[Sidenote: The pilgrims returne from Ierusalem. Mount Carmel.] The 15. of
September being come from our pilgrimage, we went aborde our shippe, and
set saile, and kept our course West toward the Island of Cyprus, but al
that night it was calme, and the 16. the winde freshed, and we passed by
Mount Carmel.

The 17. the winde was very scant, yet we kept the sea, and towards night
wee had a guste of raine whereby wee were constrained to strike our sailes,
but it was not very stormie, nor lasted very long.

The 18. 19. 20. and 21. we kept still the sea and saw no land because we
had very little winde, and that not very fauourable.

The 22. at noone the Boatswaine sent some of the Mariners into the boat,
(which we toed asterne from Iaffa) for certaine necessaries belonging to
the ship, wherein the Mariners found a certaine fish in proportion like a
Dace, about 6 inches long (yet the Mariners said they had seene the like a
foote long and more) the which fish had on euery side a wing, and toward
the taile two other lesser as it were finnes, on either side one, but in
proportion they were wings and of a good length. These wings grow out
betweene the gils and the carkasse of the same fish. [Sidenote: Pesce
columbini.] They are called in the Italian tongue Pesce columbini, for in
deede, the wings being spred it is like to a flying doue, they say it will
flie farre and very high. So it seemeth that being weary of her flight she
fell into the boate, and not being able to rise againe died there.

The 23. 24. and 25. we sailed our direct course with a small gale of winde,
and this day we had sight of the Island of Cyprus. [Sidenote: Cauo de la
Griega.] The first land that we discouered was a headland called Cauo de la
Criega, and about midnight we ankered by North of the Gape. This cape is a
high hil, long and square, and on the East corner it hath a high cop, that
appeareth vnto those at the sea, like a white cloud, for toward the sea it
is white, and it lieth into the sea Southwest. This coast of Cyprus is high
declining toward the sea, but it hath no cliffes.

The 26. we set saile againe, and toward noone we came into the port of
Salini, where we went on land and lodged that night at a towne one mile
from thence called Arnacho di Salini, this is but a village called in
Italian, Casalia. This is distant from Iaffa 250. Italian miles.

The 27. we rested, and the 28. we hired horses to ride from Arnacho to
Sulina, which is a good mile. The salt pit is very neere two miles in
compasse, very plaine and leuell, into the which they let runne at the time
of raine a quantitie of water comming from the mountaines, which water is
let in vntil the pit be full to a certaine marke, which when it is full,
the rest is conueyed by a trench into the sea. The water is let runne in
about October, or sooner or later, as the time of the yeere doth afforde.
There they let it remaine vntill the ende of Iuly or the middest of August,
out of which pits at that time, in stead of water that they let in they
gather very faire white salt, without any further art or labour, for it is
only done by the great heate of the sunne. This the Venetians haue, and doe
maintaine to the vse of S. Marke, and the Venetian ships that come to this
Island are bound to cast out their ballast, and to lade with salt for
Venice. Also there may none in all the Iland buy salt but of these men, who
maintaine these pits for S. Marke. This place is watched by night with 6.
horsemen to the end it be not stolne by night. Also vnder the Venetians
dominions no towne may spende any salt, but they must buy it of Saint
Marke, neither may any man buy any salt at one towne to carie to another,
but euery one must buy his salt in the towne where he dwelleth. Neither may
any man in Venice buy more salt then he spendeth in the city, for if he be
knowen to carte but one ounce out of the due and be accused, hee looseth an
eare. The most part of all the salt they haue in Venice commeth from these
Salines, and they have it so plentifull, that they are not able, neuer a
yeere to gather the one halfe, for they onely gather in Iuly, August, and
September, and not fully these three moneths. Yet notwithstanding the
abundance that the shippes carie away yeerely, there remaine heapes like
hilles, some heapes able to lade nine or tenne shippes, and there are
heapes of two yeeres gathering, some of three and some of nine or tenne
yeeres making, to the value of a great somme of golde, and when the ships
do lade, they neuer take it by measure, but when they come at Venice they
measure it. This salt as it lyeth in the pit is like so much ice, and it is
sixe inches thicke: they digge it with axes, and cause their slaues to cary
it to the heapes. This night at midnight we rode to Famagusta, which is
eight leagues from Salina, which is 24 English miles.

The 29 about two houres before day we alighted at Famagusta, and after we
were refreshed we went to see the towne. This is a very faire strong holde,
and the strongest and greatest in the Iland. The walks are faire and new,
and strongly rampired with foure principall bulwarkes, and bettweene them
turrions responding one to another, these walks did the Venetians make.
They haue also on the hauen side of it a Castle, and the hauen is chained,
the citie hath onely two gates, to say, one for the lande and another for
the sea, they haue in the towne continually, be it peace or warres, 800
souldiers, and fortie and sixe gunners, besides Captaines, petie Captaines,
Gouernour and Generall The lande gate hath alwayes fiftie souldiers, pikes
and gunners with their harnes, watching thereat night and day. At the sea
gate fiue and twenties upon the walles euery night doe watch fifteene men
in watch houses, for euery watch house fiue men, and in the market place 30
souldiers continually. There may no souldier serue there aboue 5 yeres,
neither will they without friendship suffer them to depart afore 5. yeres
be expired, and there may serue of all nations except Greekes. [Sidenote:
Morenigo.] They haue euery pay which is 45 dayes, 15 Morenigos, which is 15
shillings sterling. [Sidenote: Solde of Venice] Their horsemen haue only
sixe soldes Venetian a day, and prouender for their horses, but truth I
maruell how they liue being so hardly fed, for all the sommer they feede
only vpon chopt strawe and barley, for hay they haue none, and yet they be
faire, fat and seruiceable. [Sidenote: Castellani] The Venetians send euery
two yeres new rulers, which they call Castellani. The towne hath allotted
it also two gallies continually armed and furnished.

[Sidenote: Saint Katherens Chappel in old Famagusta.] The 30. in the
morning we ridde to a chappell, where they say Saint Katherin was borne.
This Chappell is in olde Famagusta, the which was destroyed by Englishmen,
and is cleane ouerthrowne to the ground, to this day desolate and not
inhabited by any person, it was of a great circuit, and there be to this
day mountaines of faire, great, and strong buildings, and not onely there,
but also in many places of the Iland. [Sidenote: Diuvers coines vnder
ground.] Moreouer when they digge, plowe, or trench they finde sometimes
olde antient coines, some of golde, some of siluer, and some of copper, yea
and many tombes and vautes with sepulchers in them. This olde Famagusta is
from the other, foure miles, and standeth on a hill, but the new towne on a
plaine. [Sidenote: Cornari, a family of Venice maried to king Iaques.]
Thence we returned to new Famagusta againe to dinner, and toward euening we
went about the towne, and in the great Church we sawe the tombe of king
Iaques, which was the last king of Cyprus, and was buried in the yere of
Christ one thousand foure hundred seuentie and three, and had to wife one
of the daughters of Venice, of the house of Cornari, the which family at
this day hath great reuenues in this Island, and by means of that mariage
the Venetians, chalenge the kingdome of Cyprus.

The first of October in the morning, we went to see the reliefe of the
watches. That done, we went to one of the Greekes Churches to see a pot or
Iarre of stone, which is sayd to bee one of the seuen Iarres of water, the
which the Lord God at the mariage conuerted into wine. It is a pot of earth
very faire, white enamelled, and faireiy wrought vpon with drawen worke,
and hath on either side of it, instead of handles, eares made in fourme as
the painters make angels wings, it was about an elle high, and small at the
bottome, with a long necke and correspondent in circuit to the botome, the
belly very great and round, it holdeth full twelue gallons, and hath a
tap-hole to drawe wine out thereat, the Iarre is very auncient, but whether
it be one of them or no, I know not. The aire of Famagusta is very
vnwholesome, as they say, by reason of certaine marish ground adioyning
vnto it. They haue also a certaine yeerely sicknesse raigning in the same
towne, aboue all the rest of the Island: yet neuerthelesse, they haue it in
other townes, but not so much. It is a certaine rednesse and paine of the
eyes, the which if it bee not quickly holpen, it taketh away their sight,
so that yeerely almost in that towne, they haue about twentie that lose
their sight, either of one eye or both, and it commeth for the most part in
this moneth of October, and the last moneth: for I haue met diuers times
three and foure at once in companies, both men and women. [Sidenote: No
vitailes must be sold out of the city of Famagusta.] Their liuing is better
cheape in Famagusta then in any other place of the Island, because there
may no kinde of prouision within their libertie bee solde out of the Citie.

The second of October we returned to Arnacho, where wee rested vntill the
sixt day. [Sidenote: Greate ruines in Cyprus.] This towne is a pretie
Village, there are thereby toward the Sea side diuers monuments, that there
hath bene great ouerthrow of buildings, for to this day there is no yere
when they finde not, digging vnder ground, either coines, caues, and
sepulcres of antiquities, as we walking, did see many, so that in effect,
all alongst the Sea coast, throughout the whole Island, there is much ruine
and ouerthrow of buildings, [Sidenote: Cyprus 36. yeres disinhabited for
lacke of water.] for as they say, it was disinhabited sixe and thirtie
yeres, before Saint Helens time for lacke of water. [Sidenote: Cypr.
ruinated by Rich. the I.] And since that time it hath bene ruinated and
ouerthrowen by Richard the first of that name king of England, which he did
in reuenge of his sisters rauishment comming to Ierusalem, the which
inforcement was done to her by the king of Famagusta.

The sixt day we rid to Nicosia, which is from Arnacho seuen Cyprus miles,
which are one and twentie Italian miles. This is the ancientest citie of
the Iland, and is walled about, but it is not strong neither of walles nor
situation: It is by report three Cyprus miles about, it is not throughly
inhabited, but hath many great gardens in it, and also very many Date
trees, and plentie of Pomegranates and other fruites. There dwell all the
Gentilitie of the Island, and there hath euery Cauallier or Conte of the
Island an habitation. [Sidenote: A fountaine that watereth al the gardens
in the citie.] There is in this citie one fountaine rented by saint Marke,
which is bound euery eight dayes once, to water all the gardens in the
towne, and the keeper of this fountaine hath for euery tree a Bizantin,
which is twelue soldes Venice, and sixpence sterling. [Sidenote: A Bizantin
is 6. d. sterling.] He that hath that to farme, with a faire and profitable
garden thereto belonging, paieth euery yeere to saint Marke, fifteene
hundred crownes. The streetes of the citie are not paued, which maketh it
with the quantitie of the gardens, to seeme but a rurall habitation. But
there be many faire buildings in the Citie, there be also Monasteries both
of Franks and Greekes. [Sidenote: S. Sophia is a Cathedral church of
Nicosia.] The Cathedrall church is called Santa Sophia, in the which there
is an old tombe of Iaspis stone, all of one piece, made in forme of a
cariage coffer, twelue spannes long, sixe spannes broad, and seuen spannes
high, which they say was found vnder ground. It is as faire a stone as euer
I haue seene.

The seuenth day we rid to a Greeke Frierie halfe a mile without the towne.
It is a very pleasaunt place, and the Friers feasted vs according to their
abilitie. These Friers are such as haue bene Priests, and their wiues dying
they must become Friers of this place, and neuer after eate flesh, for if
they do, they are depriued from saying masse: neither, after they haue
taken vpon them this order, may they marry againe, but they may keepe a
single woman. These Greekish Friers are very continent and chast, and
surely I haue seldome seen (which I haue well noted) any of them fat.

The 8. day we returned to Arnacho, and rested there. [Sidenote: Monte de la
Croce.] The 9. after midnight my company rid to the hill called Monte de la
Croce (but I not disposed would not go) which hill is from Arnacho 15.
Italian miles. Vpon the sayd hill is a certaine crosse, which is, they say,
a holy Crosse. This Crosse in times past did by their report of the Island,
hang in the ayre, but by a certaine earthquake, the crosse and the chappeil
it hung in, were ouerthrowen, so that neuer since it would hang againe in
the aire. But it is now couered with siluer, and hath 3. drops of our
lordes blood on it (as they say) and there is in the midst of the great
crosse, a little crosse made of the crosse of Christ; but it is closed in
the siluer, you must (if you will) beleeue it is so, for see it you cannot.
This crosse hangeth nowe by both endes in the wall, that you may swing it
vp and downe, in token that it did once hang in the aire. This was told me
by my fellow pilgrimes, for I sawe it not.

The 10. at night we went aboard by warning of the patron: and the 11. in
the morning we set saile, and crept along the shore, but at night we
ankered by reason of contrary windes.

[Sidenote: Limisso.] The 12. we set saile toward Limisso, which is from
Salines 50. miles, and there we went on land that night.

The 13. and 14. we remained still on land, and the 15. the patrone sent for
vs; but by reason that one of our company was not well, we went not
presently, but we were forced afterward to hire a boate, and to ouertake
the ship tenne miles into the sea. At this Limisso all the Venetian ships
lade wine for their prouision, and some for to sell, and also vineger.
[Sidenote: Carrobi.] They lade also great store of Carrobi: for all the
countrey thereabout adioning, and all the mountaines are full of Carrobi
trees, they lade also cotton wooll there. [Sidenote: Vulture.] In the sayd
towne we did see a certaine foule of the land (whereof there are many in
this Island) named in the Italian tongue Vulture. It is a foule that is as
big as a Swanne, and it liueth vpon carion. The skinne is full of soft
doune, like to a fine furre, which they vse to occupie when they haue euill
stomocks, and it maketh good digestion. This bird (as they say) will eat as
much at one meale as shall serue him fortie dayes after, and within the
compasse of that time careth for no more meate. The countrey people, when
they have any dead beast, they cary it into the mountaines, or where they
suppose the sayd Vultures to haunt, they seeing the carion doe immediately
greedily seize vpon it, and doe so ingraft their talents, that they cannot
speedily rise agayne, by reason whereof the people come and kill them:
sometimes they kill them with dogs, and sometimes with such weapons as they
haue. This foule is very great and hardy, much like an Eagle in the
feathers of her wings and backe, but vnder her great feathers she is onely
doune, her necke also long and full of doune. She hath on the necke bone,
betweene the necke and the shoulders a heape of fethers like a Tassell, her
thighs vnto her knees are couered with doune, her legs strong and great,
and dareth with her talents assault a man. [Sidenote: Great pleny of very
fat birds.] They haue also in this Island a certaine small bird, much like
vnto a Wagtaile in fethers and making, these are so extreme fat that you
can perceiue nothing els in all their bodies: these birds are now in
season. They take great quantitie of them, and they vse to pickle them with
vineger and salt, and to put them in pots and send them to Venice and other
places of Italy for presents of great estimation. They say they send almost
1200. Iarres or pots to Venice, besides those which are consumed in the
Island, which are a great number. These are so plentifull that when there
is no shipping, you may buy then for 10. Carchies, which coine are 4. to a
Venetian Soldo, which is peny farthing the dozen, and when there is store
of shipping, 2 pence the dozen, after that rate of their money. [Sidenote:
The Famagustans obserue the French statutes.] They of the limites of
Famagusta do keep the statutes of the Frenchmen which sometimes did rule
there. And the people of Nicosia, obserue the order of the Genoueses, who
sometimes also did rule them. All this day we lay in the sea with little
wind.

The 16. we met a Venetian ship, and they willing to speake with vs, and we
with them, made towards each other, but by reason of the euil stirrage of
the other ship, we had almost boorded each other to our great danger.
[Sidenote: Cauo Bianco.] Toward night we ankered vnder Cauo Bianco, but
because the winde grew faire, we set saile againe presently.

[Sidenote: Another Cion.] The 17. 18. 19, and 20 we were at sea with calme
sommer weather, and the 20. we had some raine, and saw another Cion in the
element. [Sidenote: A ship called el Bonna.] This day also we sawe, and
spake with a Venetian ship called el Bonna, bound for ciprus.

The 21. we sailed with a reasonable gale, and saw no land vntil the 4. of
Nouember. [Sidenote: A great tempest.] This day we had raine, thunder,
lightening, and much wind and stormie weather, but God be praised we
escaped all dangers.

[Sidenote: Candia, Gozi.] The 4. of Nouember we had sight of the Island of
Candia, and we fell with the Islands called Gozi, by south of Candia.
[Sidenote: Antonie Gelber departed this life.] This day departed this
present life, one of our company named Anthonie Gelber of Prussia, who
onely tooke his surfet of Cyprus wine. This night we determined to ride a
trie, because the wind was contrary, and the weather troublesome.

The 5. we had very rough stormie weather. This day was the sayd Anthonie
Gelber sowed in a Chauina filled with stones and throwen into the sea. By
reason of the freshnes of the wind we would haue made toward the shore, but
the wind put vs to the sea, where we endured a great storme and a
troublesome night.

The 6. 7. and 8. we were continually at the sea, and this day at noone the
wind came faire, whereby we recouered the way which we had lost, and sayled
out of sight of Candia.

[Sidenote: Cauo Matapan. Modon.] The 9. we sailed all day with a prosperous
wind after 14. mile an houre: and the 10. in the morning, wee had sight of
Cauo Matapan, and by noone of Cauo Gallo, in Morea, with which land we made
by reason of contrary wind, likewise we had sight of Modon, vnder the which
place we ankered. This Modon is a strong towne, and built into the sea,
with a peere for litle ships and galleis to harbour in. [Sidenote:
Sapientia.] It hath on the South side of the chanell, the Iland of
Sapientia, with other litle Ilands all disinhabited. The chanell lieth
Southwest and Northeast betweene the Islands and Morea, which is firme
land. This Modon was built by the Venetians, but as some say it was taken
from them by force of the Turke, and others say by composition: [Sidenote:
Coron. Napolis de Romania.] in like case Coron, and Napolis de Romania,
which is also in Morea. This night the Flemmish pilgrimes being drunke,
would have slaine the patrone because he ankered here.

The 11. day we set saile againe, and as we passed by Modon, we saluted them
with ordinance, for they that passe by this place, must salute with
ordinance, (if they haue) or els by striking their top sailes, for if they
doe not, the towne will shoot at them. [Sidenote: Prodeno. Zante and
Cephalonia.] This day toward 2. of the clocke wee passed by the Island of
Prodeno, which is but litle, and desert, vnder the Turke. About 2. houres
before night, we had sight of the Islands of Zante and Cephalonia, which
are from Modon one hundreth miles.

The 12. day in the morning, with the wind at West, we doubled between
Castle Torneste, and the Island of Zante. [Sidenote: Castle Torneste vnder
the Turke.] This castle is on the firme land vnder the Turke. This night we
ankered afore the towne of Zante, where we that night went on land, and
rested there the 13. 14. and 15. at night we were warned aboord by the
patrone. This night the ship tooke in vitailes and other necessaries.

The 16. in the morning we set saile with a prosperous wind, and the 17. we
had sight of Cauo de santa Maria in Albania on our right hand, and Corfu on
the left hand. This night we ankered before the castles of Corfu, and went
on land and refreshed our selues.

[Sidenote: The description of the force of Corfu.] The 18. by meanes of a
friend we were licenced to enter the castle or fortresse of Corfu, which is
not onely of situation the strongest I haue seene, but also of edification.
It hath for the Inner warde two strong castles situated on the top of two
high cragges of a rocke, a bow shoot distant the one from the other: the
rocke is vnassaultable, for the second warde it hath strong walles with
rampiers and trenches made as well as any arte can deuise. For the third
warde and vttermost, it hath very strong walles with rampires of the rocke
it selfe cut out by force and trenched about with the sea. The bulwarkes of
the vttermost warde are not yet finished, which are in number but two:
there are continually in the castle seuen hundred souldiours. Also it hath
continually foure wardes, to wit, for the land entrie one, for the sea
entrie another, and two other wardes. Artillerie and other munition of
defence alwayes readie planted it hath sufficient, besides the store
remaining in their storehouses. The Venetians hold this for the key of all
their dominions, and for strength it may be no lesse. This Island is very
fruitfull and plentifull of wine and corne very good, and oliues great
store. This Island is parted from Albania with a chanell, in some places
eight and ten, and in other but three miles. Albania is vnder the Turke,
but in it are many Christians. All the horseman of Corfu are Albaneses; the
Island is not aboue 80. or 90. miles in compasse.

The 19. 20. and 21. we remained in the towne of Corfu.

The 22. day wee went aboord and set saile, the wind being very calme wee
toed the ship all that day, and toward Sunne set, the castle sent a
Fragatta vnto us to giue vs warning of three Foistes comming after vs, for
whose comming wee prepared and watched all night, but they came not.

The 23. day in the morning being calme, wee toed out of the Streight,
vntill wee came to the olde towne, whereof there is no thing standing but
the walles. There is also a new Church of the Greekes called Santa Maria di
Cassopo, and the townes name is called Cassopo. It is a good porte. About
noone wee passed the Streight, and drew toward the ende of the Iland,
hauing almost no wind. This night after supper, by reason of a certaine
Hollander that was drunke, there arose in the ship such a troublesome
disturbance, that all the ship was in an vprore with weapons, and had it
not bene rather by Gods helpe, and the wisedome and patience of the
patrone, more then by our procurement, there had bene that night a great
slaughter. But as God would, there was no hurt, but onely the beginner was
put vnder hatches, and with the fall hurt his face very sore. All that
night the wind blew at Southeast, and sent vs forward.

The 24. in the morning wee found ourselues before an Island called Saseno,
which is in the entrie to Valona, and the wind prosperous.

The 25. day we were before the hils of Antiueri, and about sunne set wee
passed Ragusa, and three houres within night we ankered within Meleda,
hauing Sclauonia or Dalmatia on the right hand of vs, and the winde
Southwest.

The 26. in the morning we set sayle, and passed the chanell between
Sclauonia and Meleda, which may be eight mile ouer at the most. This Iland
is vnder the Raguses. At after noone with a hard gale at west and by north
we entered the chanell betweene the Iland Curzola and the hilles of
Dalmatia, in which channell be many rockes, and the channell not past 3
miles ouer, and we ankered before the towne of Curzolo. This is a pretie
towne walled about and built vpon the sea side, hauing on the toppe of a
round hill a faire Church. This Iland is vnder the Venetians, there grow
very good vines, also that part toward Dalmatia is well peopled and
husbanded, especially for wines. In the said Iland we met with the Venetian
armie, to wit, tennie gallies, and three foystes. All that night we
remained there.

The 27 we set sayle and passed along the Iland, and towards afternoone we
passed in before the Iland of Augusta, and about sunne set before the towne
of Lesina, whereas I am informed by the Italians, they take all the
Sardinas that they spend in Italy. This day we had a prosperous winde at
Southeast. The Iland of Lesina is vnder the Venetians, a very fruitfull
Iland adioyning to the maine of Dalmatia, we left it on our right hand, and
passed along.

[Sidenote: The gulfe of Quernero. Rouigno.] The 28 in the morning we were
in the Gulfe of Quernero, and about two houres after noone we were before
the cape of Istria, and at sunne set we were at anker afore Rouignio which
is also in Istria and vnder the Venetians, where all ships Venetian and
others are bound by order from Venice to take in their pilots to goe for
Venice. All the sommer the Pilots lie at Rouignio, and in winter at
Parenzo, which is from Rouignio 18 miles by West.

[Sidenote: Parenzo.] The 29 we set sayle and went as farre as Parenzo, and
ankered there that day, and went no further.

[Sidenote: S. Nicolo an Iland.] The 30 in the morning we rowed to Sant
Nicolo a litle Island hard by vninhabited, but only it hath a Monastery,
and is full of Oliue trees, after masse wee returned and went aboord. This
day we hired a Barke to imbarke the pilgrims for Venice, but they departed
not. In the afternoone we went to see the towne of Parenzo, it is a pretie
handsome towne, vnder the Venetians. After supper wee imbarked our selues
againe, and that night wee sayled towardes Venice.

The first of December we past a towne of the Venetians, standing on the
entery to the Palude or marshes of Venice: which towne is called Caorle,
and by contrary windes we were driuen thither to take port. This is 60
miles from Parenzo, and forty from Venice, there we remayned that night.

The second two houres before day, with the winde at Southeast, we sayled
towards Venice, where we arriued (God be praysed) at two of the clocke
after dinner, and landed about foure, we were kept so long from landing,
because we durst not land vntill we had presented to the Prouidor de la
Sanita, our letter of health.

       *       *       *       *       *

The first voyage or iourney, made by Master Laurence Aldersey, Marchant of
  London, to the Cities of Ierusalem, and Tripolis, &c. in the yeere 1581.
  Penned and set downe by himselfe.

I departed from London the first day of April in the yeere of our Lord
1581, passing through the Nether-land and vp the riuer Rhene by Colen, and
other cities of Germanie. And vpon Thursday, the thirde day of May, I came
to Augusta, where I deliuered the letter I had to Master Ienise, and Master
Castler, whom I found very willing to pleasure me, in any thing that I
could or would reasonably demaund. He first furnished me with a horse to
Venice, for my money, and then tooke me with him a walking, to shew me the
Citie, for that I had a day to tary there, for him that was to be my guide.
He shewed me first the Statehouse, which is very faire, and beautiful: then
be brought mee to the finest garden, and orchard, that euer I sawe in my
life: for there was in it a place for Canarie birdes, as large as a faire
Chamber, trimmed with wier both aboue and beneath, with fine little
branches of trees for them to sit in, vhich was full of those Canarie
birdes. There was such an other for Turtle dooues: also there were two
pigeon houses ioyning to them, hauing in them store of Turtle dooues and
pigeons. In the same garden also were sixe or seuen fishponds, all railed
about, and full of very good fish. Also, seuen or eight fine fountaines, or
water springs, of diuers fashions: as for fruite, there wanted none of all
sorts, as Orenges, figges, raisons, wallnuts, grapes, besides apples,
peares, fillbirds, small nuts, and such other fruite, as wee haue in
England.

Then did hee bring mee to the water tower of the same Citie, that by a
sleight and deuise hath the water brought vp as high as any Church in the
towne, and to tel you the strange deuises of all, it passeth my capacitie.
Then he brought me to another faire garden, called the Shooters hoose,
where are buts for the long bowe, the cross bowe, the stone bowe, the long
peece, and for diuers other exercises more.

After this, we walked about the walles of the Citie, where is a great,
broade, and deepe ditch, vpon one side of the towne, so full of fish, as
euer I saw any pond in my life, and it is reserued onely for the States of
the Citie. And vpon the other side of the Citie is also a deepe place all
greene, wherein Deere are kept, and when it pleaseth the States to hunt for
their pleasure, thither they resort, and haue their courses with
grayhounds, which are kept for that purpose.

The fift of May, I departed from Augusta towards Venice, and came thither
vpon Whitsunday the thirteenth of the same moneth. It is needlesse to
speake of the height of the mountaines that I passed ouer, and of the
danger thereof, it is so wel knowen already to the world: the heigth of
them is marueilous, and I was the space of sixe dayes in passing them.

I came to Venice at the time of a Faire, which lasted foureteene dayes,
wherein I sawe very many, and faire shewes of wares. I came thither too
short for the first passage, which went away from Venice about the seuenth
or eight of May, and with them about three score pilgrims, which shippe was
cast away at a towne called Estria, two miles from Venice, and all the men
in her, sauing thirtie, or thereabout, lost.

Within eight dayes after fell Corpus Christi day, which was a day amongst
them of procession, in which was shewed the plate and treasure of Venice,
which is esteemed to be worth two millions of pounds, but I do not accompt
it woorth halfe a quarter of that money, except there be more than I sawe.
To speake of the sumptuousnesse of the Copes and Vestments of the Church, I
leaue, but the trueth is, they be very sumptuous, many of them set all ouer
with pearle, and made of cloth of golde. And for the Iesuits, I thinke
there be as many at Venice, as there be in Colen.

The number of Iewes is there thought to be 1000, who dwell in a certaine
place of the Citie, and haue also a place, to which they resort to pray,
which is called the Iewes Sinagogue. They all, and their offspring vse to
weare red caps, (for so they are commaunded) because they may thereby be
knowen from other men. For my further knowledge of these people, I went
into their Sinagogue vpon a Saturday, which is their Sabbath day: and I
found them in their seruice or prayers, very deuoute: they receiue the fiue
bookes of Moses, and honour them by carying them about their Church, as the
Papists doe their crosse.

Their Synagogue is in forme round, and the people sit round about it, and
in the midst, there is a place for him that readeth to the rest: as for
their apparell, all of them weare a large white lawne ouer their garments,
which reacheth from their head, downe to the ground.

The Psalmes they sing as wee doe, hauing no image, nor vsing any maner of
idolatrie: their error is, that they beleeue not in Christ, nor yet receiue
the New Testament. This Citie of Venice is very faire, and greatly to bee
commended, wherein is good order for all things: and also it is very strong
and populous: it standeth vpon the maine Sea, and hath many Islands about
it, that belong to it.

To tell you of the duke of Venice, and of the Seigniory: there is one
chosen that euer beareth the name of a duke, but in trueth hee is but
seruant of his Seigniorie, for of himselfe hee can doe litle: it is no
otherwise with him, then with a Priest that is at Masse vpon a festiual
day, which putting on his golden garment, seemeth to be a great man, but if
any man come vnto him, and craue some friendship at his handes, hee will
say, you must goe to the Masters of the Parish, for I cannot pleasure you,
otherwise then by preferring to your suite: and so it is with the duke of
Venice, if any man hauing a suite, come to him and make his complaint, and
deliuer his supplication, it is not in him to helpe him, but hee will tell
him, You must come this day, or that day, and then I will preferre your
suite to the Seigniorie, and doe you the best friendship that I may.
Furthermore, if any man bring a letter vnto him, hee may not open it, but
in the presence of the Seigniorie, and they are to see it first, which
being read, perhaps they will deliuer it to him, perhaps not. Of the
Seigniory there be about three hundreth, and about fourtie of the priuie
Counsell of Venice, who vsually are arayed in gownes of crimsen Satten, or
crimsen Damaske, when they sit in Counsell.

In the citie of Venice, no man may weare a weapon, except he be a souldier
for the Seigniorie, or a scholler of Padua, or a gentleman of great
countenance, and yet he may not do that without licence.

As for the women of Venice, they be rather monsters then women. Euery
Shoomakers or Taylors wife will haue a gowne of silke, and one to carie vp
her traine, wearing their shooes very neere halfe a yarde high from the
ground: if a stranger meete one of them, he will surely thinke by the state
that she goeth with, that he meeteth a Lady.

I departed from this citie of Venice, vpon Midsommer day, being
the foure and twentieth of Iune, and thinking that the ship would
the next day depart, I stayed, and lay a shippeboord all night, and
we were made beleeue from time to time, that we should this day,
and that day depart, but we taried still, till the fourteenth of July,
and then with scant winde we set sayle, and sayled that day and
that night, not aboue fiftie Italian miles: and vpon the sixteene
day at night the winde turned flat contrary, so that the Master
knewe not what to doe: and about the fift houre of the night,
which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight, the
Pilot descried a saile, and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the
Turkes, whereupon we were in great feare.

The Master being a wise fellowe, and a good sayler, beganne to deuise howe
to escape the danger, and to loose litle of our way: and while both he, and
all of vs were in our dumps, God sent vs a merry gale of winde, that we
ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next
day, and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante. And vpon
Munday morning, being the three and twentie of the same moneth, we came in
the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary, with great blasts
and stormes, vntill the eight and twentie of the same moneth: in which
time, the Mariners cried out vpon me, because I was an English man, and
sayd, I was no good Christian, and wished that I were in the middest of the
Sea, saying, that they, and the shippe, were the worse for me. I answered,
truely it may well be, for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the
worlde, and consider you your selues also, as I doe my selfe, and then vse
your discretion. The Frier preached, and the sermon being done, I was
demaunded whether I did vnderstand him: I answered, yea, and tolde the
Frier himselfe, thus you saide in your sermon, that we were not all good
Christians, or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather: to
which I answered, be you well assured, that we are not indeede all good
Christians, for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian
opinions: so for that time I satisfied him, although (they said) that I
would not see, when they said the procession, and honoured their images,
and prayed to our Lady and S. Marke.

There was also a Gentleman, an Italian, which was a passenger in the ship,
and he tolde me what they said of me, because I would not sing, Salue
Regina and Aue Maria, as they did: I told them, that they that praied to so
many, or sought helpe of any other, then of God the Father, or of Iesus
Christ his onely sonne, goe a wrong way to worke, and robbed God of his
honour, and wrought their owne destructions.

All this was told of the Friers, but I heard nothing of it in three daies
after: and then at euening prayer, they sent the purser about with the
image of our Lady to euery one to kisse, and I perceiuing it went another
way from him, and would not see it: yet at last he fetched his course
about, so that he came to me, and offered it to me as he did to others, but
I refused it: whereupon there was a great stirre: the patron and all the
friers were told of it, and euery one saide I was a Lutheran, and so called
me: but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie, seemed to beare
me better good will then the rest, and trauelled to the patron in my
behalfe, and made all well againe.

The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus, at a towne called Missagh:
the people there be very rude, and like beasts, and no better they eat
their meat sitting vpon the ground, with their legges a crosse like
tailors, their beds for the most part be hard stones, but yet some of them
haue faire mattraces to lie vpon.

Vpon Thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke, which
we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina, and could not be suffered to come on
land till noone the next day, and then we were permitted by the great
Basha, who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away. Being come on
land, we might not enter into any house for victuals, but were to content
our selues with our owne prouision, and that which we bought to carie with
vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops, which I bought at Venice
to serue me in my journey, and trying to make them fit for me, when the
Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie, he sent one to dismount
me, and to strike me, whereupon I turned me to the Basha, and made a long
legge, saying, Grand mercie Signior: and after a while we were horsed vpon
litle asses, and sent away, with about fiftie light horsemen to be our
conduct through the wildernesse, called Deserta foelix, who made vs good
sport by the way with their pikes, gunnes, and fauchins.

That day being S. Laurence day we came to Rama, which is tenne Italian
miles from Ioppa, and there we stayed that night, and payed to the captaine
of the castell euery man a chekin, which is seuen shillings and two pence
sterling. So then we had a new gard of souldiers, and left the other.

The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into, that I was
faine to creepe in, as it were vpon my knees, and within it are three
roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way: there are no beds, except a
man buy a mat, and lay it on the ground, that is all the prouision, without
stooles or benches to sit vpon. Our victuals were brought vs out of the
towne, as hennes, egges, bread, great store of fruite, as pomgranates,
figges, grapes, oringes, and such like, and drinke we drue out of the well.
The towne it selfe is so ruinated that I take it rather to be a heape of
stones then a towne.

Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away, but we could not be
permitted that day, so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next
morning, and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward
Ierusalem. We had not ridde fiue English miles, but we were incountred with
a great number of the Arabians, who stayed vs, and would not suffer vs to
passe till they had somewhat, so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie
shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusalem. These Arabians troubled vs
oftentimes. Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken down, and
had his head broken because be would not giue them as much as they asked:
and they that should haue rescued both him and vs, stood sill and durst do
nothing, which was to our cost.

Being come within sight of Ierusalem, the maner is to kneele downe, and
giue God thankes, that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place,
where he himselfe had beene: and there we leaue our horses and go on foote
to the towne, and being come to the gates, there they tooke our names, and
our fathers names, and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings.

The gouernour of the house met vs a mile out of the towne, and very
curteously bade vs all welcome, and brought vs to the monasterie. The gates
of the citie are all couered with yron, the entrance into the house of the
Christians is a very low and narrow doore, barred or plated with yron, and
then come we into a very darke entry: the place is a monastery: there we
lay, and dieted of free cost, we fared reasonable well, the bread and wine
was excellent good, the chambers cleane, and all the meat well serued in,
with cleane linnen.

We lay at the monasterie two days, Friday and Saturday, and then we went to
Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs: in the way
thither we saw many monuments, as:

The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire, and brought
him to Daniel in the Lions denne.

The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie.

The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ,
where is a fountaine of stone.

Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne, which is
now a chappell with two altars, whereupon they say masse: the place is
built with gray marble, and hath bene beautifull, but now it is partly
decayed.

Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod, the
sepulchres of Paul, of Ierome, and of Eusebius.

Also a little from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground, where the
virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him.

We stayed at Bethlem that night, and the next day we went from thence to
the mountaines of Iudea, which are about eight miles from Ierusalem, where
are the ruines of an olde monasterie. In the mid way from the monasterie to
Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne, being now an olde
monasterie, and cattell kept in it. Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place
called Inuentio sanctæ crucis, where the wood was found that made the
crosse.

In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilate sate in iudgement
when Christ was condemned, the staires whereof are at Rome, as they told
vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne.

There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed,
which is by the wals of Ierusalem. But the poole is now dry.

The mount of Caluaria is a great church, and within the doore thereof,
which is litle, and barred with yron, and fiue great holes in it to looke
in, like the holes of taverne doores in London, they sit that are appointed
to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone, and
their legges a crosse like tailors: hauing paid our money, we are permitted
to go into the church: right against the church doore is the graue where
Christ was buried, with a great long stone of white marble ouer it, and
rayled about, the outside of the sepulchre is very foule, by meanes that
euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it, and is ill kept.

Within the sepulchre is a partition, and in the further part thereof is a
place like an altar, where they say masse, and at the doore thereof is the
stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie, He is risen, which
stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre.

The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble, the place able to
confeine but foure persons, right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or
lanterne for light, and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in
ancient houses. There is also the chappell of the sepulchre, and in the
mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed, with a great sort of
Estridge egges hanging at it, with tassels of silke and lampes.

Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians.

Vpon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king
of France, and of his sonne: and in the same place the tombe of
Melchisedech.

There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen, through
which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified: the stayres are
fiftie steps high, there are two altars in it: before the high altar is the
place where the crosse stood, the hole whereof is trimmed about with
siluer, and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe: the rent also of
the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis, wherein a man may put his
arme.

Vpon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham
would haue sacrificed his sonne. Where also is a chapell, and the place
paued with stones of diuers colours.

There is also the house of Annas the high Priest, and the Oliue tree
whereunto Christ was bound to when he was whipt. Also the house of Caiphas,
and by it the prison where Christ was kept, which is but the roome of one
man, and hath no light but the opening of the doore.

Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground,
like to the shrouds in Pauls, where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is:
the staires be very broad, and vpon the staires going downe are two
sepulchres: vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat, and vpon the right hand
lieth Ioachim and Anna, the father and mother of the virgin Mary.

Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet, where Christ
praied vnto his father before his death: and there is to be seene (as they
tolde me) the water and blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle
higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles slept, and
watched not. At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was
imprisoned.

Vpon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer
Ierusalem, and where he ascended into heauen.

Now hauing seene all these monuments, I with my company set from Ierusalem,
the 20 day of August, and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth,
where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis, and in foure dayes we came
to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis.

The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land, so that no
ship can come further then Mecina: so that night I came thither, where I
lay nine daies for passage, and at last we imbarked our selues in a good
ship of Venice called the Naue Ragasona. We entred the ship the second of
September, the fourth we set saile, the seuenth we came to Salina, which is
140 miles from Tripolis: there we stayed foure dayes to take in more
lading, in which meane time I fell sicke of an ague, but recouered againe,
I praise God.

Salina is a ruinated citie, and was destroyed by the Turke ten yeeres past:
there are in it now but seuenteene persons, women and children. A litle
from this citie of Salina is a salt piece of ground, where the water
groweth salt that raineth vpon it.

Thursday the 21 of September, we came to Missagh, and there we stayed eight
dayes for our lading: the 18 of September before we came to Missagh, and
within ten miles of the towne, as we lay at an anker, because the winde was
contrary, there came a great boat full of men to boord vs, they made an
excuse to seeke for foure men which (they said) our ship had taken from
theirs about Tripolis, but our captaine would not suffer any of them to
come into vs.

The next morning they came to vs againe with a great gally, manned with 500
men at the least, whereupon our captaine sent the boat to them with twelue
men to know their pleasure: they said they sought for 4 men, and therefore
would talke with our maister: so then the maisters mate was sent them, and
him they kept, and went their way; the next morning they came againe with
him, and with three other gallies, and then would needes speake with our
captaine, who went to them in a gowne of crimson damaske, and other very
braue apparell, and fiue or sixe other gentlemen richly apparelled also.
They hauing the Turkes safe conduct, shewed it to the captaine of the
gallies, and laid it vpon his head, charging him to obey it: so with much
adoe, and with the gift of 100 pieces of golde we were quit of them, and
had our man againe.

That day as aforesaid, we came to Missagh, and there stayed eight dayes,
and at last departed towards Candie, with a scant winde.

The 11 day of October we were boorded with foure gallies, manned with 1200
men, which also made a sleeuelesse arrant, and troubled us very much, but
our captaines pasport, and the gift of 100 chekins discharged all.

The 27 of October we passed by Zante with a merrie winde, the 29 by Corfu,
and the third of Nouember we arriued at Istria, and there we left our great
ship, and tooke small boates to bring vs to Venice.

The 9 of Nouember I arriued again at Venice in good health, where I staied
nine daies, and the 25 of the same moneth I came to Augusta, and staied
there but one day.

The 27 of Nouember I set towards Nuremberg where I came the 29, and there
staied till the 9 of December, and was very well interteined of the English
marchants there: and the gouernors of the towne sent me and my company
sixteene gallons of excellent good wine.

From thence I went to Frankford, from Frankford to Collen, from Collen to
Arnam, from Arnam to Vtreight, from Vtreight to Dort, from Dort to
Antwerpe, from Antwerpe to Flushing, from Flushing to London, where I
arriued vpon Twelue eue in safetie, and gaue thanks to God, hauing finished
my iourney to Ierusalem and home againe, in the space of nine moneths and
fiue dayes.

       *       *       *       *       *

The passeport made by the great Maister of Malta vnto the Englishmen in the
  barke Raynolds. 1582.

Frere Hugo de Loubeux Verdala, Dei gratia sacræ domus hospitalis sancti
Ioannis Hierosolymitani, magister humilis, pauperumque Iesu Christi custos,
vniuersis et singulis principibus ecclesiasticis et secularibus,
archiepiscopis, episcopis, ducibus, marchionibus, baronibus, nobilibus,
capitaneis, vicedominis, præfectis, castellanis, admiralijs, et
quibuscunque triremium vel aliorum nauigiorum patronis, ac ciuitatum
rectoribus, potestatibus ac magistratibus, cæterisque officialibus, et
quibuscunque personis cuiusuis dignitatis, gradus, status et conditionis
fuerint, vbilibet locorum et terrarum constitutis, salutem.

Notum facimus et in verbo veritatis attestamur, come nel mese di Maggio
prossime passato le nostre galere vennero dal viaggio di Barberia, doue
hauendo mandato per socorrere a vn galionetto de Christiani che hauea dato
trauerso in quelle parti, essendo arriuati sopra questa isola alla parte de
ponente trouarono vno naue Inglesa, sopra cargo de essa il magnifico
Giouanni Keale, et Dauid Filly patrono, volendo la reconoscere che naue
fosse, han visto, che se metteua in ordine per defendersi, dubitando che
dette nostre galere fossero de inimici: et per che vn marinaro riuoltose
contra la volonta de detti magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly, habbi
tirato vn tiro di artiglieria verso vna de dette galere, et che non se
amangnaua la vela de la Maiestra secondo la volonta de detti magnifico
Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly patrono, furimensata detta naue nel presente
general porto di Malta, secondo l'ordine del venerando Generale de dette
galere, et essendo qua, monsignor Inquisitore ha impedita quella per conto
del sancto officio, et si diede parte alla santita di nostro signor
Gregorio papa xiij. A la fin fu licenciata per andarsene al suo viaggio.
Han donque humilmente supplicato detti magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid
Filly per nome et parte delli magnifici Edwardo Osborn senatore et Richardo
Staper merchanti Inglesi della nobile citta di Londra, et anco di Tomaso
Wilkinson scriuano, piloti, nocheri, et marinari, gli volessimo dare le
nostre lettere patente et saluo condutto, accioche potranno andare et
ritornare quando gli parera commodo con alcuna roba et mercantia a loro
benuista: si come noi, essendo cosa giusta et che retornera commoda a
nostra relligione et a questi forrestieri, per tenor de li presenti se gli
habiamo concesse con le conditione però infra scritte, videlicet:

Che ogni volta che detti mercadanti con sopradetta naue o con altra non
porterano mercantie de contrabando, et che constara per fede authentica et
con lettere patente de sanita, poteran liberalmente victualiarse de tutte
le victuarie necessarie, et praticare in questa isola et dominij, et poi
partisene et seguire suo viaggio per doue volessero in leuante o altroue,
come tutti altri vaselli et specialmente de Francesi et aitri nationi, et
die venderi et comprare qual si voglia mercantia a loro benuista.

Item, che potera portare poluere de canone et di archibuso, salnitro,
carboni di petra rosetta, platine de rame, stagno, acciale, ferro, carisée
commune, tela grossa bianca per far tende de galere, balle de ferro de
calibro, petre de molino fine, arbore et antenne de galere, bastardi et
alteri. Et in conclusione, hauenda visto che loro per il tempo che
restarano qua, si portorno da fideli et Catholici Christiani, et che sua
sanctita habbia trouata bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro
concesso, per il timor della armata Turkesca et di altri vaselli de
inimici, inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctità, et massime per che hauera
de andare et passare per diuersi lochi et tanto lontani come Ingilterra,
Flandra, et tutti patri di ponente, et in altroue, a noi ha parso farle le
presente nostre lettere patente com fidele conuersatore nostro, accio piu
securamente et sensa obstaculo possa andare et ritornare quando li parera
con detta naue o con altre, a loro benuista. Per tanto donque tutti et
ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo, che per qual si voglia de
vostra iurisditione, alla quale detto magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid
Filly anome quo supra con la naue et marinari de detti loro principali o
altri caschera, nauigare, passare, et venire sicuramente, alla libera,
sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate, et facciate
lasciare, stare, et passare, tornare, et quando li parera partire, talmente
che per amore et contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a
nome quo supra con le naue, marinari, et mercantia non habbi difficulta,
fastidio et ritentione alcuna, anzi se gli dia ogni agiuto et fauore, cosa
degnadi voi, giusta, et a noi gratissima, de recompensaruila con vagule et
maggior seruitio, quando dall'occasione ne saremo rechiesti. Et finalmente
commandammo a tutti et qual si voglia relligiosi et frati de nostra
relligione di qual si voglia conditione, grado et stato che siano, et a
tutti riceuitori et procuratori nostri in tutti et qual si voglia priorati
nostri deputati et deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia, et attuti nostri
vassalli et alla giurisditione di nostri relligione sogetti, che in tale et
per tale tenghino et reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt
supra, naue, marinari, et mercantia, sensa permittere, che nel detto suo
viaggio, o in alcun altro Iuogo sia molestato, o in qual si voglia manera
impedito, anzi rutte le cose sue et negotij loro sian da voi agioutati et
continuamente fauoriti. In cuius rei testimonium Bulla nostra magistralis
in cera nigra præsentibus est impressa. Datæ Melitæ in conuentu nostro die
duodecimo Mensis Iulij. 1582.


The same in English

Frier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala, by the grace of God, master of the holy
house, the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem, and an humble keeper of the
poore of Iesus Christ, to all and euery prince ecclesiastical and secular,
archbishops, bishops, Dukes, Marqueses, Barons, Capteines, Vicelords,
Maiors, Castellanes, Admirals, and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies, or other
greater officers and persons whatsoeuer, of what dignitie, degree, state
and condition soeuer they be, dwelling in all places and landes, greeting.

We make it knowne, and in the word of truth do witnesse, that in the moneth
of May last past, our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie, where
hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was
driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part
they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele,
and Dauid Fillie master: and our men willing to know what ship it was, they
seemed to put themselues in order for their defence, doubting that the said
our gallies were of the enemies, and therefore one mariner attempted
contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie
maister: and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said
gallies, and because she would not strike amaine her sayle, according to
the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie master, the
said ship was brought backe again vnto the present port of Malta, according
to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies: and in being
there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office, and in
that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth, in
the end was licenced to depart on her voyage. They therefore the said
worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie, in the name and behalfe of the
worshipfull master Edward Osborne and Alderman, and Richard Staper, English
marchants of the noble citie of London, haue humbly besought together with
Thomas Wilkinson the purser, pilots, master and mariners, that we would
giue our letters patents, and safe conducts, that they might goe and
returne, when they shall see opportunitie, with their goods and
marchandizes at their pleasure: whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust,
and that it might be for the profite of our religion, and of these
strangers, by the tenor of these presents we haue graunted the same to
them: yet, with the conditions hereunder written, viz.

That euery time the said marchants of the said ship, or with any other,
shall not bring such merchandize as is forbidden, and that sufficient
proofe and letters testimonial it appeareth that they are free from the
infections of the plague, they may vituall themselues with all necessarie
victuals, and traffike with vs, and in this Iland and dominion, and
afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the
Luant or else where, as all other vessels, and especially of France and
other nations do, and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke
good.

Item, that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush, saltpeeter,
cole of Newcastle, plates of lattin, tinne, steele, yron, common karsies
white, course canuas to make saile for the gallies, balles of yron for
shot, fine milstones, trees and masts for gallies, litle and others, and in
conclusion, hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here, did
behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians, and that his
holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for
feare of the Turkish armie, and other vessels of the enemie, submitting our
selues to the pleasures of his holinesse, and especially because our people
haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off, as England, Flanders,
and all parts Westwards, and in other places, we haue vouchsafed to make
these our letters patents, as our faithfull assistant, so as more surely,
and with let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good, with the
said ship or with others at their pleasure. We therefore pray all and euery
of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction,
vnto the which the said worshipful Iohn Keele and Daniel Fillie by name
abouesaid, with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or
other, shall haue accesse, saile, and passe, and come safely with libertie
without any disturbance or other impediment, that you giue leaue, and cause
leaue to be giuen that they may passe, stay and returne, and when they
please, depart, in such sort, that for loue and contention the said
worshipfull Iohn Keele, with the ship and mariners haue no let, hinderance,
or retention, also that you giue all helpe and fauour, a thing worthy of
your iustice, and to vs most acceptable, to be recompenced with equall and
greater seruice, when vpon occasion it shalbe required.

And finally, we command all, and whatsoeuer religious people, and brothers
of our religion, of whatsoeuer condition, degree, and state they be, and
all other receiuers and procurators, in all and whatsoeuer our priories
deputed, and to be deputed by vertue of the holy obedience, and all our
people, and all that are subiect to the iurisdiction of our religion, that
in, and by the same they hold, and repute the said worshipfull Iohn Keele
in the name as abouesaid, the ship, mariners, and merchandize, without let
in the same their voyage, or in any other place, that they be not molested,
not in any wise hindered, but that in all their causes and businesse they
be of you holpen, and furthered continually. In witnesse whereof, our seale
of gouernment is impressed to these presents in blacke waxe. Giuen at Malta
in our Conuent, the twelfth of the moneth of Iuly, in the yeere 1582.

       *       *       *       *       *

Commission giuen by M. William Harebourne the English Ambassadour, to
  Richard Foster, authorising him Consul of the English nation in the parts
  of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem, &c.

I William Harborne, her Maiesties Ambassadour, Ligier with the Grand
Signior, for the affaires of the Leuant doe in her Maiesties name confirme
and appoint Richart Foster Gentleman, my Deputie and Consull in the parts
of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem and all other ports whatsoeuer
in the prouinces of Syria, Palestina, and Iurie, to execute the office of
Consull ouer all our Nation her Maiesties subiects, of what estate or
quality soeuer: giuing him hereby full power to defend, protect, and
maintaine all such her Maiesties subiects as to him shall be obedient, in
all honest and iest causes whatsoeuer: and in like case no lesse power to
imprison, punish, and correct any and all such as he shall finde
disobedient to him in the like causes, euen in such order as I myselfe
might doe by virtue to her Maiesties Commission giuen me the 26 of Nouember
1582, the copie whereof I haue annexed to this present vnder her Maiesties
Seale deliuered me to that vse. Straightly charging and commanding all her
Maiesties subiects in those parts, as they will auoid her Highnesse
displeasure and their owne harmes, to honour his authoritie, and haue due
respect vnto the same, aiding and assisting him there with their persons
and goods in any cause requisit to her Maiesties good seruice and
commoditie of her dominions. In witnesse whereof I haue confirmed and
sealed these these presents at Rapamat my house by Pera ouer against
Constantinople, to 20 of Iune 1583.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter of directions of the English Ambassadour to M. Richard Forster,
  appointed the first English Consull at Tripolis in Syria.

Cousin Forster, these few words are for your remembrance when it shall
please the Almighty to send you safe arriuall in Tripolis of Syria. When it
shall please God to send you thither, you are to certifie our Nation at
Tripolis of the certaine day of your landing, to the end they both may haue
their house in a readinesse, and also meet you personally at your entrance
to accompany you, being your selfe apparelled in the best manner. The next,
second, or third day, after your comming, giue it out that you be crazed
and not well disposed, by meanes of your trauell at Sea, during which time,
you and those there are most wisely to determine in what manner your are to
present your selfe to the Beglerbi, Cadi, and other officers: who euery of
them are to be presented according to the order accustomed of others
formerly in like office: which after the note of Iohn Blanke, late
Vice-consull of Tripolis for the French, deliuered you heerewith, is very
much: and therefore, if thereof you can saue any thing, I pray you doe it,
as I doubt not but you will. They are to giue you there also another
Ianizarie according as the French hath: whose outward procedings you are to
imitate and follow, in such sort as you be not his inferour, according as
those of our Nation heeretofore with him resident can informe you. Touching
your demeanour after your placing, your [sic--KTH] are wisely to proceede
considering both French and Venetian will haue an enuious eye on you: whome
if they perceiue wise and well aduised, they will feare to offer you any
iniurie. But if they shall perceiue any insufficiencie in you, they will
not omitte any occasion to harme you. They are subtile, malicious, and
disembling people, wherefore you must alwayes haue their doings for
suspected, and warily walke in all your actions: wherein if you call for
Gods diuine assistance, as doth become euery faithfull good Christian, the
same shall in such sort direct you as he shall be glorified, your selfe
preserued, your doings blessed, and your enemies confounded. Which if
contrarywise you omit and forget, your enemies malice shalbe satisfied with
your confusion, which God defend, and for his mercies sake keepe you.
Touching any outlopers of our nation, which may happen to come thither to
traffike, you are not to suffer, but to imprison the chiefe officers, and
suffer the rest not to traffike at any time, and together enter in such
bonds as you thinke meete, that both they shall not deale in the Grand
Signiors dominions, and also not harme, during their voyage, any his
subiects shippes, vessels, or whatsoeuer other, but quitely depart out of
the same country without any harme doing. And touching those there for the
company, your are to defend them according to your priuiledge and such
commandements as you haue had hence, in the best order you may. In all and
euery your actions, at any hand, beware of rashnesse and anger, after both
which repentance followeth. Touching your dealings in their affaires of
marchandise, you are not to deale otherwise then in secret and counsell.
You are carefully to foresee the charge of the house, that the same may be
in all honest measure to the companies profit and your owne health through
moderation in diet, and at the best hand, and in due time to prouide things
needfull to saue what may be: for he that buyeth euery thing when he needed
it, harmeth his owne house, and helpeth the retailer. So as it is, in mine
opinion, wisdome to foresee the buying of all things in their natiue soile,
in due time, and at the first hand euery yeere, as you are to send the
company the particular accounts of the same expenses. Touching your selfe,
your [sic--KTH] are to cause to be employed fifty or threescore ducats,
videlicet, twenty in Sope, and the rest in Spices, whereof the most part to
be Pepper, whereof we spend very much. The Spices are to be prouided by our
friend William Barrat, and the Sope buy you at your first arriuall, for
that this shippe lading the same commodity will cause it to amount in
price. From our mansion Rapamat, the fift of September 1583.

       *       *       *       *       *

A commandement for Chio.

Vobis, Beg et Cadi et Ermini, qui estis in Chio, significamus: quòd
serenissimæ Reginæ Maiestatis Angliæ orator, qui est in excelsa porta per
literas significauit nobis, quod ex nauibus Anglicis vna nauis venisset ad
portum Chico, et illinc Constantinopolim recto cursu voluisset venire, et
contra priuilegium detenuistis, et non siuistis venire. Hæc prædictus
orator significauit nobis: et petiuit a nobis in hoc negocio hoc mandatum,
vt naues Anglicæ veniant et rediant in nostras ditiones Cæsareas.
Priuilegium datum et concessum est ex parte Serenitatis Cæsareæ nostræ: et
huius priuilegij copia data est sub insigni nostro: Et contra nostrum
priuilegium Cæsareum quod ita agitur, quæ est causa? Quando cum hoc mandato
nostro homines illorum ad vos venerint ex prædicta Anglia, si nauis venerit
ad portum vestrum, et si res et merces ex naue exemerint, et vendiderint,
et tricessimam secundam partem reddiderint, et res quæ manserint
Constantinopolim auferre velint, patiantur: Et si aliquis contra
priuilegium et articulos eius aliquid ageret, non sinatis, nec vos facite:
et impediri non sinatis eos, vt rectà Constantinopolim venientes in suis
negotiationibus sine molestia esse possint. Et quicunque contra hoc
mandatum et priuilegium nostrum aliquid fecerit, nobis significate. Huic
mandato nostro et insigni fidem adhibete. In principio mensis Decembris.

       *       *       *       *       *

A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans, Turkes
  and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia.

Of the Citie of Alexandria.

Alexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside
containeth seuen miles in circuite, and is enuironed with two walles one
neere to the other with high towers, but the walles within be farre higher
than those without, with a great ditch round about the same: yet is not
this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie, being almost
halfe destroyed and ruinated. The greatnesse of this Citie is such, that if
it were of double habitation, as it is compassed with a double wall, it
might be truely said, that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon
another, because vnder the foundations of the said City are great
habitations, and incredible huge pillers. True it is, that this part
vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable, because of the corrupt aire,
as also for that by time, which consumeth all things, it is greately
ruinated. It might well be sayd, that the founder hereof, as he was worthy
in all his enterprises, so likewise in building hereof he did a worke
worthy of himselfe, naming it after his owne name. This Citie hath one
defect, for it is subiect to an euill ayre, which onely proceedeth of that
hollownesse vnderneath, out of the which issueth infinite moisture: and
that this is true the ayre without doth evidently testifie, which is more
subtile and holesome then that beneath. The waters hereof be salt, by
reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so. And therefore the
inhabitants, at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth, are accustomed to
open a great ditch, the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer, and from
thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria, and so
consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the
cesternes of Alexandria, which being full serue the citie from one
inundation to another. Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in
Histories, but not of great importance. Without the citie is La colonna di
Pompeio, or the pillar of Pompey, being of such height and thicknesse, that
it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides. Within the
citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded
with 60 Ianizaries. Alexandria hath three portes, one towardes Rossetto,
another to the land ward, and the third to the sea ward, which is called
Babelbar, without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the
Moores tongue, which is not wholy an Iland, because a litle point or corner
thereof toucheth the firme lande, and therefore may be called Peninsula,
that is to say, almost an Iland. Hereupon are builded many houses of the
Iewes, in respect of the aire. This Peninsula is situate betweene two very
good ports, one of them being much more safe then the other, called The old
port, into the which only the vessels of Barbarie, and the sixe Gallies of
the Grand Signior deputeth for the guard of Alexandria doe enter. And this
port hath vpon the right hand at the mouth or enterance thereof a castle of
small importance, and guarded but with fifteene men or thereabouts On the
other side of this Iland is the other called The new port, which name is
not vnfitly giuen vnto it, for that in all mens iudgement in times past
there hath not beene water there, because in the midst of this port, where
the water is very deepe, there are discouered and found great sepulchres
and other buildings, out of the which are dayly digged with engines Iaspar
and Porphyrie stones of great value, of the which great store are sent to
Constantinople for the ornament of the Mesquitas or Turkish Temples, and of
other buildings of the Grand Signior. Into this port enter all such vessels
as traffique to this place. This port hath on ech side a castle, whereof
that vpon the Peninsula is called Faraone, vpon the toppe whereof euery
night there is a light set in a great lanterne for direction of the ships,
and for the guard thereof are appointed 200 Ianizaries: the other on the
other side is but a litle castle kept by 18. men. It is certeine, that this
hauen of Alexandria is one of the chiefest hauens in the world: for hither
come to traffique people of euery Nation, and all sorts of vessels which
goe round about the citie. It is more inhabited by strangers, marchants,
and Christians, then by men of the countrey which are but a few in number.
[Sidenote: Fontecho signifieth an house of trafique, as the Stilyard.]
Within the citie are fiue Fontechi, that is to say, one of the Frenchmen,
where the Consul is resident, and this is the fairest and most commodious
of all the rest. Of the other foure, two belong to the Venetians, one to
the Raguseans, and the fourth to the Genoueses. And all strangers which
come to traffique there, except the Venetians, are vnder the French
Consull. It is also to be vnderstood, that all the Christians dwell within
their Fontechi, and euery euening at the going downe of the sunne, they
which are appointed for that office goe about and shut all the gates of the
saide Fontechi outward, and the Christians shut the same within: and so
likewise they doe on the Friday (which is the Moores and the Turkes
Sabboth) till their deuotions be expired. And by this meanes all parties
are secure and voide of feare: for in so doing the Christians may sleepe
quietly and not feare robbing, and the Moores neede not doubt whiles they
sleepe or pray, that the Christians should make any tumult, as in times
past hath happened.


Of the coast of Alexandria.

[Sidenote: Bichier.] On the side towardes Barbarie along the sea-coast for
a great space there is founde neither hold, nor any thing worthy of
mention: but on the other side towards Syria 13 miles from Alexandria
standeth a litle castle called Bichier kept by fiftie Turkes, which castle
is very olde and weake, and hath a port which in times past was good, but
at this present is vtterly decayed and full of sand, so that the vessels
which come thither dare not come neere the shoare, but ride far off into
the sea. [Sidenote: Rossetto] Fortie miles further is Rossetto, which is a
litle towne without walles, and is situate vpon the banke of Nilus three
miles from the sea, at which place many times they build ships and other
vessels, for gouernement whereof is appointed a Saniacbey, without any
other guard: it is a place of traffique, and the inhabitants are very rich,
but naughtie varlets and traytours. Further downe along the sea-side and
the riuer banke is another litle castle like vnto the abouesayde, and
because the Moores beleeue, that Mecca will in short time be conquered by
the Christians, they holde opinion, that the same being lost shall be
renued in this place of Rossetto, namely, that all their prayers, vowes,
and pilgrimages shall be transported to Rossetto, as the religious order of
Saint Iohn of the Rhodes is translated thence to Malta. Further forwarde
thirtie miles standes another castle of small importance called Brulles,
kept continually by fourtie Turkes, which hath a good and secure port, in
forme like to a very great lake or ponde, wherein is taken great quantitie
of fish, whith they salt, and the marchants of Candie and Cyprus come
thither to lade the same, and it is greatly esteemed, especially of the
Candiots, who hauing great abundance of wine aduenture abroad to seeke
meate fitte for the taste of the sayd wine. Distant from Brulles fiue and
thirtie miles there is anothet castle like vnto the abouesayd kept by an
Aga with fourtie men or thereabout. More within the lande by the riuers
side is Damiata an auncient citie enuironed with walles contayning fiue
miles in circuit, and but of small strength. For the gouernement of this
place is a Sanjaco with all his housholde and no other companie. This citie
is very large, delightfull, and pleasant, abounding with gardens and faire
fountaines. Other fortie miles further is Latma, a castle of very small
importance, and kept as other with fortie Turkes vnder an Aga. In this
place is no port, but a roade very daungerous, and without other
habitation. Passing this place we enter Iudea. But because our intent is to
reason simply of the voyage to Mecca, we will proceede no further this way,
but returning to our first way, let it suffice to say, that from Alexandria
to Cairo are two hundred miles, in which way I finde nothing woorthie of
memorie.


Of the mightie Citie of Cairo.

Cairo containeth in circuit eighteene miles, being so inhabited and
replenished with people, that almost it cannot receiue more; and therefore
they haue begunne to builde newe houses without the citie and about the
walles. In Cairo are people of all Nations, as Christians, Armenians,
Abexins, Turkes, Moores, Iewes, Indians, Medians, Persians, Arabians, and
other sortes of people, which resort thither by reason of the great
traffique. This citie is gouerned by a Basha, which ministreth iustice,
together with the Cadie throughout the whole kingdome. Also there are two
and twentie Saniackes, whose office is onely to ouersee and guarde the
kingdome of euery good respect. There are also seuen thousand Turkes in
pay, to wit, three thousand Ianizaries, and foure thousand horsemen: The
rest of the people in Cairo are for the most part marchants which goe and
come, and the remnant are Moores and other base people. About two miles
from Cairo there is another little Cairo called The olde Cairo, which
containeth in circuit litle more then tenne miles, and the better halfe is
not inhabited, but destroyed, whereof I neede not make any other mention.
The new Cairo answereth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior, 600000
ducates of gold, neat and free of all charges growing on the same, which
money is sent to Constantinople, about the fine of September, by the way of
Aleppo, alwayes by lande, vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen, and
two hundred Ianizaries footmen. The citie of Cairo is adorned with many
faire Mesquitas rich, great, and of goodly and gorgeous building, among
which are fiue principall. The first is called Morastano, that is to say,
The hospitall, which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day
left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times; which king hauing
conquered Cairo, for the space of fiue daies continually put the people
thereof to the sword, and in the end repenting him of so great
manslaughter, caused this cruelty to cease, and to obtaine remission for
this sinne committed, caused this hospitall to be built, enriching it as is
abouesaid. The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisa, of one
Neffisa buried there, who was a Dame of honour, and mooued by lust, yeelded
her body voluntarily without rewarde, to any that required the same, and
sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet, and
therefore at this day they adore her, reuerence her, and finally haue
canonized her for a Saint, affirming that shee did many miracles. The third
is called Zauia della Innachari, who was one of the foure Doctors in the
law. The fourth is called Imamsciafij, where is buried Sciafij the second
Doctor of this law. Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco, the
other in Aleppo. The fift and last famous monument is Giamalazar, that is,
the house of Lazarus: and this is the generall Vniuersity of the whole
kingdome of Egypt. [Sidenote: 1566.] In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth
of Ianuary by misfortune of fire were burned nine thousand bookes of great
value, as well for that they were written by hand, as also wrought so
richly with golde, that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece, one
with another. And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire
beganne, they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie, and
an euident and manifest signe of their vtter ruine. The houses of Cairo
without are very faire, and within the greater number richly adorned with
hangings wrought with golde. Euery person which resorteth to this place for
traffiques sake, is bound to pay halfe a duckat, except the gentlemen
Venetians, Siotes, and Rhaguseans, because they are tributarie to the Grand
Signior. [Sidenote: The description of Cairo.] Cairo is distant from the
riuer Nilus a mile and more, being situate on a plaine, saue that on the
one side it hath a faire little hill, on the toppe, whereof stands a faire
castle, but not strong, for that it may be battered on euery side, but very
rich and large, compassed about with faire gardens into the which they
conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus, with certaine wheeles and
other like engines. This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull
gardens both pleasant and commodious, with great plenty of pondes to water
the same. Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of
August, when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus
ouerfloweth apd watereth all the countrey, and then they open the mouth of
a great ditch, which extendeth into the riuer, and passeth through the
midst of the citie, and entring there are innumerable barkes rowing too and
fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames, which with singing,
eating, drinking and feasting, take their solace. The women of this
countrey are most beautifull, and goe in rich attire bedeked with gold,
pretious stones, and iewels of great value, but chiefely perfumed with
odours, and are very libidinous, and the men likewise, but foule and hard
fauoured. The soile is very fertile and abundant, the flesh fat which they
sell without bones, their candles they make of the marowe of cattell,
because the Moores eate the tallow. They vse also certaine litle furnaces
made of purpose, vnder the which they make fire, putting into the furnace
foure or fiue hundred egges, and the said fire they nourish by litle and
litle, vntill the chickens be hatched, which after they be hatched, and
become somewhat bigger, they sell them by measure in such sort, as we sell
and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like.


Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo.

Without the Citie, sixe miles higher into the land, are to be seene neere
vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides, among which are three marueilous great,
and very artificially wrought. Out of one of these are dayly digged the
bodies of auncient men, not rotten, but all whole, the cause whereof is the
qualitie of the Egyptian soile, which will not consume the flesh of man,
but rather dry and harden the same, and so alwayes conserueth it. And these
dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe
against our willes make vs to swallow. Also by digging in these Pyramides
oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of gold, siluer, and other
mettall, but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole
as in this, but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes
of giants. Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head
of stone somewhat like marble, which is discouered so farre as the necke
ioyneth with the shoulders, being all whole, sauing that it wanteth a
little tippe of the nose. The necke of this head contayneth in circuit
about sixe and thirty foot, so that it may be according to the necke
considered, what greatnesse the head is of. The riuer Nilus is a mile
broad, wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward, but lower
than Cairo passeth no such creature: and this, they say, is by reason of an
inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any
lower then Cairo. Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found
some of an incredible bignesse, that is to say, of fourtie foot about. The
males haue their members like to a man, and the females like to a woman.
These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede, and finding any
small beasts, as sheepe, lambes, goates, or other like, doe great harme.
And whiles they are foorth of the water, if they happen at vnawares vpon
any man, woman or childe, whom they can ouercome, they spare not their
liues. In the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it
happened, that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the
countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues, were guided by a Chaus,
and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer. The Chaus remained
lingering alone behinde to make his prayers (as their custome is) at a
place called Tana, whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these
Crocodiles ceazed by the shoulders, and drew him vnder water, so that he
was neuer after seene. And for this cause they haue made in sundry places
certaine hedges as bankes within the water, so that betwixt the hedge and
banke of the riuer there remaineth so much water, that the women washing
may take water without danger at their pleasure. This countrey is so
fruitfull, that it causeth the women as other creatures to bring foorth
one, two, and oft-times three at a birth. Fiue miles southwarde of Cairo is
a place called Matarea, where the balme is refined: and therefore some will
say, that the trees which beare the balme growe in the said place, wherein
they are deceiued: for the sayde trees growe two dayes iourney from Mecca,
in a place called Bedrihone, which yeeldeth balme in great plenty, but
saluage, wilde, and without vertue, and therefore the Moores carying the
same within litle chests from Bedrihone to Matarea, where the trees being
replanted (be it by vertue of the soyle, or the water, aire, or any other
thing whatsoeuer) it sufficeth that heare they beare the true balme and
licour so much in these dayes esteemed of. In this place of Matarea there
are certaine little houses, with most goodly gardens, and a chappell of
antiquity, where the very Moores themselues affirme, that the mother of the
blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saued her selfe
with the childe, wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled, Ex
Ægypto vocaui fillium meum. The which Chappell in the yeare of our Lorde
one thousand fiue hundred and foure, the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first
Consull of that place went to visite, and caused it to be renued and
reedified, so that in these dayes there resort thither many Christians, who
oftentimes bring with them a Priest, to say masse there. Also about an
Harque-buz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at
Rome, and more beautifull to beholde. Neere vnto the olde Cairo are yet
twelue storehouses of great antiquitie, but now very much decayed, and
these till late dayes serued to keepe corne for behoofe of the kingdome,
concerning which many are of opinion, that the founder hereof was Ioseph
the sonne of Iacob, for consideration of the seuen deare yeares. [Sidenote:
Olde Thebes.] Also passing higher vp by the banke of Nilus, there is to bee
seene a fayre Citie ouerflowed with water, the which at such time as Nilus
floweth lyeth vnder water, but when the water returneth to the marke, there
plainely appeare princely palaces, and stately pillars, being of some
called Thebes, where they say that Pharao was resident. Moroeuer three
dayes iourney higher vp are two great images of speckled marble, all whole,
and somewhat sunke into the earth, being things wonderfull to consider of,
for the nose of either is two spannes and a halfe long, and the space from
one eare to the other conteineth tenne spannes, the bodies being
correspondent to their heads, and grauen in excellent proportion, so that
they are shapes of maruellous hugenesse, and these they call The wife, and
The daughter of Pharao.


Of the patriarke of Greece.

In Cairo are two Patriarkes, one of the Greekes, and another of the
Iacobites. The Greeke Patriarke called Gioechni, being about the age of one
hundred and thirteene yeeres, was a very good and holy man. They say, that
when Soldan Gauri of Egypt reigned, there was done this miracle following;
this good patriarke being enuied at by the Iewes of the countrey, for none
other cause, but for his good workes, and holy life, it happened (I say)
that being in disputation with certaine of the Hebrewes in presence of the
Sultan, and reasoning of their lawe and faith, it was sayd vnto him by one
of these Miscreants: sith thou beleeuest in the faith of Christ, take and
drinke this potion which I will giue thee; and if thy Christ be true
Messias and true God, he will (sayd he) deliuer thee from daunger. To whom
the auncient patriarke answered, that he was content: whereupon that cursed
Iewe brought him a cuppe of the most venemous and deadly poyson that could
be found, which the holy Patriarke hauing perceiued, said: In the name of
the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost: and hauing so sayde he
dranke it quite vp; which done, he tooke a droppe of pure water, putting it
into that very cup, and gaue it vnto the Iewe, saying vnto him, I in the
name of my Christe haue drunke thy poyson, and therefore in the name of thy
expected Messias drinke this water of mine within thine owne cuppe.
Whereupon the Iewe tooke the cup out of the hand of the Patriarke, and
hauing drunke the water, within halfe an houre burst a sunder. And the
Patriarke had none other hurt, saue that he became somewhat pale in sight,
and so remained euer after. And this miracle (which meriteth to be called
no lesse) was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarke in the
presence of a thousand persons, and namely of the Soldan of Egypt: who
seeing the despight of the Iewes, vnto their owne cost and confusion
compelled them to make the conduct, which with so many engines commeth into
the castle from Nilus aboue mentioned. And this triumphant Patriarke not
long since was aliue, and in perfect health, which God continue long time.


Of the preparation of the Carouan to goe to Mecca.

As touching the Carouan which goeth to Mecca, it is to be vnderstoode, that
the Mahometans obserue a kinde of lent continuing one whole moone, and
being a moueable ceremonie, which sometimes falleth high, sometimes lowe in
the yeere called in their tongue Ramazan, and their feast is called Bairam.
During this time of lent all they which intende to goe vnto Mecca resort
vnto Cairo, because that twentie dayes after the feast the Carouan is
readie to depart on the voyage: and thither resort a great multitude of
people from Asia, Grecia, and Barbaria to goe on this voyage, some mooued
by deuotion, and some for traffiques sake, and some to passe away the time.
Nowe, within fewe dayes after the feast they which goe on the voyage depart
out of the citie two leagues vnto a place called Birca, where they expect
the Captaine of the Carouan. This place hath a great pond caused by the
inundation of Nilus, and so made that the camels and other beastes may
drinke therein: whereof, namely, of Mules, Camels, and Dromedaries there
are at least fortie thousand, and the persons which followe the Carouan
euerie yeere are about fiftie thousand, fewe more or lesse, according to
the times. Moreouer euery three yeeres they renue the Captaine of the
Carouan, called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi, that is, the Captaine
of the Pilgrimes, to whom the Grand Signior giueth euery voyage eighteene
purses, conteyning each of them sixe hundred twentie and fiue ducates of
golde, and these be for the behoofe of the Carouan, and also to doe almes
vnto the needfull pilgrimes. This Captaine, besides other seruingmen which
follow him, hath also foure Chausi to serue him. Likewise he hath with him
for the securitie of the Carouan foure hundred souldiers, to wit, two
hundred Spachi or horsemen mounted on Dromedaries, and two hundred
Ianizaries riding vpon Camels. The Chausi and the Spachi are at the charge
of the Captaine, but the Ianizaries not so, for their prouision is made
them from Cairo. The Spachi weare caps or bonnets like to the caps of
Sergeants, but the Ianizaries after another sort, with a lappe falling
downe behinde like a French-hoode, and hauing before a great piece of
wrought siluer on their heads. The charge of these is to cause the Carouan
to march in good array when neede requireth; these are not at the
commaundement of any but of the Captaine of the Carouan. Moreouer the
Captaine hath for his guide eight pilots, the office of whom is alwayes
stable and firme from heire to heire, and these goe before guiding the
Carouan, and shewing the way, as being well experienced in the place, and
in the night they gouerne them as the mariners, by the starre. [Sidenote:
Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches.] These also vse to sende before
foure or fiue men carying pieces of dry wood which giue light, because they
should not goe out of the way, and if at any time through their ill hap
they wander astray out of the way, they are caste downe and beaten with so
many bastonadoes vpon the soles of their feete, as serue them for a
perpetuall remembrance. The Captaine of the Carouan hath his Lieutenant
accompanied continually with fifteene Spachi, and he hath the charge to set
the Carouan in order, and to cause them to depart on their iourney when
neede requireth: and during the voyage their office is some whiles to goe
before with the forewarde, sometimes to come behinde with the rereward,
sometimes to march on the one side, and sometimes on the other, to spy,
that the coast be cleare. The Carouan carrieth with it sixe pieces of
ordinance drawen by 12 camels, which serue to terrifie the Arabians, as
also to make triumph at Mecca, and other places. The marchants which
followe the Carouan, some carry for marchandise cloth of silke, some
Corall, some tinne, others wheat, rise, and all sorts of graine. Some sell
by the way, some at Mecca, so that euery one bringeth something to gaine
by, because all marchandise that goeth by land payeth no custome, but that
which goeth by sea is bound to pay tenne in the hundred.


The beginning of the voyage.

The feast before the Carouan setteth forth, the Captaine with all his
retinue and officers resort vnto the castle of Cairo before the Basha,
which giueth vnto euery man a garment, and that of the Captaine is wrought
with golde, and the others are serued according to their degree. Moreouer
he deliuereth vnto him the Chisua Talnabi, which signifieth in the Arabian
tongue, The garment of the Prophet: this vesture is of silke, wrought in
the midst with letters of golde, which signifie: La illa ill'alla Mahumet
Resullala: that is to say, There are no gods but God, and his ambassadour
Mahumet. This garment is made of purpose to couer from top to botome a
litle house in Mecca standing in the midst of the Mesquita, the which house
(they say) was builded by Abraham or by his sonne Ismael. After this he
deliuereth to him a gate made of purpose for the foresaid house of Abraham
wrought all with fine golde, and being of excellent workmanship, and it is
a thing of great value. Besides, he deliuereth vnto him a couering of
greene veluet made in maner of a pyramis, about nine palmes high, and
artificially wrought with most fine golde, and this is to couer the tombe
of their prophet within Medina, which tombe is built in manner of a
pyramis: and besides that couering there are brought many others of golde
and silke, for the ornament of the sayde tombe. Which things being
consigned, the Basha departeth not from his place; but the Captaine of the
Carouan taketh his leaue with all his officers and souldiers, and departeth
accompanied with all the people of Cairo orderly in manner of a procession,
with singing, shouting and a thousand other ceremonies too long to recite.
From the castle they goe to a gate of the citie called Bab-Nassera, without
the which standes a Mosquita, and therein they lay vp the sayd vestures
very well kept and guarded. And of this ceremony they make so great
account, that the world commeth to see this sight, yea the women great with
childe, and others with children in their armes, neither is it lawfull for
any man to forbid his wife the going to this feast, for that in so doing
the wife may separate her selfe from her husband, and may lie with any
other man, in regard of so great a trespasse. Now this procession
proceeding from the castle towardes the Mosquita, the Camels which bring
the vestures are all adorned with cloth of golde, with many little belles,
and passing along the streete you may see the multitude casting vpon the
said vesture thousands of beautifull flowers of diuers colours, and sweete
water, others bringing towels and fine cloth touch the same, which euer
after they keepe as reliques with great reuerence. Afterward hauing left
the vesture in the Mosquita, as is aforesaid, they returne againe into the
citie, where they remaine the space of 20 dayes, and then the captaine
departeth with his company, and taking the vestures out of the Mosquita,
carieth the same to the foresaid place of Birca, where the Captaine hauing
pitched his tent with the standard of the grand Signior ouer the gate, and
the other principall tents standing about his, stayeth there some tenne
dayes and no more: in which time all those resort thither that meane to
follow the Carouan in this voyage to Mecca. Where you shall see certaine
women which intend to goe on this voiage accompanied with their parents and
friends mounted vpon Camels, adorned with so many tryfles, tassels, and
knots, that in beholding the same a man cannot refraine from laughter. The
last night before their departure they make great feasting and triumph
within the Carouan, with castles and other infinite deuises of fireworke,
the Ianizaries alwayes standing round about the tent of the Captaine with
such shouting and ioy, that on euery side the earth resoundeth, and this
night they discharge all their ordinance, foure or sixe times, and after at
the breake of the day vpon the sound of a trumpet they march forward on
their way.


What times the Carouan trauelleth, and when it resteth.

It is to be noted, that from Cairo to Mecca they make 40 dayes iourney or
thereabout, and the same great dayes iourneies. For the custome of the
Carouan is to trauell much and rest little, and ordinarily they iourney in
this maner: They trauell from two a clock in the morning vntill the sunne
rising, then hauing rested till noone, they set forward, and so continue
till night, and then also rest againe, as is abouesaid, till two of the
clocke; and this order they obserue vntill the end of the voiage, neuer
changing the same, except in some places, whereof we will hereafter speake,
where for respect of water they rest sometimes a day and an halfe, and this
they obserue to refresh themselues, otherwise both man and beast would die.


In what order the Carouan trauelleth.

The maner and order which the Carouan obserueth in marching is this. It
goeth diuided into three parts, to wit, the foreward, the maine battell,
and the rereward. In the foreward go the 8 Pilots before with a Chaus,
which hath foure knaues, and ech knaue carrieth a sinew of a bul, to the
end that if occasion requireth, the bastonado may be giuen to such as
deserue the same. These knaues cast offendours downe, turning vp the soles
of their feete made fast to a staffe, giuing them a perpetuall remembrance
for them and the beholders. This Chaus is as the Captaine of the foreward,
which commandeth lights to be carried before when they trauell in the
night. Also there go in this foreward 6 Santones with red turbants vpon
their heads, and these eat and ride at the cost of the Captaine of the
Carouan. These Santones when the Carouan arriueth at any good lodging,
suddenly after they haue escried the place, cry with an horrible voyce
saying, good cheare, good cheare, we are neere to the wished lodging. For
which good newes the chiefe of the company bestow their beneuolence vpon
them. In this foreward goeth very neere the third part of the people of the
Carouan, behind whom go alwayes 25 Spachi armed with swords, bowes and
arrowes to defend them from thieues. Next vnto the foreward, within a
quarter of a mile, followeth the maine battell, and before the same are
drawen the sayd sixe pieces of ordinance, with their gunners, and fifteene
Spachi Archers. And next vnto these commeth the chiefe physicion, who is an
olde man of authoritie, hauing with him many medicines, oyntments, salues,
and other like refreshings for the sicke, hauing also camels with him for
the sicke to ride on, which haue no horse nor beast. Next vnto him goeth
one Camell alone, the fairest that can be found: for with great industrie
is sought the greatest and fairest which may be found within the dominions
of the Grand Signior. This camell also is decked with cloth of golde and
silke, and carieth a little chest made of pure Legmame made in likenesse of
the arke of the olde Testament: but, as is abouesayd, made of pure Legmame,
without golde or any other thing of cost. Within this chest is the Alcoran
all written with great letters of golde, bound betweene two tables of
massie golde, and the chest during their voyage is couered with Silke, but
at their entring into Mecca it is all couered with cloth of golde adorned
with iewels, and the like at the enterance into Medina. The Camell
aforesayd which carrieth the chest, is compassed about with many Arabian
singers and musicians, alwayes singing and playing vpon instruments. After
this folow fiftene other most faire Camels, euery one carying one of the
abouesayd vestures, being couered from toppe to toe with silke. Behind
these goe twentie other Camels which carrie the money, apparell, and
prouision of the Amir el Cheggi captaine of the Carouan. After foloweth the
royall Standard of the Grand Signior, accompanied continually with the
musicians of the captaine, and fiue and twentie Spachi archers, with a
Chaus before them, and about these marueilous things goe all the people and
Camels which follow the Carouan. Behind these, lesse then a mile, foloweth
the rereward, whereof the greater part are pilgrimes: the occasion whereof
is, for that the merchants seeke alwayes to be in the foreward for the
securitie of their goods, but the pilgrimes which haue litle to loose care
not though they come behind. Behind these alwayes goe fiue and twentie
other Spachi well armed with another Chaus their captaine, and fortie
Arabians all Archers for guard of the rereward. And because the Carouan
goeth alwayes along the red sea banke, which in going forth they haue on
their right hand, therfore the two hundred Ianissaries parted into three
companies goe vpon their left hand well armed and mounted vpon Camels bound
one to another, for vpon that side is all the danger of thieues, and on the
other no danger at all, the captaine of the Carouan alwayes going about his
people, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, neuer
keeping any firme place, being continually accompanied with a Chaus and 25.
Spachi, armed and mounted vpon Dromedaries, and 8. musicians with violes in
their handes, which cease not sounding till the captaine take his rest,
vpon whom they attend, till such time as he entreth his pauillion, and then
licencing all his attendants and folowers to depart, they goe each man to
their lodging.


Of things notable which are seene in this voyage by the way.

Because in the way there are not many things found woorthy memorie, for
that the Carouan seldome resteth in places of habitation, of which in the
way there are but fewe, yea rather the Carouan resteth altogether in the
field: therefore in this our voyage wee will onely make mention of certaine
Castles found in the way, which bee these, namely Agerut, Nachel, Acba,
Biritem, Muel and Ezlem. Of which fiue the two first are kept of Moores,
and the other three of Turkes, and for guard they haue eight men or tenne
at the most in euery Castle, with foure or fiue Smerigli, which serue to
keepe the water from the Arabians, so that the Carouan comming thither may
haue wherewithall to refresh it selfe. Agerut is distant from Suez a port
of the red sea eight miles, where are alwayes resident fiue and twentie
gallies of the Grand Signior for the keeping of that Sea. Nachel is distant
from the Sea a dayes iourney. The walles of Acba are founded vpon the red
Sea banke. Biritem and Muel likewise are dashed by the waues of the Sea.
Ezlem is distant from thence aboue a dayes iourney. These fiue Castles
abouesayd are not of force altogether to defend themselues agaynst an
hundred men. The Carouan departing from Birca vntill Agerut findeth no
water by the way to drinke, neither from Agerut till Nachel, nor from
Nachel till Acba, but betweene Acba and Biritem are found two waters, one
called Agiam el Cassap, and the other Magarraxiaibi, that is to say, the
riuer of Iethro the father in lawe of Moses, for this is the place
mentioned in the second chapter of Exodus, whither it is sayd that Moses
fledde from the anger of Pharao, who would haue killed him, because hee had
slaine the Ægyptian, which fought with the Hebrew, in which place stoode
the citie of Midian; and there are yet the pondes, neere vnto the which
Moses sate downe. And from that place forward they finde more store of
water by the way, and in more places, though not so good. It is also to bee
noted, that in this voiage it is needfull and an vsuall thing, that the
captaine put his hand to his purse, in these places, and bestow presents,
garments, and turbants vpon certaine of the chiefe of the Arabians, to the
ende they may giue him and his Carouan, free passage: who also promise,
that their followers likewise shall doe no damage to the Carouan, and bind
themselues to accomplish the same, promising also by worde of mouth, that
if the Carouan bee robbed, they will make restitution of such things as are
stollen: but notwithstanding the Carouan is by them oftentimes damnified,
and those which are robbed haue no other restitution at the Arabians handes
then the shewing of them a paire of heeles, flying into such places as it
is impossible to finde them. Nowe the Carouan continuing her accustomed
iourneys, and hauing passed the abouesayd castles, and others not woorthie
mention, at length commeth to a place called Iehbir, which is the beginning
and confine of the state and realme of Serifo the king of Mecca: where, at
their approching issueth out to meete them the gouernour of the land, with
all his people to receiue the Carouan, with such shouting and triumph, as
is impossible to expresse, where they staie one whole day. This place
aboundeth with fresh and cleare waters, which with streames fall downe from
the high mountaines. Moreouer, in this place are great store of dates, and
flesh great store and good cheape, and especially laced muttons which
willingly fall downe, and here the weary pilgrimes haue cummoditie to
refresh themselues, saying, that this wicked fact purgeth them from a
multitude of sinnes, and besides increaseth deuotion to prosecute the
voiage. Touching the building in these places, it is to bee iudged by the
houses halfe ruinated, that it hath bene a magnificent citie: but because
it was in times past inhabited more with thieues then true men, it was
therefore altogether destroyed by Soldan Gauri king of Ægypt, who going on
pilgrimage vnto Mecca, and passing by this place, there was by the
inhabitants hereof some iniurie done vnto his Carauan, which he
vnderstandeng of, dissembled till his returne from Mecca, and then caused
it to bee burned and destroyed in pitifull sort for reuenge of the iniurie
done vnto the Carouan. The Carouan hauing rested and being refreshed as is
abouesayd, the next day departed on the way, and the first place they
arriue at woorthy mention is called Bedrihonem, in which place (as is
aforesayd) grow those little shrubbes whereout Balme issueth. And before
the Carouan arriueth at this place a mile from the citie is a large and
great field enuironed about with most high and huge mountaines. And in this
field, according to the Alcoran, their prophet Mahomet had a most fierce
and cruel battell giuen by the Christians of the countrey and other people
which set themselues agaynst them, and withstood his opinion, so that hee
was ouercome and vanquished of the Christians, and almost halfe of his
people slaine in the battell. Whereupon the Phrophet seeing himselfe in
such extremitie, fell to his prayers, and they say, that God hauing
compassion vpon his deare friend and prophet, heard him, and sent him
infinite thousands of angels, wherewith returning to the battell, they
conquered and ouercame the conquerour. And therefore in memorie of this
victorie, the Carouan lodgeth euery yeere one night in this place, making
great bonefires with great mirth. And they say that as yet there is heard
vpon the mountaines a litle drumme, which while the Carouan passeth, neuer
ceaseth sounding. And they say further, that the sayd drumme is sounded by
the angels in signe of that great victory graunted of God to their prophet.
Also the Mahumetan writings affirme, that after the ende of the sayd
battell, the prophet commaunded certaine of his people to goe and burie all
the Mahumetans which were dead in the fields, who going, knew not the one
from the other, because as yet they vsed not circumcision, so they returned
vnto him, answering, that they had bene to doe his commaundement, but they
knew not the Musulmans from the Christians. To whom the prophet answered,
saying. Turne againe, and all those which you shall finde with their faces
downeward, leaue them, because all they are misbeleeuers: and the other
which you shall finde with their faces turned vpward, them burie, for they
are the true Musulmani, and so his commaundement was done.

The next morning by Sunne rising, the Carouan arriueth at Bedrihomen, in
which place euery man washeth himselfe from toppe to toe, as well men as
women, and leauing off their apparell, hauing each a cloth about their
priuities, called in their tongue Photah, and another white one vpon their
shoulders, all which can goe to Mecca in this habite, doe so, and are
thought to merite more then the other, but they which cannot doe so make a
vowe to sacrifice a Ramme at the mountaine of pardons; and after they bee
washed, it is not lawfull for any man or women, to kill either flea or
lowse with their handes, neither yet to take them with their nailes, vntill
they haue accomplished their vowed orations in the mountaine of pardons
abouesayd: and therefore they cary with them certaine stickes made of
purpose in maner of a File, called in their language Arca, Cassah Guch,
with which they grate their shoulders. And so the Carouan marching, commeth
within two miles of Mecca, where they rest that night. In the morning at
the breake of day, with all pompe possible they set forward toward Mecca,
and drawing neere thereunto, the Seripho issueth foorth of the citie with
his guard, accompanied with an infinite number of people, shouting, and
making great triumph. And being come out of the citie a boweshoote into a
faire field, where a great multitude of tents are pitched, and in the
middest the pauillion of the captaine, who meeting with the Serifo, after
salutations on each side, they light from their horses and enter the
pauillion, where the king of Mecca depriueth himselfe of all authoritie and
power, and committeth the same to the aboue named captaine, giuing him full
licence and authoritie to commaund, gouerne, and minister Justice during
his aboad in Mecca with his company, and on the other side the captaine to
requite this liberalitie vsed toward him by the Serifo giueth him a garment
of cloth of gold of great value, with certaine iewels and other like
things. After this, sitting downe together vpon carpets and hides they eate
together, and rising from thence with certaine of the chiefest, and taking
with them the gate abouesayd, they goe directly to the Mosxuita, attended
on but with a fewe, and being entered, they cause the olde to be pulled
downe, and put the newe couerture vpon the house of Abraham, and the olde
vesture is the eunuchs which serue in the sayde Mosquita, who after sell it
vnto the pilgrimes at foure or fiue serafines the pike: and happy doth that
man thinke himselfe, which can get neuer so litle a piece thereof, to
conserue euer after as a most holy relique: and they say, that putting the
same vnder the head of a man at the houre of his death, through vertue
thereof all his sinnes are forgiuen. Also they take away the old doore,
setting in the place the new doore, and the old by custome they giue vnto
the Serifo. After hauing made their praiers with certaine ordinarie and
woonted ceremonies, the Serifo rematneth in the citie, and the captaine of
the pilgrimage returneth vnto his pauillion.


Of the Serifo the king of Mecca.

The Serifo is descended of the prophet Mahomet by Fatma daughter of that
good prophet, and Alli husband to her, and sonne in lawe to Mahumet, who
had no issue male, saue this stocke of the Serifo, to the eldest sonne
whereof the realme commeth by succession. This realme hath of reuenues
royall, euery yeere halfe a million of golde, or litle more: and all such
as are of the prophets kinred, or descended of that blood (which are almost
innumerable) are called Emyri, that is to say, lordes. These all goe
clothed in greene, or at the least haue their turbant greene, to bee knowen
from the other. Neither is it permitted that any of those Christians which
dwell or traffique in their Countrey goe clothed in greene, neither may
they haue any thing of green about them: for they say it is not lawfull for
misbeleeuers to weare that colour, wherein that great friend the prophet of
God Mahomet was woont to be apparelled.


Of the citie of Mecca.

The Citie of Mecca in the Arabian tongue is called Macca, that is to say,
an habitation. This citie is inuironed about with exceeding high and barren
mountaines, and in the plaine betweene the sayde mountaines and the citie
are many pleasant gardens, where groweth great abundaunce of figges,
grapes, apples, and melons. There is also great abundance of good water and
fleshe, but not of bread. This citie hath no walles about it, and
containeth in circuite fiue miles. The houses are very handsome and
commodious, and are built like to the houses in Italie. The palace of the
Serifo is sumptuous and gorgeously adorned. The women of the place are
courteous, iocund, and louely, faire, with alluring eyes, being hote and
libidinous, and the most of them naughtie packes. The men of this place are
giuen to that abhominable, cursed, and opprobrious vice, whereof both men
and women make but small account by reason of the pond Zun Zun, wherein
hauing washed themselues, their opinion is, that although like the dog they
returne to their vomite, yet they are clensed from all sinne whatsoeuer, of
which sin we will hereafter more largely discourse. In the midst of the
city is the great Mosquita, with the house of Abraham standing in the very
middest thereof, which Mosquita was built in the time when their prophet
liued. It is foure square, and so great, that it containeth two miles in
circuit, that is to say, halfe a mile each side. Also it is made in maner
of a cloister, for that in the midst thereof separate from the rest, is the
abouesayd house of Abraham, also the galleries round about are in maner of
4. streetes, and the partitions which diuide the one street from the other
are pillars, whereof some are of marble, and others of lime and stone. This
famous and sumptuous Mosquita hath 99. gates, and 5. steeples, from whence
the Talismani call the people to the Mosquita. And the pilgrimes which are
not prouided of tents, resort hither, and for more deuotion the men and
women lie together aloft and beneath, one vpon another, so that their house
of praier becommeth worse sometimes then a den of thieues.


Of the house of Abraham.

The house of Abraham is also foure square, and made of speckled stone, 20.
paces high, and 40 in circuit. And vpon one side of this house within the
wall, there is a stone of a span long, and halfe a span broad, which stone
(as they say) before this house was builded, fell downe from heauen, at the
fall whereof was heard a voyce, that wheresoeuer this stone fell, there
should be built the house of God, wherein God will heare sinners. Moreouer,
they say that when this stone fell from heauen, it was not blacke as now,
but as white as the whitest snow, and by reason it hath bene so oft kissed
by sinners, it is therewith become blacke: for all the pilgrimes are bound
to kisse this stone, otherwise they cary their sinnes home with them again.
The entrance into this house is very small, made in maner of a window, and
as high from the ground as a man can reach, so that it is painful to enter.
This house hath without 31. pillars of brasse, set vpon cubike or square
stones being red and greene, the which pillars sustaine not ought els saue
a threed of copper, which reacheth from one to another, whereunto are
fastened many burning lampes. These pillars of brasse were caused to be
made by Sultan Soliman grandfather to Sultan Amurath now Emperor. After
this, hauing entred with the difficultie abouesayd, there stand at the
entrance two pillars of marble, to wit, on each side one. In the midst
there are three of Aloes-wood not very thicke, and couered with tiles of
India 1000. colours which serue to vnderproppe the Terratza. It is so
darke, that they can hardly see within for want of light, not without an
euill smell. Without the gate fiue pases is the abouesayd pond Zun Zun,
which is that blessed pond that the angell of the Lord shewed vnto Agar
whiles she went seeking water for her sonne Ismael to drinke.


Of the ceremonies of the pilgrimes.

In the beginning we haue sayd how the Mahumetans haue two feasts in the
yeere. The one they call Pascha di Ramazaco, that is to say, The feast of
fasting, and this feast of fasting is holden thirtie dayes after the feast,
wherein the Carouan trauelleth to Mecca. The other is called the feast of
the Ramme, wherin all they which are of abilitie are bound to sacrifice a
Ramme, and this they call Bine Bairam, that is to say, The great feast. And
as the Carouan departeth from Cairo, thirtie dayes after the little feast,
so likewise they come hither fiue or sixe dayes before the great feast, to
the ende the pilgrimes may haue time before the feast to finish their rites
and ceremonies, which are these. Departing from the Carouan, and being
guided by such as are experienced in the way, they goe vnto the citie
twentie or thirtie in a company as they thinke good, walking through a
streete which ascendeth by litle and litle till they come vnto a certaine
gate, whereupon is written on each side in marble stone, Babel Salema,
which in the Arabian tongue signifieth, the gate of health. And from this
place is descried the great Mosquita, which enuironeth the house of
Abraham, which being descried, they reuerently salute twise, saying, Salem
Alech Iara sul Alia, that is to say, Peace to thee, ambassadour of God.
This salutation being ended, proceeding on the way, they finde an arche
vpon their right hand, whereon they ascend fiue steps, vpon the which is a
great voyd place made of stone: after, descending other fiue steps, and
proceeding the space of a flight-shoot, they finde another arche like vnto
the first, and this way from the one arche to the other they go and come 7.
times, saying alwaies some of their prayers, which (they say) the afflicted
Agar sayd, whiles she sought and found not water for her sonne Ismael to
drinke. This ceremonie being ended, the pilgrimes enter into the Mosquita,
and drawing neere vnto the house of Abraham, they goe round about it other
seuen times, alwayes saying: This is the house of God, and of his seruant
Abraham: This done they goe to kisse the black stone abouesayd. After they
go vnto the pond Zun Zun, and in their apparell as they be, they wash
themselues from head to foote, saying, Tobah Allah, Tobah Allah, that is to
say, Pardon Lord, Pardon Lord, drinking also of that waier, which is both
mudie, filthie, and of an ill sauour, and in this wise washed and watered,
euery one returneth to his place of abode, and these ceremonies euery one
is bound to doe once at the least. But those which haue a mind to ouergoe
their fellowes, and to goe into paradise before the rest, doe the same once
a day while the Carouan remaineth there.


What the Carouan doeth after hauing rested at Mecca.

[Sidenote: The mountaine of pardons.] The Carouan hauing abode within the
citie of Mecca fiue dayes, the night before the euening of their feast, the
captaine with all his company setteth forward towards the mountaine of
pardons, which they call in the Arabian tongue, Iabel Arafata. This
mountaine is distant from Mecca 15. miles, and in the mid way thereto is a
place called Mina, that is to say, The hauen, and a litle from thence are
4. great pillars, of which hereafter we will speake. Now first touching the
mountaine of Pardons, which is rather to be called a litle hill, then a
mountain, for that it is low, litle, delightful and pleasant, containing in
circuit two miles, and enuironed round about with the goodliest plaine that
euer with mans eie could be seen, and the plaine likewise compassed with
exceeding high mountains, in such sort that this is one of the goodliest
situations in the world: and it seemeth verily, that nature hath therein
shewed all her cunning, in making this place vnder the mountaine of pardons
so broad and pleasant. Vpon the side towards Mecca there are many pipes of
water cleare, faire, and fresh, and aboue all most wholesome, falling down
into certaine vessels made of purpose, where the people refresh and wash
themselues, and water their cattel. And when Adam and Euah were cast out of
paradise by the angel of the Lord, the Mahumetans say, they came to
inhabite this litle mountaine of pardons. Also they say, that they had lost
one another, and were separated for the space of 40. yeeres, and in the end
met at this place with great ioy and gladnesse, and builded a litle house
vpon the top of this mountaine, the which at this day they call Beyt Adam,
that is to say, the house of Adam.


Of the three Carouans.

The same day that the Carouan of Cairo commeth to this place, hither come
2. Carouans also, one of Damasco, the other of Arabia, and in like maner
all the inhabitants for ten dayes iourney round about, so that at one time
there is to be seene aboue 200000. persons, and more then 300000. cattell.
Now all this company meeting together in this place the night before the
feast, the three hostes cast themselues into a triangle, setting the
mountaine in the midst of them: and all that night there is nothing to be
heard nor seene, but gunshot and fireworkes of sundry sortes, with such
singing, sounding, shouting, halowing, rumors, feasting, and triumphing, as
is wonderfull. After this, the day of the feast being come, they are all at
rest and silence, and that day they attend on no other thing, then to
sacrifice oblations and prayers vnto God, and in the euening all they which
haue horses mount thereon, and approch as nigh vnto the mountaine as they
can, and those which haue no horses make the best shift they can on foote,
giuing euer vnto the captaine of Cairo the chiefe place, the second to the
captaine of Damasco, and the third to the captaine of Arabia, and being all
approched as is abouesayd, there commeth a square squire, one of the
Santones, mounted on a camell well furnished, who at the other side of the
mountain ascendeth fiue steps into a pulpit made for that purpose, and all
being silent, turning his face towards the people he maketh a short sermon
of the tenour folowing.

The summe of the Santones sermon.

The summe of this double doctors sermon is thus much in briefe. He sheweth
them how many and how great benefits God hath giuen to the Mahumetan people
by the hand of his beloued friend and prophet Mahomet, hauing deliuered
them from the seruitude of sinne and from idolatry, in which before time
they were drowned, and how he gaue vnto them the house of Abraham wherein
they should be heard, and likewise the mountaine of pardons, by meanes
whereof they might obtaine grace and remission of their sinnes: adding,
that the mercifull God, who is a liberall giuer of all good things,
commaunded his secretarie Abraham to build him an house in Mecca, where his
successours might make their prayers vnto him and bee heard, at which time
all the mountains in the world came together thither with sufficiencie of
stones for building hereof, except that litle and low hill, which for
pouertie could not go to discharge this debt, for the which it became
sorrowful, weeping beyond all measure for the space of thirtie yeeres, at
the ende whereof the eternall God hauing pitie and compassion vpon this
poore Mountaine, saide vnto it: Weepe no more (my daughter) for thy bitter
plaints haue ascended vp into mine eares, therefore comfort thy selfe: for
I will cause all those that shall goe to visite the house of my friend
Abraham, that they shall not be absolued from their sinnes, vnlesse they
first come to doe thee reuerence, and to keepe in this place their holiest
feast. And this I haue commanded vnto my people by the mouth of my friend
and prophet Mahumet. This said, he exhorteth them vnto the loue of God, and
to prayer and almes. The sermon being done at the Sunne-setting they make
3. prayers, namely the first for the Serifo, the second for the Grand
Signior with his hoste, and the third for all the people: to which prayers
all with one voice cry saying; Amni Ia Alla, Amni Ia Alla, that is to say,
Be it so lord, be it so Lord. Thus hauing had the Santones blessing and
saluted the Mountaine of pardons, they returne the way they came vnto Mina,
whereof wee haue made mention. In returning at the end of the plaine are
the abouesaid 4. pillers, to wit, two on ech side of the way, through the
midst whereof they say it is needfull that euery one passe, saying, that
who so passeth without looseth all that merit which in his pilgrimage he
had gotten. Also from the mountaine of pardons vntill they be passed the
said pillers none dare looke backward, for feare least the sinnes which he
hath left in the mountains returne to him againe. Being past these pillers
eueryone lighteth downe, seeking in this sandy field 50. or 60. litle
stones, which being gathered and bound in an hankerchiffe they carry to the
abouesaid place of Mina, where they stay 5. dayes, because at that time
there is a faire free and franke of al custome. And in this place are other
3. pillers, not together, but set in diuers places, where (as their prophet
saith) were the three apparitions which the diuel made vnto Abraham, and to
Ismael his sonne; for amongst them they make no mention of Isaac, as if he
had neuer bene borne. So they say, that the blessed God hauing commanded
Abraham his faithfull seruant to sacrifice his first begotten Ismael, the
old Abraham went to do according to God's wil, and met with the infernall
enemie in the shape of a man, and being of him demanded whither he went, he
answered, that he went to sacrifice his sonne Ismael, as God had commanded
him. Against whom the diuel exclaiming said: Oh doting old man, sith God in
thine old age hath marueilously giuen thee this son (in whom all nations
shalbe blessed) wherefore giuing credite vnto vaine dreames, wilt thou kill
him whom so much thou hast desired, and so intirely loued. But Abraham
shaking him off proceeded on his way, whereupon the diuel seeing his words
could not preuaile with the father attempted the sonne, saying; Ismael,
haue regard vnto thyselfe betimes in this thing which is so dangerous.
Wherefore? answered the childe. Because (saith the diuel) thy doting father
seeketh to take away thy life. For what occasion, said Ismael? Because
(saith the enemie) he saith, that God hath commanded him. Which Ismael
hearing hee tooke vp stones and threw at him, saying, Auzu billahi minal
scia itanil ragini, which is to say, I defend me with God from the diuel
the offender, as who would say, wee ought to obey the commandement of God
and resist the diuel with al our force. But to returne to our purpose, the
pilgrimes during their abode there goe to visite these three pillers,
throwing away the little stones which before they gathered, whiles they
repeat the same words which they say, that Ismael said to the diuell, when
he withstoode him. From hence halfe a mile is a mountaine, whither Abraham
went to sacrifice his sonne, as is abouesaid. In this mountaine is a great
den whither the pilgrims resort to make their prayers, and there is a great
stone naturally separated in the midst; and they say, that Ismael, while
his father Abraham was busie about the sacrifice, tooke the knife in hand
to prooue how it would cut, and making triall diuided the stone in two
parts. The fiue dayes being expired, the captaine ariseth with all the
Carouan, and returneth againe to Mecca, where they remaine other fiue
dayes. And while these rest, we will treat of the city and port of Grida
vpon the Red Sea.


Of Grida.

[Grida a port neere Mecca.] Therefore wee say that from Mecca to Grida they
make two small dayes iourney: and because in those places it is ill
traueiling in the day-time by reason of the great heat of the Sunne,
therefore they depart in the euening from Mecca, and in the morning before
Sunne-rising they are arriued halfe way, where there certaine habitations
well furnished, and good Innes to lodge in, but especially women ynough
which voluntarily bestowe their almes vpon the poore pilgrims: likewise
departing the next euening, the morning after, they come vnto Grida. This
citie is founded vpon the Red Sea banke, enuironed with wals and towers to
the land-ward, but through continuance of time almost consumed and wasted:
on the side to seaward it stands vnwalled. Grida hath three gates, one on
eche side, and the thirde in the midst towarde the lande, which is called
the port of Mecca, neere vnto which are 6. or 7. Turks vpon the old towers
for guard thereof with foure faulcons vpon one of the corners of the city
to the land-ward. Also to sea-ward where the wall ioyneth with the water,
there is lately made a fort like vnto a bulwarke, where they haue planted
25 pieces of the best ordinance that might be had, which are very well kept
and guarded. More outward towards the sea vpon the farthest olde tower are
other fiue good pieces with 30 men to guard them. [Sidenote: The Portugals
greatly feared in the Red Sea.] On the other side of the city at the end of
the wall there is lately builded a bulwarke strong and well guarded by a
Saniaccho with 150 Turks wel prouided with ordinance and all other
necessaries and munition, and all these fortifyings are for none other
cause then for feare and suspition of the Portugals. And if the port were
good this were in vaine: but the port cannot be worse nor more dangerous;
being all full of rocks and sands, in such wise, that the ships cannot come
neere, but perforce ride at the least two miles off. [Sidenote: Forty or
fifty rich ships arriue yeerely at Grida.] At this port arriue euery yeere
forty or fifty great shippes laden with spices and other rich marchandize
which yeeld in custome 150000 ducats, the halfe whereof goeth vnto the
Grand Signior, and the other halfe to the Serifo. And because there is none
other thing worthy mention in Grida we wil returne to our Carouan which
hath almost rested enough.


Of their going to Medina.

The Carouan departeth for Medina returning the same way they came vnto
Bedrihonem abouesayd, where they leaue their ordinance and other cariages,
whereof they haue no need, with the pilgrims which haue seene Medina
aforetime, and desire not to see it againe, but stay in that place,
expecting the carouan, and resting vntill the carouan go from Bedrihonem to
Medina, where they alwayes finde goodly habitations, with abundance of
sweet waters, and dates enough, and being within foureteene miles of Medina
they come vnto a great plaine called by them Iabel el salema, that is to
say, the mountaine of health, from which they begin to descry the citie and
tombe of Mahomet, at which sight they light from their horses in token of
reuerence. And being ascended vp the sayd mountaine with shouting which
pierceth the skies they say, Sala tuua salema Alaccha Iarah sul Allah. Sala
tuua Salema Alaccha Ianabi Allah, Sala tuua Salema Allaccha Iahabit Allah:
which words in the Arabian tongue signifie: Prayer and health be vnto thee,
oh prophet of God: prayer and health be vpon thee, oh beloued of God. And
hauing pronounced this salutacion, they proceed on their iourney, so that
they lodge that night within three miles of Medina: and the next morning
the captaine of the pilgrimage ariseth, and proceeding towards the city,
and drawing neere, there commeth the gouernour vnder the Serifo,
accompanied with his people to receiue the Carouan, hauing pitched their
tents in the midst of a goodly field where they lodge.


Of Medina.

Medina is a little city of great antiquity, containing in circuit not aboue
two miles, hauing therein but one castle, which is olde and weake, guarded
by an Aga with fifty pieces of artillery, but not very good. The houses
thereof are faire and well situated, built of lime and stone, and in the
midst of the city stands a fouresquare Mosquita, not so great as that of
Mecca, but more goodly, rich, and sumptuous in building. Within the same in
a corner thereof is a tombe built vpon foure pillers with a vault, as if it
were vnder a pauement, which bindeth all the foure pillers together. The
tombe is so high, that it farre exceedeth in heighth the Mosquita, being
couered with lead, and the top all inamelled with golde, with an halfe
moone vpon the top: and within the pauement it is all very artificially
wrought with golde. Below there are round about very great staires of yron
ascending vp vntill the midst of the pillers, and in the very midst thereof
is buried the body of Mahomet, and not in a chest of yron cleauing to the
adamant, as many affirme that know not the trueth thereof. Moreouer, ouer
the body they haue built a tombe of speckled stone a brace and a halfe
high, [Marginal note: Or, a fathom.] and ouer the same another of Legmame
fouresquare in maner of a pyramis. After this, round about the sepulture
there hangeth a curtaine of silke, which letteth the sight of those without
that they cannot see the sepulture. Beyond this in the same Mosquita are
other two sepulchres couered with greene cloth, and in the one of them is
buried Fatma the daughter of Mahomet, and Alli is buried in the other, who
was the husband of the sayd Fatma. The attendants vpon these sepulchres are
fifty eunuches white and tawny, neither is it granted to any of them to
enter within the tombe, sauing to three white eunuches the oldest and best
of credit; vnto whom it is lawfull to enter but twise in the day, to light
the lamps, and to doe other seruices. All the other eunuchs attend without
to the seruice of the Mosquita, and the other two sepulchres of Fatma, and
Alli, where euery one may go and touch at his pleasure, and take of the
earth for deuotion, as many do.


Of things without the City.

Without the city and on euery side are most faire gardens, with many
fountaines of most sweet water, infinite pondes, abundance of fruit, with
much honest liuing, so that this place is very pleasant and delightfull.
This city hath three gates, one of which is an hospitall caused to be built
by Cassachi, called the Rosel who was wife to Sultan Solimam grandfather to
this emperour. The sayd Hospitall hath nought els woorthy mention, saue
that it is fairely built, and hath large reuenues belonging thereunto, and
nourisheth many poore people. A mile from the city are certaine houses
whereof they affirme one to be the same, where Mahumet in his lifetime
dwelt. This house hath on euery side very many faire date trees, amongst
which there are two which grow out of one stocke exceeding high, and these,
they say, their Prophet graffed with his owne hand: the fruit thereof is
alwayes sent to Constantinople, to be presented vnto the Grand Signior, and
is sayd to be that blessed fruit of the Prophet. Nere vnto the date trees
is a faire fountaine of cleere and sweet water, the which by a conduct pipe
is brought into the city of Medina. Also there is a little Mosquita,
wherein three places are counted holy, and greatly reuerenced: the first
they affirme, that their Prophet made his first prayer in, after he knew
God: the second is that whither he went when he would see the holy house of
Abraham, where when he sate down to that intent, they say the mountaines
opened from toppe to bottome to shew him the house, and after closed againe
as before: the third holy place is in the midst of the sayd Mosquita, where
is a tombe made of lime and stone fouresquare, and full of sand, wherein,
they say, was buried that blessed camel which Mahumet was alwayes woont to
ride vpon. On the other side of the city are other tombes of holy
Mahumetans, and euery one or them hath a tombe built vpon foure pillers,
amongst which three were the companions of Mahumet, to wit, Abubacar;
Ottoman, and Omar; all which are visited of the pilgrims as holy places.


The offering of the vestures vnto the sepulchres.

The Carouan being come to Medina two houres before day, and resting there
till the euening, the captaine then with his company and other pilgrims
setteth forward, with the greatest pompe possible: and taking with him the
vesture which is made in maner of a pyramis, with many other of golde and
silke, departeth, going thorow the midst of the city, vntill he come to the
Mosquita, where hauing praied, he presenteth vnto the tombe of his prophet
(where the eunuchs receiuing hands are ready) the vesture for the sayd
tombe: and certaine eunuchs entring in take away the old vesture, and lay
on the new, burning the olde one, and diuiding the golde thereof into
equall portions. After this are presented other vestures for the ornament
of the Mosquita. Also the people without deliuer vnto the eunuchs ech man
somewhat to touch the tombe therewith, which they keepe as a relique with
great deuotion. This ceremony being ended, the captaine resteth in Medina
two dayes, to the end the pilgrims may finish their deuotion and
ceremonies: and after they depart to Iambor. A good dayes iourney thence is
a steepe mountaine, ouer which is no passage, sauing by one narrow path
called Demir Capi, which was in times past called the yron gate. Of this
gate the Mahumetans say, that Ally the companion and sonne in law of
Mahumet, being here pursued by many Christians, and comming vnto this
mountaine, not seeing any way whereby to flee, drew out his sword, and
striking the said mountaine, diuided it in sunder, and passing thorow saued
his life on the other side. Moreouer, this Alli among the Persians is had
in greater reuerence than Mahumet, who affirme, that the sayd Alli hath
done greater things and more miraculous than Mahumet, and therefore they
esteeme him for God almighty his fellow. But to returne to our matter, the
captaine with the carouan within two dayes after returneth for Cairo, and
comming to Ezlem, findeth there a captaine with threescore horses come
thither to bring refreshments to the said captaine of the pilgrimage, as
also to sell vnto the pilgrims some victuals. From thence they set forward,
and comming to Birca within two leagues of Cairo, there is the master of
the house of the Bassha of Cairo with all his horsemen come thither to
receiue him with a sumptuous and costly banket made at the cost of the
Basha for the captaine and his retinue, who after he is well refreshed
departeth toward the castle of Cairo to salute the Basha, who receiuing him
with great ioy and gladnesse in token of good wil presenteth him with a
garment of cloth of golde very rich: and the captaine taking the Alcaron
out of the chest presenteth it to the Basha, who hauing kissed it,
commandeth to lay it vp againe. Some there are which affirme, that being
arriued at Cairo, they kill that goodly camell which caried the Alcaron,
and eate him; which is nothing so: for they are so superstitious to the
contrary, that to gaine all the world they would not kill him. But if by
casuality he should die, in this case happy and blessed they thinke
themselues, which can get a morsell to eat. And thus much concerning the
voyage of the captaine of the carouan of Cairo.

       *       *       *       *       *

The voyage and trauell of M. Cæsar Fredericke, Marchant of Venice, into the
  East India, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are conteined the customes and
  rites of those countries, the merchandises and commodities, as well of
  golde and siluer, as spices, drugges, pearles, and other iewels:
  translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke.

Cæsare Fredericke to the Reader.

[Sidenote: Cæsare Fredericke trauelled eighteene yeeres in the East
Indies.] I hauing (gentle Reader) for the space of eighteene yeeres
continually coasted and trauelled, as it were, all the East Indies, and
many other countreys beyond the Indies, wherein I haue had both good and
ill successe in my trauels: and hauing seene and vnderstood many things
woorthy the noting, and to be knowen to all the world, the which were neuer
as yet written of any: I thought it good (seeing the Almighty had giuen me
grace, after so long perils in passing such a long voyage to returne into
mine owne countrey, the noble city of Venice) I say, I thought it good, as
briefly as I could, to write and set forth this voyage made by me, with the
maruellous things I haue seene in my trauels in the Indies: The mighty
Princes that gouerne those countreys, their religion and faith that they
haue, the rites and customes which they vse, and liue by, of the diuers
successe that happened vnto me, and how many of these countreys are
abounding with spices, drugs, and iewels, giuing also profitable
aduertisement to all those that haue a desire to make such a voyage. And
because that the whole world may more commodiously reioyce at this my
trauell, I haue caused it to be printed in this order: and now I present it
vnto you (gentle and louing Readers) to whom for the varieties of things
heerein contented, I hope that it shall be with great delight receiued. And
thus God of his goodnesse keepe you.


A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, &c.

[Sidenote: The authours going from Venice to Cyprus and Tripoly.] In the
yere of our Lord God 1653, I Cæsar Fredericke being in Venice, and very
desirous to see the East parts of the world, shipped my selfe in a shippe
called the Gradaige of Venice, with certaine marchandise, gouerned by M.
Iacomo Vatica, which was bound to Cyprus with his ship, with whom I went:
and when we were arriued in Cyprus, I left that ship, and went in a lesser
to Tripoly in Soria, where I stayed a while. Afterward, I tooke my iourney
to Alepo, and there I acquainted my selfe with marchants of Armenia, and
Moores, that were marchants, and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and
wee departed from Alepo, and in two dayes iourney and a halfe, we came to a
city called Bir.


Of the city called Bir.

Bir is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals, and nere vnto the
walles of the city runneth the riuer of Euphrates. [Sidenote: The river
Euphrates.] In this city the marchants diuide themselues into companies,
according to their merchandise that they haue, and there either they buy or
make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon downe the riuer
Euphrates, with charge of a master and mariners to conduct the boat in the
voyage: these boats are in a maner flat bottomed, yet they be very strong:
and for all that they are so strong, they will serue but for one voyage.
They are made according to the sholdnesse of the riuer, because that the
riuer is in many places full of great stones, which greatly hinder and
trouble those that goe downe the riuer. These boats serue but for one
voyage downe the riuer vnto a village called Feluchia, because it is
impossible to bring them vp the riuer backe againe. [Sidenote: Feluchia a
small city on Euphrates.] At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats in
pieces, or else sell them for a small price, for that at Bir they cost the
marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece, and they sell them at Feluchia
for seuen or eight chickens a piece, because that when the marchants
returne from Babylon backe againe, if they haue marchandise or goods that
oweth custome, then they make their returne in forty dayes thorow the
wildernesse, passing that way with a great deale lesser charges then the
other way. [Sidenote: Mosul.] And if they haue not marchandise that oweth
custome, then they goe by the way of Mosul, where it costeth them great
charges both the Carouan and company. From Bir where the marchants imbarke
themselues to Feluchia ouer agains Babylon, if the riuer haue good store of
water, they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene dayes downe
the riuer, and if the water be lowe, and it hath not rained, then it is
much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty dayes journey downe, because
that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the riuer, then they
must vnlade them, which is great trouble, and then lade them againe when
they haue mended them: therefore it is not necessary, neither doe the
marchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat
split and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may haue another ready
to take in their goods, vntil such time as they haue mended the broken
boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to
defend her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come
downe there to robbe you: [Sidenote: The Arabian theeues are in number like
to Ants.] and in the riuers euery night, when you make fast your boat to
the banckeside, you must keepe good watch against the Arabians which are
theeues in number like to ants, yet when they come to robbe, they will not
kill, but steale and run away. Harquebuzes are very good weapons against
them, for that they stand greatly in feare of the shot. And as you passe
the riuer Euphrates from Bir to Feluchia, there are certein places which
you must passe by, where you pay custome certaine medines vpon a bale,
which custome is belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians and
of the desert, who hath certaine cities and villages on the riuer
Euphrates.


Feluchia and Babylon.

[Sidenote: The olde Babylon hath great trade with marchants still.]
Feluchia is a village where they that come from Bir doe vnbarke themselues
and vnlade their goods, and it is distant from Babylon a dayes iourney and
an halfe by land: Babylon is no great city but it is very populous, and of
great trade of strangers because it is a great thorowfare for Persia,
Turkia, and Arabia: and very often times there goe out from thence Carouans
into diuers countreys: and the city is very copious of victuals, which
comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris, on certaine Zattares or
Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes called Vtrij. This riuer Tygris
doeth wash the walles of the city. These Raffes are bound fast together,
and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes, and on the boards
they lade the commodities, and so come they to Babylon, where they vnlade
them, and being vnladen, they let out the winde out of the skinnes, and
lade them on cammels to make another voyage. This city of Babylon is
situate in the kingdome of Persia, but now gouerned by the Turks. On the
other side of the riuer towards Arabia, ouer against the city, there is a
faire place or towne, and in it a faire Bazarro for marchants, with very
many lodgings, where the greatest part of the marchants strangers which
come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize. [Sidenote: A bridge made of
boats.] The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long
bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines: prouided, that
when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth, then
they open the bridge in the middle, where the one halfe of the bridge
falleth to the walles of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this
Borough, on the other side of the riuer: and as long as the bridge is open,
they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger, because of the
smalnesse of the boats, and the ouerlading of them, that with the
fiercenesse of the streame they be ouerthrowen, or els the streame doth
cary them away, so that by this meanes, many people are lost and drowned:
this thing by proofe I haue many times seene.

Of the tower of Babylon.

The Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia
is, and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles:
which tower is ruinated on euery side, and with the falling of it there is
made a great mountaine, so that it hath no forme at all, yet there is a
great part of it standing which is compassed and almost couered with the
aforesayd fallings: this Tower was builded and made of foure square
Brickes, which Brickes were made of earth, and dried in the Sunne in maner
and forme following: first they layed a lay of Brickes, [Footnote: These
bricks be in thicknes six or seuen inches, and a foot and a halfe square.]
then a Mat made of Canes, square as the Brickes, and in stead of lime, they
daubed it with earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong, that
it is a thing woonderfull to beholde, being of such great antiquity: I haue
gone round about it, and haue not found any place where there hath bene any
doore or entrance: it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile, and
rather lesse then more.

This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar
off, for they seeme small, and the more nere a man commeth to them the
bigger they be: but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and the
nerer you come to it the lesser. My iudgment and reason of this is, that
because the Tower is set in a very great plaine, and hath nothing more
about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round
about, and for this respect descrying it a farre off, that piece of the
Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance
that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater shew then you shall finde
comming neere to it.


Babylon and Basora.

From Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping my selfe in one of the barks
that vse to go in the riuer Tigris from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora
to Babylon: which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with
a Speron and a couered poope: they haue no pumpe in them because of the
great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all: which
pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon. Nere vnto the
riuer Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, nere vnto which city there is
a great plaine full of pitch, very maruellous to beholde, a thing almost
incredible, that out of a hole [Footnote: This hole where out commeth this
pitch is most true, and the water and pitch runneth into the valley or
Iland where the pitch resteth, and the water runneth into the riuer
Euphrates, and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were brackish with the
smell of pitch and brimstone.] in the earth, which continually throweth out
pitch into the aire with continuall smoake, this pitch is throwen with such
force, that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the
plaine, in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch: the
Mores and Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the mouth of hell:
and in trueth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: and by this pitch
the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they
call Daneck and Saffin. When the riuer of Tygris is well replenished with
water, you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes, and
sometimes more and sometimes lesse: we were halfe so much more which is 14
or 15 daies, because the waters were low: they may saile day and night, and
there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on a baile:
if the waters be lowe, it is 18 dayes iourney.


Basora.

[Sidenote: Zizarij an ancient people.] Basora is a city of the Arabians,
which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij, but now
it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great
charges.

The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey, and
cannot be ouercome by the Turke, because that the sea hath deuided their
countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea,
and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them, neither by
sea nor by land, and another reason is, the inhabitants of that Iland are
very strong and warlike men. [Sidenote: At the castle of Corna the riuer
Euphrates and Tygris do meet.] A dayes iourney before you come to Basora,
you shall haue a little castle or fort, which is set on that point of the
land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together, and the castle
is called Corna: at this point, the two riuers make a monstrous great
riuer, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulfe of Persia,
which is towards the South: Basora is distant from the sea fifteene miles,
and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from
Ormus. Also there is a great store of corne, Rice, and Dates, which the
countrey doth yeeld. [Sidenote: Ormus is the barrenest Iland in all the
world.] I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus, and so we sailed,
thorow the Persian sea six hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora
to Ormus, and we sailed in small ships made of boards, bound together with
small cords or ropes, and in stead of calking they lay betweene euery board
certaine straw which they haue, and so they sowe board and board together,
with the straw betweene, wherethorow there commeth much water, and they are
very dangerous. [Sidenote: Carichij an Iland in the gulfe of Persia.]
Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand,
along the gulfe, vntil at length we arriued at an Iland called Carichij,
fro whence we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left
side, and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands.


Ormus.

Ormus [Footnote: Ormus is alwayes replenished with abundance of victuall,
and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland.] is an Iland in circuit
fiue and twenty or thirty miles, and it is the barrenest and most drie
Iland in all the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had, but
salt water, and wood, all other things necessary for mans life are brought
out of Persia twelue miles off, and out of other Ilands neere thereunto
adioyning, in such abundance and quantity, that the city is alwayes
replenished with all maner of store: there is standing neere vnto the
waters side a very faire castell, in the which the captaine of the king of
Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles, and before
this castell is a very faire prospect: in the city dwell the maried men,
souldiers and marchants of euery nation, amongst whom there are Moores and
Gentiles. [Sidenote: Great trade of merchandise in Ormus.] In this city
there is very great trade for all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of
silke, brocardo, and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia:
and amongst all other trades of marchandise, the trade of Horses is very
great there, which they carry from thence into the Indies. This Iland hath
a Moore king of the race of the Persians, who is created and made king by
the Captaine of the castle, in the name of the king of Portugall. At the
creation of this king I was there, and saw the ceremonies that they vse in
it, which are as followeth. The olde King being dead, the Captaine of the
Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall, and maketh this election in
the castle with great ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine
sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall, as his Lord
and Gouernour, and then he giueth him the Scepter regall. After this with
great feasting and pompe, and with great company, he is brought into the
royall palace in the city. This King keepeth a good traine, and hath
sufficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any, because
the Captaine of the castle doth mainteine and defend his right, and when
that the Captaine and he ride together, he is honoured as a king, yet be
cannot ride abroad with his traine, without the consent of the Captaine
first had: it behooueth them to doe this, and it is necessary, because of
the great trade that is in the city: their proper language is the Persian
tongue. There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a
shippe that had fourescore horses in her. [Sidenote: A priuilege for
Marchants.] This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa
to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses, because euery
shippe that carrieth twenty horses and vpwards is priuileged, that all the
marchandise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome, whereas the shippes
that carry no horses are bound to pay eight per cento of all goods they
bring.


Goa, Diu, and Cambaia.

Goa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, where is
resident the Viceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall.
From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance, in
which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu,
[Footnote: Off South extremity of Kathiawar Peninsula, Bombay Presidency.]
and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, which is the
greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies, yet a small
city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships for
the straights of Mecca and Ormus with merchandise, and these shippes belong
to the Moores and Christians, but the Moores can not trade neither saile
into those seas without the licence of the Viceroy of the King of
Portugall, otherwise they are taken and made good prises. The marchandise
that they lade these ships withall commeth from Cambaietta a port in the
kingdome of Cambaia, which they bring from thence in small barks, because
there can no great shippes come thither, by reason of the sholdnesse of the
water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles
about in a straight or gulfe, which they call Macareo, which is as much as
to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place
without measure, so that there is no place like to it, vnlesse it be in the
kingdome of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out
with more force than these doe. The principall city in Cambaia is called
Amadauar, it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta, it is a very
great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very
well made and builded with faire houses and large streets, with a faire
place in it with many shippes, and in shew like to Cairo, but not so great:
also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very faire city. The
time that I was there, the city was in great calamity and scarsenesse, so
that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their
children, their sonnes and their daughters, and haue desired the Portugals
to buy them, and I haue seene them sold for eight or ten larines a piece,
which may be of our money x.s. or xiii.s. iiii.d. For all this if I had not
seene it, I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at
Cambaietta as there is: for in the time of euery new Moone and euery full
Moone, the small barks (innumerable) come in and out, for at those times of
the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be.
These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices, with silke of China, with
Sandols, with Elephants teeth, Veluets of Vercini, great quantity of
Pannina, which commeth from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of golde
woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with diuers sorts
of other marchandize. Also these barks lade out, as it were, an infinite
quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts, as white stamped and
painted, with great quantity of Indico, dried ginger and conserued,
Myrabolans drie and condite, Boraso in paste, great store of sugar, great
quantity of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Fetida, Puchio, with many
other sorts of drugges, turbants made in Diu, great stones like to
Corneolaes, Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonij, Hematists, and some kinde
of naturall diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no
man is bound to keepe it, but they that will; but all the Portugall
marchants keepe it, the which is this. There are in this city certain
Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority, and haue euery one of
them fifteene or twenty seruants, and the Marchants that vse that countrey
haue their Brokers, with which they be serued: and they that haue not bene
there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what Broker they
shall be serued. [Sidenote: Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary
their prouision of houshold with them.] Now euery fifteene dayes (as
abouesayd) that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port, the
Brokers come to the water side, and these Marchants assoone as they are
come on land, do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that
they will haue to do their businesse for them, with the marks of all the
fardles and packs they haue; and the marchant hauing taken on land all his
furniture for his house, because it is needful that the Marchants that
trade to the Indies carry prouision of housholde with them, because that in
euery place where they come they must haue a new house, the Broker that
hath receiued his cargason, commandeth his seruants to carry the Marchants
furniture for his house home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into
the city, where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging
of Marchants, furnished onely with bedsteads, tables, chaires, and empty
iarres for water: then the Broker sayth to the Marchant, Goe and repose
your selfe, and take your rest in the city. The Broker tarrieth at the
water side with the cargason, and causeth all his goods to be discharged
out of the ship, and payeth the custome, and causeth it to be brought into
the house where the marchant lieth, the Marchant not knowing any thing
thereof, neither custome, nor charges. These goods being brought to this
passe into the house of the Marchant, the Broker demandeth of the Marchant
if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise, at the prises that
such wares are worth at that present time? And if he hath a desire to sell
his goods presently, then at that instant the Broker selleth them away.
After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant, you haue so much of euery sort
of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge, and so much ready money.
And if the Marchant will employ his money in other commodities, then the
Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much, put
aboord without any maner of charges. The Marchant vnderstanding the effect,
maketh his account; and if he thinke to buy or sell at the prices currant,
he giueth order to make his marchandise away: and if he hath commodity for
20000 dukets, all shalbe bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without
any care or trouble: and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell
his goods at the prise currant, he may tary as long as he will, but they
cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land
and payed the custome: and purchance tarying sometimes for sale of their
commodity, they make good profit, and sometimes losse: but those
marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes, in tarying for
the sale of them, there is great profit. [Sidenote: Great store of men of
warre and rouers on the coast of Cambaia.] The barks that lade in
Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the
streights of Mecca and Ormus, and some go to Chaul and Goa: and these ships
be very well appointed, or els are guarded by the Armada of the Portugals,
for that there are many Corsaires or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that
coast, robbing and spoiling: and for feare of these theeues there is no
safe sailing in those seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed,
or els with the fleet of the Portugals, as is aforesayd. In fine the
kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and
traffique with all men, although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of
tyrants, because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the
assault of Diu, was there slaine: whose name Sultan Badu. At that time
foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst
themselues, and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he
could: but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogul a Moore king of Agra and
Delly, forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar, became the gouernour
of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of
great power and force, deuising which way to enter the land with his
people, there was not any man that would make him any resistance, although
they were tyrants and a beastly people, they were soone brought vnder
obedience. [Sidenote: A maruellous fond delight in women.] During the time
I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very maruellous things: there were an infinite
number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of
elephants teeth, of diuers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which
haue their armes full decked with them. And in this occupation there are
spent euery yeere many thousands of crownes: the reason whereof is this,
that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kindred, then in signe and
token of mourning and sorrow, they breake all their bracelets from their
armes, and presently they go and buy new againe, because that they had
rather be without their meat then without their bracelets.


Daman. Basan. Tana.

Hauing passed Diu, I came to the second city that the Portugals haue,
called Daman, situated in the territory of Cambaia, distant from Diu an
hundred and twenty miles: it is no towne of merchandise, saue Rice and
corne, and hath many villages vnder it, where in time of peace the
Portugals take their pleasure, but in time of warre the enemies haue the
spoile of them; in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by
them. Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan, which is a filthy place in
respect of Daman: in this place is Rice, Corne, and Timber to make shippes
and gallies. And a small distance beyond Bassan is a little Iland called
Tana, a place very populous with Portugals, Moores, and Gentiles: these
haue nothing but Rice, there are many makers of Armesie, and weauers of
girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies.


Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree.

Beyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land; and they are two
cities, one of the Portugals, and the other of the Moores: that city which
the Portugals haue is situate lower then the other, and gouerneth the mouth
of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and as it were a mile and an
halfe distant from this is the city of Moores, gouerned by their king
Zamalluco. In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the
city of the Moores, because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke
them, for that they must perforce passe by the castles of the Portugals:
both the cities are ports of the sea, and are great cities, and haue vnto
them great traffique and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of spices,
drugges, silke, cloth of silke, Sandols, Marsine, Versin, Porcelane of
China, Veluets and Scarlets that come from Portugall and from Meca: with
many other sortes of merchandise. There come euery yeere from Cochin, and
from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured,
and with sugar made of the selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon
these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree: and thorowout all the
Indies, and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of
them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a
tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe
men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they doe of this, there is
not any part of it but serueth for some vse, and none of it is woorthy to
be burnt. With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the
mixture of any other tree, and with the leaues thereof they make sailes,
and with the fruit thereof, which be a kinde of Nuts, they make wine, and
of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto, which wine they gather in the
spring of the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where continually there
goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water, in that time of the
yeere they put a vessel vnder euery tree, and euery euening and morning
they take it away full, and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very
strong liquour: and then they put it into buts, with a quantity of Zibibbo,
white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine. After this
they make of the Nuts great store of oile: of the tree they make great
quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings. Of the barke of this tree
they make cables, ropes, and other furniture for shippes, and, as they say,
these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe. They make of the
bowes, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scauasches for merchandise.
The leaues they cut very small, and weaue them, and so make sailes of them,
for all maner of shipping, or els very fine mats. And then the first rinde
of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes,
great and small: and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other
vessels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away
or cast to the fire. When these Mats be greene they are full of an
excellent sweet water to drinke: and if a man be thirsty, with the liquour
of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe: and as this Nut ripeneth, the
liquour thereof turneth all to kernell. There goeth out of Chaul for
Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao, for Portugall, for the coasts of
Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and
merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia, as cloth of bumbast
white, painted, printed, great quantity of Indico, Opium, Cotton, Silke of
euery sort, great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida, great
store of yron, corne, and other merchandise. [Sidenote: Great ordinance
made in pieces, and yet seruiceable.] The Moore king Zamalluco is of great
power, as one that at need may command, and hath in his camp, two hundred
thousand men of warre, and hath great store of artillery, some of them made
in pieces, which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro: yet
although they bee made in pieces, they are so commodious that they worke
with them maruellous well, whose shotte is of stone, and there hath bene of
that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rarenes of the thing. The
city where the king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul
seuen or eight dayes iourney, which city is called Abneger. Three score and
tenne miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an hauen
of the king Zamalluco: from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles.


Goa.

[Sidenote: The chiefe place the Portugals have in the Indies.] Goa is the
principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, wherein the Viceroy
with his royall Court is resident, and is in an Iland which may be in
circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is
reasonable bigge, and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire, but
the Iland is farre more fairer: for it is as it were full of goodly
gardens, replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is
aforesayd. This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise
which they trade withall in those parts: and the fleet which commeth euery
yeere from Portugall, which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come
directly for Goa, arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September,
and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes, and from thence they goe to
Cochin, where they lade for Portugall, and often times they lade one shippe
at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall. Cochin is distant from Goa
three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan
a king of the Moores, whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes
iourney, and is called Bisapor: the king is of great power, for when I was
in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570, this king came to giue assault to
Goa, being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two
hundred thousand men of warre, and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths
in which time there was peace concluded, and as report went amongst his
people, there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in
the time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants. [Sidenote: A very
good sale for horses.] Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa
to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the king dome of Narsinga eight dayes
iourney from Goa, within the land, in the company of two other merchants
which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because
the horses of that countrey are of a small stature, and they pay well for
the Arabian horses: and is requisite that the merchants sell them well, for
that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus,
and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and
vpwards payeth no custome, neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer; whereas if
they bring no horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and at the
going out of Goa the horses pay custome, two and forty pagodies for euery
horse, which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence,
they be pieces of golde of that value. So that the Arabian horses are of
great value in those countreys, as 300, 400, 500 duckets a horse, and to
1000 duckets a horse.


Bezeneger.

The city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565, by foure kings of the
Moores, which were of great power and might: the names of these foure kings
were these following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the
third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet these foure kings were not
able to ouercome the city and the king of Bezeneger, but by treason. The
king of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his
captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores: and these two
captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore
thousand men. These two captaines being of one religion with the foure
kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king
into their hands. [Footnote: A most vnkind and wicked treason against their
prince: this they haue for giuing credit to strangers, rather then to their
owne natiue people.] The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the
foure kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battell with them
in the fieldes; and when the armies were ioyned, the battell lasted but a
while not the space of foure houres, because the two traitourous captaines,
in the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces
against their king, and made such disorder in his armie, that as astonied
they set themselues to flight. Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by
three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightful king in
prison, it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people, and
they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three
captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison, which
when he died, left his sonne very yong, and then they tooke the gouernment
to themselues. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate
in the royall throne, and was called the king: the second was called
Temiragio, and he tooke the gouernment on him: the third was called
Bengatre, and he was captaine generall of the army. These three brethren
were in this battell, in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer
heard of quicke nor dead. [Sidenote: The sacking of the city.] Onely
Temiragio fled in the battel, hauing lost one of his eyes: when the newes
came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell, the wiues and children of
these three tyrants, with their lawfull king (kept prisoner) fled away,
spoiled as they were, and the foure kings of the Moores entred the city
Bezeneger with great triumph, and there they remained sixe moneths,
searching vnder houses and in all places for money and other things that
were hidden, and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they
were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was, so farre distant
from their owne countrey.

When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the
city, and then beganne for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the
Merchants, if they had any horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay
well for them, and for this cause the foresayd two Merchants that I went in
company withall, carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger.
[Sidenote: An excellent good policy to intrap men.] Also this Tyrant made
an order or lawe, that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were
taken in the foresayd battell or warres, although they were of his owne
marke, that he would giue as much for them as they would: and besides he
gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this
meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto
him, hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes, vntill such time as he saw they
could bring no more. Then he licenced the Merchants to depart, without
giuing them any thing for their horses, which when the poore men saw, they
were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe.

I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths; although in one moneth I might haue
discharged all my businesse, for it was necessary to rest there vntill the
wayes were cleere of theeues, which at that time ranged vp and downe. And
in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and beastly deeds done by
the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne
their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne herselfe aliue,
for the loue of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when
any man dieth, his wife will take a moneths leaue, two or three, or as shee
will, to burne her selfe in, and that day being come, wherein shee ought to
be burnt, that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely, either on
horsebacke or on an eliphant, or else is borne by eight men on a smal
stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being apparelled like to a Bride,
carried round about the City, with her haire downe about her shoulders,
garnished with iewels and flowers, according to the estate of the party,
and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials:
shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse, and in her right hand an
arrow, and singeth thorow the City as she passeth, and sayth, that she
goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband. [Sidenote: A discription
of the burning place.] She is accompanied with her kindred and friends
vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, then they goe out
of the City, and going along the riuers side called Nigondin, which runneth
vnder the walles of the City, vntill they come vnto a place where they vse
to make this burning of women, being widdowes, there is prepared in this
place a great square caue, with a little pinnacle hard by it, foure or fiue
steppes vp: the foresayd caue is full of dried wood. [Sidenote: Feasting
and dancing when they should mourne.] The woman being come thither,
accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing, then
they make ready a great banquet, and she that shall be burned eateth with
as great ioy and gladnesse, as though it were her wedding day: and the
feast being ended, then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time,
according as she will. After this, the woman of her owne accord, commandeth
them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is, and when
it is kindled, they come and certifie her thereof, then presently she
leaueth the feast, and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the
hand, and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer, where
shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes, and giueth them to her
parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth, because she will
not be seene of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into the
riuer, saying, O wretches, wash away your sinnes. Comming out of the water,
she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of fourteene braces long: and
againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand, and they go both
together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made.
When she is on the pinnacle, shee talketh and reasoneth with the people,
recommending vnto them her children and kindred. Before the pinnacle they
vse to set a mat, because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire,
yet there are many that will haue them plucked away, shewing therein an
heart not fearefull, and that they are not affrayd of that sight. When this
silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content,
there is another women that taketh a pot with oile, and sprinckleth it ouer
her head, and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards
throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the woman and the pot goe
together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the
fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood, so by this
meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood
throwen after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such
sorrow and such lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is
turned into howling and weeping, in such wise, that a man could scarse
beare the hearing of it. [Sidenote: Mourning when they should reioice.] I
haue seene many burnt in this maner, because my house was neere to the gate
where they goe out to the place of burning: and when there dieth any great
man, his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall
copulation, burne themselues together with him. Also in this kingdome I
haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order, that the man
being dead, he is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre,
and setting him as it were vpright, then commeth his wife before him on her
knees, casting her armes about his necke, with imbracing and clasping him,
vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them, and when
the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth a man behinde the women
and strangleth her: then when she is dead, the workemen finish the wall
ouer their heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides these,
there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them, of which I
haue no desire to write. [Sidenote: The cause why the women do so burne
themselues.] I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so
wilfully burne themselues against nature and law, and it was told mee that
this law was of an antient time, to make prouision against the slaughters
which women made of their husbands. For in those dayes before this law was
made, the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done
vnto them, would presently poison their husbands, and take other men, and
now by reason of this law they are more faithfull vnto their husbands, and
count their liues as deare as their owne, because that after his death her
owne followeth presently.

In the yeere of our Lord God 1567, for the ille successe that the people of
Bezeneger had, in that their City was sacked by the foure kings, the king
with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land
from Bezenger, called Penegonde. Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezenger, is
the place where they get Diamants: I was not there, but it was tolde me
that it is a great place, compassed with a wall, and that they sell the
earth within the wall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how
deepe or how low they shall digge. Those Diamante that are of a certaine
sise and bigger then that sise, are all for the king, it is many yeeres
agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that haue bene in that
kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because the sonne of this
Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison, for
which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge
him to be their king, and by this meanes there are many kings, and great
diuision in that kingdome, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether
destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but empty, and there is dwelling in
them nothing, as is reported, but Tygers and other wilde beasts. The
circuit of this city is foure and twentie miles about, and within the
walles are certeine mountaines. The houses stand walled with earth, and
plaine, all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren, and the
Pagodes which are idole houses: these are made with lime and fine marble. I
haue seene many kings Courts, and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like
to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the ordes of his palace, for it hath nine
gates or ports. First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge,
there are fiue great ports or gates: these are kept with Captaines and
souldiers: then within these there are foure lesser gates: which are kept
with Porters. Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there
is a Captaine with fiue and twentie souldiers, that keepeth watch and ward
night and day: and within that another, with the like guard, wherethorow
they come to a very faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is
another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another
Court. And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with
those Captaines: and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of
Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the
custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in
the night, rather then by day. The city is very safe from theeues, for the
Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets, or vnder porches, for the great
heat which is there, and yet they neuer had any harme in the night. At the
end of two monethes, I determined to goe for Goa in the company of two
other Portugall Marchants, which were making ready to depart, with two
palanchines or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with
eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines, eight for a
palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes.
[Sidenote: Men ride on bullocks and trauell with them on the way.] And I
bought me two bullocks, one of them to ride on, and the other to carry my
victuals and prouision, for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with
pannels, as we terme them, girts and bridles, and they haue a very good
commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney,
but we went in the midst of Winter, in the moneth of Iuly, and were
fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast, so in eight dayes I had
lost my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals, was weake and could
not goe, the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to
passe ouer, I put my bullocke to swimming, and in the middest of the riuer
there was a little Iland, vnto the which my bullocke went, and finding
pasture, there he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and
so perforce, I was forced to leaue him, and at that time there was much
raine, and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines: and by
great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my
clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our iourney, for that euery
day wee were taken prisoners, by reason of the great dissension in that
kingdome: and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or
fiue pagies a man. And another trouble wee had as bad as this, that when as
wee came into a new gouernours countrey, as euery day we did, although they
were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet euery one of them stamped a
seueral coine of Copper, so that the money that we tooke this day would not
serue the next: at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola,
which is a country of the Queene of Gargopam, tributary to the king of
Bezeneger. [Sidenote: The marchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger
euery yere.] The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger
were Arabian Horses, Veluets, Damasks, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall,
and pieces of China, Saffron, and Skarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in
Turky for their commodities, iewels, and Pagodies which be ducats of golde:
[Sidenote: the apparell of those people.] the apparell that they vse in
Bezeneger is Veluet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth,
according, to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads,
called Colae, made of Veluet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, girding
themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast doth: they
haue breeches after the order of the Turks: they weare on their feet plaine
high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they haue hanging
great plenty of golde.

Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my
companions that had nothing to lose, tooke a guide, and went to Goa,
whither they goe in foure dayes, the other Portugall not being disposed to
go, tarried in Ancola for that Winter. [Sidenote: Their Winter is our
Summer.] The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of
May, and lasteth vnto the end of October: and as we were in Ancola, there
came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine, and two Portugall
souldiers which came from Zeilan, and two cariers of letters, which were
Christians borne in the Indies; all these consorted to goe to Goa together,
and I determined to goe with them, and caused a pallanchine to be made for
me very poorely of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the
iewels I had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines to cary
me: and one day about eleuen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney,
and about two of the clocke in the afternoone, as we passed a mountains
which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little
behinde my company was assaulted by eight theeues, foure of them had
swordes and targets, and the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the
Falchines that carried me vnderstood the noise of the assault, they let the
pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and ranne away and left me alone,
with my clothes wrapped about me: presently the theeues were on my necke
and rifeling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained my selfe
sicke, because I would not leaue the pallanchine, and I had made me a
little bedde of my clothes; the theeues sought it very narrowly and
subtilly, and found two pursses that I had, well bound vp together, wherein
I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola.
The theeues thinking it had beene so many duckats of golde, searched no
further: then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them away, and
as God would haue it, at their departure there fell from them an
handkercher, and when I saw it, I rose from my Pallanchine or couch, and
tooke it vp, and wrapped it together within my Pallanchine. Then these my
Falchines were of so good condition, that they returned to seeke mee,
whereas I thought I should not haue found so much goodnesse in them:
because they were payed their mony aforehand, as is the vse, I had thought
to haue seene them no more. Before their comming I was determined to plucke
the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to haue made
me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should haue
gone thither on foot, but by the faithfullness of my Falchines, I was rid
of that trouble, and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which
time I made hard fare, for the theeues left me neither money, golde, nor
siluer, and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake: and
after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had
of them. [Sidenote: Foure small fortes of the Portugals.] From Goa I
departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene
these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals, as Onor, Mangalor,
Barzelor, and Cananor. The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to
Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals is called Onor, which is in the
kingdome of the queene of Battacella, which is tributary to the king of
Bezeneger: there is no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine
and company he keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to
another small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very
small trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you goe to a
little fort called Bazelor, there they haue good store of Rice which is
carried to Goa: and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor,
which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that the king of
Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles: and he and his
are very naughty and malicious people, alwayes hauing delight to be in
warres with the Portugales, and when they are in peace, it is for their
interest to let their merchandize passe: there goeth out of this kingdom of
Cananor, all the Cardamomum, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships
laden with great Nuts, great quantitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the
bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruite they eate in all those partes of the
Indies and beyond the Indies, with the leafe of an Herbe which they call
Bettell, the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe, but a litle lesser and
thinner: [Sidenote: Bettel is a very profitable herbe in that countrey.]
they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oistershels, and
thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition,
and it is vsed daily, which thing I would not haue beleeued, if I had not
seene it. The customers get great profite by these Herbes, for that they
haue custome for them. When this people eate and chawe this in their
mouthes, it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood, and they say,
that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath, but
sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes,
and of a knauerie, for this Herbe is moyst and hote, and maketh a very
strong expulsion. [Sidenote: Enimies to the king of Portugall.] From
Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another smal Fort of the Portugales
in the land of the king of Cranganor, which is another king of the
Gentiles, and a countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and
twentie miles, full of thieues, being vnder the king of Calicut, a king
also of the Gentiles, and a great enemie to the Portugales, which when hee
is alwayes in warres, hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for
stranger theeues, and those bee called Moores of Carposa, because they
weare on their heads long red hats, and these thieues part the spoyles that
they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut, for hee giueth leaue vnto
all that will goe a rouing, liberally to goe, in such wise, that all along
that coast there is such a number of thieues, that there is no sailing in
those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or els they must go in
company with the army of the Portugals from Cranganor to Cochin is 15.
miles.


Cochin.

[Sidenote: Within Cochin is the kingdom of Pepper.] Cochin is, next vnto
Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies, and there
is great trade of Spices, drugges, and all other sortes of merchandize for
the kingdome of Portugale, and there within the land is the kingdome of
Pepper, which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke and not
in sackes: [Marginal note: The Pepper that the Portugals bring, is not so
good as that which goeth for Mecca, which is brought hither by the
streights.] the Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that
which goeth for Mecca, because that in times past the officers of the king
of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin, in the name of the
king of Portugale, for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that
agreement betweene them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor
fall, which is a very lowe and base price, and for this cause the villaines
bring it to the Portugales, greene and full of filthe. The Moores of Mecca
that giue a better price, haue it cleane and drie, and better conditioned.
All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca, are stollen from thence
as Contrabanda. Cochin is two cities, one of the Portugales, and another of
the king of Cochin: that of the Portugales is situate neerest vnto the Sea,
and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land,
but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of
a good depth of water, which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the
king of the Pepper, which is a king of the Gentiles, in whose kingdom are
many Christians of saint Thomas order: the king of Cochin is also a king of
the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale, and to
those Portugales which are married, and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of
the Portugales. And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies,
they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they bee
Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and all they that marrie in Cochin do get
an office according to the trade he is of: [Sidenote: Great priuiledges
that the citizens of Cochin haue.] this they haue by the great priuileges
which the Citizens haue of that city, because there are two principal
commodities that they deale withal in that place, which are these. The
great store of Silke that commeth from China, and the great store of Sugar
which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custome for
these two commodities: for they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of
Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure. Those which are not
married and strangers, pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per
cento of all maner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Viceroy of the
king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the
Citizens, and to make them to pay custome as other did: at which time the
Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the
ships withall that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night.
The king of Cochin hauing vnderstanding of this, would not suffer any more
Pepper to bee weighed. Then presently after this, the marchants were
licensed to doe as they did before, and there was no more speach of this
matter, nor any wrong done. This king of Cochin is of a small power in
respect of the other kings of the Indies, for hee can make but seuentie
thousand men of armes in his campe: hee hath a great number of Gentlemen
which hee calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men
esteeme not their liues any thing, so that it may be for the honour of
their king, they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger, although
they know they shall die. These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes,
with a clothe rolled about their thighs, going barefooted, and hauing their
haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads, and
alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes
naked, these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues, and when any
of them goe into the house of any of these women, hee leaueth his sworde
and target at the doore, and the time that hee is there, there dare not any
bee so hardie as to come into that house. The kings children shall not
inherite the kingdome after their father, because they hold this opinion,
that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some
other man, therfore they accept for their king, one of the sonnes of the
kings sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roial, for that they be
sure, they are of the blood roiall.

[Sidenote: A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued.] The Nairi and their
wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares, and so bigge
and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the
holes bee, the more noble they esteeme themselues. I had leaue of one of
them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed, and within
that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so
that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe make them when they
be litle, for then they open the eare, and hang a piece of gold or lead
thereat, and within the opening, in the whole they put a certaine leafe
that they haue for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great. They lade
ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus, but they that goe for Ormus
carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda, as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue
to carrie that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally
carie them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all other merchandize which come
from other places, but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away
with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper, great quantitie of
Ginger dried and conserued, wild Sinamon, good quantity of Arecca, great
store of Cordage of Cairo, made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut,
and better then that of Hempe, of which they carrie great store into
Portugale.

[Sidenote: Note the departing of ships from Cochin.] The shippes euery
yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall, on the fift day December, or
the fift day of Ianuary. Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies: from
Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles, which
Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales, situate in the kingdom of
Coulam, which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place
they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to
take in the rest, and from thence to Cao Comori is seuentie and two miles,
and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast, neere to
the water side, and also to Cao Comori, downe to the lowe land of Chialon,
which is about two hundred miles, the people there are as it were all
turned to the Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of S.
Pauls order, which Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the
people, and in conuerting them, and take great paines in instructing them
in the law of Christ.


The fishing for Pearles.

[Sidenote: The order how they fish for pearles.] The Sea that lieth
betweene the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori, to the lowe land of
Chiaoal, and the Iland Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearles, which
fishing they make euery yeere, beginning in March or Aprill, and it lasteth
fiftie dayes, but they doe not fishe euery yeere in one place, but one
yeere in one place, and another yeere in another place of the same sea.
When the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very good
Diuers, that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oisters bee vnder
water, and right agaynst that place where greatest store of Oisters bee,
there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone,
which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished
with all things necessarie, and nowe and then it is neere vnto places that
are inhabited, and other times farre off, according to the place where they
fishe. The Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey, and who so will
may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the king of Portugall, and
to the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paule, which are in that coast. All
the while that they are fishing, there are three or foure Fustes armed to
defend the Fishermen from Rouers. It was my chance to bee there one time in
my passage, and I saw the order that they vsed in fishing, which is this.
There are three or foure Barkes that make consort together, which are like
to our litle Pilot boates, and a litle lesse, there goe seuen or eight men
in a boate: and I haue seene in a morning a great number of them goe out,
and anker in fifteene or eighteene fadome of water, which is the Ordinarie
depth of all that coast. When they are at anker, they cast a rope into the
Sea, and at the ende of the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then
there is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped, and
annointed with oyle, and a basket about his necke, or vnder his left arme,
then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as
he can he filleth the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the rope, and
his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the basket: and in such
wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their barke with oysters,
and at euening they come to the village, and then euery company maketh
their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant from another, in such wise
that you shall see a great long rowe of mountaines or heapes of oysters,
and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing bee ended, and at
the ende of the fishing euery companie sitteth round about their mountaine
or heape of oysters, and fall to opening of them, which they may easilie
doe because they bee dead, drie and brittle: and if euery oyster had
pearles in them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are very many
that haue no pearles in them: when the fishing is ended, then they see
whether it bee a great gathering or a badde: there are certaine expert in
the pearles whom they call Chitini, which set and make the price of pearles
[Marginal note: These pearles are prised according to the caracts which
they weigh, euery caract is 4. graines, and these men that prise hem haue
an instrument of copper with holes in it, which be made by degrees for to
sort the perles withall.] according to their carracts, beautie, and
goodnesse, making foure sortes of them. The first sort bee the round
pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugale, because the Portugales doe
buy them. The second sorte which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala.
The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of
Canara, that is to say, the kingdome of Bezeneger. The fourth and last
sort, which are the least and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus
the price being set, there are merchants of euery countrey which are readie
with their money in their handes, so that in a fewe dayes all is bought vp
at the prises set according to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles.

In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called Manar, which is
inhabited by Christians of the countrey which first were Gentiles, and haue
a small hold of the Portugales being situate ouer agaynst Zeilan: and
betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell, but not very big, and hath
but a small depth therein; by reason whereof there cannot any great shippe
passe that way, but small ships, and with the increase of the water which
is at the change or the full of the Moone, and yet for all this they must
vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to lighten them before
they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell, and
after lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies, and this doe all
small shippes that passe that way, but those shippes that goe for the
Indies Eastwardes, passe by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side by
the land of Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor:
and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they loose some
shippes, but they bee emptie, because that the shippes that passe that way
discharge their goods at an Iland called Peripatane, and there land their
goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe litle water, and are
called Tane, and can run ouer euery Shold without either danger or losse of
any thing, for that they tarrie in Peripatane vntill such time as it bee
faire weather. Before they depart to passe the Sholds, the small shippes
and flat bottomed boates goe together in companie, and when they haue
sailed sixe and thirtie miles, they arriue at the place where the Sholdes
are, and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie, that they are forced
to goe thorowe, not hauing any other refuge to saue themselues. The flat
bottomed boates goe safe thorow, where as the small shippes if they misse
the aforesayd chanell, sticke fast on the Sholdes, and by this meanes many
are lost: and comming backe for the Indies, they goe not that way, but
passe by the chanell of Manar as is abouesayd, whose chanell is Oazie, and
if the shippes sticke fast, it is a great chance if there be any danger at
all. The reason why this chanell is not more sure to goe thither, is,
because the windes that raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar, make the
chanell so shalow with water, that almost there is not any passage. From
Coa Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart.


Zeilan. [Footnote: Ceylon.]

Zeilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on
that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba,
which is a hold of the Portugales, but without walles or enimies. It hath
towards the Sea a free port, the awfull king of that Iland is in Colombo,
and is turned Christian, and maintained by the king of Portugall, being
depriued of his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdome
did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named
Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of
his yoonger sonne, was depriued of his kingdome, who because hee had
entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours, in despight
of his father and brother being prince, vsurped the kingdome, and became a
great warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the King of Cotta with
his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Iland,
and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power, and
was a great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee liued secretly a
Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres
that this Ragine gouerned this Iland, he became a great tyrant.

In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great
store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo
[Footnote: Cairo is a stuffe that they make rope with, the which is the
barke of a tree.] to make Cordage: it bringeth foorth great store of
Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there
some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from
Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom, or take it from
the tree that it groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time that
I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the
moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in armes, and in the
field, with the king of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although
in great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles
from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing
together among other wilde trees; and this Sinamome tree is a small tree,
and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Baie tree. In the moneth of
March or Aprill, when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree, then
they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. [Sidenote: The cutting
and gathering of Sinamom.] They cut the barke of the tree round about in
length from knot to knot, or from ioint to ioint, aboue and belowe, and
then easilie with their handes they take it away, laying it in the Sunne to
drie, and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth
not, [Sidenote: A rare thing.] but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a
new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome: for
that which groweth two or three yeares is great, and not so good as the
other is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper.


Negapatan.

From the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan,
within the firme land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie,
and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part
Gentiles: it is a countrey of small trade, neither haue they any trade
there, saue a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth of Bumbast which they carie
into diuers partes: it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now
it hath a great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused many
Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and dwell there with small
charge.

This Citie belongeth to a nobleman of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a
Gentile, neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well
intreated there, and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint
Francis order, with great deuotion and very well accommodated, with houses
round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which alwayes at
their pleasure may doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of our
Lord God one thousand fiue hundred, sixtie and fiue: [Sidenote: A foolish
feare of Portugals.] for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is
to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to demaund of them
certaine Arabian horses, and they hauing denied them vnto him, and
gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see
the Sea, which when the poore citizens vnderstood, they doubted some euill,
to heare a thing which was not woont to bee, they thought that this man
would come to sacke the Citie, and presently they embarked themselues the
best they could with their mooueables, marchandize, iewels, money, and all
that they had, and caused the shippes to put from the shore. When this was
done, as their euill chance would haue it, the next night following, there
came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce, and
brake them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saued,
were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came
downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not
thinking that any such thing would haue happened.


Saint Thomas or San Tome.

[Sidenote: St. Thomas his sepulchre.] From Negapatan following my voyage
towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed
Saint Thomas, which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regarded of
the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by
that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded
them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger, which Citie
although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement, it is the fairest in
all that part of the Indies: and it hath very faire houses and faire
gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streetes large and
streight, with many Churches of great deuotion, their houses be set close
one vnto another, with little doores, euery house hath his defence, so that
by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend the Portugals against
the people of that countrey. The Portugals there haue no other possession
but their gardens and houses that are within the citie: the customes belong
to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for that it is a
countrey of great riches and great trade: there come euery yeere two or
three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two
great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine
Bumbast [Marginal Note: A painted kind of cloth and died of diuers colours
which those people delight much in, and esteeme them of great price.] cloth
of euery sort, painted, which is a rare thing, because those kinde of
clothes shew as they were gilded, with diuers colours, and the more they be
washed, the liuelier the colours will shew. Also there is other cloth of
Bumbast which is wouen with diuers colours, and is of great value: also
they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which they die with a
roote called Saia, and this colour will neuer waste, but the more it is
washed, the more redder it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest
part of it for Pegu, because that there they worke and weaue it to make
cloth according to their owne fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a
maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vnlading of men
and marchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a
man cannot bee serued with small barkes, neither can they doe their
businesse with the boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in a
thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of purpose) high, which
they call Masadie, they be made of litle boards; one board being sowed to
another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they
are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or
goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men
thrust the boate with her lading into the streame, and with great speed
they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues
of the sea that are on that shore, vntill that they carie them to the
ships: and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with
merchandise and men. When they come neere the shore, the Barke-men leap out
of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not
athwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her
lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some
of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can be no great losse, because they
lade but a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they
emball it well with Oxe hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great
harme.

[Sidenote: In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow.] In
my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand, fiue
hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a shippe or
Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs
and Maces: from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we
passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the chanell of Nicubar,
or els through the chanell of Sombero, which is by the middle of the Iland
of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: [Sidenote: In the Ilands of
Andemaon, they eate one another.] and from Necubar to Pegu is as it were a
rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited
with wilde people, and they call those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon, and
they call their people sauage or wilde, because they eate one another: also
these Ilands haue warre one with another, for they haue small Barkes, and
with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euil
chance any ship be lost on those Ilands, as many haue bene, there is not
one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These
people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they
trade with any, but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and
if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way, as
in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the chanell of
Sombrero, there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship laden with
fruite, as with Mouces which wee call Adam apples, with fresh Nuts, and
with a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps, but is
very sweete and good to eate: they would not come into the shippe for any
thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their
fruite, but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen
breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto
them, and looke what they thought those things to bee woorth, so much
fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was
told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of
Amber.


Sumatra.

This Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many
kings, and deuided into many chanels, where through there is passage: upon
the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore
king: this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great
kingdom, hath many Foists and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store
of Pepper, Ginger, Beniamin: he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals, and
hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great
harme to the boroughes thereof, but the citie alway withstood him
valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe. At
length I came to the citie of Malacca.


The Citie Malacca.

Malacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize,
which come from diuers partes, because that all the shippes that saile in
these seas, both great and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie
their custome there, although they vnlade nothing at all, as we do at
Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custome, then
they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and
haue not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I haue not passed
further then Malacca towards the East, but that which I wil speake of here
is by good information of them that haue bene there. The sailing from
Malacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and Iapan,
and so forwards to go who will, but onely for the king of Portugall and his
nobles, with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiage, or to
the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where he expecteth to know
what voiages they make from Malacca thither, and these are the kings
voiages, that euery yere there departeth from Malacca 2. gallions of the
kings, one of them goeth to the Moluccos to lade Cloues, and the other
goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces. These two gallions are laden for
the king, neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, sauing the
portage of the Mariners and souldiers, and for this cause they are not
voiages for marchants, because that going thither, they shal not haue where
to lade their goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine wil not cary
any marchants for either of these two places. There goe small shippes of
the Moores thither, which come from the coast of Iaua, and change or guild
their commodities in the kingdom of Assa, and these be the Maces, Cloues,
and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of Mecca. The voiages that the king
of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these, of China and Iapan, from
China to Iapan, and from Iapan to China, and from China to the Indies, and
the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth,
and euery sort of Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to
the coast of Iaua, and there they lade pepper for China. [Sidenote: The
ship of drugs, so termed of the Portugals.] The ship that goeth euery yeere
from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs, because she carieth
diuers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is siluer.
From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles: and from China to Iapan
goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke, which for
returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in
China. The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twentie hundred
miles, and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge, in which the
Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make many Christians there like
to themselues. From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet
discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find. The Portugals
haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao, whose
church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishoprike, but the customs
belong to the king of China, and they goe and pay the same at a citie
called Canton which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two
dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao. The people of China are Gentiles, and
are so iealous and fearefull, that they would not haue a stranger to put
his foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay
their custome, and to buy their merchandize, they will not consent that
they shall lie or lodge within the citie, but send them foorth into the
suburbes. The countrey of China [Marginal note: China is vnder the
gouernment of the great Tartar.] is neere the kingdom of great Tartria, and
is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may
be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence, then
which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie, in the whole
world besides.

First, great store of golde, which they carie to the Indies, made in plates
like to little shippes, and in value three and twentie caracts a peece,
very great aboundance of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great
quantitie of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great quantitie of
quicksiluer and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantitie
of Porcellane, made in vessels of diuerse sortes, great quantitie of
painted cloth and squares, infinite store of the rootes of China: and euery
yeere there commeth from China to the Indies, two or three great shippes,
laden with most rich and precious merchandise. [Sidenote: A yeerely Carouan
from Persia to China.] The Rubarbe commeth from thence ouer lande, by the
way of Persia, because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from
Persia to China, which is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carouan
arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident
with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie
of Lanchin, and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great
importance. The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the
Captaine of the castle, are these: Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to
Timor to lade white Sandols, for all the best commeth from this Iland:
there commeth some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he
sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China, to lade there wood
of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place, which is
in the firme land neere vnto China, and in that kingdome I could not knowe
how that wood groweth by any meanes. [Sidenote: A market kept aboord of the
ships.] For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales
to come within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as for all other
things that they wanted, as victuals or marchandise, the people bring that
a boord the ship in small barkes, so that euery day there is a mart kept in
the ship, vntill such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship
for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion, to lade Verzino: all these
voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malacca, and when he is not
disposed to make these voiages he selleth them to another.


The citie of Sion, or Siam.

[Sidenote: A prince of marueilous strength and power.] Sion was the
imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God one
thousand five hundred sixtie and seuen, it was taken by the king of Pegu,
which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an
armie of men through his lande, and the number of his armie was a million
and foure hundreth thousand men of warre: when hee came to the Citie, he
gaue assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie moneths before he could
winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in
Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his officers that
were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the
places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this,
if there had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene lost:
for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with
great trouble the king gate into the citie, and became gouernour of Sion:
and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his enemie was in
the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his wiues and children, friends and
noblemen, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into
the citie, were all caried captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming
home of the king with his triumphs and victorie, which comming home and
returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the
Elephants come home in a square, laden with golde, siluer, iewels, and with
Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie.

Now to returne to my yoyage: I departed from Malacca in a great shippe
which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the coast of
Coromandel: and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had
vnderstanding by aduise that the king of Assi [Marginal note: Or Achem.]
would come with a great armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon
this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart: Wherefore in
this ship wee departed from thence in the night, without making any
prouision of our water: and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde
men: [Sidenote: The mountaines of Zerzeline.] we departed from thence with
intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the windes were so
contrary, that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes
wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were
driuen too and fro, so that the first lande that we discouered, was beyonde
Saint Tome, more then fiue hundreth miles, which were the mountaines of
Zerzerline, neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with
many sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were
sicke in foure dayes dyed; and I for the space of a yeere after had my
throat so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in
drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes
that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes.
There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey
are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man: neither
are they able to drinke them: when we beganne to want water, I sawe
certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish
full for a duckat, after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of
Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle measure of water,
and he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue,
whom then I had to serue mee, which cost mee verie deare: but to prouide
for the daunger at hand, I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth,
because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne
purpose, and to saue my life.


Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the riuer Ganges.

Orisa was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the which a man might haue
gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all, as long as the
lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie
called Catecha, which was within the lande size dayes iourney. This king
loued strangers marueilous well, especially marchants which had traffique
in and out of his kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome of
them, neither any other grieuous thing. [Sidenote: The commodities that go
out of Orisa.] Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing
according to her portage, and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden
fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small, with ryce and diuers
sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth, oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a
seed, and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of
butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store
of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the
woods without any labour of man, [Marginal note: This cloth we call Nettle
cloth.] and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge,
then they take care onely to gather them. About sixteene yeeres past, this
king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also
king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the kingdome, he
set custome there twenty pro cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but
this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by
another tyrant, which was the great Mogol king of Agra, Delly, and of all
Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the
harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred
and seuentie miles. [Sidenote: The riuer of Ganges.] They goe as it were
rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the
riuer Ganges: from the mouth of this riuer, to a citie called Satagan,
where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade, are a
hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the
water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and
when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by
reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be light and armed
with oares, like to Foistes, yet they cannot preuaile against that streame,
but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the
next flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they
rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene any. A good
tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is
called Buttor, and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe, because that
vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe, and litle water. Euery yeere at Buttor
they make and vnmake a Village, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and
with all things necessarie to their vses, and this village standeth as long
as the ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they
are departed, euery man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire
on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I
sawe this village standing with a great number of people, with an infinite
number of ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my
Captaine of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was al amazed to see such
a place so soone razed and burnt, and nothing left but the signe of the
burnt houses. The small ships go to Satagan, and there they lade.


Of the citie of Satagan.

[Sidenote: The commodities that are laden in Satagan.] In the port of
Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small,
with rice, cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of
sugar, Mirabolans dried and preserued, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline, and
many other sorts of marchandise. The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire
citie for a citie of the Moores, abounding with all things, and was
gouerned by the king of Patane, and now is subiect to the great Mogol. I
was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas many marchants did buy or
fraight boates for their benefites, and with these barkes they goe vp and
downe the riuer of Ganges to faires, buying their commoditie with a great
aduantage, because that euery day in the weeke they haue a faire, now in
one place, and now in another, and I also hired a barke, and went vp and
downe the riuer and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw many
strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were
in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles
among them; alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood
Idolaters, and whereas I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect. [Sidenote:
A ceremony of the gentiles when they be dead.] Those people especially that
be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges: for when any is
sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer, and
there they make him a small cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him
with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead,
they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon,
and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie alone vntill it be halfe
rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie iarre
fas about his necke, and so throw him into the riuer. These things euery
night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two
moneths, as I passed to the fayres to buy my commodities with the
marchants. And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the
water of the riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer
then the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and
from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred
miles distant. That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or
thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths
our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told vs that wee were by his
altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary, in the kingdome of Pegu,
and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle
of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some
Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land, and knewe also where the
citie of Tanasari was.

[Sidenote: Marchandise comming from Sion.] This citie of right belongeth to
the kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great riuers side, which
commeth out of the kingdome of Sion: and where this riuer runneth into the
sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour euery yeere there
lade some ships with Verzina, Nypa, and Beniamin, a few cloues, nutmegs and
maces which come from the coast of Sion, but the greatest marchandise there
is Verzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the flower
of a tree called Nyper. [Sidenote: Niper wine good to cure the French
disease.] Whose licquour they distill, and so make an excellent drinke
cleare as christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomake, and it
hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the French
pockes, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and I haue
seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of
mine, whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease, and he was
counselled of the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at
the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of the myper wine,
night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that
time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong,
and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse.
This man went thither, and did so, and I haue seene him after with a good
colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for
that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it it
good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and
there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And returning to my
purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which
is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the
saying of the Pylot and two Portugales, holding then firme that wee were in
front of the aforesayd harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat
and fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place
assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for
victuals, and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship,
assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid
port, wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night, and all
the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good landing, and
this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that
were with vs.

For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs, in such wise that we
had lost the lande inhabited, together with the shippe, and we eight and
twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the
Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a little rice with him in
the boate to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but
that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the
gouernment of this Ryce, promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce
should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place
that was inhabited: [Sidenote: Great extemitie at sea.] and when I slept I
put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were
nine daies rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but
countreys vninhabited, and desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse
it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs, but wee could not finde any, yet we
found a fewe leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not
chewe them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could
goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, wee made fast our
boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we
rowed, we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one hundred
fortie and foure egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges
are as bigge as a hennes egge, and haue no shell about them but a tender
skinne, euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull
of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes
we discouered certaine fisher men, a fishing with small barkes, and we
rowed towardes them, With a good cheare, for I thinke there were neuer men
more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that
we could scarce stande on our legges. Yet according to the order that we
set for our ryce, when we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient
for foure dayes. [Sidenote: Tauay under the king of Pegu.] The first
village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay, vnder the king of Pegu,
whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after
our arriuall there, we would eate but litle meate any of vs, and yet for
all this, we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to
Martauan, in the kingdome of Pegu, are seuentie two miles. We laded our
bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from
whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan, where in short time
we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should,
from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And
they found her in great calamitie and neede of water, being at an anker
with a contrary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she
wanted her boat a moneth, which should haue made her prouision of wood and
water, the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid
port of Martauan.


The Citie of Martauan.

[Sidenote: Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu.] We found in the Citie
of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base of men, which
had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie, and all
for this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
falchines of the king of Pegu, which chaunced about a moneth after the king
of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere
the kingdome of Sion. [Sidenote: A custome that these people haue when the
king is in the warres.] They haue for custome in this Countrey and
kingdome, the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his
kingdome, that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of
Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or
other delicates or refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chaunced that
this Carauan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night,
there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight, and
from wordes to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugales had
the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their
companie, the Portugales went and cut off their heads. [Sidenote: A law in
Pegu for killing of men.] Now there is a law in Pegu, that whosoeuer
killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the
estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants
of the king, the Retors durst hot doe any thing in the matter, without the
consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the king should knowe
of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gaue
commaundement that the malefactors should be kept vntill his comming home,
and then be would duely minister iustice, but the Captaine of the
Portugales would not deliuer those men, but rather set himselfe with all
the rest in armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his
Drumme und ensignes displayd. [Sidenote: Great pride of the Portugales.]
For at that time the Citie was emptie of men, by reason they were gone all
to the warres, and in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour
wee came thither, and I thought it, a strange thing to see the Portugales
vse such insolencie in another mans Citie. And I stoode in doubt of that
which came to passe, and would not vnlade my goods because that they were
more sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of the lading
was the owners of the shippe, who was in Malacca, yet there were diuerse
marchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those
marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there,
vnlesse I would vnlade first, yet after they left my counsell and followed
their owne, and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit. The Retor with
the customer sent for mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande,
and payed my custome as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a
marchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the
Portugales, I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare, with
the sweate of my face, and for this cause I was determined not to put my
goods on lande, vntil such time as his honour would assure me in the name
of the king, that I should haue no losse, and although there came harme to
the Portugales, that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt, because I
had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason
sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently he sent for the Bargits,
which are as Counsellors of the Citie, and then they promised mee on the
kings head or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my goods
should haue any harme, but that we should be safe and sure: of which
promise there were made publike notes. And then I sent for my goods and had
them on land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey ten in the
hundreth of the same goods, and for my more securitie I tooke a house right
against the Retors house. The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the
Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie and two
poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie.
[Sidenote: A reuenge on the Portugales.] After this the Gentiles deuised to
be reuenged of the Portugales; but they would not put it in execution,
vntil such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods, and then
the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some
Elephants of warre; and before that they made any tumult in the citie, the
Retor sent, and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the
Citie, when they heard any rumour or noyse, that for any thing they should
not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne health. Then foure
houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre, with
Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the
Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which tumult there
were some Portugales wounded, and one of them slaine; and others without
making proofe of their manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at
that time put themselues to flight most shamefully, and saued themselues a
boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker in the harbour, and some that
were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they caried away all the
Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and those Portugales
that had their goods in the suburbes also. After this the Portugales that
were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues, tooke a newe courage to
themselues, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes,
which houses being made of boorde and strawe, and the winde blowing fresh,
in small time were burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had
like to haue beene burnt; when the Portugales had done this, they were
without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe, which goods
might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had
not set fire to the towne, they might haue had againe without any losse at
all. Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the
consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie were
very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next
morning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their
ordinance against the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure
dayes, but all was in vaine, for the shotte neuer hit the Citie, but
lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it, so that the citie had no
harme. When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against
the Citie, be tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the
Citie, and sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry vntill
such time as the other Portugales were departed, that made the batterie,
who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any
harme done vnto them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard
appointed me by the Retor, that no man should doe me iniurie, nor harme me
nor my goods; in such wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me
in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart before the comming
of the king, which was greatly to my hinderance, because I was twenty and
one moneths sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of
marchandise. Those commodities that I brought thither, were peper, sandols,
and Porcellan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my
supplication vnto him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.

From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of
Pegu, which is also called after the name of the kingdome, which voyage is
made by sea in three or foure daies: they may goe also by lande, but it is
better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge. And
in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most
marueilous things [Marginal note: A thing most marueilous, that at the
comming of a tide the earth should quake.] in the world that Nature hath
wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this, to wit,
the great increasing and diminishing of the water there at one push or
instant, and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo
maketh where it commeth. We departed from Martauan in barkes, which are
like to our Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they goe as
swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and
when the water is at the highest, then they drawe themselues out of the
Channell towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and when the
water is diminished, then they rest on dry land: and when the barkes rest
dry, they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is
high from the ground. [Sidenote: This tide is like to the tides in our
riuer of Seuerne.] They let their barkes lie so high for this respect, that
if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell, with such force
commeth in the water, that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke: yet for all
this, that the barkes be so farre out of the Chanell, and though the water
hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they
make fast their prowe to the streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very
fearefull, and if the anker did not holde her prowe vp by strength, shee
would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods. [Sidenote: These tides
make their iust coarse as ours doe.] When the water beginneth to increase,
it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would think it an earthquake,
and presently at the first it maketh three waues. So that the first washeth
ouer the barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the
first, and the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of sixe
houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with such swiftnesse that you
would thinke they did fly: in these tydes there must be lost no iot of
time, for if you arriue not at the stagions before the tyde be spent, you
must turne back from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place,
but at these stagions, and there is more daunger at one of these places
then at another, as they be higher and lower one then another. When as you
returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the tide at a time,
because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason
aforesayd. I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water
maketh in the increase of the tide, and in deminishing of the water. There
is another Macareo in Cambaya, [Sidenote: The Macareo is a tide or a
currant.] but that is nothing in comparison of this. By the helpe of God we
came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the olde and the newe, in the olde
citie are the Marchant strangers, and marchants of the Countrey, for there
are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very
great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be made with canes,
and couered with leaues, or with strawe, but the marehants haue all one
house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of brickes, and
there they put all their goods of any valure, to saue them from the often
mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the newe
citie is the pallace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons
and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they
finished the building of the new citie: it is a great citie, very plaine
and flat, and foure square, walled round about and with ditches that
compasse the wals about with water, in which ditches are many crocodils, it
hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, fiue for euery square on
the walles, there are many places made for centinels to watch, made of wood
and couered or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I
haue seene, they are as straight as a line from one gate to another, and
standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other, and they are as
broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: [Sidenote: A rich and
stately palace.] and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large,
these streetes, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the
doores of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious
shadowe, the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in
forme of cups, very necessary for their vse, the kings palace is in the
middle of the citie, made in forme of a walled castle, with ditches full of
water round about it, the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded,
with fine pinacles, and very costly worke, couered with plates of golde.
Truely it may be a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large
court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for
the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings
person, and amongst all other Eliphants, he hath foure that be white, a
thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any
such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes, he
sendeth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two
brought out of a farre Countrey, and that cost me something the sight of
them, for they commaund the marchants to goe to see them, and then they
must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the marchants
giue for euery man halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa, [Marginal note:
This money called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be three shillings and
foure pence.] which amounteth to a great summe, for the number of merchants
that are in that citie; and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa, they
may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when
they are in the kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that
time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be
so. This king amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white
Eliphantes and it is reported that if this king knewe any other king that
had any of these white Eliphantes, and woud not send them vnto him, that he
would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them, he esteemeth these white
Eliphantes very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with
very meete seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all guilded ouer, and
they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and golde, there is
one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene, and is kept
according to his bignesse, he is nine cubites high, which is a marueilous
thing. [Sidenote: A warlike policie.] It is reported that this king hath
foure thousand Eliphantes of warre, and all haue their teeth, and they vse
to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe spikes of yron, and make them
fast with rings, because these beastes fight, and make battell with their
teeth; hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that haue not their teeth
sprowted foorth: also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take
these Eliphantes when hee will, two miles from the Citie. [Sidenote: An
excellent deuise to hunt, and take wilde Elephants.] He hath builded a
faire pallace all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and
rounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stande
to see this hunting: neere vnto this Pallace is a mighty great wood,
through the which the hunts-men of the king ride continually on the backs
of the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery hunter
carieth out with him fiue or sixe of these feminines, and they say that
they anoynt the secret places with a certaine composition that they haue,
that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereunto, they followe the
feminines and cannot leaue them: when the hunts-men haue made prouision and
the Eliphant is so entangled, they guide the feminines towards the Pallace
which is called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and
shut with engines, before which doore there is a long streight way with
trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise as it is like
darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way,
thinketh that he is in the woods. At end of this darke way there is a great
field, when the hunters haue gotten this praye, when they first come to
this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and
with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke, and doe
beset the fielde rounde about: in the great fielde then the females which
are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way,
and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the hunters shoute and
make a great noyse, as much as is possible, to make the wilde Eliphant
enter in at the gate of that Pallace, which is then open, and as soone as
he is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the hunters with the
female Eliphants and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then
within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of
the Court, leauing the wilde Eliphant alone: [Sidenote: An excellent
pastime of the Eliphants.] and when he perceiueth that he is left alone, he
is so madde that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest
pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee runneth, he iustleth,
hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking
to kil some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that
hee cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the
grates; at length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is
all wet with sweat, then hee plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and
then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinckleth
it ouer the heades of the lookers on, to the vttermost of them, although it
bee very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe certaine
officers into the Court with long sharpe canes [Marginal note: These canes
are like to them in Spain which they call Ioco de tore.] in their hands,
and prick him that they make him to goe into one of the houses that is made
alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made
long and narrow, and when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to go
backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and
swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them
if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten
him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes
vnder his belly and about his necke, and about his legges, and binde him
fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate
nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him and
put one of the females vnto him, and giue him meate and drinke, and in
eight dayes he is become tame. In my. iudgement there is not a beast so
intellectiue as are these Eliphants, nor of more vnderstanding in al the
world: for he wil do all things that his keeper saith, so that he lacketh
nothing but humaine speech.

It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in
these Eliphants, for when they goe to battell, they set on their backes a
Castle of wood bound thereto, with bands vnder their bellies: and in euery
Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with harqubushes, with
bowes and arrowes, with darts and pikes, and other launcing weapons: and
they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse
will not pierce it, vnlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or some other
tender place of his body. [Sidenote: A goodly order in a barbarous people.]
And besides this, they are of great strength, and haue a very excellent
order in their battel, as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in
the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh triumphes, which is a rare
thing and worthy memorie, that in so barbarous a people should be such
goodly orders as they haue in their armies, which be distinct in squares of
Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen, that truly the number
of men are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake
as well the one as the other: they haue very bad pikes, their swords are
worse made, like long kniues without points, his harquebushes are most
excellent, and alway in his warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes,
and the number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will haue them
shoote every day at the Plancke, and so by continuall exercise they become
most excellent shot: also hee hath great ordinance made of very good
mettall; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power
or strength then this king of Pegu, because hee hath twentie and sixe
crowned kings at his commaunde. He can make in his campe a million and a
halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies. The state of his
kingdome and maintenance of his army, is a thing incredible to consider,
and the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the
warres: but he that knoweth the nature and quality of that people, will
easily beleeue it. [Sidenote: Eating of serpents.] I haue seene with mine
eyes, that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild
beastes that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all
serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and
Serpents, also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such
a great armie want not water and salt, they will maintaine themselues a
long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaues of trees, they cary
rice with them for their voyage, and that serueth them in stead of comfits;
it is so daintie vnto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by
sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and siluer, he farre
exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. [Sidenote:
The riches of the king of Pegu.] This king hath diuers Magasons full of
treasure, as gold, and siluer, and euery day he encreaseth it more and
more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies,
Safires and Spinels. Neere vnto his royall pallace there is an inestimable
treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it standeth in such a
place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a
great Court walled round about with walles of stone, with two gates which
stand open euery day. And within this place or Court are foure gilded
houses couered with lead, and in euery one of these are certaine heathenish
idoles of a very great valure. In the first house there is a stature of the
image of a man of gold very great, and on his head a crowne of gold beset
with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. litle
children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of
siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in
height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceeds the height
of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feete, and found that they
were as long as all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head like
to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a stature of brasse of the
same bignesse, with a like crowne on his head. In the 4. and last house
there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa,
which is the metall they make their money of, and this metall is made of
copper and leade mingled together. This stature also hath a crowne on his
head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth
in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go and see it: for the
keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said
before, that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth: and because it
is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof, which is as
foloweth. [Sidenote: The great pompe of the king.] The king rideth on a
triumphant cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly horses:
and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it, behind the cart
goe 20. of his Lords and nobles, with euery one a rope in his hand made
fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not. The king sitteth
in the middle of the cart; and vpon the same cart about the king stande 4.
of his nobles most fauored of him, and before this cart wherein the king is
goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all
his nobilitie, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a
marueilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches and such good
order in a people so barbarous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one
principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300. concubines, of whom
it is reported that he hath 90. children. [Sidenote: The order of Iustice.]
This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects,
but he nor they neuer speake one to another, but by supplications made in
this order. [Sidenote: No difference of persons before the King in
controuersies or in iustice.] The king sitteth vp aloft, in a great hall,
on a tribunall seat, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about,
then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king,
and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings
person, and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of
audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their
supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree,
these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long, and two fingers broad, which
are written with a sharpe iron made for that purpose, and in those leaues
are their supplications written, and with their supplications, they haue in
their hands a present or gift, according to the waightines of their matter.
Then come the secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them
and reading them before the king, and if the king think it good to do to
them that fauour or iustice that they demaund, then he commandeth to take
the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust
or according to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their
gifts or presents. In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good
to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of
Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall lose by it. Now the commodities
that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandise for that place, which is
the great quantity of cloth made, which they vse in Pegu: which cloth is
made of bombast wouen and painted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is
washed, the more liuelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare thing,
and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is so great
importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand
duckets. Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of bombast
died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which colour will
neuer out. With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe
from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from S.
Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, and if she stay vntill the
twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage.
Their vse was to depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure
voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth
to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the
greedinesse of the Captaine that would made an extraordinary gaine of his
fraight, thinking to haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne, they stay
so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For in those parts the windes
blow firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the
winde in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and
get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe againe: for that the
gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one
place with great force. But if they get the coast and anker there, then
with great labour they may saue their voyage. Also there goeth another
great shippe from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of bombast of
all sorts, which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that
commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these two ships arriue is
called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a port in Pegu, there come
many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Porcellan of
China, Camfora, Bruneo and other marchandise. The ships that come from
Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth
of Wooll, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and Chickinos, [Sidenote: The Chikinos
are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings.] by the which they lose,
and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu:
but they esteeme not the losse of them, for they make such great gaine of
their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome. Also the
king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper;
from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala, out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are
three hundreth miles, and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies, with the
encreasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there
they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the
note and markes of all the goods of euery man, and take the charge of the
goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the kings house, wherein they
make the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers haue taken the
charge of the goods and put them into barks, the Retor of the City giueth
licence to the Marchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their
marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu
in company. [Sidenote: Great rigour for the stealing of customes.] God
deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to
steale any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is, he is
vtterly vndone, for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee
deceiued of his custome: and therefore they make diligent searches, three
times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a
land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for
Diamonds, Pearles, and fine cloth which taketh little roome: for because
that all the iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that
countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres, and Spinels pay no custome in
nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I haue spoken
before, how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must
cary al manor of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house,
because that there is not any lodging nor Innes nor hostes, nor chamber
roome in that Countrey, but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to
that City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the moneth, or as
he meanes to stay in those parts.

In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Nowe from
Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if
it be ebbing water, then they make fast their boate to the riuer side, and
there tary vntil the water flow againe. [Sidenote: Description of the
fruitfulnesse of that soyle.] It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage,
hauing on both sides of the riuers many great vilages, which they call
Cities: in the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other things
be very goode cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrey, and in eight
dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo, distant from Pegu twelue
miles, and there they discharge their goods, and lade them in Carts or
waines drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a closet which
they call Deling, [Sidenote: Deling is a small litter carried with men as
is aforesaid.] in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with
cushions under his head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and
raine, and there he may sleep if he haue will thereunto: and his foure
Falchines cary him running away, changing two at one time and two at
another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twentie
or twentie two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen
from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue
his eyes watchfull, and to be carefull, and to haue many friendes, for when
they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen
accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these gentlemen haue no
shame that their slaues rob strangers; whether it be cloth in shewing of it
or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one
another to keepe watch, and looke to their goods, they cannot looke therto
so narrowly but one or other will rob something, either more or lesse,
according as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there
is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke
there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man
cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome
house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the
best that you haue, and not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do, by
which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be
dispatched out of the custome house in this order, the Marchant causeth
them to be caried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure.

There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who
are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu, at the common or
the currant price: then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that
price, they sel them away, and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of
euery sort of marchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of
those goods, because they be sold by their hands or meanes, and on their
wordes, and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his
goods, yet he cannot lose anything thereby, for that the broker is bound in
any wise to pay him, and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent
of the broker, yet neuerthelesse he must pay him two per cento, and be in
danger of his money: [Sidenote: A lawe for Bankrupts.] but this is very
seldom seene, because the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor are
bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made,
the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house, and shut
him vp in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being
able to pay the creditor, he may take the wife, children, and slaues of the
debtor and sel them, for so is the lawe of that kingdome. [Sidenote: Euery
man may stampe what money he wil.] The currant money that is in this city,
and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of
Copper and leade: It is not the money of the king, but euery man may stamp
it that wil, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make
many of them false, by putting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not
passe, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde
or siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money
currant amongst them. And Golde, siluer and other marchandize are at one
time dearer than another, as all other things be.

This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, and this name of Byza goeth for the
accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our
accompt) halfe a ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and
siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euery Byza
maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza.
[Sidenote: How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.] He that
goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if he wil do well, it behoueth him to be a
whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so be that he would return
with the ship he came in, he cannot do any thing so conueniently for the
breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu
that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas:
and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their
credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the
ships depart. The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of
their goods, gold and siluer, which is neuer wanting there. [Sidenote: Good
instructions.] And 8. or 10. daies before their departure they are all
satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt
of them: and they that will winter there for another yere, it is needfull
that they be aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they specifie in
their bargaine, the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment, and that their
paiment shal be in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor siluer: because
that with the Ganza they may buy and sel euery thing with great aduantage.
And how needfull is it to be aduertized, when they wil recouer their
paiments, in what order they shal receiue their Ganza? Because he that is
not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as
also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceiued,
because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and
therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment, he must take a
publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his businesse, and
giue him in paiment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is
bound to make good all your money, and to maintaine it for good, for that
hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his scale: and when hee hath
receiued any store, then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of
the Marchant, that is the owner of it.

That money is very weightie, for fortie Byza is a strong Porters burden;
and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods
which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must
make the payment thereof. So that by this meanes, the Marchant with the
charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money without
losse or trouble. [Sidenote: The marchandizes that goe out of Pegu.] The
Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphyres,
Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine,
some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey,
for that they haue aboundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to
eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and many more
doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that kingdome they
spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they
call Varely for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are
great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses are made in forme of
little hilles, like to Sugar loaues or to Bells, and some of these houses
are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some
of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The saide houses within are full
of earth, and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime,
and without forme, from the top to the foote they make a couering for them
with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they
would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those
Countreys. [Sidenote: Idol houses couered with gold.] Also they consume
about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they
ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are couered
with golde from the top to the foote: in couering whereof there is great
store of gold spent, for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with
gold, from the top to the foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great
aboundance of golde. For euery 10. yeres the raine doth consume the gold
from these houses. And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then
it would bee, if they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is a
thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no
knowledge shall haue as good iewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath
bene practized there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this
wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called
Tareghe, or brokers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or
Rubies in their handes, and the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of
these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to imploy in
Rubies. [Sidenote: Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu.] For through the hands
of these foure men passe all the Rubies: for they haue such quantitie, that
they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base
prices. When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or
Tareghe, they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no
knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will employ a
good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him
alone. The vse generally of this Citie is this: that when any Marchant hath
bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, hee carieth
them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall haue
space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if he hath
no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie
that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre
and take counsell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde
that hee hath not employed his money well, hee may returne his Iewels backe
to them whom hee had them of, without any losse at all. Which thing is such
a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returned, that he had rather
beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them
so deere to haue them returned. [Sidenote: An honest care of heathen
people.] For these men haue alwayes great care that they afford good
peniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe,
because they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that
haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deere, it is their own
faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by
reason that it may somewhat ease the price. [Sidenote: Bargaines made with
the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth.] There is also a very good order
which they haue in buying of Iewels, which is this; There are many
Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they
shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde, the Broker and the Marchants
haue their hands vnder a cloth, and by touching of fingers and nipping the
ioynts they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that
the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them, although it be for a
thousand or 10. thousand duckets. For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his
signification. For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the
bargaine, it would breede great controuersie amongst them. And at my being
in Pegu in the moneth of August, in Anno 1569, hauing gotten well by my
endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey, and I thought it good
to goe by the way of S. Tome, but then I should tary vntil March.

In which iourney I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to go by the way
of Bengala, with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage. And then
wee departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great harbour or port, from whence
there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the fleete depart for Portugall, in
which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Venice.
[Sidenote: This Touffon is an extraordinary storme at Sea.] When I had thus
resolued my selfe, I went a boord of the shippe of Bengala, at which time
it was the yeere of Touffon: concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand,
that in the East Indies often times, there are not stormes as in other
countreys; but euery 10. or 12. yeeres there are such tempests and stormes,
that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither do
they know certainly what yeere they wil come.

[Sidenote: The Touffon commeth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres.] Vnfortunate
are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon, because few
there are that escape that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at
sea with the like storme, but it happened well vnto vs, for that our ship
was newly ouer-plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and
balasts, Siluer and golde, which from Pegu they cary to Bengala, and no
other kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three
dayes and three nights: in which time it caried away our sailes, yards, and
rudder; and because the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast ouer
boord: which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before,
in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the
highest part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and
three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise,
twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in
a thirde place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good, that shee
tooke not one iot of water below through her sides, but all ran downe
through the hatches, so that those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea
into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would, we
were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde: yet when
it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not
where we were: And as it pleased the diuine power, there came a great waue
of the Sea, which draue vs beyonde the should. [Sidenote: A manifest token
of the ebbing and flowing in those Countries.] And when wee felt the shippe
aflote, we rose vp as men reuiued, because the Sea was calme and smooth
water, and then sounding we found twelue fadome water, and within a while
after wee had but sixe fadome, and then presently we came to anker with a
small anker that was left vs at the sterne, for all our other were lost in
the storme: and by and by the shippe stroke a ground, and then we did prop
her that she should not ouerthrow.

When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee found her a good mile from
the Sea on drie land. [Sidenote: This Island is called Sondiua.] This
Touffon being ended, we discouered an Island not farre from vs, and we went
from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was: and wee found it a
place inhabited, and, to my iudgement, the fertilest Island in all the
world, the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth
betweene it, and with great trouble we brought our ship into the same
chanel, which parteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined
to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the
ship, and that we were comming a land: presently they made a place of bazar
or a market, with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of
prouision of victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great abundance,
and sold it so good cheape, that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof.
I bought many salted kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a
Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence, being very
good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine, great fat
hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a pennie: and the people
told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought
things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and
consequently all other things for humaine sustenance were there in such
aboundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it.
[Sidenote: Sondiua is the fruitfullest Countrey in al the world.] This
Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Bengala, distant 120.
miles from Chatigan, to which place wee were bound. The people are Moores,
and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had bin a tyrant as
others be, he might haue robbed vs of all, because the Portugall captaine
of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, and euery day
there were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no smal feare,
keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the
gouernour of the towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare
nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger,
although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City,
and said that we were not culpable in that fact: and moreouer he did vs
euery day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our
expectations considering that they and the people of Chatigan were both
subiects to one king. [Sidenote: Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the
Portugales go with their ships.] We departed from Sondiua, and came to
Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales
had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne, with
this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship
should depart without any lading: for there were then at that time 18.
ships of Portugales great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of
good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart to his greatest
hinderance, rather than hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as
were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the
Indies. The night before he departed, euery ship that had any lading
therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to
recompense his courtesies. [Sidenote: The King of Rachim, or Aracam,
neighbour to Bengala.] In this time there came a messenger from the king of
Rachim to this Portugal Captaine, who saide in the behalfe of his king,
that hee had heard of the courage and valure of him, desiring him gently
that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming
thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal went thither and was
very well satisfied of this King.

This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and
Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of
Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect,
but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the king of Pegu hath no
power nor armie by Sea. And this king of Rachim [Marginal note: Or,
Aracam.] may arme two hundreth Galleyes or Fusts by Sea, and by land he
hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any
harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the
Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king
of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him.

[Sidenote: The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies.] From the
great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of rice, very
great quantitie of Bombast cloth of euery sort, Suger, corne, and money,
with other marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan, the
Portugall ships taried there so long, that they arriued not at Cochin so
soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres. For which cause the fleete
that was at Cochin [Marginal note: The Portugal ships depart toward
Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin.] was departed for Portugal before
they arriued there, and I being in one of the small shippes before the
fleete, in discouering of Cochin, we also discouered the last shippe of the
Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where shee made saile, for which
I was marueilously discomforted, because that all the yeere following,
there was no going for Portugale, and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully
determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus, [Sidenote: Goa was
besieged.] and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of
Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this assault, because they supposed
that it would not continue long. For all this I embarked my selfe in a
Galley that went for Goa, meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus: but
when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart,
by reason of the warres. And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of
an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with phisicke and diet
cost me eight hundreth duckets, and there I was constrained to sell a smal
quantitie of Rubies to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for fiue
hundreth duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I beganne to waxe
well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, euery thing was so
scarse: For euery chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seuen or eight
Liuers, which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence. Beside this
great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge
to me. At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I
beganne to worke, for Iewels were risen in their prices: for whereas before
I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all
my Iewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. [Sidenote:
Opium a good commoditie in Pegu.] And for because that at my departure from
Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good
round summe of money in Opium, and there I bought 60. percels of Opium,
which cost me two thousand and a hundreth duckets, euery ducket at foure
shillings two pence. Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth, which
cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good commoditie for Pegu: when I
had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the
Opium should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I might cary it
whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that
went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my
Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage
of Pegu, and went to winter then at S. Tome. When I come to Cochin, I
vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and
lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and departing from Cochin
to goe for S. Tome, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote
was deceiued, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out
into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord
the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were farre
within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so
fiercely against vs. So that by this meanes we lost our voyage for that
yere, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship hauing
lost her mastes, and with great dilligence we hardly saued her, with great
losses to the Captaine of the ship, because he was forced to fraight
another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with
my friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to cary vs to S. Tome;
which thing we did with al the rest of the marchants; and arriuing at S.
Tome I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was
very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was no Opium but mine to go
for Pegu that yere, so that I was holden of al the marchants there to be
very rich: and so it would haue proued, if my aduerse fortune had not bin
contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship
from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, and there
to lade peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that the ship was
forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles, and by this meanes came to
Pegu, whereas they arriued a day before mee; so that Opium which was before
very deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fiftie
Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze and an halfe, there was such quantitie
came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu vnlesse I
would haue giuen away my commoditie: and at the end of two yeres of my
2100. duckets which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand duckets.
Then I departed againe from Pegu to goe for the Indies for Chaul, and from
Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make
me riche, for whereas I might haue brought good store of Opium againe, I
brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this
small quantitie I made good profite. And now againe I determined to go for
my Countrey, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and
then I left the Indies and came for Ormus.

I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to reason somewhat, and
to shewe what fruits the Indies do yeeld and bring forth. First, In the
Indies and other East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which
groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the
greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst wilde bushes, without any maner
of labour: sauing, that when it is ripe they goe and gather it. The tree
that the peper groweth on is like to our Iuie, which runneth vp to the tops
of trees wheresoeuer it groweth: and if it should not take holde of some
tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his
floure and berry like in all parts to our Iuie berry, and those berries be
graines of peper: so that when they gather them they be greene, and then
they lay them in the Sunne, and they become blacke.

The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sowen, and the
herbe is like to Panizzo, and the roote is the ginger. These two spices
grow in diuers places.

The Cloues come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not
very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.

The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the
Island of Banda, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big.

All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora
being compound commeth all from China, and all that which groweth in canes
commeth from Borneo, and I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into these
parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very deare.
The good Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.

The Beniamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi and Sion.

Long pepper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and Iaua.

Muske [Marginal note: This Muske the Iewes doe counterfeit and take out
halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of
it.] commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good
information I haue bene told. There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which
is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, and beat him
to death with small staues that his blood may be spread through his whole
body, then they cut it in pieces and take out all the bones, and beat the
flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to
put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.

Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions
of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on
land, and found vpon the sea bankes.

The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu.
The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them.
That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those
that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but
the Diamants of Iaua are more waightie then the other. I could neuer
vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassi come. [Sidenote: The
Balassi grow in Zeilan.]

Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne.

From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof
I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue
sayd before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From
Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, [Marginal note:
On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia, in the land of Cafraria, the great
trade that the Portugals haue.] within the land of Cafraria: on that coast
are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a
kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or
beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse
of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India,
slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of
Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great
importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his
protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this
Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this
Captaine: [Sidenote: Buying and selling without words one to another.] and
they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their
trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this
wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea
coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and
see the goods, and there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the
goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods
together, then commeth the Portugal, and finding the golde to his content,
hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar,
and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there
still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Cafar
thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is
worth: and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they
doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be
refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they bee a
peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: [Sidenote: Golden trades
that the Portugals haue.] and by this trade the Portugals change their
commodities into gold, and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is an
Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of
Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Nowe to returne to my
voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of
Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets,
and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and
very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for
prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe
two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot
go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must
make a very good and strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for
respect and safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great
that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon
we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but
we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4.
moneths, vntill the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes, or desert
for Alepo; in this city we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together,
fiue Venetians and a Portugal: whose names were as followeth, Messer
Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Pola, the Portugal and
M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals
and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; [Marginal note: An order how to
prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.] and wee bought
horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe
bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30.
duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had
also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2.
duckets for euery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for
so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the
voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue D d. a man, and are
bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any
trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that
was erected. The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day,
and they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in
the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for
that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found
good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we
caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might
chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor
other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished
of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many
shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought
in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and
we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money for the
keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them. And
beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery
sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we
had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the
marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw
flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day and
another another day.

[Sidenote: 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.] From Babylon to Alepo is
40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes, in
which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees nor people that inhabite it,
but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The Pilots goe
before, and the Carouan followeth after. And when they sit downe all the
Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stations where the
wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we pass ouer the wildernesse. For when wee
depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue
passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue
villages inhabited. [Sidenote: An order how to prouide for the going to
Ierusalem.] In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice
vnto all men: and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan, and
comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master
Andrea Polo, and I with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to
Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place
in a day and a halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke
to tary for vs vntill our returne. [Sidenote: The author returned to Venice
1581.] Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from
whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there wee
shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the
helpe of the deuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember
1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of
India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: because
I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore from Venice with
1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell
sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods
with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo, and the Carouan was
robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me
200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues
thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were
glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to
goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in
my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I
will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance, that haue a desire to
goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to
their heires at the time of their death, [Marginal note: A very good order
that they haue in those Countreys for the recouering of the goods of the
dead.] and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the
Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house called the schoole of
Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them
for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you
must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In
the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there
goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales.
Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants
that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their
Wills and registred them in the aforesayde schooles, the Captaines wil
consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for
their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some
marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that
if any Marchant die and haue his Will made, and hath giuen order that the
schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende
the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that
copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof,
into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one
comming thither, with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue
there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any
thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of
their goods by antient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth
in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde
of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this
matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their
age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue
departed with al their goods and substance without let or troubles.

[Sidenote: Order of apparel in Pegu.] In Pegu the fashion of their apparel
is all one, as well the noble man as the simple: the onely difference is in
the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another,
and they weare their apparell in this wise: First a white Bombast cloth
which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of
foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their
heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter,
and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades,
which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp:
they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are
caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the
leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they
ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops. [Sidenote: The
order of the womens apparel in Pegu.] All sorts of women whatsoeuer they
be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to
the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before; so straite that
they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in
their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by
reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented
by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men
the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto; which sight
should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed,
their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full
of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp about their heads. Many of
them weare a cloth about their shoulders instead of a cloake.

Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts
of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make
a great deale thereof; alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be
taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe
wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither,
because he shall alwayes be a beggar, and die a poore man.

       *       *       *       *       *

The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the
  customes, &c. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret.

BABYLON:

The weight, measure, and money currant there, and the customes of
marchandize.

A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo 1 roue 5 ounces and a halfe: and 68 manas
and three seuenth parts, make a quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8
ounces of London: and 100 manas is a quintall of Babylon, which maketh in
Aleppo 146 roues, and of London 722 li. and so much is the sayd quintall:
but the marchants accord is by so much the mana, and in the sayd place they
bate the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the order of Aleppo
touching the tare.

The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo 21 in the 100. For
bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither, there is
found but 82 pikes in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of
Aleppo l2l pikes, very litle lesse.

The currant mony of Babylon are Saies, which Say is 5 medines, as in
Aleppo, and 40 medines being 8 Saies make a duckat currant, and 47 medines
passe in value as the duckat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the best
sort are worth 33 medines. The roials of plate are sold by the 100 drams at
prise, according as they be in request: but amongst the marchants they
bargaine by the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which 150 drams
are 135 single roials of plate: but in the mint or castle, they take them
by the 100 drams, which is 90 roials of plate, and those of the mint giue 5
medines lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold among the
marchants, and make paiment at the terme of 40 dayes in Sayes.

The custome in Babylon, as wel inward as outward, is in this maner: Small
wares at 6 per 100, Coral and amber at 5 and a halfe per 100, Venice cloth,
English cloth, Kersies, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Veluets, Damasks,
Sattins and such like at 5 per 100: and they rate the goods without reason
as they lust themselues. The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines
per bale, all which they pay presently in ready mony, according to the
custome and vse of the emperor.

To the Ermin of the mint the ordinarie vse is to giue 30 Saies in curtesie,
otherwise he would by authoritie of his office come aboord, and for
despight make such search in the barke, that he would turne all things
topsie teruie.


BALSARA:

The weight, measure, and money in the citie of Balsara.

A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces and a halfe of Aleppo weight,
and 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara, answereth the quintall of Aleppo,
which is 494 roues, 8 ounces English, and 20 manas is the quintall of
Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514 li. 8. ounces, and so much
is the sayd quintall, but the marchants bargaine at so much the mana or
wolsene (which is all one) and they abate the tare in euery mana, as the
sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in that place.

The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is iust as the measure of
Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes, vt supra in
the rate of Babylon.

The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth. There is a sort of flusses of
copper called Estiui, whereof 12 make a mamedine, which is the value of one
medine Aleppine, the said mamedine is of siluer, hauing the Moresco stampe
on both sides, and two of these make a danine, which is 2 medines Aleppine.

The said danine is of siluer, hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides, and
2 and a halfe of these make a Saie, which is in value as the Saie of
Aleppo.

The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo, being (as
appeares) 60 estiues. Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine, which is
of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe.

The sayd larine is a strange piece of money, not being round as all other
currant money in Christianitie, but is a small rod of siluer of the
greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather, wherewith we vse to write, and in
length about one eight part thereof, which is wrested, so that the two ends
meet at the iust halfe part, and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco,
and these be the best currant money in all the Indias, and 6 of these
larines make a duckat, which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo.

The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines, and one danine, which is of
Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe.

The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per hundred meticals which is 150
drams of Aleppo, vt supra.

The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals, and albeit
among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals, yet in the mint or
castle, they sel by the 100 drams, hauing there lesse then the worth 5
medines in each hundred drams, and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them
in Saies or larines.

The custome of the said places, aswell inward as outward, are alike of all
sorts of goods, to say 6 by the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, and scriuan medines
6 by the bale inward and outward, to say, 3 inward, and as much outward:
but whoso leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing, where
otherwise at the taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale, and
of the said goods there is no other duty to pay, and this commeth to passe
when the customers esteeme the goods too high. For in such a case they may
be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to, and not
to pay them in money, for such is the order from the Grand Signior.

Hauing paid the custome, it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed
and firmed with the customers hand, in confirmation of the dispatch and
clearing, and before departure thence, to cause the sayd customer to cause
search to be made, to the end that at the voiages returne there be no
cauilation made, as it oftentimes happeneth.

Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile
Venetian, and of Aleppo drams 150, vt supra.

The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara, I would say from Balsara
to Ormuz, they pay according to the greatnesse thereof. To say, for cariage
of 10 cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those of 20 cares
360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines. Note that a cara is 4 quintals
of Balsara. They pay also to the pilot of the bark for his owne cariage one
care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3. cares fraight,
which is in the whole 4 cares, and paying the abouesayd prises and
fraights, they are at no charges of victuals with them, but it is requisite
that the same be declared in the charter partie, with the condition that
they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight, vnder paines that
finding more in Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the fraight
of that which they haue laden.

And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie, and in the presence of the
Ermin or some other honest man (whereof there are but few) for they are the
worst people in all Arabia. And this diligence must be put in execution, to
the end the barks may not be ouerladen, because they are to passe many
sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz.


ORMVZ:

The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz:

Spices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of euery sort of goods the
weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or
roues, and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a
barre, which barre, as well as great as litle, is 20 frasoli, and euery
frasoll is 10 manas, and euery mana 23 chiansi, and euery chianso 10
meticals and a halfe. [Sidenote: What a rotilo is.] Note that euery
quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and euery roue 32 rotiloes, and euery
rotilo 16 ounces, and euery ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth
to be 128 rotiloes, which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which
is 132 li. English weight. And contrarywise the quintal of Aleppo (which is
494 rotiloes 8 ounces English) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz,
which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a halfe.

Note that there are bars of diuers weights, vt supra, of which they
bargaine simply, according to the sort of commoditie, but if they bargaine
of the great barre, the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958
li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe.

Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches
by the barre, which lech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 and a
halfe, which maketh pardaos 38, and larines one halfe, at larines 5 by the
pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and euery sadine is 100. danarie.

The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is
worth of Aleppo mony 1 medine and 1 fourth part, and the larine as in
Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines and a half.

The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara.

There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is litle and
round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo.

The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, and the
roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine, which is euery thousand
meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sel them, vse to melt them,
and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, whereby they
cleare 2 per 100, and somewhat more: and this they doe because neither
Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz, per aduise.

The measure of Ormuz is of two sorts, the one called codo which increaseth
vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any
measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103
codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and
Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any
measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes
and two third parts.

The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of
Portugall to the India, by which they sell things of small value, which
measure is of 5 palmes or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so
that buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it
by the sayd vare, there are found but 60 vares, contrarywise 100 vares make
166 codes and two third parts.

Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place
of India, lading 10 horses or vpwards, in what places soeuer the said
horses be taken a shore in the India, the marchandize which is to be
discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bound to pay
no custome at all, but if they lade one horse lesse then ten, then the
goods are bound to pay the whole custome. And this law was made by Don
Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be diligently foreseene, whither
all those horses laden be bound to pay the king his custome: for many times
by the king of Portugall his commandement, there is fauour shewed to the
king of Cochin his brother in armes, so that his horses that come in the
same ship, are not to answere custome. As for example: If there were 4
horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome to the king, and
one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custome, the
same causeth all the marchandize of that ship to be subiect to pay custome,
per aduise. But if they lade ten horses vpon purpose to pay the king his
custome in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if
they bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in Goa, then the
marchandize is free from all custome, because they were laden in Ormuz to
pay custome in Goa. Moreouer, if the horses should die before the midst of
the voyage, they pay no custome at all, and if they die in the midst of the
voyage, then they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after the mid
voiage, they pay custome no lesse than if they arriue safe.
Notwithstanding, the marchandize (whether the said horses die before or in
the mid voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all custome.

The custome of Ormuz is eleuen in the 100, to say, 10 for the king, and 1
for the arming of the foists: but for small wares as glasses, and looking
glasses of all sorts, and such like, made for apparell, pay no custome. But
cloth of Wooll, Karsies, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all sortes of Silke,
Saffron, and such like, pay custome, being esteemed reasonably.

There is also another custome, which they call caida, which is, that one
bringing his goods into Ormuz, with purpose to send the same further into
India, the same are bound to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bound to
pay this custome, except the Armenians, Moores, and Iewes: for the
Portugals and Venetians pay nothing thereof.

Note that in Ormuz they abate tare of all sorts of commodities, by an order
obserued of custome.

The fraight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin, is as followeth:
Mokaires, larines 6 per table of 60 pikes. Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinarie
chist, raisins 10 by chist, which is a quintall of roues 128. Ruuia of
Chalangi larines 10 per quintall, glasses larines 8 per chist, of 4 foote
and a halfe, glasses in great chists 14 and 15 larines by chist. Small
wares larines 12 by chist of fiue foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a
half, and 3 by the fardle. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines, and 4 and a
halfe by bale. Other drugs and things which come from Persia pay according
to the greatnesse of the bales.

The fraight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when they ship the sayd goods
in ships where horses goe: otherwise not hauing horses, they pay somewhat
lesse, because of the custom which they are to pay.

The vse of the India ships is, that the patrones thereof are not at any
charge neither with any passenger, not yet with any mariner in the ship,
but that euery one at the beginning of the voyage doe furnish to maintaine
his owne table (if he will eate) and for drinke they haue a great iarre of
water, which is garded with great custodie.


GOA.

The weight, measure, and mony currant in Goa.

The quintall of Goa is 5 manas, and 8 larines, and the mana is 24 rotilos,
so that the quintall of Goa is 128 rot. and euery rot. is 16 ounces, which
is of Venice weight 1 li. and a halfe, so that the quintall of Goa is 192
li. sotile Venice, which is 26 rotiloes 8 ounces Aleppine, and of London
weight 132 li. English, as the weight of Ormuz.

All the marchandize, spices and drugs, are sold by this quintal, except
some drugs, as lignum de China, Galanga, and others, whereof they bargaine
at so much per candill, aduertising that there be two sorts of candill, one
of 16 manas, the other of 20 manas, that of 16 manas commeth to be iust 3
quintals, and that of 26 manas, 3 quintals, 3 roues. Note that 4 roues make
a quintall, and the roue is 32 rotiloes, as in Ormuz.

There is also another weight which they call Marco, which is eight ounces
or halfe a rotilo of Goa, and 9 ounces of Venice sotile: with this they
weigh amber, corall, muske, ambracan, ciuet, and other fine wares.

There is also another sort of weight called Mangiallino, which is 5 graines
of Venice weight and therewith they weigh diamants and other iewels.

[Sidenote: Muske of Tartarie by the way of China.] Note that in Goa they
vse not to abate any tare of any goods, except of sacks or wraps, and
therefore it requireth great aduisement in buying of the goods, especially
in the muske of Tartaria which commeth by way of China in bladders, and so
weigh it without any tare rebating.

The measure of Goa is called a tode, which encreaseth vpon the measure of
Babylon and Balsara after the rate of 17 and one eight part by the 100, so
that bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from thence to Goa, it is
found 117 pikes 7 eight parts, and bringing 100 codes from Ormuz to Goa,
there is found but 93 codes and one fourth part.

There is also the vare in Goa, which is iust as the vare of Ormuz, and
therewith they measure onely things that are of small value.

For the mony of Goa, there is a kind of mony made of lead and tin mingled,
being thicke and round, and stamped on the one side with a spheare or globe
of the world, and on the other side two arrowes and 5 rounds: and this kind
of mony is called Basaruchi, and 15 of these make a vinton of naughty mony,
and 5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of base money: so
that the tanga of base mony is 60 basaruchies, and the tanga of good mony
75. basaruchies, and 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold, which in
merchandize is worth 5 tangas good money: but if one would change them into
basaruchies, he may haue 5 tangas, and 16 basaruchies, which ouerplus they
cal cerafagio, and when they bargain of the pardaw of gold, each pardaw is
ment to be 6 tangas good mony, but in merchandise they vse not to demaund
pardawes of gold in Goa, except it be for iewels and horses, for all the
rest they take of seraphines of siluer, per aduiso.

The roials of plate, I say, the roial of 8 are worth per custome and
commandement of the king of Portugall 400 reies, and euery rey is one
basaruchie and one fourth part, which maketh tangas 6, and 53 basaruchies
as their iust value, but for that the said roials are excellent siluer and
currant in diuers places of the India, and chiefly in Malacca, when the
ships are to depart at their due times (called Monsons) euery one to haue
the said roials pay more then they are worth, and the ouerplus, as is
abouesaid they call serafagio. And first they giue the iust value of the
100 roials of 8, at 5 tangas 50 basaruchies a piece, which done, they giue
seraphins 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 15, vntill 22 by the 100, according as
they are in request.

The ducket of gold is worth 9 tangas and a halfe good money, and yet not
stable in price, for that when the ships depart from Goa to Cochin, they
pay them at 9 tangas and 3 fourth partes, and 10 tangas, and that is the
most that they are woorth.

The larines are woorth by iust value basaruchies 93 and 3 fourth parts, and
4 larines make a seraphine of siluer, which is 5 tangas of good money, and
these also haue serafagion of 6, 7, 8, 10, vntill 16, by the hundred, for
when the ships depart for the North, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, or
Bassaim, all cary of the same, because it is money more currant then any
other.

There is also a sort of seraphins of gold of the stampe of Ormuz, whereof
there are but fewe in Goa, but being there, they are woorth fiue larines
and somewhat more, according as they are in request.

There is also another litle sort of mony, round, hauing on the one side a
crosse, and on the other side a crowne, which is woorth one halfe a tanga
of good money, and another of the same stampe lesse than that which they
call Imitiuo de buona moneda, which is worth 18 basaruches 3 fourth parts a
piece.

Note that if a man bargaine in marchandize, it behooueth to demaund tangas
of good money: for by nominating tangas onely, is vnderstood to be base
money of 60 basaruches, which wanteth of the good money vt supra.

The custome of Goa is 8 in the 100 inwards, and as much outward, and the
goods are esteemed iustly rather to the marchants aduantage then the kings.
The custome they pay in this order. Comming with a ship from Ormuz to Goa
without horses, they pay 8 in the 100 whether they sell part or all, but if
they would carie of the sayd marchandise to any other place, they pay none
other custome, except others buy it and carie it foorth of the countrey,
and then they pay it 8 in the 100. And if one hauing paied the custome
should sell to another with composition to passe it forth as for his proper
accounts to saue the custome, this may not be, because the seller is put to
his oth, whether he send the goods for his owne account, or for the account
of any others that haue bought the same, and being found to the contrary
they pay custome as abouesaid. And in this order the marchants pay of all
the goods which come from any part of the Indies. But if they come from
Ormuz to Goa with horses, they are not subiect to pay any custome inward,
notwithstanding if they send all or any part thereof for any other place,
or returne it to Ormuz, they pay the custome outward, although they could
not sell.

They vse also in Goa amongst the common sort to bargaine for coales, wood,
lime, and such like, at so many braganines, accounting 24 basaruches for
one braganine, albeit there is no such mony stamped. The custome of the
Portugals is, that any Moore or Gentile, of what condition or state soeuer
he be, may not depart from Goa to go within the land, without licence of
certaine deputies deputed for that office, who (if they be Moores or
Gentiles) doe set a seale vpon the arme, hauing thereon the armes of
Portugal, to be knowen of the porters of the citie, whether they haue the
said licence or no.


COCHIN.

The weight, measure, and money, currant in Cochin.

All the marchandise which they sell or buy within the sayd citie, they
bargaine for at so many serafines per quintal, which is 128. rotilos of
iust weight, with the quintal and rotilo of Goa and Ormuz: aduertising that
there are diuers sorts of bars according to the sorts of commodities, and
in traffiquing, they reason at so much the bar. Note that there are bars of
3 quintals and 3 quintals and halfe, and 4 quintals. They abate a vsed tare
of all marchandize, according to the sort of goods, and order taken for the
same.

The measure of Goa and Cochin are all one.

The money of Cochin are all the same sorts which are currant in Goa, but
the duckat of gold in value is 10 tangas of good money.

The custome of Cochin as wel inward as outward for all strangers is eight
in the hundred, but those that haue bene married foure yeere in the
countrey pay but foure in the hundred, per aduiso.


MALACCA.

The weight, measure, and money of Malacca.

For the marchandise bought and sold in the citie they reckon at so much the
barre, which barre is of diuers sorts, great and small, according to the
ancient custome of the said citie, and diuersitie of the goods. But for the
cloues they bargaine at so much the barre, which barre is 3 quintals, 2
roues and 10 rotilos. As I haue abouesaid, all kind of drugs haue their
sorts of barres limited. Note that euery quintal is 4 roues, and euery roue
32 rotilos, which is 128 rotilos the quintall, the which answereth to
Aleppo 95 rotilos, and to London 472 li. per quintal.

The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa. In Malacca they abate
tare according to their distinction and agreement, for that there is no
iust tare limited.

For the money of Malacca, the least money currant is of tinne stamped with
the armes of Portugall, and 12 of these make a Chazza.

The Chazza is also of tinne with the said armes, and 2. of these make a
challaine.

The Challaine is of tinne with the said armes, and 40 of these make a tanga
of Goa good money, but not stamped in Malacca.

There is also a sort of siluer money which they call Patachines, and is
worth 6 tangas of good money, which is 360 reyes, and is stamped with two
letters, S. T. which is S. Thomas on the one side, and the armes of
Portugall on the other side.

There is also a kind of mony called Cruzados stamped with the
atmes of Portugall, and is worth 6 tangas good mony, the larines
are euery 9 of them worth 2 cruzados, which is 12 tangas good
mony, and these larines be of those which are stamped in Balsara
and Ormuz.

The roials of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales, and are worth 7 tangas of good
money.

The custome of Malacca is 10 in the 100 as wel inward as outward, and those
which pay the custome inwards, if in case they send the same goods for any
other place within terme of a yeere and a day, pay no custome for the same.


A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa, as foloweth.

For camels from Aleppo to Birrha.                 Medines 60 per somme.[A]
For mules from Aleppo to Birrha,                  med. 45. per somme.
For custome at Birrha,                            med. 10. per somme.
For Auania of the Cady at Birrha,                 med. 200.
For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds sope,         med. 35.
For a present to the Ermine the summe of          med. 400.
For a barke of 30 or 35 sommes. Duc. 60 is        med. 2400. per barke.
For meat for the men the summe of                 med. 200.
For custome at Racca the summe of                 med. 5. per somme.
For 3 platters of raisins, and 15 pounds of sope, med. 25.
For custome to king Aborissei, Duc. 20 is         med. 800
For custome at Dea the summe of                   med. 230. per barke
For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds of sope,      med. 35.
For custom at Bosara, the summe of                med. 10. per barke.
For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope,       med. 17.
For custome in Anna, in 10 per summe,             med. 10. per somme.
For 4 dishes of raisins and 20 pound of sope,     med. 35.
For custome in Adite, medines 10 per barke,       med. 10. per barke.
For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope,       med. 17.
For custome at Gweke,                             med. 10. per barke.
For 2 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope,       med. 17.
For custome at Ist,                               med. 10. per somme.
For 4 platters raisins, and 20 pound of sope,     med. 35.
Charges of presents at Felugia,                   med. 30.
For camels from Felugia to Babylon,               med. 30. per somme.
For custome in Babylon, as in the booke appeareth.
For a barke from Babylon to Balsara,              med. 900.
For custome of small wares, at Corno              med. 20. per somme.
For custome of clothes at Corno, the summe of     med. per somme.
For 3 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope,       med. 26.
For fraight from Balsara to Ormus, according to the greatnesse, as in this
    booke appeareth.
For custome in Ormus, as is abouesaid in this booke.
For fraight from Ormus to Goa, as is in this booke shewed.
For custome in Goa, as is abouesaid.

[A: Or, by the Camels burden.]


A declaration of the places from whence the goods subscribed doe come.

Cloues, from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboina, by way of Iaua.
Nutmegs, from Banda.
Maces from Banda, Iaua, and Malacca.
Pepper Gawrie, from Cochin.
Pepper common from Malabar.
Sinnamon, from Seilan.
Tinne, from Malacca.
Sandals wilde, from Cochin.
Sandales domestick, from Malacca.
Verzini, from S. Thomas, and from China.
Spicknard from Zindi, and Lahor.
Quicksiluer, from China.
Galls, from Cambaia, Bengala, Istria and Syria.
Ginger Dabulin, from Dabul.
Ginger Belledin, from the Countrie within Cambaia.
Gmger Sorattin, from Sorat within Cambaia.
Ginger Mordassi, from Mordas within Cambaia.
Ginger Meckin, from Mecca.
Mirabolans of all sorts, from Cambaia.
White sucket, from Zindia, Cambaia, and China.
Corcunia, from diuers places of India.
Corall of Leuant, from Malabar.
Chomin, from Balsara.
Requitria, from Arabia Felix.
Garble of Nutmegs from Banda.
Sal Armoniacke, from Zindi and Cambaia.
Zedoari, from diuers places of India.
Cubeb, from China.
Amomum, from China.
Camphora, from Brimeo neere to China.
Myrrha, from Arabia Felix.
Costo dulce, from Zinde, and Cambaia.
Borazo, from Cambaia, and Lahor.
Asa fetida, from Lahor.
Waxe, from Bengala.
Seragni, from Persia.
Cassia, from Cambaia, and from Gran Cayro.
Storax calamita, from Rhodes, to say, from Aneda, and Canemarie within
    Caramania.
Storax liquida, from Rhodes.
Tutia, from Persia.
Cagiers, from Malabar, and Maldiua.
Ruuia to die withall, from Chalangi.
Alumme di Rocca, from China, and Constantinople.
Chopra, from Cochin and Malabar.
Oppopanax, from Persia.
Lignum Aloes, from Cochin, China, and Malacca.
Demnar, from Siacca and Blinton.
Galangæ, from China, Chaul, Goa, and Cochin.
Laccha, from Pegu, and Balaguate.
Carabbe, from Almanie.
Coloquintida, from Cyprus.
Agaricum, from Alemania.
Scamonea, from Syria, and Persia.
Bdellium, from Arabia felix, and Mecca.
Cardamomum small, from Barcelona.
Cardamomum great, from Bengala.
Tamarinda, from Balsara.
Aloe Secutrina, from Secutra.
Aloe Epatica, from Pat.
Safran, from Balsara, and Persia.
Lignum de China, from China.
Rhaponticum, from Persia, and Pugia.
Thus, from Secutra.
Turpith, from Diu, and Cambaia.
Nuts of India, from Goa, and other places of India.
Nux vomica, from Malabar.
Sanguis Draconis, from Secutra.
Armoniago, from Persia.
Spodio di Cana, from Cochin.
Margaratina, from Balaguate.
Muske from Tartarie, by way of China.
Ambracban, from Melinde, and Mosombique.
Indico, from Zindi and Cambaia.
Silkes fine, from China.
Long pepper, from Bengala and Malacca.
Latton, from China.
Momia, from the great Cayro.
Belzuinum Mandolalo, from Sian, and Baros.
Belzuinum burned, from Bonnia.
Castorium, from Almania.
Corallina, from the red sea.
Masticke, from Sio.
Mella, from Romania.
Oppium, from Pogia, and Cambaia.
Calamus Aromaticus, from Constantinople.
Capari, from Alexandria and other places.
Dates, from Arabia felix and Alexandria.
Dictamnum album, from Lombardia.
Draganti, from Morea.
Euphorbium, from Barbaria.
Epithymum, from Candia.
Sena, from Mecca.
Gumme Arabike, from Zaffo.
Grana, from Coronto.
Ladanum, from Cyprus and Candia.
Lapis lazzudis, from Persia.
Lapis Zudassi, from Zaffetto.
Lapis Spongij is found in sponges.
Lapis Hæmatites, from Almanie.
Manna, from Persia.
Auripigmentum, from manie places of Turkie.
Pilatro, from Barbaria.
Pistaches, from Doria.
Worme-seede, from Persia.
Sumack, from Cyprus.
Sebesten, from Cyprus.
Galbanum from Persia.
Dente d'Abolio, from Melinde, and Mosambique.
Folium Indicum, from Goa, and Cochin.
Diasprum viride, from Cambaia.
Petra Bezzuar, from Tartaria.
Sarcacolla, from Persia.
Melleghete, from the West parts.
Sugo di Requillicie, from Arabia felix.
Chochenillo, from the West India.
Rubarbe, from Persia, and China.


The times or seasonable windes called Monsons, wherein the ships depart
  from place to place in the East Indies.

Note that the Citie of Goa is the principall place of all the Orientall
India, and the winter there beginneth the 15 of May with very great raine,
and so continueth till the first of August, so that during that space, no
shippe can passe ouer the barre of Goa, because through the continuall
shoures of raine all the sandes ioyne together neere vnto a mountaine
called Oghane, and all these sandes being ioyned together, runne into the
shoales of the barre and port of Goa, and can haue no other issue, but to
remaine in that port, and therefore it is shut vp vntill the first of
August, but at the 10 of August it openeth by reason of the raine which
ceaseth, and the sea doeth then scoure the sands away againe.


The monson from Goa to the Northward, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia,
  Daman, Basaim, and other places.

The ships depart from betwixt the tenth and 24 of August, for the Northward
places abouesayde, and to these places they may saile all times of the
yeere, except in the winter, which beginneth and endeth at the times
abouesaid.


The monson from the North parts, for Goa.

The ships depart from Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, and other places Northwards for
Goa, betwixt the 8 and 15 of Ianuarie, and come to Goa about the end of
Februarie.


The first monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca.

The ships depart from Diu about the 15 of Ianuarie, and returne from the
straights to Diu in the moneth of August.


The second monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca.

The ships depart betwixt the 25 and first of September, and returne from
the straights to Diu, the first and 15 of May.


The monson from Secutra for Ormus.

The ships depart about the tenth of August for Ormus: albeit Secutra is an
Iland and hath but few ships, which depart as abouesaid.


The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land come to Goa.

About the fifteenth of September the Moores of the firme lande beginne to
come to Goa, and they come from all parts, as well from Balaguate,
Bezenegar, as also from Sudalacan, and other places.


The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land depart from Goa.

They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of Nouember. Note that by
going for the North is ment the departing from Goa, for Chaul, Diu,
Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, Ghassain, and other places vnto Zindi: and by the
South is vnderstood, departing from Goa, for Cochin, and all that coast
vnto Cape Comori.


The first monson from Goa for Ormus.

The shippes depart in the moneth of October from Goa, for Ormus, passing
with Easterly windes along the coast of Persia.


The second monson from Goa to Ormus.

The ships depart about the 20 of Ianuarie passing by the like nauigation
and windes as in the first monson, and this is called of the Portugals and
Indians Entremonson.


The third monson from Goa to Ormus.

The ships depart betwixt the 25 of March, and 6 of Aprill, hauing Easterly
windes, till they passe Secutra, and then they find Westerly windes, and
therefore they set their course ouer for the coast of Arabia, till they
come to Cape Rasalgate and the Straight of Ormus, and this monson is most
troublesome of all: for they make two nauigations in the heigth of Seylan,
which is 6 degrees and somewhat lower.


The first monson from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa.

The ships depart from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa in the moneth of September,
with North and Northeast windes.


The second monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa.

The second monson is betwixt the fiue and twentie and last of December,
with like winds as the former monson.


The third monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa.

The third monson the ships depart from Ormus, for Chaul and Goa, betwixt
the first and 15. of April, and they saile with Southeast windes, East and
Northeast windes, coasting vpon the Arabia side from Cape Mosandon vnto
Cape Rasalgate, and hauing lost the sight of Cape Rasalgate, they haue
Westerly windes, and so come for Chaul and Goa, and if the said ships
depart not before the 25 of April, they are not then to depart that monson,
but to winter in Ormus because of the winter.


The first monson from Ormus for Zindi.

The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the 15 and 26 of Aprill.


The second monson from Ormus for Zindi.

The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 20 of October for Zindi from Ormus.


The monson from Ormus for the red sea.

The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the first and last of Ianuarie.


Hitherto I haue noted the monsons of the ships departing from Goa to the
  Northward: Now follow the monsons wherein the ships depart from Goa, to
  the Southward.

The Monson from Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Seilan, and all that coast.

The ships depart from those places betwixt the 1 and 15 of August, and
there they find it nauigable all the yeere except in the winter, which
continueth as is aforesayd, from the 15 of May till the 10 of August.
[Sidenote: Note.] In like maner the ships come from these places for Goa at
euery time in the yeere except in the winter, but of all other the best
time is to come in Nouember, December and Ianuary.


The first monson from Goa, for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa, betwixt the 15 and 20 of April, and winter at S.
Thomas, and after the 5 of August, they depart from S. Thomas for Pegu.


The second monson from Goa, for Pegu.

The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of August, going straight
for Pegu, and if they passe the 24 of August, they cannot passe that
monson, neither is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid.
[Sidenote: Marchandize good for Pegu.] Note that the chiefest trade is to
take money of S. Thomas rials, and patechoni, and to goe to S. Thomas, and
there to buy Tellami, which is fine cloth of India, whereof there is great
quantitie made in Coromandel, and brought thither, and other marchandise
are not good for that place except some dozen of very faire Emeraulds
orientall. For of golde, siluer, and Rubies, there is sufficient store in
Pegu.


The monson from Pegu for the Indies.

The ships depart from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25 of Ianuarie, and come to
Goa about the 25 of March, or in the beginning of April. Note, that if it
passe the 10 of May before the sayde ships be arriued in Goa, they cannot
come thither that monson, and if they haue not then fet the coast of India,
they shall with great perill fetch S. Thomas.


The first monson from Goa for Malacca.

The ships depart betwixt the 15 and last of September, and arriue in
Malacca about the end of October.


The second monson from Goa to Malacca.

The ships depart about the 5 of May from Goa, and arriue in Malacca about
the 15 of Iune.


The first monson from Malacca to Goa.

The ships depart about the 10 of September, and come to Goa about the end
of October.


The second monson from Malacca to Goa.

The ships depart from Malacca about the 10 of February, and come to Goa
about the end of March. But if the said ships should stay till the 10 of
May they cannot enter into Goa, and if at that time also they should not be
arriued at Cochin, they are forced to retume to Malacca, because the winter
and contrary windes then come vpon them.


The monson from Goa for China.

The ships depart from Goa in the moneth of April.


The monson from China for Goa.

The ships depart to be the 10 of May in Goa, and being not then arriued,
they turne backe to Cochin, and if they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne
to Malacca.


The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes.

The ships depart about 10 or 15 of May, which time being past, the shippes
can not passe ouer the barre of Goa for the cause abouesaid.


The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arriuall in Goa.

The ships which come from the Moluccaes arriue vpon the bar of Goa about
the 15. of April.


The monsons of the Portingall ships for the Indies.

[Sidenote: Note.] The ships which come from Portugall depart thence
ordinarily betwixt the tenth and fifteenth of March, comming the straight
way during the moneth of Iuly to the coast of Melinde, and Mosambique, and
from thence goe straight for Goa, and if in the moneth Iuly they should not
be at the coast of Melinde, they can in no wise that yeere fetch Melinde,
but returne to the Isle of Saint Helena, and so are not able, that time
being past, to fetch the coast of India, and to come straight for Goa.
Therefore (as is abouesaid) they returne to the Island of Saint Helena, and
if they cannot make the said Island, then they runne as lost vpon the Coast
of Guinea: but if the said ships be arriued in time vpon the coast of
Melinde, they set forwardes for Goa, and if by the fifteenth of September
they cannot fetch Goa, they then goe for Cochin, but if they see they
cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Mosambique to winter there vpon the
sayd coast. [Sidenote: Note.] Albeit in the yeere of our Lord 1580 there
arriued the ship called San Lorenzo, being wonderfull sore sea-beaten, the
eight of October, which was accounted as a myracle for that the like had
not beene seene before.


The monson from India for Portugall.

The shippes depart from Cochin betweene the fifteenth and last of Ianuary,
going on till they haue sight of Capo de buona speranza, and the Isle of
Saint Helena, which Islande is about the midway, being in sixteene degrees
to the South. And it is a litle Island being fruitfull of all things which
a man can imagine, with great store of fruit: and this Island is a great
succour to the shipping which returne for Portugall. And not long since the
said Island was found by the Portugales, and was discouered by a shippe
that came from the Indies in a great storme, in which they found such
abundance of wilde beastes, and boares, and all sort of fruite, that by
meanes thereof that poore ship which had been foure moneths at sea,
refreshed themselues both with water and meate very well, and this Island
they called S. Helena, because it was discouered vpon S. Helens day. And
vndoubtedly this Island is a great succour, and so great an ayde to the
ships of Portugall, that many would surely perish if that helpe wanted. And
therefore the king of Portugall caused a Church to be made there for
deuotion of S. Helena: where there are onely resident Eremits, and all
other are forbidden to inhabite there by the kings commaundement, to the
ende that the ships may be the more sufficiently furnished with victuals,
because the ships which come from India come but slenderly victualled,
[Sidenote: Note.] because there groweth no corne there, neither make they
any wine: but the ships which come from Portugall to the Indies touch not
in the sayd Island, because they set out being sufficiently furnished with
bread and water from Portugall for eight moneths voyage. Any other people
then the two Eremites abouesaid, cannot inhabite this Island, except some
sicke man that may be set there a shore to remaine in the Eremites
companie, for his helpe and recouery.


The monson from Goa to Mosambique.

The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 15 of Ianuarie.


The monson from Mosambique to Goa.

The ships depart betweene the 8 and last of August, and arriue in Chaul or
Goa in the moneth of October, till the 15 of Nouember.


The monson from Ormus to Bengala.

The ships depart betwixt the 15 and 20 of Iune, and goe to winter at Teue
and depart thence about the 15 of August for Bengala.

       *       *       *       *       *

A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly paiments, answered quarterly
  in time of peace, by the Grand Signior, out of his Treasurie, to the
  Officers of his Seraglio or Court, successiuely in degrees: collected in
  a yeerely totall summe, as followeth.

For his owne diet euery day, one thousand and one aspers, according to a
former custome receiued from his auncestors: notwithstanding that otherwise
his diurnall expence is very much, and not certainly knowen, which summe
maketh sterling mony by the yere, two thousand, one hundred, 92. pounds,
three shillings, eightpence.

The fiue and fourtie thousand Ianizaries dispersed in sundry places of his
dominions, at sixe aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere to fiue hundreth,
fourescore and eleuen thousand, and three hundreth pounds.

The Azamoglans, tribute children, farre surmount that number, for that they
are collected from among the Christians, from whom betweene the yeeres of
sixe and twelue, they are pulled away yeerely perforce: whereof I suppose
those in seruice may be equall in number with the Ianizaries abouesayd, at
three aspers a day, one with another, which is two hundred fourescore and
fifteene thousand, sixe hundred and fiftie pounds.

The fiue Bassas, whereof the Viceroy is supreme, at one thousand aspers the
day, besides their yerely reuenues, amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten
thousand, nine hundred and fiftie pounds.

The fiue Beglerbegs, chiefe presidents of Greece, Hungary, and Sclauonia,
being in Europe, in Natolia, and Caramania of Asia, at one thousande aspers
the day: as also to eighteene other gouernours of Prouinces, at fiue
hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand sixe
hundred, and threescore pounds.

The Bassa, Admirall of the Sea, one thousand aspers the day, two thousand,
one hundred foure score and ten pounds.

The Aga of the Ianizaries, generall of the footemen, fiue hundred aspers
the day, and maketh by the yeere in sterling money, one thousand, foure
score and fifteene pounds.

The Imbrahur Bassa, Master of his horse, one hundred and fiftie aspers the
day, is sterling money, three hundred and eight and twenty pounds.

The chiefe Esquire vnder him, one hundred and fiftie aspers, is three
hundred and eight and twenty pounds.

The Agas of the Spahi, Captaines of the horsemen, sixe, at one hundred and
fiftie aspers to either of them, maketh sterling, one thousand, nine
hundred, three score and eleuen pounds.

The Capagi Bassas head porters foure, one hundred and fiftie aspers to ech,
and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, one thousand, three hundred,
and fourteene pounds.

The Sisinghir Bassa, Controller of the housholde, one hundred and twentie
aspers the day, and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, two hundred,
threescore and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Chaus Bassa, Captaine of the Pensioners, one hundred and twentie aspers
the day, and amounteth to by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred,
threescore and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Capigilar Caiasi Captaine of his Barge, one hundreth and twentie aspers
the day, and maketh out by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred,
threescore and two poundes, sixteene shillings.

The Solach Bassi, Captaine of his guard, one hundred and twentie aspers,
two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hundred and twentie aspers,
two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Topagi Bassi, Master of the artillerie, one hundred and twentie aspers,
two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Echim Bassi, Phisition to his person, one hundred and twentie aspers,
two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings.

To fourtie Phisitions vnder him, to ech fourtie aspers, is three thousand,
eight hundred, three score and sixe pounds, sixteene shillings.

The Mustafaracas spearemen, attending on his person, in number fiue
hundred, to either three score aspers, and maketh sterling, threescore and
fiue thousand, and seuen hundred pounds.

The Cisingeri gentlemen, attending vpon his diet, fourtie, at fourtie
aspers ech of them, and amounteth to sterling by the yeere, three thousand,
fiue hundred and foure pounds.

The Chausi Pensioners, foure hundred and fourtie, at thirtie aspers, twenty
eight thousand, nine hundred and eight pounds.

The Capagi porters of the Court and City, foure hundred, at eight aspers,
and maketh sterling money by the yeere, seuen thousand, and eight pounds.

The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundred and twenty, at nine
aspers, and commeth vnto in English money, the summe of sixe thousand,
three hundred and sixe pounds.

The Spahi, men of Armes of the Court and the City, ten thousand, at twenty
fiue asters, and maketh of English money, fiue hundred, forty and seuen
thousand, and fiue hundred pounds.

The Ianizaires sixteene thousand, at six aspers, is two hundred and ten
thousand, and two hundred and forty pounds.

The Giebegi furbushers of armor, one thousand, fiue hundred, at sixe
aspers, and amounteth to sterling money, nineteene thousand, seuen hundred,
and fourescore pounds.

The Seiesir, seruitors in his Equier or stable, fiue hundred, at two
aspers, and maketh sterling money, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore
and ten pounds.

The Saesi, Sadlers and bit makers, five hundred, at seuen aspers, seuen
thousand, six hundred, threescore and fiue pounds.

The Catergi, Carriers vpon Mules, two hundred, at fiue aspers, two
thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten pounds.

The Cinegi, Carriers vpon Camels, one thousand, fiue hundred, at eight
aspers, and amounteth in sterling money, to twenty sixe thousand, two
hundred, and fourescore pounds.

The Reiz, or Captaines of the Gallies, three hundred, at ten aspers, and
amounteth in English money by the yeere, the summe of sixe thousand, fiue
hundred, threescore and ten pounds.

The Alechingi, Masters of the said Gallies, three hundred, at seven aspers,
foure thousand, fiue hundred, fourescore and nineteene pounds.

The Getti, Boateswaines thereof, three hundred, at sixe aspers, is three
thousande, nine hundred, fourty and two pounds.

The Oda Bassi, Pursers, three hundred, at fiue aspers, maketh three
thousand two hundred, and fourescore pounds.

The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at foure Aspers, whereof the
six hundred do continually keepe the gallies, two and twentie thousand,
seuen hundred fourscore and six pounds.

The Mariers Bassi masters over the shipwrights and kalkers of the navie,
nine, at 20. Aspers the piece, amounteth to three thousand fourescore and
foure pound, foure shillings.

The Master Dassi shipwrights and kalkers, one thousand at fourteene aspers,
which amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand, sixe hundred threescore
pound.

Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the yeere sterling, one
  million, nine hundred threescore eight thousand, seuen hundred thirty
  fiue pounds, nineteene shillings eight pence, answered quarterly without
  default, with the summe of foure hundred fourescore twelue thousand, one
  hundred fourescore and foure pounds foure shillings eleven pence, and is
  for every day fiue thousand three hundred, fourescore and thirteene
  pounds, fifteene shillings ten pence.

Annuities of lands neuer improued, fiue times more in value then their
  summes mentioned, giuen by the saide Grand Signior, as followeth.

To the Viceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand golde ducats.
To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand ducats.
To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats.
To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats.
To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats.
To the Captaine of the Ianizaries 20. thousand ducats.
To the Ieu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats.
To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats.
To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats.

Summa totalls 90. thousand li. sterling.

Beside these aboue specified, be sundry other annuities giuen to diuers
others of his aforesaid officers, as also to certaine called Sahims,
diminishing from three thousand to two hundred ducats, esteemed treble to
surmount the annuitie abouesaid.


The Turkes chiefe officers.

The Viceroy is high Treasurer, notwithstanding that vnder him be three
subtreasurers called Teftadars, which bee accomptable to him of the
receipts out of Europe, Asia and Africa, saue their yeerely annuitie of
lands.

The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa, who sealeth with a certaine
proper character such licences, safe conducts, passeports, especiall
graunts, &c. as proceed from the Grand Signior: notwithstanding all letters
to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge, and sealed by
the Grand Signior, with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his
necke, credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king
Salomon the wise.

The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs, Captaines of the
Islandes, to whom hee giueth their charge, as also appointeth the
Subbasses, Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea
coastes about Constantinople, and in the Archipelago, whereof hee reapeth
great profit.

The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats, and so
likewise either of the others according as they are placed.

The Ressistop serueth in office to the Viceroy and Chancellor, as
Secretary, and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls, before
which two, passe all writings presented to, or granted by the said Viceroy
and Chancellor, offices of especiall credite and like profile, moreouer
rewarded with annuities of lands.

There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker, the one ouer Europe,
and the other ouer Asia and Africa, which in Court doe sit on the Bench at
the left hand of the Bassas. These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of
the land called Cadies, whereof is one in euery Citie or towne, before whom
all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided, as also penalties and
corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the
Subbassi.


The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the
  gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks, and their petie Captaines
  mainteined of these Prouinces.

The Beglerbegs of

  Græcia, fourtie thousand persons.
  Buda, fifteene thousand persons.
  Sclauonia, fifteene thousand persons.
  Natolia, fifteene thousand persons.
  Caramania, fifteene thousand persons.
  Armenia, eighteene thousand persons.
  Persia, twentie thousand persons.
  Vsdrum, fifteene thousand persons.
  Chirusta, fifteene thousand persons.
  Caraemiti, thirtie thousand persons.
  Gierusal, two and thirtie thousand persons.

The Beglerbegs of

  Bagdat, fiue and twentie thousand persons.
  Balsara, two and twenty thousand persons.
  Lassaija, seuenteene thousand persons.
  Alepo, fiue and twentie thousand persons.
  Damasco, seuenteene thousand persons.
  Cayro, twelue thousand persons.
  Abes, twelue thousand persons.
  Mecca, eight thousand persons.
  Cyprus, eighteene thousand persons.
  Tunis in Barbary, eight thousand persons.
  Tripolis in Syria, eight thousand persons.
  Alger, fourtie thousand persons.

Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight, euery of
which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth
Souldiers, may be one with another at the least, three hundreth thousand
persons.

Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person. Be these--

  Capiaga, High Porter.
  Alnader Bassi, Treasurer.
  Oda Bassi, Chamberlaine.
  Killergi Bassi, Steward.
  Saraiaga, Comptroller.
  Peskerolen, Groome of the chamber.
  Edostoglan, Gentleman of the Ewer.
  Sehetaraga, Armour bearer.
  Choataraga, he that carieth his riding cloake.
  Ebietaraga, Groome of the stoole.

There be many other maner Officers, which I esteeme superfluous to write.


The Turkes yeerely reuenue.

The Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be fourteene Millions and an
halfe of golden ducats, which is sterling fiue millions, eight score
thousand pounds.

The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely
for the redemption of euery head, which may amount vnto not so litle as one
Million of golden ducats, which is sterling three hundred threescore
thousand pounds.

Moreouer, in time of warre, he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of
his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians.

The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary, threescore thousand
dollers, which is sterling thirteene thousand pound, besides presents to
the Viceroy and Bassas, which are said to amount to twentie thousand
dollers.


Ambassadors Allowances.

The Ambassadour of the Emperour is allowed one thousand Aspers the day.

The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like: but of late
yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy, it was
reduced to sixe crownes the day, beside the prouision of his Esquire of his
stable.

The Ambassadours of Poland, and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as
these two abouesaid. The said Polack is allowed 12. Frenche crownes the day
during his abode, which may be for a moneth. Very seldome do the state of
Venice send any Ambassador otherwise, then enforced of vrgent necessity:
but in stead thereof keepe their Agent, president ouer other Marchants of
them termed a bailife, who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior,
although his port and state is in maner as magnifical as the other
aforesaid Ambassadors. The Spanish Ambassador was equall with other in
Ianizaries: but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the
list of other Ambassadors in making presents to the Grand Signior, he had
none alowance. His abode there was 3. yeres, at the end whereof, hauing
concluded a truce for six yeres, taking place from his first comming in
Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand
Signior.

       *       *       *       *       *

To the Worshipfull and his very loving Vncle M. Rowland Hewish, Esquier, at
  Sand in Devonshire.

Sir, considering the goodnesse of your Nature which is woont kindely to
accept from a friend, euen of meane things being giuen with a good heart, I
haue presumed to trouble you with the reading of this rude discourse of my
trauels into Turkie, and of the deliuerie of the present with such other
occurrents as there happened woorthie the obseruation: of all which
proceedings I was an eie-witnesse, it pleasing the Ambassadour to take mee
in with him to the Grand Signior. If for lacke of time to put it in order I
haue not performed it so well as it ought, I craue pardon, assuring you
that to my knowledge I haue not missed in the trueth of any thing. If you
aske me what in my trauels I haue learned, I answere as a noble man of
France did to the like demaund, Hoc vnum didici, mundi contemptum: and so
concluding with the wise man in the booke of the Preacher, that all is
vanitie, and one thing onely is necessarie, I take my leaue and commit you
to the Almightie. From London the 16. March 1597.

Your louing Nephew
Richard Wrag.


A description of a Voiage to Constantinople and Syria, begun the 21. of
  March 1593. and ended the 9. of August, 1595. wherein is shewed the order
  of deliuering the second Present by Master Edward Barton her maiesties
  Ambassador, which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can,
  Emperour of Turkie.

We set saile in the Ascension of London, a new shippe very well appointed,
of two hundred and three score tunnes (whereof was master one William
Broadbanke, a prouident and skilfull man in his facultie) from Grauesend
the one and twentie of March 1593. And vpon the eight of Aprill folowing
wee passed the streights of Gibraltar, and with a small Westerne gale, the
24. of the same, we arriued at Zante an Iland vnder the Venetians. The
fourth of May wee departed, and the one and twentie wee arriued at
Alexandretta in Cilicia in the very bottome of the Mediterrane sea, a roade
some 25. miles distance from Antioch, where our marchants land their goods
to bee sent for Aleppo. From thence wee set saile the fift of Iune, and by
contrary windes were driuen vpon the coast of Caramania into a road neere a
litle Iland where a castle standeth, called Castle Rosso, some thirtie
leagues to the Eastwards of the Rhodes, where after long search for fresh
water, we could finde none, vntil certaine poore Greekes of the Iland
brought vs to a well where we had 5 or 6 tuns. That part of the country
next the sea is very barren and full of mountains, yet found we there an
olde tombe of marble, with an epitaph of an ancient Greeke caracter, by
antiquity neere worne out and past reading; which to the beholders seemed a
monument of the greatnesse of the Grecian monarchy. [Sidenote: Candie.]
From thence we went to the Rhodes, and by contrary windes were driuen into
a port of Candy, called Sittia: this Iland is vnder the Venetians, who haue
there 600 souldiers, besides certaine Greeks, continually in pay. Here with
contrary winds we stayed six weeks, and in the end, hauing the winde
prosperous, we sailed by Nicaria, Pharos, Delos, and Andros, with sight of
many other Ilands in the Archipelago, and arriued at the two castles in
Hellespont the 24 of August. Within few dayes after we came to Galipoli
some thirty miles from this place, where foure of vs tooke a Parma or boat
of that place, with two watermen, which rowed us along the Thracian shore
to Constantinople, which sometime sailing and sometime rowing, in foure
dayes they performed. The first of September we arriued at the famous port
of the Grand Signior, where we were not a little welcome to M. Edward
Barton vntil then her Maiesties Agent, who (with many other great persons)
had for many dayes expected the present. [Sidenote: The Ascension arriued
at the 7 towers.] Fiue or sixe dayes after the shippe arriued neere the
Seuen towers, which is a very strong hold, and so called of so many
turrets, which it hath, standing neere the sea side, being the first part
of the city that we came vnto. [Sidenote: The ship saluteth the grand
Signior.] Heere the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension to stay
with the shippe vntill a fitte winde and opportunity serued to bring her
about the Seraglio to Salute the Grand Signior in his moskyta or church:
for you shall vnderstand that he hath built one neere the wall of his
Seraglio or pallace adioyning to the Sea side; whereunto twise or thrise a
weeke he resorteth to performe such religious rites as their law requireth:
where hee being within few dayes after, our shippe set out in their best
maner with flagges, streamers and pendants of diuers coloured silke, with
all the mariners, together with most of the Ambassadours men, hauing the
winde faire, and came within two cables length of this his moskita, where
(hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery) they
discharged first two volies of small shot, and then all the great ordinance
twise ouer, there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in
the ship. Which performed, he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of
the great and spacious garden or parke, to giue our men thankes, with
request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee
would have the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof, which few dayes
after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed.

The grand Signiors salutation thus ended, the master brought the ship to an
anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house, where hee likewise saluted
him with all his great ordinance once ouer, and where he landed the
Present, the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied: the cause of which
staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation, or that woorthie man
the ambassador to shew you. [Sidenote: The cause of staying the present.]
At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir, and our ambassadors great
friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in
his place, a churlish and harsh natured man, who vpon occasion of certaine
Genouezes, escaping out of the castles standing toward the Euxine Sea, nowe
called the black Sea, there imprisoned, apprehended and threatened to
execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field, for that hee was taken
thereabouts, and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to
one of them: vpon the soliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre
betweene the Bassa (being now chiefe Vizir) and our ambassador, and in
choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words, as without sustaining
some great indignitie hee could not put vp. [Sidenote: An Arz to the grand
Signior] Whereupon after the arriual of the Present, he made an Arz, that
is, a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him, the manner in
exhibiting whereof is thus performed.

The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace,
either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side, whither, with a
Perma (that is one of their vsuall whirries) they approch within some two
or three score yards, where the plaintife standeth vp, and holdeth his
petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior (for his church is
open to the Sea side) the rest sitting still in the boat, who appointeth
one of his Dwarfes to receiue them, and to bring them to him. A Dwarfe, one
of the Ambassadors fauorites, so soone as he was discerned, beckned him to
the shore side, tooke his Arz, and with speed caried it to the grand
Signior. Now the effect of it was this; that except his highnesse would
redresse this so great an indignitie, which the Vizir his slaue had offered
him and her maiestie in his person, he was purposed to detaine the Present
vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee
certified, whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was.
[Sidenote: The great hall of Iustice.] Whereupon he presently returned
answere, requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the
Douan of the Vizir, vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of
cloth of gold, and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him, and with kind
entertainment to imbrace him in signe of reconciliation. [Sidenote:
Reconceliation with the Vizir made.] Whereupon our ambassador returning
home, tooke his horse, accompanied with his men, and came to the Vizirs
court, where, according to the grand Signiors command, he with all shew of
kindnesse embraced the ambassador, and with curteous speeches reconciled
himselfe, and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his
backe. Which done, hee with his attendants returned home, to the no small
admiration of all Christians, that heard of it, especially of the French
and Venetian ambassadors, who neuer in the like case against the second
person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted so bold an enterprise
with hope of so friendly audience, and with so speedie redresse. This
reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made, the ambassador prepared
himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present, which vpon the 7 of October
1593. in this maner he performed.

[Sidenote: The ambassador goeth to the court with the present.] The
Ascension with her flags and streamers, as aforesaid, repaired nigh vnto
the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio: for
you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in
Pera where most Christians abide, from which place, except you would go 4
or 5 miles about, you cannot go by land to Constantinople, whereas by Sea
it is litle broder then the Thames. Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a
sute of cloth of siluer, with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold, accompanied
with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin, with 40 other of his men very
well apparelled, and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes,
at his house tooke boate: at whose landing the ship discharged all her
ordinance, where likewise attended 2 Bassas, with 40 or 50 Chauses to
accompany the ambassador to the court, and also horses for the ambassador
and his gentlemen, very richly furnished, with Turkish seruants attendant
to take the horses when they should light. [Sidenote: The Ambass. came to
the Seraglio.] The ambassador thus honorably accompanied, the Chauses
foremost, next his men on foote all going by two and two, himselfe last
with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter, and 4 Ianissaries, which he
doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad,
came to the Seraglio about an Engush mile from the water side, where first
hee passed a great gate into a large court (much like the space before
Whitehall gate) where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses.
From hence they passed into an other stately court, being about 6 score in
bredth, and some 10 score yards long, with many trees in it: where all the
court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador.
[Sidenote: All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties.] Vpon the
right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer, and
borne vp with stone pillars, much like the Roiall Exchange, where stood
most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in costly aray,
with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer, with a
great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before. On
the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters, and the Chauses. All these
courtiers being about the number of 2000. (as I might well gesse) most of
them apparelled in cloth of gold, siluer, veluet, sattin and scarlet, did
together with bowing their bodies, laying their hands vpon their brests in
curteous maner of salutation, entertain the Ambassador: who likewise
passing between them, and turning himself sometime to the right hand and
sometime to the left, answered them with the like. [Sidenote: The
ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse.] As he thus passed
along, certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan, which is the seat of
Iustice, where certaine dayes of the weeke the grand Vizir, with the other
Vizirs, the Cadi-lesker or lord chiefe Iustice, and the Mufti or high
priest do sit to determine vpon such causes as be brought before them,
which place is vpon the left side of this great court, whither the
ambassador with his gentlemen came, where hee found the Vizir thus
accompanied as aforesayd, who with great shew of kindnes receiued him: and
after receit of her maiesties letters, and conference had of the Present,
of her maiesties health, of the state of England, and such other matters as
concerned our peaceable traffique in those parts: [Sidenote: Diner brought
in.] dinner being prepared was by many of the Courtiers brought into
another inner roome next adioining, which consisted of an hundred dishes or
therabouts, most boiled and rosted, where the ambassador accompanied with
the Vizirs went to dinner, his gentlemen likewise with the rest of his men
hauing a dinner with the like varietie prepared vpon the same side of the
court, by themselues sate downe to their meat, 40 or 50 Chauses standing at
the vpper end attending vpon the gentlemen to see them serued in good
order; their drinke was water mingled with rose water and sugar brought in
a Luthro (that is a goates skinne) which a man carieth at his backe, and
vnder his arme letteth it run out at a spout into cups as men will call for
it. [Sidenote: Diner taken away] The dinner thus with good order brought
in, and for halfe an houre with great sobrietie and silence performed, was
not so orderly taken vp; for certaine Moglans officers of the kitchin (like
her maiesties black guard) came in disordered maner and tooke away the
dishes, and he whose hungry eie one dish could not satisfie, turned two or
three one into the other, and thus of a sudden was a cleane riddance made
of all. The ambassador after dinner with his gentlemen, by certaine
officers were placed at the vpper ende vpon the left side of the court,
nere vnto a great gate which gaue entrance to a third court being but
litle, paued with stone. [Sidenote: Gownes of cloth of gold for the
ambassador and his gentlemen.] In the midst whereof was a litle house built
of marble, as I take it, within which sate the grand Signor, according to
whose commandement giuen there were gownes of cloth of gold brought out of
the wardrope, and put vpon the ambassador and 7 of his gentlemen, the
ambassador himselfe hauing 2, one of gold and the other of crimosin veluet,
all the rest one a piece. [Sidenote: The Present.] Then certaine Cappagies
had the Present, which was in trunks there ready, deliuered them by the
ambassadors men, it being 12 goodly pieces of gilt plate, 36 garments of
fine English cloth of al colors, 20 garments of cloth of gold, 10 garments
of sattin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and certaine other things of good
value; al which were caried round about the court, each man taking a piece,
being in number very neere 100 parcels, and so 2 and 2 going round that all
might see it, to the greater glory of the present, and of him to whom it
was giuen: [Sidenote: The Present viewed.] they went into the innermost
court passing by the window of that roome, where the grand Signior sate,
who, as it went by to be laid vp in certaine roomes adioining, tooke view
of all. Presently after the present followed the ambassador with his
gentlemen; at the gate of which court stoode 20 or 30 Agaus which be
eunuchs. Within the court yard were the Turkes Dwarfes and Dumbe men, being
most of them youths. At the doore of his roome stood the Bustangi-bassa,
with another Bassa to lead the ambassador and his folowers to the grand
Signior who sate in a chaire of estate, apparelled in a gowne of cloth of
siluer. The floore vnder his feete, which part was a foote higher then the
rest, was couered with a carpet of green sattin embrodered most richly with
siluer, orient perles and great Turkesses; the other part of the house was
couered with a carpet of Cornation sattin imbrodered with gold, none were
in the roome with him, but a Bassa who stood next the wall ouer against him
banging down his head, and looking submissely vpon the ground as all his
subjects doe in his presence. [Sidenote: The ambassador kisseth the grand
Signiors hand.] The ambassador thus betwixt two which stood at the doore
being led in, either of them taking an arme, kissed his hand, and so
backward with his face to the Turke they brought him nigh the dore againe,
where he stood vntill they had likewise done so with all the rest of his
gentlemen. [Sidenote: The ambassadors demands granted.] Which ended, the
ambassador, according as it is the custome when any present is deliuered,
made his three demaunds, such as he thought most expedient for her
maiesties honor, and the peaceable traffique of our nation into his
dominions: whereunto he answered in one word, Nolo, which is in Turkish as
much as, it shal be done: for it is not the maner of the Turkish emperor
familiarly to confer with any Christian ambassador, but he appointeth his
Vizir in his person to graunt their demaunds if they be to his liking: as
to our ambassador he granted all his demands, and gaue order that his daily
allowance for his house of mony, flesh, wood, and haie, should be augmented
with halfe as much more as it had bene before. Hereupon the ambassador
taking his leaue, departed with his gentlemen the same way he came, the
whole court saluting him as they did at his comming in: and comming to the
second court to take our horses, after we were mounted, we staied halfe an
houre, vntil the captain of the guard with 2000 horsemen at the least
passed before, after whom folowed 40 or 50 Chauses next before the
ambassador to accompany him to his house. And as before at his landing, so
now at his taking boat, the ship discharged all her great ordinance, where
arriuing, he likewise had a great banquet prepared to entertaine those
which came to bring him home. [Sidenote: The Sultanas present.] The pompe
and solemnitie of the Present, with the day thus ended, he shortly after
presented the Sultana or empresse who (by reason that she is mother to him
which was heire to the crown Imperial) is had in far greater reuerence then
any of his other Queens or concubines. The Present sent her in her
maiesties name was a iewel of her maiesties picture, set with some rubies
and diamants, 3 great pieces of gilt plate, 10 garments of cloth of gold, a
very fine case, of glass bottles siluer and gift, with 2 pieces of fine
Holland, which so gratefully she accepted, as that she sent to know of the
ambassador what present he thought she might return that would most delight
her maiestie: who sent word that a sute of princely attire being after the
Turkish fashion would for the rarenesse thereof be acceptable in England.
[The Sultanas present to the Queene. Letters sent for England.] Whereopon
she sent an vpper gowne of cloth of gold very rich, an vnder gowne of cloth
of siluer, and a girdle of Turkie worke, rich and faire, with a letter of
gratification, which for the rarenesse of the stile, because you may be
acquainted with it, I haue at the ende of this discourse hereunto annexed,
which letter and present, with one from the grand Signor, was sent by M.
Edward Bushell, and M. William Aldridge ouer-land the 20 of March, who
passed through Valachia and Moldauia, and so through Poland, where Michael
prince of Valachia, and Aron Voiuoda prince of Moldauia receiuing letters
from the ambassador, entertained them with al curtesie, through whose
meanes by the great fauour which his lordship had with the grand Signior,
they had not long before both of them bene aduanced to their princely
dignities. [Sidenote: The other Vizirs presented.] Hee likewise presented
Sigala the Admirall of the Seas, with Abrim Bassa, who maried the great
Turkes daughter, and all the other Vizirs with diuers pieces of plate, fine
English cloth and other costly things: the particulars whereof, to auoid
tediousnesse, I omit. [Sidenote: The Ascension departeth.] All the presents
thus ended, the ship shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio
point, as a last farewell, departed on her iourney for England the first of
Nouember, my selfe continuing in Constantinople vntill the last of Iuly
after. This yere in the spring there was great preparation for the
Hungarian wars: and the great Turke threatned to goe himselfe in person:
but like Heliogabalus, his affections being more seruiceable to Venus then
to Mars, he stayed at home. Yet a great army was dispatched this yere; who,
as they came out of Asia to goe for Hungary, did so pester the streets of
Constantinople for the space of two moneths in the spring time, as scarse
either Christian or Iew could without danger of losing his money passe vp
and downe the city. What insolencies, murders and robberies were committed
not onely vpon Christians but also vpon Turks I omit to write, and I pray
God in England the like may neuer be seene: and yet I could wish, that such
amongst vs as haue inioyed the Gospel with such great and admirable peace
and prosperity vnder her Maiesties gouerment this forty yeeres, and haue
not all this time brought forth better fruits of obedience to God, and
thankfulnesse to her Maiesty, were there but a short time to beholde the
miserable condition both of Christians and others liuing vnder such an
infidell prince, who not onely are wrapped in most palpable and grosse
ignorance of minde, but are cleane without the meanes of the true knowledge
of God: I doubt not but the sight hereof (if they be not cleane void of
grace) would stirre them vp to more thankefulnesse to God, that euer they
were borne in so happy a time, and vnder so wise and godly a prince
professing the true religion of Christ.

The number of souldiours which went to the warres of Hungary this yeere
were 470000, as by the particulars giuen by the Admirall to the Ambassadour
hereunder doe appeare. Although all these were appointed and supposed to
goe, yet the victories which the Christians in the spring had against the
Turks strooke such a terrour in many of the Turkish souldiours, as by
report diuers vpon the way thither left their Captaines and stole away.


The number of Turkish souldiours which were appointed to goe into Hungary
  against the Christian Emperour. May 1594.

Sinan Bassa generall, with the Saniacke masould, that is, out of office,
  with the other Saniacks in office or of degree, 40000.
Achmigi, that is, Aduenturers, 50000.
The Agha or Captaine with his Ianisaries, and his Giebegies, 20000.
The Beglerbeg of Græcia, with all his Saniacks, 40000.
The company of Spaheis or horsemen, 10000.
The company of Silitari, 6000.
The company of Sagbulue and of Solbulue both together, 8000.
The Bassa of Belgrad.              }
The Bassa of Temiswar.             }
The Bassa of Bosna.                }  80000.
The Bassa of Buda.                 }
The Siniack of Gersech.            }

Out of Asia.

The Bassa of Caramania.            }
The Bassa of Laras.                }
The Bassa of Damasco.              }
The Bassa of Suas.                 }  120000
The Bassa of Van or Nan.           }
The Bassa of Vsdrum.               }
Of Tartars there be about 100000.  }

Thus you may see that the great Turke maketh warre with no small numbers.
And in anno 1597, when Sultan Mahomet himselfe went in person into Hungary,
if a man may beleeue reports, he had an army of 600000.

For the city of Constantinople you shall vnderstand that it is matchable
with any city in Europe, as well in bignesse as for the pleasant situation
thereof, and commodious traffike and bringing of all maner of necessary
prouision of victuals, and whatsoeuer els mans life for the sustentation
thereof shall require, being seated vpon a promontory, looking toward
Pontus Euxinus vpon the Northeast, and to Propontis on the Southwest, by
which two seas by shipping is brought great store of all maner of victuals.
The city it selfe in forme representeth a triangular figure, the sea
washing the walles vpon two sides thereof, the other side faceth the
continent of Thracia; the grand Signiors seraglio standeth vpon that point
which looketh into the sea, being cut off from the city by a wall; so that
the wall of his pallace conteineth in circuit about two English miles: the
seuen towers spoken of before stand at another corner, and Constantines
olde pallace to the North at the third corner. The city hath a threefolde
wall about it; the innermost very high, the next lower then that, and the
third a countermure and is in circuit about ten English miles: it hath
foure and twentie gates: and when the empire was remooued out of the West
into the East, it was inriched with many spoiles of olde Rome by Vespasian
and other emperours, hauing many monuments and pillars in it worthy the
obseruation; amongst the rest in the midst of Constantinople standeth one
of white marble called Vespasians pillar, of 38 or 40 yards high, which
hath from the base to the top proportions of men in armour fighting on
horsebacke: it is likewise adorned with diuers goodly buildings and stately
Mesquitas, whereof the biggest is Sultan Solimans a great warriour, which
liued in the time of Charles the fifth; but the fairest is Santa Sophia,
which in the time of the Christian emperours was the chiefe cathedrall
church, and is still in greatest account with the great Turke: it is built
round like other Greekish churches, the pavements and walles be all of
marble, it hath beneath 44 pillars of diuers coloured marble of admirable
height and bignesse, which stand vpon great round feet of brasse, much
greater then the pillars, and of a great height, some ten yards distant
from the wall: from which vnto these pillars is a great gallery built,
which goeth round about the church; and vpon the outside of the gallery
stand 66 marble pillars which beare vp the round roofe being the top of the
church: it hath three pulpits or preaching places, and about 2000 lampes
brought in by the Turke. Likewise vpon one side in the top is the picture
of Christ with the 12 Apostles, but their faces are defaced, with two or
three ancient tombs of Christians: to the West sticketh an arrow in the
toppe of the Church, which, as the Turks report, Sultan Mahomet shot when
he first tooke the city. Neere adioyning be two chapels of marble, where
lie buried most of the emperours with their children and sultanas. The 16
of Iuly, accompanied with some other of our nation we went by water to the
Blacke sea, being 16 miles distant from Constantinople, the sea al the way
thither being little broader then the Thames; both sides of the shore are
beautified with faire and goodly buildings. At the mouth of this Bosphorus
lieth a rocke some fourescore yards from the maine land, wherevpon standeth
a white marble pillar called Pompeys pillar, the shadow whereof was 23
foote long at nine of the clocke in the forenoone: over against it is a
turret of stone upon the maine land 120 steps high, hauing a great
glass-lanthorne in the toppe foure yards in diamiter and three in height,
with a great copper pan in the midst to holde oile, with twenty lights in
it, and it serueth to giue passage into this straight in the night to such
ships as come from all parts of those seas to Constantinople: it is
continually kept by a Turke, who to that end hath pay of the grand Signior.
And thus hauing spent eleuen moneths in Constantinople, accompanied with a
chause, and carying certaine mandates from the grand Signior to the Bassa
of Aleppo for the kinde vsage of our nation in those parts, the 30 of Iuly
I tooke passage in a Turkish carmosale or shippe bound for Sidon; and
passing thorow Propontis, hauing Salimbria with Heraclia most pleasantly
situated on the right hand, and Proconesus now called Marmora on the left,
we came to Gallipoly, and so by Hellespont, betweene the two castles before
named called Sestos and Abydos, famous for the passages made there both by
Xerxes and great Alexander, the one into Thracia, the other into Asia, and
so by the Sigean Promontory, now called Cape Ianitzary, at the mouth of
Hellespont vpon Asia side, where Troy stood, where are yet ruines of olde
walles to be seene, with two hils rising in a piramidall forme, not
vnlikely to be the tombs of Achilles and Ajax. From thence we sailed along,
hauing Tenedos and Lemnos on the right hand, and the Troian fields on the
left: at length we came to Mitylen and Sio long time inhabited by the
Genoueses, but now vnder the Turke. The Iland is beautified with goodly
buildings and pleasant gardens, and aboundeth with fruits, wine, and the
gum masticke. From thence sailing alongst the gulfe of Ephesus with Nicaria
on the right hand, Samos and Smirna on the left, we came to Patmos, where
S. Iohn wrote the Revelation. The Iland is but small, not aboue five miles
in compasse: the chiefe thing it yeeldeth is corn: it hath a port for
shipping, and in it is a monastery of Greekish Caloieros. From thence by
Cos (now called Lango) where Hipocrates was borne: and passing many other
Ilands and rocks, we arriued at Rhodes, one of the strongest and fairest
cities of the East: here we stayed three or foure dayes; and by reason of a
By which went in the ship to Paphos in Cyprus, who vsed me with all
kindnesse, I went about the city, and tooke the view of all: which city is
still with all the houses and walles thereof maintained in the same order
as they tooke it from the Rhodian knights. Ouer the doores of many of the
houses, which be strongly built of stone, do remaine vndefaced, the armes
of England, France, Spaine, and many other Christian knights, as though the
Turkes in the view thereof gloried in the taking of all Christendome, whose
armes they beholde. From thence we sailed to Paphos an olde ruinous towne
standing vpon the Westerne part of Cyprus, where S. Paul in the Acts
conuerted the gouernor. Departing hence, we came to Sidon, by the Turkes
called Saytosa, within tenne or twelue miles of the place where Tirus
stood, which now being eaten in by the sea, is, as Ezekiel prophesied, a
place for the spreading out of a net. Sidon is situated in a small bay at
the foot of mount Libanus, vpon the side of an hill looking to the North:
it is walled about, with a castle nigh to the sea, and one toward the land
which is ruinated, but the walle thereof standeth. Some halfe mile vp
toward the mountaine be certaine ruines of buildings, with marble pillars,
remaining: heere for three dayes we were kindly entertained of the Captaine
of the castle: and in a small barke we sailed from hence along the shore to
Tripoli, and so to Alexandretta, where the 24 of August we arriued. From
thence with a Venetian carauan we went by land to Aleppo, passing by
Antioch, which is seated vpon the side of an hill, whose walles still stand
with 360 turrets upon them, and neere a very great plaine which beareth the
name of the city, thorow which runneth the riuer Orontes, in Scripture
called Farfar. In Aleppo I stayed vntill February following; in this city,
as at a mart, meete many nations out of Asia with the people of Europe,
hauing continuall traffike and interchangeable course of marchandise one
with another: the state and trade of which place, because it is so well
knowen to most of our nation I omitte to write of. The 27 of February I
departed from Aleppo, and the fifth of March imbarked my selfe at
Alexandretta in a great ship of Venice called the Nana Ferra, to come to
England. The 14 we put into Salino in Cyprus, where the ship staying many
dayes to lade cotton wool, and other commodities, in the meane time
accompanied with M. William Barret my countrey man, the master of the ship
a Greeke, and others wee tooke occasion to see Nicosia, the chiefe city of
this Iland, which was some twenty miles from this place, which is situated
at the foot of an hill: to the East is a great plaine, extending it selfe
in a great length from the North to the South: it is walled about, but of
no such strength as Famagusta (another city in this Iland neere the Sea
side) whose walles are cut out of the maine rocke. In this city be many
sumptuous and goodly buildings of stone, but vninhabited; the cause whereof
doth giue me iust occasion to shew you of a rare iudgement of God vpon the
owners sometime of these houses, as I was credibly informed by a Cipriot, a
marcham of, great wealth in this city. [Sidenote: A great iudgement of God
vpon the noble men of Cyprus.] Before it came in subiection to the Turks,
while it was vnder the Venetians, there were many barons and noble men of
the Cipriots, who partly by vsurping more superiority ouer the common
people then they ought, and partly through their great reuenues which
yeerly came in by their cotton wooll and wines, grew so insolent and proud,
and withall so impiously wicked, as that they would at their pleasure
command both the wiues and children of their poore tenants to serue their
vncleane lusts, and holding them in such slauery as though they had beene
no better then dogges, would wage them against a grayhound or spaniell, and
he who woon the wager should euer after holde them as his proper goods and
chattels, to doe with them as he listed, being Christians as well as
themselues, if they may deserue so good a name. As they behaued themselues
most vnchristianly toward their brethren, so and much more vngodly (which I
should haue put in the first place) did they towards God: for as though
they were too great, standing on foot or kneeling to serue God, they would
come riding on horsebacke into the church to heare their masse: which
church now is made a publicke basistane or market place for the Turkes to
sell commodities in: but beholde the iudgement of the righteous God, who
payeth the sinner measure for measure. The Turkes the yeere before the
ouerthrowe giuen them at Lepanto by Don Iohn tooke Cyprus. These mighty
Nimrods fled some in holes and some into mountaines to hide themselues;
whereupon the Turkes made generall proclamation, that if they would all
come in and yeeld themselues, they would restore them to their former
reuenues and dignities: who not mistrusting the mischieuous pretense of the
Turkes, assembled together to make themselues knowen; whom after the Turkes
had in possession, they (as the Lords executioners) put them with their
wiues and children all to the sword, pretending thereby to cut of all
future rebellion, so that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen
aliue in the Iland, onely two or three remaine in Venice but of litle
wealth, which in the time of the warres escaped. After we had stayed in
this Iland some thirty dayes, we set saile in the foresayd shippe being
about the burthen of 900 tunnes, hauing in her passengers of diuers
nations, as Tartars, Persians, Iewes, and sundry Christians. Amongst all
which I had often conference with a Iew, who by reason of his many yeeres
education at Safet a place in Iudea neere Ierusalem, where they study the
Rabbines with some other arts as they thinke good, as also: for his trauels
into Persia and Ormus, he seemed to be of good experience in matters
abroad, who related vnto me such conference as he had with a Baniane at
Ormus, being one of the Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia.
[Sidenote: Indians skilful in Astronomy.] This Baniane being a Gentile had
skill in Astronomie, as many of that nation haue, who by his books written
in his owne tongue and Characters, could tell the time of Eclipses both of
Sunne and Moone, with the Change and Full, and by iudgement in Astrologie
gaue answere to any question demanded. Being asked concerning his opinion
in religion, what he thought of God? He made answere that they held no
other god but the sun, (to which planet they pray both at the rising and
setting) as I haue seene sundry doe in Aleppo: his reason was drawen from
the effects which it worketh in giuing light to the moone and other
starres, and causing all things to grow and encrease vpon the earth:
answere was made, that it did moue with the rest as the wheeles of a
clocke, and therefore of force must haue a moouer. Likewise in the Eclipse
being darkened it is manifestly prooued that it is not god, for God is
altogether goodnesse and brightnesse, which can neither be darkened nor
receiue detriment or hurt: but the Sunne receiueth both in the Eclipse, as
is aparant: to which hee could not answere; but so they had receiued from
their ancestors, that it was without beginning or ende, as in any Orbicular
or round body neither beginning or end could be found. He likewise sayd,
that there were other Gentiles in the Indies which worship the moone as
chiefe, and their reason is. The moone when she riseth goeth with thousands
of starres accompanied like a king, and therefore is chiefe: but the Sunne
goeth alone, and therefore not so great. Against whom the Banianes reason,
that it is not true; because the Moone and starres receiue their light from
the Sunne, neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his company but when he
list, and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone, yet they acknowledge
the Moone as Queene or Viceroy. Law they hold hone, but only seuen precepts
which they say were giuen them from their father Noe, not knowing Abraham
or any other. [Sidenote: The seven precepts of Banianes.] First, to honor
father and mother; secondly, not to steale; thirdly not to commit adultery;
fourthly not to kill any thing liuing; fiftly, not to eat any thing liuing;
sixtly not to cut their haire; seuenthly to go barefoot in their churches.
These they hold most strictly, and by no means will breake them: but he
that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes; but for the greatest
fault they will kill none, neither by a short death nor a long, onely he is
kept some time in prison with very little meat, and hath at the most not
aboue twenty or fiue and twenty stripes. In the yeere they haue 16 feasts,
and then they go to their church, where is pictured in a broad table the
Sun, as we vse to paint it, the face of a man with beames round about, not
hauing any thing els in it. At their feast they spot their faces in diuers
parts with saffron all yellow, and so walke vp and downe the streets; and
this they doe as a custome. They hold, there shalbe a resurrection, and all
shall come to iudgement, but the account shalbe most streight, insomuch
that but one of 10000 shalbe receiued to fauor, and those shall liue againe
in this world in great happinesse: the rest shalbe tormented. And because
they will escape this iudgdment, when any man dieth, he and his wife be
both burnt together euen to ashes, and then they are thrown into a river,
and so dispersed as though they had neuer bene. If the wife will not burne
with her dead husband, she is holden euer after as a whore. And by this
meanes they hope to escape the iudgement to come. As for the soule, that
goeth to the place from whence it came, but where the place is they know
not. That the body should not be made againe they reason with the
philosophers, saying, that of nothing nothing can be made (not knowing that
God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing) but beholding
the course of nature, that nothing is made but by a meanes, as by the seed
of a man is made another, and by corne cast into the ground there commeth
vp new corne: so, say they, man cannot be made except some part of him be
left, and therefore they burne the whole: for if he were buried in the
earth, they say there is a small bone in the necke which would neuer be
consumed: or if he were eaten by a beast, that bone would not consume, but
of that bone would come another man; and then the soule being restored
againe, he should come into iudgement, whereas now the body being
destroyed, the soule shall not be iudged: for their opinion is, that both
body and soule must be vnited together, as they haue sinned together, to
receiue iudgement; and therefore the soule alone cannot. Their seuen
precepts which they keepe so strictly are not for any hope of reward they
haue after this life, but onely that they may be blessed in this world, for
they thinke that he which breaketh them shall haue ill successe in all his
businesse.

They say, the three chiefe religions in the world be of the Christians,
Iewes, and Turks, and yet but one of them true: but being in doubt which is
the truest of the three, they will be of none: for they hold that all these
three shall be iudged, and but few of them which be of the true shall be
saued, the examination shall be so straight; and therefore, as I haue sayd
before, to preuent this iudgement, they burne their bodies to ashes. They
say, these three religions haue too many precepts to keepe them all wel,
and therefore wonderfull hard it wil be to make account, because so few doe
obserue all their religion aright. And thus passing the time for the space
of three moneths in this sea voyage, we arriued at Venice the tenth of
Iune: and after I had seene Padua, with other English men, I came the
ordinary way ouer the Alpes, by Augusta, Noremberg and so for England;
where to the praise of God I safely arriued the ninth of August 1595.

END OF VOL. IX.





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