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Title: Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe
Author: Harris, Thaddeus Mason
Language: English
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OGLETHORPE***


BIOGRAPHICAL MEMORIALS OF JAMES OGLETHORPE,

FOUNDER OF THE COLONY OF GEORGIA, IN NORTH AMERICA.

by THADDEUS MASON HARRIS, D.D.

MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES; OF THE
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY AT ATHENS, GREECE; OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
HISTORICAL SOCIETY; THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY; THE AMERICAN
ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY; AND CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE GEORGIA
HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

MDCCCXLI.



TO THE PRESIDENT, THE VICE PRESIDENTS, THE OFFICERS AND MEMBERS

OF THE

GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY,

THIS WORK IS

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.



TO I.K. TEFFT, ESQ., WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D., AND A.A. SMETS, ESQ.,
_OF SAVANNAH_;

WITH A LIVELY SENSE OF THE INTEREST WHICH THEY HAVE TAKEN IN THE
PUBLICATION OF THIS WORK, THIS PAGE IS INSCRIBED BY THEIR OBLIGED AND
GRATEFUL FRIEND,

THADDEUS MASON HARRIS.



  "Thy great example will in glory shine,
  A favorite theme with Poet and Divine;
  Posterity thy merits shall proclaim,
  And add new honor to thy deathless fame."

_On his return from Georgia_, 1735.


[Illustration: GEN. JAMES OGLETHORPE. _This sketch was taken in
February preceding his decease when he was reading without spectacles
at the sale of the library of Dr. S. Johnson.



PREFACE


Having visited the South for the benefit of my health, I arrived at
Savannah, in Georgia, on the 10th of February, 1834; and, indulging
the common inquisitiveness of a stranger about the place, was informed
that just one hundred and one years had elapsed since the first
settlers were landed there, and the city laid out. Replies to other
inquiries, and especially a perusal of McCall's History of the State,
excited a lively interest in the character of General OGLETHORPE, who
was the founder of the Colony, and in the measures which he pursued
for its advancement, defence, and prosperity. I was, however,
surprised to learn that no biography had been published of the man who
projected an undertaking of such magnitude and importance; engaged in
it on principles the most benevolent and disinterested; persevered
till its accomplishment, under circumstances exceedingly arduous, and
often discouraging; and lived to see "a few become a thousand," and a
weak one "the flourishing part of a strong nation."

So extraordinary did Dr. Johnson consider the adventures, enterprise,
and exploits of this remarkable man, that "he urged him to give the
world his life." He said, "I know of no man whose life would be more
interesting. If I were furnished with materials, I would be very glad
to write it." This was a flattering offer. The very suggestion implied
that the great and worthy deeds, which Oglethorpe had performed, ought
to be recorded for the instruction, the grateful acknowledgment, and
just commendation of contemporaries; and their memorial transmitted
with honor to posterity. "The General seemed unwilling to enter upon
it then;" but, upon a subsequent occasion, communicated to Boswell
a number of particulars, which were committed to writing; but that
gentleman "not having been sufficiently diligent in obtaining more
from him," death closed the opportunity of procuring all the requisite
information.

There was a memoir drawn up soon after his decease, which has been
attributed to Capel Lofft, Esq., and published in the European
Magazine. This was afterwards adopted by Major McCall; and, in an
abridged form, appended to the first volume of his History of Georgia.
It is preserved, also, as a note, in the second volume of Nichols's
Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, with some references and
additional information. But it is too brief and meagre to do justice
to the memory of one of whom it has been said, "His life was full of
variety, adventure, and achievement. His ruling passions were, the
love of glory, of his country, and of mankind; and these were so
blended together in his mind that they formed but one principle of
action. He was a hero, a statesman, an orator; the patron of letters,
the chosen friend of men of genius, and the theme of praise for great
poets."[1] The writer of this elegant encomium, adds this remark: "AN
AUTHENTIC AND TOLERABLY MINUTE LIFE OF OGLETHORPE IS A DESIDERATUM."
Such a desideratum I have endeavored to supply. This, however, has
been a very difficult undertaking; the materials for composing it,
excepting what relates to the settlement of Georgia, were to be sought
after in the periodicals of the day, or discovered by references to
him in the writings or memoirs of his contemporaries. I have searched
all the sources of information to which I could have access, with the
aim to collect what had been scattered; to point out what had been
overlooked; and, from the oblivion into which they had fallen, to
rescue the notices of some striking incidents and occurrences in the
life of Oglethorpe, in order to give consistency and completeness to
a narrative of the little that had been preserved and was generally
known.

[Footnote 1: Gulian Veerplanck, Esq. _Anniversary Discourse before the
New York Historical Society_, December 7, 1818, page 33.]

To use the words of one who had experience in a similar undertaking:
"The biographer of our day is too often perplexed in the toil of his
researches after adequate information for composing the history of men
who were an honor to their age, and of whom posterity is anxious to
know whatever may be added to increase the need of that veneration,
which, from deficient knowledge, they can but imperfectly bestow."

My collected notices I have arranged so as to form a continuous
narrative, though with some wide interruptions. The statements of the
most important transactions have generally been made in the terms of
original documents, or the publications of the day; as I deemed it
more just and proper so to do, than to give them my own coloring.
And I must apprize the reader, that instead of aiming to express
the recital in the fluency of rhetorical diction, or of aspiring to
decorate my style of composition with studied embellishments, MY
PURPOSE HAS SIMPLY AND UNIFORMLY BEEN TO RELATE FACTS IN THE MOST
PLAIN AND ARTLESS MANNER; and I trust that my description of _scenes_
and _occurrences_ will be admitted to be natural and free from
affectation; and my inferences, to be pertinent, impartial, and
illustrative. I hope, too, that it will not be thought that the detail
of _circumstances_ is needlessly particular, and the relation of
_incidents_ too minute. For, these, though seemingly inconsiderable,
are not unimportant; and, though among the minor operations of active
life, serve to indicate the state of existing opinions and prevailing
motives, and to exhibit the real aspect of the times. They also have,
more or less, relation to forth-coming events. They are foot-prints in
the onward march to "enterprises of great pith and moment;" and hence
should be carefully traced and inspected. Though my authorities are
duly noted, I have not been so particular as to distinguish every
passage which I had transcribed by marks of quotation; and, therefore,
being willing that this work should be considered as mainly a
compilation, with unassuming pretensions, entitle it BIOGRAPHICAL
MEMORIALS.

After the lapse of more than a century since Oglethorpe entered on the
stage of action, it cannot be expected that the varied incidents of so
busy, eventful, and long protracted a life as was his, can be brought
out and fully described; or that the prominent personal qualities of
so singular a character can be delineated, for the first time, with
vivid exactness and just expression. Not having presumed to do this, I
have attempted nothing more than a general outline or profile.

Such as I have been able to make the work, I present it to the public.
Whatever may be the reception which it may meet, I shall never think
the moments misspent, which were devoted to the purpose of reviving
the memory of Oglethorpe, and of perpetuating his fame by a more full
recital of his deeds than had been heretofore made.

BOSTON, _July 7th_, 1838.

       *       *       *       *       *

Since the preceding preface was written, the Reverend Charles Wallace
Howard, who had been commissioned by the Legislature of Georgia to
procure from the public offices in London, a copy of the records of
the Trustees for the settlement of the Province, and of other colonial
documents, has returned, having successfully accomplished the object
of his mission. It may be thought that these are of such importance
that all which I have done must be defective indeed, unless I avail
myself of them; and so, perhaps, it may prove. But my advanced old
age, my feeble state of health, and other circumstances, prevent my
doing so. I console myself, however, with the consideration that as
they consist of particulars relative to the settlement and early
support of Georgia, to which Oglethorpe devoted not quite eleven years
of a life extended to nearly a hundred, they would only contribute
to render more distinct the bright and glorious meridian of his
protracted day,--while I aimed to exhibit its morning promise and its
evening lustre;--endeavoring to give some account of what he was and
did forty-four years before he commenced "the great emprise,"
and where he was and how occupied forty-two years after its
accomplishment.

Moreover, the official records contain, principally, a detail of the
plans and measures which were adopted and pursued by the Trustees
in London, or comprise the statement of public grants of money, and
military stores and forces;--and these belong to History, and not to
Biography.

The Letters of Oglethorpe, besure, would be exceedingly interesting;
but I presume that much of what they refer to may be collected from
pamphlets and periodicals of the day, where he is spoken of as
he would not feel free to speak of himself. As from these I have
collected the most material particulars, I cannot think that my actual
deficiencies in the history of that eventful period can be very
considerable or important.

From a correspondence with I.K. TEFFT, Esq. and WILLIAM B. STEVENS,
M.D., of Savannah, I have obtained the clearer statement of some
important facts and occurrences, which is respectfully noticed where
introduced, and for which I render my grateful acknowledgments. The
latter gentleman has also obligingly favored me with an article on the
culture of silk in Georgia, which graces my appendix.

  I have done the best I could with scanty store;
  Let abler man, with ample means, do more;
  Yet not deficiencies of mine decry,
  Nor make my gatherings his own lack supply.

May _1st_, 1841.

The date, at the close of the first preface, indicates that the
publication of this work had been suspended.--A subsequent epistolary
correspondence, in reference to it, with friends at Savannah, excited
promptings, which were succeeded by a list of nearly two hundred
subscribers for the volume in print;--a list that included the names
of the most respectable gentlemen of the city, among whom were those
that held distinguished stations and filled important offices in
public life.

For this flattering encouragement and honorary patronage, the most
grateful acknowledgments are rendered.

       *       *       *       *       *

The name of the capital of South Carolina was originally written
Charles-Town and Charles' Town. At the time of the early settlement of
Georgia it had become blended in the compound word Charlestown, which,
being found in the documents referred to or quoted in this work, is
retained here, though of later years it is spelt Charleston.

In the following pages variations occur in the names of persons and
places, principally in the extracts from German publications. This
lack of uniformity in some instances, as also a few verbal errors in
others, was not detected till the sheets had passed the press.

  "Acres circumfert centum licet Argus ocellos,
  Non tamen errantes cernat ubique typos."



CONTENTS


The chapters, into which this work is divided, are with reference to
somewhat distinct portions of the history; and may be likened to a
suit of apartments in a capacious house; some large and some small,
variously furnished, and with different prospects abroad; but yet
adjoining each other, and, if but fitly framed together, adapted to a
duly constructed edifice.


CHAPTER I.

Parentage of Oglethorpe--Birth--Christian Name--Education--Military
Profession and Promotion--In the Suite of the Earl of
Peterborough--Service under Prince Eugene of Savoy--Elected Member
of Parliament--Visits a Gentleman in Prison--Moves in the House of
Commons for a redress of the rigors of Prison Discipline--Appointed on
the Committee--Extracts from his Speeches in Parliament,


CHAPTER II.

Oglethorpe appointed first a Director, and then Deputy Governor of the
Royal African Company--Takes a compassionate interest in the situation
of an African kidnapped, sold as a slave, and carried to Annapolis,
in Maryland, a Province in North America, who proves to have been an
Iman, or assistant Priest, of Futa, and was named Job Solomon--Causes
him to be redeemed, and sent to England, where he becomes serviceable
to Sir Hans Sloane for his knowledge of Arabic; attracts also the
notice of persons of rank and distinction, and is sent back to Africa,


CHAPTER III.

Project for settling the south-eastern frontier of Carolina--A Charter
granted for it, by the name of Georgia--Trustees appointed, who
arrange a plan of Settlement--They receive a grant of Money from
Parliament, and from Subscriptions and Contributions--Oglethorpe takes
a lively interest in it--States the Object, and suggests Motives for
Emigration--A Vessel hired to convey the Emigrants--Oglethorpe offers
to accompany the intended Colonists--His disinterested devotedness to
the benevolent and patriotic Enterprise,


CHAPTER IV.

The emigrants embark--Arrive at Charlestown, South
Carolina--Oglethorpe visits Governor Johnson--Proceeds up the
Savannah river--Place of settlement fixed upon--Town laid out--Labors
superintended, and assisted by Colonel Bull--Treaty with Tomo
Chichi--Progress of settlement--Oglethorpe makes a visit to Governor
Johnson, presents himself before the House of Assembly, and makes an
Address of grateful acknowledgment of favors received--Returns to
Savannah--Holds a treaty with the Lower Creeks--Goes to horse-quarter
on the Ogechee--Fort Argyle built--Savannah laid out in wards, and
Court of Records instituted,


CHAPTER V.

Oglethorpe intended to visited Boston, in New England--Governor
Belcher's Letter to him--Provincial Assembly appoint a Committee to
receive him--Sets out on an exploratory Excursion--Names an Island,
Jekyl--Visits Fort Argyle--Returns to Savannah--Saltzburgh emigrants,
conducted by Baron Von Reck, come to settle in Georgia--Oglethorpe
assists them in selecting a place--They call it Ebenezer--He then goes
up the river to Palachicolas--Returns--Goes to Charlestown, with Torno
Chichi and other Indians, in order to take passage to England,


CHAPTER VI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England with his Indian Escort--Is welcomed
by the Trustees--Apartments are provided for the Indians--They are
introduced to the King and Royal Family--One of their number dies
of the small pox--Visit the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eton
College--Shown the public buildings and institutions in London--Embark
for Georgia--Their arrival,


CHAPTER VII.

Oglethorpe remains in England--Trustees make Regulations--Oglethorpe,
desirous of providing for the conversion of the Indians, applies
to Bishop Wilson to prepare a Book of Religious Instruction for
them--Trustees seek for Missionaries--Engage John and Charles Wesley,


CHAPTER VIII.

Trustees make a new selection of Settlers--Their Proposals successful
in Scotland--Embarkation of Highlanders for Georgia--Indian
hieroglyphic letter sent to the Trustees--Further emigration of
Saltzburgers--Great embarkation of Colonists, attended by Oglethorpe
and the Missionaries--Employment and religious exercises on board
during the voyage--Arrival--Beacon on the Island of Tybee--The people
go on shore at Peeper's Island--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah with
the Missionaries--Sends provisions and refreshments to the
Emigrants--Moore's account of the Public Garden--Tomo Chichi welcomes
his friend--Saltzburgers make application for a removal from
Ebenezer--Oglethorpe sends pioneers to lay out a road to Darien,


CHAPTER IX.

Special destination of the last Emigrants--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St.
Simons--Follows with Charles Wesley--Arrives and lays out a Town to
be called Frederica--Visits the Highlanders at Darien--Returns and
superintends the building of a Fort--All the people arrive--Barracks
for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected--Visited by Tomo
Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands--Reconnoitres
the Islands and gives names to them--Commissioners from St.
Augustine--Apparently amicable overtures--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah
to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting
trade with the Indians--Insolent demand of the Spaniards--Oglethorpe
embarks for England,


CHAPTER X.

Delegation of the Missionaries--JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah--Has
a conference with Tomo Chichi--His Preaching deemed personal in its
applications--He becomes unpopular--Meets with persecution--Leaves the
Province and returns to England--CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe
to Frederica--Finds himself unpleasantly situated--Furnished with
despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence
takes passage for England--By stress of weather the Vessel driven off
its course--Puts in at Boston, New England--His reception there--Sails
thence for England--After a perilous voyage, arrives--BENJAMIN INGHAM
also at Frederica--Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the
sickness of his brother--Resides among the Creeks in order to
learn their language--Returns to England--CHARLES DELAMOTTE at
Savannah--Keeps a School--Is much respected--GEORGE WHITEFIELD
comes to Savannah--His reception--Visits Tomo Chichi, who was
sick--Ministerial labors--Visits the Saltzburgers--Pleased with their
provision for Orphan Children--Visits Frederica and the adjacent
Settlements--Returns to England--Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and
takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House,


CHAPTER XI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England--Trustees petition the King for military
aid to the new Colony--A regiment granted--Oglethorpe appointed
Commander in Chief of South Carolina and Georgia--Part of the regiment
sent out--Oglethorpe embarks for Georgia the third time--Remainder of
the regiment arrive--And two companies from Gibraltar--Prospect of war
with Spain--Military preparations at St. Augustine--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for defence--Treason in the Camp--Mutiny, and personal
assault on the General,


CHAPTER XII.

Oglethorpe visits Savannah--Troubles there--Causton, the store-keeper,
displaced--Oglethorpe holds a conference with a deputation
of Indians--Town-meeting called, and endeavors used to quiet
discontents--Goes back to Frederica, but obliged to renew his visit to
Savannah,


CHAPTER XIII.

Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his
Commission--Comes back to Savannah--Gives encouragement to the
Planters--Returns to Frederica--Excursion to Coweta--Forms a Treaty
with the Upper Creeks--Receives at Augusta a delegation of the
Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the
Traders--On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions,
and is authorized to make reprisals,


CHAPTER XIV.

Oglethorpe addresses a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, suggesting
an expedition against St. Augustine--Follows this, by application
in person--Promised assistance, and cooperation--Returns to
Frederica--Collects his forces--Passes over to Florida--Takes several
Spanish forts--Is joined by the Carolinian troops--The enemy receive
supplies--Oglethorpe changes the siege into a blockade--Takes
possession of Anastasia Island--Colonel Palmer and his men surprised
and cut to pieces--Spanish cruelties--English fleet quit the
station--Siege raised, and Oglethorpe returns to Frederica,


CHAPTER XV.

Oglethorpe pays particular attention to internal Improvements--Meets
with many annoyances--The Creeks, under Toonahowi, make an incursion
into Florida--The Spanish form a design upon Georgia--Some of their
fleet appear on the coast--Oglethorpe prepares for defence--Applies
to South Carolina for assistance--Spaniards attack Fort
William--Dangerous situation of Oglethorpe--Spanish fleet enter the
harbor and land on St. Simons--In three successive engagements they
are defeated--A successful stratagem--Enemy defeated at Bloody
Marsh--Retire and attack Fort William, which is bravely defended
by Ensign Stewart--Spanish forces, repulsed in all their assaults,
abandon the invasion in dismay, and return to St. Augustine and to
Cuba,


CHAPTER XVI.

Oglethorpe, informed that the Spaniards were making preparations for
a renewal of hostilities, takes measures to repel them--Meets with an
alarming accident--Lands on the Florida side of St. John's--Proceeds
towards St. Augustine--The Spanish do not venture out to attack
him--Returns to the Islands--sees that the Forts are repaired--Takes
passage to England to attend a Court Martial on an insidious charge
against him by Lieutenant Cook--Is honorably acquitted, and Cook is
dismissed from the service,


CHAPTER XVII.

Oglethorpe's residence in England--Marriage--Military appointments--A
Major General under the Duke of Cumberland for the suppression of
the rebellion in 1745--Arraigned at a Court Martial and
acquitted--Domestic and social life, and character--Death,

Obituary notice of Mrs. ELIZABETH OGLETHORPE, with extracts from her
Will,

Account of Carolina and Georgia by OGLETHORPE,


APPENDIX.

     I. Family of Oglethorpe,

    II. Discussion respecting the birth-day of the subject of these
        memorials,

   III. Notices of the Earl of Peterborough, and of Dean Berkeley,

    IV. Reference to the debates in Parliament in which Oglethorpe took a
        part,

     V. Prison-visiting Committee,

    VI. Release of insolvent debtors,

   VII. Sir Thomas Lombe's mill for winding silk,

  VIII. Case of Captain Porteous,

    IX. Trustees for settling Georgia,

     X. Oglethorpe's disinterestedness in the undertaking,

    XI. Advertisement of Governor Johnson of South Carolina, and letter of
        the Governor and Council to Oglethorpe,

   XII. Account of the Creeks,

  XIII. Account of the Indians in Georgia by Oglethorpe,

   XIV. Memoir of the Duke of Argyle,

    XV. Saltzburgers,

   XVI. Arrival of these persecuted German Protestants in Georgia,

  XVII. Settlement of Moravians,

 XVIII. Scout-boat and Channels,

   XIX. Uchee Indians,

    XX. A mutiny in the Camp, and attempt at assassination,

   XXI. Memoir of Tomo-Chichi,

  XXII. General Oglethorpe's manifesto,

 XXIII. Fate of Colonel Palmer,

  XXIV. Account of the siege of St. Augustine,

   XXV. Spanish invasion,

  XXVI. Order for a Thanksgiving,

 XXVII. List of Spanish forces employed in the invasion of Georgia, and
        of Oglethorpe's to resist them,

XXVIII. History of the silk culture in Georgia, written by W.B.
        Stevens, M.D., of Savannah,


INDEX,



CHAPTER I.

Parentage of Oglethorpe--Birth--Education--Christian
Name--Education--Military Profession and Promotion--In the Suite
of the Earl of Peterborough--Service under Prince Eugene of
Savoy--Elected Member of Parliament--Visits a Gentleman in
Prison--Moves in the House of Commons for a redress of the rigors
of Prison Discipline--Appointed on the Committee--Extracts from his
Speeches in Parliament.


James Oglethorpe, founder of the Colony of Georgia in North
America,--a distinguished philanthropist, general, and statesman,--was
the son of Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, of Godalming, in the County of
Surrey, Great Britain, by Eleanor, his wife, daughter of Richard
Wall, Esq. of Rogane, in Ireland.[1] There has been, hitherto, great
uncertainty with respect to the year, the month, and the day of his
nativity; I have, however, what I deem good authority for deciding
it to have been the twenty-first day of December, one thousand six
hundred and eighty-eight.[2]

[Footnote 1: For some account of the Family, see Appendix I.]

[Footnote 2: Appendix II.]

It is asserted in Thoresby's History of Leeds, page 255, that "he had
two Christian names, James-Edward, supposed to have been bestowed
upon him in compliment to the Pretender;" and he is so named on
his sepulchral monument. But, as he always used but one; as he was
enregistered on entering College at Oxford, simply James; and, as the
double name is not inserted in any public act, commission, document,
printed history, or mention of him in his life time, that I have ever
met with, I have not thought proper to adopt it.

When sixteen years of age, on the 9th of July, 1704, he was admitted a
member of Corpus Christi College, Oxford,[1] where his brother Lewis
received his education. It seems, however, that, after the example of
that brother, as also of his brother Theophilus, he early relinquished
a literary, for a military profession; and aspired to make his way in
the world, "tam Marte quam Minerva."

[Footnote 1: The record of his _admittatur_, in the University
Register, is,--"1704, Jul. 9, term. S. Trin. Jacobus Oglethorpe, e
C.C.C. 16. Theoph. f. Sti. Jacobi, Lond. Equ. Aur. filius natu minor."
That is, "_In Trinity Term, July 9, 1704_, James Oglethorpe, _aged_
16, _youngest son of_ Theophilus Oglethorpe, _of St. James's, London,
was admitted into Corpus Christi College_."]

His first commission was that of Ensign; and it is dated in 1710; and
he bore that rank in the army when peace was proclaimed in 1713[1].
In the same year he is known to have been in the suite of the Earl of
Peterborough[2], ambassador from the Court of Great Britain to the
King of Sicily and to the other Italian States; whither he was
fellow traveller with the Rev. Dr. George Berkeley, his Lordship's
Chaplain[3]. Highly honorable was such a mark of favor from his
Lordship; and peculiarly pleasant and instructive, also, must have
been such companionship with the amiable and excellent clergyman;
and it afforded opportunity of concerting plans of usefulness, of
beneficence, and of philanthropy, the object and tendency of which
were apparent in the after life of each[4].

[Footnote 1: Biographical Memoir in the European Magazine, Vol. VIII.
p. 13.]

[Footnote 2: NICHOLS, in the _Literary Anecdotes of the XVIIIth
Century_, Vol. II. p. 19, says, "he was aid-de-camp;" but as that
was the title of a _military_ rank, rather than of an attendant on
a _diplomatic_ ambassador, I have substituted another term, which
however may embrace it, if it be really proper.]

[Footnote 3: Dr. Berkeley, in a letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., dated
Turin, January 6, 1714, n.s. says that he travelled from Lyons "in
company with Col. Du Hamel and Mr. Oglethorpe, Adjutant General of the
Queen's forces; who were sent with a letter from my Lord to the King's
mother, at Turin." _Works of GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D., with an Account of
his Life_. Dublin. 1704. 2 vols. 4to. Vol. I--p. xxx]

[Footnote 4: Appendix III.]

In 1714 he was Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the Queen's
guards. By his fine figure, his soldierly deportment and personal
bravery, he attracted the notice of the Duke of Marlborough; whose
confidence and patronage he seems long to have enjoyed, and by whom,
and through the influence of the Duke of Argyle, he was so recommended
to Prince Eugene, that he received him into his service, first as his
secretary, and afterwards aid-de-camp. Thus near the person of this
celebrated general, full of ardor, and animated with heroic courage,
an opportunity was offered him in the warlike expedition against the
Turks in which the Prince was engaged, to gather those laurels in what
the world calls "the field of glory," to which he aspired; and,
in several successive campaigns, he exhibited applauded proofs of
chivalric gallantry and personal bravery. By his attentive observation
of the discipline, manner of battle array, onset of the forces, and
the instruction given him in military tactics, he acquired that
knowledge of the art of war, for which he afterwards became so
distinguished.

At the battle of Peterwaradin, one of the strongest frontier places
that Austria had against the Turks, Oglethorpe, though present, was
not perhaps actively engaged. It was fought on the 5th of August,
1716. The army of the Turks consisted of 150,000 men, of which 40,000
were Janisaries, and 30,000 Saphis, or troopers, the rest were
Tartars, Walachians, and the troops of Asia and Egypt. The army of the
Imperialists, under his Serene Highness, Prince Eugene, consisted of
but little more than half that number. The onset began at seven in the
morning, and by twelve Eugene was writing to the Emperor an account of
the victory in the tent of the Grand Vizier[1].

[Footnote 1: _Military History of Prince Eugene, of Savoy_, (a superb
work in two folio volumes, with elegant plates; compiled by CAMPBELL.)
Lond. 1737. Vol. II. p. 215. From this, and from "_The Life and
Military Actions of Eugene_," Lond. 1737, 12mo, the account of the
battles is taken.]

After a sharp contest of about four hours, the Grand Vizier Hali,
seeing the battle go against him, put himself at the head of his guard
of horse, pushed through a defile, and made a very brisk charge; but
his men could not sustain the contest; and he, having received two
wounds, was carried off the field to Carlowitz, where he died the next
day. The Aga of the Janisaries and Mahomet Bassa were also slain. The
whole loss of the Turks in this action amounted to about 22,000; and
of the Imperialists, 3,695 common soldiers, and 469 officers. There
was found in the camp 164 pieces of cannon, and a prodigious quantity
of powder, bullets, bombs, grenades, and various military equipments
and stores; and the booty in other articles was great and rich beyond
computation.

The Imperial army passed the Danube on the 6th of August, "in order to
avoid the infection of the dead bodies." The same day a council of war
was held, in which the siege of Temeswaer was proposed and resolved
on. This is a town of Hungary, upon the river Temes, whence it has
its name. It lies five miles from Lippa, towards the borders of
Transylvania, and about ten from Belgrade. The Turks took it from the
Transylvanians in 1552, and fortified it to a degree that they deemed
it impregnable. After several severe conflicts, and a most desperate
resistance, it capitulated on the 14th of October, 1716, and the Turks
entirely evacuated the place on the 17th. Thus the capital of a region
of the same name, was restored to its lawful prince after having been
in the hands of the Turks 164 years. "The success of this victorious
campaign filled not only Germany, but all Europe with joy." On this
occasion, Oglethorpe acted as aid-de-camp; and his active service in
attendance upon Prince Eugene; his prompt attention to the orders
dictated to him, or transmitted by him; his alertness and fidelity in
communicating them; and his fearless exposure to imminent peril
in passing from one division of the army to another, gained him
commendatory acknowledgments and the increased favor of his Serene
Highness.

Notwithstanding these signal victories gained over them, the Turks
were determined to continue the contest; and the next year the Grand
Signior held a great Divan at Constantinople to take measures for its
most vigorous prosecution. These purposes being put in train, Prince
Eugene undertook the siege of Belgrade, their chief strong hold. "The
Turks advanced to its relief, and besieged him in his camp. His danger
was imminent; but military skill and disciplined valor triumphed over
numbers and savage ferocity. He sallied out of his intrenchments, and,
falling suddenly upon the enemy, routed them with great slaughter, and
took their cannon, baggage, and everything belonging to their camp.
Belgrade surrendered immediately after."[1] On the 16th of August,
(1717) the capitulation was signed; and immediately afterwards the
Imperialists took possession of a gate, and the out-works; on the 19th
Te Deum was solemnly performed in the tent of the Grand Vizier, which
had become occupied by Eugene, and on the 22d the place was evacuated.
The Imperialists found prodigious riches in the camp of which they had
become possessed; "for the Sultan had emptied his coffers to supply
this army, which was by far the most numerous of any set on foot since
the famous siege of Vienna."[2]

[Footnote 1: Russell's _Modern Europe_, Vol. V. p. 3.]

[Footnote 2: CAMPBELL'S _Military History of Eugene_, Vol. II. p.
233.]

"Such was the conclusion of the siege of Belgrade; a place of the last
importance to the Imperialists and to the Turks; the bridle of all the
adjoining country; the glorious trophy of the valor and conduct of his
Serene Highness, Prince Eugene; and the bulwark, not of Germany only,
but of all Christendom on this side."

"Oglethorpe was in active command at the siege and battle of Belgrade,
on the south shore of the Danube, in 1717; where he acquired a high
and deserved reputation."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_ for 1785, p. 573.]

In the postscript of a letter from Alexander Pope, dated September
8th, 1717, to Edward Blount, Esq., is this remark: "I hope you will
take part in the rejoicing for the victory of Prince Eugene over the
Turks, &c." to which Dr. Warton subjoins this note; "at which General
Oglethorpe was present, and of which I have heard him give a lively
description."

The peace which took place in the following year between the Emperor
and the Sultan, left Oglethorpe without any active employment; and
he quitted, doubtless with reluctance, the staff of his friend and
patron, prince Eugene, with whom he had so honorably served; and
returned to England.

He was offered preferment in the German service; but it was, probably,
a sufficient reason with him for declining the proffer, that "the
profession of a soldier in time of peace affords but few opportunities
of promotion, and none of distinction."

In the year 1722, succeeding his brother Lewis in the inheritance of
the estate at Godalming, his weight of character and family influence
secured to him a seat in Parliament, as Burgess, for Haslemere; and
he continued to represent that borough, by successive elections, and
through various changes of administration, for thirty-two years; and,
"during this long period, he distinguished himself by several able
speeches; and, in the laws for the benefit of trade, &c. many
regulations were proposed and promoted by him."

In this august assembly, he was neither a dumb show, nor an automaton;
nor the tool of party; but independent, intelligent, and energetic,
delivered his opinions freely, spoke often, and always to the
purpose.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix IV.]


His first recorded speech was on the 6th of April, 1723, against the
banishment of Dr. Francis Atterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, which he
deemed injudicious and needlessly rigorous.[1]

[Footnote 1: History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, Lond.
1742, Vol. VI. p. 308.]

A few years after, his feelings of humanity were powerfully touched on
finding a gentleman, whom he went to visit in the Fleet prison, loaded
with irons, and otherwise cruelly used.[1] Shocked by the scenes he
witnessed, he determined to expose such injustice; and, if possible,
to prevent such abuse of power. With this view, he brought forward a
motion in the House of Commons, "_that an inquiry should be instituted
into the state of the gaols in the metropolis_." This met with such
attention, that in February, 1728, the House of Commons assigned
the subject to a Committee, of which he was chosen Chairman.[2] The
investigation led to the discovery of many corrupt practices, and
much oppressive treatment of the prisoners; and was followed by
the enactment of measures for the correction of such shameful
mismanagement and inhuman neglect in some cases, and for the
prevention of severity of infliction in others.[3]

[Footnote 1: Sir William Rich, Baronet.]

[Footnote 2: Appendix IV.]

[Footnote 3: Appendix V.]

A writer, whose opinion was founded on the best means of knowledge,
has declared that "the effects of this interposition have been felt
ever since by the unhappy prisoners."[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine for 1785, page 572.]

Oglethorpe thus became the precursor of HOWARD, the philanthropist,
in the cause of humanity, as it regards the amelioration of prison
discipline in general, especially the rigors of close confinement
for debt or petty offences, and that among felons and convicts. The
impression then made on his mind and heart, led him, afterwards, to
other and more extensive and efficacious measures for the relief of
poor debtors from the extortions and oppressions to which they were
subjected by gaolers, and from the humiliation and distress in which
they were often involved without any fault of their own, or by some
conduct which deserved pity rather than punishment.

At the opening of the session of Parliament on the 12th of January,
1731, the King's speech was the subject of debate in the House of
Commons. A motion was made for an address of thanks, in which they
should declare their entire approbation of his Majesty's conduct,
express their confidence in the wisdom of his counsels, and announce
their readiness to grant the necessary supplies. There were some who
opposed the motion. They did not argue against a general vote of
thanks, but intimated the impropriety, and, indeed, ill tendency of
expressions which implied an unquestioning approbation of the
measures of the ministry. In referring to this, Smollet[1] says, "Mr.
Oglethorpe, a gentleman of unblemished character, brave, generous, and
humane, affirmed that many other things related more immediately to
the honor and interest of the nation, than did the guarantee of the
Pragmatic sanction. He said that he wished to have heard that the
new works at Dunkirk had been entirely razed and destroyed; that the
nation had received full and complete satisfaction for the depradation
committed by the natives of Spain; that more care was taken in the
disciplining of the militia, on whose valor the nation must chiefly
depend in case of an invasion; and that some regard had been shown to
the oppressed Protestants in Germany. He expressed his satisfaction,
however, to find that the English were not so closely united to France
as formerly, for he had generally observed that when two dogs were in
a leash together, the stronger generally ran away with the weaker; and
this, he feared, had been the case between France and Great Britain."

[Footnote 1: History of England, Book II. chap. iv. Section xxx.]

The motion, however, was carried, and the address presented.

Possessing a vein of wit, Oglethorpe was apt to introduce piquant
illustrations and comparisons into his narratives, and sometimes with
the view of their giving force to his statements; but, though they
might serve to enliven conversation, they were not dignified enough
for a speech in so august an assembly as that he was now addressing.
They are, however, atoned for, on this occasion, by the grave tenor
of his preceding remarks, which were the dictates of good sense, the
suggestions of sound policy, and, especially, by the reference to the
distressed situation of the persecuted German Protestants which was
evincive of a compassionate consideration, truly honorable to him as a
man and a Christian. And we shall find, that, in behalf of these, he
afterwards exerted a personal and availing influence.

In 1732 he made a spirited and patriotic effort in Parliament to
restore a constitutional militia; and to abolish arbitrary impressment
for the sea-service; and, on this subject, he published a pamphlet
entitled "The Sailor's Advocate," for which Mr. Sharpe obliged him
with a sarcastic preface.

In the debate on the bill for encouraging the trade of the British
sugar colonies, Oglethorpe took an active part, and manifested
those liberal and patriotic views, and that regard for the colonial
settlements in North America, which, afterwards, became with him a
decided principle.

"In all cases," said he, "that come before this House, where there
seems a clashing of interests, we ought to have no exclusive regard to
the particular interest of any one country or set of people, but to
the good of the whole. Our colonies are a part of our dominions. The
people in them are our own people; and we ought to show an equal
respect to all. If it should appear that our Plantations upon the
continent of America are against that which is desired by the sugar
colonies, we are to presume that the granting thereof will be a
prejudice to the trade or particular interests of our continental
settlements. And, surely, the danger of hurting so considerable a part
of our dominions,--a part which reaches from the 34th to the 46th
degree of north latitude,--will, at least, incline us to be extremely
cautious in what we are going about. If, therefore, it shall appear
that the relieving our sugar colonies will do more harm to the _other_
parts of our dominions, than it can do good to _them_, we must refuse
it, and think of some other method of putting them upon an equal
footing with their rivals in any part of trade.

"Our sugar colonies are of great consequence to us; but our other
colonies in that part of the world ought also to be considered. From
them we have, likewise, yearly, large quantities of goods. We ought
not to raise one colony upon the destruction of another. Much less
ought we to grant a favor to any particular set of people which may
prove to be against the public good of the nation in general."

To these, and other matters of general moment, Oglethorpe devoted his
time, his talents, and his influence while in Parliament. He earnestly
supported the cause of silk manufacture, which had then begun to
spread in England by means of the improvement introduced by Sir Thomas
Lombe, in the invention of his large engines, which are described as
being of "a most curious and intricate structure,"[1] but which in
our own day, when mechanical ingenuity has reached a high degree
of excellence, and machinery seems itself almost an intelligent
principle, would, probably, be regarded as merely "curious and
intricate," without possessing any practical value.[2]

[Footnote 1: The 6th of the excellent _Essays_ by the Rev. Jared
Eliot, _on Field Husbandry, &_ c., 1761, is devoted principally to
recommendations of the culture of mulberry trees for the raising of
silk-worms. In page 161, is a reference to Sir Thomas Lombe, "that
eminent throwster, who erected the great engine in Derbyshire; a
wonderful structure, consisting of twenty-nine thousand five hundred
and eighty-six wheels, all set a going and continued in motion by one
single water-wheel, for working silk with expedition and success." See
also Appendix VII.]

[Footnote 2: Manuscript lecture of J. Willard, Esq.]

A Corporation was formed in London, in 1707, with the professed
intention of lending money to the poor on small pledges, and to
persons of better rank, upon an answerable security, for setting them
up, or assisting them in business. Its capital was then limited to
£30,000, but in 1730 increased to £600,000, and a charter granted to
the Corporation, by act of Parliament. But in October 1731, two of the
chief officers, George Robinson, Esq., member for Marlow, the Cashier,
and John Thompson, the Warehouse keeper, disappeared on the same day.
This gave the Proprietors great alarm; and an inspection of affairs
led to the discovery that for a capital of about £500,000, no
equivalent was found to the value of £30,000; the remainder having
been disposed of by ways and means of which no one could give an
account. In consequence of this defalcation, a petition of the
Proprietors was presented to the Parliament alleging that some who had
been guilty of these frauds had transported themselves to parts beyond
the seas, and carried with them some of the books and effects of the
Corporation; and that there was great reason to believe that such
an immense sum of money could not have been embezzled without the
connivance and participation of others who remained in the kingdom;
but that the petitioners were unable to come at the knowledge of their
combinations or to bring them to justice, unless aided by the power
and authority of that House; and therefore prayed that it might be
afforded.

On the reading of the petition, Mr. Oglethorpe rose and spoke as
follows:

"Sir, I am persuaded that this petition will be received in a manner
befitting the unhappy case of the sufferers and the justice of this
House. I can hardly suspect that any gentleman that has the honor of
being a member of this House will hesitate in giving all the relief
which we can to the number of unfortunate persons, who have been so
much injured. Yet, because I have heard it whispered out of doors,
that we ought not to receive this petition upon account, as is
pretended, that the common seal is not affixed to it, I deem it
necessary to take some notice of that objection, in case it should be
started here. Sir, I must say that if there be any irregularity as to
the affixing the seal of the Company to this petition, it is, in my
opinion, so far from being an objection to our receiving the petition,
that it is a very strong reason for it. If there be any fault in form,
it is the fault of those who had the keeping of the common seal; and,
as they may, perhaps, be of those against whom the complaints are
made, and who may, upon inquiry, be found more or less amenable for
the wrong, we are, therefore, to suspect that the withholding the seal
may be with a view of preventing the truth's being brought to light;
at any rate, we ought to discountenance and defeat such indirect
practices with regard to the use of a common seal.

"For my own part, sir, I have been always for encouraging the design
upon which this corporation was at first established; and looked upon
it as a provident act of charity to let necessitous persons have the
opportunity of borrowing money upon easier terms than they could have
it elsewhere. Money, like other things, is but a commodity, and in the
way of dealing, the use of it is looked upon to be worth as much as
people can get for it. If this corporation let persons in limited
circumstances have the use of money at a cheaper rate than
individuals, brokers, or money lenders, would be willing to do, it
was certainly a beneficent act. If they had demanded more than was
elsewhere given, they would not have had applicants, and the design
would not have proved good and useful; but the utility of it was
most evident; and the better the design, and the more excellent the
benefit, the more those persons deserve to be punished, who by their
frauds have curtailed, if not now wholly cut off, these sources
of furnishing assistance to the industrious and enterprising, and
disappointed the public of reaping the benefit which might
have accrued by an honest and faithful execution of so good an
undertaking."[1]

[Footnote 1: History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, Vol.
VII. p. 154.]

Another subject in the parliamentary discussions of Oglethorpe which I
shall mention, is his defence of the magistracy and town-guard of the
city of Edinburgh against an arraignment in the House of Lords, for
what was deemed the neglect of prompt and energetic measures for
suppressing the riotous seizure and murder of Captain Porteous by an
exasperated mob. The circumstances were these.

After the execution in the Grass-market, on the 14th of April, 1736,
of one Andrew Wilson, a robber, the town-guard, which had been ordered
out on the occasion, was insulted by rude and threatening speeches,
and pelted with stones, by the mob. John Porteous, the captain, so
resented the annoyance, that he commanded his men to fire over their
heads, to intimidate them; and then, as their opposition became
violent, he directed the guard to fire among them; whereby six persons
were killed, and eleven severely wounded. For this he was prosecuted
at the expense of the city, and condemned to die. But, a short
reprieve having been obtained, the mob, determined to defeat it,
assembled in the night preceding the seventh day of September, whereon
he was to have been executed pursuant to the sentence, and, in a very
riotous manner, seized and disarmed the city-guard, and possessed
themselves of the town-gates, to prevent the admission of troops
quartered in the suburbs. They then rushed to the Tolbooth prison;
the doors of which not yielding to the force of their hammers, they
consumed by fire, and then brought forth Porteous by violence, and
hung him on a dyer's post, or frame, in the Grass-market, nigh the
spot where the unfortunate people were killed.

The magistrates, attended with several of the burgesses, attempted to
quell the riot and disperse the mob, but were pelted with stones, and
threatened to be fired upon if they did not retire.

This insult of the sovereign authority was too flagrant to be
overlooked. Proclamations, with rewards of two hundred pounds
sterling, were issued for apprehending the rioters, and, when the
Parliament met, vigorous measures were taken in the affair. The Lord
Provost was ordered up to London in custody; the magistrates summoned
to answer the indictment, and a bill was introduced into the House of
Commons "to disable Alexander Wilson, Esq., the principal magistrate
during the riots, from ever after holding any office of magistracy in
Edinburgh or Great Britain; to subject him to imprisonment for a year;
to abolish the town guard, and to take away the gates of the nether
Bowport of the city." Oglethorpe objected to the first reading of the
bill, and it encountered his vigorous opposition. He engaged in a warm
defence of the magistrates, and of the guard, declaring that there
was no dereliction of duty on the part of the magistrates and of the
guard, but they were overpowered by numbers, and thrown into actual
jeopardy by the desperation of the mob. Hence the penalties of the
bill would be the punishment of misfortune, not of crime.

In consequence of the stand which he thus took, and the interest made
by others in the House of Commons, the bill was altered in its most
essential circumstances, and, instead of the rigorous inflictions,
"mercy rejoiced against judgment," and the city was fined the sum of
two thousand pounds, to be applied to the relief and support of the
widow of Porteous.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix VIII.]

A petition was made to Parliament "to extend the benefit of a late
_act for naturalizing foreigners in North America_, to the Moravian
Brethren and other foreign Protestants who made a scruple of taking
an oath, or performing military service." General Oglethorpe, in the
spring of 1737, presented the petition to the House of Commons, with
an ample speech, and was supported by many members. The opinion of
the Board of Trade was required on this head. The Proprietor of
Pennsylvania promoted the affair among the members of Parliament, and
especially with the Secretary of State, the Duke of Newcastle, by his
good testimonies of the brethren in Pennsylvania. The matter of the
bill was properly discussed, formed into an act, and, having passed,
with the greatest satisfaction, through both houses, received in June,
1747, the Royal assent.[1]

[Footnote 1: Cranz's History of the United Brethren, translated by La
Trobe, Lond. 1780, p. 331.]

On the 20th of February, 1749, another petition in behalf of the
Moravians was presented to the House of Commons; and was supported
by a long and highly impressive speech by Oglethorpe concerning the
origin of their church, their constitution, their pious and benevolent
labors, and particularly, what he was most apprized of, their
peaceable and useful settlements in America. On the 18th of April,
the engrossed bill was read the third time in the House, was passed,
_nemine contradicente_, and ordered to be carried to the House of
Lords. On the 21st of April, the bill was carried by sixteen members
of the House of Commons to the House of Lords; and, after a short
address by Oglethorpe, their leader, to Lord Chancellor Hardwicke,
was accepted with great solemnity, and laid on the table. After due
consideration, the act was passed, and on the 6th of June the Royal
assent was given to it.



CHAPTER II.

Oglethorpe appointed first a Director, and then Deputy Governor of the
Royal African Company--Takes a compassionate interest in the situation
of an African kidnapped, sold as a slave, and carried to Annapolis,
in Maryland, a Province in North America--But proves to have been an
Iman, or assistant Priest, of Futa, and was named Job Solomon--Causes
him to be redeemed, and sent to England, where he becomes serviceable
to Sir Hans Sloane for his knowledge of Arabic; attracts also the
notice of persons of rank and distinction, and is sent back to Africa.


In January, 1731, Oglethorpe was chosen a Director of the Royal
African Company, and the next year Deputy Governor. This situation
brought to his knowledge the circumstances of an African slave, whose
story is so interesting, that a few pages may be allowed for its
recital.

A negro, called JOB, was purchased on the coast of Africa by Captain
Pyke, commander of a vessel belonging to Mr. Hunt, a rich merchant of
Liverpool, and carried to Annapolis, Maryland, where, with others, he
was delivered to Michael Denton, the factor of Hunt, who sold him to
Mr. Tolsey. He was at first employed in the cultivation of tobacco;
but his humane master perceiving that he could not bear the fatigue,
rendered his situation more tolerable by charging him with the care
of his cattle. While in this employment, he used to retire, at stated
times, to the recesses of a wood, to pray. He was seen there by a
white boy, who amused himself with interrupting him, and often with
wantonly insulting him by throwing dust in his eyes. This greatly
added to Job's melancholy, which was increased by his having no means
of making known the annoyance and abuse to which he was subjected, so
that he grew desperate, and made his escape. He travelled through
the woods till he came to the county of Kent, on Delaware bay, in
Maryland, where, having no pass, and not being able to give any
account of himself, he was taken up as a fugitive slave, and put into
prison. While there, his behavior attracted more than common notice.
Besides a stateliness of bearing, and an air of self-importance, which
shew that he could be no ordinary person, he was observed to use
prostrations at regular periods of the day, and to repeat sentences
with great solemnity and earnestness. Curiosity attracted to the
prison certain English merchants, among whom Mr. Thomas Bluet was the
most inquisitive. He was able, from an old negro, who was a Foulah,[1]
and understood the language of Job, to obtain some information
respecting his former condition and character. These particulars
were communicated to his master Tolsey, who had been apprized of his
capture, and come to reclaim him. In consideration, therefore, of what
he had been, he not only forebore inflicting punishment on him for
desertion, but treated him with great indulgence. Having ascertained
that Job had in his possession certain slips of a kind of paper, on
which he wrote strange characters, he furnished him with some sheets
of paper, and signified a wish that he should use it. Job profited of
his kindness, to write a letter to his father. This was committed to
Denton, to entrust to his captain on the first voyage which he should
make to Africa; but he having sailed for England, it was sent enclosed
to Mr. Hunt, at London. When it arrived there, Captain Pyke was on his
voyage to Africa. Here, however, it was shewn to the Governor of the
Royal African Company, and thus it "fell into the hands," says
my author, "of the celebrated Oglethorpe,[2] who sent it to the
University of Oxford to be translated, as it was discovered to be
written in Arabic." The information which it imparted of the disastrous
fate of the writer, so awakened his compassion, that he engaged Mr.
Hunt, by an obligation to refund all expenses, to have Job redeemed,
and brought to England. This was immediately attended to, and he was
sent in the William, commanded by captain Wright, and in the same
vessel was Mr. Bluet, who became so attached to him, that, on their
landing, he went with him to London, where they arrived in April,
1733. As he did not find Oglethorpe, who had gone to Georgia, Bluet
took him to his own house at Cheshunt, in Hertfordshire. There Job
recommended himself by his manly and courteous behavior; and applied
himself so diligently to learn the English language, that he was soon
able to speak, and even write it with correctness.

[Footnote 1: In the relation which I follow this appellation is
written _Pholey_.]

[Footnote 2: BLUET.]

In the mean time a letter was sent in his behalf by Oglethorpe to the
African Company, requesting them to take up his obligation to Mr.
Hunt, and to pay the expenses of his voyage and accommodation after
his arrival; and to answer the bills of Mr. Bluet for his keeping and
instruction, till he himself should return. This was readily done, and
his emancipation effected for forty pounds; and twenty pounds, bond
and charges, were raised by subscription.

Job's knowledge of Arabic rendered him serviceable to Sir Hans
Sloane, who often employed him in translating Arabic manuscripts, and
inscriptions upon medals. To bring him into due notice, Sir Hans had
him dressed in the costume of his country, and presented to the king
and royal family; by whom he was graciously received; and her majesty
gave him a beautiful gold watch. The same day he dined with the Duke
of Montague; who afterwards took him to his country seat, where he was
shewn, and taught the use of, the tools employed in agriculture and
gardening. The same nobleman procured for him a great number of these
implements, which were put into cases, and carried aboard the vessel
in which he was to return to his native country. He received various
other presents from many persons; some of these, according to Mr.
Moore, were their Royal Highnesses, the Earl of Pembroke, several
ladies of distinction, Mr. Holden, and members of the Royal African
Company.

In the reference to him in NICHOLS'S _Literary Anecdotes_, vi. p. 91,
it is said "he returned home loaded with presents to the amount of
five hundred pounds." After having passed fourteen months in England,
he embarked, in the month of July, 1734, on board a vessel belonging
to the Royal African Company, which was bound for the river Gambia,
and carried out Thomas Moore to accomplish some business at a Factory
of the Company's at Joar, to whose particular care Job was committed.

While in England, his friend Bluet, collected from Job the history of
his life, which he published,[1] and from which some of the preceding,
and several of the following particulars are extracted.

[Footnote 1: _Memoirs of the Life of Job, the son of Solomon, the High
Priest of Bimda, in Africa_. By Thomas Bluet. London, 1734; 8vo.,
dedicated to the Duke of Montague.]

The name of this extraordinary man was Ayoub Ibn Soliman Ibrahim, that
is, Job the son of Solomon the son of Abraham. His nation was that of
the Jalofs; his tribe, or cast, the Pholey, or Foulah; and his native
place Bunda, a city of Galumbo, in the kingdom of Futa, in Central
Africa, opposite Tombuto.[1]

[Footnote 1: The affix to his name is sometimes spelt JALLA, JALOF,
and DGIALLA. These indicate the name of the tribe, or nation, to which
he belonged; which was that of the JALOFS, on the river Sanaga, and
along the Gambia.]

Ibrahim, the grandfather of Job, was the founder of the city of Bunda,
during the reign of Abubeker, then king of Futa; who gave him the
proprietorship and government of it, with the title of Alfa or High
Priest. After his death, the dignity, which was hereditary in the
family, passed to the father of Job. On the decease of Abubeker, his
brother, the Prince of Jelazi, succeeded to the royalty; he, being
already the father of a son, entrusted him to the care of Soliman,
the father of Job, to have him taught the Arabic language, and the
Alcoran. Job became, in this way, the fellow student and companion of
this young prince. Jelazi lived but a short time, and was succeeded by
his son.

When Job had attained the age of fifteen, he assisted his father in
the capacity of Iman, or inferior priest, and soon after married the
daughter of the Alfa of Tombuto: By her he had three sons, Abdallah,
Ibrahim, and Sambo. Two years before his captivity he took a second
wife, the daughter of the Alfa of Tomga; by whom he had a daughter
named Fatima. His two wives and his four children were alive when he
left Bunda.

In the month of February, 1730, the father of Job, having learnt that
an English vessel had arrived in the Gambia, sent his son thither,
attended by two domestics, to procure some European commodities; but
charged him not to cross the river, because the inhabitants of the
opposite bank were Mandingoes, enemies of the kingdom of Futa.

Job, coming to no agreement with Captain Pyke, the commander of the
English vessel, sent back his two domestics to Bunda, to render an
account of his affairs to his father, and to inform him that his
curiosity induced him to travel further. With this view he made a
contract with a negro merchant, named Loumein-Yoa, who understood the
language of the Mandingoes, to serve him as an interpreter and guide
on a pacific expedition and overture. Having passed the river Gambia,
when the heat compelled him to avail himself of the cooling shade of
the forest, he suspended his arms upon a tree, to rest himself. They
consisted of a sabre, with a handle of gold; a dagger in a sheath,
with a hilt of the same metal, and a rich quiver filled with arrows,
of which king Sambo, the son of Jelazi, had made him a present. "His
evil destiny willed"[1] that a troop of Mandingoes, accustomed to
pillage, should pass that way, who, discovering him unarmed, seized
him, shaved his head and chin; and, on the 27th of February, sold him,
with his interpreter, to Captain Pyke; and, on the first of March,
they were put on board the vessel. Pyke, however, learning from Job
that he was the same person who had attempted to trade with him some
days before, and that he was a slave only by having been kidnapped,
gave him leave to ransom himself and his companion. Accordingly, Job
immediately sent to a friend of his father, who dwelt at Joar, where
the vessel then lay, to beseech him to send news of his captivity. But
the distance being fifteen days journey, the Captain, after waiting
some time, found it necessary to set sail, and the unfortunate Job was
carried off, and sold, as has been already mentioned.

[Footnote 1: This is the explanation of Job, who being a Mahometan,
was a fatalist in his belief.]

He is described as being a fine figure, five feet ten inches in
height; of a pleasing but grave countenance, and having strait black
hair.[1] His natural qualities were excellent. He was possessed of a
solid judgment, a ready and wonderfully retentive memory, an ardent
love for truth, and a sweet disposition, mild, affectionate, and
grateful. His religion was Mahometanism; but he rejected the idea of a
sensual paradise, and several other traditions that are held among the
Turks. The foundation of his principles was the unity of God; whose
name he never pronounced without some particular indication of
respect. "The ideas which he held of the Supreme Being and of a future
state, appeared very reasonable to the English; but he was so firm in
the persuasion of the divine unity, that it was impossible to get him
to reason calmly upon the doctrine of the Trinity. A New Testament
in Arabic had been given him. He read it; and, giving his ideas,
respectfully, concerning it, began by declaring that having examined
it carefully, he could not find a word from which he could conclude
that there were three Gods."[2]

[Footnote 1: There is a scarce octavo portrait of him, head and
shoulders only, etched by the celebrated painter, Mr. Hoare, of Bath,
in 1734, as appears by a manuscript note on the impression of it in
Mr. Bindley's possession. Under the print is engraved, "_JOB, son
of Solliman Dgialla, high priest of Bonda, in the country of Foota,
Africa_."]

[Footnote 2: "Il etoit si ferme dans la persuasion de l'unité divine,
qu'il fut impossible de le faire raisouner paisiblement sur la
Trinité. On lui avoit donué un Nouveau Testament daus sa langue, il
le lut, et s'expliquant, avec respect, sur ce livre, il commence par
déclarer que l'ayant examiné fort soigneusement, il n'y avoit pas
trouvé un mot d'ou l'on fuit conclure qu'il y eut trois dieux."
_Histoire générale des Voyages, par l'Abbé_ A.F. Prévost. 4to. Paris.
1747. Tom. III. p. 116.]

Job landed at Fort English on the 8th of August, 1734. He was
recommended particularly by the Directors of the Royal African Company
to the Governor and Factors. They treated him with much respect and
civility. The hope of finding one of his countrymen at Joar, induced
him to set out on the 23d in the shallop with Mr. Moore, who was going
to take the direction of the factory there. On the 26th at evening
they arrived at the creek of Damasensa. Whilst Job was seated under
a tree with the English, he saw seven or eight negroes pass of the
nation that had made him a slave, thirty miles from that place. Though
he was of a mild disposition, he could hardly refrain from attacking
them with his sabre and pistols; but Moore made him give up all
thought of this, by representing to him the imprudence and danger of
such a measure. They called the negroes to them, to ask them various
questions, and to inquire particularly what had become of the king,
their master. They answered that he had lost his life by the discharge
of a pistol, which he ordinarily carried suspended to his neck, and
which, going off by accident, had killed him on the spot. As this
pistol was supposed to have been one of the articles which he had
received of Captain Pyke as the price of Job, the now redeemed
captive, deeply affected by the circumstance, turning to his
conductors, said, "You see that Heaven has made the very arms for
which I was sold, serve as the punishment of the inexorable wretch who
made my freedom their procurement! And yet I ought to be thankful
for the lot into which I was cast, because if I had not been made a
captive, I should not have seen such a country as England; nor known
the language; nor have the many useful and precious things that I
possess; nor become acquainted with men so generous as I have met
with, not only to redeem me from bondage, but to shew me great
kindness, and send me back so much more capable of being useful."
Indeed, he did not cease to praise highly the English in conversing
with the Africans, and endeavored to reclaim those poor creatures from
the prejudice they had that the slaves were eaten, or killed for some
other purpose, because no one was known to have returned.

Having met with a Foulah, with whom he had been formerly acquainted,
he engaged him to notify his family of his return; but four months
elapsed before he received any intelligence from Bunda. On the 14th of
January, 1735, the messenger came back, bearing the sad tidings that
his father had died; with the consolation, however, of learning, just
before his death, of the ransom of his son, and of the favor which he
had received in England. One of the wives of Job had married again in
his absence; and the second husband had fled on being informed of the
arrival of the first. During the last three years, the war had made
such ravages in the country of Bunda, that no cattle remained there.

Job was deeply affected with the death of his father, the misfortunes
of his country, and the situation of his family. He protested,
however, that he pardoned his wife, and the man who had espoused her.
"They had reason," he said, "to suppose me lost to them forever,
because I had gone to a country from which no Foulah had ever
returned."

When Moore, from whose narrative these particulars are extracted, left
Africa, he was charged with letters from Job, who remained at Joar, to
Oglethorpe, Bluet, the Duke of Montague, his principal benefactors,
and to the Royal African Company.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Travels into the inland parts of Africa; containing a
description of several nations for the space of 600 miles upon the
river Gambia; with a particular account of_ JOB BEN SOLOMON, _a
Pholey, who was in England in 1733, and known by the name of "the
African Prince." By_ FRANCIS MOORE. London, 1738.]

"On Thursday, November 4th, 1737, Sir Hans Sloane communicated to the
Royal Society a letter which a gentleman had received from Job, the
African, _whom_ MR. OGLETHORPE _released from slavery_, and the
African Company sent home to his own country, in one of their
ships, about twelve months ago. In this letter he very gratefully
acknowledges the favor he received in England; and, in answer to some
things desired of him when here, says that he has been in the country
where the tree producing the _gum-Arabic_ grows, and can assist the
English in that trade. He further says, that he has been up in the
country, as far as the mountains from whence the _gold-dust_ is wafted
down; and that if the English would build flat-bottomed boats to go up
the river, and send persons well skilled in separating the gold from
the ore, they might gain vastly more than at present they do by the
dust trade; and that he should be always ready and willing to use the
utmost of his power, (which is very considerable in that country,) to
encourage and support them therein."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Great Britain_, Vol. LIII. p. 18.]

Mr. Nichols, who has inserted his name among the members of _the
Gentleman's Society at Spalding_, adds, "died 1773."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Literary Anecdotes_, Vol. VI. p. 90.]



CHAPTER III.

Project for settling the south-western frontier of Carolina--A Charter
granted for it, by the name of Georgia--Trustees appointed, who
arrange a plan of Settlement--They receive a grant of Money from
Parliament, and from Subscriptions and Contributions--Oglethorpe takes
a lively interest in it--States the Object, and suggests Motives for
Emigration--A Vessel hired to convey the Emigrants--Oglethorpe offers
to accompany the intended Colonists--His disinterested devotedness to
the benevolent and patriotic Enterprise.


The project, which had been for some time in contemplation, of
settling the south-eastern frontier of Carolina, between the rivers
Savannah and Alatamaha,[1] suggested to Oglethorpe that it could be
effected by procuring the liberation of insolvent debtors, and uniting
with them such other persons in reduced circumstances as might be
collected elsewhere, and inducing them to emigrate thither and form a
settlement.

[Footnote 1: See _A Discourse concerning the designed establishment
of a new Colony to the south of Carolina, by Sir_ ROBERT MONTGOMERY,
_Baronet. London_, 1717.]

As such a project and design required for its furtherance more means
than an individual could furnish, and more managing and directing
power than, unaided, he himself could exert, Oglethorpe sought the
coöperation of wealthy and influential persons in the beneficent
enterprise. Concurring with his views, twenty-one associates
petitioned the throne for an act of incorporation, and obtained
letters-patent, bearing date the 9th of June, 1732; the preamble of
which recited, among other things, that "many of his Majesty's poor
subjects were, through misfortunes and want of employment, reduced
to great necessities, and would be glad to be settled in any of his
provinces of America, where, by cultivating the waste and desolate
lands, they might not only gain a comfortable subsistence, but also
strengthen the colonies, and increase the trade, navigation, and
wealth of his Majesty's realms." And then added, that, for the
considerations aforesaid, the King did constitute and appoint
certain persons, whose names are given, "trustees for settling and
establishing the colony of Georgia in America," the intended new
province being so called in honor of the King, who encouraged readily
the benevolent project, and contributed largely to its furtherance.

At the desire of these gentlemen, there were inserted clauses in the
charter, restraining them and their successors from receiving any
salary, fee, perquisite, or profit, whatsoever, by or from this
undertaking; and also from receiving any grant of lands within the
said district to themselves, or in trust for them.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. IX.]

"No colony," says Southey, "was ever established upon principles more
honorable to its projectors. The conduct of the trustees did not
discredit their profession. They looked for no emolument to themselves
or their representatives after them."[1]

[Footnote 1: SOUTHEY'S Life of Wesley, Vol. I. p. 179.]

In pursuance of the requisitions of the charter, the trustees held
a meeting in London, about the middle of July, for the choice of
officers, and the drawing up of rules for the transaction of business.
They adopted a seal for the authentication of such official papers as
they should issue. It was formed with two faces; one for legislative
acts, deeds, and commissions, and the other, "the common seal," as it
was called, to be affixed to grants, orders, certificates, &c. The
device on the one was two figures resting upon urns, representing the
rivers Savannah and Alatamaha, the north-eastern and south-western
boundaries of the province, between which the genius of the colony was
seated, with a cap of liberty on her head, a spear in one hand, and a
cornucopia in the other, with the inscription COLONIA GEORGIA AUG: On
the other face was a representation of silk-worms; some beginning, and
others completing their labors, which were characterized by the
motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS. This inscription announced the beneficent
disposition and disinterested motives of the trustees; while the
device was an allusion to a special object which they had in
view,--the production of silk.

They had learned that the climate of the region was particularly
favorable to the breeding of the worms, and that the mulberry-tree was
indigenous there. They conceived that the attention requisite, during
the few weeks of the feeding of the worms, might be paid by the women
and children, the old and infirm, without taking off the active men
from their employment, or calling in the laborers from their work. For
encouragement and assistance in the undertaking, they were willing to
engage persons from Italy, acquainted with the method of feeding the
worms and winding the thread from the cocoons, to go over with the
settlers, and instruct them in the whole process. And they intended to
recommend it strongly to the emigrants to use their utmost skill and
diligence in the culture of mulberry trees, and the prompt attention
to the purpose to which their leaves were to be applied; so that, in
due time the nation might receive such remittances of raw silk as
would evince that their liberality towards effecting the settlement
was well applied, and available in produce of an article of
importation of so valuable a nature, and in great demand.

The trustees were excited to this project by Oglethorpe, who had been
deeply engaged in ascertaining the value of wrought silk as an article
of commerce, and also of the raw silk for domestic manufacture, at the
time when Mr. John Lombe's invention for winding and reeling had been
brought before Parliament. And now he considered that it would be
an exceedingly desirable project to introduce the raising of the
commodity in the projected new settlement, and thus diminish to the
nation the large sums annually expended in the importation.

This is one of those prospective measures for the advancement of the
colony, which were nearly a century before the age.[1] Others will
hereafter be mentioned alike entitled to wonder and admiration.

[Footnote 1: See in the Appendix to this volume, a brief history of
the culture of silk in Georgia.]

In order to fulfil the intent and promote the purposes of their
incorporation, the trustees gave public notice that they were ready to
receive applications from such as were disposed to emigrate. They
also appointed a committee to visit the prisons, and make a list of
insolvent debtors for whom a discharge from the demands of their
creditors could be obtained, and to ascertain what compromise might
be effected for their release;[1] as also to inquire into the
circumstances and character of applicants. To render these more
willing to emigrate, it became necessary to hold out encouragement
and to offer outfits. To defray these and meet subsequent expenses in
carrying the enterprize into effect, they first set the example of
contribution themselves, and then undertook to solicit benefactions
from others. Several individuals subscribed liberally; collections
were made throughout the kingdom; the directors of the Bank of England
volunteered a handsome contribution; and the Parliament gave ten
thousand pounds.

[Footnote 1: "That thou mayest say to the prisoners, Go forth! to them
that are in darkness, Show yourselves! They shall feed in the ways.
They shall no longer hunger or thirst; FOR HE THAT HATH MERCY ON THEM
SHALL LEAD THEM, even by the springs of water shall he guide them,
with those that come from far."--Isaiah xlix. 9,11.]

Having thus acquired a fund to be laid out in clothing, arming,
sending over, and supporting the emigrants, and for supplying them
with necessary implements to commence and carry on the settlement, the
following statement was published: "There are many poor, unfortunate
persons in this country, who would willingly labor for their bread, if
they could find employment and get bread for laboring. Such persons
may be provided for by being sent to a country where there are vast
tracts of fertile land lying uninhabited and uncultivated. They will
be taken care of on their passage; they will get lands on which to
employ their industry; they will be furnished with sufficient tools
for setting their industry to work; and they will be provided with
a certain support, till the fruits of their industry can come in to
supply their wants; and all this without subjecting themselves to any
master, or submitting to any slavery. The fruits of every man's own
industry are to be his own. Every man who transports himself thither
is to enjoy all the privileges of a free-born subject."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political state of Great Britain, for August_, 1732,
Vol. XLIV. p. 150.]

Oglethorpe himself stated the object, the motive, and the inducements
of such an emigration in the following terms. "They who can make life
tolerable here, are willing to stay at home, as it is indeed best for
the kingdom that they should. But they who are oppressed with poverty
and misfortunes, are unable to be at the charges of removing from
their miseries, and these are the persons intended to be relieved. And
let us cast our eyes on the multitude of unfortunate individuals in
the kingdom, of reputable families, and of liberal, or at least
easy education, some undone by guardians, some by lawsuits, some
by accidents in commerce, some by stocks and bubbles, and some by
suretyship; but all agree in this one circumstance, that they must
either be burdensome to their relations, or betake themselves to
little shifts for sustenance, which, it is ten to one do not answer
their purposes, and to which a well-educated person descends with the
utmost constraint. What various misfortunes may reduce the rich,
the industrious, to danger of a prison,--to a moral certainty of
starving!--These are the persons that may relieve themselves, and
strengthen Georgia by resorting thither, and Great Britain by their
departure.

"With a view to the relief of people in the condition I have
described, his Majesty has, this present year, incorporated a
considerable number of persons of quality and distinction, and
invested a large tract of South Carolina in them, by the name of
Georgia, in trust, to be distributed among the necessitous. Those
Trustees not only give land to the unhappy, who go thither, but are
also empowered to receive the voluntary contributions of charitable
persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers with all
necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and
supporting them, until they find themselves settled. So that now the
unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves to a long service
to pay for their passage, for they may be carried _gratis_ into a land
of liberty and plenty, where they will immediately find themselves in
possession of a competent estate, in a happier climate than they knew
before,--and they are unfortunate indeed if they cannot forget their
sorrows."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South
Carolina and Georgia_. London. 1733. p. 30--33.]

When the Trustees had got a list of a sufficient number of persons
disposed to emigrate, they resolved to send them over.

A vessel was hired to convey the emigrants, fitted up for their
accommodation, and supplied with stores, not only for the voyage, but
for their support after their arrival. The Trustees also furnished
tools for building, implements for husbandry, domestic utensils,
and various other articles; and JAMES OGLETHORPE, Esq., one of the
Trustees, and the most zealous and active promoter of the enterprise,
having signified his readiness to go with the emigrants, and in the
same ship, in order to see that they were well treated, and to take
care of them after their landing, was clothed with power to exercise
the functions of Governor of the Colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Account, shewing the progress of the Colony of Georgia
from its first settlement; published by order of the Honorable
Trustees, by Benjamin Martin, Secretary_. London. 1741.]

He was prompted to engage in this undertaking by the spirit of
enterprise and an enlarged philanthropy and patriotism. While the
benevolent purpose called into exercise his noblest feelings, he
considered that the settlement of a new colony, in a pleasant region,
would not only raise the character and highly improve the condition of
those by whom it was constituted, but contribute to the interests of
the British empire.

In all this he was actuated by motives wholly disinterested; for he
freely devoted his time, his exertions, and his influence to the
enterprise; and not only bore his own expenses, but contributed
largely to the means and assistance of others.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix, No. X.]

The Abbe Raynal, in his _Philosophical and Political History of
the British Settlements in America_,[1] states as the _cause_ of
Oglethorpe's undertaking, what, when rightly understood, was but a
_consequence_ of it. He says, "A rich and humane citizen, at his
death, left the whole of his estate to set at liberty such insolvent
debtors as were detained in prison by their creditors. Prudential
reasons of policy concurred in the performance of this Will, dictated
by humanity; and the Government gave orders that such unhappy
prisoners as were released should be transported into Georgia. The
Parliament added nine thousand eight hundred and forty-three pounds
fifteen shillings, to the estate left by the Will of the citizen. A
voluntary subscription produced a much more considerable sum. General
Oglethorpe, a man who had distinguished himself by his taste for great
designs, by his zeal for his country, and his passion for glory,
was fixed upon to direct these public finances, and to carry into
execution so excellent a project."

[Footnote 1: Book II. Chap. IV. See also his _History of the
Settlements and Trade of the East and West Indies, by Europeans_, Book
XVIII. Vol. VII. page 359, of the English translation. Lond. 1787.]

Mr. Warden, adopted this account, but varied a little from it; for he
says, "It happened that Oglethorpe was named executor for the disposal
of a legacy left by a wealthy Englishman for the deliverance of
insolvent debtors, detained in prison; and this donation, with others,
procured from generous individuals, and ten thousand pounds sterling
advanced by the government, was employed for the establishment of a
colony, where this unfortunate class of men might find an asylum."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Statistical, Political, and Historical Account of the
United States of America_. Vol. II. p. 471.]

Mr. Graham has also followed this statement, and given the testator
the credit of projecting the release of prisoners for debt; a project
which originated solely with Oglethorpe.[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of America_. Vol. III p. 180.]

I have sought in vain for early vouchers of this statement, and feel
assured that the project did not grow out of a bequest either of a
"whole estate," or a "legacy" of any amount, left by "a rich citizen,"
or "a wealthy subject" of Great Britain. The story, like most others,
becoming amplified by repetition, arose from the fact that Edward
Adderly, Esq. had given, in his Will, the sum of one hundred pounds in
aid of the settlement of Georgia; but that was _two years after the
settlement had commenced_; and it was not to Oglethorpe individually
to manage, but to the Trustees to appropriate.

Among my authorities are the publications of the day, when facts and
circumstances are mentioned as taking place, and may, therefore, be
relied on. I dwell on them more particularly, and lay on them greater
stress, because all the early narratives speak of Oglethorpe as the
projector of the undertaking, the leader of the emigrants, the founder
of the colony. The publisher of "An account of the first planting of
the colony of Georgia,"[1] speaking of his engagedness in this noble
cause, says, "This was an instance of generosity and public spirit,
and an enterprise of fatigue as Well as of danger, which few ages or
nations can boast."

[Footnote 1: _Account of the first planting of the colony of Georgia;
published from the records of the Trustees; by_ BENJAMIN MARTIN,
_their Secretary_. Lond. 1741, p. 11.]

Ambition and enterprise were strong traits in his character; and what
he devised, his firmness of constitution, vigor of health, force of
principle, and untiring perseverance, enabled him to pursue to its
accomplishment.



CHAPTER IV.

The emigrants embark--Arrive at Charlestown, South
Carolina--Oglethorpe visits Governor Johnson--Proceeds up the
Savannah river--Place of settlement fixed upon--Town laid out--Labors
superintended, and assisted by Colonel Bull--Treaty with Tomo
Chichi--Progress of settlement--Oglethorpe makes a visit to Governor
Johnson, and presents himself before the House of Assembly, and makes
an Address of grateful acknowledgment of favors received--Returns to
Savannah--Holds a treaty with the Lower Creeks--Goes to head-quarters
on the Ogechee--Fort Argyle built--Savannah laid out in wards, and
Court of Records instituted.


On the 16th of November, 1732, the intended emigrants embarked,
accompanied by the Reverend Henry Herbert, D.D., a clergyman of the
Church of England, as Chaplain, and Mr. Amatis, from Piedmont, who was
engaged to instruct them in raising silk-worms, and the art of winding
silk. The, following "account of their setting forth," is taken from a
contemporary publication.

"The Ann galley, of about two hundred tons, is on the point of
sailing from Depford, for the new Colony of Georgia, with thirty-five
families, consisting of carpenters, brick-layers, farmers, &c., who
take all proper instruments for their employment on their arrival. The
men are learning military discipline of the guards; and are furnished
with muskets, bayonets, and swords, to defend the colony in case of an
attack from the Indians. The vessel has on board ten tons of Alderman
Parsons's best beer, and will take in at Madeira five tons of wine for
the service of the colony. Many of the Trustees were on board for the
purpose of ascertaining whether they were suitably accommodated and
provided for; and to take leave of the worthy gentleman of their own
body, who goes with them to take care of them, and to direct in laying
out their lands, and forming a town."[1]

[Footnote 1: GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE for 1732, p. 1029.]

In pursuance of the benevolent design of the Trustees, Oglethorpe
engaged in this expedition entirely at his own expense; furnished his
own cabin-fare, on board; and was constantly attentive, during the
whole voyage, to the situation and comfort of the passengers.

On the 13th of January, 1733, the ship dropt anchor outside of the
bar, at the port of Charlestown, South Carolina. Excepting that two
infirm children died on the passage, all that went on board had been
well, and arrived in good health.[1]

[Footnote 1: The following details are taken from what appears to be
information sent to the Trustees in London, and by them published
in that popular Journal entitled "_The Political State of Great
Britain_," Vol. XLVI. page 234, collated with _The History of the
Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia_, in
HARRIS'S Collection of Voyages, II. 327.]

Oglethorpe, with his suite, went on shore to wait on the Governor of
the Province, his Excellency Robert Johnson. He was received in the
kindest manner, and treated by him and the Council with every mark of
civility and respect. Sensible of the great advantage that must accrue
to Carolina from this new colony, the Governor afforded all the
assistance in his power to forward the settlement; and immediately
sent an order to Mr. Middleton, the king's pilot, to conduct the ship
into Port Royal, and to furnish small craft to convey the colonists
thence to the river Savannah.

In about ten hours they proceeded with this naval escort. On the 18th
Mr. Oglethorpe went ashore on Tench's Island, where he left eight men,
with directions to prepare huts for the people who would disembark,
and tarry there till he could make farther arrangements. He proceeded
thence to Beaufort, a frontier town of South Carolina, situated on
Port Royal Island, at the mouth of the Coosawatchie river, having an
excellent harbor.

Early the next morning he went ashore, and was saluted by a discharge
of the artillery. The Colonists, arriving on the 20th, were cheerfully
received and assisted by Lieutenant Watts, Ensign Farrington, and
other officers of the King's Independent Company on that station; and
were waited upon and welcomed by Mr. Delabarr and gentlemen of the
neighborhood.[1]

[Footnote 1: "_Brief Account of the Progress of the First Colony sent
to Georgia_,"--inserted in the 46th volume, p. 234, of the "_Political
State of Great Britain_;" and it makes the second Tract in FORCE'S
Collection.]

While the sea-worn emigrants rested and refreshed themselves, the
indefatigable Oglethorpe, accompanied by Colonel William Bull, a man
of knowledge and experience, went up the river to explore the country.
Having found a pleasant spot of ground near to Yamacraw, they fixed
upon the place as the most convenient and healthy situation for the
settlers, and there marked out a town, which, from the Indian name of
the river that ran past it, they called Savannah.

On the 24th he returned, and with the emigrants celebrated the
following Sunday as a day of Thanksgiving for their safe arrival.
A sermon was preached by the Reverend Mr. Jones,[1] by exchange of
services with Doctor Herbert, who officiated at Beaufort. There was a
great resort of gentlemen and their families, from the neighborhood,
to welcome the new-comers, and unite with them in the gladness of the
occasion.

[Footnote 1: REV LEWIS JONES. See some account of him in DALCHO'S
_History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p.
378.]

On the 31st they arrived at the place selected for their settlement,
the description of which by Oglethorpe himself, in a letter to the
Trustees, dated the 10th of February, 1733, cannot fail to give both
interesting information and much pleasure to the reader.

After referring to a former letter, and giving a brief notice of their
arrival at Beaufort, and his selection of a site, a few miles higher
up the river, for laying out a town, he adds, "The river here forms a
half-moon, along side of which the banks are about forty feet high,
and on the top is a flat, which they call 'a bluff.' The plain high
ground extends into the country about five or six miles; and, along
the river side, about a mile. Ships that draw twelve feet of water can
ride within ten yards of the bank. Upon the river side, in the centre
of this plain, I have laid out the town, opposite to which is an
island of very rich pasturage, which I think should be kept for the
cattle of the Trustees. The river is pretty wide, the water fresh, and
from the key of the town you see its whole course to the sea, with the
island of Tybee, which is at its mouth. For about six miles up into
the country, the landscape is very agreeable, the stream being wide,
and bordered with high woods on both sides.

"The whole people arrived here on the first of February. At night
their tents were got up. Until the tenth they were taken up with
unloading and making a crane, which I then could not finish, and so
took off the hands, and set some to the fortification, and began to
fell the woods.

"I have marked out the town and common; half of the former is already
cleared; and the first house was begun yesterday in the afternoon.

"I have taken ten of the Independent Company to work for us, for which
I make them an allowance.

"I send you a copy of the resolution of the Assembly of Carolina, and
the Governor and Council's letter to me.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. X.]

"Mr. Whitaker has given us one hundred head of cattle. Colonel Bull,
Mr. Barlow, Mr. St. Julian, and Mr. Woodward are come up to assist us,
with some of their servants.

"I am so taken up in looking after a hundred necessary things, that
I write now short, but shall give you a more particular account
hereafter.

"A little Indian nation, the only one within fifty miles, is not only
in amity, but desirous to be subjects to his Majesty King George, to
have lands given them among us. Their chief, and his beloved man, who
is the second in the nation, desire to be instructed in the Christian
religion."[1]

[Footnote 1: "The _beloved man_ is a person of much consequence. He
maintains and exercises great influence in the state, particularly
in military affairs, their Senate, or Council, never determining an
expedition or treaty without his consent and assistance." BOUDINOT,
_Star in the East_, p. 202.]

Realizing how important it was to obtain the consent of the natural
proprietors of the region, to the settlement of his colony here, and
how desirable to be on good terms with those in the vicinity, he
sought for an interview with Tomo Chichi, the Mico, or chief of a
small tribe who resided at a place called Yamacraw, three miles up the
river. Most fortunately and opportunely, he met with an Indian woman
who had married a Carolinian trader by the name of Musgrove; and
who understood and could speak the English language; and he availed
himself of her assistance as an interpreter.[1] The conference ended
in a compact and treaty, favorable to the new comers. From this
venerable chieftain he afterwards learned, that, besides that
immediate district, the territory was claimed and partly occupied by
the tribes of the upper and lower Creeks, whose formidable power, no
less than their distinct pretensions, rendered it important that their
consent should also be obtained. Accordingly, to gain their favor and
sanction, he engaged Tomo Chichi to despatch an invitation to their
chiefs, to hold a conference with him at Savannah.

[Footnote 1: Oglethorpe afterwards allowed her an annual stipend
for her services, finding that she had great influence with the
Indians.--Some years afterwards she married the Reverend Mr.
Bosomworth; and then she put on airs, and united with him in a
vexatious claim for a large tract of land. _See_ McCALL, Vol. I. p.
213. Bosomworth had been a Chaplain in the Regiment of the General;
had received many favors from him personally; and a salary from the
_Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign parts_.]

A letter from Oglethorpe, dated Savannah March 12th, 1732-3, gives the
following additional information.

"This Province is much larger than we thought, being one hundred and
twenty miles from this river to the Alatamaha. This river has a very
long course, and a great trade is carried on by it to the Indians,
there having above twelve trading boats passed since I have been here.

"There are in Georgia, on this side the mountains, three considerable
nations of Indians; one called the _Lower Creeks_, consisting of nine
towns, or rather cantons, making about one thousand men able to
bear arms. One of these is within a short distance from us, and has
concluded a peace with us, giving up their right to all this part of
the country; and I have marked out the lands which they have reserved
to themselves. The King comes constantly to church, and is desirous to
be instructed in the Christian religion; and has given me his nephew,
a boy, who is his next heir, to educate.

"The two other nations are the Uchees and the _Upper Creeks_; the first
consisting of two hundred, the latter of eleven hundred men. We agree
so well with the Indians, that the Creeks and Uchees have referred to
me a difference to determine, which otherwise would have occasioned a
war.

"Our people still lie in tents, there being only two clapboard houses
built, and three sawed houses framed. Our crane, our battery of
cannon, and magazine are finished. This is all that we have been able
to do, by reason of the smallness of our number, of which many have
been sick, and others unused to labor; though, I thank God, they are
now pretty well, and we have not lost one since our arrival here."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political Taste of Great Britain_, Vol. XLV. p. 445.]

The following extract from a letter dated Charlestown, 22d March,
1732-3, and printed in the South Carolina Gazette, describes, in
honorable terms, the attention which the leader of this enterprise
devoted to its furtherance.[1]

[Footnote 1: See also "_Account showing the progress of the Colony of
Georgia from its first Establishment_." Lond. 1741. The _Appendix_,
No. 2 contains the Letter, with this notice--"Written by a Gentleman
of Charlestown, who, with some others, went thither, [i.e. to
Savannah] out of curiosity."]

"Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, and takes a great deal of pains.
His fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but salt
provisions. He is extremely well beloved by all the people. The
general title they give him is _Father_. If any of them are sick, he
immediately visits them, and takes a great deal of care of them. If
any difference arises, he is the person that decides it. Two happened
while I was there, and in my presence; and all the parties went away,
to outward appearance, satisfied and contented with his determination.
He keeps a strict discipline. I never saw one of his people drunk, nor
heard one of them swear, all the time I was there. He does not allow
them rum; but in lieu gives them English beer. It is surprizing to see
how cheerful the men go to work, considering they have not been bred
to it. There are no idlers there. Even the boys and girls do their
part. There are four houses already up, but none finished; and he
hopes, when he has got more sawyers, which I suppose he will have in a
short time, to finish two houses a week. He has ploughed up some land;
part of which he has sowed with wheat, which has come up, and looks
promising. He has two or three gardens, which he has sowed with divers
sorts of seed, and planted thyme, sage, pot-herbs, leeks, skellions,
celery, liquorice, &c., and several trees. He was palisading the town
and inclosing some part of the common; which I suppose may be finished
in about a fortnight's time. In short, he has done a vast deal of
work for the time; and I think his name justly deserves to be
immortalized."

"Colonel Bull, who had been sent by Governor Johnson to assist in
laying out the town, and to describe to the people the manner of
felling the trees, and of clearing, breaking up, and cultivating the
ground, was a very efficient helper. He brought with him four of his
negroes, who were sawyers, to help the workmen; and also provisions
for them; being resolved not to put the Trustees to any expense; but
to bestow his aid in the most free and useful manner. Others from
Carolina, also, sent laborers, who, being accustomed to preparing
a plantation for settlement, were very expert, and of essential
service."

Thus generously assisted, the new settlers were enabled to cut down a
great number of trees[1]; to clear the land, to construct comfortable
houses[2], to make enclosures of yards and gardens, to build
a guard-house and fortification, and to effect other means of
accommodation and defence.

[Footnote 1: Four beautiful pine-trees were left upon the plain, under
which General Oglethorpe encamped.]

[Footnote 2: These were all of the same size; 22 by 16 feet. The
town-lots consisted of one quarter of an acre; but they had other
lots, at a small distance out of town, consisting of five acres,
designed for plantations.]

A public garden was laid out, which was designed as a nursery, in
order to supply the people with white mulberry trees, vines, oranges,
olives, and various necessary plants, for their several plantations;
and a gardener was appointed for the care of it, to be paid by the
Trustees.

Things being put in a good train, and the proper station and
employment of every man assigned him, Oglethorpe went to Charlestown
on a visit to Governor Johnson and the Council. His object was to make
a more intimate acquaintance with them, gratefully to acknowledge the
succors for the new comers which had been so generously bestowed; and
to consult measures for their mutual intercourse.

On Saturday, June 9th, presenting himself before the Governor and
House of Assembly, he thus addressed them.

"I should think myself very much wanting in justice and gratitude,
if I should neglect thanking your Excellency, you gentlemen of the
Council, and you gentlemen of the Assembly, for the assistance which
you have given to the Colony of Georgia. I have long wished for an
opportunity of expressing my sense of the universal zeal which the
inhabitants of this province have shewn for assisting that colony; and
could not think of any better opportunity than now, when the whole
province is virtually present in its General Assembly. I am,
therefore, gentlemen, to thank you for the handsome assistance given
by private persons, as well as by the public. I am to thank you,
not only in the name of the Trustees, and the little colony now in
Georgia, but in behalf of all the distressed people of Britain and
persecuted Protestants of Europe, to whom a place of refuge will be
secured by this first attempt.

"Your charitable and generous proceeding, besides the
self-satisfaction which always attends such actions, will be of the
greatest advantage to this province. You, gentlemen, are the best
judges of this; since most of you have been personal witnesses of the
dangerous blows which this country has escaped from French, Spanish,
and Indian arms. Many of you know this by experience, having
signalized yourselves personally, either when this province by its
own strength, and unassisted by any thing but the courage of its
inhabitants and the providence of God, repulsed the formidable
invasions of the French; or when it defeated the whole body of the
southern Indians, who were armed against it, and was invaded by the
Spaniards, who assisted them. You, gentlemen, know that there was a
time when every day brought fresh advices of murders, ravages, and
burnings; when no profession or calling was exempted from arms; when
every inhabitant of the province was obliged to leave wife, family,
and useful occupations, and undergo the fatigues of war, for the
necessary defence of the country; and all their endeavors scarcely
sufficient to guard the western and southern frontiers against the
Indians.

"It would be needless for me to tell you, who are much better judges,
how the increasing settlement of a new colony upon the southern
frontiers, will prevent the like danger for the future. Nor need I
tell you how every plantation will increase in value, by the safety of
the Province being increased; since the lands to the southward already
sell for above double what they did before the new Colony arrived.
Nor need I mention the great lessening of the burden of the people by
increasing the income of the tax from the many thousand acres of land
either taken or taking up on the prospect of future security.

"The assistance which the Assembly have given, though not quite
equal to the occasion, is very large with respect to the present
circumstances of the Province; and, as such, shows you to be kind
benefactors to your new-come countrymen, whose settlements you
support; and dutiful subjects to his Majesty, whose revenues and
dominions you by this means increase and strengthen.

"As I shall soon return to Europe, I must recommend the infant Colony
to your further protection; being assured, both from your generosity
and wisdom, that you will, in case of any danger or necessity, give it
the utmost support and assistance."

To the insertion of this speech in the _Political State of Great
Britain_, October, 1733, page 361, it is added, "On the Sunday evening
following he set out again for Georgia; so that we may perceive
that there is no endeavor wanting in him to establish and make that
settlement a flourishing colony; but his conduct in this whole affair
is by much the more extraordinary, and the more to be applauded,
because, by the nature of the settlement, he cannot so much as expect
any private or particular benefit; he cannot possibly have any other
reward but that which is the certain, the eternal reward of good
actions, a consciousness of having done a service to his country, and
to mankind."

Favored by their industry, and the smiles of a propitious providence
in that delightful region, "the wilderness and the solitary place was
glad for them; and the desert rejoiced and blossomed as a rose."[1]
"They planted vineyards, and made themselves gardens, and set out in
them trees of all kinds of fruits."[2]

[Footnote 1: Isaiah, xxxv. 1.]

[Footnote 2: Ecclesiastes, ii. 3.]

In aid and encouragement of the settlement, the Trustees received
a letter from THOMAS PENN, Proprietor of Pennsylvania, dated
Philadelphia, March 6th, 1732-3, approving very highly of the
undertaking, promising to contribute all the assistance in his power,
and acquainting them that he had for himself subscribed one hundred
pounds sterling, and that he was collecting what sums of money he
could get from others, to be sent them, in order to be employed for
the purposes of their charter[1].

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Great Britain_, for June, 1733, Vol.
XLV. p. 543.]

It has been already observed that "Oglethorpe endeavored very early to
secure the favor of the Indians, who, by ranging through the woods,
would be capable of giving constant intelligence to prevent any
surprise upon the people, and would be a good out-guard for the inland
parts of the Colony; as also to obtain of them grants of territory,
and privilege of undisturbed occupancy and improvement[1]." He was
pleased, therefore, on his return from Charlestown, to find the chiefs
of the Lower Creeks in waiting; the purpose of whose visit, as
made known by Mr. Wiggan[2] and Mr. John Musgrove, who acted as
interpreters, was to treat on an alliance with the Colony.

[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,
from its first Establishment_. Lond. 1741, p. 13.]

[Footnote 2: William Wiggan, who accompanied Sir Alexander Cuming in
the beginning of the year 1731, on his journey to the Cherokees,
is, in the narrative of that expedition, called not merely "the
interpreter," but "the complete linguist."]

These Creeks consisted of eight tribes, united in a kind of political
confederacy; all speaking the same language, but being under separate
jurisdictions. Their deputation was composed of their micoes, or
chiefs, and leading warriors, about fifty in number.[1]

[Footnote 1: "Besides a king, every Indian town has a head warrior, who
is in great esteem among them, and whose authority seems to be greater
than their kings; because the king is looked upon as little else than
a civil magistrate, except it so happens that he is at the same time
a head warrior." _Narrative of a Journey among the Indians in the
Northwest parts of South Carolina_, 1731, by Sir ALEXANDER CUMING.
See, also, Appendix, No. XII.]

The General received them with courtesy, and then invited them to "a
talk," in one of the new houses. He informed them that the English, by
coming to settle there, did not pretend to dispossess, nor think to
annoy the natives; but above all things desired to live on good terms
with them, and hoped, through their representatives, now present, to
obtain from them a cession of that part of the region on which he had
entered, and to form and confirm a treaty of friendship and trade.

When he had explained his views with respect to the settlers, and
their designs in making the location, Ouechachumpa, a very tall old
man, in the name of the rest, informed the British adventurers what
was the extent of the country claimed by their tribes. He acknowledged
the superiority of the white men to the red; and said that he was
persuaded that the Great Spirit who dwelt above and all around, (whose
immensity he endeavored to express by throwing abroad his hands,
and prolonging his articulations as he spoke,) had sent the English
thither for the good of the natives; and, therefore, they were welcome
to all the land which the Creeks did not use themselves. He confirmed
his speech by laying before Oglethorpe eight buckskins, one for each
of the Creeks; the best things, he said, that they had to bestow. He
thanked them for their kindness to Tomo Chichi, who, it seems, had
been banished with some of his adherents, from his own nation; but
for his valor and wisdom had been chosen mico by the Yamacraws, an
emigrating branch of the same stock.

The declarations of the speaker were confirmed by short speeches of
the others; when Tomo Chichi, attended by some of his friends, came
in, and, making a low obeisance, said, "When these white men came,
I feared that they would drive us away, for we were weak; but they
promised not to molest us. We wanted corn and other things, and they
have given us supplies; and now, of our small means, we make them
presents in return. Here is a buffalo skin, adorned with the head
and feathers of an eagle. The eagle signifies speed, and the buffalo
strength. The English are swift as the eagle, and strong as the
buffalo. Like the eagle they flew hither over great waters; and like
the buffalo nothing can withstand them. But the feathers of the
eagle are soft, and signify kindness; and the skin of the buffalo is
covering, and signifies protection. Let these, then, remind them to be
kind, and protect us."

The alliance was soon made. The treaty contained stipulations on the
part of the English, concerning trade; reparation of injuries, should
any be committed; and punishment for impositions, should any be
practised upon them; and, on the part of the Indians, a free and
formal cession of that part of the region which was not used by the
Yamacraws, nor wanted by the Creeks. By this cession they made a grant
to the Trustees of the lands upon Savannah river as far as the river
Ogechee, and all the lands along the sea-coast between Savannah and
Alatamaha rivers, extending west as high as the tide flows, and
including all the islands; the Indians reserving to themselves the
islands of Ossabaw, Sapeloe, and St. Catherines, for the purposes of
hunting, bathing and fishing; as also the tract of land lying between
Pipe-maker's bluff and Pallachucola creek, above Yamacraw bluff, which
they retained as an encampment when they should come to visit their
beloved friends in that vicinity. This special reservation of some
islands had been made by them in their treaty with Governor Nicholson,
in 1722.

Oglethorpe then presented to each of the eight chiefs a laced coat
and hat, and a shirt; to each of the eight war-captains, a gun, with
powder, flint, bullets and shot; to the beloved men a duffle mantle
of coarse cloth;--and distributed some smaller presents among their
attendants. Upon this they took their leave of him, highly satisfied
with the treatment which they had met.[1]

[Footnote 1: This Treaty was sent to England, and was confirmed by the
Trustees on the 18th of October, 1733. For a copy of it, see McCALL,
_History of Georgia_, Appendix to Vol. I. p. 357.

The _History of Georgia_, by Major McCALL has great merit. It was
written by the worthy author under circumstances of bodily suffering,
submitted to, indeed with meekness, borne with heroic fortitude, and
endured with unfailing patience. It is wonderful that he succeeded
so well in the accomplishment of his work, considering the scanty
materials which he could procure; for he says, that, "without map or
compass, he entered an unexplored forest, destitute of any other
guide than a few ragged pamphlets, defaced newspapers, and scraps of
manuscripts."]

Having taken much pains to become acquainted with the character of the
natives, he furnished a very intelligent traveller, by whom he was
visited, with an interesting account of their manners and customs; who
annexed it to the published volume of his travels.[1]

[Footnote 1: As this is an extremely rare book, I give the title from
a copy in the library of Harvard College. "_A new voyage to Georgia,
by a young gentleman: giving an account of his travels in South
Carolina, and part of North Carolina. To which is added a curious
account of the Indians by an Honorable Person; and a Poem to James
Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_." London, 1735. 12mo.

The author of the "_History of Georgia_," contained in the 40th volume
of the "_Universal History_," page 456, quotes passages from this
"Account of the Indians," and ascribes it to Oglethorpe.--Mr. SALMON
in the 3d vol. of his _Modern History_, p. 602, giving an account of
_the present state of Georgia_, introduces a quotation from what he
calls "Mr. OGLETHORPE'S account of the religion and government of the
Creeks," in the following words: "Mr. OGLETHORPE, speaking of the
religion and government of the Creek nation, in 'a letter from Georgia
to a person of honor in London,' says 'There seems to be a way opened
to our Colony towards the conversion of the Indians,' &c. This is
decisive in fixing the author; for Mr. SALMON knew the General
personally; and, on publishing another edition of his elaborate work,
obtained from him, a very interesting '_Continuation of the present
state of Georgia_.'" The Letter is copied into the _Gentleman's
Magazine_, Vol. III. p. 108 and 483. See also Appendix, No. XIII.]

On the 18th of June he went to the Horse-quarter, which lies six miles
up the river Ogechee, and there took with him Captain McPherson, with
a detachment of his rangers, on an excursion into the interior. After
a march of forty miles westward, he chose a post, commanding the
passages by which the Indians used to invade Carolina in the late
wars. Here, upon an eminence which commands all the country round,
he directed that a fortification should be built, to be called "Fort
Argyle," in memory of his honored patron John Duke of Argyle.[1] It is
on the west bank of the Ogechee river. Its design was to protect the
settlers from invasions by the Spaniards. Captain McPherson and his
troop were to be quartered there, and ten families from Savannah to be
removed, as cultivators, to its immediate vicinity.

[Footnote 1: See Appendix, No. XIV.]

On the 7th of July, at day break, the inhabitants of Savannah were
assembled on the strand for the purpose of designating the wards of
the town, and assigning the lots. In a devotional service, they
united in thanksgiving to God, that the lines had fallen to them in a
pleasant place, and that they were about to have a goodly heritage.
The wards and tithings were then named; each ward consisting of four
tithings, and each tithing of ten houses; and a house lot was given
to each freeholder. There being in Derby ward but twenty one houses
built; and the other nineteen having no house erected on them, Mr.
Milledge and Mr. Goddard, the two chief carpenters, offered, in the
name of themselves and seventeen of their helpers, to take the unbuilt
on lots, and give the built ones to those who were less able to help
themselves.

The people then partook of a plentiful dinner, which their generous
Governor had provided.[1]

[Footnote 1: An account of this transaction in the _South Carolina
Gazette_, under the date of August 8th, closes with this remark; "Some
of the people having privately drunk too freely of rum, are dead; and
that liquor, which was always discountenanced there, is now absolutely
prohibited."]

In the afternoon the grant of a Court of Record was read, and the
officers were appointed. The session of the magistrates was then held,
a jury impanneled, and a case tried.

These were necessary regulations for establishing a due regard to
order, discipline, and government. And yet, with all the influence
which their honored leader could give to sanction the measures and
support the authority, there was much to be done to render the
administration effective. The settlers had no common bond of
attachment or accordance; of course, it was very difficult to dispose
them to the reciprocal offices of a social state, much more so to the
still higher obligations of a civil compact. Together with these aims
of those who were put into places of authority, they were obliged
daily to use their endeavors to bring the restive and quarrelsome
into proper subordination; to keep the sluggish and lazy diligently
employed, and to teach the thriftless to be economical and prudent.

"Tantae molis erat disjunctis condere Gentem!"



CHAPTER V.

Oglethorpe intended to visit Boston, in New England--Governor
Belcher's Letter to him--Provincial Assembly appoint a Committee to
receive him--Sets out on an exploratory Excursion--Names an Island,
Jekyl--Visits Fort Argyle--Returns to Savannah--Saltzburgh emigrants,
conducted by Baron Von Reck, come to settle in Georgia--Oglethorpe
assists them in selecting a place--They call it Ebenezer--He then goes
up the river to Palacholas--Returns--Goes to Charlestown, with Tomo
Chichi and other Indians, in order to take passage to England.


Oglethorpe intended to have made the tour of the Colonies;
particularly to have visited Boston, in Massachusetts. Apprized of
this intention, Governor Belcher addressed to him the following
letter[1].

[Footnote 1: Copied from the letter-book of Governor Belcher, in the
cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]


    Boston, New England, May 3d, 1733. HONORED SIR,

    It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you on your safe
    arrival in America; and I have a still greater in the advantages
    which these parts of his Majesty's dominions will reap from your
    noble and generous pursuits of good to mankind in the settlement
    of Georgia. May God Almighty attend you with his blessing, and
    crown your toils with success. Several of my friends, sir, from
    London, acquaint me with your intentions to pass by land from
    South Carolina, through the king's territories as far as this
    place; where I shall be very proud of shewing you the just esteem
    which I have for you; and shall depend that you will please to
    accept such quarters as my habitation affords during your stay in
    this government. When you get to Philadelphia or New York, I shall
    be glad of the favor of a line from you, to know how and when you
    make your route hither.

    I am, with great respect, sir,

    Your most obedient, and most humble servant,

    JONATHAN BELCHER.

At the next Assembly of the Province, the Governor, in a special
message, apprized them of the expectation which he had of a visit from
the General; and in the House of Representatives "it was ordered that
a committee should be raised to prepare for the reception of James
Oglethorpe, Esq., who may be expected in Boston this summer; that so
the government may express their grateful sense of his good services
to the public interest of the Province."

June 21st, 1733, the following motion was agreed on:--

"Whereas James Oglethorpe, Esq., a member of Parliament, and now at
Georgia, near South Carolina, hath at several times appeared in favor
of New England; and, in a particular manner done many good offices
for this Province, of which this Court hath been advised by Mr. Agent
Wilkes, and that he intends, in a short time, to return to Great
Britain, by the way of Boston:--

"_Voted_, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Cooke, Major Brattle, Mr. Thacher,
Mr. Welles, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Hall, Mr. Webb, and Major Bowles, be a
Committee, from this House, to congratulate that honorable gentleman
upon his arrival at Boston; and, in their name and behalf, acquaint
him that the Assembly are well knowing of the many good offices he
hath done this Province, in that, when the interest, trade, and
business thereof have been under the consideration of the British
Parliament, he hath, in a distinguishing manner, consulted measures to
perpetuate the peace and lasting happiness of this government. And,
as his worthy and generous actions justly deserve a most grateful and
public acknowledgment, to assure him that this country will retain a
lasting remembrance of his great benefactions; and that a recognition
of the favors which they have so frequently received from him, is
the least that the House can offer; while they earnestly desire the
continuance of his good will towards this Province."

His Excellency then made the following speech:

"Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives,

"I am glad to see the respect which you have expressed in your vote to
the Honorable Mr. Oglethorpe, a member of that wise and august body,
the Parliament of Great Britain; but, as there is no money in the
treasury to defray the charge of the reception and entertainment of
that honorable gentleman, I have taken early care to invite him to my
house, when he may come into this Province, and I shall endeavor to
entertain him in such a manner as may express the great esteem which I
have of his attachment to his Majesty and to his Royal House, and of
his regard to this Province, as well as of his great merit. And this I
will do at my own charge, till the treasury may be supplied. And for
these reasons I have not made your vote an order of this Court."

The Editor of the publication, entitled "_The Political State of
Great Britain_," makes the following remarks upon these doings of the
Legislature of Massachusetts:[1]

[Footnote 1: Vol. XLVIII. p. 173.]

"This expression of gratitude towards Mr. Oglethorpe shows that the
gentlemen who are members of the House of Representatives in that
Colony, are men of good sense as well as lovers of their country;
and there is certainly no greater incitement to generous and public
spirited actions than that of public acknowledgment and praise."

Circumstances, however, prevented his making a visit, so earnestly
expected, and which would have been so mutually gratifying.

On Wednesday, January 23, 1734, Oglethorpe set out on an exploratory
excursion, to view the southern frontiers, in a row-boat commanded by
Captain Ferguson, attended by fourteen companions and two Indians;
followed by a yawl loaded with ammunition and provisions. They took
"the inland passages." Thus are named the passes between the belt of
"sea-islands" and the main land. For the distance of seven miles from
the ocean along the whole coast, there is a margin of islands and
marshes, intersected by rivers, creeks, and inlets, communicating with
each other, and forming a complete inland navigation for vessels of
one hundred tons.

Having reached the north-west coast of the islands of Ossabaw, St.
Catherine, and Sapelo, they passed the entrances of Vernon river, of
the Ogechee, and of the northern branches of the Alatamaha; and, on
the 26th landed on the first Albany bluff of St. Simons, where they
lay dry under the shelter of a large live oak tree, though it rained
hard. The next day they proceeded to the sea point of St. Simons,
in order to take an observation of the latitude. They afterwards
discovered an island, of which the general asked the name, and,
finding that it had none, he called it JEKYL, in honor of Sir Joseph
Jekyl, his respected and particular friend[1]. They reconnoitred
various other places, and the mouths of rivers; and, on their return
went up the Ogechee to Fort Argyle, where they lay in a house and upon
beds, "for the first time since they left Thunderbolt[2]."

[Footnote 1: This eminent man, who was the son of a clergyman in
Northamptonshire, Great Britain, became known as an able lawyer, and
an eloquent statesman. As the friend of the Whigs, he was one of the
managers of Sacheverell's trial; and, after maintaining his principles
and popularity undiminished, he was made, in the reign of George I.,
Master of the Rolls and Privy Counsellor, and was also knighted. He
died in 1738, aged 75.]

[Footnote 2: This startling appellation was early given to a little
settlement in the neighborhood of Savannah, in reference to an awful
explosion there, the effects of which were said to be perceivable
in the sulphuric smell and taste of a spring of water. "Adhuc tenet
nomen, indelibile!"]


The fortifications there, by the unwearied diligence of Captain
McPherson, were finished, and very defensible; being well flanked, and
having several pieces of cannon.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Letter from a Gentleman of Savannah to his friend at
Charlestown, S.C._, inserted in _The New England Weekly Journal_, May
13, 1734.]

By this excursion he ascertained how expedient it was to have an
outpost, with a well-manned fort on the island of St. Simons; and how
desirable to form a settlement and military station near the mouth of
the Alatamaha, for the protection and defence of the colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: "At the west side of the island is a high bluff, compared
with the marshes in its front; and here Frederica was afterwards
built. The shore is washed by a fine river, which communicates with
the Alatamaha, and enters the ocean through Jekyl sound, at the south
end of the island. It forms a bay which is navigable for vessels of
large burden." McCALL, I. 170.]

A strong sense of indignation had been expressed in England at the
persecution of the Protestants at Saltzburg, in Bavaria, who had been
banished by an Episcopal edict from their homes on account of their
religion, and, in the midst of winter, driven from the region to seek
a place of refuge[1]. Oglethorpe had shared largely in the general
sympathy; and, in a speech in the House of Commons, had declared his
regret that no provision had been made for their relief in the late
treaty. He proposed to the Trustees for settling the colony of
Georgia, that an asylum should be there opened for these exiles. The
proposition met with ready concurrence. A letter was addressed to
their Elder, the venerable Samuel Urlsperger, to inquire whether a
body of them would be disposed to join the new settlers, if measures
were taken for their transportation. A favorable answer was received.
An English vessel was sent to convey them from Rotterdam to Dover; and
thence they embarked on the 8th of January, 1734, on board the ship
Purrysburgh, Captain Frey, under the more immediate care and conduct
of the Baron Philip George Frederick Von Reck, together with their
Reverend Pastors, John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau.
After many difficulties and dangers, they arrived at Charlestown,
South Carolina, on the 7th of March[2]. Oglethorpe, who happened to
be there, as they piously considered, "providentially," bid them a
cheering welcome. He had their ship supplied with provisions; and sent
the sea-sick pilgrims, what is so grateful and refreshing after a
voyage, many baskets of cabbages, turnips, radishes, lettuce, and
other vegetables, "of which the gardens were full." He introduced the
Baron and the ministers to the Governor, who received them with much
civility, and with whom they dined.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1732, p. 866, and Appendix, No.
XV.]

[Footnote 2: See Appendix, No. XVI.]


The General sent one of his men to their ship, as a pilot, as also to
announce their arrival, and bespeak the attention of the magistrates
at Savannah; and, on the 9th they set sail for the desired region
of peace. They entered the river on the 10th, which was
_reminiscere-Sunday_; and "they called to remembrance the former days,
in which, after they were illuminated," (and because they were so,)
"they endured a great fight of afflictions, partly while they were
made a gazing-stock in their dispersions, and partly while they became
companions of them that were so. But they took unresistingly the
spoiling of their goods, trusting to those who had compassion on their
sufferings."[1] "And they remembered the kindnesses of Oglethorpe."

[Footnote 1: Hebrews, x. 32-34.]


In the journal of their pastor,[1] it is stated, "While we lay off the
banks of our dear Georgia, in a very lovely calm, and heard the birds
singing sweetly, all was cheerful on board. It was really edifying to
us that we came to the borders of 'the promised land,' _this_ day,
when, as we are taught in its lesson from the Gospel, that Jesus came
to the borders by the sea-coast, after he had endured persecution and
rejection by his countrymen."

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 80.]

On the 11th the ship got upon the sand; but was floated off by the
tide on the 12th, and as they passed up the river, they were delighted
with the pleasant prospect on both sides. The balmy odors of the pine
trees, wafted by the land-breeze, seemed like incense mingling with
their orisons, and the carols of the birds were in accordance with
their matin-hymn of praise. This second reference to the minstrelsy
of the grove, will not be wondered at by those who have visited that
region in the spring of the year. The various notes of the feathered
choristers are enchanting, even now, when the din of population has
frightened them into coverts. But then, free and fearless, the strains
were lively and joyful, and the chorus full.

As the vessel was moored near the landing-place, the inhabitants
flocked down to the bank, and raised a cheering shout, which was
responded with much gladness by the passengers on deck. Some of them
were soon taken off in a boat, and led round to the town, part through
the wood, and part through the newly laid out garden of the Trustees.
Meanwhile "a right good feast" was prepared for them, and they were
regaled with "very fine wholesome English beer." And, as otherwise
much love and friendliness were shewn them by the inhabitants, and as
the beautiful situation round about pleased them, they were in fine
spirits, and their joy was consecrated by praise to God.

The pastors Gronau and Bolzius, with the commissary Von Reck, and Dr.
Zweitzer were lodged in the house of the Reverend Mr. Quincy[1], whom
they had met at Charlestown, on his return from a visit which he
had been paying to his parents in Boston, Massachusetts, when he
obligingly offered them the accommodation. For the emigrants
barracks and tents were provided till the return of the General from
Charlestown, whither he had gone to take passage for England, "but out
of good will to the Saltzburgers, he put off his voyage for some
days, and was resolved to see them settled before he went[2]." He had
promised them that they should have liberty to choose such part of the
country as they thought most convenient, fertile and pleasant; and
that he would go out with some of their elders, and select a place to
their liking. They desired one at a distance from the sea, on gently
rising ground, with intervening vales, near springs of water, and on
the border of a small river, or clear brook; such being the nature
of the region where they were born. To fulfil this engagement,
immediately after his return, attended with Paul Jenys, Esq., Speaker
of the House of Assembly of South Carolina, and some other gentlemen,
he set out on the 15th of March, with Baron Von Reck, the commissary,
Mr. Gronau, one of the ministers, Mr. Zweitzer their Doctor, and one
of the elders, taking some Indians as guides, to explore the part of
the country which answered to the description of the Saltzburgers.
They went up the river in boats as far as Mr. Musgrove's cow-pens,
where horses were got ready; and, after a ride of about fifteen miles,
westward, through the woods, they arrived at the banks of a river,
eighty feet wide, and twelve deep, with high banks. The adjacent
country was hilly, with valleys of cane-land, intersected with little
brooks, and bordered with springs of water. The Saltzburgers were
extremely pleased with the place, and adopted it They then kneeled
down by the river side, and devoutly thanked God for bringing them out
of their persecutions, safe through so many dangers, into a land of
rest; in memorial of which, they desired that the place might be
called EBENEZER--"Hitherto the Lord hath helped us!" With the Bible
in their hands, they then marched up to a site which was judged most
proper to build upon; sung an hymn, and the pastor pronounced a
benediction.

[Footnote 1: The Rev. Samuel Quincy, a native of Boston,
Massachusetts, having been educated in England, and received priest's
orders on the 28th of October, 1730, by Dr. Waugh, Bishop of Carlisle,
was, in 1734 sent, by _the Society for Propagating the Gospel in
Foreign Parts_, as a missionary to Georgia.]

[Footnote 2: Extract from a manuscript of Von Reck's Journal,
furnished me by J.K. Tefft, Esq. of Savannah.]

Having thus assigned to the exiles, "a local habitation and a name,"
they all went to Abercorn, a village lately built, about the distance
of six miles. Thence the commissary and his companions returned to
Savannah, and Oglethorpe, with the speaker, went to Purrysburgh on the
18th in order to row up the river to the Palachocolas Indians, but the
floods from the Cherokee mountains had so swelled the freshes, as to
make that passage too tedious. They, therefore, went back to Abercorn,
and thence to the designed settlement of the Saltzburgers, where
Oglethorpe, parting with his honorable friend, crossed the river with
the Indians, and renewed his excursion to Palachocolas. There he found
a fort erected at the lowest passage of the river, and forty-five
miles from Savannah. Returning from this visit, as he entered Ebenezer
he found eight of the most able-bodied men at work, with their
minister Gronau, in constructing booths and tents against the arrival
of the families. In furtherance of their labors, he laid out the town,
and directed the carpenters, who had arrived also in obedience to his
orders, to assist in building six houses.

These attentions to the accommodation of the poor Protestants were
gratefully acknowledged, and are recorded in the journal of the
Reverend Mr. Bolzius, with a respectful tribute to the religious
character of Oglethorpe, of which the following is a translation;[1]
"So far as we can conclude from a short acquaintance with him, he is
a man who has a great reverence for God, and his holy word and
ordinances; a cordial love for the servants and children of God; and
who wishes to see the name of Christ glorified in all places. So blest
have been his undertakings and his presence in this land, that more
has been accomplished by him in one year than others would have
effected in many. And since the people here have had such good cause
to appreciate his right fatherly disposition, his indefatigable toil
for their welfare, and his illustrious qualities, they feel that his
departure would be a real loss to them. For us he hath cared with a
most provident solicitude. We unite in prayers for him, that God would
guide him to his home, make his voyage safe and prosperous, and enrich
him with many blessings!"

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 91.]

[Illustration]

In journeys often and labors more abundant, he returned to Savannah;
and set out from thence on the 23d of March, with the Speaker, to
Charlestown, where he arrived on the 27th with a retinue of Indian
chiefs, whom he had persuaded to accompany him to England. He had
rightly judged that it would be an advantage to the colony to let some
of the natives have a sight of England, as it would give them a high
idea of that kingdom. He had gained the consent of Tomo Chichi and
Scenawki his wife and Toonahowi his nephew; of Hillispilli, the war
chief; Apakowtski, Stimalchi, Sintouchi, and Hinguithi, five chiefs
of the Creek nation; and of Umphichi, a chief from Palachocolas; with
their interpreter.

They embarked in the Aldborough man of war on Tuesday, the 7th of May,
1734.



CHAPTER VI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England with his Indian Escort--Is welcomed
by the Trustees--Apartments are provided for the Indians--They are
introduced to the King and Royal Family--One of their number dies
of the small pox--Visit the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eton
College--Shown the public buildings and institutions in London--Embark
for Georgia--Their arrival.


The Aldborough arrived at St. Helen's, in the Isle of Wight, on the
16th of June, 1734, bringing the founder of the new Colony, with the
most gratifying accounts of his labors and success. He had "laid the
foundation of many generations." He had made "the desolate wilderness
a pleasant portion;" and, for its wildlings, had substituted offsets
which should become "plants of renown." And he had brought with him
some chiefs of the Indian tribes, to testify their accordance with
the new settlement, and to repeat the expression of their desire to
receive instruction in the language and religion of the settlers.

When a Roman General returned a conqueror, he entered the Imperial
City with a triumphal procession, in martial pomp and pageantry,
dragging at his car the kings and captains he had vanquished. But here
was a return from a successful campaign, not bringing captives taken
in battle, but an escort of unconquered chieftains, themselves sharers
in the ovation of benevolence and the triumph of philanthropy.

Oglethorpe immediately addressed a letter to Sir John Phillips,
Baronet, notifying him of his return, and giving him the pleasing
intelligence of the safe arrival of the Baron Von Reck, and the
Saltzburgers, whom he called "a very sensible, active, laborious,
and pious people." He mentioned their location as selected to their
liking; and said that he left them busily employed in completing its
settlement. He added, "An Indian chief, named Tomo Chichi, the Mico,
or king of Yamacraw, a man of an excellent understanding, is so
desirous of having the young people taught the English language and
religion, that, notwithstanding his advanced age, he has come over
hither with me to obtain means, and assistant teachers. He has brought
with him a young man whom he calls his nephew and next heir; and
who has already learned the Lord's prayer in the English and Indian
language."

"I shall leave the Indians at my estate, till I go to the city, where
I shall have the happiness to wait upon you, and to relate all things
to you more fully; over which you will rejoice and wonder[1]."

[Footnote 1: Not having met with an English copy of the letter, I have
given a version from the German in "_Ausfürliche Nachrichten von der
Salzburgischen en America, von_ SAMUEL URLSPURGHER". Halle, 1745. 4to.]

Having repaired to his house in old Palace-Yard, Westminster,
he notified the Trustees of his arrival. Some of the gentlemen
immediately called on him, and escorted him to the Georgia office,
where he received their congratulations, with "expressions of their
great satisfaction in the eminent services which he had performed in
behalf of their new settlement."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, June, 1734, p. 327.]

On the evening of the 21st they gave a grand entertainment in honor of
so distinguished an associate; and heard from him, with admiration,
the narrative of his achievements.[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, June, 1734.]

On a special meeting they "voted their unanimous thanks to him for the
ability, zeal, activity, and perseverance with which he had conducted
the affairs of the settlement, and assured him that they should ever
hold his services in grateful remembrance."

A publication of the day thus announces his arrival;[1] "On the 16th
of last month, James Oglethorpe, Esq., member of Parliament for
Haslemere, in Surrey, and of the Trustees for establishing the Colony
of Georgia, arrived in the Aldborough man of war, at St. Helen's, on
his return from that colony; he having had so much generosity and
public spirit as to go along with the first number of persons that
were sent out for its establishment, where he has been ever since;
being resolved to be a sharer with them in all the fatigues and
dangers that might happen, either from the inclemency of a new
climate, or from any of the accidents that usually attend the
settlement of a new colony; and not to leave them till he saw them in
a condition, not only to provide their own subsistence, but to defend
themselves against any enemy that might probably attack them; all
which fatigues and dangers he exposed himself to, and has undergone at
his own charge, and without the least view of any private advantage or
satisfaction, but that which every good man must feel in contributing
to the relief of the distressed, and the public good of his country.
This is such an action as the Roman historians, in the times of their
greatest virtue, would have been proud of recording; and such an one
as ought not to escape the notice of any man who pretends to give an
account of the transactions of this kingdom."

[Footnote 1: Political State of Great Britain, Vol. XVIII. p. 19.]

His return was congratulated in some very complimentary verses; as was
also the arrival of Tomo Chichi[1]; and the head of Oglethorpe was
proposed by Mr. Urban for a prize medal[2], to commemorate his
benevolence and patriotism.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IV. p. 505.]

[Footnote 2: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. V. 178. "The die was broken
after a few were struck off." See Editorial note in _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for July, 1785, p. 517. I have procured an engraving, of the
size of the original.]

Comfortable apartments were provided for the Indians in the Georgia
office; and, when they were suitably dressed, and had curiously
painted their faces, according to their custom, Sir Clement Cotterell
was sent, on the 1st of August, to the Georgia office, whence he took
them all, except one who was sick with the small pox, and had them
conveyed, in three of the King's coaches, drawn by six horses, to
the palace at Kensington. They were received at the door by the body
guards, and then, by the Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain, presented
to his Majesty, whom Tomo Chichi addressed in the following
characteristic terms.

"Great king; this day I see the majesty of your person, the greatness
of your house, and the number of your people. I am come in my old
days; so I cannot expect to obtain any advantage to myself; but I
come for the good of the Creeks, that they may be informed about the
English, and be instructed in your language and religion. I present to
you, in their name, the feathers of an eagle, which is the swiftest of
birds, and flieth around our nations. These feathers are emblems of
peace in our land, and have been carried from town to town, to witness
it. We have brought them to you, to be a token and pledge of peace, on
our part, to be kept on yours.

"O great king! whatsoever you shall say to me, I will faithfully tell
to all the chiefs of the Creek nation."

To this the king replied,--"I am glad of this opportunity of assuring
you of my regard for the people from whom you came; and I am extremely
well pleased with the assurance which you have brought me from them. I
accept, very gratefully, this present, as an indication of their good
dispositions towards me and my people; and shall always be ready to
show them marks of favor, and purposes to promote their welfare."

They were then introduced to her Majesty, who was seated on a throne
in the great gallery, attended by ladies of the court and nobility.
The aged Mico thus addressed her: "I am glad to see you this day, and
to have the opportunity of beholding the mother of this great nation.
As our people are now joined with yours, we hope that you will be a
common mother, and a protectress of us and our children." To this her
Majesty returned a courteous answer.

After this they were introduced to his Royal Highness the Prince of
Wales, the Duke of Cumberland, the Princess of Orange, the Princesses
Amelia, Caroline, Mary, and Louisa; and then were conducted back to
their lodgings.

On the 3d of August they were greatly afflicted by the decease of one
of their companions by the small pox, notwithstanding the best medical
attendance; but it occasioned no bad consequences, as his associates
were with him, and saw that much better care was taken of him than
could have been at home. He was interred, after the manner of their
country, in St. John's burial ground, Westminster. The corpse, sewed
up in two blankets, with a deal-board under and another over, and
tied down with a cord, was carried to the grave on a bier. There
were present only Tomo Chichi, three of the chiefs, the upper
church-warden, and the grave-digger. When the body was laid in the
earth, the clothes of the deceased were thrown in; after this, a
quantity of glass beads and some pieces of silver; the custom of these
Indians being to bury such effects of the deceased with him.

As all methods made to console them were disregarded, Oglethorpe took
them out to his estate, that in the country retirement they might have
a better opportunity to bewail the dead according to their custom, and
that the change of the place might serve to abate their sorrow.

On the 17th of August, the aged and venerable Archbishop of
Canterbury[1] had them taken in his boat to Putney, where they were
received and entertained in a very agreeable manner. On taking leave,
Tomo Chichi intimated his inability, from want of a knowledge of the
English language, to express suitably the acknowledgments of himself
and his companions of the kind notice taken of them.

[Footnote 1: Rev. William Wake, D.D.]

The following day they visited his Grace at Lambeth, and endeavored to
make known to him how deeply affected they were with the ignorance in
religion in which they and their people were involved; and how much
they not only needed, but desired instruction. In their conference
with Dr. Lynch, the son-in-law of the Archbishop, the Mico was more
explicit, and requested that some person might be sent to teach them;
more particularly their youth.

On the next day they went to Eton College, and were received by the
Rev. Dr. George, Dr. Berriman, and the rest of the Fellows present. On
closing their visit to the school-room, Tomo Chichi begged that the
lads might have a holiday when the Doctor thought proper; which caused
a general huzza. They were then shewn the several apartments of the
college, and took a respectful leave. Afterwards they went to Windsor,
where they were graciously received; and thence to St. George's
Chapel, where the prebends present named Dr. Maynard to compliment the
Mico from the Dean and Chapter. The following day they went to Hampton
Court; saw the royal apartments; and walked in the gardens, where a
great concourse of people had assembled to see them. After these more
distinguishing attentions, they were shewn the Tower, the public
buildings, Greenwich Hospital, and all the great and interesting
spectacles in London; and nothing was neglected that might serve to
awaken and gratify their curiosity, and to impress them with the
grandeur and power of the British nation.

After having staid four months, they were taken to Gravesend in one
of his Majesty's carriages, whence they embarked aboard the transport
ship, the Prince of Wales, George Dunbar, Captain, on the return
voyage to Savannah, where they arrived on the 27th of December, 1734.

Captain Dunbar, in a letter to the Trustees, announcing his remarkably
quick and prosperous passage across the Atlantic, wrote thus: "We
arrived here all cheerful and in good health. The Indians behaved with
their accustomed modesty; as did also, the Saltzburgers, who are a
sober and pious people, and gave much less trouble than I expected;
nor do I think any of them were dissatisfied while on board." In
conclusion, he added, "Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, Hillispilli, and
Umpichi were so kind as to come on board on the morning of our
intended departure to see me. They have a very grateful remembrance of
the many civilities which they received in England, and desire me to
inform your honors that Santechi has gone to the Upper and Middle
Creeks, who are at present extremely well disposed to the British
interest, and their deputies are expected down in two months."[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_ for March, 1735, p. 162. See also the
whole letter, in the _Political State of Great Britain_, April, 1735,
p. 374.]



CHAPTER VII.

Oglethorpe remains in England--Trustees make Regulations--Oglethorpe,
desirous of providing for the conversion of the Indians, applies
to Bishop Wilson to prepare a Book of Religious Instruction for
them--Trustees seek for Missionaries--Engage John and Charles Wesley.


Oglethorpe remained in England to attend to his duties as a member
of Parliament, and to suggest to the Trustees measures for the
furtherance of the settlement of Georgia.

In consequence of the information which he could give from his
personal observation, and that which he had received from others,
respecting the state of the colony, and what would be expedient for
its advancement in good order and prosperity, the Trustees prepared
a regulation, which was enacted by the government into a law, "for
maintaining peace with the Indians." This included the provisions and
immunities of the act of the General Assembly of South Carolina in
1731; and, of course, was accordant with the relations and mutual
interests of both Provinces. There was, also, passed a law for a like
salutary purpose for preventing trouble with the Indians, as well as
preserving the health and morals of the people already settled or that
might be settled in their new colony, from the pernicious effects of
spirituous liquors, entitled "An act to prevent the importation and
use of rum and brandies into the Province of Georgia, or any kind of
ardent spirits or strong waters whatsoever." A writer of the day makes
this remark, "At the same time the Trustees endeavored to supply the
stores with strong beer from England, molasses for brewing beer, and
with Madeira wines; which the people might purchase at reasonable
rates, which would be _more refreshing and wholesome for them_."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia
in America, from its first establishment: published by Order of the
Trustees_. Lond. 1741; page 16, under the year 1734.]

An unchecked indulgence in ardent spirits has ever been followed by
lamentable effects. It demoralizes the conduct, destroys health,
prevents usefulness, and ruins reputation. It breaks up domestic
peace, wastes property, leads to impoverished circumstances, and
entails wretchedness upon the members of the family of which the head
was the victim. The prohibition, therefore, if it led to the disuse
of the dangerous potation, would have been the present removal, and
prevented the subsequent extension, of one of the greatest evils which
has corrupted the social condition.

To these prudent and salutary regulations followed a statute entitled
"An act for rendering the Province of Georgia more defencible, by
prohibiting the importation of black slaves, or negroes, into the
same." For this enactment, besides the consideration stated in the
title, the following reasons are assigned: 1. On account of the cost
of purchase, which, the settlers themselves being too poor to defray,
must be met by the Trustees; on whom it would be a tax greater than
they had funds to pay, or believed that they could obtain. 2. Because
of the additional expense of their after maintenance, which must be
provided, in addition to that already incurred for the support of
those by whom they were to be employed. And 3. because the Trustees
were desirous that the settlers should acquire the habits of labor and
industry, of economy and thrift, by personal application.[1]

[Footnote 1: See their reasons at large in the publication entitled
_Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of
Georgia_, Lond. 1741; or in _Collections of the Georgia Historical
Society_, Vol. I. pages 166-173, and McCALL'S _History_, Vol. I. p.
25, &c.]

It is remarked by Mr. Burke, that "These regulations, though well
intended, and indeed meant to bring about very excellent purposes,
yet might at first, as it did afterwards, appear, that they were made
without sufficiently consulting the nature of the country, or the
disposition of the people which they regarded."[1]

[Footnote 1: _European Settlements in America_, Vol. II. p. 266.]

Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts, in a letter to Lord Egmont,
observes, "I have read Mr. Oglethorpe's state of the new colony
of Georgia once and again; and by its harbors, rivers, soil and
productions, do not doubt that it must in time make a fine addition
to the British Empire in America; and I still insist upon it that the
prohibitory regulations of the Trustees are essential to its healthy
and prosperous condition; and the alteration of the Constitution
to the advantage of females must give great encouragement to first
undertakers or settlers, as your Lordship observes."[1]

[Footnote 1: Letter Book, in the archives of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]

The visit of the Indians was made subservient to the favorite purpose
of Oglethorpe, by rousing attention to the improvement of the race in
knowledge and religion. At their earliest interviews with him, they
had expressed a wish that their children might be taught to speak
and read the English language, and they themselves instructed in
the principles of Christianity. From their intercourse with the
Carolinians for many years, they had been made sensible of the
superiority which such attainments conferred, even where that
intercourse had been, as it mostly was, with the traders; but
no missionary had been sent, as in our times, to form them to
civilization, and "teach them which be the first principles of the
oracles of God." Oglethorpe felt extremely desirous of obtaining for
them these advantages; and expressed to the trustees his belief that
they would readily avail themselves of an opportunity for their
attainment. In furtherance of this most important object, he applied
to the Reverend Dr. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, to prepare a
manual of instruction for them. The good Bishop complied with his
request with great readiness; and the work was printed at the expense
of "the Society for propagating the Gospel in foreign Parts." The
volume was dedicated to the Trustees; and, in the preface, the
author states that it "was undertaken in consequence of a short but
entertaining conversation, which he, and some others, had with the
honorable and worthy General Oglethorpe, concerning the condition,
temper, and genius of the Indians in the neighborhood of Georgia, and
those parts of America; who, as he assured us, are a tractable people,
and more capable of being civilized and of receiving the truths of
religion than we are generally made to believe, if some hindrances
were removed, and proper measures taken to awaken in them a sense
of their true interest, and of their unhappy condition, while they
continue in their present state."

"And, indeed, that most worthy gentleman's great and generous concern
for both the present and future interest of these nations, and his
earnest desire and endeavors, so well known, to civilize them first,
and make them more capable of instruction in the ways of religion and
civil government, and his hearty wishes that something might be done
to forward such good purposes, prevailed with the author, however
indifferently qualified for such a work, to set about the following
essay for propagating the Gospel amongst the Indians and negroes."[1]

[Footnote 1: The title of the book is, "_The Knowledge and Practice of
Christianity made easy to the meanest capacity; or, an Essay towards
an Instruction for the Indians_." London, 1740. 12mo. A tenth edition
was printed in 1764; and a translation in French, at Geneva, in 1744.]

On receiving a copy of this work, when it was printed, five years
afterwards, from the Reverend Dr. Thomas Wilson, son of the Bishop,
Oglethorpe addressed to him the following letter:[1]

[Footnote 1: Not finding an English copy I have translated this from
the French version.]

Frederica, in Georgia, April 24, 1741.

SIR,

I have received, with not less pleasure than profit, the book sent to
me by you, which was composed by your father. This work breathes so
strongly the spirit of primitive piety; its style is so clear and
simple; its plan is so easy for minds even the most limited, and
at the same time so well adapted to make them understand the most
profound mysteries, that it is a true representation of the religion
in which it instructs its reader. Had our Methodists, instead of their
lofty imaginations, been taught enough of the language of the Indians
to be able to translate this book; or had _they_ been sufficiently
instructed to permit them to read it with advantage, I doubt not that
we should immediately see surprising results from it; but God will
accomplish his good work by the means which he will judge proper to
employ. I have written to Mr. Varelst to buy, to the amount of five
pounds sterling, copies of your father's work, and to send them to me.

"Have the kindness to commend me to the prayers of a Divine so worthy
and pious; and be assured that I am,

"Your affectionate friend, and very humble and obedient servant,

"JAMES OGLETHORPE."

The Trustees were now desirous of obtaining proper persons to go
to Georgia to teach, and endeavor to convert, the Indians; and to
officiate as chaplains to the colonists at Savannah, and at the new
town about to be built on the island of St. Simons. They fixed their
eyes upon Mr. John Wesley and some of his associates, as very proper
for such a mission. The amiable and excellent Dr. John Burton,[1] one
of the Board, who was well acquainted with Wesley, having learned that
he was in London, went thither himself, in order to accompany him to
Oglethorpe, with whom, indeed, he was already acquainted by family
attentions as well as public fame. The matter was proposed to Wesley,
and strongly urged by such arguments as they thought most likely
to dispose his mind to accept the proposal.[2] Several influential
friends concurred in advising him to go; and, as even his mother
encouraged it, he yielded his compliance. His brother Charles
agreed to accompany him, as did Benjamin Ingham, a member of their
association at Oxford, and Charles Delamotte, son of a merchant in
London.

[Footnote 1: When the settling of Georgia was in agitation, in
1732, Dr. Burton was solicited by the excellent Dr. Bray, and other
Episcopal Clergymen,[A] to give his assistance in promoting that
undertaking. Accordingly he preached a Sermon in its recommendation
before the Society for conducting it; and his Discourse was afterwards
published, with an Appendix concerning the State of the Colony.
BENTHAM, _de vita et moribus Johannis Burtoni_. 8vo. London, 1771,
page 12.]

[Footnote A: Rev. Dr. HALES, Dr. BERRIMAN, and others.]

[Footnote 2: _Life of the Rev_. JOHN WESLEY _and of the Rev_. CHARLES
WESLEY, his brother, by the Rev. HENRY MOORE. 8vo. Lond. 1824. 2 vol.
Vol. I. p. 334. This interview was on the 28th of April, 1735.]

In consequence of this engagement of the Wesleys, the General deemed
it highly proper to visit their venerable and excellent parents at
Epworth, not only to confirm their consent, but to communicate to them
such information as should interest them strongly in every measure
which aimed at the instruction, civilization, and christianizing of
the natives of Georgia, from whom he and the new settlers had met so
kind a reception. A reference to this, gives me the opportunity of
introducing a letter from that aged minister, the Reverend Samuel
Wesley, written rather more than a year before, in which he mentions
the progress which he had made in a work that he was about to publish,
and acknowledges the obligations which he was under to the General for
kindnesses shown to himself and sons.[1]

[Footnote 1: This letter is not in the "_Memoirs of the Wesley
Family_," published by Dr. Adam Clarke in 1822; having been recently
discovered.]

Epworth, July 6, 1734.

Honored sir,

May I be admitted, while such crowds of our nobility and gentry are
pouring in their congratulations, to press with my poor mite of thanks
into the presence of one who so well deserves the title of UNIVERSAL
BENEFACTOR OF MANKIND. It is not only your valuable favors on many
accounts to my son, late of Westminster, and myself, when I was not a
little pressed in the world, nor your more extensive charity to the
poor prisoners; it is not these only that so much demand my warmest
acknowledgments, as your disinterested and immovable attachment to
your country, and your raising a new Colony, or rather a little world
of your own in the midst of wild woods and uncultivated deserts, where
men may live free and happy, if they are not hindered by their own
stupidity and folly, in spite of the unkindness of their brother
mortals.

I owe you, sir, besides this, some account of my little affairs since
the beginning of your expedition. Notwithstanding my own and my son's
violent illness, which held me half a year, and him above twelve
months, I have made a shift to get more than three parts in four of my
_Dissertations on Job_ printed off, and both the paper, printing, and
maps, hitherto, paid for. My son John at Oxford, now that his elder
brother has gone to Tiverton, takes care of the remainder of the
impression at London, and I have an ingenious artist here with me in
my house at Epworth who is graving and working off the remaining maps
and figures for me; so that I hope, if the printer does not hinder me,
I shall have the whole ready by next spring, and, by God's leave, I
shall be in London myself to deliver the books perfect. I print five
hundred copies, as in my proposals; whereof I have about three hundred
already subscribed for; and, among my subscribers, fifteen or sixteen
English Bishops, with some of Ireland.

"If you will please herewith to accept the tender of my most sincere
respect and gratitude, you will thereby confer one further obligation,
honored sir, on

"Your most obedient and humble servant,

"SAMUEL WESLEY."

"To James Oglethorpe, Esq."

It appears, from a list of subscriptions annexed to Mr. Wesley's
_Dissertations on the Book of Job_, that General Oglethorpe took
_seven_ copies of the work on large paper, which would amount to at
least twenty pounds.

The elder son of the Rector, also, paid a tribute of respect to
the General; and this in harmonious and polished verses; in which,
however, he indulged, too freely, the poetic license in highly wrought
description of the settlement of Georgia, and of the climate and
productions of the region.[1]

[Footnote 1: GEORGIA, _a Poem_; TOMO CHICHI, _an Ode; and a copy of
Verses on_ Mr. Oglethorpe's _Second Voyage to Georgia_. These were
beautifully printed, in a large type, on nineteen folio pages. They
were ascribed to SAMUEL WESLEY, as their author, in the tract entitled
"_True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia," by P.
Telfair and others_. Charlestown, S.C. 1741, page xi. of the Preface.]

As our narrative is brought near to the period when the General is
about to return thither, it may be pertinent to introduce a short
extract, in which the poet addresses the new settlers, eagerly
expecting his arrival.

  "See once again, see on your shores descend
  Your generous leader, your unwearied friend!
  No storm or chance his vessel thither drives,
  No! to secure and bless you, he arrives.
  To Heaven the praise,--and thanks to him repay,
  And let remotest times respect the day.
  He comes, whose life, while absent from your view,
  Was one continued ministry for you;
  For you he laid out all his pains and art,
  Won every will, and softened every heart.
  With what paternal joy shall he relate
  How views the mother Isle your little State;
  How aids the Senate, how the nation loves,
  How GEORGE protects, and CAROLINE approves!--
  A thousand pleasures crowd into his breast,
  But one, one mighty thought absorbs the rest,
  'And give me, Heaven, to see, (the Patriot cries),
  Another Britain in the desert rise!'"



CHAPTER VIII.

Trustees make a new selection of Settlers--Their Proposals successful
in Scotland--Embarkation of Highlanders for Georgia--Indian
hieroglyphic letter sent to the Trustees--Further emigration of
Saltzburgers--Great embarkation of Colonists, attended by Oglethorpe
and the Missionaries--Employment and religious exercises on board
during the voyage--Arrival--Beacon on the Island of Tybee--The people
go on shore at Peeper's Island--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah with
the Missionaries--Sends provisions and refreshments to the
Emigrants--Moore's account of the Public Garden--Tomo Chichi welcomes
his friend--Saltzburgers make application for a removal from
Ebenezer--Oglethorpe sends pioneers to lay out a road to Darien.


"Some of the first settlers had proved as idle and useless members of
society in America, as they had been in Great Britain;" and, as their
external wants had been supplied from the common store, they felt no
stimulus to industry or frugality.

The Trustees, finding that the conduct of these drones and loungers
tended rather to impede than promote their benevolent intentions,
began to look round for a better stock of settlers; a hardy race,
with good habits; such as were accustomed to laborious occupation and
agricultural pursuits.

That all persons who should be disposed to go to Georgia, might be
fully apprized of the several conditions which they were to perform,
and of what was expected, and, indeed, would be required of them, in
return for the assistance and support that would be afforded them, a
statement was made, and rules and regulations were drawn up, printed
and circulated; in which the Trustees indicated the qualifications of
such as offered themselves, with the expectation of being engaged.[1]
They examined, at their office, such persons as applied for the
benefit of the charity; and, out of these selected those who had the
best characters, and were the truest and most deserving objects
of compassion.[2] They very explicitly and frankly acquainted the
applicants with the inconveniences to which they would be subjected,
and the hardships which they must expect to endure. They told them
that on their arrival they would be under the necessity of living in
slight hovels, till they could form materials for the construction
of houses; that they must use great provident foresight to acquire
comfortable subsistence, for their wants were to be supplied only till
their industry brought in returns. They remarked to them that they,
indeed, gave them lands, and furnished them rations for a year, but
these lands were to be cleared up and tilled, in order to yield crops;
that they must eat salt meat, and drink only beer or water. They
reminded them, with solemn caution, that the sicknesses, to which a
change of climate would expose them, were most dangerous to those who
drank distilled liquors; so that temperance, which was every where
commendable and salutary, would be absolutely necessary to preserve
health. Finally, they were plainly told that if they were distrustful,
or reluctant at putting forth their strenuous exertions, they must not
engage in the undertaking.

[Footnote 1: _Account, shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia_.
Lond. 1741. Appendix to the Volume, No. 3 and 4.]

[Footnote 2: MOORE'S _Voyage_, page 10.]

Several were disheartened; but their place was soon filled up by
others, who thought these difficulties not very great; and that,
whatever they might be, they could encounter them; and that they
could submit to temporary inconveniences, and persevere in efforts,
stimulated by the proffered encouragement and aid.

In Scotland the proposals of the Trustees met with such success that,
at Inverness and its vicinity, one hundred and thirty Highlanders were
enrolled for emigration. These, with fifty women and children, were
transported to Georgia, where they arrived in the month of January,
1735; and with them came several private grantees, with their
servants. The Scots were destined to settle on the frontiers, for the
protection and defence of the province. After tarrying a few days at
Savannah, they conveyed themselves in periaguas, to the southward;
and, ascending the Alatamaha river about sixteen miles from St.
Simons, pitched upon a place for a residence, where they soon raised a
little fort, in which they mounted four pieces of cannon. They, also,
built a guard-house, a store, and a chapel, for they brought a pastor
with them; and soon put up several huts for temporary accommodation,
till they could prepare and erect commodious dwellings. The location,
at their desire, was called "Darien;" which name the District still
bears, and the town they called "New Inverness," a name no longer
retained.[1]

[Footnote 1: In the early publications this is written with the
article--"the Darien."]

While Oglethorpe was in England, what was intended for a letter
was sent over to the Trustees. It was composed by a chief of the
Cherokees, drawn and curiously marked in red and black figures on the
skin of a young buffalo, neatly dressed. A translation into English
had been made from the Indian interpretation, when first delivered,
in the presence of above fifty of their chiefs, and of the principal
inhabitants of Savannah. It contained the grateful acknowledgment of
the Indians of the honors and civilities shown to Tomo Chichi and his
companions; their admiration of the grandeur of the British Court and
kingdom; and declared their strong attachment to General Oglethorpe.

This hieroglyphic painting was set in a frame, and hung up in the
Georgia office in Westminster.[1]

[Footnote 1: _American Gazetteer_. Lond. 1762. 12mo. Vol. II., article
"Georgia."]

To provide for the raising of silk-worms and winding the thread
from the cocoons, was an early purpose of the Trustees. Liberal
encouragement was given by the Government and the Board of Trade to
the importation of all that could be produced. Samples had been sent
to England which gave promise of success. In the beginning of May,
this year, the Trustees and Sir Thomas Lombe, waited on the Queen with
a specimen, who was highly gratified with learning that a British
Colony had produced such silk, and desired that the fabric into which
it should be wrought might be shewn her. Accordingly, on the 21st of
October, these gentlemen, with Mr. Booth, the weaver, again waited on
her Majesty with a piece of the manufactured silk; and she expressed
great admiration of the beauty and fineness of the silk, and
the richness of the pattern; and, as a further testimony of her
satisfaction both with the produce and the manufacture, she ordered a
suit to be made up immediately for her own wear, in which she appeared
on her birth-day.[1] To this, a poet of the time, in a description of
the products of Georgia, thus alludes--

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Europe_, Vol. L. p. 242, and 469.]

  "The merchant hence the unwrought silk imports,
  To which we owe the attire of Queens and Courts."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New Voyage to Georgia_, p. 61.]

A large number of intended emigrants having been enrolled, Oglethorpe
had been most busily engaged for several months in making preparations
for their embarkation. Various tools were to be collected, suits and
changes of raiment prepared, articles of maintenance selected and
packed for the public store at Savannah, and accommodations and
provisions got ready for the voyage. The indefatigable leader of the
expedition gave his personal attendance and directions, and saw that
every thing was in the train of accomplishment, aided by the services
and supervision of Mr. Francis Moore, whom the Trustees had appointed
keeper of the stores. Oglethorpe had become acquainted with this
gentleman as Factor to the Royal African Society, and as having had
the charge of Job Jalla ben Solomon, the African Prince, whom the
Company sent back to Africa.

There were two ships freighted, the Symond, of two hundred and twenty
tons, Captain Joseph Cornish, master; and the London Merchant, of
about the same burden, Captain John Thomas, master; and one of his
Majesty's sloops, under the command of Captain James Gascoigne, was
ordered to assist the Colony, and carry over the General, who intended
to inspect the settlement; but he chose to go in one of the ships,
though crowded with the emigrants, "that he might be able to take care
of the people on the passage."

"The whole embarkation amounted to two hundred and twenty people on
the Trust's account, besides Mr. Oglethorpe and the gentlemen with
him, and his servants, whose passage he himself paid."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735_; by FRANCIS
MOORE, 8vo. London, 1744, page 11. The author accompanied General
Oglethorpe on what is called "the great embarkation," as _keeper of
the stores_. The first date in the book is "15th of October, 1735,"
and the last, "22d of June, 1736." He resided at St. Simons, and was
"Recorder at Frederica." By an advertisement, at the end of this
volume, we learn that he made another voyage to Georgia in 1738,
where he continued till 1743, when he returned to England. During his
residence, he kept a Journal, "in which is _an account of the siege
of St. Augustine, in 1740, and of the Spanish invasion, in_ 1742." He
adds, "I think myself obliged to acquaint the public that if I find
the foregoing well received, I shall, without delay, publish my other
Journal, as, also, a continuance of this, containing the treaty with
the Governor of Augustine; and the regulation of several matters,
relating to the Indian nations." That the Journal was not published is
greatly to be regretted.]

Among the adventurers in this embarkation, lured by the accounts which
had been published in England, of the delightful region of Georgia,
were Sir Francis Bathurst, his son, three daughters, and servants; as
also several relatives of the planters already settled there.[1]

[Footnote 1: SALMON'S _Modern History_, Vol. III. p. 602.]

I copy from _Boyer's Political State of Great Britain_,[1] the
following particulars. "On the 13th of October, 1735, embarked on
board the London Merchant, Captain Thomas, commander, fifty-six
men, women, and children, Saltzburgers, and some other persecuted
protestants from Germany, with Mr. Von Reck, who conducted from the
same parts a former transport in 1733, and Captain Hermsdorf, going
to settle with their countrymen in Georgia. The charge of their
subsistence in their long journey from Ratisbon and Augsburg to
Rotterdam, and from thence to London, and their expense at London till
they went on board, was defrayed by _the Society for the propagation
of the Gospel in foreign Parts_, out of the collections committed to
them for that purpose." Of this Society Oglethorpe was a member. The
charge of their voyage to Georgia, with their maintenance there for
one year, and for the arms, utensils, and other necessary articles and
provisions which they took from hence with them, was defrayed by the
honorable Trustees for establishing the colony.

[Footnote 1: Vol. L. page 468.]

"The next day James Oglethorpe, Esq., set out by land for Gravesend,
and the Reverend Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford,
and the Reverend Mr. Charles Wesley, Student of Christ's Church
College, and the Reverend Mr. Ingham, of Queen's, went thither by
water, in order to embark on board the Symond, Captain Cornish,
Commander; on board of which ship went likewise a great number of
poor English families, at the expense of the trustees; and soon after
these, two ships sailed together in company for Georgia. One of the
above named clergymen is to settle at the new town of Savannah, in
that colony; and the other two intend, (after some stay at Savannah,
to learn the Indian language,) to devote themselves to preaching the
Gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ to the Indian nations bordering
upon that colony; which might certainly be done with great effect, if
men would but content themselves with inculcating and enforcing
the rational and plain doctrines taught by Christ himself, without
pretending to explain what have since been called _the mysteries_ of
the Christian religion, which serve only to divide Christians among
themselves, and have very much prevented the conversion of heathens in
all countries, and in all ages."

As the periodical publication, from which this paragraph is extracted,
was the channel through which official information respecting the
settlement and affairs of Georgia was communicated, the suggestion
with which it is closed is to be understood as the opinion of the
Trustees. And when we recollect the character of those who composed
the Board, it may be considered as the dictate of sound judgment, and
worthy of heedful observance.

The attention of Oglethorpe to the persons and condition of the
emigrants, was assiduous, considerate, and kind. "He had laid in a
large quantity of live stock and various refreshments, though he
himself seldom eat any but ship's provisions. Not only the gentlemen,
his friends, sat at his table, but he invited, through the whole
of the passage, the missionaries and the captain of the ship, who,
together made twelve in number."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore's _Voyage_, p. II.]

They had prayers twice a day. The missionaries expounded the
scriptures, catechized the children, and administered the sacrament on
Sundays; but, though the crew consisted of Episcopalians, Methodists,
German Lutherans, and Moravians, "Oglethorpe showed no discountenance
to any for being of different persuasions of religion."

"When occasion offered, he called together those who designed to be
freeholders, and instructed them in what manner to behave themselves,
and acquainted them with the nature of the country, and how to settle
it advantageously. He constantly visited the sick, and let them have
fowls for broth, and any refreshments of his own; and administered
medicine, personally, where it was proper. Whenever the weather was
calm enough to permit it, he went on board the London Merchant, with
which company was kept all the way, to see that the like care was
taken of the people there."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore, p. 12.]

The Journal of Wesley gives many details of the voyage; but, as they
relate principally to the manner in which he and his brother and two
friends spent their time, I pass them over, but quote the following
anecdote from one of his biographers.[1] "Mr. Wesley hearing an
unusual noise in the cabin of General Oglethorpe, stepped in to
inquire the cause of it. On which the General thus addressed him: 'Mr.
Wesley you must excuse me. I have met with a provocation too much for
a man to bear. You know that the only wine I drink is Cyprus wine, as
it agrees with me the best of any. I therefore provided myself with
several dozens of it, and this villain Grimaldi' (his foreign servant,
who stood trembling with fear,) 'has drunk up the whole of it. But I
will be revenged on him. I have ordered him to be tied hand and foot,
and carried to the man of war that sails with us. The rascal should
have taken care not to have served me so, for I never forgive.'--'Then
I hope, sir,' (said Wesley, looking calmly at him) 'you never sin.'
The General was confounded at the reproof; and, putting his hand into
his pocket, took out a bunch of keys, which he threw at Grimaldi,
saying, 'There, take my keys, and behave better for the future!'"

[Footnote 1: Rev. HENRY MOORE, Vol. II. p. 258.]

While this was a happy verification of the remark of the wise man,
that "a soft answer turneth away wrath," it is a pleasing indication
of the yielding placability of him to whom it was addressed.--"The
discretion of a man deferreth his anger, and it is his glory to pass
over a transgression."

The ships, which bore this large accession to the Colony, passed the
bar of the Tybee on the afternoon of Thursday, February 5th, 1736, and
came to anchor. This island is at the mouth of the Savannah river; is
five miles long, and three broad; and is the most easterly land in the
State. Oglethorpe went immediately on shore, to see what had been done
towards raising the beacon on the island, for the construction of
which he had given orders. "It was to be an octagon building of
squared timber; its dimensions twenty-five feet wide at the bottom,
and ten at the top; and its height ninety feet, with a flag-staff on
the top thirty feet high. When completed, it would be of great service
to all shipping, not only the vessels bound to this port, but also to
Carolina; for the land of the coast, for some hundred miles, is so
alike, being low and woody, that a distinguishing mark is of great
consequence."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE's _Voyage_, p. 18.]

They had experienced a tempestuous voyage, and had a very rough
passage; but now the weather was fine; the land breezes refreshed them
as the ships lay quietly moored; and they hailed with delight the land
of promise, the borders of which stretched before them; where, says
Wesley, "the groves of pines along the shores made an agreeable
prospect, showing, as it were, the verdure and bloom of spring in the
depth of winter." A night of peaceful slumber passed; and, about eight
o'clock on Friday morning, they went ashore on a small uninhabited
island,[1] where Oglethorpe led them to a rising ground, and they all
knelt and returned thanks to God for their safe arrival. Leaving the
people, as there was a fine spring, and a pond of pure water, to wash
their clothes, and refresh themselves, he went himself, attended by
his suite, in a boat to Savannah, where he was received, under the
discharge of all their cannon, by the freeholders in arms, with the
constables and tithing men at their head. He introduced to them the
clergymen and gentlemen by whom he was accompanied; and congratulated
the colonists on the religious advantages which they were about to
derive from these pious missionaries: and here they passed the Sunday.
Just three years had elapsed since the settlement commenced, and the
celebration of the anniversary on the opening week was rendered more
observable and gladdening by the return of the founder to share and
grace the festivities of the occasion. But, amidst all the greetings
and inquiries of the throng around him, he was not unmindful of the
new comers. He made it his earliest care, as soon as the articles
could be got ready, to send a boat with provisions and refreshments
for the people on board the ships and at the island; and soon after
made them a visit himself, and carried with him a still further supply
of beef, pork, venison and wild turkeys, together with soft bread,
beer, turnips, and garden greens. This was not only peculiarly
relishing, after the salted sea-fare rations, but gratifying and
encouraging, from the evidence it gave that a settlement, begun only
three years ago, by a people in circumstances like theirs, could
produce such plenty. And, while these attentions evinced the
thoughtful regard of their conductor to their comfort and welfare,
they increased their sense of obligation, awakened their gratitude,
and strengthened their reliance.

[Footnote 1: Peeper Island.]

As Oglethorpe went round and visited the families in their dwellings,
he was gratified with perceiving what improvements had been made in
the town, and its vicinity; that about two hundred houses had been
built, trees set out on the sides of the streets and public squares;
and a large garden laid out, and now under cultivation. This had
engaged his early attention, and was a favorite project, as of general
interest and utility. It was situated at the east of the town, on the
sloping bank, and included the alluvial champaign below. It was laid
out with regularity and taste; and intended, primarily, to supply the
settlers with legumes, culinary roots, radishes and salads, till they
could prepare homestead-plats for raising them. The principal purpose,
however, was for a nursery of white mulberry trees for the raising of
silk worms; and from which the people could be supplied with young
trees, that all the families might be more or less engaged in this
reference to the filature. There was, also, a nursery coming on,
of apple, pear, peach, and plum trees, for transplantation. On the
borders of the walks were orange, olive, and fig-trees, pomegranates,
and vines. In the more sunny part there was a collection of tropical
plants, by way of experiment, such as coffee, cacoa, cotton, &c.
together with some medicinal plants, procured by Dr. William Houston
in the West Indies, whither he had been sent by Sir Hans Sloane to
collect them for Georgia. The expenses of this mission had been
provided by a subscription headed by Sir Hans, to which his Grace
the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Derby, the Lord Peters, and the
Apothecaries Company, liberally contributed. The Doctor having died
at Jamaica, the celebrated botanist, Philip Miller was now his
successor.[1]

[Footnote 1: "Sir HANS SLOANE," says Dr. Pulteny, "was zealous in
promoting the Colony of Georgia." _Historical and Biographical
Sketch of the Progress of Botany in England_, Vol. II. p. 85. See a
particular description of the garden, in MOORE's _Voyage to Georgia_,
p. 30.]

All hands were now set to work, some to preparing houses, barracks,
and lodgments for the new comers; some to unlade the vessels and store
the cargo, and some to extend the wharf. The General, also, made a
contract with persons for laying out and clearing the roads, and for
making fortifications at the south.

By none, perhaps, was his return more cordially welcomed than by Tomo
Chichi and Toonahowi. They brought with them two Indian runners, who
had waited two months to give notice to the lower and upper Creeks, of
his arrival.

He received, also, the visit of a deputation from Purrysburgh,
consisting of the Honorable Hector Berenger de Beaufain and M. Tisley
Dechillon, a patrician of Berne, with several other Swiss gentlemen,
to congratulate his return, and acquaint him with the condition of
their settlement.

The United Brethren, or Moravians, as they were more usually called,
who attended the other exiled Protestants, began immediately their
settlement near to Savannah. As soon as their personal accommodation
could be effected, they sought the acquaintance of Tomo Chichi, and
his little tribe; ingratiated themselves with these their neighbors,
and, "with money advanced by General Oglethorpe,"[1] built a
school-house for the children. "This school was called Irene, and lay
not far from the Indian village."[2]

[Footnote 1: CARPZOVIUS, _Examination of the Religion of the United
Brethren_, p. 417. See Appendix, No. XVII.]

[Footnote 2: CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 226. It was
opened on the 15th of September.]

The Baron Von Reck, who had been to Ebenezer, returned on the 8th of
February, accompanied with the Pastors Bolzius and Gronau, with the
petition of the people for liberty to remove, from the fords where
they were, to a place ten miles to the east of their settlement,
called "Red-bluff," at the mouth of the river, where it enters the
Savannah; and that those of their community who had just arrived,
instead of being destined to the southward, might be united with them
and enjoy the benefit of their religious instructers and guides.
Before giving a decisive answer, Oglethorpe deemed it proper to
examine their situation, and confer with the residents; and, not
to keep them in suspense, especially as it was necessary to take
immediate measures for the accommodation of the new comers, agreed
to accompany the applicants on their return. Accordingly, he set out
early on the appointed day, in the scout-boat, to the residence of Sir
Francis Bathurst, six miles above Savannah; and thence took horse, and
passed by the saw-mill set up by Mr. Walter Augustine, and, continuing
his ride through the woods, arrived that night at Ebenezer. On
reconnoitring the place the next day, he found that the Saltzburgers
had constructed a bridge over the river, ten feet wide and eighty feet
long; that four good framed houses had been erected at the charge of
the Trustees, one for each minister, one for a schoolmaster, and one
for a public store; and that a chapel, a guard-house, and a number of
split-board houses had been built by the people. All these, however,
they were resolved to forsake, and form a new settlement on the
borders of the Savannah river. Their chief objection to remaining was,
that the land was not good, and that the corn-harvest had failed; yet
they acknowledged that they had a fine crop of peas, and many garden
vegetables; that their cattle thrived exceedingly, that they had
plenty of milk, and fine poultry and eggs. He endeavored to dissuade
them from moving; but, finding their dissatisfaction with their
present situation to be so decided, he yielded to their importunity;
ordered a town to be laid out; and gave his unhesitating consent that
the new comers should be incorporated with them. He then set out for
the Swiss settlement, where he arrived in the evening. He was received
with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and took lodgings at the
house of Colonel Purry,[1] who had provided a handsome entertainment
for him.

[Footnote 1: John Peter Purry, formerly of Neufchatel.]

The chief purpose of his visit to this place was to engage a
conveyance for the Honorable Charles Dempsey to St. Augustine.
This gentleman had come over with him in the Symond, having been
commissioned by the Spanish Minister in London to confer with the
Governor of Florida on the subject of the boundary between that
country and Georgia, and to effect some provisional treaty with
General Oglethorpe.[1] A contract was made with Major Richard to
conduct this gentleman in a six-oared boat, being the best to be
obtained, to his destination; and to be the bearer of a letter from
the General, expressing his wish to remove all misunderstanding and
jealousy.

[Footnote 1: In the _Impartial Inquiry_, &c. p.84, is a deposition
which thus begins--"CHARLES DEMPSEY, of the Parish of St. Paul, Covent
Garden, in the County of Middlesex, Esquire, aged fifty-four years
and upwards, maketh that in the year one thousand seven hundred and
thirty-five, this deponent went with the Honorable James Oglethorpe,
Esq. to Georgia, in America, and was sent from thence by the said
Oglethorpe to St. Augustine with letters to the Governor there; that
this deponent continued going to and from thence until November, one
thousand seven hundred and thirty-six," &c.]

On his return to Savannah he sent forward Captain Hugh Mackay, Jr.
with a company of rangers, to travel by land to Darien, in order to
make observations on the intervening country, to compute the distance,
and to judge of the practicability of a passable road; and Tomo Chichi
furnished them with Indian guides.

The next day he attended a military review; after which, he
addressed the assembled people in an animated speech, in which his
congratulations, counsels, and good wishes were most affectionately
expressed. And he reminded them that, though it was yet "a day of
small things," experience must have strengthened the inducements
to industry and economy, by shewing them that, where they had been
regarded, the result had been not only competence, but thrift.

He then took leave of them, and went down to the ships at Tybee.



CHAPTER IX.

Special destination of the last Emigrants--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St.
Simons--Follows with Charles Wesley--Arrives and lays out a Town to
be called Frederica--Visits the Highlanders at Darien--Returns and
superintends the building of a Fort--All the people arrive--Barracks
for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected--Visited by Tomo
Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands--Reconnoitres
the Islands and gives names to them--Commissioners from St.
Augustine--Apparently amicable overtures--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah
to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting
trade with the Indians--Insolent demand of the Spaniards--Oglethorpe
embarks for England.


As the destination of the large number of intended settlers, which had
now arrived was "for the purpose of laying out a county and building a
new town near the southern frontier of Georgia," and the people were
waiting to be conducted by the General to "the place of habitation,"
he was very active in making arrangements for their transportation,
and, on the evening of the 16th of February, 1739, set out in the
scout-boat,[1] through the inward channels, to meet, at Jekyl sound, a
sloop that he had chartered to take on some of the more efficient men
as pioneers, and to make some preparation for the reception of the
emigrants.[2] He took with him Charles Wesley, who was to be his
Secretary as well as Chaplain; Mr. Ingham having gone by a previous
opportunity; and left John Wesley and Delamotte at Savannah.[3]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XVIII.]

[Footnote 2: "The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia
in America, ordered a new town to be built in that Colony, and an
embarkation to be made for that purpose."]

[Footnote 3: Many of the particulars in this chapter are taken
from the Journal of THOMAS MOORE, who was present. As that work is
extremely rare, I adopted its information more verbally than I should
have done had I anticipated that it was so soon to be republished in
the _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_.]

As Oglethorpe was in haste, the men rowed night and day, and had no
other rest than what they got when the wind favored their course; and
"they vied with each other who should be forwardest to please the
General, who, indeed, lightened their sense of fatigue by giving
them refreshments, which he rather spared from himself than let them
want."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE, p. 42.]

On the morning of the 18th they arrived at St. Simons, an island near
the north mouth of the Alatamaha river, fifteen miles in length, and
from two to four in breadth. Here the working men and carpenters who
came in the sloop and long boats, disembarked, and were immediately
set to work.

Oglethorpe not only directed and superintended, but actually assisted
in the labors. They soon got up a house and thatched it with palmetto
leaves; dug a cellar, and throwing up the earth on each side, by way
of bank, raised over it a store house; and then marked out a fort.
They next constructed several booths, each of which was between
twenty and forty feet long, and twenty feet wide. These were for the
reception and temporary shelter of the Colonists.

After this, the General paid a visit to the Highlanders, at their
settlement called "the Darien," a distance of sixteen miles on the
northern branch of the Alatamaha. He found them under arms, in their
uniform of plaid, equipped with broad swords, targets, and muskets; in
which they made a fine appearance. In compliment to them, he was that
morning, and all the time that he was with them, dressed in their
costume. They had provided him a fine soft bed, with Holland sheets,
and plaid curtains; but he chose to lie upon the ground, and in
the open air, wrapt in his cloak, as did two other gentlemen; and
afterwards his example was followed by the rest of his attendants.
This condescending and accommodating disposition not only conciliated
the regards of the settlers, but encouraged them both by example and
aid in going through their arduous labors, and in submitting to the
exigences of their situation. Happily his constitution was framed to
a singular temperament, which enabled him to require but very little
sleep; and he was capable of enduring long and frequent fasting,
when imposed upon him either by necessity or business, without any
observable prejudice to his health, or any other inconvenience. A
gentleman, who was one of the party, in a letter, dated 24th of
February, 1736, declares, "What surprizes me, beyond expression,
is his abstemiousness and hard living. Though even dainties are
plentiful, he makes the least use of them; and such is his hardiness,
that he goes through the woods wet or dry, as well as any Indian.
Moreover, his humanity so gains upon all here, that I have not words
to express their regard and esteem for him." He further adds, "They
have a Minister here, Mr. McLeod, a very good man, who is very useful
in instructing the people in religious matters, and will intermeddle
with no other affairs."[1] How commendably prudent, as well as
altogether proper, was this avoidance of secular topics and party
discussions in preaching; and how conducive to social accordance and
peace, as well as spiritual edification, was soon apparent in the
lamentable effects of a different use of the ministerial function in
the other settlements.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1736, p. 229.]

Having remained a few days with his favorite Highland corps, he
returned to St. Simons, where he found Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, and a
party of Indians consisting of about forty men, "all chosen warriors
and good hunters;" who had come down to show him what Islands they
claimed as having belonged to their nation, but which had been ceded
to him by treaty, and to which they would now give him the formal
possession. To accomplish this, the General fitted out an expedition,
to take them with him in the two ten-oared boats, with Major Horton,
Mr. Tanner, and some other gentlemen as his escort; and a sufficient
number of able hands both as boat-men and soldiers, and to man the
periagua,[1] with Highlanders under the command of Captain Hugh
Mackay. He the more readily engaged in this excursion from an
impatient desire to gain intelligence of Major Richard, and the
deputation to St. Augustine.

[Footnote 1: The Periagua is a long flat-bottomed boat, carrying from
twenty to thirty-five tons. It is constructed with a forecastle and a
cabin; but the rest is open, and there is no deck. It has two masts,
which the sailors can strike, and sails like those of schooners. It is
rowed, generally, with two oars only.]

They set out on the 18th of March. On the first day they visited an
island in the mouth of the Alatamaha, sixteen miles long, and from one
to five broad; opposite the entrance of the great Latilla river. By
the Indians it was called WISSOE, _Sassafras_; but the Spaniards had
named it _San Pedro_. Toonahowi, pulling out a watch that had been
given him by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, desired that
it should bear his name; saying, "He gave me this watch, that we might
know how time went; and we will remember _him_ while time goes; and
this place must have his name, that others may be reminded of him."
The General left Captain Mackay and the Highlanders here, with
directions to build a fort on the high ground, commanding the passes
of the river; which, at their desire, should be called St. Andrews. On
the south-east part of this island another strong fort was afterwards
built, called Fort William, which commanded Amelia Sound, and the
inland passage from St. Augustine.

On their excursion, the next day, they passed the Clogothea, an arm of
the Alatamaha, and went ashore on a delightful island, about thirteen
miles long, and two broad, with orange trees, myrtles and vines
growing on it. The wild-grape vines here, as on the borders of the
Savannah, grow to the very top of the trees, and hang from limb to
limb in festoons, as if trimmed and twined by art.[1] The name of this
island, _Santa Maria_, they changed to AMELIA, in honor of her Royal
Highness.

[Footnote 1: Journal of the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, who, it seems, was one
of the party. See URLSPURGER, I. 845.]

On the third day they came to an island which had borne the name of
_San Juan_; but claiming it as belonging to his Majesty, and the
southernmost part of his Provinces on the sea-coast of North America,
they named it GEORGE's.

As they approached the Spanish _look-out, [Haser centinela]_ which is
posted on the Florida side of the St. John's river, the Indians shewed
their desire of making an assault upon it, as "some of them were
related to those that had been killed, the winter before, by a
detachment from St. Augustine; and one of them, Poyeechy by name,
had been wounded by the Spaniards." The General, though with much
difficulty, persuaded them to forbear; and prevailed upon them to
return to what is called "the Palmetto ground," near to Amelia Island,
in one of the scout-boats, under the care of Major Horton. When they
had got entirely out of sight, he purposed to cross over and inquire
of the Spanish guard what had become of his boat and the commissioner
to the Governor of Florida.[1]

[Footnote 1: The district, as far as St. John's, was taken from the
Spaniards in Queen Anne's time; and at the time of the Peace of
Utrecht it was in the possession of the English allied Indians. Now,
since by this treaty all lands in America were declared to belong to
their then present owners, and the said Indians still occupy it, and
having acknowledged themselves subjects to the King of Great Britain,
by cession, the territory became his.]

On going ashore they found no men at the look-out, and therefore went
down to the lower one, which was also deserted. They then set out on
their return, and passing between the St. George and Talbot Island
came to the rendezvous at the Palmetto ground. There they met Mr.
Horton in the scout-boat, and some boats of Indians; but Tomo Chichi,
with two boats, was gone.

Here Mr. Moore, whom I follow, narrates a serio-comic adventure,
which, though it may be, to some of my readers, a twice-told tale,
will bear repeating.

"About four hours in the night, their sentry challenged a boat, and
Umpichi, one of those that had been in England, answered, and at the
same time leaped on shore with four others, and ran up to the fires
where Mr. Oglethorpe then was. They seemed in such a rage as is hardly
to be described. Their eyes glowed, as it were with fire. Some of
them foamed at the mouth, and moved with such bounds that they seemed
rather possessed.

"Mr. Oglethorpe asked Umpichi what the matter was. He said 'Tomo
Chichi has seen enemies, and has sent us to tell it, and to help you.'
Being asked why the Mico did not come back himself, he said, 'He is an
old warrior, and will not come away from his enemies, who hunt upon
our lands, till he has seen them so near as to count them. He saw
their fire, and therefore sent to take care of you, who are his
friends. He will make a warrior of Toonahowi, and, before daylight,
will be revenged for his men whom they killed whilst he was gone to
England. But _we_ shall have no honor, for we shall not be there.'
The rest of the Indians seemed to catch the raging fits, at not being
present. Mr. Oglethorpe asked if he thought there were many. He said
'Yes! he thought the enemies were a great many, for they had a great
fire upon a high ground, and the Indians never make large fires, but
when they are so strong as to despise all resistance.'

"Mr. Oglethorpe immediately ordered all his people on board, and they
rowed very briskly to where Tomo Chichi was; being about four miles
distant.

"They found him, with his Indians, with hardly any fire, only a few
sparks behind a bush, to prevent discovery; who told them that they
had been to see the fire, and had discovered seven or eight white men,
but the Indians, they believed, had encamped further in the woods, for
they had not seen them; but Tomo Chichi was going out again to look
for the Indians, whom, as soon as he discovered, he intended to give
the signal to attack both the parties at once; one half creeping near,
and taking each their aim at those whom they saw most awake; and, as
soon as they had fired, to run in with their hatchets, and at the same
time those who had not fired to run in with their loaded arms; that if
they knew once where the Indians were, they would be sure of killing
all the white men, since they, being round the fire, were easily seen,
and the same fire hindered them from seeing others.

"Mr. Oglethorpe tried to dissuade them from that attempt, but with
great difficulty could obtain of them to delay a little time; they
thinking it argued cowardice. At last they got up and resolved to go
in spite of all his endeavors; on which he told them, 'You certainly
go to kill them in the night, because you are afraid of seeing them by
day. Now, I do not fear them. Stay till day, and I will go with you,
and see who they are.'

"Tomo Chichi sighed, and sat down, and said, 'We do not fear them
by day; but if we do not kill them by night, they will kill you
to-morrow.' So they stayed.

"By daybreak Mr. Oglethorpe and the Mico went down with their men, and
came to the fire, which they thought had been made by enemies, which
was less than a mile from where the Mico had passed the night. They
saw a boat there, with a white flag flying, and the men proved to be
Major Richard, and his attendants, returned from Augustine.

"The Indians then seemed ashamed of their rage, which inspired them to
kill men before they knew who they were."

The meeting, under these circumstances, was doubly joyous. After
mutual congratulations, he was informed by Major Richard that "he
was cast away before he could get to St. Augustine; that part of the
baggage was lost; but the boat and men saved. That, having scrambled
through the breakers, and walked some leagues through the sands, they
were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, a Captain of the horse, and by him
conducted to the Governor, who received them with great civility; and
that the reason of his long stay was to get the boat repaired." He
brought letters from Don Francisco del Morale Sanchez, Captain General
of Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine. These commenced with
compliments, thanking him for the letters brought by Charles Dempsey,
Esq. and Major Richard; which, however, were followed by complaints
that the Creek Indians had assaulted and driven away the Spanish
settlers on the borders of the St. Mattheo,[1] and intimations of
displeasure at the threatening appearance of the forts which he was
erecting, and forces which manned them. Major Richard said that the
Governor expected an answer in three weeks, and desired him to bring
it. He added, that despatches had been sent to the Havana to apprize
the Government of the arrival of the new settlers, and of the position
which they had taken.

[Footnote 1: The St. John's.]

"The same day they returned toward St. Andrew's; but not having depth
of water enough through the narrows of Amelia, the scout-boats were
obliged to halt there; but the Indians advanced to the south end of
Cumberland, where they hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews."

By the directions and encouragements of the General, the works at St.
Simons were carried on with such expedition, that, by the middle of
April, the fort, which was a regular work of tabby, a composition of
oyster shells and lime, was finished; and thirty-seven palmetto houses
were put up, in which all the people might be sheltered till they
could build better.

About the centre of the west end of the island, a town was laid out,
which he called FREDERICA, with wide streets, crossing each other at
right angles. These were afterwards skirted with rows of orange trees.

The ground being properly divided, "the people, who had now all
arrived, having been brought in a little fleet of periaguas, were put
in possession of their respective lots, on the 19th of April, in order
that each man might begin to build and improve for himself. But the
houses that had been built, and the fields that had been tilled and
sown, were, as yet, to be in common for the public benefit."

At the south end of the island he caused to be erected a strong
battery, called Fort St. Simons, commanding the entrance to Jekyl
sound; and a camp of barracks and some huts.

[Illustration: Map of the Coast, Sea-Islands and early settlements of
Georgia.]

In point of situation, a better place for a town, a fortress, and a
harbor, could hardly be wished in that part of the country; lying, as
it does, at the mouth of a very fine river. The surface of the island
was covered with oak and hickory trees, intermixed with meadows and
old Indian fields; the soil was rich and fertile, and in all places,
where they tried, they found fresh water within nine feet of the
surface.[1]

[Footnote 1: See "_History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State
of the Colony of Georgia_," in Harris's _Collection of Voyages and
Travels_, Vol. II. p. 330, 2d ed. Lond. 1764. The best history, up to
the date of publication, extant.]

On the 25th, Oglethorpe and his men, and Major Richard and his
attendants, got back to Frederica. On the next day the Indians
arrived, the purpose of whose intended visit had been announced
by Tomo Chichi. Having encamped by themselves near the town, they
prepared for a dance; to which Oglethorpe went with all his people.

"They made a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having little
drums, made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which they beat,
and sung. Round these the others danced, being naked to their waists,
and having round their middle many trinkets tied with skins; and some
had the tails of beasts hanging down behind them. They had painted
their faces and bodies; and their hair was stuck with feathers. In one
hand they had a rattle, in the other the feathers of an eagle made up
like the caduceus of Mercury; they shook there plumes and the rattle,
and danced round the ring with high bounds and antic postures, looking
much like the figures of the Satyrs.

"They showed great activity, and kept just time in their motions; and
at certain times answered, by way of chorus, to those that sat in the
middle of the ring. They stopt; and then one of the chief warriors
stood out, who sang what wars he had been in, and described by motions
as well as by words, which way he had vanquished the enemies of his
country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of approbation,
as knowing what he said to be true."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE.]

The Indian Mico then explained the object of their embassy in a long
speech. After this, an alliance was concluded, and presents exchanged;
which consisted, on the part of the Indians, of dressed skins; and,
on that of Oglethorpe, of guns, red and blue cloth, powder, bullets,
knives, and small whetstones; and, among the women he distributed
linen and woolen garments, ear-rings, chains, beads, &c.

This business being despatched, the General called the freemen
together, and communicated to them the contents of the letters which
he had received from the Governor of St. Augustine; and this he did
to prevent the ill impression that vague conjecture and idle reports
might occasion, and then, in compliance with the requisition of the
Governor of St. Augustine that hostile intrusion on the Spanish
settlements might be prevented, he immediately fitted out a periagua
and the marine boat, with men and provisions for three months;
together with arms, ammunition, and tools, to sail to the southward,
and cruise along the English side of the St. John's, in order to
detect and prevent any lawless persons from sheltering themselves
there, and thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to
restrain the Indians.

This expedition was conducted by Captain Hermsdorff, who was to leave
Major Richard and Mr. Horton his attendant, at some place on the
Florida shore, whence they could proceed to St. Augustine to wait on
the Governor with the despatches. The purport of these was to acquaint
him, that, "being greatly desirous to remove all occasions of
uneasiness upon the frequent complaints by his Excellency of hostile
incursions upon the Spanish dominions, armed boats had been sent to
patrol the opposite borders of the river, and prevent all passing over
by Indians or marauders. The gentlemen were also directed to render
him the thanks of General Oglethorpe for his civilities, and to
express his inclination for maintaining a good harmony between the
subjects of both crowns."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]

On the 22d of May, 1736, a respectable deputation of the Uchee
Indians, from the neighborhood of Ebenezer, waited upon the General at
St. Simons. They had painted themselves with various colors, and were
dressed in their richest costume. Being introduced to him in the large
apartment of the magazine store, the Indian King made a long speech;
after which an alliance was entered into, and pledge presents
interchanged.[1] This treaty was a very important one, because the
Uchees claimed the country above Augusta to the border of the Creeks,
and a portion below adjoining the Yamacraws; because they were an
independent tribe, having no alliance with the others; and because
they had been a little dissatisfied with the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer.

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. 844, and Appendix No. XIX.]

On the first of June intelligence was received that Major Richard and
Mr. Horton, instead of being received as commissioned delegates, had
been arrested and made prisoners at St. Augustine. Not explaining to
the satisfaction of the Governor and his Council the situation of the
forts and the design of the military force that was stationed in them,
they were detained in custody, till Don Ignatio Rosso, Lieutenant
Colonel of the garrison, with a detachment of men had made personal
investigations; who, after an absence of five days, returned and
reported that the islands were all fortified, and appeared to be
filled with men; and that the shores were protected by armed boats. A
council of war was then held, and it was resolved to send back Major
Richard and Mr. Horton, and their suit, and with them an embassy,
consisting of Charles Dempsey, Esq., Don Pedro Lamberto, Captain of
the Horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, Adjutant of the garrison, with
intimations that this formidable array was unnecessary. By
private information, however, Oglethorpe was led to infer that,
notwithstanding the fair professions that had been made by the
Spaniards, there were evidently measures concerted to increase their
forces, to procure guns and ammunition, and to arm the Florida
Indians.[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]

In consequence of these and other indications that the Spaniards were
commencing preparations for dislodging the English settlers, the
General took all possible precautionary measures for repelling them.
The fort and works on St. Simons were completed in the best manner,
and a battery was erected on the east point of the island, which
projects into the ocean. This commanded the entrance of Jekyl sound in
such manner that all ships that come in at this north entry must pass
within shot of the point, the channel lying directly under it.

St. Andrew's fort, on Cumberland Island, with its munition of ordnance
and garrison of well-disciplined soldiers, was much relied upon as a
mean of defence; and even the outpost at St. George's, on the north
side and near the mouth of St. John's river, was deemed of no
inconsiderable importance as a check, at least, upon any attempted
invasion by the Spaniards, and as serving to prevent their going
through the inner passages.

In the month of July the General visited Savannah, to attend to
affairs there, and to hold a conference with a Committee of the
General Assembly of South Carolina respecting the Indian trade, which
they charged him with aiming to monopolize, to the disallowance of
their traders.

It may be necessary here to state, that, as the boundaries of Georgia
separated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah river from the
confines of South Carolina, they must be admitted as in affinity with
the new Colony. At any rate, Oglethorpe deemed it so expedient to
obtain their consent to the settlement of his people, and their good
will was so essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his
earliest care had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That
these treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and
trade, seemed to be, not only a prudential, but an indispensable
provision; particularly as Tomo Chichi and the Micos of the Creeks,
who went with him to England, had requested that some stipulations
might be made relative to the quantity, quality, and prices of goods,
and to the accuracy of weights and measures, in what was offered for
the purchase of their buffalo hides, and deer-skins and peltry.[1]
Whereupon the Trustees proposed certain regulations of trade,
designed to prevent in future those impositions of which the Indians
complained. To carry these into effect, it was thought right that
none should be permitted to trade with the Indians but such as had
a license, and would agree to conduct the traffic upon fair and
equitable principles. The Carolina traders, not being disposed to
apply for a permit, nor to subject themselves to such stipulations and
restrictions, were disallowed by the Georgia Commissary, who held a
trading house among the Creeks.[2] This was resented by them, and
their complaints to the Provincial Assembly led to the appointment of
the Committee just referred to, and whose conference with Oglethorpe
was held at Savannah on the 2d of August, 1736.[3] In their printed
report they lay down these fundamental principles. "The Cherokee,
Creek, Chickasaw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of
this part of America, were the inhabitants of the lands which they now
possess, and have ever since been deemed and esteemed the friends
and allies of his Majesty's English subjects in this part of the
Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as subjects
of the crown of Great Britain; they have maintained their own
possessions, and preserved their independency; nor does it appear that
they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, compact, or otherwise,
yielded up or parted with, those rights to which, by the laws of
nature and nations, they were and are entitled."

[Footnote 1: McCALL, Vol. I. p. 46.]

[Footnote 2: Capt. FREDERICK McKAY, in a letter to THOMAS BROUGHTON,
Esq., Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated July 12,1735,
written to justify his conduct as Indian Commissary, in turning out
four traders who would not conform to the rules stipulated in the
licenses, has the following remarks on the difficulties which he had
to encounter: "It was impracticable to get the traders to observe
their instructions, while some did undersell the others; some used
light, others heavy weights; some bribed the Indians to lay out their
skins with them, others told the Indians that their neighboring
traders had heavy weights, and stole their skins from them, but that
they themselves had light weights, and that their goods were better."]

[Footnote 3: "_Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the
proceedings of the people of Georgia, with respect to the Province of
South Carolina, and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_."
4to. Charlestown, 1736, p. 121.

This tract was printed by Lewis Timothy. There was no printer in
Carolina before 1730, and this appears to have been one of the
earliest productions of the Charlestown press, in the form of a book.
RICH's _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_, p. 53.]

"The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the crown of Great
Britain can give the grantees a right or power over a people, who, to
our knowledge, have never owned any allegiance, or acknowledged the
sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, or any Prince in Europe;
but have indiscriminately visited and traded with the French,
Spaniards, and English, as they judged it most for their advantage;
and it is as difficult to understand how the laws of Great Britain, or
of any Colony in America, can take place, or be put in execution in
a country where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to, such
laws; but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to
their own customs and manners without variation or change."

Hence the Committee inferred that the Regulations which were passed
by the Trustees, could not be binding upon the Indians, nor serve to
effect any exclusive trade with them. Oglethorpe acknowledged this
independency of the Indians; and asserted that, in perfect consistency
with it, they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the Colony of
Georgia; and, having themselves indicated certain terms and principles
of traffic, these were adopted and enjoined by the Trustees; and this
was done, not to claim authority over the Indians, nor to control
their conduct, but to indicate what was required of those who should
go among them as traders.

In answer to the allegations that the Carolina traders had been
excluded, he declared that, in granting licenses to trade with the
Indians, he refused none of the Carolina traders who conformed to the
Act, and gave them the same instructions as had been given by the
Province of Carolina.[1] He also declared that he had given, and
should always continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia
traders, as had formerly been given by the Province of South Carolina
to theirs; and in case any new instructions given by the Province of
South Carolina to their traders shall be imparted, and appear to
him for the benefit of the two Provinces, he would add them to the
instructions of the Georgia traders; and, finally, that, pursuant
to the desire of the Committee, he would give directions to all his
officers and traders among the Indians, in their talk and discourses
to make no distinction between the two Provinces, but to speak in the
name and behalf of his Majesty's subjects[2].

[Footnote 1: "To protect the natives against insults, and establish a
fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which
humanity required, and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit
of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advantages were
taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic." RAMSAY's
_History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 48. For other particulars
stated by him, respecting the trade with the Indians, see p. 89,104.]

[Footnote 2: _Report of the Committee_, &c., p. 106, 107.]

It seems, however, that the Committee were not satisfied; primarily
because licenses were required, and especially that they must come
through the hands of the Governor of Georgia.

In a few days after this conference Oglethorpe returned to Frederica.
On the latter part of September he renewed the commission of the
Honorable Charles Dempsey, impowering him to state to the Governor
of St. Augustine terms for a conventional adjustment of the
misunderstanding between the two Provinces. This he eventually
effected, and a treaty was concluded on the 27th of October following,
much more conciliatory, on the part of the Spaniards, than he had
expected. This, however, proved ineffectual, and the pleasing
anticipations of restored harmony which it seemed to authorize, were
shortly frustrated by a message from the Governor of St. Augustine to
acquaint him that a Spanish Minister had arrived from Cuba, charged
with a communication which he desired an opportunity of delivering in
person. At a conference which ensued, the Commissioner peremptorily
required that Oglethorpe and his people should immediately evacuate
all the territory to the southward of St. Helena's Sound, as that
belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined to vindicate his
right to it. He refused to listen to any argument in support of the
English claim, or to admit the validity of the treaty which had lately
been signed, declaring that it had erred in the concessions which had
been made. He then unceremoniously departed, with a repetition of his
demand, accompanied with menaces.

Perceiving that the most vigorous measures, and a stronger defensive
force than the Province could supply, would be necessary to overawe
the hostile purposes displayed by Spain, or repel them if put in
execution, Oglethorpe resolved to represent the state of affairs
to the British Ministers, and straightway embarking, set sail for
England.[1] He arrived at the close of the year; and, presenting
himself before the Board of Trustees, "received an unanimous vote of
thanks, as he had made this second, as well as his first expedition to
Georgia, entirely at his own expense."[2]

[Footnote 1: HEWATT, II. 47, and GRAHAM, III. 200, _totidem verbis_.]

[Footnote 2: _London Magazine_, October, 1757, p. 545.]



CHAPTER X.

Delegation of the Missionaries--JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah--Has
a conference with Tomo Chichi--His Preaching deemed personal in its
applications--He becomes unpopular--Meets with persecution--Leaves the
Province and returns to England--CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe
to Frederica--Finds himself unpleasantly situated--Furnished with
despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence
takes passage for England--By stress of weather the Vessel driven off
its course--Puts in at Boston, New England--His reception there--Sails
thence for England--After a perilous voyage arrives--BENJAMIN INGHAM
also at Frederica--Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the
sickness of his brother--Resides among the Creeks in order to
learn their language--Returns to England--CHARLES DELAMOTTE at
Savannah--Keeps a School--Is much respected--GEORGE WHITEFIELD
comes to Savannah--His reception--Visits Tomo Chichi, who was
sick--Ministerial labors--Visits the Saltzburgers--Pleased with their
provision for Orphan Children--Visits Frederica and the adjacent
Settlements--Returns to England--Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and
takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House.


In order to show circumstantially the progress of colonization, by
following Oglethorpe with his new and large accession of emigrants and
military forces to their destined places of settlement on the borders
of the Alatamaha and the southern islands, all mention of the
reception and treatment of the Wesleys, whom he had brought over as
religious missionaries, has been deferred. The relation is introduced
now, as a kind of episode.

The delegation of these pious evangelists was encouraged by flattering
suggestions, and acceded to with the most raised expectations; and
its objects were pursued by them with untiring zeal and unsparing
self-devotedness, through continual hindrances. The opposition which
they met was encountered with "all long-suffering and patience;" but
their best efforts were unavailing; "and their mission closed, too
speedily, in saddened disappointment."

I. JOHN WESLEY, though stationed at Savannah, did not consider himself
so much a Minister to the inhabitants as a missionary to the Indians.
Whenever he mentioned his uneasiness at being obstructed in his
main design, he was answered "You cannot leave Savannah without a
Minister." To this he rejoined, "My plain answer is, I know not that
I am under any obligations to the contrary. I never promised to stay
here one month. I openly declared, both before, and ever since my
coming hither, that I neither would nor could take charge of the
English any longer than till I could go among the Indians." It was
rejoined, "But did not the Trustees of Georgia appoint you to be
Minister at Savannah?" He replied, "They did; but it was done without
either my desire or knowledge. Therefore I cannot conceive that that
appointment could lay me under any obligation of continuing here
longer than till a door is opened to the Heathen; and this I expressly
declared at the time I consented to accept that appointment[1]."

[Footnote 1: _Life of Rev_. JOHN WESLEY, A.M., _in which is included
the Life of his Brother_ CHARLES WESLEY, A.M. _By Rev_. HENRY MOORE.
_Lond_. 1824, 2 vols. 8vo. Vol. I. p. 310.]

Oglethorpe had been so impressed with what he had seen of the natives,
that he had written home that "a door seemed opened for the conversion
of the Indians." These favorable expectations were greatly increased
by the visit to England of Tomo Chichi and his train. They seemed to
be fully authorized by the declarations which were made by them to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and other clergy; and they appeared to
be put in a train of accomplishment by the interest taken for
facilitating that purpose by the manual of instruction for the Indians
which was preparing by Bishop Wilson. But when Tomo Chichi came
to welcome the Governor on his arrival, and was introduced to the
intended teacher, it appeared that unforeseen obstacles had arisen.
"I am glad you are come," said the Mico, addressing him through the
female interpreter. "When I was in England I desired that some would
speak the great word to me; and our people then desired to hear it;
but now we are all in confusion. The French on one side, and the
Spanish on the other, and the Traders in the midst, have caused us
much perplexity; and made our people unwilling. Their ears are shut.
Their tongues are divided, and some say one thing, and some another.
But I will call together our chiefs, and speak to the wise men of
our nation, and I hope they will hear. But we would not be, made
Christians as the Spaniards make Christians. We would be taught; and
then, when we understand all clearly, be baptized."[1] There was good
sense in this remark. They would be informed of the evidences of the
truth of Christianity, and have its principles and doctrines explained
to them, and its precepts, tendency, and design illustrated; and hence
be enabled to adopt it from conviction. This they would do, when they
were made to understand how it was a divine revelation, and saw its
effects in the life of its professors. But the reply of Wesley was not
simple enough to be comprehended by him. It was this; "There is but
one,--He that sitteth in the heaven,--who is able to teach man wisdom.
Though we are come so far, we know not whether He will please to teach
you by us, or no. If He teaches you, you will learn wisdom; but we can
do nothing." All the inference which the poor Indian could draw from
this was, that he who had come as a religious teacher disclaimed his
own abilities, and referred to a divine Instructer, of whom the Mico
could know nothing as yet, by whom alone the converting knowledge was
to be communicated.

[Footnote 1: Account of the Settlement of the Saltzburg Emigrants at
Ebenezer, in Georgia. By Philip George Frederic von Reck. Hamburgh,
1777. 12mo, p. 7.]

Moreover, he had been an observer of the disposition and conduct of
those who called themselves Christians; and, at another interview with
Wesley, when urged to listen to the doctrines of Christianity, and
become a convert, he keenly replied, "Why these are Christians at
Savannah! Those are Christians at Frederica!" Nor was it without good
reason that he exclaimed, "Christians drunk! Christians beat men!
Christians tell lies! Me no Christian."

Scenawki, however, had more courtesy. She presented the Missionaries
with two large jars of honey, and one of milk; and invited them
to come up to Yamacraw, and teach the children, saying, the honey
represented the inclination of the people there, and the milk the
need of their children. What a beautiful illustration of the mode of
teaching practised by the Apostle! "I have fed you with milk, and not
with meat;" adapting the instruction to the capacity of those to whom
it was imparted, and "as they were able to receive it," could properly
digest it, "and be nourished thereby."

Other conferences effected little; and as Mrs. Musgrove did not reside
at Yamacraw, and could not often assist him as an interpreter; and,
perhaps, could not readily make perspicuous in the Indian dialect
what was somewhat more mystical than even his English hearers could
comprehend, his cherished purposes for the conversion of the Indians
seemed to be thwarted. Besides, the condition of the people at
Savannah was such as to require clerical services, and he gave himself
wholly to them.

For some time his labors as a preacher promised to be successful; "and
all would have been well," says Southey, "could he but have remembered
the advice of Dr. Burton." This was contained in a letter addressed to
him a few days before embarking for Georgia. Among other things, this
excellent friend suggested to him that, under the influence of Mr.
Oglethorpe, giving weight to his endeavors, much may be effected in
the present undertaking; and goes on to remark; "With regard to your
behavior and manner of address, these must be determined according to
the different circumstances of persons, &c.; but you will always,
in the use of means, consider the great end; and, therefore, your
applications will of course vary. You will keep in view the pattern of
the Gospel preacher, St. Paul, who 'became all things to all men,
that he might save some.' Here is a nice trial of christian prudence.
Accordingly, in every case you will distinguish between what is
indispensable, and what is variable; between what is divine, and what
is of human authority. I mention this, because men are apt to deceive
themselves in such cases; and we see the traditions and ordinances of
men frequently insisted on with more rigor than the commandments of
God, to which they are subordinate. Singularities of less importance,
are often espoused with more zeal than the weighty matters of God's
law. As in all points we love ourselves, so, especially, in our
hypotheses. Where a man has, as it were, a property in a notion, he is
most industrious to improve it, and that in proportion to the labor
of thought he has bestowed upon it; and, as its value rises in
imagination, he is, in proportion, unwilling to give it up, and dwells
upon it more pertinaciously than upon considerations of general
necessity and use. This is a flattering mistake, against which we
should guard ourselves."

Unmindful of such counsel, the eagerness of Wesley to effect
reformation was pressed too precipitately and carried too far. His
sermons had such direct reference, not only to the state of affairs,
but the conduct of individuals, that they were shrunk from as personal
allusions. His zeal was excessive, and his practice exclusive.[1]

[Footnote 1: Mr. SOUTHEY has this remark--"He was accused of making
his sermons so many satires upon particular persons; and for this
cause his auditors fell off; for though one might have been very well
pleased to hear others preached at, no person liked the chance of
being made the mark himself."--Moreover, "following the rubric, in
opposition to the practice of the English church, he insisted upon
baptizing children by immersion, and refused to baptize them if the
parents did not consent to this rude and perilous method. Some persons
he would not receive as sponsors, because they were not communicants;
and when one of the most pious men in the Colony earnestly desired to
be admitted to the communion, he refused to admit him because he was
a Dissenter, unless he would be rebaptized. And he would not read the
burial service over another for the same reason, or one founded on
the same principle." _Life of_ WESLEY, _by_ ROBERT SOUTHEY, _New York
edition_, 1820. Vol. I. p. 108.--Instances of personal reference
in preaching, and of its alienating effects, are mentioned by Mr.
Stevens, in his Journal, Vol. I. pp. 15, 19, and elsewhere.]

For these and other reasons, and in some respects most unreasonably,
the people at Savannah became prejudiced against him, and so
disaffected that "he perceived that his preaching was not likely to be
attended with beneficial influence. Hence, having in vain sought an
accommodation with his opponents, without in the least relaxing from
the enforcement of his principles, and disappointed in the prime
object of his mission, that of preaching to the Indians, he resolved
to quit the Colony, and return to his native land[1]."

[Footnote 1: _Memoir of the Rev_. John Wesley, prefixed to a volume of
his Sermons, by Samuel Drew, page xvi.]

Another circumstance brought the whole scene of his trials to a
catastrophe. Sophia Hopkins, the niece of Mrs. Causton, wife of Thomas
Causton, Esq., chief magistrate of the place, had been a pupil to him
to learn French, was a professed convert to his ministry, and become a
member of the Church. Her beauty, accomplishments, and manners, were
fascinating; and she appears, by some coquettish advances, to have
won his affections. Delamotte, however, doubting the sincerity of her
pretensions to piety, cautioned his friend Wesley against cherishing a
fond attachment. The Moravian Elders, also, advised him not to think
of a matrimonial connection. In consequence of this, his conduct
towards her became reserved and distant; very naturally, to her
mortification; though her own affections had been preëngaged, for she
soon after married a Mr. Williamson. But a hostile feeling had been
excited against him by her friends, for the manifestation of which an
opportunity was afforded about five months after her marriage. Wesley
having discovered in her conduct several things which he thought
blameworthy, with his wonted ingenuousness, frankly mentioned them
to her; intimating that they were not becoming a participant of the
Lord's Supper. She, in return, became angry. For reasons, therefore,
which he stated to her in a letter, he cautioned her not to come to
the ordinance till she could do it in a reconciled temper.

The storm now broke forth upon him. A complaint was entered to the
magistrates; an indictment filed, and a warrant issued, by which
he was brought before the Recorder, on the charges of Mr.
Williamson,--1st, That he had defamed his wife; and, 2dly, That he had
causelessly repelled her from the Holy Communion. Wesley denied the
first charge; and the second, being wholly ecclesiastical, he would
not acknowledge the authority of the magistrate to decide upon it. He
was, however, told that he must appear before the next court, to be
holden at Savannah, August term, 1737. In the mean time pains were
taken by Mr. Causton to pack and influence the jury. There were
debates and rude management in the court. No pleas of defence were
admitted. The evidence was discordant. Twelve of the grand jurors drew
up a protest against the proceedings. The magistrates, themselves,
after repeated adjournments, could come to no decision; and justice
was not likely to be awarded. Wearied with this litigious prosecution,
Wesley applied to his own case the direction given by our Lord to his
Apostles, "If they persecute thee in one place, flee unto another;"
and, shaking off the dust of his feet as a witness against them, he
fled to Charlestown, South Carolina; whence, on Thursday, the 22d of
December, 1737, he embarked for England. After a pleasant passage, he
landed at Deal, February, 1738, as he remarks, "on the anniversary
festival in Georgia, for Mr. Oglethorpe's landing there." As he
entered the channel, on his return, Mr. Whitefield sailed through it,
on a mission; not to be his coadjutor, as he expected, but, as it
proved, his successor.

II. The situation of CHARLES WESLEY was annoyed by like discomfitures,
and followed by still greater disappointment. He had received the most
flattering accounts of Georgia from the conversation of Oglethorpe,
with whom he had been for some time acquainted; and from the little
book which this gentleman had published. Implicitly confiding in the
high wrought descriptions which had been given him, and indulging
anticipations of a colonization of more than Utopian excellence, he
attended his brother to Georgia, and attached himself to Oglethorpe,
whose warm professions had won him to his service both as Secretary
and Chaplain.

His destination was to the new settlement at Frederica; and there he
arrived, with his patron, on the 9th of March, 1736. The first person
who saluted him, as he stept on shore, was Ingham, his intimate,
confidential, and highly valued friend; who had preceded him thither.
The meeting was truly pleasant; but what he learned from him of the
state of affairs there, and of "the treatment which he had met
for vindicating the sanctity of the Lord's day," was a saddening
indication of the reverse which his cherished anticipations were soon
to meet. He was apprised by it, however, of the necessity of taking
measures for procuring a more sober observance of the Sabbath in
future. Accordingly, as he had been announced to the settlers as their
religious instructer and guide, he spent the remainder of the week in
visits to their families, and in seeking that personal acquaintance
with them, without which, he well knew that general instruction would
be of little use; but, he observes, "with what trembling should I call
this flock mine!" In the evening he read prayers, in the open air;
at which Oglethorpe was present. He observed that the lesson seemed
remarkably adapted to his situation, and that he felt the power of it;
particularly of the passage, "continue instant in prayer, and watch in
the same with thanksgiving; withal praying also for us, that God would
open a door of utterance, to speak the mystery of Christ, that I may
make it manifest as I ought to speak."[1]

[Footnote 1: Colossians, IV. 3]

In the public discharge of his duties as a clergyman, he was solemn
and fervent; and his preaching evinced "how forcible are right words."
But in his daily intercourse with this heterogeneous population, he
was not always aware that clerical intimacy should never descend to
familiarity. He overheard rude speeches and gossipping tattle; and was
made acquainted with some domestic bickerings and feuds; and kindly,
though not always discretely, endeavored to check them; but his
mediation was repelled as uncalled-for interference.[1] To use the
words of his biographer, "he attempted the doubly difficult task of
reforming the gross improprieties, and reconciling some of the petty
jealousies and quarrels with each other; in which he effected little
else than making them unite in opposing him, and caballing to get rid
of him in any way."[2] Hence complaints were made to Oglethorpe, who,
instead of discountenancing them decidedly, and vindicating, or at
least upholding him whom he had brought over, and placed in an office
where he ought to have demanded for him a treatment of deference and
respect, himself listened too readily to complaints and invectives,
and suffered them to prejudice him against the truly amiable,
ingenuous, and kind-hearted minister. Instead of putting candid
constructions on well-meant purposes, of cautioning his inexperience,
or giving friendly advice, he treated him with coldness and
neglect.[3] The only apology for this is that suggested by Southey.[4]
"The Governor, who had causes enough to disquiet him, arising from
the precarious state of the Colony, was teased and soured by the
complaints which were perpetually brought against the two brothers,
and soon began to wish that he had brought with him men of more
practicable tempers." In some hours of calmer reflection, however, he
felt the compunctious visitings of conscience, and convinced of the
injustice which he had done to Mr. Wesley, "in the most solemn manner
he professed to him his regret for his unkind usage; and, to express
his sincerity, embraced and kissed him with the most cordial
affection." Realizing, however, that the situation of this aggrieved
and disheartened man was such that his usefulness here was at an
end, and finding it necessary to make a special communication to
the Trustees, relative to the internal distractions among the first
settlers; to the Board of Trade on the subject of exports and
commercial relations; and to the Government, respecting the exposed
situation of the Colony, he commissioned him to carry the despatches.

[Footnote 1: "He that passeth by and meddleth with strife belonging
not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the ears." _Proverbs_,
XXVI. 17. He who inconsiderately engages in other men's quarrels,
whom he lights upon by chance, and in which he is not concerned, will
assuredly suffer by his interference.]

[Footnote 2: SOUTHEY's _Life of the Wesleys_, Vol. I. p. 107.]

[Footnote 3: In the life of Wesley by MOORE, is an affecting detail
of particulars, taken from the unpublished Journal of Charles Wesley,
Vol. I. p. 265-285.]

[Footnote 4: _Life of Wesley_, Vol. I. p. 107.]

On the 26th of July, 1736, he set out for Charlestown, to take passage
to England; and, on the 16th of August, went on board the London
Galley. But the passengers and sailors soon found that the Captain,
while on shore, had neglected every thing to which he ought to have
attended. The vessel was too leaky to bear the voyage; and the Captain
drinking nothing scarcely but gin, had never troubled his head about
taking in water; so that they were soon reduced to short allowance,
which, in that sultry clime and season of the year, was a distressing
predicament. Meeting, too, with violent squalls of wind, they were
driven off their course. The leak became alarming, and their troubles
increased so fast upon them, that they were obliged to steer for
Boston in New England; where they arrived, with much difficulty and
danger, on the 2d of September.

Wesley was soon known at Boston; and met a hospitable reception among
the Ministers, both of the town and neighborhood. In a letter to his
brother, he thus describes the attentions that were paid to him. "I
am wearied with this hospitable people; they so teaze me with their
civilities. They do not suffer me to be alone. The clergy, who come
from the country on a visit, drag me with them when they return[1]. I
am constrained to take a view of this New England, more pleasant even
than the Old. And, compared with the region in which I last resided, I
cannot help exclaiming, O happy country that breeds neither flies, nor
crocodiles, nor prevaricators!"[2]

[Footnote 1: Referring to the weekly assembling of the Clergy from the
neighboring towns to attend the Thursday Lecture.]

[Footnote 2: Having found that letters to his brother were intercepted
and read, before they were delivered, he wrote sometimes in Latin, and
even passages in Greek. This, dated Boston, October 5th, 1736, was
in Latin, and I give the extract here, of which the text is a
translation. "Tsedet me populi hujuser, ita me urbanitate sua divexant
et persequuntur. Non patientur me esse solum. E rure veninnt Clerici;
me revertentes in rare trahant. Cogor henc Anglicum contemplari, etiam
antiquâ amoeniorem; et nequeo non exclamare, O fortinata regio, nec
muscas aleus, nec crocodilos, nec delatores!" [When Mr. C. Wesley
was at Frederica, the _sand-flies_ were one night so exceedingly
troublesome, that he was obliged to rise at one o'clock, and smoke
them out of his hut. He tells us that the whole town was employed in
the same way. By _crocodile_ he means the species called _alligator_.
When at Savannah, he and Mr. Delamotte used to bathe in the river
between four and five o'clock in the morning, before the alligators
were stirring, but they heard them snoring all round them. One morning
Mr. Delamotte was in great danger; an alligator rose just behind him,
and pursued him to the land, whither he escaped with difficulty.]]

The repairs of the vessel detained him here till the 15th of October,
when they sailed. They had a most perilous passage, and encountered
violent storms; but on the third of December arrived opposite Deal;
and the passengers went safe on shore.

III. INGHAM had his station assigned him at Frederica; and there his
prudence preserved him from the vexations with which his cherished
companion was annoyed. In behalf of that persecuted and dispirited
friend, he went to Savannah, to inform John Wesley of the opposition
of the people to his brother. He tarried there to supply John's place
during his absence on the visit of sympathy and counsel, of mediation
or rescue. Returning to Frederica, he remained there till the 13th
of May, when he accompanied Charles to Savannah, whither he went to
receive the Indian traders on their coming down to take out their
licenses. He accompanied them to the upper Creeks; among whom he
resided several months, and employed himself in making a vocabulary of
their language, and composing a grammar.[1]

[Footnote 1: SOUTHEY, I. 122, note; mention is also made of him in
CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 228.]

On the 24th of February, 1737, it was agreed that he should go to
England, and "endeavor to bring over, if it should please God, some of
their friends to strengthen their hands in his work."[1] By him John
Wesley wrote to Oglethorpe, who had sailed for England, and to Dr.
Brady's associates, who had sent a library to Savannah.

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Lives of the Wesleys_, I. 315.]

Ingham is mentioned by Whitefield, in terms of high regard, as
fellow-laborer with the Wesleys, and "an Israelite indeed."

IV. DELAMOTTE remained, from the first, with John Wesley at Savannah.
He kept a school, in which he taught between thirty and forty children
to read, write, and cast accounts. "Before public worship on the
afternoon of the Lord's day, he catechized the lower class, and
endeavored to fix some things of what was said by the Minister in
their understandings as well as their memories. In the morning he
instructed the larger children."[1]

[Footnote 1: Here is a prototype of the modern Sunday-schools.]

He returned to England in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting; the ship that
brought out Mr. Whitefield, June 2d, 1738. "The good people lamented
the loss of him, and great reason had they to do so; and went to the
waterside to take a last farewell."

V. GEORGE WHITEFIELD was the intimate friend of the Wesleys and of
Ingham; and he states, in his Journal, that when they were in Georgia
he received letters from them; and that their description of the moral
condition of the Colony affected his heart powerfully, and excited a
strong desire to join them, to assist them in the work in which they
were occupied, and become "a partaker with them in the afflictions
of the gospel." Such an undertaking was suited to his energetic and
enterprizing character; and therefore engaged much of his attention.
On the return of Charles Wesley to England, he learned more of the
situation of the Colonists, and of their great need of religious
instruction; and when Ingham came with special reference to procuring
assistance, he expressed his readiness to go on the mission. In the
letter which he received by him from John Wesley was this direct
reference, "Only Delamotte is with me, till God shall stir up the
heart of some of his servants, who, putting their lives in his hands,
shall come over and help us, where the harvest is so great and the
laborers are so few. What if thou art the man, Mr. Whitefield? Do you
ask me what you shall have? Food to eat and raiment to put on; a house
to lay your head in, such as your Lord had not; and a crown of glory
that fadeth not away!" This, and another letter, strengthened the
desire, which soon ripened into a purpose, for which all circumstances
seemed favorable. Charles, too, became more explicit, and rather urged
his going[1].

[Footnote 1: He addressed a poem to him in which are these verses:

  "Servant of God! the summons hear.
    Thy Master calls! arise! obey!
  The tokens of his will appear,
    His providence points out the way.

  "Champion of God! thy Lord proclaim,
    Jesus alone resolve to know.
  Tread down thy foes in Jesus' name,
    And conquering and to conquer go!"]

He accordingly went up to London to tender his services to Oglethorpe
and the Trustees; by whom he was accepted; and he left London on the
latter part of December, 1737, in the 23d year of his age, to take
passage in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting, master, on a voyage to
Georgia. It was, however, the end of January before the vessel was
fairly on its way, in consequence of contrary winds. They sailed from
the Downs a few hours only before the vessel, which brought Wesley
back, cast anchor there. He was attended on his passage by the
Honorable James Habersham and his brother. They landed, after rather a
circuitous and long passage, on the 7th of May, 1738. Delamotte,
whom Wesley had left schoolmaster at Savannah, received him at the
Parsonage house, which he found much better than he expected. Having
met with some of his predecessor's converts there, he read prayers
on the morrow, and expounded, in the Court-house, and waited on the
magistrates; but, being taken ill of a fever and ague, he was confined
to the house for a week.

Being informed that Tomo Chichi was sick, nigh unto death, as soon
as he could venture abroad he made him a visit. The Mico lay on a
blanket, thin and meagre. Scenawki, his wife, sat by, fanning him
with feathers. There was none who could speak English, so that Mr.
Whitefield could only shake hands with him and leave him. A few days
after he went again, and finding Toonahowi there, who could speak
English, "I desired him," says Whitefield, "to ask his uncle whether
he thought he should die;" who answered, "I cannot tell." I then
asked, where he thought he should go, after death? He replied "To
heaven." But alas! a further questioning led the solemn visiter to an
unfavorable opinion of his preparedness for such a state of purity.

When Whitefield had recovered so as to commence his labors, he
remarked that every part bore the aspect of an infant colony; that,
besides preaching twice a day, and four times on the Lord's day, he
visited from house to house, and was in general cordially received,
and always respectfully; "but from time to time found that _caelum non
animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt_. 'Those who cross the seas,
change their climate, but not their disposition.'" Though lowered
in their circumstances, a sense of what they formerly were in their
native country remained. It was plainly to be seen that coming over
was not so much a matter of choice as of restraint; choosing rather
to be poor in an unknown country abroad, than to live among those who
knew them in more affluent circumstances at home.[1]

[Footnote 1: Gillies' _Memoirs of Whitefield_, p. 27.]

The state of the children affected him deeply. The idea of an
Orphan-House in Georgia had been suggested to him by Charles Wesley,
before he himself had any thought of going abroad; and now that he saw
the condition of the Colonists, he said, "nothing but an orphan-house
can effect the education of the children." From this moment he set
his heart upon founding one, as soon as he could raise funds. In the
meantime, he did what he could. He opened a school at Highgate
and Hampstead, and one for girls at Savannah. He then visited the
Saltzburgers' orphan-house at Ebenezer; and, if any thing was wanting
to perfect his own design, or to inflame his zeal, he found it there.
The Saltzburgers themselves were exiles for conscience' sake, and
eminent for piety and industry. Their ministers, Gronau and Bolzius,
were truly evangelical. Their asylum, which they had been enabled to
found by English benevolence for widows and orphans, was flourishing.
Whitefield was so delighted with the order and harmony of Ebenezer
that he gave a share of his own "Poor's store" to Bolzius for his
orphans. Then came the scene which completed his purpose. Bolzius
called all the children before him, and catechized them, and exhorted
them to give God thanks for his good providence towards them. Then
prayed with them, and made them pray after him. Then sung a psalm.
Afterwards, says Whitefield "the little lambs came and shook me by the
hand, one by one, and so we parted." From this moment Whitefield made
his purpose his fate.[1]

[Footnote 1: PHILLIPS' _Life and Times of Whitefield_, p. 73.]

As opportunity offered he visited Frederica, and the adjacent
settlements; and says that he often admired that, considering the
circumstances and disposition of the first settlers, so much was
really done. He remarks that "the first settlers were chiefly broken
and decayed tradesmen from London and other parts of England; and
several Scotch adventurers, (Highlanders) who had a worthy minister
named Macleod; a few Moravians, and the Saltzburgers, who were by
far the most industrious of the whole;" and he adds, that he would
cheerfully have remained with them, had he not felt obliged to return
to England to receive priest's orders, and make a beginning towards
laying a foundation of the orphan-house, which he saw was much wanted.

In August he settled a schoolmaster, leaving Mr. Habersham at
Savannah; and, parting affectionately with his flock, he went to
Charlestown, South Carolina, and, on the 9th of September, went aboard
the Mary, Captain Coe, for England, where he arrived in the latter
part of November, 1738.

The Trustees for the Colony received him cordially; were pleased to
express their satisfaction at the accounts which had been sent them
of his conduct and services during his stay in the Colony; and having
been requested by letters sent, unknown to him, from the magistrates
and inhabitants, they most willingly presented to him the living of
Savannah, (though he insisted upon having no salary), and as
readily granted him five hundred acres of land, whereon to erect an
Orphan-House, and make a garden and plantations; to collect money for
which, together with taking priest's orders, were the chief motives of
his returning to England so soon[1].

[Footnote 1: GILLIES, p. 32.]

Without extending the account of this zealous, eloquent, and popular
preacher any further, suffice it to say that he was greatly successful
in the object of his visit, and his appeals to public charity in
behalf of the Orphan-House; that he returned to Georgia, and on March
11th, 1742, laid the foundation of that edifice; and, both in America
and in England, continued his measures for its establishment, till he
saw it completed.



CHAPTER XI

Oglethorpe arrives in England--Trustees petition the King for military
aid to the new Colony--A regiment granted--Oglethorpe appointed
Commander in Chief of South Carolina and Georgia--Part of the regiment
sent out--Oglethorpe embarks for Georgia the third time--Remainder of
the regiment arrive--And two companies from Gibraltar--Prospect of war
with Spain--Military preparations at St. Augustine--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for defence--Treason in the Camp--Mutiny, and personal
assault on the General.


"At a meeting of the Trustees of Georgia, Wednesday, January 19th,
1737, Mr. Oglethorpe, newly returned hither, had the unanimous thanks
of the board. He informed them that Savannah had greatly increased in
building, and that three other towns had been founded within a year;
namely, Augusta, Darien, and Frederica; that a new town, called
Ebenezer, had been laid out for the Saltzburgers; and that there were
several villages settled by gentlemen at their own expense. He
gave them the pleasing intelligence that the remoter Creek nation
acknowledged his Majesty's authority, and traded with the new
settlers; and that the Spanish Governor-General and Council of War of
Florida had signed a treaty with the Colony."[1] He added, however,
that notwithstanding these seeming auspicious circumstances, the
people on the frontiers were in constant apprehensions of an invasion,
and that he had strong suspicions that the treaty would not be
regarded; that the Spanish government at Cuba was wholly opposed to
it; and that the indignant demand of the commissioner from Havana, and
the threat which followed, implied an infraction, and would lead to
consequences against which it was necessary to provide.

[Footnote 1: Extract from the Record of the Trustees, published in the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, for 1737, Vol. XII. p. 59.]

Upon this communication some able remarks were made in the London
Post. They were introduced by a statement of the benefits likely to
accrue to the English nation from settling the colony of Georgia; and
go on to mention that the colony was in the most thriving condition in
consequence of royal patronage and parliamentary aid, seconded by the
generosity of contributors, "whose laudable zeal will eternize their
names in the British annals; and, carried into effect under the
conduct of a gentleman, whose judgment, courage, and indefatigable
diligence in the service of his country, have shewn him every way
equal to so great and valuable a design. In the furtherance of this
noble enterprise, that public spirited and magnanimous man has acted
like a vigilant and faithful guardian, at the expense of his repose,
and to the utmost hazard of his life. And now, the jealousy of the
Spanish is excited, and we are told that that court has the modesty to
demand from England that he shall not he any longer employed. If this
be the fact, as there is no doubt it is, we have a most undeniable
proof that the Spaniards dread the abilities of Mr. Oglethorpe. It is,
of course, a glorious testimony to his merit, and a certificate of his
patriotism, that ought to endear him to every honest Briton."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. VII. p. 500. See, also,
_History of the British Provinces_, 4to. p. 158.]

Reference is here made to the memorial of Don Thomas Geraldino,
the Spanish ambassador at the British Court, in which, among other
demands, he insisted that no troops should be sent over to Georgia,
and particularly remonstrated against the return of Oglethorpe.

About the same time intelligence reached England that the Spaniards at
St. Augustine had ordered the English merchants to depart, and were
setting up barracks for troops that were daily expected; that an
embarkation was preparing at Havana, in which two thousand five
hundred soldiers were to be shipped in three large men-of-war, and
eight transports; and that great quantities of provisions had been
laid in for them. Upon this, and other hostile indications, of which
the Trustees were apprised, they petitioned his Majesty that a
regiment might be raised for the defence and protection of the
Colony. This was granted. Oglethorpe was appointed General and
Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in Carolina and Georgia;
and commissioned to raise a regiment for the service and defence of
those two Colonies, to consist of six companies of one hundred men
each, exclusive of non-commissioned officers and drums; to which a
company of grenadiers was afterwards added. "This regiment he raised
in a very short time, as he disdained to make a market of the service
of his country, by selling commissions, but got such officers
appointed as were gentlemen of family and character in their
respective counties; and, as he was sensible what an advantage it was
to the troops of any nation to have in every company a certain number
of such soldiers as had been bred up in the character of gentlemen, he
engaged about twenty young gentlemen of no fortune, to serve as cadets
in his regiment, all of whom he afterwards advanced by degrees to be
officers, as vacancies happened; and was so far from taking any money
for the favor, that to some of them, he gave, upon their advancement,
what was necessary to pay the fees of their commissions, and to
provide themselves for appearing as officers."[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, for 1757, p. 546.]

"He carried with him, also," says a writer of that day, "forty
supernumeraries, at his own expense; a circumstance very extraordinary
in our armies, especially in our plantations."

With a view to create in the troops a personal interest in the Colony
which they had enlisted to defend, and to induce them eventually to
become actual settlers, every man was allowed to take with him a
wife; for the support of whom some additional pay and rations, were
offered.[1] In reference to this, Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts,
in writing to Lord Egmont, respecting the settlement of Georgia, has
these remarks; "Plantations labor with great difficulties; and must
expect to creep before they can go. I see great numbers of people who
would be welcome in that settlement; and have, therefore, the honor to
think, with Mr. Oglethorpe, that the soldiers sent thither should all
be married men[2]."

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. VIII. p. 164.]

[Footnote 2: Manuscript Letter Book of Governor Belcher, in the
archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]

Early in the spring of 1738, some part of the regiment, under the
command of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran, embarked for Georgia, and
arrived at Charlestown, South Carolina, on the 3d of May. They
immediately proceeded to their destined rendezvous by land; as the
General had taken care, on his former expedition, to have the rout
surveyed, and a road laid out and made passable from Port Royal to
Darien, or rather Frederica itself; and there were a sufficient number
of boats provided for passing the rivers.

As soon as Oglethorpe obtained the proper stores of arms, ammunition,
military equipments, and provisions, he embarked for Georgia, the
third time, with six hundred men, women, and children, including the
complement of the new raised regiment, on the 5th of July, in the
Hector and Blandford, men-of-war; accompanied by five transports. They
arrived at St. Simons on the 9th of September, where their landing at
the soldier's fort, was announced by a discharge of artillery, and
cheered by the garrison. The General encamped near the fort, and staid
till the 21st, to forward the disembarkation, and give out necessary
orders.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Letter from Frederica, in Georgia_, dated October 8th,
1738, in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for January, 1739, p. 22.]

He then went to Frederica, and was saluted by fifteen pieces of cannon
at the fort. The magistrates and townsmen waited on him in a body, to
congratulate him on his return.

On the 25th the inhabitants of the town went out with the General, and
cut a road through the woods down to the soldiers-fort, in a strait
line; so that there is an open communication between them. This work
was performed in three days, though it is a distance of three miles.

Several Indians came to greet the General. They hunted in the
vicinity, and brought venison every day to the camp. They reported
that the chiefs from every town of the Upper and Lower Creek nation
would set out to visit him as soon as they received notice of his
return.

The arrival of the regiment, so complete and in so good order, was
a great relief to the people of Frederica, as they had been often,
during the summer, apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, who
had sent large reinforcements of troops to St. Augustine, and were
understood to be providing a formidable embarkation at the Havana,
notwithstanding the treaty which had been so lately concluded with
Oglethorpe. Nay, the Floridians had actually attacked one of the Creek
towns that was next to them; but, though the assault was made by
surprise, they were repulsed with loss; and then they pretended that
it was done by their Indians, without their orders.

Under circumstances of so much jeopardy, the people were so often
diverted from their daily labor, that their culture and husbandry
had been greatly neglected; and there was the appearance of such a
scarcity, that many would be reduced to actual want before the next
crop could be got in. But, in consequence of the measures now taking
for their security, and of some supplies which were brought, in
addition to the military stores, and of more that would be sent for,
the anxiety was removed, and they resumed their labors.

"The utmost care was taken by the General, that in all the frontier
places the fortifications should be put in the best state of defence;
and he distributed the forces in the properest manner for the
protection and defence of the Colony; assigning different corps for
different services; some stationary at their respective forts; some
on the alert, for ranging the woods; others, light-armed, for sudden
expeditions. He likewise provided vessels, and boats for scouring the
sea-coast, and for giving intelligence of the approach of any armed
vessels. He went from one military station to another, superintending
and actually assisting every operation; and endured hardness as a good
soldier, by lying in tents, though all the officers and soldiers had
houses and huts where they could have fires when they desired; and
indeed they often had need, for the weather was severe. In all which
services, it was declared that he gave at the same time his orders and
his example; there being nothing which he did not, that he directed
others to do; so that, if he was the first man in the Colony, his
preeminence was founded upon old Homer's maxims, 'He was the most
fatigued, the first in danger, distinguished by his cares and his
labors, and not by any exterior marks of grandeur, more easily
dispensed with, since they were certainly useless.'"[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS'S _Voyages_, II. p. 332.]

But there was treachery lurking in the camp, which, though for some
time suspected, had been so vigilantly watched and guarded against,
that the conspirators found no opportunity for carrying into effect
their insidious purpose.

It seems that among the troops lately sent over, there was one soldier
who had been in the Spanish service, and two others who were Roman
Catholics and disclaimed allegiance to the British Government, who had
enlisted as spies, and been bribed to excite a mutiny in the corps,
or persuade those among whom they were stationed to desert the
service.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IX. 739, p. 22.]

Their attempts, however, to gain over accomplices, were unavailing;
for those with whom they tampered had the fealty to reject their
overtures, and the honesty to make a discovery of their insidious
machinations. Upon this the traitors were seized, convicted, and, on
the beginning of October, 1738, sentenced to be whipt and drummed out
of the regiment.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XX.]

Hardly had this secret plot been defeated, when an affray took place
at Fort St. Andrews, in which an attempt was made to assassinate the
General, who was there on a visit.

Some of the soldiers who came from Gibraltar had been granted six
months provisions from the King's stores, in addition to their pay.
When these rations were expended, about the middle of November, one
of the murmurers had the presumption to go up to the General, who
was standing at the door with Captain Mackay, and demanded of him a
continuance of the supply. To this unceremonious and disrespectful
requisition the General replied, that the terms of their enlistment
had been complied with; that their pay was going on; that they had no
special favor to expect, and certainly were not in the way to obtain
any by such a rude manner of application. As the fellow became
outrageously insolent, the Captain drew his sword, which the desperado
snatched out of his hand, broke in two pieces, threw the hilt at him,
and made off for the barrack, where, taking his gun, which was loaded,
and crying out "One and all!" five others, with their guns, rushed
out, and, at the distance of about ten yards, the ringleader shot at
the General. The ball whizzed above his shoulder, and the powder burnt
his face and scorched his clothes. Another flashed his piece twice,
but the gun did not go off. The General and Captain were immediately
surrounded by protectors; and the culprits were apprehended, tried at
a Court-Martial, and, on the first week in October, received sentence
of death. The letter which gives a circumstantial account of this
affair, written from Frederica, and dated December 26th, adds, "Some
of the officers are not very easy, and perhaps will not be till the
mutineers are punished, _in terrorem_; which has been delayed by the
General's forbearance[1]." I quote, with pleasure, this testimony
to his lenity, given by one who must have intimately known all the
aggravating circumstances, because some accounts state that he took
summary vengeance.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IX. p. 215.]

By the defeat of insidious plottings to induce the desertion of the
frontier garrison, and the suppression of the insurgent mutiny, the
spirit of insubordination was entirely quelled; and the people of the
Colony were relieved from their apprehensions of an attack from the
Spaniards, "as they had Oglethorpe among them, in whom they and the
Indians had great confidence."



CHAPTER XII.

Oglethorpe visits Savannah--Troubles there--Causton, the store-keeper,
displaced--Oglethorpe holds a conference with a deputation
of Indians--Town-meeting called, and endeavors used to quiet
discontents--Goes back to Frederica, but obliged to renew his visit to
Savannah.


On the 8th of October, 1738, Oglethorpe set out from Frederica in an
open boat, with two others attending it; and, after rowing two
days and two nights, arrived at Savannah. "He was received, at the
water-side, by the magistrates, and saluted by the cannon from the
fort, and by the militia under arms; and the people spent the night in
rejoicing, making bonfires,"[1] &c. But, notwithstanding this show of
public joy, he had soon to learn particulars of the situation of the
inhabitants, that rendered his visit unpleasant to himself, and not
very welcome to some of those to whom it was made. Those who were
duly sensible of his disinterested devotedness to the advancement
and welfare of the settlement, were actuated, on this occasion, by a
principle of real regard and gratitude; those who were apprehensive
that their conduct in his absence might be investigated and
disapproved, joined in the acclaim, that they might conciliate his
favor; and those who had been discontented grumblers, did not care
openly to exhibit indications of dissatisfaction.

[Footnote 1: Letter, dated Savannah, in Georgia, October 22,1738;
published in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for January, 1739, p. 22.]

On the day after his arrival he received information that the grand
jury of Savannah had prepared a representation, "stating their
grievances, hardships, and necessities," and complaining of the
conduct of Mr. Thomas Causton, the first magistrate of the town, and
keeper of the public store[1]. They alleged that he had expended much
larger sums than the Trustees authorized, and thus brought the Colony
in debt; that he had assumed powers not delegated to him, and had been
partial and arbitrary in many of the measures which he had pursued[2].

[Footnote 1: This is inserted in the _Narrative of the Colony of
Georgia_, by P. Tailfer, M.D., Hugh Williamson, M.A., and D. Douglas.
Charlestown, S.C. 1741. It was signed September 12th, 1737.]

[Footnote 2: Letter last quoted, and Stephens's Journal, Vol. I. p.
305.]

Upon an investigation of these allegations, Oglethorpe, as
Governor-General of the Colony, deemed it expedient to displace him;
to issue an order that the books, papers, and accounts, belonging to
the stores, should be delivered to Thomas Jones, Esq., who had come
over with the transports with the appointment of Advocate of the
Regiment; and that security should be given by Causton, to answer the
charges against him, by an assignment of his estate at Oakstead,
and his improvements elsewhere. The office thus rendered vacant was
supplied by the appointment of Colonel William Stephens, who had been
sent over with the commission of Secretary for the affairs of the
Trustees in the Province.[1]

[Footnote 1: This worthy gentleman wrote a Journal, which commences on
his arrival at Charlestown, in the Mary-Ann, Captain Shubrick, October
20, 1737, and comes down to October 28,1741. It gives a minute account
of every thing which occurred; and bears throughout the marks of
correctness, of ingenuousness, and frankness in the narrative of
transactions and events; and of integrity, strict justice, and
unflinching fidelity in the discharge of his very responsible office.
As exhibiting "the form and pressure of the times," it is of essential
importance to the Historian of Georgia; and, happily, it was printed,
making three octavo volumes. But the work is exceedingly rare,
especially the third volume. A complete set is among the EBELING books
in Harvard College Library.

He had been at Savannah before, for in p. 46, is this remark; "All
which was evident to myself, as well from what I observed, _when here
formerly_, as more especially now, since my arrival." And again, p.
54, mentioning Mr. Fallowfield, "a constable, whose temper I was
better acquainted with, _having lodged at his house during my former
abode here_."

After the departure of General Oglethorpe, he was President of the
Council, and acting Governor from July 11, 1743, to April 8, 1757,
when he was succeeded by Henry Parker, Esq.]

The great mismanagement of the trust-funds which had been sent for
the support of the Colony, rendered it also necessary to retrench
the ordinary issues, "that something might remain for the necessary
support of life among the industrious part of the community, who were
not to be blamed."

On the 11th, Tomo Chichi came to wait upon the General. He had been
very ill; but the good old man was so rejoiced at the return of his
respected friend, that he said it made him moult like the eagle.[1] He
informed him that several Indian chiefs were at Yamacraw to pay their
respects to him, and to assure him of their fidelity.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXI.]

This embassy consisted of the Micos or chiefs of the Ocmulgees, the
Chehaws, the Ouchasees, and the Parachacholas, with thirty of their
warriors, and fifty-two attendants. As they walked up the hill,
they were saluted by a battery of cannon, and then conducted to the
town-hall by a corps of militia, where the General received them. They
told him that the Spaniards had decoyed them to St. Augustine, on
pretence that he was there; but they found that they were imposed
upon, and therefore turned back with displeasure, though they were
offered great presents to induce them to fall out with the English.
These single-hearted foresters had now come to remove from the mind
of their pledged friend all apprehension of their alienation, and to
assure him that their warriors shall attend his call. They closed
their conference with a pressing invitation to him to come up to their
towns in the course of the summer; and, with his promise to do so,
they took a respectful leave.

On the 17th the General called the inhabitants to assemble at the
town-hall, and "there made a pathetic speech to them;"[1] which he
began by thanking them for the measures which they had pursued for
mutual help and the common good. He apprized them of the great
exertions made by the Trustees to support, protect, and defend the
Colony; but that their being obliged to maintain the garrisons, and
lay in various stores till the arrival of the troops, and the dear
price of provisions the last year, occasioned such an increased demand
upon them, that they would not be able to continue further allowance,
nor assume further responsibilities, unless a supply should be granted
by parliament. This state of embarrassment he greatly regretted,
inasmuch as those whom he addressed were suffering by the failure of
their crops. He told them that, with surprise and great grief, he
found that there was more due from the public store than there were
goods and articles in it to pay; but that he had given orders that all
persons should be paid as far as these effects would go. He said that
he was fully aware of the privations already felt, and of the greater
to which they were exposed; and, therefore, informed those who, on
this account, or for any reason, supposed that they could better their
condition by going out of the Province, that they had his full consent
to do so. At the same time he requested such to come to his quarters,
and acquaint him with their grievances, their wishes, and their
purposes, and he would give them his best advice, and all the aid
in his power. How many, or how far any, availed themselves of this
overture, is not known; but the writer who has given an account of
this address, adds, "It is remarkable that not one man chose to leave
the Province, though they very well knew that they must endure great
hardships before the next crop should come in, for there was very
little money stirring, and very few had provisions sufficient to keep
them till next year. However, they all seemed resolved rather to stay,
than to leave the country now in its distress[2]."

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. p. 305.]

[Footnote 2: Letter from Savannah, October 22, 1738.]

To lessen the demands upon the Trustees, Oglethorpe made retrenchments
in the public expenditures. He disbanded the troop of Rangers, who
guarded the country on the land side, though they offered to serve
without pay; but he deemed it improper that they should be on service
without remuneration. The garrisons were relieved by the regiments; so
that that expense ceased. He aimed to reconcile the disaffected, by
his good offices; and to gain their affections by unexpected and
unmerited liberalities. With very timely largesses he assisted the
orphans, the widows, and the sick; and contributed towards the relief
of the most destitute; but, adds the writer of the letter above
quoted, "we are apprehensive such contributions cannot last long,
unless assisted from England, for the expenses are too great for any
single man to bear."

The General pursued, with anxious scrutiny, his investigation into the
management of business, and found the charges and accounts to be very
perplexed, and the result evincing mismanagement and unfaithfulness.
"He settled the officers, civil and military, among whom changes had
taken place; filled vacancies; and took the most judicious measures
that the whole municipal establishment should be properly organized.
Then, calling them all to his lodgings, he gave it in charge that they
should do their duties with care and vigilance. He exhorted them to
use their best endeavors to preserve peace; especially at this time,
when ill-disposed persons, taking advantage of people's uneasiness
at those inevitable pressures under which they labored, and must
necessarily for some time be subjected to, might craftily incite them
to insurrection. Withal, he recommended earnestly to them to preserve
unanimity among themselves, which would strengthen and support a due
authority, and restrain the licentious into due obedience."[1]

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. 309.]

On Wednesday morning, October 25th, Oglethorpe set out for the south,
leaving, as Col. Stephens remarks, "a gloomy prospect of what might
ensue; and many sorrowful countenances were visible under the
apprehensions of future want; which deplorable state the Colony has
fallen into, through such means as few or none of the settlers had any
imagination of, till the Trustees, in their late letters, awakened
them out of their dream; and the General, when he came, laid the whole
open, and apprized them that they were but little removed from a
downright bankruptcy. Now was a time when it would be fully apparent,
who were the most valuable among them, by showing a hearty endeavor to
contribute, what in them lay, to appease the rising discontents, and
wait with patience to see better things, which were not yet to be
despaired of."[1]

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. 312.]

It appears that Mr. Causton discovered not only reluctance and
perversity in explaining and authenticating his accounts; but, by
disingenuous insinuations reflected on the conduct of Oglethorpe, "as
if he very well knew that extraordinary occasions had created these
great exceedings, which the Trustees approving of, he [Causton] was
given up to be driven to utter ruin."[1] Mr. Jones deemed it necessary
to write to the General to inform him of the reflections which had
thus been cast upon his honor, and of the impediments which he himself
met in the business assigned to him. Upon the receipt of this letter,
Oglethorpe set out on a return to Savannah, where he arrived early in
the morning of Saturday, November 11th, and, as the bell was ringing
for attendance on prayers, he went and joined the orisons of the
congregation. This was more grateful to his feelings than the military
salute and parade of the preceding visit; and the devotional exercises
in which he engaged soothed his vexed spirit, and the petition for
pardon of offences against God produced a livelier disposition in his
heart of lenity and forgiveness towards those who had offended against
him. In the course of the day, he looked again into the concerns of
the store, and despatched some other affairs of consequence. In the
evening he sent for Mr. Causton, when, "in a very mild manner, and
gentler terms than could be expected, upon such a provocation, he
reprehended him for the freedom he had taken with his name, and
advised him to use no delays or shifts in making up his accounts."

[Footnote 1: Ibid. p. 325.]

On Sunday he attended public worship; and after that took boat, and
went back to the south.

In both these visits to Savannah, Oglethorpe discovered among the
inhabitants indications of the prevalence of not only a dissatisfied,
but of a factious spirit; more to be lamented than a failing harvest,
or a stinted market.

It was extremely mortifying to him to perceive that his greatest
exertions and most assiduous services were underrated; his devotedness
to their welfare unacknowledged; and his sacrifices and exposures
that he might establish them in security and peace, were not merely
depreciated, but miscalled and dishonored. While he was zealously
engaged in strengthening the Colony, by locating large accessions of
brave and industrious settlers on the frontiers, and erecting forts,
and supplying them with troops and ammunition, the people who were
"sitting under their own vines and fig-trees, with none to molest or
make them afraid," and who had been best and longest provided for,
were insensible to the hardships and dangers to which others were
exposed; and, cavilling at the circumstances in which they were
placed, complained as if he must be personally accountable for certain
restrictions in the plan of settlement, and subsequent financial and
commercial affairs, to which the Trustees had deemed it proper to
subject them; restrictions which might have been submitted to by them
with as good a grace as they were by the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer and
the Scots at Darien, "who murmured not, neither were unthankful." In
fact, it was very apparent, that by their indolence and improvidence
these dissatisfied ones had brought upon themselves the chief of
the evils which they suffered. Their allegations, therefore, were
unreasonable, and the disposition which dictated them criminally
ungrateful. But Oglethorpe, instead of reproaching the discontented
for their ingratitude, and the murmurers for their unkind imputations,
stifled his own justifiable feelings of displeasure, in the hope that
such forbearance would refute the injustice of theirs. Well might the
poet exclaim:

  "What magnanimity!--May ne'er again
     Unkind returns thy generous ardor chill,
   Nor causeless censure give thy bosom pain,
     Nor thankless hearts reward thy good with ill!

   "But honoring gratitude its column raise,
     To bear inscriptions of deserved praise;
   And when through age the record is obscure,
    A nobler let posterity procure."



CHAPTER XIII.

Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his
Commission--Comes back to Savannah--Gives encouragement to the
Planters--Returns to Frederica--Excursion to Coweta--Forms a Treaty
with the Upper Creeks--Receives at Augusta a delegation of the
Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the
Traders--On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions,
and is authorized to make reprisals.


As Oglethorpe was appointed General and Commander in Chief of the
military forces in South Carolina, as well as Georgia, he deemed it
proper to pay a visit to Charlestown, in order to have this assigned
rank duly notified to the Governor and people of the Province. He,
therefore, set out for that metropolis on the 10th of March, 1739;
arrived on the 15th, and, on the 3d of April, had his commission
opened and read in the Assembly. In reference to the exercise of
the authority which it conferred, some regulations in the military
establishment were adopted. On the 11th he returned to Savannah. To
encourage the industry of the planters, he proposed to those who would
persevere in doing what they could in the culture of their lands,
"a bounty of two shillings per bushel for all Indian corn, and one
shilling per bushel for all potatoes, which they should raise over and
above what the produce could be sold for after the next harvest[1]."

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS, I. 460.]

On the 18th he went to Frederica; but was obliged, in the summer, to
renew his visit to Savannah; and, on the evening of the 10th of July,
was received, under a discharge of cannon, by about forty of the
freeholders under arms, which, he was pleased to say, was more than he
expected. "His stay, being very likely to be short, many successively
sought audience of him, whose affairs he despatched with his usual
promptness."

"On the 17th he set off on his Indian expedition to Coweta: he
proceeded up the river, in his cutter, with Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign
Leman, and Mr. Eyre, a cadet, besides attendants and servants. At
the Uchee town, twenty-five miles above Ebenezer, he quitted
water-conveyance, having appointed several of the Indian traders to
wait his coming there, with a number of horses, as well for sumpter as
riding, and also some rangers to assist."

On this journey, computed to be over three hundred miles, both he and
his attendants met with many and great hardships and fatigue. They
were obliged to traverse a continuous wilderness, where there was no
road, and seldom any visible track; and their Indian guides led them
often, unavoidably, through tangled thickets, and deep and broken
ravines, and across swamps, or bogs, where the horses mired and
plunged to the great danger of the riders. They had to pass large
rivers on rafts, and cause the horses to wade and swim; and to ford
others. During most of the way their resolute leader was under the
necessity of sleeping in the open air, wrapped in his cloak or
a blanket, and with his portmanteau for a pillow; or, if the
night-weather was uncomfortable, or rainy, a covert was constructed of
cypress boughs, spread over poles. For two hundred miles there was not
a hut to be met with; nor a human face to be seen, unless by accident
that of some Indian hunter traversing the woods. At length they
arrived at Coweta, one of the principal towns of the Muscoghe, or
Creek Indians, where the Chiefs of all the tribes were assembled,
on the 11th of August. "Thus did this worthy man, to protect the
settlement, which with so much pecuniary expense and devotedness of
time, he had planted, now expose himself to the hazards and toils of a
comfortless expedition, that would have proved unsurmountable to one
of a less enterprising spirit and steady resolutions." Oglethorpe,
and his suite, were received with great cordiality; and, after the
necessary introduction to individuals, and a little refreshment and
rest, a grand convention was formed. The assembly was arranged in due
order, with the solemn introductory ceremonies prescribed for such
occasions. A libation of the _foskey_,[1] or black-drink, followed; of
which Oglethorpe was invited to partake with "the beloved men," and of
which the chiefs and warriors quaffed more copious draughts. Speeches
and discussions followed; terms of intercourse and stipulations of
trade were agreed upon; and, after smoking the calumet, they unitedly
declared that they remained firm in their pledged fealty to the King
of Great Britain, and would adhere to all the engagements of amity and
commerce heretofore entered into with Oglethorpe as the representative
of the Trustees. They then renewed the former grants, in terms
more explicit and full, confirming the session of territory on the
sea-coast, with the islands, and now extending the southern boundary
to the river Matteo, or St. John's. And Oglethorpe, on his part,
covenanted that the English should not encroach upon, nor take up,
other lands, nor intrude upon any reserved privileges of the Creeks;
but would cause their rights to be respected, and the trade with them
to be conducted upon fair and honorable principles. This important
treaty was concluded on the 21st of August, 1739.

[Footnote 1: This is a decoction of the leaves of the YAUPON, _prinus
glaber_, and is of an exciting, and if taken freely, an intoxicating
effect. It is prepared with much formality, and is considered as
a sacred beverage, used only by the Chiefs, the War Captains, and
Priests ("beloved men") on special occasions, particularly on going to
war and making treaties. For an account of its preparation and use,
see LAWSON'S _Carolina_, p. 90; BERNARD ROMAN'S _Natural History of
Florida_, p. 94; ADAIR'S _History of the American Indians_, p.
108; CATESBY'S _Natural History of Carolina_, II. 57; and BARTON'S
_Elements of Botany_, part II. p. 16.]

Oglethorpe ingratiated himself highly with the Creeks on this
occasion, by his having undertaken so long and difficult a journey to
become acquainted with them, and secure their favor; trusting himself
with so few attendants in a fearless reliance on their good faith;
by the readiness with which he accommodated himself to their mode of
living; and the magnanimity of his deportment while among them.

The chief business being finished to mutual satisfaction, the General,
with his attendants, set out on their return; and, after enduring
the like hardships, exposures, and fatigue, arrived, on the 5th of
September, at Fort Augusta, an outpost on the Savannah, where he had
placed a garrison on his first expedition to Georgia; and under the
protection of which, a little settlement was now formed, inhabited
mostly by Indian traders. There he was waited on by the chiefs of the
Chickasaws, and the chiefs of the Cherokees;[1] the last of whom came
with a heavy complaint that his people had been poisoned by the rum
which had been brought to them by the traders. At this they expressed
high resentment, and even threatened revenge. As this was an affair of
quite an alarming nature, the General made strict inquiry into it; and
ascertained that some unlicensed traders had, the preceding summer,
carried up the small pox, which is fatal to the Indians; and that
several of their warriors, as well as others, had fallen victims to
the distemper. It was with some difficulty that he convinced the
Indians that this was the real cause of the calamity. At the same time
he assured them that such were the precautions and strict examination
used, before any applicant for leave to trade could obtain it, that
they need not apprehend any danger from such as came to them with a
license. With this explanation and assurance they went away satisfied.

[Footnote 1: By some early writers of Carolina these chiefs are called
"Caciques." Whether this be the same as Mico, I know not; but the
title, though often used so, does not seem to be appropriate.
Where justly applied, it is the title of the legislative chief, in
distinction from the war chief.]

On the 13th of September, while yet at this place, an express arrived
from Savannah to acquaint him that a sloop from Rhode Island had
brought the intelligence, that the Governor of that Colony had,
by orders from Great Britain, issued commissions for fitting out
privateers against the Spaniards. This was not a little surprising to
him. He could not conceive how a distant Colony should have any such
orders, before they were sent to him who was most in danger of being
attacked, in case of any rupture with Spain. However, he deemed
it expedient to hasten his return, in order to obtain more direct
information. On the 22d he reached Savannah, where he received and
published his Majesty's orders for reprisals. In consequence of these,
a stout privateer of fourteen guns, was immediately fitted out by
Captain Davies, who had suffered by having had a ship and cargo,
to the value of forty thousand pieces of eight, captured and most
unjustly condemned by the Spaniards; and, therefore, felt that he had
a right to avail himself of the present opportunity for obtaining
redress.[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine, for_ 1757, page 592.]

For several years, the British trade to America, particularly that to
the West Indies, had suffered great interruption and annoyance from
the Spanish _guarda-costas_, which, under various pretences, seized
the merchant ships, and carried them into their ports, where they were
confiscated. This piratical practice had increased to such a degree
that scarcely any vessels were safe in those seas; for the Spaniards
pretended that wherever they found logwood, cocoa, or pieces of
eight on board, the capture was legal. Now, the first two of those
commodities were the growth and produce of the English islands, and
the last was the current specie of all that part of the world; so that
there was hardly a ship homeward bound but had one or other of these
on hoard.

These depredations were also aggravated by circumstances of great
inhumanity and cruelty; the sailors being confined in loathsome
prisons, at the Havana, and at Cadiz; or forced to work with irons on
their legs; with no sustenance but salt fish, almost putrid, and beds
full of vermin, so that many died of their hard captivity[1].

[Footnote 1: _History of the Colonies planted by the English on the
Continent of North America_, by JOHN MARSHALL. 8vo. Philadelphia,
1824. Chap. X.]

The increasing complaints of the merchants, and the loud clamors of
the nation, at length forced the British minister to abandon his
pacific system; and war was declared against Spain on the 23d of
October, 1739. A squadron, commanded by Admiral Vernon was detached
for the West Indies, with instructions to act upon the defensive; and
General Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the settlements in Florida.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe, from
the commencement of the War with Spain, in_ 1739, _to the Insurrection
in Scotland, in_ 1745, by SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo.. Dublin, 1748. Vol. I. p.
27.]

It now became necessary for Oglethorpe to take the most prompt and
effective measures for the protection of the Colony; and, as his
settlement had, from the beginning, been opposed by the Spaniards
at St. Augustine, and would now have to encounter their resentful
assaults, he must put into requisition all his military force, and see
to their adequate equipment. He immediately took measures for raising
a troop of thirty rangers, to prevent the Spanish horse and Indians at
St. Augustine from making incursions into the Province; and likewise
to intercept the runaway negroes of Carolina, on their way through
the country to join the Spaniards. At the same time he summoned four
hundred Creeks, and six hundred Cherokee Indians to march down to the
southern borders. He then viewed the arms of the militia, to ascertain
that they were all in good order, and gave directions that powder,
balls, and flints, should be issued out of the magazine, for supplying
each member with a proper quantity. But aware that all this would be
too inconsiderable for effectual resistance, he perceived it to be
expedient to seek the protection of the West India fleet, and to apply
to the Assembly of South Carolina for coöperation in a cause, in
the event of which their own safety was involved. Accordingly he
immediately sent up to Charlestown to desire assistance, and to
consult measures with the commanders of the men of war then on the
station, in order immediately to block up St. Augustine before the
Spaniards could receive supplies and reinforcements from Cuba; which,
if properly executed, the place would, in all probability, be soon
reduced.[1] This application was laid before the General Assembly,
and, on the 8th of November, a Committee was appointed to take the
same into consideration. Their Report was discussed in both Houses of
Assembly; but no decision was obtained.

[Footnote 1: See his letter in the _History of the Rise and Progress
of Georgia_, HARRIS'S _Voyages_, II. p. 338, dated 21st of September,
1739.]

Having taken these preparatory measures, he returned to Frederica to
make all the arrangements which the exigences of the case required,
in the equipment of his own forces, and by calling upon his Indian
allies; waiting, with impatience, however, the result of his
application to the sister Colony.

Towards the middle of November a party of Spaniards landed in the
night time upon Amelia island, and skulked in the thicket till
morning, when two Highlanders, unarmed, went into the woods for fuel;
upon whom the Spaniards fired, first five and then ten shot; which was
heard by Francis Brooks, who commanded the scout-boat upon the coast.
He immediately made a signal to the Fort, which was then garrisoned
by a detachment of General Oglethorpe's regiment. Upon this a party
instantly went out, but they arrived too late, for they found their
comrades dead, and that the assassins had taken to their boat, and put
out to sea. The bodies of the soldiers were not only rent with shot,
but most barbarously mangled and hacked. The periodical publication
from which this account is taken, has the following remarks:[1]
"Whence it was apparent that the Spaniards had first, out of
cowardice, shot them, and then, out of cruelty, cut and slashed them
with their swords. If they had not been most scandalous poltroons,
they would have taken the two unarmed men prisoners, without making
any noise; and then they might have lurked in the wood till they had
found an opportunity of getting a better booty, or at least of making
more prisoners. And, if they had not been most barbarously cruel, they
would have been satisfied with simply killing these unresisting men,
(which might have been without such a volley of shot,) and not have
so mangled their bodies after they were slain. From such cowardly and
cruel foes no mercy can be expected; and every one sent against them
must despair if he finds himself in danger of being overpowered, and
wrought up to desperation and revenge when he finds himself any thing
near upon an equal footing."

[Footnote 1: _Annals of Europe_, for 1739, p. 410.]

Upon being informed of this outrage, Oglethorpe fitted out and manned
a gun boat, and pursued them by water and land, above a hundred miles;
but they escaped. By way of reprisal, however, he passed the St.
John's into Florida; drove in the guards of Spanish horse that were
posted on that river; and advanced as far as a place called the
Canallas; at the same time sending Captain Dunbar with a party to find
out the situation and force of the fort at Picolata, near the river,
upon what were then called "the lakes of Florida," eighty miles from
the mouth of the river. They attacked the garrison, but were repulsed,
having no artillery. They accomplished, however, the intentions of
Oglethorpe, as they reconnoitred both that place and another fort
called St. Francis.

In January he returned to Frederica, where he met with Captain
Warren,[1] who had lately arrived with the Squirrel man of war. When
their consultation was concluded, Captain Warren went and cruised
off the Bay of St. Augustine, while Oglethorpe, with a detachment of
troops on board of the boats, and some artillery, went up the Lakes of
Florida, rowing by day, and sailing by night, so that he attacked the
two forts Picolata and St. Francis, took both the same day, and made
the soldiers in the garrisons prisoners of war.

[Footnote 1: Afterwards Sir PETER WARREN, an excellent naval officer.]

Captain Hugh Mackay, in a letter to Colonel Cecil, dated Frederica,
24th of January, 1740, says, "The General escaped very narrowly being
killed by a cannon ball at Fort St. Francis, or, as the Spaniards
called it, 'San Francisco de Papa.'"



CHAPTER XIV.

Oglethorpe addresses a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, suggesting
an expedition against St. Angustine--Follows this, by application
in person--Promised assistance, and coöperation--Returns to
Frederica--Collects his forces--Passes over to Florida--Takes several
Spanish forts--Is joined by the Carolinean troops--The enemy receive
supplies--Oglethorpe changes the siege into a blockade--Takes
possession of Anastasia Island--Colonel Palmer and his men surprised
and cut to pieces--Spanish cruelties--English fleet quit the
station--Siege raised, and Oglethorpe returns to Frederica.


By the information which Oglethorpe was able to obtain from the
prisoners, which confirmed the accounts received from other sources,
he learned that the garrison at St. Augustine was in want of
provisions; and that, the half-galleys having been sent to the Havana
for troops and supplies, the river and sea-board were destitute of
defence. Such being the case, he conceived that a fitting opportunity
now offered for the reduction of the place, taking the enemy by
surprise, before the reinforcements arrived; and thereby dispossessing
the Spaniards of Florida. He, therefore, sent an express to
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, urging an immediate compliance with his
application for assistance. The consideration was accordingly renewed
in the Assembly on the 4th of February. At length Oglethorpe,
impatient of delays occasioned by their continued demurring about the
feasibility of the project, presented himself before them, that they
might be made acquainted more fully with his intentions, and with
every thing relative to their being carried into execution. After
many conferences, a scheme of action was agreed upon, and an Act of
Assembly passed, April 5th, 1740, for the raising of a regiment of
four hundred men, to be commanded by Colonel Vanderdussen; a troop of
rangers;[1] presents for the Indians; and supply of provisions for
three months.[2] They also furnished a large schooner, with ten
carriage and sixteen swivel guns, in which they put fifty men under
the command of Captain Tyrrell.

[Footnote 1: As the Rangers could not be procured, the Assembly
afterwards voted an addition of two hundred men.]

[Footnote 2: The term of service, and, of course, the amount of
supply, were afterwards extended to four months.]

With this encouragement, and the promise of coöperation by Commodore
Vincent Price, who commanded the small fleet on that station, the
place of rendezvous was appointed at the mouth of St. John's river.
The General then published his manifesto,[1] and immediately hastened
back to Georgia to prepare his forces for the Expedition.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXII.]

On the beginning of April he went to the Uchee town to engage runners
to his Indian allies to inform them of his intended assault of St.
Augustine; to bespeak their assistance, and request their chiefs and
warriors to join his forces at Frederica, whither he immediately
repaired. There he completed the equipment of his forces; selected the
field-pieces and their carriages, balls and powder; and attended to
the military accoutrements, stores and provisions.

On the 9th of May he passed over to Florida with four hundred selected
men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians, headed by
Molochi, son of Prim the late chief of the Creeks; Raven, war-chief of
the Cherokees; and Toonahowi, nephew of Tomo Chichi. On the evening of
the 10th, part of the Carolina forces arrived.

[Illustration]

As the first thing to be done was to take the forts that kept open
the communication of the Spaniards with the country, and thus cut off
their supplies, the General, impatient of losing time, invested the
small fort called Francis de Pupa, seventeen miles north of St.
Augustine, commanded by a sergeant and twelve men, who surrendered
without a contest. Thence he proceeded to Fort Diego, situated on the
plains, twenty-five miles from St. Augustine, defended by eleven guns,
and fifty regulars, besides Indians and negroes. In his sortie upon
this, he made use of a little stratagem, as well as force; which
was by appointing three or four drums to beat, at the same time, in
different places in the woods, and a few men now and then to appear
suddenly, and withdraw out of sight again. At this, the enemy in
the fort were so confounded, with the apprehension that they were
surrounded by a great number of troops, that they made only a feint of
opposition; and, being summoned to surrender, did so, on condition
of being treated as prisoners of war, and, (what they principally
insisted on) not to be delivered into the hands of the Indians, from
whom they were conscious that they had incurred the most condign
reprisals for former aggressions.[1] The other articles were that they
should deliver up the guns and stores, which consisted of nine swivel
and two carriage guns, with the powder and shot, &c.; that they should
have liberty to keep their baggage; that Seignior Diego Spinosa, to
whom the fort belonged, it having been built at his expense, and
on his land, should hold his plantation and slaves, and such other
effects as were not already plundered in the field; and, finally, that
no deserters or runaways from Charlestown should have the benefit of
this capitulation. Here he left a garrison of sixty men, under the
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, to secure the retreat of the army, in
case of accidents, and to preserve a safe communication with the
settlements in Georgia. He then returned to the place of rendezvous,
where he was joined on the 19th of May by Captain M'Intosh, with a
company of Highlanders, and Colonel Vanderdussen, with the rest of the
Carolina troops, but without any horse, pioneers, or negroes.

[Footnote 1: Stephens, II. 389.]

By this time six Spanish half-galleys, with a number of long brass
nine pounders, manned with two hundred regulars, and attended by two
sloops loaded with ammunition and provisions, had entered the harbor
of St. Augustine, so that the forces in the town and castle were very
nearly equal in numbers to the land forces brought against them, and
their artillery much superior.

Notwithstanding all the reinforcement which Oglethorpe had received,
it was judged impracticable to take the place by assault from the land
side, unless an attack could be made at the same time by the boats of
the men of war, and other small craft, on the sea side, on which the
town had no intrenchments; and to begin a regular siege on the land
side was impossible, as he had neither force enough for investing the
place, nor any pioneers for breaking the ground, and carrying on the
approaches. For this reason it was concerted between him and the sea
commanders, that as soon as they arrived off the bar of the north
channel, he should march up with his whole force, consisting of about
two thousand men, to St. Augustine, and give notice by a signal agreed
on, that he was ready to begin the attack by land; which should be
answered by a counter signal from the fleet of their readiness to
attack it by sea. Accordingly the General marched, and arrived near
the intrenchments of St. Augustine, June 4th, at night, having in his
way taken Fort Moosa, about three miles from St. Augustine, which the
garrison had abandoned upon his approach. He ordered the gates of the
fort to be burnt, and three breaches to be made in the walls.

As soon as it was proper to begin the attack, he made the signal
agreed on, but had no countersign from the men of war. This was to his
utter surprise and disappointment. The reason which was afterwards
assigned, was, that the fleet had ascertained that their promised
cooperation had been rendered impracticable; as the galleys had been
drawn up abreast in the channel between the castle and the island, so
that any boats which they should send in must have been exposed to the
cannon and musketry of the galleys, as well as the batteries of the
castle; and, as no ships of force could get in to protect them, they
must have been defeated, if not wholly destroyed; and that it was
impossible to make an attack by sea, while the galleys were in that
position. It being presumptuous to make an attack without the aid of
the fleet, the General was under the necessity of marching back to
Fort Diego, where he had left all his provisions, camp furniture, and
tools; because he had neither horses nor carriages for taking them
along with him by land, nor had then any place for landing them near
St. Augustine, had he sent them by water.[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]

Disappointed in the project of taking the place by storm, he changed
his plan of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships
of war, which were lying at anchor off the bar, to turn the siege into
a blockade, and to shut up every channel by which provisions could
be conveyed to the garrison. For this purpose, he stationed Colonel
Palmer, with his company, at Fort Moosa, to scour the woods, and
intercept all supplies from the country, and "enjoined it upon him,
for greater safety, to encamp every night in a different place, and,
by all means to avoid coming into action." He also charged him, if he
should perceive any superior party sallying forth from St. Augustine,
to make a quick retreat towards Fort Diego, where it was certain the
enemy would not follow him, for fear of having their retreat cut off
by a detachment from the army. He sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with his
regiment, to take possession of Point Quartell, at a creek which makes
the mouth of the harbor opposite Anastasia; and this he did "because
they would be safe there, being divided from St. Augustine, and
covered from any sally that would be made by the garrison."[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of the British Settlements in North America_.
Lond. 1773, 4to, page 163.]

As there was a battery on Anastasia, which defended the entry to St.
Augustine, the Commodore suggested that, if a body of troops should
be sent to land upon that island, under favor of the men of war, and
dispossess it, he would then send the small vessels into the harbor,
which was too shallow to admit the ships. Upon this, the General
marched to the coast, and embarked in the boats of the men of war,
with a party of two hundred men, and most of the Indians. Captain
Warren, with two hundred seamen, attached themselves to this
expedition.

Perceiving that the Spaniards were advantageously posted behind the
sand-hills, covered by the battery upon the island, and the fire from
the half-galleys which lay in shoal water where the men of war could
not come, he ordered the heavy boats to remain and seem as though they
intended to land near them, while he, with Captain Warren and the
pinnaces, rowed, with all the speed they could, to the southward about
two miles. The Spaniards behind the sand-hills strove to prevent their
landing, but before they could come up in any order, the boats had got
so near to the shore that the General and Captain Warren, with the
seamen and Indians, leaped into the water breast high, landed, and
took possession of the sand-hills. The Spaniards retreated in the
utmost confusion to the battery; but were pursued so vigorously,
that they were driven into the water, and took shelter in the
half-galleys.[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]

All hands were now set to work to erect the batteries, whence a
cannonade was made upon the town. This, however, was to little effect;
partly from the distance, and partly from the condition of some of the
field pieces which were employed. The enemy returned a brisk fire
from the castle and from the half-galleys in the harbor. The latter,
chiefly annoying the camp, it was agreed to attack them; but though
Commodore Price had proposed that measure to Colonel Vanderdussen
first, he altered his opinion and would not consent to it.

"Thirty-six pieces of cannon, together with planks for batteries, and
all other necessaries, with four hundred pioneers were to have come
from Carolina; but only twelve pieces of cannon arrived. Of course,
for want of planks for batteries, they were obliged to fire upon the
ground, the consequence of which was, that their carriages were soon
broken, and could not be repaired."[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of British Settlements in North America_, p.
165.]

The Spaniards, on the other hand, had surprised and cut to pieces
the detachment under Colonel Palmer. Of this disastrous event, the
particulars are given by one who could say,--"Quos ego miserrimus
vidi, et quorum pars magna fui." [Which I had the misfortune to see,
and greatly to share.] I refer to a letter from Ensign Hugh Mackay
to his brother in Scotland, dated at Fort St. Andrews, on Cumberland
Island, August 10th, 1740.

After some introductory remarks, he gives the following account of the
action:

"On the 9th of June the General sent out a flying party of militia,
Indians, and thirteen soldiers, in all making one hundred and
thirty-seven men, under the command of Colonel Palmer, a Carolina
gentleman, an old Indian warrior, of great personal resolution, but
little conduct. Under him I commanded the party, and had orders to
march from St. Diego, the head-quarters, to Moosa, three miles from
St. Augustine, a small fort which the Spaniards had held, but
was demolished a few days before; there to show ourselves to the
Spaniards, and thereafter to keep moving from one place to another
to divert their attention, while the General took another route, and
intended to come to Moosa in five days. The orders were just, and
might with safety be executed, had a regular officer commanded; but
poor Colonel Palmer, whose misfortune it was to have a very mean
opinion of his enemies, would by no means be prevailed upon to leave
the old fort, but staid there, thinking the Spaniards durst not attack
him. He was mistaken, as will appear presently.

"Upon the 15th day of June, about four in the morning, we were
attacked by a detachment of five hundred, from the garrison of St.
Augustine, composed of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians, besides a
party of horse to line the paths, that none of us might escape.
Apprehending that this would happen, I obtained leave of Colonel
Palmer, and therefore ordered our drum to beat to arms at three
o'clock every morning, and to have our men in readiness till it was
clear day. Thus it was upon the fatal 15th of June, as I have said,
when the Spaniards attacked us with a very smart fire from their small
arms; in which Colonel Palmer fell the first. We returned the fire
with the greatest briskness that can be imagined; and so the firing
continued for some time; but, unluckily, we were penned up in a
demolished fort; there was no room to extend. The Spaniards endeavored
to get in at the ruinous gate; and our party defended the same with
the utmost bravery. Here was a terrible slaughter on both sides; but
the Spaniards, who were five times our number, got at last, by dint
of strength, the better; which, when I saw, that some prisoners were
made, I ordered as many of my party then as were alive to draw off. We
had great difficulty to get clear, for the Spaniards surrounded the
fort on all sides. However, by the assistance of God, we got our way
made good; drew up in sight of the enemy, and retired, without being
pursued, till we were in safety. I had no more than twenty-five men,
and some of them very ill wounded, of which number I was, for I
received three wounds at the fort gate, but they were slight ones.
Several of the poor Highlanders, who were in the engagement, and
fought like lions, lost their lives,--some of them your acquaintance.

"I commanded, next Colonel Palmer, as captain of the horse, on the
militia establishment. My lieutenant was killed. My cornet and
quartermaster were made prisoners of war, with four more of the
Highlanders. Charles Mackay, nephew to Captain Hugh Mackay, who was
ensign of militia, received five wounds in the action, and lost one of
his fingers; and, thereafter, rather than fall into the hands of the
Spaniards, ventured to swim an inlet of the sea, about a mile broad,
and had the good fortune to get to the side he intended, and so to the
General's camp.

"As the Indians fled several different ways, no more account is yet
heard of them, only that some of them were killed in the action, and
others wounded and taken prisoners. I believe there were sixty killed,
and twenty taken prisoners of our whole party. To some of our Creek
Indians who were taken by the enemy, leave was given (to curry favor
with their nation) to return home. They told me that we killed a great
number of the Spaniards at Moosa, and that they were dying by fives
and sixes a day after getting into the town; so miserably were they
cut by our broad swords; yet by their great numbers they got the day;
but were sadly mauled, otherwise they would have pursued me."

The fate of Colonel Palmer was the more affecting, from the
consideration that he had raised one hundred and fifty good men, who
had come with him as volunteers; that he was in a fort in which a
breach had been made, and of course was no adequate protection; and
that he was beyond the reach of any assistance. It has, indeed, been
said that he was not enough mindful of the directions that had been
given him, and presumptuously exposed himself to danger.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIII.]

Mr. Stephens remarks that "the most bloody part of all fell to the
unhappy share of our good people of Darien, who, almost to a man
engaged, under the command of their leader, John Moore McIntosh; a
worthy man, careful director among his people at home, and who now
showed himself as valiant in the field of battle; where, calling on
his countrymen and soldiers to follow his example, they made such
havoc with their broadswords, as the Spaniards cannot easily
forget."[1] This brave champion was taken prisoner, and suffered
severe and cruel treatment.[2]

[Footnote 1: _Journal_, II. 436.]

[Footnote 2: He was sent to Old Spain, where he remained a prisoner,
at Madrid, for several months; and was finally exchanged, and returned
home to Darien.]

The principal commander of the Spaniards fell at the first onset.

The Spanish took several prisoners; basely insulted the bodies of the
dead; and would have inflicted vengeful cruelties on their captives,
one of whom was an Indian named Nicholausa, whom they delivered over
to the Yamasees to burn, but General Oglethorpe sent a drum with
a message to the Governor from the Indian chief of the Cherokees,
acquainting him that if he permitted Nicholausa to be burnt, a Spanish
horseman who had been taken prisoner should suffer the same fate. He
also mentioned that, as the Governor was a gentleman and a man of
honor, he was persuaded that he would put an end to the barbarous
usage of that country; and expected from the humanity of a Spanish
cavalier that he would prohibit insults to the bodies of the dead, and
indignities to the prisoners; and he rather wished it, as he should be
forced, against his inclination, to resort to retaliation, which
his Excellency must know that he was very able to make, since his
prisoners greatly exceeded those made by the Spaniards. Upon this the
Governor submitted to the rescue of Nicholausa from the fate to which
he had been destined. It was, also, agreed that the Indians, on both
sides, should be treated as prisoners of war; so that an end was put
to their barbarous custom of burning the unhappy wretches who fell
into their hands.

Oglethorpe continued bombarding the castle and town until the regular
troops came over from the land side, and the Carolina militia were
removed from Point Quartel to Anastasia. He then summoned the Governor
to surrender, but received an indignant refusal.

Soon after some sloops, with a reinforcement of men, and a further
supply of military stores and provisions from Havana, found means to
enter the harbor through the narrow channel of the Matanzas.

Upon this, all prospect of starving the enemy Was lost; and there
remained only the chance of a forcible assault and battery.

As the dernier resort, it was agreed, on the 23d of June, that Captain
Warren, with the boats from the men of war, the two sloops hired by
General Oglethorpe, and the Carolina vessels, with their militia,
should attack the half-galleys; and, at a given signal, the General
should attack the trenches.

This was a desperate measure; for the whole of the troops belonging to
the besiegers, including even the seamen, were much inferior in number
to the garrison. The town was also covered on one side by a castle,
with four bastions, and fifty pieces of cannon; from whence was run an
intrenchment, flanked with several salient angles to Fort Coovo, on
the river Sebastian. This intrenchment consisted of the neck of land
from the river Anastasia to that of St. Sebastian, and entirely
covered the town from the island.

Upon this the General drew in all the strength that he possibly could,
and sent for the garrison that he had left at Diego. Being joined by
them and by the Creek Indians, and having made a sufficient number
of fascines and short ladders, provided all other necessaries for
attacking the intrenchments, and brought up thirty-six cohorns, he
received notice that the Commodore had resolved to forego the attack;
declaring, that, as the season of hurricanes was approaching, he
judged it imprudent to hazard his Majesty's ships any longer on the
coast.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIV.]

On the departure of the fleet, the place was no longer blockaded on
the sea side; of course the army began to despair of forcing the place
to surrender. The provincials, under Colonel Vanderdussen, enfeebled
by the heat of the climate, dispirited by fruitless efforts, and
visited by sickness, marched away in large bodies.[1] The General
himself, laboring under a fever, and finding his men as well
as himself worn out by fatigue, and rendered unfit for action,
reluctantly abandoned the enterprise. On the fourth of July everything
which he had on the island was reëmbarked, the troops transported to
the continent, and the whole army began their march for Georgia; the
Carolina regiment first, and the General with his troops in the
rear. On this occasion a very notable answer of the Indian Chief is
reported; for, being asked by some of the garrison to march off with
them, "No!" said he, "I will not stir a foot till I see every man
belonging to me marched off before me; for I have always been the
first in advancing towards an enemy, and the last in retreating."[2]

[Footnote 1: Dr. RAMSAY, the historian of South Carolina, with his
usual frankness and impartiality, closes his narrative of this siege
with the following remark. "On the 13th of August the Carolina
regiment had reached Charlestown. Though not one of them had been
killed by the enemy, their number was reduced, fourteen, by disease
and accidents."]

[Footnote 2: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 23.]

"Thus ended the expedition against St. Augustine, to the great
disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many reflections were
afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct
during the whole enterprise. He, on the other hand, declared that he
had no confidence in the Provincials, for that they refused to obey
his orders, and abandoned the camp, and returned home in large
numbers, and that the assistance from the fleet failed him in the
utmost emergency. To which we may add, the place was so strongly
fortified both by nature and art, that probably the attempt must
have failed though it had been conducted by the ablest officer, and
executed by the best disciplined troops."[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS's Voyage, II. 340.]

The difficulties which opposed his success, showed the courage that
could meet, and the zeal that strove to surmount them; and, while
we lament the failure, we perceive that it was owing to untoward
circumstances which he could not have foreseen; and disappointments
from a quarter whence he most confidently expected and depended upon
continued cooperation and ultimate accomplishment. Referring to this,
in a speech in the British house of Peers, the Duke of Argyle made
these remarks: "One man there is, my Lords, whose natural generosity,
contempt of danger, and regard for the public, prompted him to
obviate the designs of the Spaniards, and to attack them in their own
territories; a man, whom by long acquaintance I can confidently affirm
to have been equal to his undertaking, and to have learned the art of
war by a regular education, who yet miscarried in the design only for
want of supplies necessary to a possibility of success."[1]

[Footnote 1: "Laudari viris laudatis"--to be praised by men themselves
renowned, is certainly the most valuable species of commendation.]

A writer, who had good authority for his opinion, declares, that,"
though this expedition was not attended with the success some
expected from it, the taking the fortress of St. Augustine, it was,
nevertheless, of no little consequence, inasmuch as it kept the
Spaniards for a long time on the defensive, and the war at a distance;
so that the inhabitants of Carolina felt none of its effects as a
Colony, excepting the loss suffered by their privateers, till the
Spaniards executed their long projected invasion in 1742, in which
they employed their whole strength, and from which they expected to
have changed the whole face of the Continent of North America; and,
even then, the people of Carolina suffered only by their fears."[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS's Voyages, Vol. II. page 340.]

In a letter to Lord Egmont, by Governor Belcher, dated Boston, May
24th, 1741, is this remark; "I was heartily sorry for the miscarriage
of General Oglethorpe's attempt on Augustine, in which I could not
learn where the mistake was, or to what it was owing, unless to a
wrong judgment of the strength of the place, to which the force that
attacked it, they say, was by no means equal. I wish that a part of
Admiral Vernon's fleet and General Wentworth's forces may give it a
visit, before the Spaniards sue for peace. It seems to me absolutely
necessary for the quieting of the English possessions of Carolina
and Georgia, that we should reduce Augustine to the obedience of the
British crown, and keep it, as Gibraltar and Mahon."[1]

[Footnote 1: Letter-book of his Excellency JONATHAN BELCHER, in the
archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]



CHAPTER XV.

Oglethorpe pays particular attention to internal Improvements--Meets
with many annoyances--The Creeks, under Toonahowi, make an incursion
into Florida--The Spanish form a design upon Georgia--Some of their
fleet appear on the coast--Oglethorpe prepares for defence--Applies
to South Carolina for assistance--Spaniards attack Fort
William--Dangerous situation of Oglethorpe--Spanish fleet enter the
harbor and land on St. Simons--In three successive engagements they
are defeated--A successful stratagem--Enemy defeated at Bloody Marsh--
Retire and attack Fort William, which is bravely defended by Ensign
Stewart--Spanish forces, repulsed in all their assaults, abandon the
invasion in dismay, and return to St. Augustine and to Cuba.


Of the year 1741 but few memorials are to be found. Oglethorpe resided
principally at Frederica; but occasionally visited Savannah; and,
every where, and at all times, actively exerted his powers of
persuasion, his personal influence, or his delegated authority to
reconcile the jarring contests and restore the social accordance
and peace of the community, while with vigilance and precaution
he concerted measures to guard the Colony against the threatening
purposes of the Spaniards. In reference to his peculiar trials and
vexatious annoyances, are the following remarks, copied from a letter
of a gentleman at Savannah, deeply read in the early history of the
Colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D., _letter, October_ 19,1840.]

"The difficulties with which General Oglethorpe had to contend,
were peculiarly onerous and perplexing, not only with the
Spanish foes,--with the restless Indians,--with the clamorous
settlement,--with discontented troops,--with meagre supplies,--with
the defection of Carolina,--with the protest of his bills, and with
the refusal of a just naval protection;--but the officers of his
regiment were at enmity with him and with each other, and crimination
and recrimination followed, disturbing the peace, and weakening the
efficiency of the military corps. At a Court Martial, held in the
early part of January, 1739, composed of thirteen officers, they, in
their letter, dated 12th of January, to the General speak thus--'2d.
That we have observed a great spirit of mutiny among the soldiers,
particularly those of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran's company,' and '3d.
That by evidence given in Court, it appears to us that Lieutenant
Colonel James Cochran was in the knowledge of, and concealed a
mutiny.' The wonder is, that, with such opposing influences, and such
discordant materials, he effected _any thing_. That he achieved _so
much_, under such adverse circumstances, proves him to have been a
firm, bold, intrepid, and sagacious man; to have possessed the most
eminent military qualifications, and those sterling virtues which mock
at the petty malice of the envious, and triumph over the machinations
of malignity."

He was, also, fully aware that, as the Spanish of Florida and Cuba
entertained no good will towards him, they would seek an opportunity
to retaliate his "assault and battery," which, though it had proved
on his part a failure, had been to them a grievous annoyance. He,
therefore, kept scout-boats continually on the look out, to give
notice of the approach to the coast of any armed vessel. On the 16th
of August advice was conveyed to him that a large ship had come to
anchor off the bar. He immediately sent out the boat to ascertain
what it was; and it was perceived to be manned with Spaniards, with
evidently hostile purpose. Whereupon he went on board the guard sloop
to go in search of her; took, also, the sloop Falcon, which was in
the service of the Province; and hired the schooner Norfolk, Captain
Davis, to join the expedition. These vessels were manned by a
detachment of his regiment under the following officers: viz.: Major
Alexander Heron, Captain Desbrisay, Lieutenant Mackay, Lieutenant
Tamser, Ensign Hogan, Ensign Sterling, and Ensigns Wemyss and Howarth,
and Adjutant Maxwell; Thomas Eyre, Surgeon and Mate; six sergeants,
six corporals, five drummers, and one hundred and twenty-five
privates. Before they could get down to the bar, a sudden squall of
wind and storm of thunder and rain came on; and when it cleared up the
vessel was out of sight.

Unwilling, however, to lose the object of this equipment, on the next
day he sailed directly towards St. Augustine in pursuit of the ship.
On the 19th the Falcon sloop, being disabled, was sent back, with
seventeen men of the regiment; and the General proceeded with the
guard sloop and schooner. On the 21st, by day-break, they discovered a
ship and a sloop at anchor, about four or five leagues distant; and,
it being a dead calm, they rowed, till they came up to them, about
noon, when they found one to be the black Spanish privateer sloop,
commanded by a French officer, Captain Destrade, who had made several
prizes to the northward; and the other to be a three-mast ship; both
lying at anchor outside of the bar of St. Augustine. The General
issued orders to board them, when the wind freshing up, and the
English bearing down upon them, they began firing with great and small
arms, and the English returning the fire, they immediately left their
anchors, and run over the bar. The sloop and schooner pursuing them;
and, though they engaged them for an hour and a quarter, they could
not get on board. The Spanish vessels then run up towards the town;
and as they were hulled, and seemed disabled, six half-galleys came
down, and kept firing nine-pounders, but, by reason of the distance,
the shot did not reach the sloop or schooner. That night the General
came to anchor within sight of the castle of St. Augustine, and the
next day sailed for the Matanzas; but, finding no vessel there,
cruised off the bar of St. Augustine, and nothing coming out, the
whole coast being thus alarmed, he returned to Frederica.

There were three ships, and one two-mast vessel lying within the
harbor at the time that the English engaged the sloop and ship.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Annals of Europe_, page 404.]

This summer one of the Georgia boats off Tybee saved a three-mast
vessel which the Spaniards had abandoned, leaving eighteen Englishmen
on board, after having barbarously scuttled her, and choked the pumps,
that the men might sink with the ship; but the boat's men, getting on
board in good time, saved the men and the ship.

It seems that the Creeks, in retaliation of some predatory and
murderous outrages of the Florida outposts, made a descent upon them
in return. This is referred to in the following extract from a letter
of General Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, dated

Frederica, 12th of December, 1741.

My Lord,

"Toonahowi, the Indian who had the honor of your Grace's protection in
England, with a party of Creek Indians, returned hither from making
an incursion up to the walls of Augustine; near which they took Don
Romualdo Ruiz del Moral, Lieutenant of Spanish horse, and nephew to
the late Governor, and delivered him to me.

"The Governor of Augustine has sent the enclosed letter to me by some
English prisoners; and, the prisoners there, the enclosed petition. On
which I fitted out the vessels, and am going myself, with a detachment
of the regiment, off the bar of Augustine, to demand the prisoners,
and restrain the privateers."

In the early part of the year 1742, the Spaniards formed a design upon
Georgia, on which, from the time of its settlement, they had looked
with a jealous eye.[1] For this end, in May, they fitted out an
armament at Havanna, consisting of fifty-six sail, and seven or eight
thousand men; but the fleet, being dispersed by a storm, did not all
arrive at St. Augustine, the place of their destination. Don Manuel
de Monteano, Governor of that fortress, and of the town and region it
protected, had the command of the expedition.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXV.]

About the end of May, or beginning of June, the schooner, which had
been sent out on a cruise by General Oglethorpe, returned with the
information that there were two Spanish men of war, with twenty guns
each, besides two very large privateers, and a great number of
small vessels, full of troops, lying at anchor off the bar of St.
Augustine. This intelligence was soon after confirmed by Captain
Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who had fallen in with part of
the Spanish fleet on the coast of Florida, and drove some vessels on
shore.

Having been apprized of this, the General, apprehending that the
Spaniards had in view some formidable expedition against Georgia or
Carolina, or perhaps both, wrote to the Commander of his Majesty's
ships, in the harbor of Charlestown, urging him to come to his
assistance. Lieutenant Maxwell, the bearer, arrived and delivered the
letter on the 12th of June. Directly afterwards he sent Lieutenant
Mackay to Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, requesting his military
aid with all expedition; and this despatch reached him on the 20th.
He then laid an embargo upon all the shipping in Georgia; and sent
messages to his faithful Indian allies, who gathered to his assistance
with all readiness.

And now the design of the Spaniards was manifest. On the 21st of June
the fleet appeared on the coast; and nine sail of vessels made an
attempt on Amelia Island, but were so warmly received by the cannon
from Fort William, and the guard-schooner of fourteen guns and ninety
men, commanded by Captain Dunbar, that they sheered off. When the
General was informed of this attack, he resolved to support the
fortifications on Cumberland Island; and set out with a detachment of
the regiment in three boats; but was obliged to make his way through
fourteen sail of vessels. This was very venturesome, and, indeed, was
considered as presumptuously hazardous. For, had a shot from one of
the galleys struck the boat in which he was, so as to disable or
sink it, or had he been overtaken by a gun-boat from the enemy, the
colonial forces would have become the weakly resisting victims of
Spanish exasperated revenge. But by keeping to the leeward, and thus
taking advantage of the smoke, he escaped the firing and arrived in
safety.

After having withdrawn the command from St. Andrews, and removed the
stores and artillery that were there, and reinforced Fort William,[1]
where he left one of the boats, he returned to St. Simons.

[Footnote 1: These two Forts were on Cumberland Island.]

He now sent another express to the Governor of South Carolina, by Mr.
Malryne, informing him of his situation, and urging the necessity of
a reinforcement. This application was not promptly complied with, in
consequence of an unfortunate prejudice arising from the failure
of his attempt upon St. Augustine. But as Georgia had been a great
barrier against the Spaniards, whose conquest of it would be hazardous
to the peace and prosperity of South Carolina, "it was thought
expedient to fit out some vessels to cruise down the coast, and see
what could be done for its relief."[1]

[Footnote 1: WILLIAMS's _History of Florida_, p. 185.]

In the perilous emergency to which he was reduced, Oglethorpe took,
for the King's service, the merchant ship of twenty guns, called the
_Success_,--a name of auspicious omen,--commanded by Captain Thompson,
and manned it from the small vessels which were of no force. He also
called in the Highland company from Darien, commanded by Captain
McIntosh; the company of rangers; and Captain Carr's company of
marines.

On the 28th of June the Spanish fleet appeared off the bar below
St. Simons; but from their precaution for taking the soundings and
ascertaining the channel, was delayed coming in, or landing any of the
troops, for several days; in which time "the General raised another
troop of rangers; and, by rewarding those who did extraordinary duty,
and offering advancement to such as should signalize themselves on
this occasion, he kept up the spirits of the people, and increased the
number of enlistments."[1] He was placed, indeed, in a most critical
situation; but he bore himself with great presence of mind, and
summoned to the emergency a resolution which difficulties could not
shake, and brought into exercise energies which gathered vigor from
hindrance, and rendered him insensible to fatigue, and unappalled by
danger. This self-collected and firm state of mind, made apparent in
his deportment and measures, produced a corresponding intrepidity in
all around him; inspired them with confidence in their leader; and
roused the determined purpose with united efforts to repel their
invaders.

[Footnote 1: The passages distinguished by inverted commas, without
direct marginal reference, are from the official account.]

At this critical juncture, his own services were multiplied and
arduous; for Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was Engineer, having gone
to Charlestown, on his way to London,[1] the General was obliged to
execute that office himself, sometimes on ship-board, and sometimes
at the batteries. He therefore found himself under the necessity of
assigning the command to some one on station, during his occasional
absences; and accordingly appointed Major Alexander Heron; raising him
to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.

[Footnote 1: We shall see, in the sequel, that the absence of this
officer, whatever its pretence, was with treacherous purpose, as may
be surmised by the following extract from a letter to the Duke of
Newcastle, dated 30th of July, 1741; where, mentioning the despatches
sent to Governor Glen, earnestly requesting some military aid, the
General informs his Grace that "Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was
engineer, and was then at Charlestown, hastened away to England; and
his son-in-law, Ensign Erye, sub-engineer, was also in Charlestown,
and did not arrive here till the action was over; so, for want of
help, I was obliged to do the duty of an engineer."]

On Monday, the 5th of July, with a leading gale and the flood of tide,
a Spanish fleet of thirty-six sail, consisting of three ships of
twenty guns, two large snows, three schooners, four sloops, and the
rest half-galleys, with landsmen on board, entered the harbor; and,
after exchanging a brisk fire with the fort, for four hours, passed
all the batteries and shipping, proceeded up the river. The same
evening the forces were landed upon the island, a little below
Gascoigne's plantation. A red flag was hoisted on the mizzen-top of
the Admiral's ship, and a battery was erected on the shore, in which
were planted twenty eighteen-pounders. On this, the General, having
done all he could to annoy the enemy, and prevent their landing, and
finding that the Fort at St. Simons had become indefensible, held a
council of war at the head of his regiment; and it was the opinion of
the whole that the fort should be dismantled, the guns spiked up, the
cohorns burst, and that the troops there stationed should immediately
repair to Frederica, for its defence. He accordingly gave orders for
them to march, and sent for all the troops that were on board the
vessels to come on shore.

As his only measures must be on the defensive, "he sent scouting
parties in every direction to watch the motions of the enemy; while
the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making
them as strong as circumstances would admit."[1]

[Footnote 1: McCALL, I. 179.]

The Creek Indians brought in five Spanish prisoners, from whom was
obtained information that Don Manuel de Monteano, the Governor of
St. Augustine, commanded in chief; that Adjutant General Antonio de
Rodondo, chief engineer, and two brigades, came with the forces from
Cuba; and that their whole number amounted to about five thousand men.

Detachments of the Spaniards made several attempts to pierce through
the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but were repulsed by
lurking Indians. The only access to the town was what had been cut
through a dense oak wood, and then led on the skirt of the forest
along the border of the eastern marsh that bounded the island
eastward. This was a defile so narrow, that the enemy could take no
cannon with them, nor baggage, and could only proceed two abreast.
Moreover, the Spanish battalions met with such obstruction from the
deep morasses on one side, and the dark and tangled thickets on the
other, and such opposition from the Indians and ambushed Highlanders,
that every effort failed, with considerable loss.

On the morning of the 7th of July, Captain Noble Jones, with a small
detachment of regulars and Indians, being on a scouting party, fell
in with a number of Spaniards, who had been sent to reconnoitre the
route, and see if the way was clear, surprised and made prisoners of
them. From these, information was received that the main army was
on the march. This intelligence was immediately communicated, by an
Indian runner, to the General, who detached Captain Dunbar with a
company of grenadiers, to join the regulars; with orders to harass the
enemy on their way. Perceiving that the most vigorous resistance was
called for, with his usual promptitude he took with him the Highland
company, then under arms, and the Indians, and ordered four platoons
of the regiment to follow. They came up with the vanguard of the enemy
about two miles from the town, as they entered the savannah, and
attacked them so briskly that they were soon defeated, and most of
their party, which consisted of one hundred and twenty of their best
woodsmen and forty Florida Indians were killed or taken prisoners. The
General took two prisoners with his own hands; and Lieutenant Scroggs,
of the rangers, took Captain Sebastian Sachio, who commanded the
party. During the action Toonahowi, the nephew of Tomo Chichi, who
had command of one hundred Indians, was shot through the right arm by
Captain Mageleto, which, so far from dismaying the young warrior, only
fired his revenge. He ran up to the Captain, drew his pistol with his
left hand, shot him through the head, and, leaving him dead on the
spot, returned to his company.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, XII. 497.]

The General pursued the fugitives more than a mile, and then halted on
an advantageous piece of ground, for the rest of the troops to come
up, when he posted them, with the Highlanders, in a wood fronting the
road through the plain by which the main body of the Spaniards, who
were advancing, must necessarily pass. After which he returned, with
all speed, to Frederica, and ordered the rangers and boat-men to make
ready, and all to use their utmost endeavors to resist the invaders.

During his temporary absence on this pressing emergency, Captain
Antonio Barba, and two other Captains with one hundred grenadiers,
and two hundred foot, besides Indians and negroes, advanced from the
Spanish camp into the savannah with drums and huzzas, and halted
within an hundred paces of the position where the troops left by
Oglethorpe lay in ambuscade. They immediately stacked their arms, made
fires, and were preparing their kettles for cooking, when a horse
observed some of the concealed party, and, frightened at the uniform
of the regulars, began to snort. This gave the alarm. The Spaniards
ran to their arms, but were shot down in great numbers by their
invisible assailants; and, after repeated attempts to form, in which
some of their principal officers fell, they decamped with the utmost
precipitation, leaving the camp equipage on the field. So complete was
the surprise, that many fled without their arms; others, in a rapid
retreat, discharged their muskets over their shoulders at their
pursuers; and many were killed by the loaded muskets that had been
left on the ground. Generally the Spaniards fired so much at random,
that the trees were pruned by the balls from their muskets.[1]

[Footnote 1: McCALL's _History_, I. 185.]

The General, returning with all expedition, heard the report of the
musketry, and rode towards it; and, near two miles from the place of
action, met some platoons, who, in the heat of the fight, the air
being so darkened by the smoke that they could not see where to
direct their fire, and a heavy shower of rain falling, had retired in
disorder. He ordered them to rally and follow him, apprehending that
immediate relief might be wanting. He arrived just as the battle
ceased; and found that Lieutenant Sutherland, with his platoon, and
Lieutenant Charles Mackay, had entirely defeated the enemy.

In this action Don Antonio de Barba, their leader, was made a
prisoner, but mortally wounded. "In both actions, the Spaniards lost
four captains, one Lieutenant, two sergeants, two drummers, and more
than an hundred and fifty privates. One captain, one corporal, and
twenty men were taken prisoners. The rest fled to the woods, where
many of them were killed by the Indians, who brought in their
scalps."[1]

[Footnote 1: From the great slaughter, the scene of this action has
ever since been called "the bloody marsh."]

Captain Demerey and ensign Gibbon being arrived, with the men they had
rallied, Lieutenant Cadogan with the advanced party of the regiment,
and soon after the whole regiment, Indians and rangers, the General
marched down to a causeway over a marsh, very near the Spanish camp,
over which all were obliged now to pass; and thereby stopped those
who had been dispersed in the fight, from getting back to the Spanish
camp. Having passed the night there, the Indian scouts in the morning
got so near the Spanish place of encampment, as to ascertain that
they had all retired into the ruins of the fort, and were making
intrenchments under shelter of the cannon of the ships. Not deeming
it prudent to attack them while thus defended, he marched back to
Frederica, to refresh the soldiers; and sent out parties of Indians
and rangers to harass the enemy. He now, at a general staff, appointed
Lieutenant Hugh Mackay and Lieutenant Maxwell, Aids de camp, and
Lieutenant Sutherland, Brigade Major.

While signal instances of heroism were thus honored, he warned the
troops of the necessity of union and vigilance, of prompt attention to
orders, and of maintaining an unflinching firmness in every emergency;
for in these, under God, depended their safety.

Although he thus encouraged others, he was himself filled with
perplexity. He began to despair of any help from Carolina. His
provisions were bad and scarce, and, while the enemy commanded the
river and the harbor, no supplies could be expected. Of all this,
however, he gave no intimation, but, firm and self-possessed,
submitted to the same fare with the meanest soldier, exposed himself
to as great fatigue, and often underwent greater privations. At the
same time his fixed resolution and irrepressible zeal in the defence
and protection of his people, nerved him to further and even greater
exertions.

On the 11th the great galley and two small ones, approached within
gun-shot of the town; but they were repulsed by guns and bombs from
the fort, and the General followed them in his cutter, with attendant
boats, well manned, till he got under the cannon of their ships, which
lay in the sound.

This naval approach, as appeared afterwards, was in consequence of a
concerted plot. It seems that, at the commencement of the siege of
St. Augustine, a Spanish officer quitted one of the outer forts and
surrendered himself to Oglethorpe, who detained him prisoner of war.
He was readily communicative, and gave what was supposed important
information. After the close of the war, he might have been exchanged;
but he chose to remain, pretending that the Spaniards looked upon him
as a traitor. He, at length, so artfully insinuated himself into
favor with the magnanimous Oglethorpe, that he was treated with great
courtesy. On this invasion he begged permission to retire into the
northern colonies of the English, saying that he apprehended that
if he should fall into the hands of the Spaniards, they would deal
rigorously with him. The General, not being aware of any treacherous
design, gave him a canoe to go up the river till he was out of danger;
whence he might proceed by land to some back settlement. Some days
past and he came back to Frederica, pretending that he could not
make his way through, nor by, the fleet without being discovered and
captured. Most fortunately, some days after his return, an English
prisoner, who had escaped from one of the ships of war, acquainted the
General with the treachery of this officer, assuring him that he had
been aboard at such a time, and talked over his insidious project
of setting fire to the arsenal which contained all the powder and
military stores, and that its explosion should be the signal to the
Spanish galleys to approach, and, in the confusion of the occasion,
make an assault upon the fort. This disclosure confirmed suspicions
which had been excited by some of his management since his return;
and he was put under guard. In consequence of this precaution, the
concerted signal could not be given; and the ruinous project was most
happily defeated.[1]

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, IV. p. 1260.]

July 12th, two English prisoners who had effected an escape, one
from the fleet, and one from the camp, informed the General that the
Spaniards, not having anticipated such vigorous resistance, had become
restless and dispirited, especially since they had ascertained by
their roll how great was their loss of men; and that the state of the
wounded was distressing. They added that these discomfitures were
increased by the want of water on board the ships, which was so great
that the troops were put upon half allowance, which, in this hot
weather was a grievous deprivation, and that several, from the effect
of the climate, were sick and unfit for service. They apprized him,
also, that they had holden a council of war, in which there were great
divisions, insomuch that the troops of Cuba separated from those of
Augustine, and encamped at a distance near the woods.

This latter circumstance suggested the idea of attacking them while
divided; and his perfect knowledge of the woods favored the project of
surprising one of their encampments. In furtherance of this design,
he drew out three hundred regular troops, the Highland company, the
rangers, and Indians, and marched in the night, unobserved within a
mile and a half of the Spanish camp. There his troops halted, and he
advanced at the head of a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy.
While he was using the utmost circumspection to obtain the necessary
information without being discovered, an occurrence of the most
villanous nature, disconcerted the project. As the particulars of this
have been variously narrated, I am happy in being enabled to give the
General's own account of the affair.[1] In his official despatch to
the Duke of Newcastle, dated at Frederica, in Georgia, 30th of July,
1742, he says,--"A Frenchman who, without my knowledge was come down
among the volunteers, fired his gun, and deserted. Our Indians in vain
pursued, but could not take him. Upon this, concluding that we should
be discovered, I divided the drums into different parts, and they beat
the Grenadier's march for about half an hour; then ceased, and we
marched back in silence. The next day I prevailed with a prisoner, and
gave him a sum of money to carry a letter privately, and deliver it to
that Frenchman who had deserted. This letter was written in French, as
if from a friend of his, telling him he had received the money; that
he should try to make the Spaniards believe the English were weak;
that he should undertake to pilot up their boats and galleys, and then
bring them under the woods, where he knew the hidden batteries were;
that if he could bring that about he should have double the reward he
had already received; and that the French deserters should have all
that had been promised to them. The Spanish prisoner got into their
camp, and was immediately carried before the General, Don Manuel de
Monteano. He was asked how he escaped, and whether he had any letters;
but denying he had any, was strictly searched, and the letter found,
and he, upon being pardoned, confessed that he had received money to
deliver it to the Frenchman, (for the letter was not directed.) The
Frenchman denied his knowing any thing of the contents of the
letter, or having received any money, or correspondence with me.
Notwithstanding which, a council of war was held, and they decreed the
Frenchman to be a double spy; but General Monteano would not suffer
him to be executed, having been employed by him. However they embarked
all their troops with such precipitation that they left behind their
cannon, &c., and those dead of their wounds, unburied."

[Footnote 1: Transcribed from the Georgia Historical documents, by my
excellent friend T.K. TEFFT, Esq., of Savannah. The particulars of
this singularly interesting _ruse de guerre_ are detailed in all the
accounts of the Spanish invasion; and in each with some variation, and
in all rather more circumstantially than the above. See _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for 1742, p. 695; _London Magazine_ for 1758, p. 80;
HEWATT'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. II. p. 117; McCALL'S
_History of Georgia_, I. p. 184; RAMSAY'S _History of the United
States_, I. 167, and MARSHALL'S _History of the Colonies_, p. 289.]

The Spanish General now deemed it expedient to relinquish a plan
of conquest attended with so many difficulties, and the further
prosecution of which would put to hazard the loss of both army and
fleet, and perhaps of the whole Province of Florida.

"On the 14th of July the Spaniards burned all the works and houses on
the south end of St. Simons and Jekyl islands.

"On the 15th the large vessels, with the Cuba forces on board, stood
out to sea; and the Governor and troops from St. Augustine embarked
in the galleys and small vessels, and took the inland passage, and
encamped on the north end of Cumberland island, at Fort St. Andrews.

"The next day the General pursued the enemy, and, landing where
they had encamped, sent an express in the night to Ensign Alexander
Stewart, who commanded at Fort William, directing him, in case of an
attack, to defend the place to the last extremity; and that he would
reinforce him early the next day. At day-light twenty-eight sail of
the Spanish line appeared off Fort William, fourteen of which came
into the harbor, and demanded a surrender of the garrison. Stewart
replied that it should not be surrendered, and could not be taken.
They attacked the works from their galleys and other vessels, and
attempted to land; but were repulsed by a party of rangers, who had
arrived by a forced march down the island. Stewart, with only sixty
men, defended the fort with such bravery, that, after an assault of
three hours, the enemy discovering the approach of Oglethorpe, put to
sea, with considerable loss. Two galleys were disabled and abandoned;
and the Governor of St. Augustine proceeded with his troops by the
inward passage. Ensign Stewart was rewarded, by promotion, for the
bravery of his defence."[1]

[Footnote 1: McCall, Vol. I. p.188.]

"On the 20th, General Oglethorpe sent his boats and rangers as far as
the river St. John. They returned the next day with the information
that the enemy were quite gone."

A few days after, the armed ships from South Carolina came to St.
Simons; but the need of them was then over; and even of the British
men of war upon the American station, though they had a month's
notice, none appeared upon the coast of Georgia until after the
Spanish troops were all embarked, and their fleet was upon its return
to Havana and to St. Augustine.

In the account of the Spanish invasion, by the Saltzburg preachers
at Ebenezer, are these very just reflections: "Cheering was the
intelligence that the Spaniards, with all their ships of war and
numerous military force, had raised the siege in shame and disgrace,
and retired to Augustine! Doubtless they feared lest English ships of
war should approach and draw them into a naval combat, for which they
could have no desire. Nay, they feared, no doubt, that their own
Augustine would suffer from it."

Devoutly acknowledging the protecting and favoring providence of God
in this wonderful deliverance from a most formidable invading foe,
General Oglethorpe appointed a day of Thanksgiving to be observed by
the inhabitants of the Colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXVI.]

Thus was the Province of Georgia delivered, when brought to the very
brink of destruction by a formidable enemy. Don Manuel de Monteano had
been fifteen days on the small island of St. Simons, without gaining
the least advantage over a handful of men; and, in the several
skirmishes, had lost a considerable number of his best troops, while
Oglethorpe's loss was very inconsiderable.[1]

[Footnote 1: McCALL, I. 188.]

The writer of a letter from Charlestown, South Carolina, has this
remark; "that nearly five thousand men, under the command of so good
an officer as the Governor of St. Augustine, should fly before six
or seven hundred men, and about one hundred Indians, is matter of
astonishment to all."[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine for 1742, p. 895. See also Appendix,
No. XXVII. for an account of the forces.]

The Rev. Mr. Whitefield, in a letter to a noble Lord, says, "The
deliverance of Georgia from the Spaniards, one of my friends writes
me, is such as cannot be paralleled but by some instances out of the
Old Testament. I find that the Spaniards had cast lots, and determined
to give no quarter. They intended to have attacked Carolina, but,
wanting water, they put into Georgia, and so would take that Colony
on their way. But the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the
strong. Providence ruleth all things. They were wonderfully repelled
and sent away before our ships were seen."[1] "A little band chased a
thousand; and a small one overcome a large people."

[Footnote 1: _Letters_, V.I. let. CCCCLXXXIX. p. 467.]

The writer of the _History of the rise, progress, and settlement of
the Colony of Georgia_, so often quoted in this chapter, closes his
account of this invasion with the following remark: "Instead of
raising and heightening their success, to do honor to the General's
character; we ought rather to lessen or diminish some of the
circumstances, to render it, in such an age as this, more credible.
But we have taken no liberties at all. The facts are represented,
step by step, as they happened; and the reader left to make his own
inferences, estimate, and opinion."[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS's _Voyages_, II. 345.]

The Governors of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia and North Carolina, addressed letters to Oglethorpe,
"congratulating him upon the important services rendered to the
Colonies; and assuring him of the interest which they felt in the
honor he had acquired by his indefatigable exertions, constant
exposure, extraordinary courage, and unequalled military conduct; and
offering their humble thanks to the Supreme Governor of nations for
placing the fate of the Southern Colonies under the direction of a
General so well qualified for the important trust."[1]

[Footnote 1: For some of the letters see the work last quoted.]



CHAPTER XVI.

Oglethorpe, informed that the Spaniards were making preparations for
a renewal of hostilities, takes measures to repel them--Meets with an
alarming accident--Lands on the Florida side of St. John's--Proceeds
towards St. Augustine--The Spanish do not venture out to attack
him--Returns to the Islands--Sees that the Forts are repaired--Takes
passage to England to attend a Court Martial on an insidious charge
against him by Lieutenant Cook--Is honorably acquitted, and Cook is
dismissed from the service.


In the beginning of the year 1743, General Oglethorpe, having
had information that the Spaniards of St. Augustine were making
preparations for another invasion of Georgia,[1] took measures to
repel it; and set out, at the head of a force consisting of a company
of grenadiers, a detachment of his own regiment, the Highlanders, and
the Georgia rangers, and a numerous collection of Indians.

[Footnote 1: "They were so apprehensive of this at South Carolina,
that the fortifications of Charlestown were repaired and augmented."
BOYSE's _Historical Review_, Vol. I. p. 381.]

He came very near being killed in his shallop, while sailing to
reconnoitre St. Augustine; but Providence averted the fatality of the
blow which he received. One of his cannon burst, and a piece of a
sail-yard struck the head of the General, and so wounded him that the
blood gushed from his ears and nose. The injury, happily, was not so
great but that he soon collected himself, and cheered up his alarmed
attendants.[1]

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, IV. 2073.]

On the 6th of March he landed on the Florida side of St. John's river,
and attacked a much more numerous party of the Spanish troops than
that under his command, quartered at Fort Diego, forty of whom were
killed in the engagement and pursuit, and the rest made their escape
into the castle.

After this he proceeded to the neighborhood of St. Augustine; and,
having placed the greatest part of his troops in ambuscade, marched
with the rest almost to the walls of the fortress, in hopes that the
Spaniards, upon seeing so small a party, would have sallied out
to have engaged it, in which case he was resolved to have made a
retreating fight, in order to draw the enemy into the ambush which he
had prepared for them. But, it seems, that by accident they discovered
the concealment of the troops, and deemed it prudent to remain in
their stronghold. This stratagem having been frustrated, Oglethorpe,
perceiving that an assault would be unavailing, marched back to the
river, where he continued for some time, expecting that the enemy
would come out, and endeavor to drive him from their territory, but,
as they made not the attempt, and as the affairs of the Colony as well
as his own, required his presence in England, he returned, to make
arrangements for going thither.

Having seen that the fortifications on St. Simons and the other
islands were repaired and greatly improved, Oglethorpe took passage
on the 23d of July, 1743, in the guard-ship commanded by Captain
Thompson, having with him Colonel Heron, Mr. Eyre, sub-engineer, and
several others belonging to the regiment, and arrived in London on the
25th of September, where his personal presence was required to meet
and answer an impeachment lodged against him in the War-office by
Lieutenant Colonel William Cook. As soon as Oglethorpe arrived, he
insisted that the allegations should be examined by a board of General
Officers; but, as Cook gave in a list of several persons in Georgia
and some in South Carolina, who, he said, were material witnesses, no
investigation could be had till they should be heard. In consequence
of this, and other delays, the Court Martial was not opened till the
4th of June, 1744. It continued two days in session; when, after a
strict scrutiny into the complaint, article by article of the nineteen
specific charges, the board were of opinion that "the whole and
every article thereof was groundless, false, and malicious." On the
presentation of the Report to his Majesty he was pleased to order that
the said Lieutenant Colonel Cook should be dismissed the service.

This indictment by one who had been treated with great kindness, and
who owed his preferment to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel to the
particular favor of the General, was not only ungrateful, but
insidious and base.

The faithful Annalist of America, the Reverend Doctor Holmes, closes
his reference to this transaction with this just and honorable
reflection: "By the decision of this board, the character of this able
General now appeared in resplendent light; and his contemporaries
acknowledged, what impartial history must record, that to him Carolina
was indebted for her safety and repose, as well as Georgia for
existence and protection."[1]

[Footnote 1: _American Annals_, II. 19.]

And here closes the history of the settlement of Georgia; in a great
degree the project and the furtherance of one man, who must be allowed
to possess the foremost rank among those, who, by well-concerted
plans, and judicious and persevering measures for their
accomplishment, have high claims on public gratitude, as warm and
devoted patriots, and enlightened philanthropists. Embracing in one
comprehensive view the effectual relief of the reduced or neglected,
the planting of a Colony, and the promotion of its progressive
improvement and welfare, it is the appropriate praise of the founder
of Georgia, that, with a sagacity and foresight which are never
sufficiently to be admired, a zeal and fortitude never exceeded, and
a devotedness to the object which never relaxed, he commenced and
carried on the arduous enterprise.

In "An account, showing the progress of the Colony of Georgia in
America from its first establishment; published by order of the
Honorable, the Trustees," London, 1741, is the following eulogy of
Oglethorpe, made by those who best knew how truly it was deserved.

"A Gentleman who may be justly termed the Romulus, father and founder
of Georgia; a gentleman who, without any view but that of enlarging
his Majesty's dominions, propagating the Protestant religion,
promoting the trade of his country, and providing for the wants and
necessities of indigent christians, has voluntarily banished himself
from the pleasures of a Court, and exposed himself repeatedly to the
dangers of the vast Atlantic ocean in several perilous and tedious
voyages; instead of allowing himself the satisfaction which a
plentiful fortune, powerful friends, and great merit entitle him to
in England, has inured himself to the greatest hardships that any the
meanest inhabitant of this new Colony could be exposed to; his diet
has been mouldy bread, or boiled rice instead of bread, salt beef,
pork, &c., his drink has been water; and his bed the damp earth,
without any other covering than the canopy of heaven to shelter him:
and all this to set an example to this new Colony how they might bear
with such hardships in their new settlement."

A recent publication bestows also a tribute of commendation, in the
following terms: "As governor of the new Colony, he was exposed to
numberless difficulties and vexations; but persevered with great ardor
in the scheme, and expended large sums out of his private fortune with
a view to ensure its success."[1]

[Footnote 1: GEORGIAN AERA; or _Memoirs of the most eminent persons
who have flourished in Great Britain from the accession of George I.
to the death of George IV_. Lond. 1834. 4 vol. Vol. II. p. 43.]

I give, also, an extract from "lines to General Oglethorpe, on the
settlement of Georgia," published in the _South Carolina Gazette,
June_, 1733.

  "The fame of Tyrants should, if justice swayed,
  Be bowled through deserts their ambition made;
  But OGLETHORPE has gained a well-earned praise,
  Who made the heirs of want, the lords of ease:
  The gloomy wood to plenteous harvests changed,
  And founded cities where the wild beasts ranged.
  Then may the great reward assigned by fate
  Crown his own wish to see the work complete!"



CHAPTER XVII.

Oglethorpe's residence in England--Marriage--Military appointments--A
Major General under the Duke of Cumberland for the suppression of
the rebellion in 1745--Arraigned at a Court Martial and
acquitted--Domestic and social life, and character--Death.


Having accomplished the great design of settling the Colony of
Georgia, watched over its nascent feebleness, cherished its growth,
defended it from invasion, vindicated its rights, and advanced its
interests and welfare, Oglethorpe resigned the superintendence and
government into other hands, and retired to his country seat at
Godalming, "to rest under the shade of his own laurels."

In March, 1744, he was appointed one of the officers under Field
Marshal, the Earl of Stair, to oppose the expected invasion from
France.

Having been so happy as to form a tender attachment to an amiable
lady, which was reciprocated, he married, on the 15th of September,
1744, Elizabeth, the only daughter of Sir Nathan Wright, Baronet, of
Cranham Hall, Essex.[1]

[Footnote 1: On this occasion some congratulatory verses were written
by the Rev. MOSES BROWN, and printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol.
XIV. p. 558.]

His chief residence was at his country seat; but he spent his winters
in the venerable family mansion in St. James, Westminster, London, to
attend his duties as member of Parliament and enjoy the society of men
of the first respectability for rank, talents, and literature.

On the 25th of March, 1745, he was promoted to the rank of Major
General; and the Rebellion breaking out in that year, he was placed at
the head of four companies of cavalry, one of which bore the title
of "Georgia Rangers."[1] They had been raised at the expense of some
loyal individuals, to act against the insurgents; "and," (says an
Historian who had the best authority for the declaration,)[2] "they
did very signal service to their country." Their uniform was blue,
faced with red; and they wore green cockades. They did not encamp with
the foot, but were quartered in the towns.

[Footnote 1: Marshal Wade, the Commander in Chief, had under him
the following officers, viz.: Lieutenant Generals Lord Tyrawly, and
Wentworth; the Major Generals Howard, Huske, and Oglethorpe; and the
Brigadier Generals Mordaunt and Chemondelly.]

[Footnote 2: See _Impartial History of the Rebellion in 1745, from
authentic memoirs, particularly the Journal of a General Officer; and
other original papers; with the characters of the persons principally
concerned_. By SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo. Dublin. 1748. p. 80.]

As this expedition was commenced late in the fall, the King's troops
were retarded in their operations by the rigor of the season, their
late forced marches, and a most uncomfortable diarrhoea, which
prevailed among the soldiers; but good quarters, proper refreshments,
and the extraordinary care of their officers, relieved these
difficulties, and put the army into so good a condition as enabled
them to go through the campaign with fewer inconveniences and much
less loss than could reasonably be expected, considering the great
hardships and excessive fatigues to which they were exposed.

As soon as Marshal Wade had intelligence at Newcastle of the route
which the rebels had taken, he resolved, notwithstanding the severity
of the season, to march thence to the relief of Carlisle. Accordingly,
on the 16th of November, the army began to move for that purpose. His
Excellency intended to have begun his march as soon as it was light;
but, moving from the left, the troops which had the van, delayed their
motions several hours, to the great prejudice of the expedition; for
the weather being extremely cold, and the travelling impeded by a deep
snow, or made rough by frozen ground, the troops suffered very
much. The Major Generals Howard and Oglethorpe, and the Brigadiers,
Cholmondley and Mordaunt, marched on foot at the head of the infantry
to encourage the soldiers. It was eight at night and very dark before
the front line got into the camp at Ovington; and though the soldiers
resolutely pressed forward, yet, the roads being terribly broken and
full of ice, it was foreseen that many of the last column might drop,
through excessive fatigue; and therefore the Major Generals Huske and
Oglethorpe sent out countrymen with lights and carts to assist the
rear guard, and bring up the tired men. In this service they were
employed till near nine the next morning.

On the 17th the Marshal continued his march to Hexham, where he
arrived, with the first line, about four in the afternoon, but the
rear of the army did not come up till near midnight. Having received
intelligence that Carlisle had surrendered, he resolved to march back
to Newcastle; but, the weather continuing bad, and the roads become in
a manner impassable, he did not arrive there with his army till the
16th; and, even then, the forces under his command were so exhausted
by fatigue, and lamed by travelling, that, if it had not been for the
great care taken of them by the people of Newcastle, they must have
been, not only disheartened, but disqualified for service.

In the meantime the Duke of Cumberland's army was forming in
Staffordshire; for, upon the approach of the Rebels, it was resolved
that his Royal Highness should be sent down to command the forces in
that part of the kingdom; and he arrived at Litchfield on the 28th of
November.

Towards the latter end of the month, the army, under the command of
Marshal Wade, began to move; the cavalry having reached Darlington
and Richmond by the 25th. On the 29th the infantry was at Persbridge,
whence he proposed to march to Wetherby, and there canton the
whole army in the adjacent villages; looking upon this as the most
convenient station either for distressing the enemy, should they
attempt to retire, or for cooperating with the forces of his Royal
Highness, as occasion should render necessary.

On the 8th of December the Marshal held a council of war, at
Ferry-bridge, to consider of the most effectual means for cutting off
the Highlanders on their retreat; and, in this council it was resolved
to march directly to Wakefield and Halifax into Lancashire, as
the most likely way of intercepting the rebels. Having arrived at
Wakefield on the 10th, and having advice that the main body of the
rebels was at Manchester, and their van-guard moving from thence
towards Preston, and finding that it was now impossible to come up
with them, he judged it unnecessary to fatigue the forces by hard
marches, and, therefore, detaching Major General Oglethorpe, on the
11th, with the cavalry under his command, he began the march, with the
rest of the forces to Newcastle. On the 13th a great body of the horse
and dragoons under Oglethorpe arrived at Preston, having marched a
hundred miles in three days over roads naturally bad, and at that time
almost impassable with snow and ice; "which," says the Historian, "was
a noble testimony of zeal and spirit, especially in the new raised
forces."

His Royal Highness immediately gave his orders for continuing the
pursuit of the rebels, with the utmost diligence. Accordingly
Oglethorpe advanced towards Lancaster; which place the Duke reached
on the 16th. Oglethorpe, continuing his pursuit at the heels of the
rebels, arrived on the 17th in front of a village called Shap, where
their rear was supposed to be, just before night-fall, in very bad
weather. Here he held a consultation with his officers, in which it
was decided that the lateness of the hour, and the exhaustion of the
troops, rendered it inexpedient to make the attack that night. He,
therefore, entered the neighboring village to obtain forage, and to
refresh. Meanwhile the Duke pressed on; and, next morning, when he
came to Shap, found that it had been abandoned by the rebels; but was
surprised at seeing on his right, towards the rear, an unexpected body
of troops. It turned out to be Oglethorpe's corps, which, from being
the van-guard of the army, had thus unaccountably become the rear.
Vexed at the disappointing occurrence, he caused Oglethorpe to be
arraigned before a Court Martial, for having "lingered on the road."
His trial came on at the Horse-guards on the 29th of September, and
ended the 7th of October, 1746; when "he was honorably acquitted, and
his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm the sentence."[1]

[Footnote 1: See _London Gazette_ for October 20th, 1746; and the
_Memoir_ in _European Magazine_ for 1785.

CROKER, in a note to his edition of BOSWELL's _Life of Johnson_, Vol.
I. page 97, says that "though acquitted, he was never again employed.
It is by no means surprising that this neglect should have mortified
a man of Oglethorpe's sensibility; and it is to be inferred, from Mr.
Boswell's expressions, that, late in life, he had in vain solicited
for 'some mark of distinction, 'to heal his wounded feelings." The
last intimations are confuted by the advancements in military rank
stated in the following pages of these memorials. The "mark of
distinction," deserved, perhaps expected, but certainly not
"solicited," might be that of _Knight_, a title worn by his father, as
also by the father of his wife.]

As a still higher proof that he stood high in public estimation, on
the 13th of September, 1747, he was made Brigadier General in the
British army.

On the establishment of the British Herring Fishery, in 1750, he took
a very considerable part, and became one of the Council; in which
situation, on the 25th of October he delivered to the Prince of Wales
the Charter of incorporation in a speech which was printed in the
public journals.

In 1754 he was candidate for the borough of Haslemere, which he had
represented in former Parliaments; but on the close of the poll, the
numbers were found to be for J. Moore Molyneaux, 75; Philip Carteret
Webb, 76; Peter Burrel, 46; and Oglethorpe only 45.

On February 22d, 1765, he was raised to the rank of General of all his
Majesty's forces; and for many years before his death was the oldest
general officer on the staff.[1]

[Footnote 1: In the _Army list, issued from the War Office_, 20th
July, 1781, and in STOCKDALE's _Calendar for the year_ 1785, (the year
of Oglethorpe's death,) both of which are now before me, his name is
_first on the list_.]

Here, perhaps, is the proper place to introduce an anecdote given
by Major McCall, in his _History of Georgia_, Vol. I. p. 325,
too striking to be omitted. "At the commencement of the American
Revolution, being the senior officer of Sir William Howe, he had the
prior offer of the command of the forces appointed to subdue the
Rebels. He professed his readiness to accept the appointment, 'if
the Ministry would authorize him to assure the Colonies that justice
should be done them.' His proposal appeared to be the result of
humanity and equity. He declared that 'he knew the Americans well;
that they never would be subdued by arms; but that obedience would be
secured by doing them justice.' A man with these views was not a fit
instrument for the British Government, and therefore, agreeably to his
own request, he was permitted to remain at home."

McCALL refers to "the Annual Register," for his authority; but, after
careful searching, I do not find the statement. The intermediate
comments, and the last sentence, are undoubtedly the Major's. The
anecdote is also related in RAMSAY's _History of the United States_,
Vol. III. p. 166.

I much doubt, however, that an official offer was made to him, as he
was too old to engage in such a service; and deem the statement not
sufficiently authenticated to be relied on.

He continued to reside, principally, at Cranham Hall, in Essex, a fine
country seat of which he became possessed by his marriage with the
heiress of Sir Nathan Wright. In this beautiful retreat, favored with
the enjoyment of uninterrupted health, the possession of worldly
competence, and the heart-cheering comforts of connubial life, he
looked back upon the chequered scene of his former services with
lively gratitude that he had escaped so many dangers, and been an
honored instrument of effecting so much good; and the present happy
condition of his lot was heightened by its contrast with past
hardships, fatigues, and perils.

He passed his winters in London, where he enjoyed the acquaintance
and even intimacy of some of the most honorable and distinguished
characters of the day. "A gentleman and a soldier, he united the
virtue of chivalrous honor and magnanimity with the acquirements of
learning and that love of polite literature which associated him with
the first scholars of the age." One who knew him intimately has said,
"This extraordinary person was as remarkable for his learning and
taste, as for his other eminent qualities; and no man was more prompt,
active, and generous in encouraging merit."[1]

[Footnote 1: BOSWELL, in the _of Johnson_, Vol. I. p. 97, of CROKER'S
edition.]

To the celebrated Dr. Johnson he was respectfully attached; and
was fond of having him often as a guest. Boswell has detailed some
pleasing particulars of these interviews; and, after relating one,
adds in a note the following remarks: "Let me here pay a tribute of
gratitude to the memory of that excellent person, my intimacy with
whom was the more valuable to me, because my first acquaintance with
him was unexpected and unsolicited. Soon after the publication of
my 'Account of Corsica,' he did me the honor to call on me, and
approaching me with a frank, courteous air, said, 'Sir, my name is
Oglethorpe, and I wish to become acquainted with you.' I was not a
little flattered to be thus addressed by an eminent man, of whom I had
read in Pope from my early years,

  "Or, driven by strong benevolence of soul,
  Will fly like Oglethorpe from pole to pole."

"I was fortunate enough to be found worthy of his good opinion,
insomuch that I was not only invited to make one of the many
respectable companies whom he entertained at his table, but had
a cover at his hospitable board every day when I happened to be
disengaged; and in his society I never failed to enjoy learned and
animated conversation, seasoned with genuine sentiments of virtue and
religion."[1]

[Footnote 1: Vol. III. p. 225.]

Dr. Warton, referring to Oglethorpe, says, "I had the pleasure of
knowing him well;" and, in a note upon the couplet quoted from Pope,
says, "Here are lines that will justly confer immortality on a man who
well deserved so magnificent an eulogium. He was, at once, a great
hero, and a great legislator. The vigor of his mind and body have
seldom been equalled. The vivacity of his genius continued to great
old age. The variety of his adventures, and the very different scenes
in which he had been engaged, made me regret that his life has never
been written. Dr. Johnson once offered to do it, if the General would
furnish him the materials. Johnson had a great regard for him, for he
was one of the first persons that highly, in all companies, praised
his 'London.' His first campaign was made under Prince Eugene against
the Turks, and that great General always spoke of Oglethorpe in the
highest terms. But his settlement of the Colony of Georgia gave a
greater lustre to his character than even his military exploits."

With Goldsmith, too, he was intimate. In the lately published
biography of this poet by Prior,[1] referring to the occasional relief
contributed to him in his exigences, it is added, "Goldsmith was
content, likewise, to be made the channel of conveyance for the
bounty of others, as we find by a letter of General Oglethorpe,
a distinguished and amiable man, at whose table he met with good
society, and spent many agreeable hours, and who now, at an advanced
period of life, displayed the same love for the good of mankind, in a
private way, that he had exerted on a more extended scale." With the
letter he sent five pounds, to be distributed in aid of a charitable
institution, in whose behalf Goldsmith seems to have taken an active
interest; and the letter concluded with this kindly expressed
invitation; "If a farm, and a mere country scene will be a little
refreshment from the smoke of London, we shall be glad of the
happiness of seeing you at Cranham Hall."

[Footnote 1: Vol. II. p. 457.]

It is asserted that "his private benevolence was great. The families
of his tenants and dependants were sure of his assistance whilst they
deserved it; and he has frequently supported a tenant, whose situation
was doubtful, not merely forbearing to ask for rent, but lending him
money to go on with his farm."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_ for July, 1785, p. 518.]

Of his public liberality, repeated mention has been made in the course
of this work, more particularly in the settlement of Georgia; in the
furtherance of which he not only bore his own expenses, but procured
various outfits. He also contributed pecuniary assistance and
conferred favors to encourage exertion, or reward well doing. No
one excelled him in those smaller attentions to the interests and
gratification of his friends and acquaintance; which, though they do
not of themselves constitute a great character, are, certainly, very
pleasing recommendations of it.

It is not denied that he had his imperfections and errors; and some,
for which the plea of human frailty alone may not be a sufficient
excuse. He was rather passionate in his temper, impatient of
contradiction, and quick in his resentments; but, upon any ingenuous
concession, was placable and ready to admit an apology. To the humble
offender he was reconcilable, and to the submissive, magnanimous. In
the heyday of life, a soldierly pride, or military point of honor,
sometimes betrayed him into indiscretions or involved him in
rencounters, to which, as he became more mature in age and in
judgment, a dignified sense of true greatness rendered him superior.
Some instances of rashness have been noted by Walpole with unsparing
vituperation;[1] and some self-complacent or boasting sallies, have
been pointed at by Croker with a sarcastic sneer. But, admitting
that these were far from being venial faults, yet it would be very
uncharitable now to recall them from the forgetfulness and forgiveness
in which they have long been passed over; especially as they were
fully redeemed by noble qualities and beneficent deeds. Surely, he
who was celebrated by Pope and Thompson, honored by the Reverend Dr.
Burton, vindicated and praised in Parliament by the excellent Duke
of Argyle, and favored by the regards of Dr. Johnson, "the English
moralist,"[2] must have had a large prevalence of what, in the opinion
of the best judges, is estimable in disposition and conduct, and
irreproachable in character!

[Footnote 1: "All the stories of Horace Walpole are to be received
with great caution; but his Reminiscences, above all, written in
his dotage, teem with the grossest inaccuracies and incredible
assertions." LORD MAHON'S _History of England_. Lond. 1837. Vol. II.
p. 174, _note_.]

[Footnote 2: This honored friend he outlived; and, while attending
the sale of his library, February 18th, 1785, the fine characteristic
portrait of him was taken by S. Ireland, an engraving of which makes
the frontispiece of this volume.]

He had a pleasing talent at narrative, and when animated by the
cheering attention of his friends, he would give full scope to it.
Anecdotes of times past, incidents and scenes of his eventful life,
and occurrences which had passed under his observation, when detailed
by him at length, and set off with his amusing episodical remarks and
illustrations, made him a most entertaining chronicler. These were
sometimes enlivened with a sportive humor that gave a charm to the
social hour, and contributed to the amusement of his guests and
friends. If in his extreme old age he indulged in egotisms or
loquacity, still his observations were those of one who had seen and
read much, and was willing to communicate his acquired knowledge and
the results of his observation and experience; and few who attended to
him, did so without receiving information and entertainment. Even his
old stories of his own acting, served to confirm what he said, and he
made them better in the telling; so that he was rarely troublesome
with the same tale told again, for he gave it an air of freshness.

Polite in his address and graceful in his manners, the gallant veteran
was a favorite visiter in the parties of accomplished ladies that
occasionally met at the house of Mrs. Montague, Mrs. Garrick, Mrs.
Boscawen, and Mrs. Carter.--Hannah More, in a letter to her sister,
in 1784, says, "I have got a new admirer; it is the famous General
Oglethorpe, perhaps the most remarkable man of his time. He was
foster-brother to the Pretender; and is much above ninety years old;
the finest figure you ever saw. He perfectly realizes all my ideas of
Nestor. His literature is great; his knowledge of the world extensive;
and his faculties as bright as ever. He is one of the three persons
still living who were mentioned by Pope; Lord Mansfield and Lord
Marchmont are the other two. He was the intimate friend of Southern,
the tragic poet, and all the wits of that time. He is, perhaps, the
oldest man of a _Gentleman_ living. I went to see him the other day,
and he would have entertained me by repeating passages from Sir
Eldred. He is quite a preux chevalier, heroic, romantic, and full
of the old gallantry."[1] In another letter, she mentions being in
company with the General at Mrs. Vesey's, where the Dutchess of
Portland and Mrs. Delany were present, and where "Mr. Burke talked
a great deal of politics with General Oglethorpe. He told him, with
great truth, that he looked upon him as a more extraordinary person
than any he had ever read of, for he had founded the province of
Georgia; had absolutely called it into existence, and had lived to see
it severed from the Empire which created it, and become an independent
State."[2]

[Footnote 1: _Life and Letters_, Vol. I. p. 181.]

[Footnote 2: Ibid. 204.]

The late President, John Adams, saw Oglethorpe in 1785, a short time
before his decease. Within a day or two after his arrival in London,
as Ambassador from the United States, had been announced in the
public prints, the General called upon him; as was very polite and
complimentary. "He had come to pay his respects to the first American
Ambassador and his Family, whom he was glad to see in England;
expressed a great esteem and regard for America; much regret at the
misunderstanding between the two countries; and felt very happy to
have lived to see the termination of it."[1] There was something
peculiarly interesting in this interview. He who had planted Georgia,
and provided for it during the earliest stages of its _dependent
condition as a Colony_, held converse with him who had come to a Royal
Court, the Representative of its NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE!

[Footnote 1: See a letter from President Adams to Dr. Holmes.
_Annals_, Vol. II. p. 530.]

A writer in the year 1732, and within the month on which the charter
for Georgia was issued, made the following remarks: "If the Trustees
give liberty of Religion, establish the people free, fix an agrarian
law, and go upon the glorious maxims of liberty and virtue, their
Province, _in the age of a man_, by being the asylum of the
unfortunate, will become more and more advantageous to Britain than
the conquest of a kingdom."[1] The suggestion here made was seasonable
and judicious; and the prospective intimation was a prophecy,
accomplished in a sense not imagined, and surely not anticipated
by the writer. The Province did become, whilst its founder was yet
living, and therefore "in the age of a man," a highly advantageous
acquisition to Great Britain in a commercial relation; and, though
dismembered from the Empire, an important independent State.

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_ for 1732, p. 198.]

This remarkable man, abstemious in his mode of living, regular in his
habits, and using much exercise, enjoyed good health to extreme old
age; and such was his activity, that he could outwalk persons more
than half a century younger. At that period of advanced life, when
the weight of years usually bears down the elasticity of the mind,
he retained all that spring of intellect which had characterized the
promptitude of earlier days; his bodily senses seemed but little
impaired; and his eye-sight served him to the last.

He died at his seat at Cranham, of a violent fever, 30th of June,
1785.

  "And dropt like Autumn fruit, which, ripening long,
  Was wondered at because it fell no sooner."[1]

[Footnote 1: The library of General Oglethorpe was sold by Calderwood
in 1788. It comprised standard works of Ancient and Modern History, of
the Drama, Poetry, and Polite Literature.]



CONCLUDING REMARKS.


The preceding pages have given details of some principal actions
and exploits of a very remarkable man; whose projects, dictated by
benevolence and inspired by philanthropy, were all prospective. Their
first, and, apparently, principal object, was to provide relief for
the indigent, and an asylum for the oppressed. Their second, to unite
the pensioners on the liberally contributed bounty, in a social
compact for mutual assistance, and a ready cooperation for the general
good. But even this, beneficent as it was, fell short of his aim. He
considered himself to be engaged in forming a Colony, destined to
extend and flourish under the salutary principles of order and
justice, and the sustaining sanctions of civil law, and a form of
government, which his breast swelled with the patriotic hope, would be
well constituted and wisely administered.

This very statement of the origin of these political institutions,
bears on it the indications of their perpetuity, especially as the
_freedom_ obtained for the first emigrants from rigorous exaction in
their native country, was remembered and cherished in that which they
settled, till it formed the constituents of civil liberty, which
at length "threw off every yoke," for the attainment of NATIONAL
INDEPENDENCE.

Hence, his agency, services and expenditures in settling the Province
of Georgia, his disinterested devotedness to its establishment and
progressive welfare, and his bravery and personal exposure in its
defence, enrolled among the important achievements of his long and
eventful life, constitute the most splendid trophy to his fame, and
will ensure to his name a memory as lasting as that of America itself.

On a mural tablet of white marble, in the chancel of Cranham Church,
is the following inscription, drawn up by CAPEL LOFFT, Esq.

  Near this place lie the remains of
  JAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE, Esq.
  who served under Prince Eugene,
  and in 1714 was Captain Lieutenant in the
  first troop of the Queen's Guards.
  In 1740 he was appointed Colonel of a Regiment
  to be raised for Georgia.
  In 1745 he was appointed Major General;
  in 1747 Lieutenant General; and
  in 1760, General of his Majesty's forces.
  In his civil station,
  he was very early conspicuous.
  He was chosen Member of Parliament
  for Haslemere in Surry in 1722,
  and continued to represent it till 1754.
  In the Committee of Parliament,
  for inquiring into the state of the gaols,
  formed 25th of February, 1728,
  and of which he was Chairman,
  the active and persevering zeal of his benevolence
  found a truly suitable employment,
  by visiting, with his colleagues of that generous body,
  the dark and pestilential dungeons of the Prisons
  which at that time dishonored the metropolis;
  detecting the most enormous oppressions;
  obtaining exemplary punishment on those who had been
  guilty of such outrage against humanity and justice;
  and redressing multitudes from extreme misery
  to light and freedom.

Of these, about seven hundred, rendered, by long confinement for debt,
strangers and helpless in the country of their birth, and desirous
of seeking an asylum in the wilds of America, were by him conducted
thither in 1732.

  He willingly encountered in their behalf
  a variety of fatigue and danger,
  and thus became the founder of
  the Colony of Georgia;
  a Colony which afterwards set the noble example
  of prohibiting the importation of slaves
  This new establishment
  he strenuously and successfully defended
  against a powerful attack of the Spaniards.
  In the year in which he quitted England
  to found this settlement,
  he nobly strove to secure
  our true national defence by sea and land,
  --a free navy--
  without impressing a constitutional militia.
  But his social affections were more enlarged
  than even the term Patriotism can express;
  he was the friend of the oppressed negro,--
  no part of the globe was too remote,--
  no interest too unconnected,--
  or too much opposed to his own,
  to prevent the immediate succor of suffering humanity.
  For such qualities he received,
  from the ever memorable John, Duke of Argyle,
  a full testimony, in the British Senate,
  to his military character,
  his natural generosity,
  his contempt of danger,
  and regard for the Public.
  A similar encomium is perpetuated in a foreign language;[1]
  and, by one of our most celebrated Poets,
  his remembrance is transmitted to posterity
  in lines justly expressive of
  the purity, the ardor, and the extent of his benevolence.
  He lived till the 1st of July, 1785;
  a venerable instance to what a duration
  a life of temperance and virtuous labor
  is capable of being protracted.
  His widow, Elizabeth,
  daughter of Sir Nathan Wright of Cranham hall, Bart.
  and only sister and heiress of Sir Samuel Wright, Bart.
  of the same place,
  surviving, with regret,
  but with due submission to Divine Providence,
  an affectionate husband,
  after an union of more than forty years,
  hath inscribed to his memory
  these faint traces of his excellent character.

  "Religion watches o'er his urn,
  And all the virtues bending mourn;
  Humanity, with languid eye,
  Melting for others' misery;
  Prudence, whose hands a measure hold,
  And Temperance, with a chain of gold;
  Fidelity's triumphant vest,
  And Fortitude in armor drest;
  Wisdom's grey locks, and Freedom, join
  The moral train to bless his shrine,
  And pensive all, around his ashes holy,
  Their last sad honors pay in order melancholy."[2]

[Footnote 1: Referring to the encomium of the Abbe Raynal, in his
_Histoire Philosophique et Politique_.]

[Footnote 2: These last verses were added by the old friend of the
General, the Rev. Moses Browne.]



OBITUARY NOTICE

OF

MRS. ELIZABETH OGLETHORPE,

WITH EXTRACTS FROM HER WILL.


OBITUARY NOTICE

COPIED FROM THE GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE FOR 1787, PAGE 1025

October 26th, 1787, died, at her seat, Cranham Hall, Co. Essex,[1]
aged 79, Mrs. Elizabeth Oglethorpe, widow of the late General
Oglethorpe. She was daughter of Sir Nathan Wright, Bart., (nephew
to the Lord Keeper,) by Abigail, his fourth wife, who survived and
married Mr. Tryst. Sir Nathan, by his first wife, (Anne Meyrick)
had two sons; Nathan, who succeeded him in title, and who married a
daughter of Sir Francis Lawley, and died in April, 1737; and John, who
died without issue. By his second wife, (Elizabeth Brage) he had a
son, Benjamin, who died before him. By his third wife, (Elizabeth
Bowater) he had no issue. By the fourth he had a son, Samuel, and Mrs.
Oglethorpe. Sir Nathan, the son, had one son and two daughters; and
the son dying without issue, his half-brother, Samuel, succeeded to
the title and part of the estate. He dying a bachelor, Mrs. Oglethorpe
became his heir, and has died without leaving any child. September
15, 1744, she married the late General Oglethorpe, who died July
1,1785;[2] and to her magnanimity and prudence, on an occasion of much
difficulty, it was owing that the evening of their lives was tranquil
and pleasant, after a stormy noon. Very many and continual were her
acts of benevolence and charity; but, as she would herself have been
hurt by any display of them in her lifetime, we will say no more. Not
to have mentioned them at all would have been unjust to her memory,
and not less so to the world, in which such an example may operate as
an incitement to others to go and do likewise.

[Footnote 1: This old mansion, situated on a pleasant rising ground,
was built about the end of the reign of James I. In the hall is a
very fine whole-length picture of Mr. _Nathan Wright_, a considerable
Spanish merchant in the beginning of Charles the First's time, who
resided long in that country, by Antonio Arias, an eminent painter of
Madrid; and the more curious, as perhaps there is not another picture
of that able master in England. _Gentleman's Magazine_, LV. 518.]

[Footnote 2: The date for the time of the death of General Oglethorpe,
which is given on the 296th page of this volume, was taken from the
public Gazettes. As it took place late in the night, it might be
rather uncertain as to its being the close of one day or the beginning
of another. But the above, corroborated by the testimony of the
monumental inscription, must be correct. I regret, however, that I did
not perceive it sooner. T.M.H.]

By her will, which is very long, and dated May 30, 1786, and has four
codicils, the last dated September 11, 1787, she leaves her estate at
Westbrook, in Godalming, Co. Surrey, bequeathed to her by the General,
to his great nephew, Eugene, Marquis of Bellegarde, in France, then in
the Dutch service, but born in England, and his heirs, with all her
plate, jewels, &c.; to her nephews, John and Charles Apreece, and
their sister Dorothy, wife of ---- Cole, an annuity of £100 amongst
them, and the survivor for life; and if either John or Charles succeed
to the Baronet's title, the annuity to go over to the other; but if
their sister survive, she to have only £200 per annum; also four
annuities, of £50 each, to four of her female friends or neighbors.
All these annuities are charged on the Cranham estate, which she
gives in trust to Sir George Allanson Wynne, Bart., and Mr. Granville
Sharpe, for the use of her nephew, Sir Thomas Apreece, of Washingley,
Co. Huntingdon, for life, remainder in tail to his issue male or
female, remainder to his brothers John and Charles, and sister
Dorothy, successively, remainder to her own right heirs. The manor of
Canewdon Hall, Essex, to be sold to pay legacies, viz.: £100 to Sir
G.A. Wynne; £1000 to the Princess of Rohan, related to her late
husband; £500 to the Princess de Ligne, her late husband's niece;
£1000 to Samuel Crawley, Esq., of Theobalds, Co. Herts; £500 among the
Miss Dawes's, of Coventry; £500 to James Fitter, Esq., of Westminster;
£500 to the Marquis of Bellegarde. The manor of Fairstead Hall, Co.
Essex, to Granville Sharpe, for life, paying £50 per annum to his
friend Mr. Marriott, relict of General Marriott, of Godalming, and
to settle the said estate to charitable uses after his death, at his
discretion. To Edward Lloyd and Sarah his wife, her servants,
£500; and £10 each, to other servants. By a codicil: to Maria Anne
Stephenson £1000 stock out of any of her property in the funds; to
Miss Lewis, who lives with Mrs. Fowle, in Red-lion square, and to
Miss Billinghurst, of Godalming, £50 each; to the poor of Cranham,
Fairstead, Canewdon, and Godalming, £20 each; her turn of patronage
to the united livings of St. Mary Somerset and St. Mary Mounthaw,
in London, to the Rev. Mr. Herringham, of South Weald. By another
codicil, £1000 more to the Marquis of Bellegarde; £1000 to Count
Bethisy; £200 to Granville Sharpe. By another, revokes the legacies
to the Princess de Ligne and Count Bethisy, and gives them to the two
younger daughters of the Marquis of Bellegarde, at the age of 21, or
marriage. As the Marquis resides in France, and it may be inconvenient
to him to keep the estate, she gives the manors of Westbrook and
Brimscombe, and Westbrook-place in Godalming, in trust to G. Sharpe,
and William Gill, Esqrs., and their heirs, to be sold, and the money
paid to the Marquis. Her executors are Mr. Granville Sharpe, and Mrs.
Sarah Dickinson, of Tottenham; the latter residuary legatee.

At the foot of the monument erected to the memory of General
Oglethorpe, was added the following inscription:

    "His disconsolate Widow died October 26,1787,
                   in her 79th year,
                and is buried with him,
       in the vault in the centre of this Chancel.
       Her fortitude of mind and extensive charity
               deserve to be remembered,
       though her own modesty would desire them to
                      be forgotten."



OGLETHORPE'S

ACCOUNT OF

CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.

This article is extracted from SALMON'S _Modern History_, Vol. III.
page 770, 4th edition; where it is introduced in these words: "The
following pages are an answer from General OGLETHORPE to some
inquiries made by the author, concerning the State of Carolina and
Georgia."


ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.


Carolina is part of that territory which was originally discovered by
Sir Sebastian Cabot. The English now possess the sea-coast from the
river St. John's, in 30 degrees, 21 minutes north latitude. Westward
the King's charter declares it to be bounded by the Pacific ocean.

Carolina is divided into North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia;
the latter is a province which his Majesty has taken out of Carolina,
and is the southern and western frontier of that province, lying
between it and the French, Spaniards, and Indians.

The part of Carolina that is settled, is for the most part a flat
country. All, near the sea, is a range of islands, which breaks
the fury of the ocean. Within is generally low land for twenty
or twenty-five miles, where the country begins to rise in gentle
swellings. At seventy or eighty miles from the sea, the hills grow
higher, till they terminate in mountains.

The coast of Georgia is also defended from the rage of the sea by a
range of islands. Those islands are divided from the main by canals
of salt water, navigable for the largest boats, and even for small
sloops. The lofty woods growing on each side of the canals, make very
pleasant landscapes. The land, at about seven or eight miles from the
sea, is tolerably high; and the further you go westward, the more it
rises, till at about one hundred and fifty miles distance from the
sea, to the west, the Cherokee or Appallachean mountains begin, which
are so high that the snow lies upon them all the year.

This ridge of mountains runs in a line from north to south, on the
back of the English colonies of Carolina and Virginia; beginning
at the great lakes of Canada, and extending south, it ends in the
province of Georgia at about two hundred miles from the bay of
Appallachee, which is part of the Gulf of Mexico. There is a plain
country from the foot of these mountains to that sea.

The face of the country is mostly covered with woods. The banks of the
rivers are in some places low, and form a kind of natural meadows,
where the floods prevent trees from growing. In other places, in the
hollows, between the hillocks, the brooks and streams, being stopt by
falls of trees, or other obstructions, the water is penned back. These
places are often covered with canes and thickets and are called, in
the corrupted American dialect, swamps. The sides of the hills are
generally covered with oaks and hickory, or wild walnuts, cedar,
sassafras, and the famous laurel tulip, which is esteemed one of the
most beautiful trees in the world. The flat tops of the hillocks are
all covered with groves of pine trees, with plenty of grass growing
under them, and so free from underwood that you may gallop a horse for
forty or fifty miles an end. In the low grounds and islands in the
river there are cypress, bay-trees, poplar, plane, frankincense or
gum-trees, and aquatic shrubs. All part of the province are well
watered; and, in digging a moderate depth, you never miss of a fine
spring.

What we call the Atlantic ocean, washes the east and southeast coast
of these provinces. The gulf stream of Florida sets in with a tide in
the ocean to the east of the province; and it is very remarkable that
the banks and soundings of the coast extend twenty or twenty-five
miles to the east of the coast.

The tides upon this coast flow generally seven feet. The soundings are
sand or ooze, and some oyster banks, but no rocks. The coast appears
low from the sea, and covered with woods.

Cape Fear is a point which runs with dreadful shoals far into the sea,
from the mouth of Clarendon river in North Carolina. Sullivan's Island
and the Coffin land are the marks of the entry into Charlestown
harbor. Hilton head, upon French's island, shows the entry into Port
Royal; and the point of Tybee island makes the entry of the Savannah
river. Upon that point the Trustees for Georgia have erected a noble
signal or light-house, ninety feet high, and twenty-five feet wide.
It is an octagon, and upon the top there is a flag-staff thirty feet
high.

The Province of Georgia is watered by three great rivers, which
rise in the mountains, namely, the Alatamaha, the Ogechee, and the
Savannah; the last of which is navigable six hundred miles for canoes,
and three hundred miles for boats.

The British dominions are divided from the Spanish Florida by a noble
river called St. John's.

These rivers fall into the Atlantic ocean; but there are, besides
these, the Flint and the Cahooche, which pass through part of Carolina
or Georgia, and fall into the gulf of Appellachee or Mexico.

All Carolina is divided into three parts: 1. North Carolina, which is
divided from South Carolina by Clarendon river, and of late by a line
marked out by order of the Council: 2. South Carolina, which, on the
south is divided from 3. Georgia by the river Savannah. Carolina is
divided into several counties; but in Georgia there is but one yet
erected, namely, the county of Savannah. It is bounded, on the one
side, by the river Savannah, on the other by the sea, on the third by
the river Ogechee, on the fourth by the river Ebenezer, and a line
drawn from the river Ebenezer to the Ogechee. In this county are the
rivers Vernon, Little Ogechee, and Westbrook. There is the town of
Savannah, where there is a seat of judicature, consisting of three
bailiffs and a recorder. It is situated upon the banks of the river of
the same name. It consists of about two hundred houses, and lies upon
a plain of about a mile wide; the bank steep to the river forty-five
feet perpendicularly high. The streets are laid out regular. There
are near Savannah, in the same county, the villages of Hampstead,
Highgate, Skidoway, and Thunderbolt; the latter of which is a
translation of a name; their fables say that a thunderbolt fell, and a
spring thereupon arose in that place, which still smells of the bolt.
This spring is impregnated with a mixture of sulphur and iron, and
from the smell, probably, the story arose. In the same county is
Joseph's town and the town Ebenezer; both upon the river Savannah; and
the villages of Abercorn and Westbrook. There are saw mills erecting
on the river Ebenezer; and the fort Argyle, lies upon the pass of this
county over the Ogechee. In the southern divisions of the province
lies the town of Frederica, with its district, where there is a
court with three bailiffs and a recorder. It lies on one side of the
branches of the Alatamaha. There is, also, the town of Darien, upon
the same river, and several forts upon the proper passes, some of four
bastions, some are only redoubts. Besides which there are villages in
different parts of Georgia. At Savannah there is a public store house,
built of large square timbers. There is also a handsome court house,
guard house, and work house. The church is not yet begun; but
materials are collecting, and it is designed to be a handsome edifice.
The private houses are generally sawed timber, framed, and covered
with shingles. Many of them are painted, and most have chimneys of
brick. At Frederica some of the houses are built of brick; the others
in the Province are mostly wood. They are not got into luxury yet in
their furniture; having only what is plain and needful. The winter
being mild, there are yet but few houses with glass windows.

The Indians are a manly, well-shaped race. The men tall, the women
little. They, as the ancient Grecians did, anoint with oil, and expose
themselves to the sun, which occasions their skins to be brown of
color. The men paint themselves of various colors, red, blue, yellow,
and black. The men wear generally a girdle, with a piece of cloth
drawn through their legs and turned over the girdle both before and
behind, so as to hide their nakedness. The women wear a kind of
petticoat to the knees. Both men and women in the winter wear mantles,
something less than two yards square, which they wrap round their
bodies, as the Romans did their toga, generally keeping their arms
bare; they are sometimes of woolen, bought of the English; sometimes
of furs, which they dress themselves. They wear a kind of pumps, which
they call moccasons, made of deer-skin, which they dress for that
purpose. They are a generous, good-natured people; very humane to
strangers; patient of want and pain; slow to anger, and not easily
provoked, but, when they are thoroughly incensed, they are implacable;
very quick of apprehension and gay of temper. Their public conferences
show them to be men of genius, and they have a natural eloquence, they
never having had the use of letters. They love eating, and the English
have taught many of them to drink strong liquors, which, when they do,
they are miserable sights. They have no manufactures but what each
family makes for its own use; they seem to despise working for hire,
and spend their time chiefly in hunting and war; but plant corn enough
for the support of their families and the strangers that come to visit
them. Their food, instead of bread, is flour of Indian corn boiled,
and seasoned like hasty-pudding, and this called hommony. They also
boil venison, and make broth; they also roast, or rather broil their
meat. The flesh they feed on is buffalo, deer, wild turkeys and other
game; so that hunting is necessary to provide flesh; and planting for
corn. The land[1] belongs to the women, and the corn that grows upon
it; but meat must be got by the men, because it is they only that
hunt: this makes marriage necessary, that the women may furnish corn,
and the men meat. They have also fruit-trees in their gardens, namely,
peaches, nectarines, and locust, melons, and water-melons, potatoes,
pumpkins, onions, &c. in plenty; and many kinds of wild fruits, and
nuts, as persimons, grapes, chinquepins, and hickory nuts, of which
they make oil. The bees make their combs in the hollow trees, and the
Indians find plenty of honey there, which they use instead of sugar.
They make, what supplies the place of salt, of wood ashes; use for
seasoning, long-pepper, which grows in their gardens; and bay-leaves
supply their want of spice. Their exercises are a kind of
ball-playing, hunting, and running; and they are very fond of dancing.
Their music is a kind of drum, as also hollow cocoa-nut shells. They
have a square in the middle of their towns, in which the warriors sit,
converse, and smoke together; but in rainy weather they meet in the
King's house. They are a very healthy people, and have hardly any
diseases, except those occasioned by the drinking of rum, and the
small pox. Those who do not drink rum are exceedingly long-lived. Old
BRIM emperor of the Creeks, who died but a few years ago, lived to one
hundred and thirty years; and he was neither blind nor bed-rid, till
some months before his death. They have sometimes pleurisies and
fevers, but no chronical distempers. They know of several herbs that
have great virtues in physic, particularly for the cure of venomous
bites and wounds.

[Footnote 1: That is _the homestead_.]

The native animals are, first the urus or zoras described by Caesar,
which the English very ignorantly and erroneously call the buffalo.
They have deer, of several kinds, and plenty of roe-bucks and rabbits.
There are bears and wolves, which are small and timorous; and a brown
wild-cat, without spots, which is very improperly called a tiger;
otter, beavers, foxes, and a species of badger which is called
raccoon. There is great abundance of wild fowls, namely, wild-turkey,
partridges, doves of various kinds, wild-geese, ducks, teals, cranes,
herons of many kinds not known in Europe. There are great varieties of
eagles and hawks, and great numbers of small birds, particularly the
rice-bird, which is very like the ortolan. There are rattlesnakes,
but not near so frequent as is generally reported. There are several
species of snakes, some of which are not venomous. There are
crocodiles, porpoises, sturgeon, mullet, cat-fish, bass, drum,
devil-fish; and many species of fresh-water fish that we have not in
Europe; and oysters upon the sea-islands in great abundance.

What is most troublesome, there, are flies and gnats, which are
very numerous near the rivers; but, as the country is cleared, they
disperse and go away.

The vegetables are innumerable; for all that grow in Europe, grow
there; and many that cannot stand in our winters thrive there.



APPENDIX. This portion of the work contains additional notes, original
documents, and notices of some of the distinguished friends of
Oglethorpe.



APPENDIX


No. I

FAMILY OF OGLETHORPE.

The following genealogical memoranda are taken principally, from a
note in Nichols's _Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century_, Vol.
II. p. 17, on his having given the title of a book ascribed to the
subject of the foregoing memoir

"This truly respectable gentleman was the descendant of a family very
anciently situated at Oglethorpe, in the parish of Bramham, in the
West Riding of the County of York; one of whom was actually Reeve
of the County (an office nearly the same with that of the present
high-sheriff) at the time of the Norman Conquest. The ancient seat of
Oglethorpe continued in the family till the Civil Wars, when it was
lost for their loyalty; and several of the same name died at once in
the bed of honor in the defence of monarchy, in a battle near Oxford.

"William Oglethorpe, (son of William) was born in 1588. He married
Susanna, daughter of Sir William Sutton, Knight and sister to Lord
Lexington. He died in November, 1634 leaving two children, Sulton,
born 1612, and Dorothy (who afterwards married the Marquis of Byron, a
French nobleman,) born 1620.

"Sutton Oglethorpe, being fined £20,000 by the Parliament, his estates
at Oglethorpe, and elsewhere, were sequestered, and afterwards given
to General Fairfax, who sold them to Robert Benson of Bramham, father
of Lord Bingley of that name. Sutton Oglethorpe had two sons, Sutton,
and Sir Theophilus. Sutton was Stud-master to King Charles II.; and
had three sons, namely, Sutton, Page to King Charles II.; John, Cornet
of the Guards; and Joseph, who died in India.

"Sir Theophilus was born in 1652; and was bred to arms. He fought,
under the Duke of Monmouth, in the affair at Bothwell bridge, where a
tumultary insurrection of the Scots was suppressed, June 22, 1679.
He commanded a party of horse at Sedgmoor fight, where the Duke was
defeated, July 6, 1685; and was Lieutenant Colonel to the Duke of
York's troop of his Majesty's horse-guards, and Commissioner for
executing the office of Master of the Horse to King Charles II.
He was afterwards first Equerry and Major General of the army of
King James II.; and suffered banishment with his Royal Master." After
his return to his native country he purchased a seat in the County
of Surrey, called "the Westbrook place," near adjoining the town of
Godalming; a beautiful situation, in a fine country. It stands on the
slope of a hill, at the foot of which are meadows watered by the river
Wey. It commands the view of several hills, running in different
directions; their sides laid out in corn fields, interspersed with
hanging woods. Behind it is a small park, well wooded; and one side is
a capacious garden fronting the south-east.

Sir Theophilus was for several years a member of Parliament for
Haslemere, a small borough in the south-west angle of the county of
Surrey. This place was, afterwards, in the reigns of Anne, George I.,
and George II., successively represented by his three sons, Lewis,
Theophilus, and James. He died April 10,1702, as appears by a pedigree
in the collection of the late J.C. Brooke, Esq., though the following
inscription in the parish church of St. James, Westminster, where he
was buried, has a year earlier.--"Hie jacet THEOPHILUS OGLETHORPE,
Eques auratus, ab atavo Vice-comite Eborum, Normanno victore, ducens
originem. Cujus armis ad pontem Bothwelliensem, succubuit Scotus:
necnon Sedgmoriensi palude fusi Rebellos. Qui, per varies casus et
rerum discrimina, magnanimum erga Principem et Patriam fidem, sed non
temerè, sustinuit. Obiit Londini anno 1701, aetat. 50."

Sir Theophilus married Eleanora Wall, of a respectable family in
Ireland, by whom he had four sons and five daughters; namely, Lewis,
Theophilus, Sutton, and James; Eleanora, Henrietta, Mary, and
Frances-Charlotte.

I. LEWIS, born February, 1680-1; admitted into Corpus Christi College,
in the University of Oxford, March 16,1698-9. He was Equerry to Queen
Anne, and afterwards Aid-de-camp to the Duke of Marlborough; and, in
1702, member of Parliament for Haslemere. Having been mortally wounded
in the battle of Schellenburgh, on the 24th October, 1704, he died on
the 30th.

The following inscription to his memory is placed below that of Sir
Theophilus.

"Hujus claudit latus LUDOVICUS OGLETHORPE, tam paternae virtutis,
quam fortunae, haeres; qui, proelio Schellenbergensi victoria
Hockstatensis preludio tempestivum suis inclinantibus ferens
auxilium vulnere honestissima accepit, et praeclarae spe Indolis
frustrata.--Ob. XXII aetatis, Anno Dom. 1704.

"Charissimo utriusque marmor hoc, amantissima conjux et mater possuit,
Domina Eleonora Oglethorpe."

II. THEOPHILUS, born 1682. He was Aid-de-camp to the Duke of Ormond;
and member of Parliament for Haslemere in 1708 and 1710. The time of
his death is not recorded. He must have died young.

III. ELEONORA, born 1684; married the Marquis de Mezieres on the 5th
of March, 1707-8, and deceased June 28, 1775, aged 91. The son of this
lady was heir to the estate of General Oglethorpe. He is mentioned, in
the correspondence of Mr. Jefferson, as highly meritorious and popular
in France, (1785.)

IV. ANN [mentioned in Shaftoe's narrative.]

V. SUTTON, born 1686; and died in November, 1693.

VI. HENRIETTA, [of whom we have no account.]

VII. JAMES, [see the next article.]

VIII. FRANCES-CHARLOTTE ... Married the Marquis de Bellegarde, a
Savoyard.[1] To a son of this union is a letter of General Washington,
dated January 15, 1790, in the 9th volume of Sparks's _Writings of
Washington_, p. 70.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. LVII. p. 1123.]

IX. MARY, who died single.

The ARMS of the family are thus described: "Argent, a chevron, between
three boar's heads, erased, sable armed, or, lingued proper."

CREST. "A boar's head, as before, holding an oaken branch, vert,
fructed or."


II

DISCUSSION RESPECTING THE BIRTH-DAY OF OGLETHORPE.

There are great difficulties in ascertaining the age of Oglethorpe.
The newspapers, soon after his decease, in 1785. and the _Gentleman's_
and _London Magazine_, contain several articles about it.

While these inquiries, investigations, and statements were going the
round of all the periodicals of the day, it is unaccountably strange
that the family did not produce the desired rectification, and yet
more surprising that in the inscription on the monument erected to his
memory by his widow, and which was drawn up by her request, she should
not have furnished the writer with the date of his birth, and the
years of age to which he had arrived.

The _London Gazette_, first announcing his death, stated it _one
hundred and four years_. The _Westminster Magazine_ for July 1785,
(a periodical published in the very neighborhood of the old family
mansion,) in the monthly notice of deaths, has "June 30th, General
Oglethorpe, aged 102. He was the oldest general in England." And I
have a fine engraved portrait of him taken in February preceding his
decease, or which is inscribed "he died 30th of June, 1785, aged 102."
A writer in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for September, 1785 p. 701,
who was one of the first emigrants to Georgia, and personally and
intimately acquainted with the General, declares that "he lived to be
_near a hundred years old_, but was not _one hundred and two_, as has
been asserted."

In the Biographical Memoir of him in the 8th volume of the _European
Magazine_; in NICHOLS's _Anecdotes of Literature_ and in McCALL's
_History of Georgia_, his birth is said to have been in 1698; and yet
it is asserted by the best authorities, that he bore the military rank
of Ensign in 1710, when, according to their date of his nativity,
he could have been but _twelve years of age_; and this before his
entering College at Oxford.

Again, some make him Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the
Queen's Guards in 1714; the same year that others put him to College.
According to such statements, he must on both these military
advancements, have been of an age quite too juvenile for military
service, and more so for military rank. And yet, to account for his
obtaining such early, and, indeed, immature promotion, the writers
suggest that "he withdrew precipitately from the sphere of his
education." But I see no reason for supposing that he left the
University before he had completed the usual term of residence for
obtaining a degree; though he did not obtain that of _Master of Arts_
till the 31st of July, 1731.[1]

[Footnote 1: See _Catalogue of Oxford Graduates_.]

PRIOR, in _The Life of Goldsmith_, page 457, expressly says that
Oglethorpe, "_after being educated at Oxford_, served under Prince
Eugene against the Turks."[1]

[Footnote 1: About this time he presented a manuscript French
paraphrase of the Bible, in two folio volumes, finely illuminated, to
the library of Corpus Christi College in Oxford. "The gift of James
Oglethorpe, Esq., Member of Parliament." GUTCH's _Appendix to Wood's
History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of
Oxford_.]

Again, CROKER has a long note upon a passage in Boswell's _Life
of Johnson_, II. p. 173, to invalidate a narative of Oglethorpe's
respecting a writing of Colonel Sir Thomas Prendergast, who was killed
at the battle of Malplaquet, on the 31st of August, 1709, which thus
concludes: "At the battle of Malplaquet, Oglethorpe was _only eleven
years old_. Is it likely that Oglethorpe, at the age of _eleven
years_, was present at Pope's interview with Colonel Cecil? And, even
if he were, what credit is to be given to the recollections, after the
lapse of sixty-three years, of what a boy of _eleven_ heard?"[1]

[Footnote 1: CROKER means that the time when Oglethorpe told the story
to Dr. Johnson was _sixty-three_ years after the battle of Malplaquet,
when the event referred to took place.]

In reply to this, I would observe, that it is not even probable, as
this statement would imply, that the interview of Pope with Colonel
Cecil was directly after the battle. There might have been intervening
years. Moreover, Croker goes upon the presumption that the birth of
Oglethorpe was in 1698. Now, to assign his birth to that year would
make him only _eighty-seven years_ old when he died; but Dr. Lettsom,
in "a letter on prisons," in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. LXXI. p.
21, has this remark: "I spent an evening, which agreeably continued
till two o'clock in the morning, with the late General Oglethorpe,
when this veteran was in the _ninety-sixth_ year of his age; who told
me, that he planted Georgia chiefly from prisons." And Hannah More
writes of being in company with him when he was _much above ninety
years_ of age. He was, therefore, born before 1698. And, finally,
the record of his admission into Corpus Christi College, at Oxford,
decides the matter beyond all controversy; and, by certifying his
age to be _sixteen_, proves that he was born in _sixteen hundred and
eighty-eight_. For the _month_ and _day_, I receive the testimony of
William Stephens, Esq., Secretary for the affairs of the Trustees in
Georgia, in the first volume of his Journal. On Thursday, December,
21st, [1738,] he makes this record.

"Another heavy rain of all last night, and this whole day's
continuance; which, whatever impediments it might occasion to our
other affairs, was no hindrance to our celebration of _the General's
birth-day_, as had been always the custom hitherto; and in the very
same manner as we did last year, under the discharge of cannon, &c."
And McCall, who has named _December_ 21st, says, "I am indebted to the
Encyclopedia Perthensis, and to the Journal of a private gentleman in
Georgia, where his birth-day was celebrated, for the date which I have
inserted."[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of Georgia_, Vol. I. p. 321.]

This assignment will tally with the other dates and their attendant
circumstances; allow time, with becoming propriety, for finishing his
education at the University; and show that he was not so precocious a
soldier as has been represented, but that, instead of the _juvenile_
age of _eleven_, he entered the army at the _manly_ age of
_twenty-one_.

_Memorandum_. This attempt to ascertain the exact age of Oglethorpe,
was written in 1837. I have, since then, received the following
letter, dated London, October 2d, 1840.

  My Dear Sir.
    In compliance with your request, I. have been, this morning,
  to the vestry of St. James, Westminster, where I examined
  the record of Oglethorpe's baptism, of which the following is
  an exact copy in substance and form.

  Bapt. |            June 1689
   2.   |   James Oglethorpe of Sir Theophilus and
        |           his lady Elinor, b. 1.

    I certify that the above is a true extract from the Register
  Book of Baptisms belonging to the Parish of St. James,
  Westminster.
                   J.G. GIFFORD, _Preacher and Assistant_.

    Hence it appears that Oglethorpe was born on _the first_ of
  June, 1669, and baptized on the _second_. I was assured by
  Mr. Gifford that this is the true meaning of the record; and
  I observed in the Register Book that other names were recorded
  in like manner. There were several other baptisms the
  same day, with different days of birth.
             Most truly your friend and obedient servant,
                                           JARED SPARKS.

This will be deemed decisive; though to me not entirely satisfactory.
I think I see cause for questioning the "b.1." not their _import_, but
their _correctness_: occasioned either for family reasons, or that
the date given at the font either was not distinctly heard by the
officiating clergyman, or misremembered at the time when the entry
was made in the Book. Besides, there would seem no occasion for the
presentation so immediately after the birth; for, according to custom,
it is very unusual before _the eighth day_. On the other hand, from
the statement of Nichols, Vol. II. p. 19, that of the children of Sir
Theophilus, "the five eldest were born at St. James London," we may
infer that JAMES, who was the _sixth_ in the order of births in the
family, was born at Godalming. This is proved, also, by Shaftoe's
narrative, which mentions the going down of the mother to London, in
consequence of the sickness and death of one of the nurslings. Now,
though the main statement of that document may not be true, such an
incidental circumstance as this, which has no direct bearing on "the
vexed question," may be admitted. If, therefore, born at Godalming,
he could not be taken to London, for baptism, _on the day after his
birth_. And, admitting that his nativity was on the 21st of December,
the season of the year alone would be sufficient reason for deferring
the public ceremony till after the inclement weather, and the
opportunity favored for having it in the Parish Church, where all the
other children had been baptized.

After all, the fact that on the _ninth_ of July, _seventeen hundred
and four_, he was _sixteen years_ old, as is testified on the Record
of his admission into College, is incompatible with the date of June
1st, 1689, for the day of his birth, but consistent with that of
December 21st, 1688.

To adjust all these discrepancies respecting the time of his birth,
and others of the time of his death, one needs the ingenuity of the
Benedictins of St. Maur, who published a 4to volume with this title:
"_L'art de verifier les dates des faits historiques_."


III.


CHARLES MORDAUNT, _Earl of Peterborough_. This great man died on his
passage to Lisbon, 25th of October, 1735, aged 77. To bravery and
heroism, he added a penetrating genius and a mind highly polished and
well instructed in ancient and modern literature, as his _Familiar
Epistles_, preserved among those of his friend Pope, fully evince.

Of REV. GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D., the celebrated Dean of Derry, and
afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, I give the following particulars.

His learning and virtues, his lively and agreeable conversation,
introduced him to the acquaintance, and procured him the esteem and
friendship of many great and learned men, and among others the Earl of
Peterborough, who made him his Chaplain, and took him as a companion
on a tour of Europe in 1714-15. Soon after his return, the Dean
published a proposal for the better supplying of the churches in
the American Plantations with Clergymen, and for instructing and
converting the savages to Christianity, by erecting a College in
Bermuda. The first branch of this design appeared to him in the light
of importance; but his principal view was to train up a competent
number of young Indians, in succession, to be employed as missionaries
among the various tribes of Indians. It appeared to be a matter of
very material consequence, that persons should be employed in this
service who were acquainted with the language necessary to be used;
and he had also a strong persuasion that such missionaries as he
proposed would be much better received by the savages than those of
European extraction. These Indian lads were to be obtained from the
different tribes in the fairest manner, and to be fed, clothed and
instructed at the expense of the Institution.

The scheme, for some time, met with all the encouragement that was
due to so benevolent a proposal. The King granted a charter; and the
Parliament voted a very considerable sum to be obtained from the
sale of lands in St. Christophers. Such a prospect of success in
the favorite object of his heart, drew from Berkeley some beautiful
verses, "in which," a writer of the day remarks, "another age,
perhaps, will acknowledge the old conjunction of the _prophetic_
character with that of the _poetic_, to have again taken place."

In consequence of this encouragement, he resigned his rich Deanry;
and in execution of his noble design, embarked in the latter part of
Autumn, 1728; his lady and her sister accompanying him; and arrived
at Newport, in Rhode Island, in February following. This situation
he pitched upon with a view of settling a correspondence there for
supplying his College. He purchased a country-seat and farm in the
neighborhood, where he resided about two years and a half. His
residence in this country had some influence on the progress of
literature, particularly in Rhode Island and Connecticut. The presence
and conversation of a man so illustrious for talents, learning,
virtue, and social attractions, could not fail of giving a spring
to the literary diligence and ambition of many who enjoyed his
acquaintance.

Finding, at length, that the promised aid of the ministry towards his
College would fail him, he embarked at Boston in September 1731, on
his return to England. At his departure he distributed the books which
he had brought with him, among the Clergy of Rhode Island. He sent,
as a gift to Yale College, a deed of his farm; and afterwards made a
present to its Library of about a thousand volumes.

Immediately after his arrival in London, he returned all the
private subscriptions that had been advanced for the support of his
undertaking.

The fund, which had been calculated upon for his College, had been
chiefly appropriated as a marriage portion of the Princess Ann, on her
nuptials with the Prince of Orange. There remained, however, £10,000,
which General Oglethorpe had interest enough in Parliament to obtain
for the purpose of carrying over and settling foreign and other
Protestants in his new Colony of Georgia in America;[1] "having
first paid Dean Berkeley the compliment of asking his consent to the
application for the money, before he moved for it in Parliament."

[Footnote 1: See _Journal of the House of Commons_, May 10, 1733.]

He passed the latter part of his life at Oxford; and deceased January
14th, 1753, aged 74.

The character of this worthy prelate was expressed in few words by
Bishop Atterbury, who, having heard much of him, wished to see him.
Accordingly, he was one day introduced to him by the Earl of Berkeley.
After some time, Mr. Berkeley quitted the room; on which the Earl said
to the Bishop, "Does my cousin answer your Lordship's expectations?"
The Bishop, lifting up his hands in astonishment, replied, "So
much understanding, so much knowledge, so much innocence, and such
humility, I did not think had been the portion of any but angels, till
I saw this gentleman."

Mr. Pope sums up Bishop Berkeley's character in one line. After
mentioning some particular virtues that distinguished other Prelates,
he ascribes

  "To Berkeley every virtue under heaven."

I close these memoirs of the early companion, and congenial and
lasting friend of Oglethorpe, with the verses referred to, written by
him.

"ON THE PROSPECT OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN AMERICA."

  The muse, disgusted at an age and time,
    Barren of every glorious theme,
  In distant lands now waits a better clime,
    Producing subjects worthy fame.

  In happy climes, where from the genial sun
    And virgin earth such scenes ensue,
  The force of art by nature seems outdone,
    And fancied beauties by the true:

  In happy climes, the seat of innocence,
    Where nature guides and virtue rules;
  Where men shall not impose, for truth and sense,
    The pedantry of courts and schools:

  There shall be seen another golden age,
    The rise of empire and of arts;
  The good and great inspiring epic page,
    The wisest heads and noblest hearts.

  Not such as Europe breeds in her decay,
    Such as she bred when fresh and young,
  When heavenly flame did animate her clay,
    By future ages shall be sung.

  Westward the course of empire takes its way,--
    The four first acts already past,
  A fifth shall close the drama with the day,--
    Time's noblest offspring is the last.


IV.


REFERENCE TO DEBATES IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS IN WHICH
OGLETHORPE TOOK A PART.

[_See History and Proceedings of the House of Commons_.]

Against the banishment of Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester.
April 6, 1723.

On ecclesiastical benefices.

On the preference of a militia to a standing army. Plea in behalf of
the persecuted Protestants in Germany January, 1731-2.

On the bill for the better securing and encouraging the trade of the
sugar Colonies. January 28, 1732.

On the petition of Sir Thomas Lombe relating to his silk winding
machine.

On the petition from the proprietors of the Charitable Corporation,
complaining of the mismanagement of their directors &c. February,
1732.

On a second reading of the sugar colony bill.

On the motion for an address of thanks in answer to the King's speech.
January 27, 1734. [His speech fills more than three pages.]

On the motion in the grand committee on the supply for granting thirty
thousand men for the sea service for the year 1735. February 7th,
1734-5. [This speech fills six pages and a half.]

Against committing the bill for limiting the number of officers in the
House of Commons.

On Sir J. Barnard's motion for taking off such taxes as are burdensome
to the poor and the manufacturers.

Against the act for disabling Alexander Wilson, Esq., from the holding
office, &c.

On the petition, in 1747, of the United Brethren to have the _Act for
naturalizing foreigners in North America_, extended to them and other
settlers who made a scruple of performing military service.

On another petition of the United Brethren presented 20th of February,
1749.

[All the speeches in both Houses of Parliament on each of these
petitions, were printed in the _Universal Magazine_ for the months of
April and May, 1749.]

He spoke on other occasions, to have indicated which would have
required more research than I could spare.


V.


PRISON-VISITING COMMITTEE.

This committee consisted of the following gentlemen:

  James Oglethorpe, Esquire, Chairman,
  The Right Honorable the Lord Finch,
  The Right Honorable Lord Percival,
  Sir Robert Sutton, Knight of the Bath,
  Sir Robert Clifton, Knight of the Bath,
  Sir Abraham Elton, Baronet,
  Sir Gregory Page, Baronet,
  Sir Edmund Knatchbull, Baronet,
  Vultus Cornwall, Esquire,
  General Wade,
  Humphry Parsons, Esquire,
  Captain Vernon,
  Robert Byng, Esquire,
  Judge Advocate Hughes.

On Thursday, the 27th of February, they went to the Fleet prison to
examine into the state of that gaol, in order for the relief of the
insolvent debtors, &c., when the irons were ordered to be taken off
Sir William Rich, Baronet. The next day, the same committee went a
second time to the Fleet prison, where, upon complaint made to them
that Sir William Rich was again put in irons, they made report thereof
to the House of Commons, who thereupon ordered Mr. Bambridge, the
warden of the Fleet, to be taken into the custody of their sergeant at
arms.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

"On Thursday, the 20th of March, Mr. Oglethorpe from the committee
appointed to inquire into the state of the gaols of this kingdom, made
a REPORT of some progress they had made, with the RESOLUTIONS of
the committee thereupon, and he read the Report in his place, and
afterwards delivered the same (with two appendixes) in at the table,
where the Report was read, and the resolutions of the committee
being severally read a second time, were agreed to by the House, in
substance as follows, viz.:

"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that Thomas Bambridge, the acting
Warden of the prison at the Fleet, hath wilfully permitted several
debtors to the crown in great sums of money, as well as debtors to
divers of his Majesty's subjects to escape; hath been guilty of the
most notorious breaches of his trust; great extortions, and the
highest crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his said office;
and hath arbitrarily and unlawfully loaded with irons, put into
dungeons, and destroyed prisoners for debt under his charge, treating
them in the most barbarous and cruel manner, in high violation and
contempt of the laws of this kingdom:

"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that John Higgins, Esq., late
warden of the prison of the Fleet, did during the time of his
wardenship, wilfully permit many in his custody to escape, and was
notoriously guilty of great breaches of his trust, extortions,
cruelties, and many other high crimes and misdemeanors, &c., &c.

"And that James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett, and Thomas King
were agents of, and accomplices with the said Thomas Bambridge in the
commission of his said crimes.

"At the same time, upon a motion made by Mr. Oglethorpe, by direction
of the committee, it was unanimously resolved to address his Majesty
that he would be graciously pleased to direct his Attorney General
forthwith to prosecute, in the most effectual manner, the said Thomas
Bambridge, John Higgins, James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett,
and Thomas King for their said crimes.

"It was also ordered that the said Bambridge, Higgins, Barnes, Pindar,
Everett, and King be committed close prisoners in His Majesty's gaol
of Newgate.

"Then, upon Mr. Oglethorpe's motions, two bills were ordered to be
brought in, one to disable Thomas Bambridge from holding or executing
the office of Warden of the Prison of the Fleet, or to have or
exercise any authority relating therein. The other, for better
regulating the prison of the Fleet, and for more effectually
preventing and punishing arbitrary and illegal practices of the Warden
of the said prison.

"In the last place the Commons ordered the Report from the Committee
relating to the Fleet prison to be printed." [N.B. The substance of
this report is given in BOYER's _Political State of Europe_, Vol.
XXXVII. p. 359-377.]

The labors of Oglethorpe and his associates to correct prison abuses,
were warmly acknowledged by their country, and were the grateful theme
of the poet. They were alluded to by THOMSON in the following strain:

  "And here can I forget the generous hand
  Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched
  Into the horrors of the gloomy jail?
  Where misery moans unpitied and unheard,
  Where sickness pines, where thirst and hunger burn,
  And poor misfortune feels the lash of vice?

         *       *       *       *       *

  "Ye sons of mercy! yet resume the search,
  Drag forth the legal monsters into light;
  Wrench from their hands oppression's iron rod
  And bid the cruel feel the pains they give!"

  [_Winter_, l. 359-388.]

"The wretched condition of confined debtors, and the extortions and
oppressions to which they were subjected by gaolers, thus came to be
known to persons in high stations, and this excited the compassion of
several gentlemen to think of some method of relieving the poor from
that distress in which they were often involved without any fault
of their own, but by some conduct which deserved pity rather than
punishment."


VI.


RELEASE TO INSOLVENT DEBTORS, FROM PRISON.

In a very excellent publication entitled "_Reasons for establishing
the Colony of_ GEORGIA, _with regard to the trade of Great Britain,
the increase of our people, and the employment and support it
will afford to great numbers of our own poor, as well as foreign
Protestants_," by BENJAMIN MARTIN, Esq. _Lond_. 1733; are some remarks
in reference to the release of insolvent debtors from gaol, which I
deem it proper to extract and annex here; and the rather, because the
work is exceedingly rare.

After describing the deplorable condition of those who are in reduced
circumstances, and need assistance and would be glad of employment,
the writer refers to the situation of those who are thrown into
prison for debt, and judges that the number may be estimated at _four
thousand every year_; and that above one third part of the debts is
never recovered hereby; and then adds, "If half of these, or only
five hundred of them, were to be sent to Georgia every year to be
incorporated with those foreign Protestants who are expelled their own
country for religion, what great improvements might not be expected in
our trade, when those, as well as the foreigners, would be so many new
subjects gained by England? For, while they are in prison, they are
absolutely lost,--the public loses their labor, and their knowledge.
If they take the benefit of the Act of Parliament that allows them
liberty on the delivery of their all to their creditors, they come
destitute into the world again. As they have no money and little
credit, they find it almost impossible to, get into business,
especially when our trades are overstocked. They, therefore, by
contracting new debts, must return again into prison, or, how honest
soever their dispositions may be, by idleness and necessity will be
forced into bad courses, such as begging, cheating, or robbing. These,
then, likewise, are useless to the state; not only so, but dangerous.
But these (it will be said) may be serviceable by their labor in
the country. To force them to it, I am afraid, is impracticable; to
suppose they will voluntarily do it, I am sure is unlikely. The Colony
of Georgia will be a proper asylum for these. This will make the act
of parliament of more effect. Here they will have the best motive for
industry; a possession of their own, and no possibility of subsisting
without it.

"I have heard it said that our prisons are the properest places for
those that are thrown into them, by keeping them from being hurtful to
others. Surely this way of thinking is something too severe. Are these
people, with their liberty to lose our compassion? Are they to be shut
up from our eyes, and excluded also from our hearts? Many of very
honest dispositions fall into decay, nay, perhaps, because they are
so, because they cannot allow themselves that latitude which others
take to be successful. The ways that lead to a man's ruin are various.
Some are undone by overtrading, others by want of trade; many by being
responsible for others. Do all these deserve such hardship? If a man
sees a friend, a brother, a father going to a prison, where felons are
to be his society, want and sickness his sure attendants, and death,
in all likelihood his only, but _quick_ relief; if he stretches out
his hand to save him from immediate slavery and ruin, he runs the risk
of his own liberty, and at last loses it; is there any one who will
say, this man is not an object of compassion? Not so, but of esteem,
and worth preserving for his virtue. But supposing that idleness
and intemperance are the usual cause of his ruin. Are these crimes
adequate to such a punishment as confinement for life? But even yet
granting that these unhappy people deserve no indulgence, it is
certainly imprudent in any state to lose the benefit of the labor of
so many thousands.

"But the public loss, by throwing men into prison, is not confined to
them only. They have many of them wives and children. These are,
also, involved in their ruin. Being destitute of a support, they must
perish, or else become a burden on their parishes by an inability
to work, or a nuisance by their thefts. These, too, are useless to
society.

"In short, all those who can work yet are supported in idleness by any
mistaken charity, or are subsisted by their parishes, which are at
this time, through all England overburdened by indolent and lazy poor,
who claim and are designed only for impotent poor;--all those who
add nothing by their labor to the welfare of the state, are useless,
burdensome, or dangerous to it. What is to be done with these
necessitous? Nobody, I suppose, thinks that they should continue
useless. It will be then an act of charity to these, and of merit to
the public, for any one to propose, forward, and perfect a better
expedient for making them useful. If he cannot, it is surely just to
acquiesce, till a better be found, in the present design of settling
them in Georgia." p. 16-21.


VII.


SIR THOMAS LOMBE'S MILL FOR WINDING SILK

"In 1719, a silk-throwing mill was erected at Derby, and from that
time to the beginning of the present century, various improvements
were introduced.

"The following account of the first silk mill erected in England will
be interesting. At the commencement of the last century, a person of
the name of Crochet erected a small mill near the present works, with
the intention of introducing the Italian method of spinning into this
country. About 1715, a similar plan was in the contemplation of a
mechanic and draughtsman named John Lombe, who travelled into Italy
to procure drawings and models of the machines necessary for the
undertaking. After remaining some time in that country, and gaining as
much information as the jealousy and precautions of the merchants of
Italy would allow, he returned with two natives, accustomed to the
manufacture, into this country, and fixed upon Derby as a proper place
to establish his works. He agreed with the corporation for an island,
or rather swamp, in the river, 500 feet long and 52 feet wide, at the
rent of about £8 yearly. Here he established his silk mills, and
in 1718 procured a patent to enable him to secure the profits for
fourteen years. But Lombe did not live much longer; for the Italians,
exasperated at the injury done to their trade by its introduction into
England, sent an artful woman over, who associated with the parties in
the character of a friend, and, having gained over one of the natives
who had originally accompanied Mr. Lombe, administered a poison to
him, of which, it is said, he ultimately died. His death, however, did
not prove fatal to his scheme; for his brother, and afterwards his
cousin, carried on the business with energy, and employed more than
three hundred persons. A little before the expiration of the Patent,
Sir Thomas Lombe petitioned for a renewal of it; but this was refused,
and instead of it, £14,000 was granted him, on condition that he
should allow a complete model of the works to be taken; this was
accordingly done, and afterwards deposited in the town for public
inspection.

"This extensive mill stands upon a huge pile of oak, double planked
and covered with stone-work, on which are turned thirteen stone
arches, which sustain the walls.

"The spinning mills are eight in number, and give motion to upwards
of 25,000 reel bobbins, and nearly 3000 star wheels belonging to the
reels. Each of the four twist mills contains four rounds of spindles,
about 389 of which are connected with each mill, as well as the
numerous reels, bobbins, star wheels, &c. The whole of this elaborate
machine, though distributed through so many apartments, is put in
motion by a single water-wheel twenty-three feet in diameter, situated
on the west side of the building."

[_Treatise on the Manufactures and Machinery of Great Britain_, by P.
BARLOW, Esq., F.R.S., &c., in the _Encyclopedia Metropol_. Part VI.
"Mixed Sciences."]

"Sir Thomas Lombe, Alderman of Bassishaw Ward, died, at his house in
Old Jury, London, on the third of January 1739, aged 81. A gentleman
of great integrity and honor. He was the senior Alderman, next the
chair. Worth £120,000 sterling."


VIII.


CASE OF CAPTAIN PORTEOUS.

There is an account of the riot, and of all the particulars attending
the murder of Captain Porteous, at the close of the 9th volume of the
_History of the Proceedings of the House of Commons_, from page 506
to 545; and a concise narrative in the _History of England_, by Lord
MAHON, Vol. II. p. 285-298. He introduces it by the following remarks:
"Some years back, the real events might have excited interest; but the
wand of an enchanter is now waved over us. We feel the spell of the
greatest writer that the world has seen in one department, or Scotland
produced in any. How dull and lifeless will not the true facts appear
when no longer embellished by the touching sorrows of Effie, or the
heroic virtue of Jeanie Deans!" He refers, in a note, to chapter
VI. of _The Heart of Mid Lothian_, by Sir WALTER SCOTT, and to "his
excellent narrative" in the 2d series of the _Tales of a Grandfather_,
from p. 231 to 242, the end of the volume. See also the able speech of
Mr. LINDSAY, in the _Parliamentary History_, p. 254.

It is worthy of remark that the Bill was carried in Committee by the
least possible majority. One hundred and thirty-one members voted for
reporting the Bill as amended; the same number voted against it. And,
though it is customary for the Chairman to give his vote on the side
of mercy, he voted in favor of the Bill. It is further remarkable,
that two Scots members, the Solicitor General, and Mr. Erskine of
Grange, were then attending an appeal in the House of Lords, and were
refused leave of absence in order to be at this discussion, otherwise
the Bill would have been entirely lost.


IX.


About the end of the month of August, 1732, Sir Gilbert Heathcote
acquainted the court of directors of the Bank of England, that his
Majesty had granted a charter for establishing a regular colony in
Georgia; that the fund was to arise from charitable contributions
which he recommended to them, shewing the great charity of
the undertaking and the future benefit arising to England, by
strengthening all the American Colonies, by increasing the trade and
navigation of the kingdom, and by raising of raw silk, for which
upwards of £500,000 a year was paid to Piedmont, and thereby giving
employment to thousands of tradesmen and working people. Then Sir
Gilbert gave a handsome benefaction to the design, and his example
was followed by the directors then present, and a great many others
belonging to that opulent society; and James Vernon, Robert Hucks, and
George Heathcote, Esquires, paid into the Bank (the treasury for this
use) £200 each for the charity, which was conducted by the following
gentlemen as trustees:

  Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury,         Francis Eyles, Esq.
  John Lord Viscount Purceval,         John Laroche, Esq.
  John Lord Viscount Tyrconnel,        James Vernon, Esq.
  James Lord Viscount Limerick,        Stephen Hales, A.M.
  George Lord Carpenter,               Richard Chandler, Esq.
  Edward Digby, Esq.                   Thomas Frederick, Esq.
  James Oglethorpe, Esq.               Henry L'Apostre, Esq.
  George Heathcote, Esq.               William Heathcote, Esq.
  Thomas Towers, Esq.                  John White, Esq.
  Robert Moore, Esq.                   Robert Kendal, Esq.
  Robert Hucks, Esq.                   Richard Bundy, D.D.
  William Sloper, Esq.

Collections were made all over England, and large sums raised, and the
Parliament gave £10,000, which enabled the trustees to entertain
many poor people that offered, and to make provision for their
transportation and maintenance till they could provide for themselves.

[OLDMIXON, I. p.526.

  "Those who direct this charity have, by their own choice,
  in the most open and disinterested manner, made it impossible
  for any one among them to receive any advantage from
  it, besides the consciousness of making others happy. Voluntary
  and unpaid directors carry on their designs with honor
  and success. Such an association of men of leisure and fortune
  to do good, is the glory and praise of our country."]

[_Sermon before the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia_,
by THOMAS RUNDLE, D.D., _Bishop of Londonderry, Ireland_. Lond. 1734,
page 16.]


X.


OGLETHORPE'S DISINTERESTEDNESS IN THE UNDERTAKING.

As Oglethorpe's going along with this new Colony proceeded merely
from his public spirit, and from a disinterested and generous view of
contributing all that was in his power, towards the benefit of his
country, and the relief of his distressed countrymen, it met with just
and deserved applause. In one of the public prints of the day the
following encomium was inserted.

"Whether it is owing to an affectation of being thought conversant
with the ancients, or the narrowness of our minds, I know not, but we
often pass over those actions in our contemporaries which would strike
us with admiration in a Greek or a Roman. Their histories perhaps
cannot produce a greater instance of public spirit than what appeared
in an evening paper of Saturday, the 18th instant, that 'James
Oglethorpe, Esq., one of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of
Georgia, is gone over with the first embarkation at his own expense.'
To see a gentleman of his rank and fortune visiting a distant and
uncultivated land, with no other society but the miserable whom he
goes to assist; exposing himself freely to the same hardships to which
they are subjected, in the prime of life, instead of pursuing his
pleasures or ambition; on an improved and well concerted plan, from
which his country must reap the profits; at his own expense, and
without a view, or even a possibility of receiving any private
advantage from it; this too, after having done and expended for it
what many generous men would think sufficient to have done;--to see
this, I say, must give every one who has approved and contributed to
the undertaking, the highest satisfaction; must convince the world of
the disinterested zeal with which the settlement is to be made, and
entitle him to the truest honor he can gain, the perpetual love and
applause of mankind.

"With how just an esteem do we look back on Sir Walter Raleigh for the
expeditions which he made so beneficial to his country! And shall we
refuse the same justice to the living which we pay to the dead, when
by it we can raise a proper emulation in men of capacity, and divert
them from those idle or selfish pursuits in which they are too
generally engaged? How amiable is humanity when accompanied with so
much industry! What an honor is such a man! How happy must he be! The
benevolent man, says Epicurus, is like a river, which, if it had a
rational soul, must have the highest delight to see so many corn
fields and pastures flourish and smile, as it were, with plenty and
verdure, and all by the overflowing of its bounty and diffusion of its
streams upon them.

"I should not have written so much of this Gentleman, had he been
present to read it. I hope to see every man as warm in praising him
as I am, and as hearty to encourage the design he is promoting as I
really think it deserves; a design that sets charity on a right foot,
by relieving the indigent and unfortunate, and making them useful at
the same time."[1]

[Footnote 1: Transcribed into the _Political State of Great Britain_,
for February, 1733, Vol. XLV. p.181.]


XI.


On the 13th of January, 1732-3, the Governor of South Carolina
published in their Gazette the following advertisement.

Whereas I have lately received a power from the Trustees for
establishing a Colony in that part of Carolina between the rivers
Alatamaha and Savannah, now granted by his Majesty's Charter to the
said Trustees, by the name of the Province of Georgia, authorizing me
to take and receive all such voluntary contributions as any of his
Majesty's good subjects of this Province shall voluntarily contribute
towards so good and charitable a work, as the relieving poor and
insolvent debtors, and settling, establishing, and assisting any poor
Protestants of what nation soever, as shall be willing to settle in
the said Colony; and whereas the said intended settlement will, in
all human appearance, be a great strengthening and security to this
Province, as well as a charitable and pious work, and worthy to be
encouraged and promoted by all pious and good Christians; I have,
therefore, thought fit to publish and make known to all such pious and
well disposed persons as are willing to promote so good a work, that
I have ordered and directed Mr. Jesse Badenhop to receive all such
subscriptions or sums of money as shall be by them subscribed or paid
in for the uses and purposes aforesaid; which sums of money (be they
great or small,) I promise them shall be faithfully remitted to the
Trustees by the aforesaid charter appointed, together with the names
of the subscribers, which will by them be published every year; or,
(if they desire their names to be kept secret) the names of the
persons by whom they make the said subscriptions.

The piety and charity of so good an undertaking, I hope will be a
sufficient inducement to every person to contribute something to
a work so acceptable to God, as well as so advantageous to this
Province.

R. JOHNSON.


_A Copy of the Letter of the Governor and Council of South Carolina,
to Mr. Oglethorpe_.

Sir--We cannot omit the first opportunity of congratulating you on
your safe arrival in this province, wishing you all imaginable success
in your charitable and generous undertaking; in which we beg leave to
assure you that any assistance we can give shall not be wanting in the
promotion of the same.

The General Assembly having come to the Resolutions inclosed, we hope
you will accept it as an instance of our sincere intentions to forward
so good a work; and of our attachment to a person who has at all times
so generously used his endeavors to relieve the poor, and deliver them
out of their distress; in which you have hitherto been so successful,
that we are persuaded this undertaking cannot fail under your prudent
conduct, which we most heartily wish for.

The rangers and scout-boats are ordered to attend you as soon as
possible.

Colonel Bull, a gentleman of this Board, and who we esteem most
capable to assist you in the settling of your new Colony, is desired
to deliver you this, and to accompany you, and render you the best
services he is capable of; and is one whose integrity you may very
much depend on.

We are, with the greatest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient
humble servants.

  ROBERT JOHNSON,
  THOMAS BROUGHTON,
  AL. MIDDLETON,
  A. SKEENE,
  FRA. YOUNGE,
  JAMES KINLOCK,
  JOHN FENWICKE,
  THOMAS WARING,
  J. HAMMERTON.

_Council Chamber_, 26 January, 1733.


_Copy of the Assembly's Resolutions_.

The Committee of his Majesty's Honorable Council appointed to confer
with a Committee of the lower House on his Excellency's message
relating to the arrival of the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq.,
report--

That agreeable to his Majesty's instructions to his Excellency, sent
down together with the said message, we are unanimously of opinion
that all due countenance and encouragement ought to be given to the
settling of the Colony of Georgia.

And for that end your Committee apprehend it necessary that his
Excellency be desired to give orders and directions that Captain
McPherson, together with fifteen of the rangers, do forthwith repair
to the new settlement of Georgia, to cover and protect Mr. Oglethorpe,
and those under his care, from any insult that may be offered them
by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new
settlers have enforted themselves, and for such further time as his
Excellency may think necessary.

That the Lieutenant and four men of the Apalachicola Garrison be
ordered to march to the fort on Cambahee, to join those of the rangers
that remain; and that the Commissary be ordered to find them with
provision as usual.

That his Excellency will please to give directions that the scout-boat
at Port Royal do attend the new settlers as often as his Excellency
shall see occasion.

That a present be given Mr. Oglethorpe for the new settlers of Georgia
forthwith, of an hundred head of breeding cattle and five bulls, as
also twenty breeding sows and four boars, with twenty barrels of good
and merchantable rice; the whole to be delivered at the charge of the
public, at such place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint.

That periauguas be provided at the charge of the public to attend Mr.
Oglethorpe at Port Royal, in order to carry the new settlers, arrived
in the ship Anne, to Georgia, with their effects, and the artillery
and ammunition now on board.

That Colonel Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Honorable James
Oglethorpe, Esq., to aid him with his best advice and assistance in
settling the place.


_Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Robert Johnson, Esq.,
Governor of South Carolina, to Benjamin Martyn, Esq., Secretary to the
Trustees, &c_.

CHARLESTOWN, Feb. 12, 1733.

Sir--I have received the favor of yours, dated the 20th of October,
and the duplicate of the 24th. I beg you will assure the Honorable
Trustees of my humble respects, and that I will attach myself to
render them and their laudable undertaking all the service in my
power.

Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his people in good health the 13th of
January. I ordered him a pilot, and in ten hours he proceeded to Port
Royal, where he arrived safe the 19th, and I understand from thence,
that, after refreshing his people a little in our barracks, he, with
all expedition, proceeded to Yamacraw, upon Savannah River, about
twelve miles from the sea, where he designs to fix those he has
brought with him.

I do assure you, that upon the first news I had of this embarkation,
I was not wanting in giving the necessary orders for their reception;
and, being assisted at Port Royal, (although they were here almost as
soon as we heard of their design of coming,) not knowing whether Mr.
Oglethorpe designed directly there, or would touch here.

I am informed he is mighty well satisfied with his reception there,
and likes the country; and that he says things succeed beyond his
expectation; but I have not yet received a letter from him since his
being at Port Royal.

Our General Assembly meeting three days after his departure, I moved
to them their assisting this generous undertaking. Both Houses
immediately came to the following resolution; that Mr. Oglethorpe
should be furnished at the public expense, with one hundred and four
breeding cattle, twenty-five hogs, and twenty barrels of good rice;
that boats should also be provided at the public charge to transport
the people, provisions and goods, from Port Royal to the place where
he designed to settle; that the scout-boats, and fifteen of our
rangers, (who are horsemen, and always kept in pay to discover the
motions of the Indians,) should attend to Mr. Oglethorpe, and obey his
commands, in order to protect the new settlers from any insults, which
I think there is no danger of; and I have given the necessary advice
and instructions to our out garrisons, and the Indians in friendship
with us, that they may befriend and assist them.

I have likewise prevailed on Colonel Bull, a member of the Council,
and a gentleman of great probity and experience in the affairs of this
Province, the nature of land, and the method of settling, and who
is well acquainted with the manner of the Indians, to attend Mr.
Oglethorpe to Georgia with our compliments, and to offer him advice
and assistance; and, had not our Assembly been sitting, I would have
gone myself.

I received the Trustees commission; for the honor of which I beg you
will thank them. I heartily wish all imaginable success to this good
work; and am, Sir,

Your most humble Servant,

ROBERT JOHNSON.

P.S. Since writing the above, I have had the pleasure of hearing from
Mr. Oglethorpe, who gives me an account that his undertaking goes on
very successfully.


XII.


Creeks, so called by the English, because their country lies chiefly
among rivers, which the American English call "creeks;" but the real
name is Musogees. Their language is the softest and most copious of
all the Indians, and is looked upon to be the radical language; for
they can make themselves understood by almost all the other Indians on
the Continent. They are divided into three people, Upper, Lower, and
Middle Creeks. The two former governed by their respective chiefs,
whom they honor with a royal denomination; yet they are, in the most
material part of their government, subordinate to the Chief of the
latter, who bears an imperial title. Their country lies between
Spanish Florida and the Cherokee mountains, and from the Atlantic
Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. They are a tall, well-limbed people, very
brave in war, and as much respected in the South, as the Iroquois are
in the North part of America.

[_History of the British Settlements in North America_, Lond. 1773,
4to, p. 156. ADAIR, 257. BARTON's Views, &c., Introduction XLIV. and
Appendix 9.]


XIII.


ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS IN GEORGIA, BEING PART OF A LETTER FROM
OGLETHORPE, DATED 9TH JUNE, 1733.

There seems to be a door opened to our Colony towards the conversion
of the Indians. I have had many conversations with their chief men,
the whole tenor of which shews that there is nothing wanting to their
conversion but one who understands their language well, to explain
to them the _mysteries_ of religion; for, as to the _moral_ part of
Christianity, they understand it, and do assent to it. They abhor
_adultery_, and do not approve of _a plurality of wives_. _Theft_ is
a thing not known among the Creek Indians; though frequent, and even
honorable among the Uchees. _Murder_ they look on as a most abominable
crime: but do not esteem the killing of an _enemy_, or one that has
injured them, murder. The passion of _revenge_, which they call
_honor_, and _drunkenness_, which they learn from our traders, seem to
be the two greatest obstacles to their being truly Christians: but,
upon both these points they hear reason; and with respect to drinking
_rum_, I have weaned those near me a good deal from it. As for
_revenge_, they say, as they have no executive power of justice
amongst them, they are forced to kill the man who has injured them,
in order to prevent others doing the like; but they do not think any
injury, except _adultery_, or _murder_, deserves revenge. They hold
that if a man commits adultery, the injured husband is obliged to have
revenge, by cutting off the ears of the adulterer, which, if he is too
strong or sturdy to submit to, then the injured husband kills him the
first opportunity he has to do it with safety. In cases of murder, the
next in blood is obliged to kill the murderer, or else he is looked
on as infamous in the nation where he lives; and the weakness of the
executive power is such, that there is no other way of punishment but
by the revenger of blood, as the Scripture calls it; for there is no
coercive power in any of their nations; their kings can do no more
than to persuade. All the power they have is no more than to call
their old men and captains together, and to propound to them the
measures they think proper; and, after they have done speaking, all
the others have liberty to give their opinions also; and they reason
together with great temper and modesty, till they have brought each
other into some unanimous resolution. Then they call in the young men,
and recommend to them the putting in execution the resolution, with
their strongest and most lively eloquence. And, indeed, they seem to
me, both in action and expression, to be thorough masters of true
eloquence. In speaking to their young men, they generally address the
passions. In speaking to the old men, they apply to reason only. [He
then states the interview with the Creeks, and gives the first set
speech of Tomo Chichi, which has been quoted.] One of the Indians of
the Cherokee nation, being come down, the Governor told him that "he
need fear nothing, but might speak freely," answered smartly, "I
always speak freely, what should I fear? I am now among friends, and I
never feared even among my enemies." Another instance of their short
manner of speaking was when I ordered one of the Carolina boatmen, who
was drunk and had beaten an Indian, to be tied to a gun till he was
sober, in order to be whipped. Tomo Chichi came to me to beg me to
pardon him, which I refused to do unless the Indian who had been
beaten should also desire the pardon for him. Tomo Chichi desired him
to do so, but he insisted upon satisfaction. Tomo Chichi said, "O
Fonseka," (for that was his name,) "this Englishman, being drunk, has
beat you; if he is whipped for so doing, the Englishmen will expect
that, if an Indian should insult them when drunk, the Indian should be
whipped for it. When you are drunk, you are quarrelsome, and you know
you love to be drunk, but you don't love to be whipped." Fonseka
was convinced, and begged me to pardon the man; which, as soon as I
granted, Tomo Chichi and Fonseka ran and untied him, which I perceived
was done to show that he owed his safety to their intercession.


XIV.


DUKE OF ARGYLE A PATRON OF OGLETHORPE.

"From his boyhood Oglethorpe uniformly enjoyed the friendship and
confidence of his gallant and eloquent countryman, John Duke of
Argyle; who, in an animated speech in Parliament, bore splendid
testimony to his military talents, his natural generosity, his
contempt of danger, and his devotion to the public weal."[1]

[Footnote 1: VERPLANK's _Discourse before the New York Historical
Society_, p. 33.]

This favorable opinion, acquired in military campaigns, where his
soldierly accomplishments and personal bravery had attracted the
notice and won the admiration of the commanding officers, was
preserved in after scenes, and confirmed by the principles which they
both maintained, and the measures they alike pursued in Parliament.

The Duke also early devoted himself to a military life, and served
under the great Marlborough. He distinguished himself at the battles
of Ramilies, of Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, and assisted at the siege
of Lisle and of Ghent. Such services were honorably rewarded by the
King, who made him Knight of the Garter in 1710, and the following
year sent him ambassador to Charles III. of Spain, with the command
of the English forces in that kingdom. His support of the union with
Scotland, rendered him for awhile unpopular with his countrymen,
but his merits were acknowledged by all parties. George I. on his
accession, restored him to the command of Scotland, of which he had
before been capriciously deprived; and, in 1715, he bravely attacked
Lord Mar's army at Dumblane, and obliged the Pretender to retire from
the kingdom. In 1718 he was made Duke of Greenwich. He died in 1743,
and was buried in Westminster Abbey, where a handsome monument records
his virtues.

The following couplet by pope immortalizes his fame.

  "Argyle, the state's whole thunder born to wield,
  And shake alike the senate and the field."

He had the honor, also, to be celebrated in very high terms by
THOMSON;

  --"full on thee, ARGYLE,
  Her hope, her stay, her darling and her boast,
  From her first patriots and her heroes sprung,
  Thy fond imploring country turns her eye;
  In thee, with all a mother's triumph, sees
  Her every virtue, every grace, combined,
  Her genius, wisdom, her engaging turn,
  Her pride of honor, and her courage tried,
  Calm and intrepid, in the very throat
  Of sulphurous war, on Tenier's dreadful field.
  Nor less the palm of peace inwreathes thy brow;
  For, powerful as thy sword, from thy rich tongue
  Persuasion flows, and wins the high debate;
  While, mix'd in thee, combine the charm of youth,
  The force of manhood, and the depth of age."

  [_Autumn_, 1. 926-941.]


XV.


HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE SALTZBURGERS IN
GEORGIA.

_Nachricht von dem establishment derer Salzburgischen emigranten zu
Ebenezer, en der Provinz Georgien in Nord-America_, &c. Von P.G.F.
VON RECK. Halle 1774. From this, and a subsequent Journal of the same
author, was published a very interesting little work, by the direction
of _the Society for promoting Christian knowledge_, entitled "_An
extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary_ VON RECK, _who conducted
the first transport of Saltzburgers to Georgia; and of the Reverend
Mr_. BOLZIUS, _one of their Ministers_." London, 1734. 12mo.

A circumstantial account of the settlement and of the affairs of these
emigrants is given in a work which bears this title, "_Ausfürliche
Nacrichten von den Salzburgischen Emigranten, die sich in America
niedergelassen haben, worinnen die Riesediaria des konige.
Grossbritannischen Commissarii und der beyden Salzburgischen Prediger,
wie auch eine Beschreibung von Georgien enthalten. Heraus gegeben von_
SAMUEL URLSPERGER." _Halle_, 1735-52. This journal of the proceedings
of the Saltzburg emigrants, who formed the settlement of Ebenezer
in Georgia, was continued from year to year, from 1734 to 1760; in
several parts, which, bound up, make five thick quarto volumes. In
Professor Ebeling's copy, now in the library of Harvard College, is
the continuation, in _manuscript_, [perhaps the original,] and which
was never printed, by JOHN MARTIN BOLZIUS, dated January, 1765. There
is, also, a separate work, entitled _Americanisches Ackerwerck Gottes,
von_ SAMUEL URLSPERGER. Augs. 1745-1760. 4to. 4 vol.

A most interesting account of the persecution is to be found in
two thin quarto volumes by J.M. TEUBENER, entitled _Historie derer
Emigranten oder Vertriebenen Lutheraner aus dem Ertz-Bissthum
Saltzburg_. 2 vols. 4to. _Leipz_. 1732.

"About twenty-five thousand persons, a tenth part of the population,
migrated on this occasion. Their property was sold for them, under the
King of Prussia's protection; some injustice, and considerable loss
must needs have been suffered by such a sale, and the chancellor, by
whom this strong measure was carried into effect, is accused of
having enriched himself by the transaction. Seventeen thousand of the
emigrants settled in the Prussian states. Their march will long be
remembered in Germany. The Catholic magistrates at Augsburgh shut the
gates against them, but the Protestants in the city prevailed, and
lodged them in their houses. The Count of Stolberg Warnegerode gave a
dinner to about nine hundred in his palace; they were also liberally
entertained and relieved by the Duke of Brunswick. At Leipsic the
clergy met them at the gates, and entered with them in procession,
singing one of Luther's hymns; the magistrates quartered them upon the
inhabitants, and a collection was made for them in the church, several
merchants subscribing liberally. The university of Wittenberg went out
to meet them, with the Rector at their head, and collections were
made from house to house. 'We thought it an honor,' says one of the
Professors, 'to receive our poor guests in that city where Luther
first preached the doctrines for which they were obliged to abandon
their native homes.' These demonstrations of the popular feeling
render it more than probable that if a religious war had then been
allowed to begin in Saltzburg, it would have spread throughout all
Germany.

"Thirty-three thousand pounds were raised in London for the relief of
the Saltzburgers. Many of them settled in Georgia,--colonists of the
best description. They called their settlement Ebenezer. Whitfield, in
1738, was wonderfully pleased with their order and industry. 'Their
lands,' he says, 'are improved surprisingly for the time they have
been there, and I believe they have far the best crop of any in the
colony. They are blest with two such pious ministers as I have
not often seen. They have no courts of judicature, but all little
differences are immediately and implicitly decided by their ministers,
whom they look upon and love as their fathers. They have likewise an
orphan house, in which are seventeen children and one widow, and I
was much delighted to see the regularity wherewith it is managed.'"

SOUTHEY'S _Life of Wesley_, Vol. I. p. 98, note.


XVI.


With reference to these persecuted exiles, are the following lines of
Thomson.

  "Lo! swarming southward on rejoicing suns
  New colonies extend'. the calm retreat
  Of undeserved distress, the better home
  Of those whom bigots chase from foreign lands;
  Such as of late an Oglethorpe has formed,
  And crowding round, the pleased Savannah sees."
                                [Liberty, _Part V_.]

I give, also, an extract from the _London Journal_ of the day.

"As the Trustees for settling Georgia are giving all proper
encouragement for the Saltzburg emigrants to go over and settle there,
some of the managers for those poor people have sent over to the
Trustees from Holland, a curious medal or device, enchased on silver,
representing the emigration of the poor Saltzburgers from their native
country, which opens like a box, and in the inside contains a map of
their country, divided into seventeen districts, with seventeen little
pieces of historical painting, representing the seventeen persecutions
of the primitive Christians; the whole being folded up in a very small
compass, and is a most ingenious piece of workmanship."


XVII.


SETTLEMENT OF THE MORAVIANS IN GEORGIA.

"In consequence of the oppression which they suffered in Bohemia, the
United Brethren, or, as they are more commonly called, the Moravians,
resolved to emigrate to the new Colony of Georgia in America, whither
the Saltzburgers had recently gone. With this purpose they applied
to Count Zinzendorf, their spiritual guide, for his concurrence and
assistance. Accordingly, he made interest with the Trustees on their
behalf, which, being favorably received, and a free passage offered, a
small company of them set out from Herrnfurt in November, 1734. They
proceeded to London, where they found Mr. Spangenberg, who had
nearly concluded every thing relative to their embarkation, with the
Trustees, and to their accommodation and settlement, with General
Oglethorpe. A number of Saltzburgers were also about to emigrate; and
three zealous ministers of the Church of England, Mr. John Wesley,
together with his brother Charles, and Mr. Benjamin Ingham, went with
them in the same ship.

"They arrived at Savannah in the spring of 1735; and, in the following
summer received a considerable increase of brethren, conducted by
David Nitchmann, senior.

"The Saltzburgers went further up the river, and selected a place
of settlement, which they called Ebenezer, but the Brethren began
immediately their settlement near to Savannah; and God so blessed
their industry, that they were not only soon in a capacity of
maintaining themselves, but, also, of being serviceable to their
neighbors. Having had assistance in the erection of a school-house for
the children of the Indians, Tomo Tschatschi, their King, came to see
it, and was glad that they might have a place where, as he expressed
it, _they could hear the good word_. Consequently the Colony of
the Brethren presented a fair prospect, both with respect to the
settlement itself, and the instruction and conversion of the Heathen.
But, being among the rest summoned to take up arms in defence of the
country, and to march against the Spaniards, they refused it, as being
no freeholders, and, of consequence, not obliged to it according to
the laws of the Colony; nay, before coming over, they had expressly
stated that they were not willing to perform any military service.
Count Zinzendorf, on his visit to London, in January, 1737, took
occasion to become acquainted with General Oglethorpe and the Trustees
of Georgia, with whom he entered into a conference relative to the
situation of the Moravian Brethren there. He remonstrated against
their being called on to enlist as soldiers; and the Trustees readily
exempted them from such a liability. But as this exemption embittered
the minds of the people against them, some of the Brethren in 1738
left all their flourishing plantations, having repaid all the money
which had been advanced towards their passage and settlement, and went
to Pennsylvania. The rest were left undisturbed for awhile; but in
1739, when the troubles of war broke out afresh, being again molested
on account of military service, they followed their brethren in the
spring of 1740, and afterwards began the colonies of Bethlehem and
Nazareth." CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 193, 213 and
229.


XVIII.


SCOUT-BOAT.

1. This was a strong built ten-oared boat, bearing three swivel guns,
kept for exploring the river passages, visiting the islands, and for
preventing the incursions of enemies, and repelling the predatory
attempts of runaway slaves who sometimes lurked round and infested the
coast. The crew was composed of bold and hardy South Carolinians, who
lie out in the woods or in the open boat, for months together. Most of
them are good hunters and fishers; and by killing deer and other game,
subsist themselves, when the packed stores fail.

2. "_Channels_," as they are called, are water courses between the
main-land and the islands; in some places above a mile wide, in
others, not above two hundred yards. These sometimes open into what
are called "_sounds_," which are gulfs of the sea, that extend into
the land and entrances of rivers.


XIX.


The Uchee Indians had a village not far from Ebenezer, at the time of
the settlement of Georgia; but their principal town was at _Chota_, on
the western branch of the _Chattahoochee_, or, as it was more properly
spelt, _Chota-Uchee_ river. How long they had resided there we do not
know. As their language is a dialect of the Shawanees, it has been
supposed that they were descendants from that tribe. A jealousy
existed between them and the Muscogees; but they were in amity with
the Creeks, though they would not mix with them. How numerous they
were at the time of their treaty with Oglethorpe, cannot now be
ascertained.

In 1773 they lived on a beautiful plain of great extent, in a compact
village. They had houses made of timbers framed together, lathed and
plastered over with a kind of red clay, which gave them the appearance
of having been built of brick. At that time they numbered 1500, of
whom 300 were warriors. For many years they have not joined the Creeks
in any of their games or dances; and have only been kept from open
hostility with other tribes, by the influence of the white people.

[For this note I am indebted to my friend SAMUEL G. DRAKE; whose
_Biography and History of the Indians of North America_ comprises much
that can be known of the aborigines.]


XX.


OF THE MUTINY IN THE CAMP, AND ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION.

From the journal of William Stephens, Esq. (Vol. II. pp. 76, 90, 473,
480, 499, and 505; and Vol. III. 4, 5, 27, and 32,) I collect the
following particulars. One of the persons implicated in the insidious
plot, was William Shannon, a Roman Catholic. "He was one of the new
listed men in England, which the General brought over with him. By his
seditious behavior he merited to be shot or hanged at Spithead before
they left it, and afterwards, for the like practices at St. Simons.
Upon searching him there, he was found to have belonged to Berwick's
regiment, and had a furlough from it in his pocket." Instead of
suffering death for his treasonable conduct, in the last instance,
he was whipped and drummed out of the regiment. "Hence he rambled up
among the Indian nations, with an intent to make his way to some of
the French settlements; but being discovered by the General when he
made his progress to those parts, in the year 1739, and it being
ascertained that he had been endeavoring to persuade the Indians into
the interest of the French, he fled, but was afterwards taken and
sent down to Savannah, and committed to prison there as a dangerous
fellow." On the 14th of August, 1740, he and a Spaniard, named Joseph
Anthony Mazzique, who professed to be a travelling doctor, but had
been imprisoned upon strong presumption of being a spy, broke out of
prison and fled. On the 18th of September, they murdered two persons
at Fort Argyle, and rifled the fort. They were taken on the beginning
of October at the Uchee town, and brought back to Savannah, tried and
found guilty, condemned and executed on the 11th of November, having
previously confessed their crime.

Since my account of _the traitorous plot_ was written, as also of the
_attempt at assassination_, I have received from my friend Dr. W.B.
STEVENS, of Savannah, the following extracts from letters of
General Oglethorpe. As they state some particulars explanatory and
supplementary of the narrative which I had given, I place them here.
And this I do the rather because DR. HEWATT, (Vol. II. p. 70,) as also
Major McCALL, (Vol. I. p. 124,) in the same words, and some others,
incorporate the _treachery_ at St. Simons, and the _assault_ at St.
Andrews into a connected narrative, as one occurrence; whereas it
is very evident that the circumstances detailed were distinct; one
originating among the troops which sailed in the Hector and Blandford,
in July 1738, from England, and the other in the two companies drawn
from the garrison at Gibraltar, which came in the Whittaker in the
preceding month of May.

In reference to the first, General Oglethorpe thus wrote in a letter
to the trustees, dated, "on board the Blandford at Plymouth, July 3d,
1738."

"We have discovered that one of our soldiers has been in the Spanish
service, and that he hath stroved to seduce several men to desert with
him to them, on their arrival in Georgia. He designed also to murder
the officers, or such persons as could have money, and carry off the
plunder. Two of the gang have confessed, and accused him; but we
cannot discover the rest. The fellow has plenty of money, and he said
he was to have sixty or a hundred crowns, according to the number of
men he carried. He is yet very obstinate, refusing to give any account
of his correspondents. We shall not try him till we come to Georgia,
because we hope we shall make more discoveries."

"They left Plymouth on the 5th of July, and arrived about the 16th of
September, at Frederica."

On the 8th of October, 1738, occurs the following passage in a letter
from Frederica, to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.

"We have discovered some men who listed themselves as spies. We took
upon one of them his furlough from Berwick's regiment in the Irish
troops. They strove to persuade some of our men to betray a post to
the Spaniards; who, instead of complying, discovered their intentions.
I have ordered a general Court Martial, for the trying of them, who
have not yet made their report. One of them owns himself a Roman
Catholic, and denies the King having any authority over him."

"I conceive," says Dr. Stevens, "that these two letters refer to one
and the same thing, viz.: that there were _spies_, which came over
with the troops who arrived in September; that they designed to betray
the English posts; that they were to murder the officers; and defeat
the object for which the regiment was sent to Georgia. But this plot
was crushed by the fact of its being discovered, the ring-leaders
seized, and a Court Martial ordered."

Writing again to the Duke of Newcastle from Frederica, November 20,
1738, Oglethorpe says,--"Those soldiers who came from Gibraltar, have
mutinied. The King gave them provisions and pay at Gibraltar. He gave
them but six months provision here; after which they were to live upon
their pay. On the expiration of their provisions, they demanded a
continuance of them, and not being able to comply with their demands,
they took to arms. One of them fired upon me. After a short skirmish
we got the better of them. One of the officers was slightly, and one
of the mutineers dangerously wounded, and five are secured prisoners,
to be tried by a Court Martial. We have strong reason to suspect
that our neighbors have tampered with these men. Many of them speak
Spanish, and some of their boats,[1] under various pretences, came up
hither before my arrival."

[Footnote 1: He refers here to boats from St. Augustine.]

Upon this Dr. Stevens remarks--"In this case the cause of mutiny had
no reference to the Spaniards. While in Gibraltar the troops had
received provisions in addition to their pay. These were continued six
months after their arrival in America; but when these were withdrawn,
and nothing but their bare pay left, they became dissatisfied;
demanded additional supplies; and, on refusal by General Oglethorpe,
took to their arms. Here was a simple cause _originating among
themselves_; in the other affair, the soldiers who created the
difficulty were acting as _agents of a foreign power_; the bribed and
acknowledged traitors to their own country. In the one case it was the
sudden outbreaking of discontent, owing to the retrenchment of their
wages; in the other, it was a premeditated and well-concerted plan,
framed by Spanish emissaries on the other side of the water, to be
executed on this."

Referring to the remark of General Oglethorpe at the close of the last
letter, as also to some suggestions in the letter of mine, to which
the foregoing was the reply, Dr. Stevens adds--"That the Spaniards
tampered with the English, and endeavored to seduce them from their
allegiance, is not to be doubted; because it was of the utmost
importance to them to create divisions in the regiment; but the one to
whom Hewatt refers, as having been 'in the Spanish service, and had so
much of a Roman Catholic spirit,' is doubtless the same spoken of by
Oglethorpe in July, upon whom a Court Martial sat in September; and
who could not, therefore, have been connected with the mutiny at Fort
St. Andrews, in November."


XXI.


FURTHER PARTICULARS OF TOMO CHICHI.

In the preceding pages are several references to Tomo Chichi, which
show how strongly he became attached to Oglethorpe; how liberal he was
in the grant of territory; how considerate in furnishing to the new
settlers venison, wild turkeys, and other articles, as opportunity
offered, and the occasion made particularly acceptable; how
serviceable he was in procuring such interviews with the Chiefs of the
Upper and Lower Creeks as led to amicable treaties; and how ready to
assist, not only with his own little tribe, but by his influence with
others, in the contests with the Spaniards. Some other notices of him,
which bring out his excellent character more prominently, but could
not be inserted in the body of this work, I have deemed to be
sufficiently interesting to be inserted here.

"There were no Indians near the Georgians, before the arrival of
Oglethorpe, except Tomo Chichi, and a small tribe of about thirty or
forty men who accompanied him. They were partly Lower Creeks, and
partly Yamasees, who had disobliged their countrymen, and, for fear of
falling sacrifices to their resentment, had wandered in the woods
till about the year 1731, when they begged leave of the Government
of Carolina to sit down at Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah
river."[1]

[Footnote 1: Report of the Committee of the South Carolina Assembly,
on the Indian trade, 4to, 1736, p. 11.]

"Tomo Chichi had in his youth been a great warrior. He had an
excellent judgment, and a very ready wit, which showed itself in his
answers upon all occasions. He was very generous in giving away all
the rich presents he received, remaining himself in a willing poverty,
being more pleased in giving to others, than possessing himself; and
he was very mild and good natured."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129.]

"While Oglethorpe was at Charlestown, in June 1733, an Indian shot
himself in the vicinity. His uncle, (who was a war-king,) and his
friends, finding him dead, and fancying that he had been murdered
by the English, declared that they would be revenged on them. Tomo
Chichi, being informed of the uproar, came to the place and strove to
quiet the Indians, saying that he was persuaded it could not be the
English who had killed him; and therefore desired that they would
inquire better into the matter. But the uncle, continuing in a great
rage, Tomo Chichi bared his breast and said to him, 'If you will kill
any body, kill me; for I am an Englishman.' So he pacified them; and,
upon the thorough examination of the matter, it was found that for
some days he had been in despair, and desired several different
Indians to shoot him; and an Indian boy saw him kill himself in the
following manner; he put the muzzle of his gun under his chin, and
with his great toe pushed the trigger."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New England Weekly Journal for August_ 23, 1733.]

The visit of Tomo Chichi to England was greeted in some beautiful
poetry, of which the following stanza is an extract:

  "What stranger this? and from what region far?
  This wonderous form, majestic to behold?
  Unclothed, yet armed offensive for the war,
  In hoary age, and wise experience old?
  His limbs inured to hardiness and toil,
  His strong large limbs, what mighty sinews brace!
  Whilst truth sincere and artless virtue smile
  In the expressive features of his face.
  His bold, free aspect speaks the inward mind,
  Awed by no slavish fear, by no vile passion blind."

Major McCALL, after giving an account of the visit of the Indians to
England, makes this declaration: "Tomo Chichi acknowledged that the
Governor of the world, or _Great Spirit_, had given the English great
wisdom, power, and riches, so that they wanted nothing. He had given
the Indians great extent of territories, yet they wanted every thing.
Therefore he exerted his influence in prevailing on the Creeks to
resign such lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and
to allow them to settle amongst them; that they might be supplied with
useful articles for cultivation, and necessaries of life. He told them
that the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on
the most honorable and advantageous terms; that they were brethren and
friends, and would protect them against danger, and go with them to
war against their enemies." Vol. I. p. 46.

Mr. WESLEY, in his Journal, writes July 1st, 1736: "The Indians had an
audience, and another on Saturday, when Chicali, their head man, dined
with Mr. Oglethorpe. After dinner I asked the grey-headed old man,
'What he thought he was made for?' He said, 'He that is above knows
what he made us for. We know nothing. We are in the dark. But white
men know much. And yet white men build great houses, as if they were
to live forever. In a little time white men will be dust as well as
I.' I told him, 'if red men will learn the good book, they may know as
much as white men. But neither we nor you can know that book, unless
we are taught by Him that is above; and he will not teach you unless
you avoid what you already know is not good.' He answered, 'I believe
that; He will not teach us while our hearts are not white [pure]; and
our men do what they know is not good. Therefore he that is above does
not send us the good book.'"

About TOMO CHICHI, the following is given in SPENCE'S _Anecdotes_, p.
318. (Ed. Lond. 1820.)

"When General Oglethorpe was conversing with a sensible old native of
Georgia about prayer, the latter said that 'they never prayed to God,
but left it to him to do what he thought to be best for them; that the
asking for any particular blessing, looked to him like directing God;
and if so, must be a very wicked thing. That, for his part, he thought
every thing that happened in the world was as it should be; that God,
of himself, would do for every one what was consistent with the good
of the whole; and that our duty to him was to be content with whatever
happened in general, and thankful for all the good that happened to us
in particular.'"

The speech of Tomo Chichi, on presenting _the feather of an Eagle_ to
Oglethorpe, is very expressive in his own laconic explication. By a
little paraphrase it may be understood to import: "The Eagle has a
sharp beak for his enemies, but down on his breast for his friend. He
has strong wings, for he is aspiring; but they give shelter to feeble
ones, for he is naturally propitious."

"TOMO CHICHI died on the 5th of October, 1739, at his own town, four
miles from Savannah, of a lingering illness, being aged about 97. He
was sensible to the last minutes; and when he was persuaded his death
was near, he showed the greatest magnanimity and sedateness, and
exhorted his people never to forget the favors he had received from
the King when in England, but to persevere in their friendship
with the English. He expressed the greatest tenderness for General
Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no concern at dying, but its being at a
time when his life might be useful against the Spaniards. He desired
that his body might be buried among the English, in the town of
Savannah, since it was he that had prevailed with the Creek Indians
to give the land, and had assisted in the founding of the town.
The corpse was brought down by water. The General, attended by the
Magistrates and people of the town, met it upon the water's edge. The
corpse was carried into the Percival square. The pall was supported by
the General, Colonel Stephens, Colonel Montaigute, Mr. Carteret,
Mr. Lemon, and Mr. Maxwell. It was followed by the Indians, and
Magistrates, and people of the town. There was the respect paid of
firing minute guns from the battery all the time of the procession;
and funeral firing by the militia, who were under arms. The General
has ordered a pyramid of stone which is dug in this neighborhood, to
be erected over the grave, which being in the centre of the town, will
be a great ornament to it, as well as testimony of gratitude."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129, and _London
Magazine_, 1758, Vol. LVII. p. 24. The account of the death and
funeral of Tomo Chichi, much like the above, is given in the Journal
of W. STEPHENS, who was present. Vol. II. p. 153.]

As a frontispiece to one of the volumes of URLSPERGER'S _Journal
of the Saltzburg Emigrants_, is an engraving of _Tomo Chichi and
Toonahowi_, which bears the inscription, "TOMO CHICHI, _Mico_, and
TOONAHOWI, the son of his brother, the Mice, or king of Etichitas;
engraved in Augsburg after the London original, by John Jacob
Kleinshmidt."

In 1738, a dramatic entertainment in three acts, entitled Timbo
Chiqui, was published by John Cleland. [NICHOLS'S _Literary
Anecdotes_, Vol. II. p. 459.]

TOONAHOWI was killed, valiantly fighting for the English against the
Yamasee Indians, at Lake di Pupa, in 1743.


XXII.


MANIFESTO BY GENERAL OGLETHORPE.

_Charlestown, April_ 1, 1740.

Whereas upon mature deliberation it is resolved to defend these
Provinces by invading the Province of Florida, and attacking St.
Augustine, in order to remove the enemy that from thence may molest
his Majesty's subjects in America, which enemy both have and do
continue to foment and countenance the slaves to rebellion, burning
houses, murders, and other cruelties, of which the circumstances of
the late massacre in this Province is too sad a proof; and whereas the
General Assembly of this Province hath ordered forces to be raised, so
that an army composed of various troops and Indians are to assist in
invading the Spanish dominions of Florida; I, therefore, to prevent
any disorders that may arise in the said army by virtue of powers
received from his Majesty authorizing and empowering me, (for the
better government of the forces during their continuance under my
command,) to prepare and publish such rules and ordinances as are fit
to be observed by all officers and soldiers: in regard, therefore, to
the regiment of foot raised in South Carolina, I do constitute and
appoint that Alexander Vanderdussen, Esq., Colonel of the said
regiment, paid by the government of South Carolina, shall hold
regimental courts martial for the trials of such offences as shall be
committed by the officers and soldiers of that regiment; and that the
said court martial shall consist of the officers of that regiment
only; and that the Colonel of the said regiment shall sit as President
of the said regimental courts martial, and make a report to me, and
that according to the judgment of the said Courts I shall cause
sentence to be pronounced, in case I approve of the same, or otherwise
suspend the same as I shall see cause. And I do further declare that
this authority shall continue for the space of four months from the
commencement of the said expedition, and no longer; and that after the
expiration of the said four months, or other sooner determination of
the said expedition, every officer and soldier, whether volunteers
from, or in the pay of the government of Carolina, shall have free
liberty to depart and return to their habitations, and that a free
pass (if by them required,) shall be respectively granted unto them,
against being impressed, impeded, enlisted, or detained, by any
authority, civil or military, whatsoever, that may be exercised by or
derived from me.

And I do further declare that if the officers of his Majesty's ships
of war shall land men to assist the land forces, one full moiety of
all the plunder that shall be taken in such service, shall go to the
officers and men in his Majesty's said sea-service, whose ships are
assisting in the said expedition; and that all plunder taken and
accruing to the officers and men in the land service shall be divided
among the officers and men of the land service, in the same manner and
proportion as prizes are distributed among the officers and men in
his Majesty's sea-service, according to the laws and rules of his
Majesty's navy.

And I do further declare that whatever share of plunder shall come to
me as General and commander of the said forces, I will apply the same
totally towards the relief of such men as may happen to be maimed or
wounded in the said expedition, and towards assisting the widows and
children of any of the said forces that may happen to be killed in
the said service; and for the rewarding of such as shall perform any
distinguished brave action.

No Indian enemy is to be taken as a slave, for all Spanish and
Indian prisoners do belong to his Majesty, and are to be treated as
prisoners, and not as slaves.

JAMES OGLETHORPE.


XXIII.


COLONEL PALMER.

"As no final agreement with respect to the limits of the two provinces
had been concluded, the Indians in alliance with Spain continued to
harass the British settlements. Scalping parties of the Yamasees
frequently penetrated into Carolina; killed white men, and carried
off every negro they could find. Though the owners of slaves had been
allowed from the Spanish government a compensation in money for their
losses, yet few of them ever received it. At length Colonel Palmer
resolved to make reprisals upon the plunderers. For this purpose he
gathered together a party of militia and friendly Indians, consisting
of about three hundred men, and entered Florida with a resolution of
spreading desolation throughout the province. He carried his arms as
far as the gates of St. Augustine, and compelled the inhabitants to
take refuge in their castle. Scarce a house or hut in the Colony
escaped the flames. He destroyed their provisions in the fields; drove
off their hogs, cattle, and horses; and left the Floridians little
property, except what was protected by the guns of their fort. By this
expedition he demonstrated to the Spaniards their weakness; and that
the Carolinians, whenever they pleased, could prevent the cultivation
and settlement of their Province so as to render the improvement of
it impracticable on any other than peaceable terms with their
neighbors."[1]

[Footnote 1: HEWATT'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 314, and
Dr. RAMSAY'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 137; where it is
quoted, word for word, without acknowledgment.]


XXIV.


AN ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF ST. AUGUSTINE, IN A LETTER FROM ON BOARD
THE HECTOR.

"May 30th, [1740] we arrived near St. Augustine. June 1st we were
joined by the Flamborough, Captain Pearse; the Phoenix, Captain
Fanshaw; the Tartar, Captain Townshend; and the Squirrel, Capt.
Warren, of twenty guns each; besides the Spence Sloop, Captain Laws,
and the Wolf, Captain Dandridge. On the 2d Colonel Vanderdussen, with
three hundred Carolina soldiers, appeared to the north of the town. On
the 9th General Oglethorpe came by sea with three hundred soldiers and
three hundred Indians from Georgia: on the which they were carried on
shore in the men-of-war's boats, under the cover of the small ships'
guns. They landed on the Island Eustatia, without opposition, and took
the look-out. The 13th Captain Warren, in a schooner and other armed
sloops and pettiauguas anchored in their harbor, just out of cannon
shot, until the 26th, when the sailors were employed in landing
ordnance and other stores, within reach of the enemy's cannon. On
which occasion they discovered a surprising spirit and intrepidity.
The same night two batteries were raised; but too far off. The 27th
the General summoned the Governor to surrender; who sent word he
should be glad to shake hands with him in his castle. This haughty
answer was occasioned by a dear-bought victory which five hundred
Spaniards had obtained over eighty Highlanders, fifty of whom were
slain; but died like heroes, killing thrice their number. The 29th,
bad weather, obliged the men-of-war to put to sea, out of which but
one man had been killed. Hereupon the siege was raised."


_Letter from General Oglethorpe to Rev. J.M. Bolzius_.

REVEREND SIR,

Though God has not been pleased to prosper us with the success of
taking St. Augustine, yet we are to thank him for the safe return of
the greatest part of our men, and that the pride of our enemy has been
curbed.

Those men who came from Ebenezer, and that were in the Carolina
regiment, I have ordered to be sent up to you again.

I recommend myself to your prayers,

and am, Reverend Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant,

JAMES OGLETHORPE.

_Frederica_, 5 _August_, 1740.


_From the Gentleman's Magazine, for November_, 1740.

A letter in the Daily Post of the 26th, dated from Charlestown, South
Carolina, having laid the ill success at Fort St. Augustine on the ill
conduct of ----, some particulars of which are: 1st, that the cattle
taken at a cow-pen of one Diego, twenty-five miles from the town, May
12, were not distributed to the soldiery; 2d, that the people might
have entered the town without opposition, but were not suffered; 3d,
that the men were needlessly harassed; 4th, that Colonel Palmer, who
was sent to Negro Fort, two miles from the town, with one hundred and
thirty-three men to alarm the Spaniards was not supported by ----, who
staid six or seven miles off; 5th, that Colonel Palmer being attacked
by five hundred Spaniards, shot three of them after they had entered
the fort; 6th, that Captain Warren was the life and spirit of the
cause; 7th, that the Volunteers, seeing no prospect of succeeding
under such mad conduct, as they called it, daily went off,--the
following answer was published.

"Upon seeing a letter misrepresenting, in the most false and malicious
manner, the late expedition against St. Augustine; aiming thereby to
defame the character of a gentleman, whose unwearied endeavors for the
public service, have greatly impaired his health; and as I, who am a
Captain in General Oglethorpe's regiment, was present, and acted
upon that occasion as Brigadier Major, and must know the whole
transactions, I think it my duty to take notice of it.

"As to the cow-pen it speaks of, it is a square Fort, with four
carriage guns and four swivel guns, and had a garrison in it of
forty-seven soldiers of the regular troops, and seven negroes, who
were all made prisoners of war. The cattle found there, and in parts
adjacent, were distributed to the King's troops and the Carolina
regiment.

"In respect to the Carolina people being ready to enter the town of
Augustine without opposition; it is entirely false, and without the
least foundation.

"In regard to Colonel Palmer's misfortune, who was killed in the first
fire from the Spaniards; he brought it upon himself by disobeying
the orders he received, which positively enjoined his keeping in the
woods, and avoiding action, and by acting contrary to the advice of
the officers under his command, some of whom were present when he
received his orders, and lodging himself in the Negro Fort Moosa,
where they were surrounded and defeated; the gates of which fort, and
the house within it, the General had before burnt.

"With respect to the Carolina Volunteers; that they did go away is
certain, without leave given, or asked, and their Captain with them. A
Captain of the Carolina regiment also left his command in the guard of
the trenches, without being relieved, or asking any leave, and went
with them. After such behavior, what credit can be given to such men,
though termed persons of note?

"As to Captain Warren, whose name is mentioned to endeavor to throw an
odium elsewhere; I am convinced by the personal acquaintance I have
with him, that he will upon all occasions, do his duty in the service
of his King and country; as also Captain Law and Captain Townshend,
that were ashore with him.

"The morning after we landed upon the Island of Anastatia, I stood by
while Captain Warren read to General Oglethorpe a letter to Captain
Pearse, then Commodore, acquainting him of our landing without any
loss, and the Spaniards withdrawing from that Island, on which Captain
Warren said, all that was now necessary to secure the reduction of the
place, was the taking of the Spanish galleys, which undertaking he
would himself head with the King's boats under the cannon of the fort,
if he would give him leave. Several councils of war were held on
board his Majesty's ships by the sea captains, but Captain Warren's
proposition was not undertaken.

"Lest malicious people should suggest that I might be sent to England
by General Oglethorpe on this occasion, I solemnly declare, that I
came at my own desire by his leave, and had no instructions from him,
directly or indirectly, concerning this affair; but my regard to
truth, and abhorrence of all false and malicious reports whatsoever,
have induced me to publish this, to which I set my name. HUGH
MACKLEY."

_Johnson's Court, Charing Cross, Nov_. 29, 1740.


XXV.

SPANISH INVASION.


For details of the Spanish invasion in 1742, I refer to the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XII. pages 494, 496, 550, and 661; and
would here remark that Patrick Sutherland, Lieutenant of General
Oglethorpe's regiment, was sent express to England to give an
account of the war, and was furnished with a minute Journal of the
occurrences; but, being taken by a Spanish privateer, he threw his
papers into the sea. A circumstantial relation, however, having been
sent by another conveyance to the Trustees, was attested and confirmed
by Lieutenant Sutherland on his arrival in London; and was published
in the _London Gazette_ of December 25th, and thence transferred into
the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for 1742, p. 693, and was afterwards
repeated in the _London Magazine_ for 1758, p. 79. There is also
in HARRIS'S _Collection of Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 324-347, a very
particular account of the Spanish invasion, which is introduced by
the following remarks: "As to the manner in which they executed it at
last; and the amazing disappointment they met with, notwithstanding
the vast force they employed, and the smallness of that by which they
were assisted, we had so full, so clear, and so authentic an account
published by authority, that I know of no method more fit to convey an
idea of it, or less liable to any exceptions than transcribing it." Of
this I have freely availed myself, and have distinguished the direct
quotations by inverted commas, but without repeating the references in
marginal notes.

This account is concluded with the following remarks: "I must observe,
before I conclude this chapter, that if there be any thing in it which
ought in a particular manner to claim the attention of the public, it
is, in a great measure, due to the lights afforded by the Honorable
James Oglethorpe, from whom, if the author has caught any part of that
generous spirit which inclines a man to bend all his thoughts and turn
all his labors to the service of his country, it is but just that he
should acknowledge it; and this he is the more ready to do, because,
if there be any merit in his performance, capable of making it known
to and esteemed by posterity, he would willingly consecrate it as a
mark of his esteem and gratitude for the many informations he has
received, and the right turn that has been given to his inquiries, by
that knowing and worthy person, who is equally happy in rendering the
greatest personal services himself to the community, and in infusing
the like disposition in others, both by his example and conversation."

Some extracts are also inserted in my narrative from _an account of
the Invasion of Georgia, taken from the Diary of the Preachers at
Ebenezer_. [URLSPERGER, Vol. IV. p. 1252.] This is principally derived
from intelligence by despatches to Savannah, and contains three
letters from Oglethorpe. Just as my manuscript was going to the press,
I was favored by my obliging friend, Dr. Stevens, of Savannah, with
a copy of General Oglethorpe's despatch to the Duke of Newcastle; in
season, however, to profit by it.


XXVI.


COPY OF AN ORDER FOR A THANKSGIVING TO BE HELD TO THE PRAISE OF GOD,
THAT HE HAS PUT AN END TO THE SPANISH INVASION.[1]

[Footnote 1: From the German translation of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius.]

Almighty god has at all times displayed his power and mercy in the
wonderful and gracious delivery of his Church; and in the protection
of pious and godly rulers and people, who have acknowledged and served
him, against the ungodly conspiracies and violent practices of all
their enemies. He has by the interposition of his Providence rescued
us from the assaults of the Spaniards. They came out against us with
fourteen sail of light galleys, into Cumberland sound, but fear came
upon them, and they fled at his rebuke. Again they came with a mighty
fleet of thirty-six ships and vessels, into Jekyl sound, and after
a sharp contest became masters of the fort, since we had but four
vessels to oppose their whole force; but He was there the shield of
our people; for, in the unequal conflict in which we held out bravely
for four hours, not one of our men was killed, although many of theirs
were, and five by a single shot. They landed with four thousand
five hundred men upon this island, according to the account of the
prisoners we took, yea even of the Englishmen who escaped from
them. The first party marched through the woods towards this town,
(Frederica) when, before a small number of our people, they were
dispersed, and fled. Another party which supported that, fought also,
but was discomfited. We may say surely the hand of God was raised for
our defence, for in the two skirmishes more than five hundred fled
before fifty; though the enemy fought vigorously a long time, and,
especially, fired their grenades with great spirit; but their shooting
did little hurt, so that not one of us was killed; but they were
thrown into great confusion, and pursued with so great loss, that
according to the account of the Spaniards since made prisoners, more
than two hundred returned not to their camp again. They advanced with
their galleys against our fortress, but were disappointed and withdrew
without discharging a shot. After this, fear came upon them, and they
fled, leaving behind them some cannon, and many other things which
they had taken on shore. Next, with twenty-eight sail they attacked
Fort William, in which there were only fifty men, and after a contest
of three hours, they desisted, and left the Province.

And so wonderfully were we protected and preserved, that in this great
and formidable conflict but few of our men were taken, and but three
killed. Truly the Lord hath done great things for us, by rescuing us
from the power of a numerous foe, who boasted that they would conquer
and dispossess us. Not our strength or might hath saved us; our
salvation is of the Lord. Therefore it is highly becoming us to render
thanks to God our deliverer. For this purpose, and in regard to these
considerations, I hereby appoint that the twenty-fifth day of this
month should be held as a day of public THANKSGIVING to Almighty God
for his great deliverance, and the end that is put to this Spanish
invasion. And I enjoin that every one observe this festival in a
christian and godly manner; abstaining from intemperance and excess,
and from all extravagant signs of rejoicing.

Given under my own hand and seal this twenty-first day of July, at
Frederica in Georgia, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and forty-two.

JAMES OGLETHORPE.

[Under the date of September, the Rev. Mr. Bolzius makes this entry in
his diary--"Mr. Jones told me lately, that the people and soldiers at
Frederica, on the day when the Thanksgiving was held, observed such a
stillness and good order as he had never seen there. There was also a
very pertinent and devout ascription of praise read, which he (and
Mr. Jones is a good judge of edifying things,) pronounce to be very
excellent; and, moreover, he maintained that it must have been
prepared and composed by General Oglethorpe himself, for there was
neither preacher nor school-master at Frederica at that time."[1]]

[Footnote 1: URLSPERGER, IV. p. 1261.]


XXVII.


A LIST OF THE SPANISH FORCES EMPLOYED IN THE INVASION OF GEORGIA,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF DON MANUEL DE MONTEANO.

  One Regiment of dismounted Dragoons,                       400
  Havana Regiment,                                           500
  Havana Militia,                                           1000
  Regiment of Artillery,                                     400
  Florida Militia,                                           400
  Batalion of Mulattoes,                                     300
  Black Regiment,                                            400
  Indians,                                                    90
  Marines,                                                   600
  Seamen,                                                   1000
                                                            ----
                                                      Total 5090

General Oglethorpe's command consisted of,

  His Regiment,                                             472
  Company of Rangers,                                        30
  Highlanders,                                               50
  Armed Militia,                                             40
  Indians,                                                   60
                                                           ----
                                                    Total   652

Ensign Stewart's command at Fort William, on the south end of
Cumberland Island, consisted of sixty men. Fort William was about
fifty miles south-west from Frederica.


XXVIII.


A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SILK CULTURE IN GEORGIA,

BY WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D.

One of the principal designs which influenced the settlement of
Georgia, was the hope of thereby creating a silk-growing province,
where that material for which England had so long been indebted
to France, Italy and China, could be produced in this colonial
dependency.

As early as 1609, the subject engaged the attention of the adventurers
to Virginia, and in a pamphlet, called "Nova Brittannia offering most
excellent fruites by planting in Virginia," published that year, the
writer says "there are silkeworms, and plenty of mulberie-trees,
whereby ladies, gentlewomen and little children (being set in the way
to do it) may bee all imploied with pleasure, making silke comparable
to that of Persia, Turkey, or any other." In 1650, Mr. Samuel Hartlib
published a work entitled "Virginia Discovery of Silk Wormes, with
their Benefits," in which he endeavored to show that the raising of
silk was a thing very practicable in Virginia, and even asserted that
as a staple, it might be made superior to tobacco, in which opinion he
was confirmed by the judgment of several others. That they made some
advances in this culture, is evident from the fact that the Coronation
robe of Charles II., in 1660, was made of silk reeled in that colony,
and even so late as 1730, three hundred pounds of the raw material
were exported from Virginia. Tobacco, however, soon assumed and
maintained the ascendancy, to the exclusion of this more useful and
beautiful produce.

In 1703, Sir Nathaniel Johnson introduced the silk culture into South
Carolina, but the astonishing success which rewarded the casual
introduction of rice into the plantation about eight years before,
precluded a just interest in the undertaking, and as a public and
recognized commodity it soon came to naught, though several persons,
more for amusement than profit, still gave their attention to it; and
as late as 1755, Mrs. Pinckney, the same lady to whom the province was
indebted for the first cultivation of indigo ten years before, reeled
sufficient silk in the vicinity of Charleston to make three dresses,
one of which was presented to the Princess Dowager of Wales, another
to Lord Chesterfield, and the third, says Ramsay, who narrates the
circumstance, "is now (1809) in Charleston in the possession of her
daughter, Mrs. Horrey, and is remarkable for its beauty, firmness and
strength."

But notwithstanding these failures and the known difficulty of
introducing a new branch of agriculture into a country, as was
evidenced by the compulsion which was necessary by Henry IV.
to introduce it into France, against the united voices of the
merchants-traders, and even in opposition to the Duke of Sully, and
also the indifference manifested in England, notwithstanding the able
proclamation of King James on the subject, commanding its cultivation;
the Trustees for the settlement of Georgia determined to make one more
effort, which, if successful, would enrich both the province and the
mother country. The views which they entertained, however, of making
Georgia supplant every silk-growing country, were extravagant and
erroneous; they expected, in fact, to supply all Europe, and to
produce an article of equal strength, beauty and value, with any made
on the Continent. The Piedmontese, thought they, who pay half of their
silk for the rent of the mulberry trees and the eggs of the worm, or
the peasants of France, burdened with political difficulty and stinted
for conveniences, could not cope with the settlers of Georgia, where
the mulberry (morus alba) trees would grow in the greatest luxuriance,
where timber for their fabrics was no expense, where room was abundant
and the reward sure. By this transfer, in addition to a direct saving
to England of over 500,000_l_. which she paid for this article to
foreign countries, twenty thousand people were to find employment in
rearing it in Georgia, and as many more at home in preparing it for
market.

Among the first emigrants who sailed with Oglethorpe from England in
November 1732, was Mr. Amatis, from Piedmont, who was engaged by the
Trustees to introduce the art of silk-winding into the colony, and who
for that purpose brought with him several Italians and some adequate
machinery. White mulberry trees were planted in a portion of land on
the eastern border of the city, called the Trustees' garden; eggs were
hatched, and silk spun "as fine as any from France or Italy." They
soon, however, came to a mutual rupture, and the whole process was for
a time suspended by the treachery of those employed, who broke the
machinery, spoiled the seed, destroyed the trees, and then escaped to
Carolina. Sufficient, however, had been wrought to test its value,
and they were not discouraged by this inauspicious commencement. The
Trustees still adhered to their design, and the more effectually to
advance it, required of every settler that there should be on his
grant, ten mulberry trees to each acre.

Mr. Camuse and his wife, both Italians, were now entrusted with this
business, in which they were continued six years; the two first at a
salary of 60_l_. per annum, and the four last at 100_l_. besides the
rent of a dwelling house and garden.

In June 1734, General Oglethorpe carried eight pounds of raw silk, the
first produced in Georgia, to England, which was followed by a small
trunk full of the same article, on the 2d of April, 1735, and after
being made into orgazine, by the engine of Sir Thomas Lombe, at Derby,
who said that it "proved exceedingly good through all the operations,"
was sent up to London on the 13th of August, 1735, when the Trustees,
together with Sir Thomas Lombe, waited on her majesty Queen Caroline
and exhibited to her the elegant specimen of Georgia silk. The queen
selected a portion of this parcel to be wove into a pattern, and being
again waited on by these gentlemen and Mr. Booth, the silk weaver, on
the 21st of September, she expressed "a great satisfaction for the
beauty and fineness of the silk, the richness of the pattern, and
at seeing so early a product from that colony;" and to express her
pleasure at such a favorable result, a complete court-dress was made
from it, and on His Majesty's next birth-day, she appeared at the
levee in a full robe of Georgia silk.

On the return of Oglethorpe, in 1735, he renewed his endeavors to
bring it into active operation. For the purpose of obtaining a
sufficient quantity of seed, he allowed no silk to be reeled that
year, but let the worms deposit their eggs. He required, also, that
the Italian women should teach a number of the colonists, and thus
render general the knowledge they could impart. The Saltzburgers at
Ebenezer were the most forward to adopt his views, and in March 28,
1736, Rev. Mr. Bolzius gave one tree to each inhabitant as a present
from Oglethorpe, and two of his congregation were instructed in the
art of reeling, by Mrs. Camuse. But though Oglethorpe gave Mr. Bolzius
trees, silk worms, and a book of instructions, yet he confesses that
he felt no interest in the business, nor inclination to pursue it.

In July, 1739, Mr. Samuel Augspourger carried over a parcel of raw
silk which he received from Mr. Jones, the Trustees' store-keeper in
Savannah, and which was declared by eminent judges to be "equal to any
Italian silk, and worth full twenty shillings per pound."

On May 11, 1741, Mr. Bolzius in his journal states that twenty girls,
during the last two months, succeeded in making seventeen pounds of
cocoons which were sold on Friday last at Savannah for 3_l_. 8_s_.
During this year, General Oglethorpe advanced to Bolzius 5_l_. for
procuring trees, for which sum he obtained twelve hundred, and
distributed twenty-two to each family in his parish.

On May 1, 1742, fourteen pounds and fourteen ounces were sold, which
brought 2_l_. 19_s_. 6_d_. Nearly half of the silkworms died at
Savannah, owing, as was then supposed, either to poisoned dew or warm
weather.

December 4, 1742, General Oglethorpe sent five hundred trees to
Ebenezer, with the promise of more if required. The indifference of
the good Mr. Bolzius had by this time passed away, and he was now a
zealous advocate for its extension. A machine was erected near his
house, and two women succeeded very well, by which the people
were stimulated to renewed exertions, and a public Filature was
contemplated. The enterprise of these Germans, seemed to excite the
envious disposition of Mrs. Camuse, with whom had been placed two
women from Ebenezer; but the conduct of Mrs. C. in withholding
information, rendered their acquirement inadequate, and Mr. Bolzius
withdrew them from her charge. The first parcel of silk made, was sent
to the Trustees, who expressed themselves pleased with its quality. In
1745, the weight of cocoons was two hundred and fifty-three pounds,
and of spun silk sixteen and three-quarters. In 1746, the weight of
cocoons was three hundred and forty-four pounds, and of spun silk
eighteen pounds. Early in this year a machine for winding, and coppers
for baking, together with appropriate treatises on the art, were sent
over by the Trustees, but the people were indifferent and apathetic.

The Germans, however, were as active as formerly, and Mr. Bolzius, in
a letter to Von Munch, dated May 6, 1747, says, that "the people last
winter planted more mulberry trees than for thirteen years before,"
for which he promised them a bounty of one shilling for every tree
which yielded one hundred pounds of leaves. The silk balls raised at
this place this year, were over four hundred pounds, three hundred and
sixty-six pounds of which sold for 36_l_. 12_s_. 10-1/2_d_. The amount
raised in the whole colony, was eight hundred and forty-seven
pounds of cocoons, and sixty-two pounds of spun silk. In 1748, the
Saltzburgers reared four hundred and sixty-four pounds, but their
small trees were destroyed, and some of the larger ones injured,
by the late frost. They this year succeeded admirably in spinning
twenty-four pounds of raw silk, the want of a chimney and proper
basins, which had impeded them before, in their rude building, having
been remedied. The President, writing to Secretary Martyn, December
11, 1746, says, "The fundamental cause of its stagnation, is the
unaccountable backwardness of some of our dames and damsels to employ
themselves in attending to the worms during the time of feeding, which
I have frequently taken notice of, and it cannot be imputed to the
want of leaves."

During the same period only thirty-four pounds of spun silk were
raised by the Trustees' agent in Savannah. Mr. Bolzius, under date
of February 15th, 1749, thus writes: "the weather being now warm and
pleasant, the mulberry trees have put forth their young leaves, and
our people are now turning their minds towards making of silk," and
then, after expressing his surprise, that so few were disposed to this
culture, adds, "one reason for this reluctance, is ascribed to the
circumstance that, by ordinary labor, about two shillings might be
obtained per day, whereas scarcely a shilling could be earned in the
same time, by the silk concern." Seven hundred and sixty-two pounds of
cocoons were raised, and fifty pounds thirteen ounces spun silk, and
there were two machines erected in Mr. Bolzius's yard which drew off
twenty-four ounces per day. On the 29th September, 1749, the Trustees
promised 2_l_. to every woman, who shall make herself mistress of
the art of winding, in one year. And they also gave Rev. Mr. Bolzius
permission to erect ten sheds, with clay furnaces, at an expense of
not more than 2_l_. each, and ten machines for reeling, at thirty
shillings each, which he says could be made better than those at
Savannah for 3_l_.; they also sent them ten basins, and the good
Germans felt the impulse of this substantial encouragement. In 1750,
though the people in other parts of the colony mostly relinquished
the silk culture, the inhabitants of Ebenezer continued vigorously
employed and interested in it. On the 2d of June they received ten
kettles from the Trustees, one of which, and a reeling machine, were
given to each mistress in the art of spinning, and two of the best
artisans received 5_l_. for giving instruction to fourteen young
women, to each of whom was bestowed 1_l_. for attention and industry.

Over a thousand pounds of cocoons were raised at Ebenezer, and
seventy-four pounds two ounces raw silk made, producing (the price
being then thirty shillings) over 110_l_. sterling. As illustrative of
the luxuriant growth of the mulberry, it may be interesting to state,
that two trees in front of the Parsonage, ten years old, measured
three feet eight inches in circumference. In December of this year,
eight more copper basins were received, and public confidence in the
success of the undertaking seemed revived, notwithstanding Mr. Camuse
and family had left the Province, and settled at Purysburgh, in South
Carolina.

On the 25th December, 1750, Mr. Pickering Robinson, who, together
with Mr. James Habersham, had been appointed the preceding August a
commissioner to promote more effectually the culture of silk, arrived
in Savannah.

Mr. Robinson had been sent to France, at the expense of the Trustees,
to study the management of filatures and the necessary processes for
preparing the article for market, and thus, though no operative,
was qualified to take the directorship of so important a branch of
industry. His salary was 100_l_. per annum; 25_l_. for a clerk, and a
tract of land was also granted him, which, in 1763, sold for 1300_l_.

Mr. Robinson brought with him a large quantity of silkworm seed, but
all failed, save about half an ounce; the commissioners determined at
once to erect a filature, which should be a normal school to the whole
province, and it was their opinion that it would be "a sufficient
nursery to supply, in three or four years, as many reelers as will be
wanted, when we make no doubt of many private filatures being erected,
which can only make their culture a general staple." The dimensions
were thirty-six feet by twenty, rough boarded, with a loft or upper
story, for the spreading out of the green cocoons. It was commenced on
the 4th of March, 1751. On the 1st of April, the basins were put up,
and on the 8th of May the reeling began. To encourage the colonists,
the Trustees proposed to purchase all the balls, and wind them at
their own expense, and paid from 1_s_. 6_d_. to 2_s_. 4_d_. per pound
for green cocoons. The Commissioners separated the cocoons into three
sorts: 1st, perfect cones; 2d, the spongy and fuzzy; and 3d, the
spotted, stained, and dupions. This arrangement, however, gave great
offence to some of the residents in Savannah and Purysburgh, and
Messrs. Robinson and Habersham requested the Vice President and
assistants to determine the respective prices and publicly announce
the same, which they did on the 26th April, by a proclamation, wherein
by way of bounty, they promised to pay for cocoons delivered at their
store in Savannah, the following sums, namely, for cocoons made by
one worm, hard, weighty and good substance, 2_s_. per pound; for the
weaker quality, pointed, spotted, or bruised, 1_s_. 3_d_.; for dupions
(those made by two worms), 6_d_.; for raw silk, from 1st quality
cocoons 14_s_. per pound; for that made from 2d quality, 12_s_.; the
product of the double cones, 6_s_. per pound; and they also offered,
if delivered at the filature, for best cocoons, 3_s_. 6_d_.; for
middling 1_s_. 8_d_.; and for inferior 1_s_. 1_d_., a series of prices
truly astonishing, when we reflect that the real merchantable worth of
a pound of cocoons is scarcely ever 6_d_.

Experiments were made at the filature to ascertain the relative
quantity of each of these qualities, in a given weight of cocoons, and
the results were, that in fifty pounds of green cocoons, there were
twenty-seven pounds of the first sort, ten pounds four ounces of the
second, and twelve pounds twelve ounces of the third. After curing or
baking, these fifty pounds weighed only forty-six pounds five ounces,
showing a loss in ponderosity of nearly eight per cent. Beside the
arrangement above specified, the cocoons were still further divided
for the purpose of reeling into white and yellow, and these again,
subdivided into five each, namely, 1st, hard and weighty; 2d, little
woolly and weaker; 3d, very woolly and soft; 4th, spotted and much
bruised; 5th, double worms.

Mr. Camuse, son, and daughter, who, it appears, gave the commissioners
no little trouble by their perverse conduct, returned to Savannah and
were engaged to labor at the filature, at three shillings per day,
at which Mr. Habersham exclaims, "monstrous wages!" The reelers now
advanced with much proficiency, and five of them, on the 10th of May,
wound off eleven pounds of cocoons each. The proportion of raw silk to
the cocoons, appeared, on a variety of trials, to be nearly in this
ratio:--

                                                            oz.
  10th May, 1751, 55 lbs. cocoons, 1st quality, produced 117-7/8.
  11th  "     "    8  "      "      "   " 6-9 per thread  18-1/2.
  13th  "     "   11  "      "      "   "       produced  21-1/2.
  15th  "     "   55  "      "      2d  "           "    109.
  18th  "     "   20  "      "      "   "           "     24.
  22d   "     "   15  "      "      1st "           "     20-3/4.
  "     "     "   10  "      "      2d  "           "     13-1/2.

The whole amount of cocoons raised in the province, was six thousand
three hundred and one pounds, of which two thousand pounds came
from Ebenezer, and four thousand pounds were made at Whitefield's
Orphan-house. Two hundred and sixty-nine pounds and one ounce of raw
silk, and one hundred and sixty-one pounds of filogee, were prepared,
notwithstanding over three hundred and eighty pounds were lost by
vermin, fire and mould. The expense of the culture was large this
year, owing to the erection of the filature, &c., which swelled the
sum to 609_l_. 9_s_. 8-1/2_d_. sterling. The private journals of that
day kept at Savannah and Ebenezer, acquaint us, in some measure, with
the arduous nature of the commissioners' labors, and the difficulties
they encountered from the want of funds, the intractableness of
laborers, the novelty of the attempt, the imperfections of machinery,
and the bitter opposition of those who should have sustained and
encouraged them. The public duties of Mr. Habersham prevented his
constant attention to this business; but the whole time of Mr.
Robinson was devoted to the filature, directing the sorters, aiding
the novices, advising the reelers, and in every way exerting himself
to obtain success. His engagement with the Trustees expired on
the 30th of August, 1751, but finding that his intended departure
depressed the friends of the culture, he was solicited by the local
government to remain another year, and, generously sacrificing private
to public interests, he complied with their request. Mr. Habersham
thus speaks of Mr. Robinson. "I think him the most prudent as well as
the most capable person I ever knew, to undertake such a work, and if
he could be continued here, I doubt not but that he would turn out
a number of well instructed reelers, who would be able to conduct
filatures at Ebenezer, Augusta, and other parts of the province." So
great was the confidence which the Trustees had in him, that he was
appointed an assistant in the government at Savannah; an honor which
he declined, and in the same letter stated, "If due encouragement
be not given to the culture of raw silk, for the term of at least
fourteen years, I positively cannot think of settling in America."
These gentlemen recommended the building of a house, sixty feet by
twenty-six, as a cocoonry, great loss having been experienced for the
want of such a structure.

In 1752, Mr. Robinson returned to England, and his place was partially
supplied by Joseph Ottolenghe, a native of Piedmont, and a proficient
in his art, who came to Georgia on the 18th of July, 1751, and took
charge of the filature in April, 1753. In a letter to Lee Martyn,
dated September 11, 1753, Mr. Ottolenghe says, that "there were fewer
cocoons raised this year, as the worms mostly hatched before the trees
leaved," and that "the people were willing to continue the business."
One hundred and ninety-seven pounds of raw silk were made this year,
and three hundred and seventy-six pounds in 1754, besides twenty-four
pounds of filosele. The people of Augusta became interested in
this manufacture, and entered with considerable spirit into the
undertaking, promising to send hands to Savannah, yearly, to learn the
art of reeling: their enthusiasm, however, soon evaporated.

On the 29th of March, 1755, a certificate, signed by thirty-nine
eminent silk-throwsters and weavers, was given to the "Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations," stating that after examining three hundred
pounds of raw silk, imported from Georgia, "we do sincerely declare
that the nature and texture is truly good, the color beautiful, the
thread as even and as clear as the best Piedmont (called wire silk) of
the size, and much clearer and even than the usual Italian silks;" and
furthermore, "it could be worked with less waste than China silk, and
has all the properties of good silk well adapted to the weaver's art
in most branches."

In 1755, five thousand four hundred and eighty-eight pounds of cocoons
were raised, and four hundred and thirty-eight pounds of raw silk
spun. The good effects of the filature were now happily evident in the
increased interest of the planters in the subject, who sent both their
daughters and young negroes to acquire the art of reeling. In 1756,
three thousand seven hundred and eighty-three pounds and one ounce of
cocoons were received at the filature, and two hundred and sixty-eight
pounds of raw silk reeled.

The liberal policy of the commissioners, who had no private ends to
answer, caused them to recommend the establishment of additional
filatures, and in their letter to the Trustees, June 12th, 1751, they
advise the erection of one at Ebenezer, and another contiguous to
Savannah, but Mr. Ottolenghe opposed this course and arrogated to the
one in Savannah the entire monopoly of the culture. Jealousy appears
to have been very conspicuous in Mr. Ottolenghe's character, and his
opposition to the Saltzburgers and depreciation of their efforts,
arose from this suspicious trait. He aimed to render himself solely
necessary, and aspersed everything which seemed to militate with his
fancied superiority. This appears not only from letters of Governors
Reynold and Ellis, but from his own correspondence, where this caution
and fear of rivalry is plainly discernible. His course gave offence
to the Ebenezer people, who had already erected a filature in their
village; who had been at great sacrifice to send their wives and
daughters to learn the art of reeling in Savannah, and who had hoped
to carry on the manufacture under their own supervision and for their
own benefit. Mr. Ottolenghe, however, overruled their views and
required all cocoons to be delivered at Savannah and to be reeled
there. Each basin at the filature had two apprentices, besides
others who were employed in sorting the balls, &c., and the various
operations connected with the trade, employed nearly forty persons.

In 1757, over five thousand pounds of cocoons were received at
Savannah, and three hundred and sixty pounds of raw silk spun, which,
says Governor Ellis, would have been more, if the eggs had not failed;
and in a letter, dated 11th of March, 1757, he says "the raising of
silk seems to be no longer a matter of curiosity, it employs many poor
people, and is approaching towards a staple."

Seven thousand and forty pounds of cocoons were deposited in the
filature in 1758, but while the friends of this business were
rejoicing in the assured success of their experiment they were
saddened by the destruction of the filature, which took fire on the
4th of July, and was totally consumed. The wound silk, which had not
yet been shipped, amounting to three hundred and fifty pounds, was
saved, but several thousand weight of silk balls, together with much
of the reeling apparatus, were destroyed. Another and more capacious
building was immediately erected and was ready for use the ensuing
season.

In 1759, ten thousand one hundred and thirty-six pounds of cocoons
were raised in Georgia, four thousand pounds of which were from
Ebenezer, and the proceeds of their culture alone, for the season,
reached 700_l_. sterling. The opinion of those engaged in the culture,
as expressed to Dr. Jared Elliot, was, "that it was more profitable
than any other ordinary business."

The cocoons delivered at the filature in 1760, weighed seven thousand
nine hundred and eighty-three pounds, and there were spun eight
hundred and thirty-nine pounds. Mr. Ottolenghe was now honored with
the full appointment of "superintendant of the silk culture in
Georgia," with a salary appropriate to his station.

Five thousand three hundred and seven pounds of cocoons, and three
hundred and thirty-two pounds of raw silk were produced in 1761.
Governor Wright, under date 13th of July, says, "The greatest
appearance that ever they had here was destroyed in two nights' time,
by excessive hard and unseasonable frosts, and there is likewise a
degeneracy in the seed, as Mr. Ottolenghe tells me." These frosts
occurred on the 5th and 6th of April. Parliament, this year, made
a grant of 1000_l_. towards defraying the expenditure for the silk
culture, and it was annually renewed until about 1766. By means of
this gratuity, Mr. Ottolenghe was enabled to give a high price to the
rearers of cocoons, and thus sustain the encouragement so judiciously
commenced.

In 1762, fifteen thousand one hundred and one pounds of cocoons were
delivered at the filature, and one thousand and forty-eight pounds of
raw silk reeled, which Mr. O. declared to be the finest and best silk
ever produced in Georgia.

The year 1763 showed an increase of cocoons but a decrease of silk,
there being fifteen thousand four hundred and eighty-six pounds of the
former, and only nine hundred and fifty-three pounds of the latter.
The occasion of this disparity was a season of cold, rainy weather,
towards the close of April, by which the later cocoons were injured
and rendered almost useless.

There were delivered at the filature, in 1764, fifteen thousand two
hundred and twelve pounds of cocoons, notwithstanding the season was
so unfavorable, that Governor Wright mentions the case of one man who
expected to make from five to seven hundred pounds, who only succeeded
in raising one hundred pounds of cocoons. Eight thousand six hundred
and ninety-five pounds were sent by the Saltzburgers, and the whole
amount yielded eight hundred and ninety-eight pounds of raw silk.

In addition to the grant of Parliament, a Society, instituted in
London, for the encouragement of arts, manufactures and commerce,
offered certain premiums for the advantage of the British American
dominions, among which were:

"For every pound of cocoons produced in the province of Georgia
and South Carolina, in the year 1764, of a hardy, weighty and good
substance, wherein only one worm has spun, 3_d_.; for every pound of
cocoons produced in the same year, of a weaker, lighter, spotted or
bruised quality, 2_d_.; for dupions, 1_d_." These premiums were to be
paid under the direction of Mr. O., with proper vouchers that the same
were raised in either of the provinces specified.

It was agitated in 1765, to reduce the price of cocoons from 3_s_. to
1_s_. 6_d_. per pound, a measure which produced much dissatisfaction
and as a consequence there was a considerable falling off in the
amount of balls and silk, only twelve thousand five hundred and
fourteen pounds of the former, and seven hundred and twelve pounds of
the latter, together with seven hundred and twenty pounds of filosele
being produced. To prevent the depression consequent on this
reduction, Governor Wright suggested, that instead of so much per
pound, as formerly, that the ten largest quantities should receive the
highest, 50_l_., the next greatest parcel 45_l_., and so on, gradually
decreasing with the decrease in weight, until you reached the lowest
quantity, to which 10_l_. would be awarded; thus, while the expense
would be greatly lessened to the Trustees, the stimulus of reward
would be sufficiently sustained. This advice was not adopted, though
owing to the urgent remonstrances of those best acquainted with the
business, the reduction in the bounty was only 9_d_. instead of 1_s_.
6_d_. On the 25th April, 1765, the following order was published in
the "Georgia Gazette:"

"Notice is hereby given to all whom it may concern, that, by
direction of the Right Honorable the Lords Commissioners of Trade and
Plantations, the price usually paid for cocoons is now reduced, and
that no more than 2_s_. 3_d_. per pound will be paid for cocoons
raised in this province, and delivered at the public filature this
season.

"By order of His Excellency the Governor.

"GEO. BAILLIE, _Commissary_"

This bounty was still further reduced in 1766, when by order of the
Board of Trade, only 1_s_. 1_d_. was paid per pound. The dependence of
this culture on the weather, was signally instanced this year, from
the fact that though many who had hitherto raised cocoons, abandoned
it at the reduction of the bounty, yet such a large crop had never
been produced before; over twenty thousand three hundred and eighty
pounds of cocoons being delivered at the filature, which, however,
only produced one thousand eighty-nine pounds of raw silk, and eight
hundred and fifty pounds of filosele. This amount of reeled silk was
not at all proportionate to the weight of the cones, resulting, as Mr.
Ottolenghe said in a letter to Governor Wright, October 2, 1766, "to
the badness of the seed, and consequent inferiority of the worms."
In 1760, the cocoons weighed only seven thousand nine hundred and
eighty-three pounds, and yet eight hundred and thirty-nine pounds of
raw silk were spun; at which rate, the product this year should have
been about two thousand pounds.

On the 26th of June, Henry Kennan made proposals to the Board of
Trade, for carrying on the filature; but they were of a nature not at
all advantageous to the culture, and Governor Wright, in his reply, on
the 21st of October, disapproved of the plan, and exposed the fallacy
of his scheme, which was in consequence abandoned.

In 1767, ten thousand seven hundred and sixty-eight pounds of balls
were raised, and six hundred and seventy-one pounds nine ounces of raw
silk spun; the decrease of cocoons being caused, first, by withdrawing
of the Purysburgh cocoons, which last year amounted to five thousand
five hundred and fifty-one pounds; and second, by the reduction of
bounty, so that while last year the cocoons were delivered in by two
hundred and sixty-four different persons, only one hundred and sixty
individuals were this year devoted to the culture. The silk, however,
was of a better quality, and sustained its high reputation in the
London market.

In 1768, another plan was proposed, by Mr. Delamar, "in order the
more effectually to establish the growth of raw silk in America." His
proposal was, to pay a bounty of 20_s_. per pound on every pound of
good, clear raw silk imported from any of his Majesty's dominions in
America, to be paid on the price such silk might sell for at public
sale in London; at the expiration of ten years, ten per cent. bounty
was to be allowed; the ensuing five years at five per cent., after
which time the bounty was to cease. This was the general feature of
his plan; it was not, however, adopted, though in many respects its
provisions were highly judicious and appropriate.

But this branch of industry and commerce was fast waning before the
increasing culture of more sure and lucrative products, and only one
hundred and thirty-seven different persons brought cocoons to the
filature this year. Governor Wright, in his official letter to the
Earl of Hillsborough, July 1, 1768, says, "I am persuaded that few, or
none but the very poorer sort of people, will continue to go upon
that article. Several substantial persons, who did mean to make it
an object when the price was higher, have, to my knowledge, given
it over. The reason, my Lord, is evident; for people who have their
fortune to raise or make, will always turn themselves in such a way,
and to the raising and making of such commodities, as they think will
answer best; and it is very clear to me, that those who have negroes,
may employ themselves and negroes to better advantage, &c., than by
raising cocoons at 1_s_. 6_d_. per pound, although that is, as I have
said, 7, 8, or 9_d_. more than they are intrinsically worth."

Cluny, in his "American Traveller," printed in London, 1769, says,
"The climate of Georgia has been found to agree in every respect with
the silk worm." Experience, however, proved that the climate was
not sufficiently equable to secure permanent and continued success.
Governor Wright, in the letter quoted above, says, "the variable and
uncertain weather in spring, makes it precarious," and facts amply
confirm this statement. Only five hundred and forty-one pounds of raw
silk were made this year, a smaller amount, with one exception, than
had been produced for ten years. In 1769, the quantity was still more
decreased, both from the reluctance of the people to raise worms, and
the unfavorable weather in spring. Governor Wright, on the 20th of
June, 1769, says, "We had a most extraordinary prospect, till the
middle of April, when I thought every thing safe, yet we had very cold
rains on the 17th and 18th, which were succeeded by hard black frost
on the 19th and 20th, and destroyed a great part of the worms, and
will reduce the silk very much."

The silk business was now on the irretrievable decline, though it
still maintained a nominal existence, and received the encouragement
of Parliament. The special bounty which had hitherto been paid on
cocoons, over and above their merchantable value, was suspended, and
by a statute of 9 Geo. III., c. 38, a premium of twenty-five per cent.
from the 1st of January, 1770, to the 1st of January, 1777,--of twenty
per cent, from the 1st of January, 1777, to the 1st of January,
1784,--and of fifteen per cent. from the 1st of January, 1784, to the
1st of January 1791, on the ad valorem value of all silk produced in
America and imported into Great Britain in vessels regularly navigated
by law, was substituted in its place.

The inhabitants of Ebenezer resumed the culture, which with them had
long been dormant, and its revival at that time was principally owing
to the influence of a very worthy man and magistrate, Mr. Wertsch,
who, sanguine himself of ultimate success, had imparted to the Germans
a portion of his own enthusiasm.

In 1770, they shipped two hundred and ninety-one pounds of raw silk,
the result of their own industry, and as the filature at Savannah
was discontinued in 1771, the Earl of Hillsborough, ever anxious to
advance the produce, warmly commended the zeal of the Saltzburgers,
and directed President Habersham to distribute "the basins and reels
that were left in the public filature, to such persons as Mr. Wertsch
shall recommend to be proper objects of that bounty;" and in the same
letter he promised that he would endeavor to procure for them, this
year, "a small sum from Parliament, to be laid out in purchase of
utensils for the assistance of the poor sort of people in your
province." This promise he redeemed.

So popular had the silk business become at Ebenezer, that Mr.
Habersham, in a letter dated the 30th of March, 1772, says, "some
persons in almost every family there, understand its process from the
beginning to the end." In 1771, the Germans sent four hundred and
thirty-eight pounds of raw silk to England, and in 1772, four hundred
and eighty-five pounds, all of their own raising. They made their own
reels, which were so much esteemed that one was sent to England as a
model, and another taken to the East Indies by Pickering Robinson.
The operations at Savannah were now totally discontinued, though Mr.
Ottolenghe still styled himself "Superintendent of the Silk Culture
in Georgia," and in consideration of his long and faithful service in
that office, received an annuity of 100_l_.

In a message of Sir James Wright, to the Commons House of Assembly,
19th of January, 1774, he says, "The filature buildings seem to be
going to decay and ruin; may it not, therefore, be expedient to
consider what other service or use they may be put to?" and the
Assembly answered, "We shall not fail to consider how it may be
expedient to apply the filature to some public use;" and henceforth
it was used as an assembly or ball-room, a place where societies held
their meetings, and where divine service was occasionally conducted:
more recently, it was converted into a dwelling-house, and was thus
appropriated at the time of its destruction by fire, on the afternoon
of March 25, 1839.

Thus ended the grand project for raising silk in the Province of
Georgia; for though some few individuals, together with the people of
Ebenezer, continued to raise small quantities, yet, as a branch of
general culture, it has never been resuscitated. The last parcel
brought to Savannah was in 1790, when over two hundred pounds were
purchased for exportation, at from 8_s_. to 26_s_. per pound.

On reviewing the causes which led to the suspension of this business,
after so many exertions and such vast expense, which, it must be
remembered, the profits of the culture never reimbursed, we find,
first, the unfriendliness of the climate, which, notwithstanding its
boasted excellence, interfered materially with its success. Governor
Wright, frequently speaks of its deleterious influence, and the
fluctuations in the various seasons, evidenced, to demonstration,
that the interior was better adapted to the agricultural part of the
business, than the exposed and variable sea-board. Mr. Habersham, in
a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, dated "Savannah, 24th of April,
1772," thus expresses himself on this point. "Upwards of twenty years
ago, if my memory does not fail me, Samuel Lloyd, Esq., of London, who
was one of the late trustees for establishing this colony, and was
fourteen years in Italy, and very largely concerned in the silk
business, wrote to me, that the best silk was produced at a distance
from the sea-coast, owing, I suppose, to the richness of the soil,
which made the mulberry leaf more glutinous, nutritive and healthy to
the silk-worm; also, to their not being obnoxious to musquetoes and
sand-flies, and probably, likewise, to the weather being more equal
and less liable to sudden transition from heat to cold: and on a
conversation this day with Mr. Barnard, of Augusta, he assures me,
that from two years experience in raising cocoons there, he lost none
from sickness, which frequently destroys two-thirds of the worms
here;" and he further says, that Mr. Ottolenghe told him that the silk
reeled from the Augusta cocoons "made the strongest and most wiry
thread of any raised in these parts."

Second, the expensiveness of living, and the dearness of labor, which
was as high as 1_s_. 8_d_. to 2_s_. per day, whereas 2_d_. or 3_d_.
was the usual price paid the peasant in silk-growing countries.
Governor Wright, in a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, frankly
told him that, "till these provinces become more populous, and labor
cheaper, I apprehend, silk will not be a commodity, or an article, of
any considerable amount."

Third, the great reduction of the bounty, which, being the stimulus to
exertion, ceased to operate as an incentive, when from 3_s_. 3_d_.
it fell to 1_s_. 3_d_., and finally to a mere premium on the general
quantity imported. The poor could not subsist on these prices, and
the rich could employ their lands to much better advantage than in
cultivating an article which would not repay the expenses of labor:
and lastly, the increasing attention, bestowed on rice and cotton,
sealed the fate of the silk culture, and the planters soon learned to
consider the latter of no importance in comparison, with the large
and lucrative crops yielded by these more staple commodities. Other
reasons might be mentioned, but these sufficiently account for its
decline there, and its total neglect even to the present day. During
the morus multicaulis epidemic, which spread over our country in 1838,
Savannah, it is true, did not escape, and for a time the fever raged,
with much violence, but the febrile action soon subsided, leaving
no permanent benefit and only a few fields of waving foliage, as a
deciduous memento of this frenzied excitement.

That silk can be produced in Georgia equal to any in the world, does
not admit of a doubt, but whether it will ever be resumed, and when,
is among the unknown events of the future.





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