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Title: The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa - Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, - Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 143-300
Author: Hoffman, Walter James, 1846-1899
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa - Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, - Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 143-300" ***
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* * * * *
THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”
of
THE OJIBWA.
by
W. J. HOFFMAN.
* * * * *
CONTENTS.
Page
Introduction 149
Shamans 156
Midē´wiwin 164
Midē´wigân 187
First degree 189
Preparatory instruction 189
Midē´ therapeutics 197
Imploration for clear weather 207
Initiation of candidate 210
Descriptive notes 220
Second degree 224
Preparation of candidate 224
Initiation of candidate 231
Descriptive notes 236
Third degree 240
Preparation of candidate 241
Initiation of candidate 243
Descriptive notes 251
Fourth degree 255
Preparation of candidate 257
Initiation of candidate 258
Descriptive notes 274
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân 278
Initiation by substitution 281
Supplementary notes 286
Pictography 286
Music 289
Dress and ornaments 298
Future of the society 299
ILLUSTRATIONS.
[Plates and Figures were numbered continuously within each Bureau
of Ethnology volume, so there is no Plate I in this article.]
Page
Plate II. Map showing present
distribution of Ojibwa 150
III. Red Lake and Leech Lake records 166
IV. Sikas´sige’s record 170
V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg 172
VI. Facial decoration 174
VII. Facial decoration 178
VIII. Ojibwa’s record 182
IX. Mnemonic songs 193
X. Mnemonic songs 202
XI. Sacred objects 220
XII. Invitation sticks 236
XIII. Mnemonic songs 238
XIV. Mnemonic songs 288
XV. Sacred posts 240
XVI. Mnemonic songs 244
XVII. Mnemonic songs 266
XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease 278
XIX. Birch-bark records 286
XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288
XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake 390
XXII. Mnemonic songs 392
XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters 298
Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine
and treating patient 159
2. Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts,
showing descent of Mī´nabō´zho 174
3. Origin of ginseng 175
4. Peep-hole post 178
5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg 179
6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185
7. Birch-bark record, from Bed Lake 186
8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186
9. Eshgibō´ga 187
10. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the first degree 188
11. Interior of Midē´wigân 188
12. Ojibwa drums 190
13. Midē´ rattle 191
14. Midē´ rattle 191
15. Shooting the Mīgis 192
16. Wooden beads 205
17. Wooden effigy 205
18. Wooden effigy 205
19. Hawk-leg fetish 220
20. Hunter’s medicine 222
21. Hunter’s medicine 222
22. Wâbĕnō´ drum 223
23. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the second degree 224
24. Midē´ destroying an enemy 238
25. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the third degree 240
26. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
27. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
28. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
29. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
30. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
31. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman 255
32. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man 255
33. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the fourth degree 255
34. General view of Midē´wigân 256
35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279
36. Leech Lake Midē´ song 295
37. Leech Lake Midē´ song 296
38. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297
39. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297
THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”
OF THE OJIBWAY.
By W. J. Hoffman.
INTRODUCTION.
The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it is
scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on the
east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba
southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This
tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward
migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber
growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts
possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State
is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains,
while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or
near the meridian of 95° 50' west longitude, extends due north and
south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the
timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49°
north latitude, at about 97° 10' west longitude.
Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of which
are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely isolated.
The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being covered
chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and the
lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes, around
which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in moist
ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with oak,
poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and shrubs.
Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have
furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.
Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several
reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they
have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian
agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes
may therefore be found upon a single reservation, where they continue to
adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus presenting an
interesting field for ethnologic research.
The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is
indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion
many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the
northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their
primitive methods and are commonly designated “wild Indians.” The
habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on
the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east,
have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about
three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages
and corroborated by other traditional evidence.
Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or La
Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The settlement
at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions pertaining to the
“Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made to the fact that at
this place the rites were practiced in their greatest purity.
Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,[1] bases his belief
upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the
whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries
met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as
with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter,
inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned
in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all
those people who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is
clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity.
La Hontan speaks of the “Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs,” as good warriors.
The name Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of
the tribe.
[Footnote 1: Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.]
According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance the
tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac at
least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating the
swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and
southwestward. According to a statement[2] of the location of the tribes
of Lake Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the
southern and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however,
that the northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region
adjacent to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present
location, thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south
of them.
[Footnote 2: Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York
Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.]
[Illustration: Plate II.
Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin.
I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech
Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du
Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de
Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.]
From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices
pertaining to the Midē´wiwin, Society of the Midē´ or Shamans, popularly
designated as the “Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the
rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly
different forms in various localities.
In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention is
made of the Midē´, the Jes´sakkīd´, or the Wâbĕnō´, but the term
sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of
persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced
incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference
is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of
Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this
antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian
genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of
the Midē´ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and
impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man.
This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of
the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of
whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the
Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the
traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of
ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged
power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the
expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are
firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings--manidos--and in order that certain desires may be
realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the present
paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of
initiation as studied and observed at White Earth, Minnesota, in 1889.
Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest to consider a
few statements made by early travelers respecting the “sorcerers or
jugglers” and the methods of medication.
In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the Northwest,
La Hontan[3] says:
When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if
they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d:
They have told me frequently, that sleeping and sweating would cure
the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that
they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make
merry before ’em, in order to divert ’em. To conclude, when they are
ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (_Jongleurs_); of
whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye.
A _Jongleur_ is a sort of _Physician_, or rather a _Quack_, who being
once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly
to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all
Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every
Body rallies upon these Fellows when they are absent, and looks upon
’em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper,
yet they allow ’em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’em with
their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave,
skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they
were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a
Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal’d at
once with Diversion and Good Cheer.
When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him very
carefully; _If the Evil Spirit be here_, says he, _we shall quickly
dislodge him._ This said, he withdraws by himself to a little Tent
made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl;
(which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, _That the Devil converses
with ’em_.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes
and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little
Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, _That these very Bones
came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in
regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order
to accelerate the Cure, ’t will be convenient to send his own and his
Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat
of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend._
Commonly these Quacks bring ’em some Juices of Plants, which are a
sort of Purges, and are called _Maskikik_.
[Footnote 3: New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2,
pp. 47, 48.]
Hennepin, in “A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc.,[4] speaks of
the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those
living about the Great Lakes as follows:
We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in
general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to
comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will
have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look
upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an _Otkon_ or
_Manitou_, either Good or Evil.
These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all
believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they
make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they
carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of
their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell,
or some such thing;
There is no Nation among ’em which has not a sort of Juglers or
Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion
there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their
Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil.
These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which
fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an
unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to
cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a
Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to
Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part
as have little Virtue at all in ’em, especially to Cure that Distemper
which they pretend to.
It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange
Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are
disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments.
[Footnote 4: London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.]
Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in
1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the
ceremony of the “calumet dance,” as follows:
They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal
when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they
take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have
prescrib’d them.
In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain
class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled
to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were
permitted to “assist at all the Superstitions of their _Juglers_, and
their solemn Dances in honor of the _Calumet_, in which they may sing,
but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to their
Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for, because
of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as
_Manitous_, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.”
That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is “the most mysterious thing in the World. The
Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have
such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it _The God of Peace
and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death_. Their _Calumet of Peace_ is
different from the _Calumet of War_; They make use of the former to seal
their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive
Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.”
This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is
used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious
devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian
tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin. When the
calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the
houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named
authority continues in this connection:
They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter
themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large
Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company,
who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call
_Manitoa_. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or anything else
that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this _Manitoa_ will
prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To
the Right of their _Manitoa_ they place the _Calumet_, their Great
Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz.
their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. * * * Every Body
sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all
saluted the _Manitoa_, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their
Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense.
* * * This _Preludium_ being over, he who is to begin the Dance
appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the _Calumet_,
presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to smoke. Then he
moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes laying it near
the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou’d make it fly, and
then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after
another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous
Ball.
The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as
significant as the “smoke ceremonies” mentioned in connection with the
preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into
the Midē´wiwin.
In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the
sorcerers, Hennepin says:
As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of
a certain _Genius_, whom they call _Micaboche_, who has cover’d the
whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable
fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the
Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain
Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians,
curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that
these _Savages_ are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with
a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for
Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten
thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a
horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of
Snow wou’d fall ere long, that they might have good game in the
Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the
bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet
at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or
eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among
those poor deluded Wretches.
That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of _Micaboche_, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who
acted as an intercessor between Ki´tshi Man´idō (Great Spirit) and the
Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi´nabō´zho; but to this full
reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the
origin of the Midē´wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the
birth of Manabush (the Mi´nabō´zho of the Menomoni) and his brother, the
Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of
other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form presented by
Hennepin in the following words:
Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. _Lawrence_,
do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion
with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven,
and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground
whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion
for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them
should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on
the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed
herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering
together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little
that vast Tract of Land, which we now call _America_.
They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body
for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more
pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz’d upon her Spirits, she
fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in
that Condition approach’d and knew her unperceptibly. From which
Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of
her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree
together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they
quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one
could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild
Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution,
who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he
resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven,
whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times
his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother.
Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she
conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated
these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts
of the Universe.
It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the
traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis
(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the
wind gods. Mi´nabō´zho became angered with the Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the
latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Mi´nabō´zho the rite of the
Midēwiwin. The brother of Mi´nabō´zho was destroyed by the malevolent
underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,--the “Land of
the Midnight Sun.”
Upon his arrival at the “Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette
found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: “Miamis, Maskoutens,
and Kikabeux.” He says:
When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in
the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red
Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the
Great _Manitou_, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken
of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous
Hunting. _Manitou_, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits
whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.
Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the
sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin, as
will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society.
The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of
the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the
visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same
symbol of the Midē´ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with
barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of him.
The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during
the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying paper.
The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midē´ priests
living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from members
of the society from other reservations, who visited the last named
locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of
the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here be
said that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any
birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the
artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the
works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col.
Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological
Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding
this subject:
The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such
as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful
minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa
hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was
considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain
how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that
purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as
assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern
region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be
discovered. * * * The general results of the comparison of
Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found shows that, in
substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring.
The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his
copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent
significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the
birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the
bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also
used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian
philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which,
could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture
of the Ojibwa.
SHAMANS.
There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery men,
termed respectively and in order of importance the Midē´, the
Jĕs´sakkīd´, and the Wâbĕnō´, but before proceeding to elaborate in
detail the Society of the Midē´, known as the Midē´wiwin, a brief
description of the last two is necessary.
The term Wâbĕnō´ has been explained by various intelligent Indians as
signifying “Men of the dawn,” “Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is
not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that
but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,[5]
in referring to the several classes of Shamans, says “there is a third
form or rather modification of the medawin, * * * the Wâbĕnō´;
a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a
corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore remarks[6] that “it is
stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin.
They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda.”
[Footnote 5: Information respecting the history, condition, and
prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia,
1851, vol. 1, p. 319.]
[Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 362.]
From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâbĕnō´ does
not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society,
but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâbĕnō´ is primarily
prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth, for
which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite number of
days. It is positively affirmed that evil man´idōs favor his desires,
and apart from his general routine of furnishing “hunting medicine,”
“love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a
hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the
Wâbĕnō´, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a
feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâbĕnō´ will invite a number of
friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This feast is given at
night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged in, and the
Wâbĕnō´, to sustain his reputation, entertains his visitors with a
further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to
be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot stones and
burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said
that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple
sirup. On account of such performances the general impression prevails
among the Indians that the Wâbĕnō´ is a “dealer in fire,” or
“fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always terminate at the approach of
day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are at present but two
or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake.
As a general rule, however, the Wâbĕnō´ will seek entrance into the
Midē´wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice of
medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man´idōs,
especially such as cause disease.
The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated a
“juggler,” the Indians define him as a “revealer of hidden truths.”
There is no association whatever between the members of this profession,
and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made
and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no
initiation by means of which one may become a Jĕs´sakkīd´. The gift is
believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki´, and then only at
long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth,
when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual.
His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe.
He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become
acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the
success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs
of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the
soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim
of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking, and causing
evil, while that of the Midē´ is to avert it; he attempts at times to
injure the Midē´ but the latter, by the aid of his superior man´idos,
becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes
happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midē´
alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the
chief pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes
removed by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how
the Jĕs´sakkīd´ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of
the most complicated tying of cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by
this class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming
a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are
wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright
cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful
man´idō of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and through him, with numerous other
malevolent man´idōs, especially the Animiki´, or thunder-bird. When the
prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway
violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within,
denoting the arrival of man´idōs, and numerous voices and laughter are
distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the
prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in
coming. In his notice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, Schoolcraft affirms[7] that
“while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member
of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin--a society of men
who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and
incantations.” The fact is that there is not the slightest connection
between the practice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and that of the Midē´wiwin, and
it is seldom, if at all, that a Midē´ becomes a Jĕs´sakkīd´, although
the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midē´wiwin, chiefly with
the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe.
[Footnote 7: Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.]
The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâbĕnō´. An idea
of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by
taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the
same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the
Midē´ Society consisting, in round numbers, of one hundred members, and
among the entire population there are but two Wâbĕnō´ and five
Jĕs´sakkīd´.
It is evident that neither the Wâbĕnō´ nor the Jĕs´sakkīd´ confine
themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark
records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful
research and examination extending over the field seasons of three
years, prove to have been the property of Wâbĕnō´ and Jĕs´sakkīd´, who
were also Midē´. It is probable that those who practice either of the
first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may
employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are
limited to the characteristic formulæ of exorcism, as their practice
varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the
requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord
therewith.
Some examples of songs used by Jĕs´sakkīd´, after they have become
Midē´, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the
Midē ’wiwin.
There is still another class of persons termed Mashkī´kĭkē´winĭnĭ, or
herbalists, who are generally denominated “medicine men,” as the Ojibwa
word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and consists in knowing the
mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries,
which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an
administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true
scientific principles, it is only in consequence of such practice having
been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the
Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the
treatment of the common disorders of life. Although these herbalists are
aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon
the human system, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such
remedies are distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in
the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these
herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally
members of the Midē´wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a
mixture.
[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Herbalist preparing medicine and treating
patient.]
The origin of the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In
the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to
sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices
are dependent upon the assistance of “Manitous,” or mysterious spirits;
though, as there is no discrimination made between these different
professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of
the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that
the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or juggler, and the Midē´, or Shaman, were referred to.
The Midē´, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has by
various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer, prophet,
etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among the
Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to fill
the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar
practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock
can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes
constituting that stock.
Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the
place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, or Society of the Midē´, but who is removed by death before
the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a young man
dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a
substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or “Ghost Lodge,” a collateral branch of the
Midē´wiwin.
As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W.
Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren
was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the
legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled “History of the Ojibwa
Nation,” was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota
Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr.
Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own
people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the
historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His
manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following
year. In speaking of the Society of the Midē´,[8] he says:
The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it,
“Grand Medicine,”) and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet
fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still
shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much
pains to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking
their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their
friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly
acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the
Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that I have obtained full as much
and more general and true information on this matter than any other
person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and
standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojibways
well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been
regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a member
of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to
believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian
priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a
white man should ever have been allowed _in truth_ to become a member
of their Me-da-we lodge.
An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being
enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does
not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it
make him a member of the Society.
[Footnote 8: Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.]
These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of “a great and standard
authority” have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other
assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information
Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851,
p. 361, viz:
I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and
studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the
region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of the
advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a
Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its
principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its
ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors,
with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the
result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an
Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial
notation which have been sometimes called “music boards,” from the
fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda
Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in
accordance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society
and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.
This statement is followed by another,[9] in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a
foot-note, affirms:
Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the
Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a _Sagima_ and
_Jesukaid_in each of the other fraternities, and studied their
pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with
the more decision on the subject.
[Footnote 9: Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.]
Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies
were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly
three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not
burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as
conducted within the last three years.
Mr. Warren truly says:
In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst
them--songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in
hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is
also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language,
which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday use.
As the ritual of the Midē´wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon
traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful
consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by
them as “their religion,” as they themselves designate it.
In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western
tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal
ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks[10] in reference to the
Ojibwa:
Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a
close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too
late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion.
And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can
be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their
graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of
their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious
belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red
children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in
the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this
their most ancient belief. * * *
They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the
world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on
what they term the “new earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by
their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion,
hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.
[Footnote 10: Op. cit., p. 25.]
Furthermore,
They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit
which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it
was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom
they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and
means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code
of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could
commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach and
ravages of death.
It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Midē´ priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the
Missasauga--i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians
living in Canada. In his work[11] he states:
Each tribe has its medicine men and women--an order of priesthood
consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These powwows are
persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary cures, either
by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an
Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first
place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the
woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful
plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how
to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of
Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have
offended.
The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not
so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which
they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these
credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse
with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever
information they require.
[Footnote 11: History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)],
pp. 143,144.]
The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man´idōs, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
man´idōs, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a
charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior man´idō is termed Ki´tshi
Man´idō--Great Spirit--approaching to a great extent the idea of the God
of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe
Man´idō, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of
the Midē´wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of
the Midē´wiwin were granted to man. The Ani´miki or Thunder God is, if
not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man´idōs,
and it is from him that the Jĕs´sakkīd´ are believed to obtain their
powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom special reference will
be made, who abides in and rules the “place of shadows,” the hereafter;
he is known as Dzhibai´ Man´idō--Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost
Spirit. The name of Ki´tshi Man´idō is never mentioned but with
reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midē´wiwin, or a
sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco.
The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in
the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of
days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or
ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The
spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of
mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is
considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the
personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced,
and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small
effigy of this man´idō is made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece
of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck,
or if the wearer be a Midē´ he carries it in his “medicine bag” or
pinji´gosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his
dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary
importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful man´idō or other object held in great reverence by the members
of the Midē´ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea
of becoming a Midē´. Thereupon he makes application to a prominent Midē´
priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary course to be pursued to
attain his desire. If the Midē´ priest considers with favor the
application, he consults with his confrères and action is taken, and the
questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents,
etc., are formally discussed. If the Midē´ priests are in accord with
the desires of the applicant an instructor or preceptor is designated,
to whom he must present himself and make an agreement as to the amount
of preparatory information to be acquired and the fees and other
presents to be given in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do
with the presents which must be presented to the Midē´ priests previous
to his initiation as a member of the society, the latter being collected
during the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period
usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for
hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as presents
may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable
from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation
for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin, and there are many who have
impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for
the feast to which all visiting priests are also invited.
Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society
he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase
a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a
small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His
application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and
the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a Wâbĕnō´ wishes
to become a Midē´.
MIDĒ´WIWIN.
The Midē´wiwin--Society of the Midē´ or Shamans--consists of an
indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded into
four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond
the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained
by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having
submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the
officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain
localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there
is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One
circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that
is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the
Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of
the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which
reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in
forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the
importance and sacredness of the ceremony.
It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent
pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to
the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an
accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.
During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good
fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which,
according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests,
had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian
unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½
inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of
birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat
strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured
transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as
to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A,
is a reproduction of the design referred to.
It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at
the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it
in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish
Ojibwa.
It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand
Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin
was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict
accordance with ancient and traditional usage.
The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very
great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the
traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions
occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and
the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On
account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long
continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually
occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.
A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented
further on in connection with two interesting variants which were
subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the
widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa,
and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the
ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at
some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of
tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the
origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was
possible to procure will be submitted.
In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe
these people are termed A-nish´-in-â´-bēg--original people--a term
surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating
that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the
final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at
Sault Ste. Marie.
Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of
the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit, and
acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally
supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and
the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.
The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake
(Pl. III A), is as follows:
When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the
earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the
Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth--the northeast, the
southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they
were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases
with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with
animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabō´zho
remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring
to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something
laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water
to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching
it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the
north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared.
Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the
water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it
might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it
disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south
(No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he
might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing
in the west Mi´nabō´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the
earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was
the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then
Mi´nabō´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and
gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of
the sick; the sacred Midē´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of
initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in
invocations and in making peace.
[Illustration: Plate III.
Red Lake and Leech Lake Records.]
The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of a
large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is
called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Mi´nabō´zho
built a Midē´wigân (sacred Midē´ lodge), and taking his drum he beat
upon it and sang a Midē´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man´idō had
decided to help the Aníshinâ´bōg, that they might always have life and
an abundance of food and other things necessary for their comfort.
Mi´nabō´zho then took the Otter into the Midē´wigân and conferred upon
him the secrets of the Midē´wiwin, and with his Midē´ bag shot the
sacred mī´gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able
to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Aníshinâ´bēg.
The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may
consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar
to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and
the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this
day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the
Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted
that much of the information has been lost through the death of their
aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the
sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the
adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´
priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are
in consequence termed “pagans.”
My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of
the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter
appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the
semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the
earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8.
Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who
endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of
the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the
outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding
lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the
lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the
course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13,
14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are
always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a
rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of
this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No.
20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents
the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to
which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may
compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the
Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred
drum which the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two
offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two.
After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to
advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers
to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No.
29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are
indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27.
Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs who
oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the
four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the
two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the
middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his
way to the second degree.
Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the
entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos.
37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but
while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45
simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this second
initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in
the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and
intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as
specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.
When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō
supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from
the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he
can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that
he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance,
however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his
ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or
duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a
Midē´ of this degree has several times had the mī´gis--life--“shot into
his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity
of influence obtained thereby.
No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his
powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any
animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim,
immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent
of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass
the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the
intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the
modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig.
24, page 238.
Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special
reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50,
represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters
at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions
of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his
intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a
forest, the location usually sought by bad Midē´ and witches.
If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of
the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53
denotes that the candidate now personates the bear--not one of the
malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to
be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He
is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the
Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)--who has until this opposed his
advancement--now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances
toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midē´wiwin,
where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits,
the guardians of this degree.
Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this
degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in
connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and
more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he
becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he
possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented
in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms
denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp
from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish
extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and
assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes
more widely extended.
Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special
guardians of the third degree lodge.
To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater
number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to
personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown
sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for
his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most
powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a
candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure
(No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of
Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern
entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit.
Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain
possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance
to the candidate’s entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent
beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No.
97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions
being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but
the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate
serpents.
The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing
through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure
(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is
covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midē´wiwin.
These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests, during the
initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines connecting them
in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or
organs of the body may be exercised.
The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only
endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others,
as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head,
but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at
pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the
prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he
usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly
designated “the Jugglery.”
The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may
have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was
not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the
history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin.
Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is
an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed
by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of
his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the
right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at
which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are
designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and
left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is
termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´--End of the road--and is alluded to in the
ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e.,
the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes
(No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have
been a fourth degree Midē´ for a period of 14 years.
The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the same
individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical
strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midē´
priest of the society for that number of years.
[Illustration: Plate IV.
Sikas´sige’s Record.]
The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the
interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and the
stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of
treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the
exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the
acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is
indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.
Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge
is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114),
leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another
similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to
the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the
north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge.
Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting
the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided
over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´.
No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân to
the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the
dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is personated by
a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when giving a feast
to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the
Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.
Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal
record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4
represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been
initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he
has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear
tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit,
considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits
of the fourth degree wigwam.
The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a
lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together
with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the
Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose
courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no
information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had
an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech
Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data
concerning them.
The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at
Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and
4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in
the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12,
and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his
initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the
four officiating priests of the Midē´wigân at his place of residence.
Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as
during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing
since he became a Midē´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify
that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in
the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A.
The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred to
will be described and figured hereafter.
The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by
Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident
at White Earth.
The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at
Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ
received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although
he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the
society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation
he was permitted to be present.
Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the
officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by
him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following
tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. V is a reduced copy:
In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´ Man´idōs. He
first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5);
but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1)
made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they
should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians.
When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon
observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and
that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon
become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth were four
lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Man´idō decided to
commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians
could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told
him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information
to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They
all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at
Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for
the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask
Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the
people.
Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go
to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the
council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the
earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own.
[Illustration: Plate V.
Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.]
This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this
woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they
decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made
preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each
evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent
the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging
upon the poles, the adopted child--who was the Sun Spirit--would play
about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father
he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said
he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents
expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be
accomplished.
The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he
said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead
boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in
the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been
done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated
themselves around the corpse.
When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through
the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came
towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead
body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it towards the
left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began
quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he
had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and
stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the
distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the
following words:
Nōs ka-wī´-na ni´-shi-na´-bi wis-sī´ a´-ya-wī´-an man´-i-dō
My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit
nin-gī´-sis. Be-mai´-a-mī´-nik ni´-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mī-a-zhĭ´-gwa
son. Insomuch my fellow spirit now
tshí-gĭ-a´-we-ân´. Nōs a-zhĭ´-gwa a-sē´-ma tshi´-a-tō´-yēk.
as you are. My father now tobacco you shall put.
A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem mi-ē´-ta â´-wi-dink´ dzhi-gŏsh´-kwi-tōt´
He speaks of only once to be able to do it
wen´-dzhi-bi-mâ´-di-zid´-o-ma´ a-gâ´-wa bi-mâ-dĭ-zĭd´-mi-o-ma´;
why he shall live here now that he scarcely lives;
ni-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mí-a-zhĭ´-gwa tshí-gĭ-wĕ´-ân.
my fellow spirit now I shall go home.
The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then
remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of
the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his
adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return
to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear
sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable
them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life
but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would
feel his influence.
This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī gē-wī-nĭp--
“Little-boy-his-work.”
From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes
the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of
initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a
candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts
of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the
ceremony can take place.
Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the
tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate
the Makwa´ Man´idō--Bear Spirit--when entering the Midē´wiwin (No. 19).
No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō is termed by the Midē´
priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol
of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and
divine forms in many Midē´ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21
represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No. 22.
Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians
with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be
explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of
events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that
there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances
being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative
relating to the chart on Pl. III A.
This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baiē´dzhĕk,
was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe
about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sigĕ is
similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting
variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the
delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.
By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1,
resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl.
III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe
inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated between the cardinal
points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island,
only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted.
The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A
and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. V, No. 21)
upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands
vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the
first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between
Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have
occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sigĕ the two
charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration,
Fig. 2.
[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent
of Min´abō´zho.]
[Illustration: Plate VI.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
Sikas´sigĕ’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is
substantially as follows:
[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Origin of Ginseng.]
When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg
the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi
Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without the means of
protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent
Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over
the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to
communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an
otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the
waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the
surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which
pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he
might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi
Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the
north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would
come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make
its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of
sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to
approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did.
This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of
the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit
always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.
Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When
the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish to give
them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them the
means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through
you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.”
Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed the Otter
in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door
of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10), sunning himself,
after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14), where his
progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and
13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was
enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the
first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which
those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the
ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17)
painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also
have to pray to the stone and to the post, when he is within the
Midē´wigân, because within them would be the Midē´ spirits whose help
he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Midē´wigân
where he picked up the mī´gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred
objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´idō. The
eight man´idōs around the midē´wigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25,
and 26) were also sent by Ki´tshi Man´idō to guard the lodge against
the entrance of bad spirits.
A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short
lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human
progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of
one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the
beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his
course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special
events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age
(No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos.
28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety,
terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,”
because when a Midē´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in
faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his
confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing--such as
making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was
not given him by Ki´tshi Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart
must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.
To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sigĕ
said:
The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân (No. 34), and
finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho shot into his
body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then Mi´nabō´zho
said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and
36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the
night.”
The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree
structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idōs
(Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away
by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the
sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to
him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at
the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other
post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top,
similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where
sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midē´wiwin is
guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there
by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as
shown in Nos. 58, 59.
The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the
structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line
(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote
the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points (Nos. 64,
65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the
feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.
To continue the informant’s tradition:
When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midē´wigân four
times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when
Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which gave him
renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each
day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree.
(This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70,
and 71.)
The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day
by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by
the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night
by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi
Man´idō. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again
arrested in his progress by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who
opposed his admission, but Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter
entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a
post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two
corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs
of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and
the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred
stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104)
which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105,
106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post
with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106),
a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle,
as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red,
each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to
have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the
Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân he again made four
circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated
himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabō´zho, for the
third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus adding to the powers
which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the
fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin.
Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as
follows:
The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted
at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually cedar,
though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be
had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and
connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119,
and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.
After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for
the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four
successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded
toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179),
which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the
four doors of the sacred structure.
The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the
larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by
Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line
leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or
stages of progress, equal to as many days--one spot denoting one
day--which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the
entrance.
[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Peep-hole post.]
When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a
short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was
painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the
side toward the Midē´wigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted
to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´idō,
that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path. Then, when the
Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the
inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to
attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the outside of
the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idōs
(Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door
(No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the
five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited (Nos. 126,
127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132,
133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted
red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with
two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third
consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the
top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the
side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green,
that toward the west red, and that toward the north black.
The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western
doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit. When the
Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of
the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west,
facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and for the
fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him life
that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This
degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and
138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any
of your people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will
guard the Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so.
The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and
southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places
where Makwa´ Man´idō takes his station when guarding the doors.
Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167,
168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which Ki´tshi
Man´idō had given him.
[Illustration: Plate VII.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ, viz:
The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos.
171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners
(Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there
by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for the reception
of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting
line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding
degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life--that it should be
without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the
Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184,
and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he
shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or,
in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187,
and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger
circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the
four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to
be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is
obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on
hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally
waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony.
[Illustration: Fig. 5.--Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.]
The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made
by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west
after he had received the rite of the Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the
circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the
earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line
separating the history of the Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as
follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned,
which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the
surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg
followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected
the Midē´wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again
disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at
A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred
rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus
was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being
given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the
Midē´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate
at was Mi´shenama´kinagung-- Mackinaw (No. 6); then Ne´mikung (No. 7);
Kiwe´winang´ (No. 8); Bâwating-- Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi´towi´
(No. 10); Nega´wadzhĕ´ŭ-- Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake
Superior; Mi´nisa´wĭk [Mi´nisa´bikkăng]-- Island of rocks (No. 12);
Kawa´sitshĭŭwongk-- Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush´kisi´wi
[Mash´kisi´bi]-- Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk--
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe´dâⁿwonggâⁿ-- Sandy Bay
(No. 16); Neâ´shiwikongk-- Cliff Point (No. 17); Netâⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink--
Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs-- Little elm tree
(No. 19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20);
Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh-- Bear Island (No. 21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22);
Ni´wigwas´sikongk-- The place where bark is peeled (No. 23);
Ta´pakwe´ĭkak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]--
The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi
[Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]-- Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25);
Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as
Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).
This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the
Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was finally
located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to
have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well
as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been
the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies
of the Midē´wiwin.
According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the
first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration
was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each
adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled,
viz:
_First degree._--A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow
stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
_Second degree._--A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the
eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a
similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again
one of green.
_Third degree._--Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the
spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the
colors.
_Fourth degree._--Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the
first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green
extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal
region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face
was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across
the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by
one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midē´wiwin,
but special reference to this will be given in connection with the
ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society.
On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by
Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the
society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The
illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in
imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōⁿsh; and this last
had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years
before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake,
and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the
rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon
the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to do.
No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2,
indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots
surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about
him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No.
4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while
the ten--all but himself--upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are
represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of
conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân
(No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched
Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō--the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from
side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two
rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate
respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred
stone--this according to modern practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he
prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each
day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are
indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge,
representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the
officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20)
may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an
offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and
singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of
the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24,
and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No.
26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final
directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The
candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the
offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His
relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which
are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the
entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is
shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing
two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27
has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to
Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon
the following morning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance
(No. 30), approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins.
No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to
employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating
priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the
Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white
spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line
(No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents
the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc.,
which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō.
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to
the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants
(No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is
the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No.
36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two
sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that
of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing
two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A
small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang
the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants;
No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45
pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole
(No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from
it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47)
he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and
whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the
interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the
first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the
Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the
top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with
vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small
wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their
tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their
religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The
horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to
the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no--the Turtle--as he
appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54).
Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.
55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower;
the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a
black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which
is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the
arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots--to
designate the sacred mī´gis--the lower half of the trunk cut square,
the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white,
and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross
signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No.
60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall
of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum.
Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting
gifts to the society.
[Illustration: Plate VIII.
Ojibwa’s Record.]
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII),
according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:
_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the
ears across the tip of the nose.
_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids,
temples, and the root of the nose.
_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the
lower half red.
_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer
canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion
are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the
green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the
golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back.
This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of
the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of
persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it
may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of
the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his
reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the
officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the
following words[12] caught his attention:
“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising
sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the
great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were
reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to
the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the
waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to
our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it
disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of
the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it
sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our
forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun
once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a
long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and
the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated
and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La
Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the
sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays
reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man
delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he
represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,
* * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we
harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he
proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we
religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the
shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored
and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great
water and proceeded westward.
“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till
our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river
where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they
reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the
Me-da-we were practiced.
“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not
built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting
(outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still
the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge
was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale
face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most
original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted
to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were
mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning
of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by
our fathers for many generations.”
[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the
tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of
society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr.
Warren,[13] as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village
of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence
on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in
character to the one I have related that its introduction here would
only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two
traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four
Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is
used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in
the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the
depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then
on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at
Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke
through.
[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the
country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These
have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber
people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc.
Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du
Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more
than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe
westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the
timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation
of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the
Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in
favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost
entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.
On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the
various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight
intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the
nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation
of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized
by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these
mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the
pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also
corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.
[Illustration: Fig. 6.--Birch-bark record, from White Earth.]
The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received
from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6,
which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record
is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of
the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin:
“They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.”
Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of
the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō
is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the
privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the
left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the
Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred
objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō,
but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are
visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to
prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the
Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the
informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only
from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but
also in the light of later information and research in the
exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.
Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and
5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the
earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog
given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others
to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in
the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true
signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred
objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers.
[Illustration: Fig. 7.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
[Illustration: Fig. 8.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in
the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are
almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are
reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the
place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from
Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a
substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures
were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the
American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little
direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been
ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or
rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the
Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the
possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following
explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A
few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to
both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg,
and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is
resumed.
No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an
otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.
No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the
Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the
line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This
character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from
the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern
Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to
the Midē´wiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving
life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head,
and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing
the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
with magic plants.
No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no
explanation was given.
[Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]
[Illustration: Fig. 9.--Esh´gibō´ga.]
Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of
Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use
of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate
form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more
in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
MIDĒ´WIGÂN.
Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed
in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely
constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the
top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing
what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to
the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is
given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as
it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first
describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge
with which the candidate has also to do.
[Illustration: Fig. 10.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.]
The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated
“Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing;
it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width,
extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the
compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings
from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short
branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open
spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From
each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles
to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the
inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents
a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view.
Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon
which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently
shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend
across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so
as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of
blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a
large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed
upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient;
and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the
sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet
in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band
of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the
stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the
stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and
presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from
each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine
trees, each about 10 feet in height.
[Illustration: Fig. 11.--Interior of Midē´wigân.]
About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his
vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.
This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6
feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily
covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of
saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others
from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally
to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as
the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood
bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the
bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing
the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or
blankets.
The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear
of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the
numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.
When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has
been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three
assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a
specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been
previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke
offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the
deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object
of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the
candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and
dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased
son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned,
as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the
ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents
and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those
intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also
discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the
selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being
usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the
applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the
four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most
acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person
designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´
council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days
upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire
information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is
furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until
after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and
pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the
south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a
similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken
slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed
forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after
taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward
the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe,
and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the
candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information,
because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before
the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the
greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be
looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is
frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous
phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12 _a_) differs from the drum commonly
used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact that it is cylindrical,
consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section
of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to
20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while
wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing,
when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great
distance.
[Illustration: Fig. 12.--Ojibwa drums.]
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the
drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to
intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the
applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it
through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the
presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking
direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be
employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism
of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it
is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or
the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.
[Illustration: Fig. 13.--Midē´ rattle.]
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its
origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a
patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the
drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an
accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two
forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains
of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also
filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely
through the rattle case.
[Illustration: Fig. 14.--Midē´ rattle.]
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and
their properties extolled.
The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted
from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the
sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the
account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III,
IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the
narrative of the history connected with either of the records is
extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and
purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained
on page 215.
[Illustration: Fig. 15.--Shooting the mī´gis.]
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs,
i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and
which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when
searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a
comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which
information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the
composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters
employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of
his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite
correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the
character of the record and the particular class of service in which it
may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at
Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading
Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.
From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and
presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual.
The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and
frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or
syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad
libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the
singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of
singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch
bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have
been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the
preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic
vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The
initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the
original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in
English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters
employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists
of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key;
furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by
comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the
ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the
songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi
Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and
also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a
faithful rendering of his creed.
[Illustration: Plate IX.
Mnemonic Songs.]
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often
as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and
awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief
interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance
of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy,
therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
[Illustration]
Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win.
I rock you, you that are a spirit.
[A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing
of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line
indicate.]
[Illustration]
Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something
therefrom.]
[Illustration]
O-we-nen´; hwīn´.
Who is it, who?
[The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´.
The man helping me.
[A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´?
Have I told the truth to my son?
[The bear going to the Midē´wigan, and takes with him life to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´.
My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
[My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.]
[Illustration]
A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´.
I follow with my arms.
[Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of
“medicine” in the earth.
[A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the
secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth
denote direction.]
[Illustration]
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain?
[The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]
[Illustration]
Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
[Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.
[The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge
of secrets of the earth.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate
the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good
Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred
objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his
having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon
the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which
he has thus far pursued.
[Illustration]
Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´?
When I am out of hearing, where am I?
[The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed
toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually
made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the
body.]
[Illustration]
We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan.
In my house, I see.
[Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns
denote superiority of the singer.]
[Illustration]
Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi.
When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
[The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed
down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the
forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an
abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same
idea.]
[Illustration]
Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-aⁿ´.
The reason why I am happy.
[Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is
filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines
from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances--
singing.]
[Illustration (two vertical lines) missing]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´.
The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam.
[Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose
bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where
the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines
are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line,
at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.].
[Illustration]
Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ.
The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
[The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc.,
indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short
vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]
[Illustration]
Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´.
I am holding this that I bring to you.
[The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of
entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]
[Illustration]
Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´.
I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends.
[The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as
indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body,
i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation,
and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises
of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
[Illustration]
Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă.
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
[The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns
and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.]
[Illustration]
Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yaⁿ.
I am going into the medicine lodge.
[The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he
is going through it, as in the initiation.]
[Illustration]
Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
[The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]
[Illustration]
O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
[The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to
offer this privilege to the candidate.]
[Illustration]
O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt.
I am flying into my lodge.
[Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of
spirits or Man´idōs.]
[Illustration]
Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
[The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that
the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]
[Illustration]
Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´.
I have the medicine in my heart.
[The singer’s body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating
to sacred medicines from the earth.]
MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS.
During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the
foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is
also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and
preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in
regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being
enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate
is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree
may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled
out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the
ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis--the
earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived
from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō.
In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the
botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of
them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of
season.
It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific
remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is
probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the
Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of
medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal
form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned
below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their
administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that
the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional
derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent
beings--commonly designated as bad Man´idōs--supposed to have taken
possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears
most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of
the plants employed will be made at the proper time.
Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ--medicine broth--signifies liquid
medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to
pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged
medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees
and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or
employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils,
and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property,
an explanation of which they have forgotten.
_Pinus strobus_, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk´.
1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also
boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground
and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which
is inhaled to cure backache.
The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
inhaled to cure headache.
2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon
which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence.
The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.
_Pinus resinosa_, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed
Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.
Used as the preceding.
_Abies balsamea_, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandŏk.
1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is
used to induce diaphoresis.
2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and
also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the
crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken
internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the
chest resulting from colds.
3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.
_Abies alba_, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split
roots--wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers
of canoes.
_Abies nigra_, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dŏk.
1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.
2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.
_Abies Canadensis_, Michx. Hemlock. Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.”
Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.
_Larix Americana_, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.
1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.
2. Gum used in mending boats.
3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.
_Cupressus thyoides_, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhĭk-- “Day.”
1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety
of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert
their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons
possessing the patient’s body.
2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe
and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing
habitations.
_Juniperus Virginiana_, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wâ´ak.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
_Quercus alba_, L. White Oak. Mītig´ōmish´.
1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.
2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.
_Quercus rubra_, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emītig´omish´-- “Bitter Acorn
Tree.”
Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.
_Acer saccharinum_, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innīnâ´tik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.
3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.
_Acer nigrum_, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig´omeaush´--
“Sap-flows-fast.”
Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer
projicitur.
Sometimes used as the preceding.
_Betula excelsa_, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´umis´sik.
The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer
saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.
_Betula papyracea_, Ait. White Birch. Mīgwas´.
Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes,
syrup-pans, mōkoks´--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the
Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.
_Populus monilifera_, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ´nâsâ´ti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
_Populus balsamifera_, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´dĭ.
1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and
eaten.
2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and
particularly for the Midē´wigân.
_Juglans nigra_, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nŏk-- “Nut wood.”
Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.
_Smilacina racemosa_, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinē´wigwŏshk-- “Snake
weed or Snake Vine.”
1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.
2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve
headache.
3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.
_Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´.
The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.
_Polygala senega_, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikēⁿs´.
1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.
2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to
destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.
_Rubus occidentalis_, L. Black Raspberry. Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk--
“Black Blood Berry.”
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in
the stomach.
_Rubus strigosus_, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minŏk´-- “Blood
Berry.”
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
_Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mī´nŭn.
Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The
berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of
the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”
_Prunus Virginiana_, L. Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´.
1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
during gestation.
2. The fruit is eaten.
_Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwē´wĭsh-- “Scabby
Bark.”
1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first
boiling, bruising, or chewing it.
2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains
and soreness of the chest.
_Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.
1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other
stomach disorders.
2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.
3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of
Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the
“Ghost Society.”
_Prunus Americana_, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogē´sanŏk.
The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the
time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were
not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish
only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows,
viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with
yellow ones; Wabō´saminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk,
having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea,
L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.
_Typha latifolia_, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk-- “Flat grass.”
The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a
poultice to sores.
_Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr. Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´-- “Little Flat Grass.”
1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.
2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to
remove bile.”
_Fragaria vesca_, L. Wild Strawberry. Odē īmĭn´nĕ-- Heart Berry.
Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”
The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.
_Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L. Striped Maple. Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´-- “Moose Wood.”
The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet
long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can
subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as
an emetic.
_Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´.
1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.
_Veronica Virginica_, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik-- “Bitter
Root.”
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
_Salix Candida_, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gewe´mĭsh.
The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
decoction taken for cough.
_Symphoricarpus vulgaris_, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.
The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold,
applied to sore eyes.
_Geum strictum_, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´âk-- “Hair on one side.”
The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for
soreness in the chest, and cough.
_Rumex crispus_, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wĭk.
The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,
etc.
_Amorpha canescens_, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abŏnag´kak-- “That which
turns white.”
A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
_Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.
A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
applied to inflamed eyes.
_Anemone_ (_sp.?_) Anemone. Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant
by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.
The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of
headache.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”
This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it
to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when
necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a
snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of
extraordinary muscular strength.
_Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?) “White Sumac.” Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.
Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
decoction taken to cure diarrhea.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”
Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.
_Monarda fistulosa_, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´-- “Little
Elk’s Tail.”
The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several
swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.
_Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L. Waterleaf. Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´.
The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
back, etc.
_Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L. Pennsylvania Anemone.
Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk.
A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.
_Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.
The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of
the bladder.
_Phryma leptostachya_, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.
The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in
the legs.
_Viola pubescens_, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs.
A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
intervals for sore throat.
_Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs.
The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
applied to sore eyes.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.
This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at
which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the
decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.
_Actæa rubra_, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´-- “Little Root.”
A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for
stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used
also in conjunction with Ginseng.
This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and
boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size,
color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is
prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The
roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become
black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner
as above.
The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.
_Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigŭm.
The root is bruised and applied to cuts.
_Aralia trifolia_, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesō´wakŏk-- “Three Leafed.”
The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest
hemorrhage.
_Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs-- “Burr
Bush.”
The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to
cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and
has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled
for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same
purpose.
It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former
times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not
imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was
reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree
to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the
mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost
through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the
so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree
preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely
conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond
the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because
the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done
their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct
opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.
When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the
ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a
song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the
knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of
tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former
sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously
prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ, and are a
copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his
possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of
his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille Lacs,
Minnesota.
[Illustration]
Wī-ka-no´-shi-aⁿ-ŏ.
My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of
medicine.
[The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
designated “medicine.”]
[Illustration]
We-wī´-ka-ni´-an.
Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
[The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine”
is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed
it.]
[Illustration]
Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk.
Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
[Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]
[Illustration]
Pe-i´-e-mĭ-ko-ya´-na-kĭnk´.
Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
[The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves
that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to
various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration: Plate X.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´.
When I come out the sky becomes clear.
[When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear,
so that the ceremonies may proceed.]
[Illustration]
We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´.
The spirit has given me power to see.
[The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good
Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yō´.
I brought the medicine to bring life.
[The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]
[Illustration]
Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban.
I, too, see how much there is.
[His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which
point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]
[Illustration]
In-de´-be-mĭ´-ko.
I am going to the medicine lodge.
[The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
In-de´-bi-bi´-toⁿ.
I take life from the sky.
[The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the
top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.]
[Illustration]
No-a´-wi´-mi-kō´.
Let us talk to one another.
[The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer
(Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the
Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´.
The spirit is in my body, my friend.
[The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the
Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.]
From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midē´
priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks
one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is
charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the
day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes
these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green,
sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being
thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his
invitation stick, and upon entering the Midē´wigân he lays it upon the
ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post.
In case a Midē´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a
statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks
upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and
the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the
initiation begins.
About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of
the Midē´wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the
sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of
the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water
which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones
introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of
purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day
for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor
baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however,
is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During
the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the
seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.
When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the
other officiating Midē´ priests, when the conversation is confined
chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them
presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō, with the
pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midē´ sacks and
explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the
magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of
preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous
ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the
Midē´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.
Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power
of the Midē´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the
exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such
proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold
purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midē´
themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi
Ma´nidō is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of
the candidate.
[Illustration: Fig. 16.]
The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a string
of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig.
16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an
almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if
animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Midē´
sack. Another Midē´ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17),
measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running
through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck
forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass
stopper to a bottle.
[Illustration: Fig. 17.]
[Illustration: Fig. 18.]
A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the
effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of
herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it,
when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are
chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly
move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another
figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and
is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and
knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists,
each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.
One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced
only by Midē´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midē´ sack to
move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently
alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the
deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances,
as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily
be made to account for the movements.
In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public
demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the
most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer,
from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.
The preceptor then consults with the Midē´ priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following
words, viz:
Mis-shai´-ĕ-gwa tshi-dĕ-bŏg-in-de-mung´.
Now is the time that we shall fix the price
gi´-she-gŏ-dung´ ka-mi´-nĕ-nŏngk
of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been given to us
gi´-she-goy-dŭng´ di´-bi-ga-dōnk´ gai-yé´.
from the day [and] the night also.
A-pē´-gĕ-dá´wŭnk i´-wa-pī
When it shall come to pass and at the time
ge-bin´-de-ga-yŏngk´, ă-au´-wa-mi-dē´-wĭd.
that we shall enter, he who wishes to become a Midē´.
When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve
of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than
usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who
have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident
to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous
beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or
the hard, sharp taps of the midē´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating
and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nidō in the service
now so near at hand.
When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate,
with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while
the assistant Midē´ priests and intimate friends or members of his
family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the
transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midē´wigân.
Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.
At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to
the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the
officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such
articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midē´
priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two
beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth
crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midē´wiwin who are
not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midē´wigân and
take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue
to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his
assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to
the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner.
IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.
Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midē´ priests
accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to dispel
the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times,
and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an
accompaniment.
It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when
chanted or sung.
[Illustration]
Hi-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō.
I swing the spirit like a child.
[The Midē´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The
Midē´ claims to be able to receive special favor.]
[Music: 207_1]
Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
Man´ido´weēg; Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
Man´ido´weēg´; Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´.
[Illustration]
Gi-zhik´-ē´ ka-hwē´ da-mū´-nĕ.
The sky is what I am telling you about.
[The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.]
[Music: 207_2]
Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´
Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ´, Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ mu´nedē´.
[Illustration]
Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni
Ko-sa´-we, hē´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´.
We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].
[Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midē´ is reaching up
into it for its favor of clear weather.]
[Music: 208_1]
Waneo-ho hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni,
Ko´sawe ne hē wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni.
[Illustration]
Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, nē´, kō´, hō.
ne´-ni-wi-tshi-nan´.
I am helping you.
[The Otter-skin Midē´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit
to aid them.]
[Music: 208_2]
Wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō hō´, ne´niwi´tshinan,
wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō´ hō´. U-a-ni-ma wē u-a-ni-ma wē henigwish.
[Illustration]
U-a´-ni-ma´, wē´, he´-ni-gwĭsh.
I have made an error [in sending].
[The Otter-skin Midē´ sack has failed to produce the desired
effect.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
The Midē´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance
as the song is renewed.
[Illustration]
Na-nin-dē´, hē´, he-yo-ya, nē´.
I am using my heart.
[Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midē´ ceremony.]
[Illustration]
Yo´-na-hĭsh´-i-me´-a´-ne´, hē´.
yá-na-hĭsh-a-me´-a-ne´, hē´.
What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”?
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō, hē´ nē´, mē´-de-wē´, ē´.
The spirit wolf.
[One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony
is assisting the evil man´idōs in causing the sky to be overcast.]
[Illustration]
Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´, nē´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´.
I do not know where I am going.
[The Midē´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance
of initiation.]
[Illustration]
Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne,
ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-dō i-ya´-nē.
I depend on the clear sky.
[To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
[Illustration]
Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-nō´-ē´
a´-sho-wē´ me-nō´-de ki-man´-i-dō.
I give you the other village, spirit that you are.
[That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and
Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
Tshing-gwē´-o-dē ||: gē´.
The thunder is heavy.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.]
[Transcriber’s Note:
The long gap followed by “gē´” is not explained in the text. It may
refer to the structure of the song.]
[Illustration]
We´-ka-ka-nō´, hō´ shi´-a-dē´.
We are talking to one another.
[The Midē´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´idō; he is shown near the sky;
his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from
the mouth signify speech.]
In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung
within the inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which they all march in
solemn procession. Those Midē´ priests who have with them their Midē´
drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the
good will of Ki´tshi Man´idō. Each line of the entire song appears as an
independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the
feelings of the officiating priest.
The words of the song are known to most of the Midē´ priests; but, as
there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the
result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung
independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary
circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the
song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany
him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some
extent when chanted or sung.
If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the
priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors
disperses to return upon the first clear day.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to
the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the
officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the
proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the
following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies
according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized
method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing
songs:
[Illustration]
Kan-do´-e-a-nē´,
to´-e-a-nē´ kan-do´-e-a-nē´,
in-nin´-nĭ man´-e-dō´-ē´.
The spirit man is crying out.
[The head of the Midē´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The voice
lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that
Ki´tshi Man´idō is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]
[Illustration]
Ya-ni-nē´, na´, tshi-mo-tē´, hē´,
Talking around in various sections.
[The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward
from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate
“talks” in various directions addressed to the Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Man´-e-dō, wē´, hē´, pe-me´-so-wa´.
The spirit is flying.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote
place.]
[Illustration]
Mi-de´-we-tē-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´,
mi-de´-we-ta´.
The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine.
[The Midē’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other
than upon the Midē´wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the
curved lines denoting the sky.]
[Illustration]
Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-hē´,
ne-mē´-gĭs-sĭm´.
I am the sign that the day will be clear.
[The Midē´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short
transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.]
[Illustration]
Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-nē´, hē´,
wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik.
I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me.
[The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Hwo´-ba-mī´-de, hwo´-ba-mī-de, man-ĕ-dō
na´-wa-gī-zhĭk.
The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me.
[The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō, the “line of
vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot
below.]
[Illustration]
Ni-wĭ-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-nā´.
I take my sack and touch him.
[The Midē´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the
candidate.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō wi-kan-ē´, mi-de´-yo.
My medicine is the sacred spirit.
[The Midē´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi
Man´idō; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to
receive them.]
[Illustration]
Ha-ni-ne´ ku-mē´ ni´-kan-nē´?
How do you answer me, my Midē´ friends?
[This is addressed to the Midē´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an
inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midē´wigân is shown,
the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate
(or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the
sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the
outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge,
symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Midē´ chart (Pl. III),
those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of
advancement in the future.]
Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which
all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to
the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´idō´, and toward the
earth.
The preceptor then says:
Mĭs-sa´i´-a-shi-gwa, mĭs-sa´-a-shĭ-gwa- nŏn´-do-nŭng; ka-kĭ-nâ
Now is the time, now is the time he hears us; all of us
ka-kĭn´-nâ-gi-nŏn´-do-da´g-u-nan´ ga-o´-shī-dōt mi-dē´-wĭ´-win.
he hears us all the one who made the midē´wiwin.
After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the
midē´ gagĭ´kwewĭn´, or Midē´ sermon, in the following language, viz:
An-be´-bi-sĭn´-di-wi´-shĭn, wa´-i-ni´-nan;
now listen to me what I am about to say to you;
kēsh´-pin-pe´-sin-da´-nin-wĭn da-ma´-dzhi shka´
If you take heed of that which I say to you shall continue
ke´-bi-mâ´-di-si-wĭn´. Uⁿ, nun´-gūm, ke-za´-ki-gi-zi-toⁿ mŏn
always your life. Now, to-day I make known to you
ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ō´-dik-kid´-do-wĭn´; o´-wi-dŏsh kid´-di-nĭn´
the great spirit That which he says; and now this I say to you.
ki-ī´-kid-dō´kī´-tshi man´-i-dō gi´-sa-gi-ĭg´.
This is what says the great spirit that he loves you.
to-wa´-bish-ga´ gi-shtig-wa a-pī-we-
It shall be white the sacred object at the time
sa´-gi-sit´-to-wad o-sa´-in-di-kid´-do-wīn
When they shall let it be known and this is what I say
ĕ´-kid-dōdt ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ŏ´-gi-din´-nĭn
That which he says the great spirit now this I impart to you
mis-sâ´-wa ke´-a-ked´-de-wó wa´-ba-ma-tshin´ni-bŭdt
even if they say That they saw him dead
mi´-â-ma´ tshī´-ō- nish-gâd´, ini-â-má
in this place he shall be Raised again in this place
a-pe´-ni-nut´ nin-dē´ kid´-do-wĭn min-nik´
he puts his trust In my heart in this “saying” the time
kid-da´- kĭ-o-wink´. Ka-wī´-ka-da-an´-na-we´-was-si-nan,
of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail.
me-ē´-kid-dodt´ man´-i-dō. Nin´-ne-dzha´-nis
That is what he says, the spirit. My child,
ke-un´-dzhi be-mâ´-dis si´-an.
this shall give you life.
The Midē´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside,
while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents,
such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig´iwam to
join the Midē´ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of
the Midē´wigân is then taken up in the following order: First the
candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the
officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and
relatives as desire. At the door of the Midē´wigân all but one of the
priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure,
the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midē´ priest
upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the
inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is
continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the
candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midē´wigân.
When he is prompted to say:
“Man- un´-ga-bīn´-di-gĕ o-bŏg´-ga-dĭ-nan´, o-dai´-ye-din´.”
Let me come in and these I put down my things [gifts].
The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside,
taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains
standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west.
Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the
candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and
exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to
Ki´tshi Man´idō whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the
Midē´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is
presented to receive life (the mī´gis) for which he is suffering, and
invoking the divine favor.
Hai ya ha man´-i-dō, hō´, ti-bish´-ko-gish´-i-gŭng, hē´,
There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he,
we-zá-ba-mid´-mi niⁿ-dzhá-nis, esh-ĭ-gan´-do-we, hē´, hwē´,
now sits with me my child and now I proclaim, he, hwe,
mé-a-tshi-bin´-de-gan´-ni-nan, nōs, dzhi-man´-i-dō, hō´, hwō´,
that I enter you here my father good spirit, ho, hwo,
sha-wé-nĭ-mi-shin´, hē´, hwē´, a-shig´-wa-bin´-de-gan-nŏk
have pity on me, he, hwe now that I enter him here,
gé-gwa-da-gí-sid wi-bĭ-mâ´-di-sĭd, dé-bwe-daú-wi-shĭn
he that is suffering for life, believe me
dzhí-bi-mâ´-di-sĭd´, nōs, wē´-o-sĭm´-in-nan´, hē´, hē´.
that he shall live, my father, whose child I am, he, he.
The following is the musical notation:
[Music: 213_1]
he-he-he-he yo.
The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of
the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side
to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along
the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As
he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line
of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the
entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous
drumming upon the Midē´ drums and the chief officiating priest sings:
Ni´-sha-bōn´-da shkan wig´-i-wam ke-nōn´-dēg,
I go through [the] “house” the long,
i.e., through the Midē´wigân.
At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor
to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating
priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and
station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and
facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets
and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and
upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western
extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon
the ground and faces the four Midē´ priests. The preceptor takes his
position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another
assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding
position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle
drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the
preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and
nearer the officiating priests, and says:
Mĭ-i´-shi-gwa´ bŏ´-gi-ta-moⁿ´-nan,
The time has arrived that I yield it to you.
mi´-na-nan´-kĕ-ân-dzhi bi-mâ´-dĭ-si´-an.
[the midē´migis] that will give you life.
The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one
side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midē´drum.
The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-wē man´-i-do´-wid--you shall hear me,
spirit that you are--, and the music is rendered as follows:
[Music: 214_1]
Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō´wid-hō dō, wē, hē,
Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō-wid-hō, hē, hwē, hē,
Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i- dō´-wid, kit´ta- no´do-wē,
kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-hō, wē, hwē, hē,
Kit´ta-no´dowē´ man´idō´wid, hō, hē, hwē, hē, hē, hwē, hē.
After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members
sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests
says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:
Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa ki-bo´-gĭs-sē-na-min tshi´-ma-mâd
Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall
bi-mâ´-di-sĭ-wĭn, mĭ-nē´-sĭd.
take life the bead [mi´gis shell.]
This priest then grasps his Midē´ sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward
that target uttering the syllables “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,”
rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and
repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the
last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as
if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the
preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s
shoulders and cause his body to tremble.
Then the next Midē´, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar
series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midē´ sack, uttering
similar sounds and shooting the sacred mī´gis--life--into the right
breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than
before. When the third Midē´, the second in order of precedence, goes
through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mī´gis into the
candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently agitated.
The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says
to the Midē´; “Mī´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shĭk´”--“put your helping heart with
me”--, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” at the fourth time aiming the Midē´ sack at the
candidate’s head, and as the mī´gis is supposed to be shot into it,
he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.
Then the four Midē´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their
Midē´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mī´gis shell drops
from his mouth--where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief
Midē´ picks up the mī´gis and, holding it between the thumb and index
finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth
says “wâ! wâ! hĕ hĕ hĕ hĕ,” the last syllable being uttered in a high
key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered
while the mī´gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to
the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this
time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get
upon his knees, but when the Midē´ finally places the mī´gis into his
mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Midē´
then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they
pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which
causes the candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to
him, “Ō´mishga‘n”--“get up”--which he does; then indicating to the
holder of the Midē´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and
presently sings the following song:
[Music: 216_1]
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian,
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
Ni-kan. Hĭū, Hĭū, Hĭu.
The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Midē´; I
fear all my fellow Midē´.” The last syllables, hĭū´, are meaningless.
At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask
the chief Midē´:
Ni-kan´ k´kĕ´-nō´-mo´, maⁿ-dzhi´-an na´-ka-mō´-in.
Colleague instruct me, give me a song.
In response to which the Midē´ teaches him the following, which is
uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:
We´-go-nĕn´ ge-gwed´-dzhi-me-an´, mi-dē´-wi-wĭn
What are you asking, grand medicine
ke-kwed´-dzhi-me-an´? Ki´-ka-mi´-nin en-da-wĕn´-da
are you asking? I will give you you want me to
ma-wi´-nĕn mi-dē´-wi-wĭn tshi-da-si-nē´-ga´-na-win´-da-mōn;
give you “grand medicine” always take care of;
ki-ĭn´-tshun-di´-nĕ-ma´-so-wĭn, tsho´-a-wa´-nin di´-sĕ-wan.
you have received it yourself, never forget.
To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, ēⁿ, yes, i.e.,
assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midē´, and adds:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ a-shi´-wa-ka-kish´-da-win be-mâ´-di-si´-an.
Thanks for giving to me life.
Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to
seat themselves, saying:
Mi´-a-shi´-gwa ki´-tshi-an´-wâ-bin-da-man tshi-ō´-we-na´-bi-an.
Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit].
and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.
The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts
and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of
less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is
carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of
smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the
Midē´wigân--where Ki´tshi Man´idō presides--and to the earth. Then each
person blows smoke upon his or her Midē´ sack as an offering to the
sacred mī´gis within.
The chief Midē´ advances to the new member and presents him with a new
Midē´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink
or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises,
approaches the chief Midē´, who inclines his head to the front, and,
while passing both flat hands down over either side,
Mi-gwĕtsh´, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, na-ka´.
Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues.
Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the
Midē´wigân.
At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of
the society for their presence, the newly elected Midē´ returns to his
place and, after placing within his Midē´ sack his mī´gis, starts out
anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the
eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a manner
similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions
toward the Midē´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth
movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter
falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is
menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently
unconscious from the powerful effects of the mī´gis. This is continued
until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the
mī´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth
experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering
in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this
procedure is termed.
When all of the Midē´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes
place. Each one places his mī´gis shell upon the right palm and,
grasping the Midē´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure
and exhibits his mī´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the
word “hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period
there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to
attract the attention of the others. Each Midē´ then pretends to swallow
his mī´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if
the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out
upon the ground the mī´gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead.
In a few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again
and pretend to swallow them. As the Midē´ return to their respective
places the mī´gis is restored to its receptacle in the Midē´ sack.
Food is then brought into the Midē´wigân and all partake of it at the
expense of the new member.
After the feast, the older Midē´ of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinâ´bēg and the
origin of the Midē´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the
benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given
utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their
boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new
member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midē´. Having
acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs
and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents
itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient
number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract
the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies--for enemies are
numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the
society of the Midē´, or who have failed to attain the desired
distinction.
The new member, in the absence of a Midē´ drum of his own, borrows one
from a fellow Midē´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes
in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a song
(Pl. X, D), of which the following are the words, each line being
repeated ad libitum, viz:
[Illustration]
We´-nen-wi´-wik ka´-ni-an.
The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live.
[The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the
latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing
his body.]
[Illustration]
En´-da-yan´ pi-ma´-ti-su´-i-ŭn en´-da-yan´.
The spirit gave the “medicine” which we receive.
[The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic
influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being
shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Nin´-nik-ka´-ni man´-i-dō.
I too have taken the medicine he gave us.
[The speaker’s arm, covered with mī´gis, or magic influence, reaches
toward the sky to receive from Ki´tshi Man´idō the divine favor of a
Midē’s power.]
[Illustration]
Ke-kĕk´-ō-ĭ-yan´.
I brought life to the people.
[The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life
to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.]
[Illustration]
Be-mo´-se ma-kō-yan.
I have come to the medicine lodge also.
[The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midē´wiwin, was also
present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance.]
[Illustration]
Ka´-ka-mi´-ni-ni´-ta.
We spirits are talking together.
[The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e.,
those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an
equal.]
[Illustration]
O-ni´-ni-shĭnk-ni´-yo.
The mī´gis is on my body.
[The magic power has been put into his body by the Midē priests.]
[Illustration]
Ni man´-i-dō ni´-yăn.
The spirit has put away all my sickness.
[He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the
disturbing influences of evil man´idōs.]
As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midē´ priests emerge from
the western door of the Midē´wigân and go to their respective wig´iwams,
where they partake of their regular evening repast, after which the
remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other members of
the society, smoking, etc.
The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midē´wigân at nightfall,
remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig´iwam--that
part directly opposite the entrance--occupied by the new member. Two
stones are placed at the base of the post, to represent the two forefeet
of the bear Man´idō through whom life was also given to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg.
If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the
entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midē´wigân for
initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the
business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their
respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements
have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary
changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Midē´wigân
are begun immediately after the society has adjourned.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The mī´gis referred to in this description of the initiation consists of
a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to
resemble the form of the mythical mī´gis is similar to the cowrie,
Cypræa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. XI. Nearly all of the
shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt
been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of the
Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the
salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their
less frangible character. The mī´gis of the other degrees are presented
on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2
represents the mī´gis in the possession of the chief Midē priest of the
society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix
(sp?).
The Midē´ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. XI.) is made of the skin of a
mink--Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers are secured to the
nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are carried the sacred
objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation,
and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters´ songs;
effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the
genuineness of the Midē´ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other
small man´idōs--abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural
properties--invitation sticks, etc.
[Illustration: Plate XI.
Sacred Objects.]
In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the
possession of a Midē´ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the leg
of a Goshawk--Astur atricapillus, Wilson--from the outer inferior
condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a supernumerary leg
that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half
the size and length of the natural leg and toes.
[Illustration: Fig. 19.--Hawk-leg fetish.]
This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed to
be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God,
might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in
pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconidæ; hence
it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and
reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial
representatives of this deity.
A Midē´ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance further
in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, owing to his inability to procure
the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is required to pay
to new preceptors and to the officiating priests--the latter demanding
goods of double the value of those given as an entrance to the first
degree--may, however, accomplish the acquisition of additional knowledge
by purchasing it from individual Midē´. It is customary with Midē´
priests to exact payment for every individual remedy or secret that may
be imparted to another who may desire such information. This practice is
not entirely based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed
that when a secret or remedy has been paid, for it can not be imparted
for nothing, as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely
destroyed, by the man´idō or guardian spirit under whose special
protection it may be supposed to be held or controlled.
Under such circumstances certain first degree Midē´ may become possessed
of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the accomplishments
of the Midē´ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual protection of
the members of the society, they generally hesitate to impart anything
that may be considered of high value. The usual kind of knowledge sought
consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to the chief
varieties of which reference will be made in connection with the next
degree.
There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midē´ seek enlightment
upon, and that is the preparation of the “hunter’s medicine” and the
pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The compound is
made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are ground into
powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with the bullet,
and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the animal to
compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder is so
sprinkled upon the ground.
The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as
follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits
the Midē´, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing the object
of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such portions
of the animal which he may procure. The Midē´, if satisfied with the
gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō
for aid in the preparation of his “medicine,” and to appease the anger
of the man´idō who controls the class of animals desired, sings a
song, one of his own composition, after which he will draw with
a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the
outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart
of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of
vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward
effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its
death.
[Illustration: Fig. 20.--Hunter’s medicine.]
Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from
which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life
line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the life
of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character
drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a
Midē´ to insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented in
Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of
vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the
representation of animal forms is drawn by the Midē´ not upon birch
bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which
affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed
piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards
sprinkles upon this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic
plants and vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public,
but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Midē´
the information is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course
of procedure, direction, etc. In the latter method of drawing the
outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such
directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success.
[Illustration: Fig. 21.--Hunter’s medicine.]
For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition of
his alleged medicines, the Midē´ familiarizes himself with the
topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide
area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and
their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also
skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes
possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the
natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with
a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities
for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him.
[Illustration: Fig. 22.--Wâbĕnō´ drum.]
In his incantations a Wâbĕnō´ uses a drum resembling a tambourine.
A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly
stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure,
usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red
Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The human figure is painted red,
while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines
extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When
drumming upon this figure, the Wâbĕnō´ chants and is thus more easily
enabled to invoke the assistance of his man´idō.
Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Midē´wiwin, but,
so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly to the
treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of
headache and chronic neuralgia.
Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot
or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a
small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or
sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of
round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter
immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out
the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an
occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence.
When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are
smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be
found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks
from the alæ of the nose to a point near the lobe of the ear, clearly
indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia.
The female Midē´ is usually present at the initiation of new members,
but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself
generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine
feast.
SECOND DEGREE.
The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midē´wiwin is
conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only
important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of
one. A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The first post is planted a
short distance beyond the middle of the floor--toward the western
door--and is similar to the post of the first degree, i.e., red, with a
band of green around the top, upon which is perched the stuffed body of
an owl; the kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´. The second post, of similar size, is painted
red, and over the entire surface of it are spots of white made by
applying clay with the finger tips. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) These spots are
symbolical of the sacred mī´gis, the great number of them denoting
increased power of the magic influence which fills the Midē´wigân.
A small cedar tree is also planted at each of the outer angles of the
inclosure.
[Illustration: Fig. 23.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree.]
The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the main
entrance of the Midē´wigân, but a larger structure is arranged upon a
similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a
larger gathering of Midē´ priests during the period of preparation and
instruction of the candidate.
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
A Midē´ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by him
when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before
making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to
procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets,
robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will
amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts
presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before
this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before
the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime;
and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season,
and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents
not always found at the Indian traders´ stores. Friends may be called
upon to advance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but
such loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed.
When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient
material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members of
the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he
wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. This
communication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in
his own wig´iwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast is
prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some tobacco,
and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making proper offerings,
as already described. The candidate then informs his auditors of his
desire and enumerates the various goods and presents which he has
procured to offer at the proper time. The Midē´ priests sit in silence
and meditate; but as they have already been informally aware of the
applicant’s wish, they are prepared as to the answer they will give, and
are governed according to the estimated value of the gifts. Should the
decision of the Midē´ priests be favorable, the candidate procures the
services of one of those present to assume the office of instructor or
preceptor, to whom, as well as to the officiating priests, he displays
his ability in his adopted specialties in medical magic, etc. He seeks,
furthermore, to acquire additional information upon the preparation of
certain secret remedies, and to this end he selects a preceptor who has
the reputation of possessing it.
For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Midē´ priest receives
blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor’s
wig´iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn
months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred,
the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor
bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration
of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind “and heart” must
henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend
to divert his thoughts.
What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the
second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to
ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be
derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth
degrees, are, that a Midē´ upon his admission into a new degree receives
the protection of that Man´idō alleged and believed to be the special
guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of initiation adds to
the magic powers previously received by the initiate. In the first
degree the sacred mīgis was “shot” into the two sides, the heart, and
head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this sacred, or
magic, influence, is directed by the priests toward the candidate’s
joints, in accordance with a belief entertained by some priests and
referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart presented on Pl. III.
The second, third, and fourth degrees are practically mere repetitions
of the first, and the slight differences between them are noted under
their respective captions.
In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the
therapeutics of the Midē´, a few additional magic remedies are taught
the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are
described below.
Ma-kwa´ wī´-i-sŏp, “Bear’s Gall,” and Pi´-zhi-ki wī´-i-sŏp, “Ox Gall,”
are both taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry.
It is powdered as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in
water, a few drops of which are dropped into the ear of a patient
suffering from earache.
Gō´-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).--A plant, described by the preceptor as
being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of
small red flowers.
1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is
to be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked
in hot water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil
man´idōs which cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered
to consumptives. The quantity of bark derived from eight stems,
each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When a Midē´ gives this
medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and before
the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits.
2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to
produce paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it
possesses it is believed to be under the special protection of
the Midē´ Man´idō, i.e., Ki´tshi Man´idō.
The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions,
conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Midē´, Wâbĕnō´, and
Jĕs´sakkīd´.
Tzhi-bē´-gŏp-- “Ghost Leaf.”
After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is
crushed into a powder. It is mixed with Gō´gimish.
Dzhi-bai´-ĕ-mŏk´-ke-zĭn´-- “Ghost Moccasin;” “Puff-ball.”
The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above
mixture.
O-kwē´-mish-- “Bitter Black Cherry.”
The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.
Nē´-wĕ-- “Rattlesnake” (_Crotalus durissus, L._).
The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a
pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up
and the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be
employed as a substitute.
It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the
above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White
Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern
extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare
occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties
exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as
strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to
be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus
venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of
this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of
the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes
chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is
well known from experiments made by several well known physiologists,
and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the
contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of
rheumatism.
[Illustration: Plate XII.
Invitation Sticks.]
I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White
Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after
the Midē´ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the
distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months,
though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of
recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation
was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called
“bad Midē´” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from
the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies,
rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred
to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim,
but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only
substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then
only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by
almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess
poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal
of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Midē´
for such service.
When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Midē´
priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to
attend (Pl. XII), while the candidate removes his wig´iwam to the
vicinity of the place where the Midē´wigân has been erected. On the
fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he
takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the
following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits
him. After making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´iō the priest sings a song,
of which the characters are reproduced in Pl. XIII, A. The Ojibwa words
employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the
ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to
a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and
used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of
the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present
time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical
similarity between the two is readily perceived.
[Illustration]
Hi´-na-wi´-a-ni-kaⁿ. (As sung.)
We´-me-a´ ni-kan mi´-sha man´-i-dō
I am crying my colleague great spirit.
ni-wa´-ma-bi-go´ ma´-wĭ-yan´.
He sees me crying.
[The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion
with Ki´tshi Man´idō, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag
lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e.,
“eye rain,” directed toward the sky.]
[Illustration]
Ki-nŭn´-no, hē´, ki-mun´-i-dō´-we, hē´, esh´-i-ha´-ni. (As sung.)
Gi-nŭn´-dōn ni-kan´ ē-zhi-an.
I hear you, colleague, what you say to me.
[The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging
from the Midē´wigân of which he is the chief guardian.]
[Illustration]
Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshi-wi-mō´ a-ni´-me-ga´-si. (As sung.)
Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshŏ-tâg´ ni-mī´-gĭ-sĭm.
He will tell you (--inform you) [of] my migis.
tē´-ti-wa´-tshĭ-mo-ta´ âg.
He it is who will tell you.
[The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence
of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify
that Ki´tshi Man´idō will make known to the candidate the presence
within his body of the mī´gis, when the proper time arrives.]
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause, in the song.
During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the Midē´
priest is joined by the candidate.
[Illustration]
Hĭu´-a-me´-da-ma´ ki´-a-wēn´-da-mag
man´-i-dō´-wĭt hĭu´-a-wen´-da-mag. (As sung.)
Ki-wĭn´-da-mag´-ū-nan man´-i-dō´-wid.
He tells us he is [one] of the man´idōs.
[This ma´nidō is the same as that referred to in the above-named
phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four
sacred mī´gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines
referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.]
[Illustration]
Wa´-sa-wa´-dī, hē´, wen´-da-na-ma´,
mĭ-tē´-wiⁿ. (As sung.)
Wa´-sa-wa´-dŭn´-da-na-ma´
I get it from afar
mi-dē´-wi-wĭn´.
The “grand medicine.”
[The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the
middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through
the medium of supernatural powers. The place “from afar” refers to
the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō.]
[Illustration]
Ki-go´-na-bi-hiⁿ ē´-ni-na mi-tē´. (As sung.)
Kiⁿ-do´-na-bī-in´ mi-dē´-wi-wĭn-ni-ni´
I place you there “in the grand medicine” (among the “Midē´ people”)
a-bit´-da-win´.
Half way (in the Midē´wigân).
[The Midē´ priest informs the candidate that the second initiation
will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the
Midē´wigân. The candidate is then placed so that his body will
have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag
lines radiating from it toward the sky.]
[Illustration: Plate XIII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Hi´-sha-we-ne´-me-go´, hē´, nē´.
Ni-go´-tshi-mi, hē´. (As sung.)
Ni´-sha-we´-ni-mi-go´ ĕ´-ne-mâ´-bi-dzhĭk.
They have pity on me those who are sitting here.
[This request is made to the invisible man´idōs who congregate in
the Mide´wigân during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that
they approve of the candidate’s advancement.]
Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song, after
which both individuals retire to their respective habitations. Upon the
following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day of
ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last
vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his
preceptor for final conversation and communion with man´idōs respecting
the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow.
The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the
candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the
Midē´wigân. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the
preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a
reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the preparatory
instruction. (See Pl. XIII B.)
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē, man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē´.
Spirit, spirit,
Ni´-man-i-dō´ win´-da-bi-an´.
I am a spirit (is) the reason why I am here.
[The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth
indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man´idō, and is
therefore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the
Midē´wigân, to which he alludes.]
[Illustration]
Da´-bī-wā-ni´, ha´, hē´,
Aⁿ´-nĭn, e-kō´-wē-an´.
Drifting snow, why do I sing.
[The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be
obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea
to be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical
zigzag lines indicating falling snow--though being exactly like the
lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a
shower of delicate mī´gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it
to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer,
as this shower of mī´gis descends from the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō
and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon as sacred.]
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause.
[Illustration]
Gi-man´-i-dō´-wē, ni´-me-ne´-ki-nan´ wan-da.
Gi´-a-wĭngk, gi-man´-i-dō´-a-ni-min´,
Your body, I believe it is a spirit.
Gi-a-wĭngk.
your body.
[The first line is sung, but the last word could not be
satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is
Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the song is addressed to him. The curved line,
from which the arm protrudes, is the Midē´wigân and the arm itself
is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching upward
in worship and supplication.]
[Illustration]
Pi-nē´-si ne´-pi-mi´-a niⁿ´-ge-gē´-kwe-aⁿ
The bird as I promise the falcon
mi-we´-tshi-man´-i-dō´-wid.
the reason he is a spirit.
[The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its
correct signification could be reached by the Midē´. The meaning of
the phrase appears to be that Ki´tshi Man´idō promised to create
the Thunder-bird, one of the man´idōs. The falcon is here taken as a
representative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being
termed a-ni´-mi-ki´.]
[Illustration]
Zhīn´-gwe mi´-shi-ma-kwa´
Makes a great noise the bear.
weⁿ´-dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwēd´ kŭn-nēt´.
the reason I am of flame.
[The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the
malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form.
By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed
with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in
this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire)
denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is
granted, i.e., the Wâbĕnō´, and in the second degree this power is
reached as will be referred to further on.]
[Illustration]
Ni´-a-wen´-din-da-sa´, ha´, sa´, man´-i-dō´-wid.
Gi´-a-wĭngk in´-do-sa man´-i-dō´-wid.
In your body I put it the spirit.
[The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken
language. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō,
through the intermediary of the Midē´ priest, will put the spirit,
i.e., the mī´gis, into the body of the candidate.]
The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of wood,
termed “singing stick” or the Midē´ drum. After the song is completed
another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and after making
an offering of smoke both persons return to their respective wig´iwams.
Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the candidate, when both,
with the assistance of friends, carry the presents to the Midē´wigân,
where they are suspended from the rafters, to be ready for distribution
after the initiation on the following day. Several friends of the
candidate, who are Midē´, are stationed at the doors of the Midē´wigân
to guard against the intrusion of the uninitiated, or the possible
abstraction of the gifts by strangers.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initiation to
take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the coming of his
preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of
tobacco with which to supply all the active participants, so that they
may appease any feeling of opposition of the man´idōs toward the
admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the
guardian spirit of the second degree of the Midē´wiwin. After the usual
ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the Midē´
priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to proceed to the
Midē´wigân, where the members of the society have long since gathered
and around which is scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The
candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern
entrance of the Midē´wigân, carrying an ample supply of tobacco and
followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the procession
arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests
going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to
drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue
their line of march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or
left hand. Eight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or
eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to
the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in their
places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the middle of
the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them says to the Midē´
priest beside the latter: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the tobacco,”
whereupon the Midē´ spoken to relieves the candidate of the tobacco and
carries it to the middle of the inclosure, where it is laid upon a
blanket spread upon the ground. The preceptor then takes from the
cross-poles some of the blankets or robes and gives them to the
candidate to hold. One of the malevolent spirits which oppose the
entrance of a stranger is still supposed to remain with the Midē´wigân,
its body being that of a serpent, like flames of fire, reaching from the
earth to the sky. He is called I´-shi-ga-nē´-bĭ-gŏg--“Big-Snake.” To
appease his anger the candidate must make a present; so the preceptor
says for the candidate:
Ka-wī´ⁿ-nĭ-na-ga´ wa´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´?
Do you not see how he carries the goods?
This being assented to by the Midē´ priests the preceptor takes the
blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps
upon the Midē´ drum are heard and the candidate is led toward the left
on his march round the interior of the Midē´wigân, the officiating
priests following and being followed in succession by all others
present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when the
members begin to step back into their respective places, while the
officiating Midē´ finally station themselves with their backs toward the
westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the structure.
The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the Midē´
priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung, which may
be the individual production of the candidate (Pl. XIII, C). A song is
part of the ritual, though it is not necessary that the candidate should
sing it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the instance under
my observation the song was an old one (which had been taught the
candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates. Each of the
lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the prolongation of
the song being governed by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity
governs the insertion, between words and at the end of lines, of
apparently meaningless vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last
notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical accentuation being
maintained by gently tapping upon the Midē´ drum.
[Illustration]
Hĭa´-ni-de hĕn´-da man´-i-dō, hō´,
ni´-sha-bon´-de man´-i-dō´-en-dât.
Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it.
[The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân, the arm upon the
left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the
latter being shown by a zigzag line.]
[Illustration]
Nin-gō´-sa mĭ-dē´-kwe ni-ka´ na´-ska-wa´.
I am afraid of the “grand medicine” woman; I go to her.
[A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the
opposition of a Midē´ priestess and will conciliate her.]
[Illustration]
Ka-ni-sa´ hi´-a-tshi´-mĭn-dē´ man´-ski-kī´, dē´, hē´, hē´.
Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky.
[A person of superior power, as designated by the horns attached to
the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while
the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the height above the
earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit
whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed crossing
them as short vertical zigzag lines; i.e., voice lines.]
[Illustration]
Ke´-na-nan´-do-mē´ ko-nō´-ne-nak
ka-ne-hē´ nin-ko´-tshi nan´-no-me´.
The cloud looks to me for medicine.
[The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence
that he has preference with the superior Man´idōs. The magic
influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond
the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the forearm.]
[Illustration]
Rest, after which dancing begins.
[Illustration]
Wa-tshu´-a-nē´ ke´-ba-bing´-e-on´, wa-dzhū.
Going into the mountains.
[The singer’s thoughts go to the summit to commune with Ki´tshi
Man´idō. He is shown upon the summit.]
[Illustration]
Hi´-mĕ-de´-wa hen´-dĕ-a he´-na.
The grand medicine affects me.
[In his condition he appeals to Ki´tshi Man´idō for aid. The arms
represent the act of supplication.]
[Illustration]
Hai´-an-go ho´-ya o´-gĕ-ma, ha´.
The chief goes out.
[The arms grasp a bear--the Bear Man´idō--and the singer intimates
that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one of the
guardians of the Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
Nish´-o-wē´ ni-mē´-hi-gō´, hē´, ni-gō´-tshi-mi´-go-we, hē´.
Have pity on me wherever I have medicine.
[The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of
which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-so-mi´-ko-wē´ hĕ-a-za-we´-ne-ne-gō´, hō´.
I am the beaver; have pity on me.
[This is said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic
song was of the Beaver totem or gens.]
[Illustration]
Hēn´-ta-no-wik´-ko-we´ de-wĕn´-da ĕn-da-â´-dân.
I wish to know what is the matter with me.
[The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the
Midē´wigân, because the sacred man´idōs have filled his body with
magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines
descending to the earth.]
As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a protracted
manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the
intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down. The
dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in for
amusement only. The steps consist of two treading movements made by each
foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same time
there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around and
among his companions, but getting back toward his place before the verse
is ended. The attitude during these movements consists in bending the
body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of
searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to
short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes
upon the drum.
As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the preceptor,
acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and distributes
a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is indulged in,
preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the west, the
north, the sky and the earth.
After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the Midē´
drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is delivered to
the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach within two
or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees. The preceptor
and the assistant who is called upon by him take their places
immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the Midē´
priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick, deep tones,
resembling the sound hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, at the same time grasping
his midē´ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun, and moving it in a
serpentine and interrupted manner toward one of the large joints of the
candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utterance of this sound he
produces a quick puff with the breath and thrusts the bag forward as if
shooting, which he pretends to do, the missile being supposed to be the
invisible sacred mī´gis. The other priests follow in order from the
lowest to the highest, each selecting a different joint, during which
ordeal the candidate trembles more and more violently until at last he
is overcome with the magic influence and falls forward upon the ground
unconscious. The Midē´ priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when
the candidate begins to recover and spit out the mī´gis shell which he
had previously hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midē´ takes it up
between the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the
ceremony described in connection with the initiation into the first
degree, of holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky,
and finally to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has
partly recovered from his apparently insensible condition, again
relapses into that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to
the respective joints at which they previously directed them, which
fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this
the candidate recovers, takes up the mī´gis shell and, placing it upon
his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying
he! he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling
from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second time;
and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern side and
seats himself. After all those who have been occupied with the
initiation have hung up their midē´ sacks on available projections
against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the pile of
tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among those present,
giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He then passes
around once more, stopping before each one to pass his hands over the
sides of the priests´ heads, and says:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-shi-tō´-win bi-mâ´-dĭ-si-wĭn,
Thanks for giving to me life,
after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing toward
the priest, says:
Ni-ka´-ni ni-ka´ni ni-ka´-ni ka-nia´,
fellow midē´ fellow midē´ fellow midē´,
to which each responds hau´, ēⁿ. The word hau´ is a term of approbation,
ēⁿ signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used together serving to
intensify the expression. Those of the Midē´ present who are of the
second, or even some higher degree, then indulge in the ceremony of
passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure, where they feign
coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the mouth the mī´gis shell,
as already narrated in connection with the first degree, p. 192.
This manner of thanking the officiating Midē´ for their services in
initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those
members of the Midē´wiwin who are of the first degree only, in
acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they
being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the
class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor
influenced in any way by merely witnessing such initiation, but they
must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a
renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic
influence.
Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, recounting
personal exploits in the performance of magic and exorcism, to which the
auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval.
During these recitals the ushers, appointed for the purpose, leave the
inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of
food prepared for the midē´ feast. The ushers make four circuits of the
interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents of
the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their
desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the
midē´ drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who desire
join. After the first two or three verses of the song are recited, a
short interval of rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins
and is continued to the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and
dancing, interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset,
when the members retire to their own wig´iwams, leaving the Midē´-wigân
by the western egress.
The ushers, assisted by the chief Midē´, then remove the sacred post
from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either
of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented
themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once,
the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to
their respective homes.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The mī´gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the same
species as those before mentioned. At White Earth, however, some of the
priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced
degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible,
having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand
or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a bead may be used as
a substitute. On Pl. XI, No. 4, is presented an illustration of the bead
(the second-degree mī´gis) presented to me on the occasion of my
initiation.
With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this
degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their
own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the
traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate
usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is
officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the preparatory
instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose
services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the
privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding
degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional
token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method
in his further advancement.
A Midē´ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary daimon;
e.g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares
a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the
middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into
that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance
upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been
liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act
he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection.
Such persons are termed by many “bad medicine men,” and the practice of
thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Midē´wiwin is discountenanced
by members of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly
believed in and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that
class of Shamans here designated as the Wâbĕnō´.
In his history[15] Rev. Mr. Jones says:
As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their
medicines I shall here give a short account of this curious art.
Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of
familiar spirits from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on
their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the success of the
warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure from place to
place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls, bats, and
snakes. Such metamorphoses they pretend to accomplish by putting on
the skins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in
imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of our
people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the
shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that
when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she
will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time
by her pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old
woman walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as
innocent as a lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire
which proceeds out of their mouths every time they bark.
Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the
art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed
witches or wizards are generally eccentric characters, remarkably
wicked, of a ragged appearance and forbidding countenance. The way in
which they are made is either by direct communication with the
familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being
instructed by those skilled in the art.
[Footnote 15: History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1843?),
pp. 145, 146.]
A Midē´ of the second degree has the reputation of superior powers on
account of having had the mī´gis placed upon all of his joints, and
especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in
Pl. III, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where
the mī´gis has been “shot” into the figure, the enlarged size of the
circle signifying “greater abundance,” in contradistinction to the
common designation of a mī´gis shown only by a simple spot or small
point. One of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring
at a remote distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is
enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person,
and the lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse
space and transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is
sought after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game,
for success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote
may be their residence.
When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued similar
to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more powerful
magic medicines are used. In the following description of a pictograph
recording such an occurrence the Midē´, or rather the Wâbĕnō´, was of
the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin. The indication of the grade of the
operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in this instance
appears to have been prompted from motives of vanity. The original
sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark by
a Midē´, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually occurred at White
Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person against whom
vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease
having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The
victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the locality
above named, and his death was attributed to the Midē´’s power, a
reputation naturally procuring for him many new adherents and disciples.
The following is the explanation as furnished by a Midē´ familiar with
the circumstances:
[Illustration: Fig. 24.--Midē´ destroying an enemy.]
No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midē´ who was called upon to take
the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending from
the midē´ to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will
reach to that distance.
No. 2, the applicant for assistance.
Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, represent the four degrees of the Midē´wiwin (of
which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are
furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes.
No. 7 is the midē´ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the
charm.
No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is
indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of
vermilion.
No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon
resided.
War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs
used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a
reproduction of one is given on Pl. XIII, D. This song was used by the
Midē´ priest to insure success to the parties. The members who intended
participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening preceding
their departure, and while listening to the words, some would join in
the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated ad
libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to the
prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers. The
war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as to
produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing of
a large body of excited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed
for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or
wooden vessel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached
to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the
ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant
sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end of
each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The following lines
are repeated ad libitum:
[Illustration: Plate XIV.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Hu´-na-wa´-na ha´-wā,
un-do´-dzhe-na´ ha-we´-nĕ.
I am looking [feeling] for my paint.
[The Midē’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war
paint.]
[Illustration]
Hĭa´-dzhi-mĭn-de´ non´-da-kō´, hō´,
They hear me speak of legs.
[Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the
arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as
to give speed and strength.]
[Illustration]
Hu´-wa-ke´, na´, ha´,
He said,
[The Turtle Man´idō will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one
of the swiftest man´idōs, until through some misconduct, Min´abō´zho
deprived him of his speed.]
[Illustration]
Wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē, wa´-ka-te´, hē´, wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē´.
Powder, he said.
[The modern form of Wa´-ka-te´, he´, hwā´, is ma´-ka-dē´-hwa; other
archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase
signifies that the Midē´ Man´idō favors good results from the use of
powder. His form projects from the top of the Midē´ structure.]
[Illustration]
Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed,
accompanied with dancing.
[Illustration]
Sin-go´-na wa-kī´ na-ha´-ka
I made him cry.
[The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot.]
[Illustration]
Te-wa´-tshi-me-kwe´-na, ha´, na-ke´-nan.
They tell of my powers.
[The people speak highly of the singer’s magic powers; a charmed
arrow is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament,
enlarged to signify its greater power.]
[Illustration]
He´-wĕ-ne-nis´-sa ma-he´-ka-nĕn´-na.
What have I killed, it is a wolf.
[By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad
man´idō which had assumed the form of a wolf.]
[Illustration]
Sun´-gu-we´-wa, ha´, nīn-dēn´, tshi´-man-da´-kwa ha´na-nĭn-dēn´.
I am as strong as the bear.
[The Midē´ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man´idō, one of
the most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the top of the
Midē´wigân while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines
upon the back.]
[Illustration]
Wa´-ka-na´-ni, hē´, wa´-ka-na´-ni.
I wish to smoke.
[The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of
the war party, termed a “partisan.” The Midē´ is in full accord with
the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by
desiring to smoke with the braves.]
[Illustration]
He´-wa-hō´-a hai´-a-nē´
I even use a wooden image.
[Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is
punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death
of the victim is encompassed.]
[Illustration]
Pa-kwa´ ma-ko-nē´ ā´, ō´, hē´,
ōsh-ke´-na-ko-nē´-a.
The bear goes round angry.
[The Bear Man´idō is angry because the braves are dilatory in going
to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will
be for the Midē´ as to his fee, and the chances of success are
greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they
should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued.]
THIRD DEGREE.
[Illustration: Fig. 25.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree.]
The structure in which the third degree of the Midē´wiwin is conferred
resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is presented in Fig.
25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first one resembling
that of the first degree, being painted red with a band of green around
the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) This is planted a short distance to the east
of the middle of the floor. The second post is also painted red, but has
scattered over its entire surface spots of white clay, each of about the
size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical of the mī´gis shell.
Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed body of an
owl--Kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) This post is planted a short distance
west of the first one and about midway between it and the third, which
last is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from the western door, and is
painted black. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The sacred stone against which patients
are placed, and which has the alleged virtue of removing or expelling
the demons that cause disease, is placed upon the ground at the usual
spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25, No. 1). The Makwá Man´idō--bear
spirit--is the tutelary guardian of this degree. Cedar trees are planted
at each of the outer angles of the structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9).
The sudatory is erected about 100 yards due east of the main entrance of
the Midē´wigân, and is of the same size and for the same purpose as that
for the second degree.
[Illustration: Plate XV.
Sacred Posts of Midē´wigân.]
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a
second-degree Midē´ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough
presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods and
tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few present
themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, relatively,
as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midē´’s powers are
intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being “shot
with the sacred mī´gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank by means
of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assistance of the
tutelary guardian of this degree.
A Midē´ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of
announcing to the chief Midē´ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evidence
of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents, and of
his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a
preceptor of at least the third degree and one who is held in high
repute and influence in the Midē´wiwin. After procuring the services of
such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be
enabled to purchase from him some special formulæ for which he is
distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions
previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and
compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversations
relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism.
Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new “medicines” to add to
his list, and the following is a translation of the tradition relating
to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called “man
root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is
presented a pictorial representation of the story, made by Ojibwa,
a Midē´ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradition purports
to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the abode of
Dzhibai´Man´idō, “the chief spirit of the place of souls,” called
Ne´-ba-gi´-zis, “the land of the sleeping sun.”
There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that
given in connection with Pl. V, in which the Sun Spirit restored to
life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the
Midē´wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is a
corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of “man
root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it,
being so extensively employed in various painful complaints.
Once an old Midē´, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting
trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a
substantial wig´iwam. The snow began to fall and the cold increased,
so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game having been
abundant and a good supply having been procured. The son died;
whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain
help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief
priest of the Midē´-wiwin, able to accomplish this.
When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her
brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render
assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Midē´, and
they accompanied his daughter to the place where the body of his dead
grandson lay upon the floor of the wig´iwam, covered with robes.
The chief Midē´ placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead boy,
the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants
stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Midē´--he at the
right foot of the deceased--began to chant a midē´ song, which he
repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time.
When he had finished, the Midē´ at the left foot sang a midē´ song
four times; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder of the body did the
same, after which the chief Midē´ priest sang his song four times,
whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket, and as
the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy sat
up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which
was given to him.
The four Midē´ priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing
charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery.
The youngest Midē´, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him four
pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Midē´ at the left
foot did the same; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder did likewise,
and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest standing at the left
shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately recovered
his speech and said that during the time that his body had been in a
trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had learned of
the “grand medicine.”
The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the
trance, as follows: “Gi´-gi-min´-ĕ-go´-min mi-dē´-wi-wĭn mi-dē´
man´-i-dō´ ‘n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk ban-dzhi´-ge´-o-we´-ân
ta´-zi-ne´-zho-wak´ ni-zha´-nĕ-zak, kĭ-wi´-de-gĕt´
mi´-o-pi´-ke´-ne-bŭi´-yan ka-ki´-nĕ ka-we´-dĕ-ge´ mi´-o-wŏk-pi´
i-kan´-o-a-mag´-ĭ-na mi-dē´ man´i-dō wi-we´-ni-tshi mi-dē´-wi-wĭn,
ki´-mi-mâ´-dĭ-si-win´-in-ân´ ki-mi´-nĭ-go-nan´ ge-on´-dĕ-na-mŏngk
ki´-mi-mâ´-di-si´-wa-in-an´; ki´-ki-no´-a-mag´-wi-nan´ mash´-kĭ-ki
o-gi´-mi-ni´-go-wan´ o-dzhi-bi´-gân gi-me´-ni-na-gŭk´
mash´-kĭ-ki-wa´-boⁿ shtĭk-wan´-a-ko-se´-an o-ma´-mâsh´-kĭ-ki
ma´-gi-ga´-to ki´-ka-ya-tōn.”
The following is a translation:
“He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society, gave us the “grand
medicine,” and he has taught us how to use it. I have come back from
the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives;
when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die.
That is the time. The Midē´ spirit taught us to do right. He gave us
life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us, and
gave us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is
sick, this medicine put upon it, you will put it on.”
The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner imparted
to the Indians. The reference to twelve--three times the sacred number
four--signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each other
before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that a
number of the words are archaic, which fact appears to be an indication
of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition.
The following are the principal forms in which a Midē´ will utilize
Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng--Shtĕ´-na-bi-o´-dzhi-bik:
1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve
stomachic pains.
2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of
the body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part
affected; e.g., for pleurisy, the side of the root is cut out, and
an infusion given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the
lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root are employed;
should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root--
corresponding to the chest--is used in a similar manner.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midē´ friends such
new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor all
that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be
publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midē´. As this time approaches
the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to such
non-resident Midē´ as the officiating priests may wish to honor. On or
before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves to the
vicinity of the Midē´wigân. On that day the first sweat bath is taken,
and one also upon each succeeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of
purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the day before
the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wig´iwam when, with the
assistance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the
Midē´-wigân and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The
officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and singing
form the chief entertainment of the evening.
By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are encamped
throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum, where dancing
is going on, may be heard far into the night.
Early on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes
to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and
later the arrival of the Midē´ priests by whom he is escorted to the
Midē´wigân. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift of
tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which a
smoke offering is made, and later Midē´ songs are chanted. These may be
of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a sufficient
lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of superior
powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests, will perhaps
be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was prepared and chanted
by one of the Midē´ priests at the third-degree meeting at White Earth,
Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the
original. The words, with translation, are as follows:
[Illustration]
Ni-ka´-ni-na man´-do-na-mō´-a.
My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark.
[The two arms are grasping the mī´gis, which he the Midē´ is going
to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means,
literally, trying to hit the mark at random.]
[Illustration]
Me-kwa´-me-sha-kwak´, mi-tē´-wi-da´.
While it is clear let us have it, the “grand medicine.”
[The Midē´ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower end
of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the rain
is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending from
the sky at the right and left.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
During this interval a smoke offering is made.
[Illustration]
Mi-sha´-kwi-tō-nĭ mī´-gĭs-sĭm´.
As clear as the sky [is] my mī´gis.
[The figure represents the sacred mī´gis, as indicated by the short
lines radiating from the periphery. The mī´gis is white and the
clear sky is compared to it.]
[Illustration]
Sōn´-gi-mi-dē´ wi-ka´-ne, hē´,
Wi-nō´-a man´-i-dō´-wi-dzhī´-id-e´-zhi-wât.
Take the “grand medicine” strong, as they, together
with the “Great Spirit,” tell me.
[The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The
associate Midē´ are alluded to, as also Ki´tshi Man´idō, who urge
his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm
reaches down to search for the sacred mī´gis of the fourth degree--
designated by four vertical lines--which is, as yet, hidden from
the person addressed.]
[Illustration]
Hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, hwa´-ba-mi-dē´,
Na´-wa-kin-tē´.
He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth.
[The human figure symbolizes Ki´tshi Man´idō; the magic lines cross
his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midē´wigân.
His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and he
beholds the Midē´ while chanting and conducting the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´ wi´-ka-ni´ ni-mi-dē´.
To the spirit be a friend, my Midē´.
[The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and
thus a friend to Ki´tshi Man´idō, who in return will always assist
him. The figure holds a mī´gis in its right hand, and the Midē´ drum
in its left.]
The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic
form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be
repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of inspiration which the
singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his hearers.
[Illustration: Plate XVI.
Mnemonic Songs.]
All the members of the society not officially inducting the candidate
have ere this entered the Midē´wigân and deposited their invitation
sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability to
attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the
suggestion of the Midē´ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory,
gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midē´
inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their
office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the
entrance of the Midē´wigân, where the candidate and his preceptor halt,
while the remainder enter and take their stations just within the door,
facing the west.
The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the inclosure,
begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly around the
exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of the sun. Upon
the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly opposite the
main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The drumming and
singing cease; the candidate beholds two Midē´ near the outer entrance
and either side of it. These Midē´ represent two malevolent man´idō and
guard the door against the entrance of those not duly prepared. The one
upon the northern side of the entrance then addresses his companion in
the following words: I´-ku-tan ka´-wi-nad´-gĭ wa´-na-mâ´-sĭ
ē´-zhĭ-gĭ´-nĭ-gĕd--“Do you not see how he is formed?” To which the other
responds: O-da´-pĭ-nŏ´ ke´-no-wĭn-dŭng shkwan´-dĭm--“Take care of it,
the door;” [i.e., guard the entrance.] The former then again speaks to
his companion, and says: Ka-wīn´-nĭ-na-ga´
wâ´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´--“Do you not see how he carries the
goods?” The Midē´ spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor takes
several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the two guards, whereupon
they permit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance, where he is
again stopped by two other guardian man´idō, who turn upon him as if to
inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate then holds out two
parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the
tobacco,” whereupon they receive the gift and stand aside, saying:
Kun´-da-dan--“Go down;” [i.e., enter and follow the path.] As the
candidate is taken a few steps forward and toward the sacred stone, four
of the eight officiating priests receive him, one replacing the
preceptor who goes to the extreme western end there to stand and face
the east, where another joins him, while the remaining two place
themselves side by side so as to face the west.
It is believed that there are five powerful man´idōs who abide within
the third-degree Midē´wigân, one of whom is the Midē´ man´idō--Ki´tshi
Man´idō--one being present at the sacred stone, the second at that part
of the ground between the sacred stone and the first part where the
gifts are deposited, the remaining three at the three degree posts.
As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the interior
of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while all those
remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the sacred stone
he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not toward it in
passing; the same is done at the second place where one of the spirits
is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third posts. By this
time the candidate is at the western extremity of the structure, and as
the second Midē´ receives him in charge, the other taking his station
beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward the north and east
to the point of departure, going through similar evolutions as before,
as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts and the sacred stone.
This is done as an act of reverence to the man´idōs and to acknowledge
his gratitude for their presence and encouragement. When he again
arrives at the eastern extremity of the inclosure he is placed between
the two officiating Midē´, who have been awaiting his return, while his
companion goes farther back, even to the door, from which point he
addresses the other officiating Midē´ as follows:
Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa wi-kan´-da´-we-an´, mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa
Now is the time [I am] telling [--advising,] now is the time
wī´-di-wa´-mŏk wi-un´-o-bē-ŏg.
to be observed [I am] ready to make him sit down.
Then one of the Midē´ priests standing beside the candidate leads him to
the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the
blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated.
This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner
wa´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, returning to a position so
as to face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa
pŏ´-gŭ-sĕ-ni´mi-nan´ au´-u-sa´ za-a´-da-win´ man´-i-dō mī´-gis.
Na´-pish-gatsh di-mâ´-gĭ-sĭ ĕ-nĕ´-nĭ-mi-an pi´-sha-gâ-an-da-i´
na´-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa´-di-na-wâd´ dzhi-ma´-dzhi-a-ka´-ma-da-mân
bi-mâ´-dĭs-si´-an.
The following is a free translation:
The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this
“reverence” i.e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in
your behalf, but you think my powers are feeble; I am asking him to
confer upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I
shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he
will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power.
At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating Midē´
advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the candidate. The
Midē´ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a short prelude of
drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings the following
Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B.
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´ we-da´, man´-i-dō´ gi-dō´ we-do´-nĭng.
Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth.
[The head is said to signify that of a Midē´, who is about to sing.]
[Illustration]
Nin´-de-wen´-don zha´-bon-dĕsh´-kâⁿ-mân´.
I own this lodge, through which I pass.
[The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the
Midē´wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of the
oblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear.]
[Illustration]
Ân´-dzhe-ho ĭ´-a-ni´ o-gēn´, hwe´-ō-ke´, hwe´-ō-ke´.
Mother is having it over again.
[The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the “grand
medicine” again.]
[Illustration]
Ni´-ka-nan ni´-go-sân, ni´-go-sân´
ni-ka´-ni-san´, man´-i-dō´ wi-dzhig´
nin-go-sân´ an-i-wa´-bi-dzhig ni-ka´.
Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting
around me.
[The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith
in Ki´tshi Man´idō who abides above.]
[Illustration]
Ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa,
ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne,
hē´, ki´-no-sha´-we-wa´.
I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge.
[The object represents an otter skin Midē´ sack, the property of the
speaker.]
[Illustration]
Ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´-ā´,
ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´ā´,
wa´-na-he´-ni´-o-ni´, ya´-be-kai´-o-bik´.
We are still sitting in a circle.
[A Midē´ sitting within the Midē´wigân; the circle is shown.]
[Illustration]
A-ya´-a-bi-ta´ pa´-ke-zhĭk´, ū´, hū´, a´,
Half the sky
[The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assistance
of Ki´tshi Man´idō that the candidate may receive advancement in
power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired.]
[Illustration]
Ba´-be-ke´ o´-gi-mân nish´-a-we, hē´,
ne´-me-ke-hē´, nish´-a-we´-ni-mĭk o´-gi-mân.
The spirit has pity on me now,
[The “Great Spirit” is descending upon the Midē´wigân, to be present
during the ceremony.]
[Illustration]
Nin-dai´-a, nin-dai´-a, ha´,
we´-ki-ma´, ha´, wâ-no-kwe´.
In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit.
[The hand is holding the mī´gis, to which reference is made.]
[Illustration]
I-ke´-u-ha´-ma man-ta-na´-ki-na ni-ka´-ni
I take the earth, my Midē´ friends.
[The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of
life, both food and medicines.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-a-ya´-din shin-da´, hān´,
man-da´-ha-ni´, o-hō´ ni-bĭ´.
Let us get him to take this water.
[The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes
to the horizontal strokes indicate.]
[Illustration]
Hŭe´-shĭ-shi-kwa´-ni-an nin-ga´-ga-mūn´.
I take this rattle.
[The rattle is used when administering medicine.]
[Illustration]
Wi-wa´-ba-mi´na hē´-na ko´-ni-a´-ni, ka´,
ko´-ni-a´-ho-nā´, nī´, kā´.
See how I shine in making medicine.
[The speaker likens himself to the Makwa´ Man´idō, one of the most
powerful Midē´ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze with
light--due to magic power.]
This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of the
person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from the
modern forms.
Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps his
Midē´ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connection with
the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and forehead of the
candidate the sacred mī´gis. At the attempt made by the chief priest the
candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests then touch
his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Midē´ sacks
whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief then
addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and in
accordance with the dignity of his profession. The following is the
text, viz: Gi-gan´-bis-sĭn dau´-gē-in´-ni-nân´ kish-bin´-bish-in
dau´-o-ân-nĭn da´-ki-ka-wa´-bi-kwe ga´-kĭ-ne ke-ke´-wi-bi´-na-mōn
ki-ma´-dzhĭ-zhi we´-bĭ-zi-wĭn´.
The translation is as follows: “You heed to what I say to you; if you
are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white
hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.”
The Midē´ priest second in rank then says to the candidate:
Ke´-go-wi´-ka-za´-gi-to-wa´-kin ki-da´-no-ka´tshĭ-gân kai-ē´-gi-gīt´
a-sē´-ma, kai´-e-mī´-dzĭm, which signifies: “Never begrudge your goods,
neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate
responds ēⁿ´--yes, by this signifying that he will never regret what
he has given the Midē´ for their services. The candidate remains
standing while the members of the society take seats, after which he
goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and upon
selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries them
to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to all
other Midē´ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are
preparing to make an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō of tobacco, the newly
accepted member goes around to each, member present, passes his hands
downward over the sides of the Midē’s head and says:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga´shi-tō´-win bi-ma´-dĭ-si-wīn´,
Thanks for giving to me life,
then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midē´,
adding: Ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ka-na´,--“My Midē´ friend, my
Midē´ friend, my Midē´ friend, friend.” To this the Midē´ responds in
affirmation, hau´, ēⁿ´--yes.
The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the
inclosure, whereupon the ushers--Midē´ appointed to attend to outside
duties--retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried around
to various persons present, four distinct times.
The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which the
kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midē´wi-gân, when all
who desire indulge in smoking. Midē´ songs are chanted by one of the
priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. XIV C, being an
example. The lines, as usual, are repeated ad libitum, the music being
limited to but few notes, and in a minor key. The following are the
words with translation:
[Illustration]
He´-ne-wi´-a ni´-na mi´-si-man´-i-dē-ge´
Their bodies shine over the world
he-wa´-we-a´-ne-kan´.
unto me as unto you, my Midē´ friend.
[This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the
drawing.]
[Illustration]
Ma´-na-wi-na´ hai´-e-ne-hā´ be-wa´-bik-kun kan-din´-a-we.
Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, piercing eyes.
[The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is
indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth. The eyes of
the crane Man´idō are equally penetrating.]
[Illustration]
Ta-be´-nĕ-wa´ he-shi-wa´, hā´ ma´-si-ni´-ni-he´-shi-wa´, hā´.
Calm it leads you to guides you to your food.
[Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the
rites of the Midē´wiwin is here referred to. The figure points to
the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō; three short lines indicating three
degrees in the Midē´wiwin, which the candidate has taken.]
[Illustration]
Ha-nin´-di he-bik´-kĭn-he´ man´-i-dō ni-kan´
Whence does he rise spirit Midē´ friend
wa-ba-nŭnk´, mi-dē´-man´-i-dō wa-ba-nŭnk´.
from the east, midē´ man´idō from the east.
[The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day,
the “sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is
always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of
day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Wa-dzhi-wan´, wa-dzhi-wan´-na,
Wa-dahi-wan´ ni-ka´-na-hē´.
There is a mountain, there is a mountain,
There is a mountain, my friends.
[The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful
Midē´ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attainable by a
Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Wa´-bĕ-ku´ĕ-be-a´, wa´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´,
Shot it was, shot it was
na´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´ man´-i-dō´-´a nĭn-dē´.
and it hit body, your man´ido your heart.
man´-i-dō´-a nin-dē´.
man´ido your heart.
[The Mī´gis is represented in the illustration by the small rings;
the arrow indicating that it was “shot” with velocity.]
[Illustration]
Hwe´-kwo-nin´-na-ta, ki-wī´-kash´-ka-man;
En-do´-ge-mā´ wesh´-in-ē´.
What am I going around?
I am going around the Midē´wigân.
[The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân. The otter-skin
Midē´ sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that
animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwa´ Man´idō (bear
spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the
earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the
lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the
bear spirit.]
[Illustration]
Nen´-do-ne´-ha-mān-ni´ nī´-ŏ,
What am I looking at.
[The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one’s
self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three
transverse lines and the small spots, the mī´gis, upon it.]
[Illustration]
Ba´bin-ke´-en non´-do-wa-wē´, hī´,
I soon heard him, the one who
did not listen to them.
[The Midē´, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns
attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at
intervals, indicating that something is heard.]
[Illustration]
Hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-gi´, ē´, hē´,
pī´-na-nī´, hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-ga´ na´-ge-ka-na´ ē´, hē´.
The Nika´ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge.
[The arm at the side of the Midē´wigân points to the interior, the
place spoken of.]
[Illustration]
Oⁿsh´-koⁿsh-na-nā´ pi-na´-wa niⁿ-bosh´-i-na´-na.
With the bear’s claws I almost hit him.
[The Midē´ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or exorcism, and
would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a Wâbĕnō´. The
one spoken of is an evil man´idō, referred to in the preceding line,
in which he speaks of having heard him.]
At the conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be made
by a Midē´, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers wielded
by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest intimates
to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then leave the
Midē´wigân by the western door, and before night all movable accessories
are taken away from the structure.
The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing,
etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective
homes.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
Although the mī´gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the
same species, some of the older Midē´ priests claim that there were
formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining
specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika´s-sigĕ
as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypræa monata,
L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated form, both
shown on Pl. XI, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively.
The fact of a Midē´ having been subjected to “mī´gis shooting” for the
third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers are
in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and
incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more
extended and certain of effect; and his ability to do harm, as in the
capacity of a Wâbĕnō´, is more and more lauded and feared. He becomes
possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in this
state enters the class of personages known as the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or
jugglers. His power over darkness and obscurity is indicated on Pl. III,
A, No. 77, upon which the head, chest, and arms are represented as being
covered with lines to designate obscurity, the extended arms with
outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and control that which is
hidden to the eye.
[Illustration: Fig. 26.--Jĕs´sakkân´ or juggler’s lodge.]
The Jĕs´sakkīd´ and his manner of performing have already been
mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers
early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various
designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc.
Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the
greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianization of the Indians.
Although the Jĕs´sakkīd´ may be a seer and prophet as well as a
practitioner of exorcism without becoming a member of the Midē´wiwin,
it is only when a Midē´ attains the rank of the third degree that he
begins to give evidence of, or pretends to exhibit with any degree of
confidence, the powers accredited to the former. The structure erected
and occupied by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ for the performance of his powers as
prophet or oracle has before been described as cylindrical, being made
by planting four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of birch
bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve as a covering. This
form of structure is generally represented in pictographic records, as
shown in Fig. 26.
[Illustration: Fig. 27.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]
[Illustration: Fig. 28.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]
[Illustration: Fig. 29.--Jĕs´sakkân´, juggler’s lodge.]
The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from
birch-bark etchings, were the property of Jĕs´sakkīd´, who were also
Midē´ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that the
structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig´iwam, as their
profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem than the
art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jĕs´sakkīd´ being indicated
by the great number of ma´nidōs which they have the power of invoking.
These man´idōs, or spirits, are indicated by the outline of their
material forms, the heart being indicated and connected with the
interior of the structure to show the power of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ over the
life of the respective spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the
highest position in his estimation, and for this reason is drawn
directly over the wig´iwam. The Turtle is claimed to be the man´idō who
acts as intermediary between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and the other man´idōs, and
is therefore not found among the characters on the outside of the
wig´iwam, but his presence is indicated within, either at the spot
marking the convergence of the “life lines,” or immediately below it.
Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an etching made by a Jĕs´sakkīd´ at White
Earth, Minnesota. The two curved lines above the Jĕs´sakkan´ represent
the sky, from which magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line
extending downward. The small spots within the structure are “magic
spots,” i.e., the presence of man´idōs. The juggler is shown upon the
left side near the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to
claim one of these man´idōs as his own tutelary daimon, his advantage in
invoking the others is comparatively greater. Before proceeding to the
Jĕs´sakkân´--or the “Jugglery,” as the Jĕs´sakkīd´ wig´iwam is commonly
designated, a prophet will prepare himself by smoking and making an
offering to his man´idō, and by singing a chant, of which an example is
presented on Pl. XIV, D. It is a reproduction of one made by a
Jĕs´sakkīd´ who was also a Midē´ of the third degree. Each line is
chanted as often as may be desired, or according to the effect which it
may be desirable to produce or the inspired state of the singer.
[Illustration: Fig. 30.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]
[Illustration]
Me-we´-yan, ha´, ha´, ha´,
I go into the Jĕs´sakkan´ to see the medicine.
[The circle represents the Jĕs´sakkīd´ as viewed from above; the
short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the
central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who
appears entering from the side.]
[Illustration]
Tschi-nun´-dōn´, he´, he´, he´, he´,
I was the one who dug up life.
[The Otter Man´idō emerging from the Midē´wigân; he received it from
Ki´tshi Mani´dō.]
[Illustration]
Ni´ka-nī´ we-do-koⁿ´-a, ha´, ha´,
The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow.
[The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote
supernatural origin of the mī´gis, which is shown by the four
small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent the ascending
sprouts of magic plants.]
[Illustration]
Te-ti-ba´-tshi mŭt´-â-wit´, tē´, hē´, hē´,
I am the one that dug up the medicine.
[The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents
himself “like unto the Otter Man´idō.”]
[Illustration]
Ki´waⁿ-win´-da ma´-kwa-nan´, na´, ha´,
I answer my brother spirit.
[The Otter Man´idō responds to the invocation of the speaker. The
diagonal line across the body signifies the “spirit character” of
the animal.]
[Illustration]
Rest or pause.
[Illustration]
Wa´-a-so´-at wĕn´-ti´-na-man, ha´, ha,
The spirit has put life into my body.
[The speaker is represented as being in the Midē´-wigân, where
Ki´tshi Man´idō placed magic power into his body; the arms denote
this act of putting into his sides the mī´gis. The line crossing the
body denotes the person to be possessed of supernatural power.]
[Illustration]
Ki-to´-na-bi´-in, nē´, hē´, hē´,
This is what the medicine has given us.
[The Midē´wigân, showing on the upper line the guardian man´idōs.]
[Illustration]
Ni´-sha-we´-ni-bĭ-ku´, hū´, hū´, hē´,
I took with two hands what was thrown down to us.
[The speaker grasped life, i.e., the migīs´, to secure the
mysterious power which he professes.]
In addition to the practice of medical magic, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sometimes
resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient’s body the
malevolent beings or man´idōs which cause disease. The method of
procedure is as follows: The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is provided with four or more
tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large birds, each of the
thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length. After the priest has
fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets down upon all fours
close to the patient and with his mouth near the affected part. After
using the rattle and singing most vociferously to cause the evil man´idō
to take shelter at some particular spot, so that it may be detected and
located by him, he suddenly touches that place with the end of one of
the bones and immediately thereafter putting the other end into his
mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it with the flat hand and sends it
apparently down his throat. Then the second bone is treated in the same
manner, as also the third and fourth, the last one being permitted to
protrude from the mouth, when the end is put against the affected part
and sucking is indulged in amid the most violent writhings and
contortions in his endeavors to extract the man´idō. As this object is
supposed to have been reached and swallowed by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ he crawls
away to a short distance from the patient and relieves himself of the
demon with violent retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers in a
short time, spits out the bones, and, after directing his patient what
further medicine to swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further
description of this practice will be referred to below and illustrated
on Pl. XVIII.
The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever trick and
not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jugglery and other
delusions that he maintains his influence and importance among the
credulous.
[Illustration: Fig. 31.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman.]
Fig. 31 represents a Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing a sick woman by sucking the
demon through a bone tube. The pictograph was drawn upon a piece of
birch bark which was carried in the owner’s Midē´ sack, and was intended
to record an event of importance.
No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his head
is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an
ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the
right indicating the tube used.
No. 2 is the woman operated upon.
[Illustration: Fig. 32.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man.]
Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a Jĕs´sakkīd´, a resident of White
Earth, Minnesota. The priest is shown in No. 1 holding his rattle, the
line extending from his eye to the patient’s abdomen signifying that he
has located the demon and is about to begin his exorcism. No. 2 is the
patient lying before the operator.
FOURTH DEGREE.
[Illustration: Fig. 33.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree.]
The Midē´wigân, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the
preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern and
southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western extremities
and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground plan, in which
may also be observed the location of each of the four Midē´ posts. Fig.
34 shows general view of same structure. A short distance from the
eastern entrance is deposited the sacred stone, beyond which is an area
reserved for the presents to be deposited by an applicant for
initiation. The remaining two-thirds of the space toward the western
door is occupied at regular intervals by four posts, the first being
painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) The
second post is red, and has scattered over its surface spots of white
clay to symbolize the sacred mī´gis shell. Upon it is perched the
stuffed skin of an owl--kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) The third post is
black; but instead of being round is cut square. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The
fourth post, that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape of a
cross, painted white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of the
trunk, which is squared, the colors upon the four sides being white on
the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the north.
(Pl. XV, No. 4.)
[Illustration: Fig. 34.--General view of Midē´wigân.]
About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between it
and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 3 feet high and 6
inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three-lobed
apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is painted
green; that facing the Midē´wigân red. Near the top is a small opening,
through which the Midē´ are enabled to peep into the interior of the
sacred structure to observe the angry man´idōs occupying the structure
and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the fourth degree.
A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the Midē´wigân,
and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and southern
entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently large to
admit the body. These structures are termed bears´ nests, supposed to be
points where the Bear Man´idō rested during the struggle he passed
through while fighting with the malevolent man´idōs within to gain
entrance and receive the fourth-degree initiation. Immediately within
and to either side of the east and west entrances is planted a short
post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick, painted red upon the side facing
the interior and black upon the reverse, at the base of each being laid
a stone about as large as a human head. These four posts represent the
four limbs and feet of the Bear Man´idō, who made the four entrances and
forcibly entered and expelled the evil beings who had opposed him. The
fourth-degree Midē´ post-- the cross--furthermore symbolizes the four
days´ struggle at the four openings or doors in the north, south, east,
and west walls of the structure.
PREPARATION OF CANDIDATE.
Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before a
Midē´ of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and it is
seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents within that
period, so that frequently a number of years elapse before any
intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that the necessary
requirements can be complied with. The chief reason of this delay is
attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiating priests alone
must equal in value and quantity four times the amount paid at the first
initiation, and as the success in gathering the robes, skins, blankets,
etc., depends upon the candidate’s own exertions it will readily appear
why so few ever attain the distinction sought. Should one be so
fortunate, however, as to possess the required articles, he has only to
make known the fact to the chief and assistant Midē´ priests, when a
meeting is held at the wig´iwam of one of the members and the merits of
the candidate discussed. For this purpose tobacco is furnished by the
candidate. The more valuable and more numerous the presents the more
rapidly will his application be disposed of, and the more certainly will
favorable consideration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former
instances of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a
renowned Midē´, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated remedies
or charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own proficiency
in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the course
pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he is held in
esteem even by his jealous confrères.
There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the fourth
degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of “shooting
the mī´gis” into the body of the candidate, and enacting or dramatizing
the traditional efforts of the Bear Man´idō in his endeavor to receive
from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who succeeds becomes
correspondingly powerful in his profession and therefore more feared by
the credulous. His sources of income are accordingly increased by the
greater number of Indians who require his assistance. Hunters, warriors,
and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and sometimes antidoting
charms are sought, when the evil effects of an enemy’s work are to be
counteracted.
The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon coming to a
satisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the service he
prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he is to enact during
the initiation and the reasons therefor. The preparation and the merits
of magic compounds are discussed, and the pupil receives instruction in
making effective charms, compounding love powder, etc. This love powder
is held in high esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret,
to be transmitted only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the
following ingredients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega,
L.); exiguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, quum in primis
menstruis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the
root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin bag.
The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō
of tobacco and a Midē´ song with rattle accompaniment. The manner of
using this powder will be described under the caption of “descriptive
notes.” It differs entirely from the powder employed in painting the
face by one who wishes to attract or fascinate the object of his or her
devotion. The latter is referred to by the Rev. Peter Jones[16] as
follows:
There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to
obtain the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red
ocher. With this they paint their faces, believing it to possess a
power so irresistible as to cause the object of their desire to love
them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the charm
withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates
with a perfect hatred.
[Footnote 16: Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [1843?], p. 155.]
It is necessary that the candidate take a sweat-bath once each day, for
four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of the year
preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This form of
preparation is deemed agreeable to Ki´tshi Man´idō, whose favor is
constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with the powers
supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring approaches the
candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to the chief priest and
his assistants, and when the period of the annual ceremony approaches,
they send out runners to members to solicit their presence, and, if of
the fourth degree, their assistance.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Midē´wigân so as to be able
to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before the day of
initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the usual site, east
of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of the fifth day
preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath he is joined by
the preceptor, when both proceed to the four entrances of the Midē´wigân
and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco. This procedure is
followed on the second and third days, also, but upon the fourth the
presents are also carried along and deposited at the entrances, where
they are received by assistants and suspended from the rafters of the
interior. On the evening of the last day, the chief and officiating
priests visit the candidate and his preceptor, in the sweat-lodge, when
ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed by the recitation of Midē´
chants. The following (Pl. XVI, A) is a reproduction of the chant taught
to and recited by the candidate. The original was obtained from an old
mnemonic chart in use at Mille Lacs, Minnesota, in the year 1825, which
in turn had been copied from a record in the possession of a Midē´
priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin. Many of the words are of an older form
than those in use at the present day. Each line may be repeated ad
libitum.
[Illustration]
Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´,
I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni,
man´-i-dō wig´-i-wam win´-di-ge´-un.
I am going into the sacred lodge.
[The speaker compares himself to the Bear Man´ido, and as such is
represented at the entrance of the Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´,
I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni,
ni-kan´-gi-nun´-da wé-mĭ-dŭk´.
I “suppose” you hear me.
[The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are addressed to
his auditors.]
[Illustration]
Wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wa ke-wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wâ´, wâ´.
He said, he said.
[Signifies that Ki´tshi Man´idō, who is seen with the voice lines
issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Ani´shinâ´bēg “life,”
that they might always live.]
[Illustration]
Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in.
[Illustration]
We´-shki-nun´-do-ni-ne´, ke-nosh´-ki-nun´-do-ni-ne´.
This is the first time you hear it.
[The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the first
time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is to be
advanced to the higher grade of the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
Hwe´-na-ni-ka he-na´, he-nō´ mi-tē´-wiⁿ-wiⁿ´ gi´-ga-wa´-pi-no-dōn´.
You laugh, you laugh at the “grand medicine.”
[The arms are directed towards Ki´tshi Man´idō, the creator of the
sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the
Midē´wiwin and its teachings.]
[Illustration]
Nun-te´-ma-ne´, hē´, wi´-na-nun´-te-ma-ne´ ki´-pi-nan´.
I hear, but they hear it not.
[The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the
Midē´ rite, but the uninitiated do not.]
[Illustration]
Pe´-ne-sŭi´-a ke´-ke-kwi´-yan.
I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk.
[The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk
watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire,
everything that may transpire in the Midē´ structure.]
Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Midē´ smoke and review
the manner of procedure for the morrow’s ceremony, and when these
details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wig´iwams,
or to visit Midē´ who may have come from distant settlements.
Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the sudatory
to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are divided
into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the proper time,
and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and seated
themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all present
take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to Ki´tshi
Man´idō. The candidate then takes his midē´ drum and sings a song of his
own composition, or one which he may have purchased from his preceptor,
or some Midē´ priest. The following is a reproduction of an old mnemonic
song which the owner, Sikas´sigĕ, had received from his father who in
turn had obtained it at La Pointe, Wisconsin, about the year 1800. The
words are archaic to a great extent, and they furthermore differ from
the modern language on account of the manner in which they are
pronounced in chanting, which peculiarity has been faithfully followed
below. The pictographic characters are reproduced in Pl. XVI, B. As
usual, the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition depending
entirely upon the feelings of the singer.
[Illustration]
Hin´-to-nâ-ga-ne´ o-sa-ga-tshī´-wēd o-do´-zhi-tōn´.
The sun is coming up, that makes my dish.
[The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The zigzag
lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the feast. The
upper lines are the arm holding the vessel.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō i´-ya-nē´, ish´-ko-te´-wi-wa´-we-yan´.
My spirit is on fire.
[The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of
traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames,
i.e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication with
the man´idōs.]
[Illustration]
Ko´tshi-hâ-ya-nē´, nē´,
ish´-ki-to´-ya-ni´, nin-do´-we-hē´, wi´-a-we-yan´.
I want to try you, I am of fire.
[The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, singing;
the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of which the
singer wishes to try his Midē´ sack upon his hearer, to give
evidence of the power of his influence.]
[Illustration]
A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the chant is
continued.
[Illustration]
Ni-mī´-ga-sim´-ma man´-i-dō, sa-ko´-tshi-na´.
My mī´gis spirit, that is why I am stronger than you.
[The three spots denote the three times the singer has received the
mī´gis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within him that
he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the wigiwam who
hear him.]
[Illustration]
Mī´-ga-ye´-nin en´-dy-ân, ya´, hō´, ya´, man´-i-dō´-ya.
That is the way I feel, spirit.
[The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the mī´gis within him,
shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident.]
[Illustration]
Ya-gō´-sha-hī´, nâ´, ha´, ha´,
Ya-gō´-sha-hi´, man´-i-dō-wī´-yĭn.
I am stronger than you, spirit that you are.
[He feels more powerful, from having received three times the
mī´gis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in
advancement.]
Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the priests
emerge from the wig´iwam and fall in line according to their official
status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the parcels of
tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and start toward
the eastern entrance of the Midē´wigân. As they approach the lone post,
or board, the candidate halts, when the priests continue to chant and
drum upon the Midē´ drum. The chief Midē´ then advances to the board and
peeps through the orifice near the top to view malevolent man´idōs
occupying the interior, who are antagonistic to the entrance of a
stranger. This spot is assumed to represent the resting place or “nest,”
from which the Bear Man´idō viewed the evil spirits during the time of
his initiation by the Otter. The evil spirits within are crouching upon
the floor, one behind the other and facing the east, the first being
Mi-shi´-bi-shi´--the panther; the second, Me-shi´-kĕ--the turtle; the
third, kwin´-go-â´-gĭ--the big wolverine; the fourth, wâ´-gŭsh--the fox;
the fifth, ma-in´-gŭn--the wolf; and the sixth, ma-kwa´--the bear. They
are the ones who endeavor to counteract or destroy the good wrought by
the rites of the Midē´wiwin, and only by the aid of the good man´idōs
can they be driven from the Midē´wigân so as to permit a candidate to
enter and receive the benefits of the degree. The second Midē´ then
views the group of malevolent beings, after which the third, and lastly
the fourth priest looks through the orifice. They then advise the
presentation by the candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke the
best efforts of the Midē´ Man´idōs in his behalf.
It is asserted that all of the malevolent man´idōs who occupied and
surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled about this
fourth degree of the Midē´wigân to make a final effort against the
admission and advancement of the candidate: therefore he impersonates
the good Bear Man´idō, and is obliged to follow a similar course in
approaching from his present position the entrance of the structure.
Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward the main entrance, when a
wailing voice is heard in the east which sounds like the word hāⁿ´,
prolonged in a monotone. This is ge´-gi-si´-bi-ga´-ne-dât man´idō. His
bones are heard rattling as he approaches; he wields his bow and arrow;
his long hair streaming in the air, and his body, covered with mī´gis
shells from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to aid in the
expulsion of the opposing spirits. This being the information given to
the candidate he assumes and personates the character of the man´idō
referred to, and being given a bow and four arrows, and under the
guidance of his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of the
structure while the officiating priests enter and station themselves
within the door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining
parcels of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he
makes four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if
shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the grinning
spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the inclosure. The
candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and upon emerging at the
south suddenly turns and again employs his bow and arrow four times
toward the crowd of evil man´idōs, who have rushed toward him during the
interval that he was within. At the last gesture of shooting into the
inclosure, he sends forward an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco and
crouches to rest at the so-called “bear’s nest.” During this period of
repose the Midē´ priests continue to drum and sing. Then the candidate
approaches the southern door again, on all fours, and the moment he
arrives there he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to emerge at
the west, where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of shooting
arrows into the group of angry man´idōs within, he at the fourth
movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western “bear’s nest.”
After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawling forward on
his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance, where he leaves a
present of tobacco and is hastened through the inclosure to emerge at
the northern door, where he again turns suddenly upon the angry spirits,
and after making threatening movements toward them, at the fourth menace
he sends an arrow among them. The spirits are now greatly annoyed by the
magic power possessed by the candidate and the assistance rendered by
the Midē´ Man´idōs, so that they are compelled to seek safety in flight.
The candidate is resting in the northern “bear’s nest,” and as he again
crawls toward the Midē´wigân, on hands and knees, he deposits another
gift of a parcel of tobacco, then rises and is hurried through the
interior to emerge at the entrance door, where he turns around, and
seeing but a few angry man´idōs remaining, he takes his last arrow and
aiming it at them makes four threatening gestures toward them, at the
last sending the arrow into the structure, which puts to flight all
opposition on the part of this host of man´idōs. The path is now clear,
and after he deposits another gift of tobacco at the door he is led
within, and the preceptor receives the bow and deposits it with the
remaining tobacco upon the pile of blankets and robes that have by this
time been removed from the rafters and laid upon the ground midway
between the sacred Midē´ stone and the first Midē´ post.
The chief Midē´ priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying:
Mi´-a-shi´-gwa wi-ka´-we-a´-kwa-mŭs-sin´-nŭk.
Now is the time [to take] the path that has no end
Mī´-a-shi´-gwa wi-kan´-do-we-ân´
Now is the time I shall inform you [of]
mi´-ga-ī´-zhid wen´- dzhi-bi-mâ´-dis.
that which I was told the reason I live.
To this the second Midē´ priest remarks to the candidate,
Wa´-shi-gân´-do-we-an´ mi-gai´-i-nŏk´ wa´-ka-no´-shi-dzin--which freely
translated signifies: “The reason I now advise you is that you may
heed him when he speaks to you.” The candidate is then led around the
interior of the inclosure, the assistant Midē´ fall in line of march and
are followed by all the others present, excepting the musicians. During
the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief Midē´ drums upon the
Midē´ drum and chants. The following, reproduced from the original, on
Pl. XVII, B, consists of a number of archaic words, some of which are
furthermore different from the spoken language on account of their being
chanted, and meaningless syllables introduced to prolong certain
accentuated notes. Each line and stanza may be repeated ad libitum.
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´-yē´, man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´, yē´,
ēn´-da-na´-bi-yĕn wen´-dō-bi´-yĕn.
A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there.
[The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him new
life, by again shooting into his body the sacred mīgis. The disk is
the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibai´ midē´wigân--“Ghost
Lodge,” the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits who take
food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate will be
enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed Midē´,
and to learn of hidden powers.]
[Illustration]
He´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´, he´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´,
na´-bi-nesh´-ga-na´-bi, hī´, hē´.
[These words were chanted, while the following are those as spoken,
apart from the music.]
Â-wan´-ō-de´-no-wĭn nī´-bi-dĕsh´-ka-wĭn un´-de-no´-wĭn.
The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows.
[The reason of the representation of a human form was not
satisfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however,
that it signified a man´īdō who controls the fog, one different from
one of the a-na´-mi-ki´, or Thunderers, who would be shown by the
figure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also denote the
thunder, and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs in
connection with the fog.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´-we ni´-mi-nan´ ku-ni´-ne man-to´-ke ni´-mi-ne´.
I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying.
[The figure is an outline of the Midē´wigân with the sacred Midē´
stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the place
occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath the
oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or supernatural
power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man who is
seeking life by having shot into his body the mī´gis.]
[Illustration]
Ga-kwe´-in-nân´ tshi-ha´-gĕ-nâ´ ma-kwa´ ni-go´-tshi-ni´.
I am trying you who are the bear.
[The Midē´ who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are
looking into the candidate’s heart. The lines from the mouth are
also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns
are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers.]
[Illustration]
Pĭ-nē´-si ka´-ka-gī´-wai-yan´ wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō´wid.
The bird, the crow bird’s skin is the reason why I am a spirit.
[Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is
delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker
is equal in power to a man´idō, at the time of using the Midē´
sack--which is of such a skin.]
[Illustration]
Tshin-gwe´-wi-he´-na nē´, kaⁿ´, tshi-wâ´-ba-ku-nēt´.
The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire.
[The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear
man´idō; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from the
body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated by
the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear man´idō is one
of the most powerful man´idōs, and is so recognized.]
By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession reaches
the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all of the
members return to their seats, only the four officiating Midē´ remaining
with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further that no
malevolent man´idōs may remain lurking within the Midē´wigân, the chief
priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to the western door, and
back again to the east. In this way the path leads past the side of the
Midē´ stone, then right oblique to the north of the heap of presents,
thence left oblique to the south of the first-degree post, then passing
the second on the north, and so on until the last post is reached,
around which the course continues, and back in a similar serpentine
manner to the eastern door. The candidate is then led to the blankets,
upon which he seats himself, the four officiating priests placing
themselves before him, the preceptor standing back near the first of the
four degree posts.
The Midē´ priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence
approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that which
has already been described shoots into his breast the mī´gis; the third,
second and first Midē´ follow in like manner, the last named alone
shooting his mī´gis into the candidate’s forehead, upon which he falls
forward, spits out a mī´gis shell which he had previously secreted in
his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his back and limbs their
Midē´ sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting posture.
The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find
seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assistance of
the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco, and lastly
the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at the southeastern
angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admission, places both hands
upon the first person, and as he moves them downward over his hair says:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-o´-shi-tō´-ĭn bi-mâ´-dĭ-sĭ-win--“Thanks, for giving to me
life.” The Midē´ addressed bows his head and responds, hau´, ēⁿ´,--yes
when the newly admitted member steps back one pace, clasps his hands and
inclines his head to the front. This movement is continued until all
present have been thanked, after which he takes a seat in the
southeastern corner of the inclosure.
A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Midē´ on one side
of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each grasping
his Midē´ sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot into his body
the mī´gis, whereupon the Midē´ so shot falls over, and after a brief
attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief by spitting out
of his mouth a mī´gis shell. This is held upon the left palm, and as the
opposing party retreat to their seats, the side which has just been
subjected to the attack moves rapidly around among one another as if
dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance to the word hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, and showing the mī´gis to everybody present, after which
they place the flat hands quickly to the mouth and pretend again to
swallow their respective shells. The members of this party then
similarly attack their opponents, who submit to similar treatment and go
through like movements in exhibiting the mī´gis, which they again
swallow. When quiet has been restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has
been indulged in, the candidate sings, or chants, the production being
either his own composition or that of some other person from whom it has
been purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from
Sikas´sigĕ, who had received it in turn from his father when the latter
was chief priest of the Midē´wiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The
pictographic characters are reproduced on Pl. XVII, A, and the musical
notation, which is also presented, was obtained during the period of my
preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant, of which each
line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer may be inspired,
is as follows:
[Illustration]
Do-nâ´-ga-nī´, Na´-wa-kwe´ in-do´-shi-tōn´, do-nâ´-ga-nī´.
My dish, At noon I make it, my dish.
[The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the Midē´ for
admitting him into the Midē´wiwin.]
[Music: 266_1]
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni,
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni;
Na-´kwa-wē´, In-do-shi-tōn Donagani, Donaga-ni,
Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni.
[Illustration: Plate XVII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
Man´-ī-dō´ i-yan-nī´, Esh-ko´-te nin´-do-we´-yo-wĭn´,
I am such a spirit, My body is made of fire.
[His power reaches to the sky, i.e., he has power to invoke the aid
of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The four degrees which he has received are
indicated by the four short lines at the tip of the hand.]
[Music: 267_1]
Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni,
Ma´ni-dō-i-ya- ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni; Esh´ko-te nin-do we-yo-win,
Manidōiya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni.
[Illustration]
Kŏ´-tshi-hai´-o-nī´, Esh-ko´-te wa-ni´-yō.
I have tried it, My body is of fire.
[He likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, and has like power by virtue
of his mī´gis, which is shown below the lines running downward from
the mouth. He is represented as standing in the Midē´wigân--where
his feet rest.]
[Music: 267_2]
Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni,
Ko´tshihai´oni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni,
Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Esh´kote´wani´yo,
Ko´tshihaioni. Ko´tshihai´oni, Kotshihaioni, hĕ´ō, hĕ´ō.
[Illustration]
Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Ki´tshi Man´idō.
[Illustration]
Ni-mī´-gi-sĭm´ man´-i-dō´-we, hwē´, hē´,
Sha´-go-dzhĭ´-hi-na´.
My mī´gis spirit,
I overpower death with.
[His body is covered with mī´gis as shown by the short lines
radiating from the sides, and by this power he is enabled to
overcome death.]
[Music: 268_1]
Nimegasi mani dō-wē, hwē, hē, Nimegasi mani dō- wē, hwē, hē,
Shagodzhihinani-mega-si, Manido-wē, hwē, hē.
Ni-me-ga-si-ma-ni-dō-wē, hwē, hē.
[Illustration]
Ni´-ka-ni´ nin-man´-e-dō´-we-ya´.
Ya´-ho-ya´ man´-i-dō´-wa nin-da´-ho-ha´.
That is the way with me, spirit that I am.
[The hand shows how he casts the mī´gis forward into the person
requiring life. He has fourfold power, i.e., he has received the
mī´gis four times himself and is thus enabled to infuse into the
person requiring it.]
[Music: 268_2]
Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya,
Ya´ho-ya´ ma´nidō-we, Nin´dohōha ni´gane, ma´ni-dō-we, ya, hē.
[Illustration]
Ē-kotsh´-i-na´-ha,
Ē-kotsh´-ha man´-i-dō´ hwe-do´-wī.
I hang it,
I hang up the Spirit sack.
[After using his Midē´ sack he hangs it against the wall of the
Midē´wigân, as is usually done during the ceremonial of initiation.]
[Music: 269_1]
E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha,
E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ki´-tshi-ma´-ni-dō´ hwe-do-wi,
E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, hĕ´a.
[Illustration]
He´-a-wi-non´-dam-a´-ni,
Man´-i-dō´ mi-de´-wi-he´
ne´-ma-da´-wi-dzig´.
Let them hear,
Midē´ spirit, those who are sitting around.
[He invokes Ki´tshi Man´idō to make his auditors understand his
power.]
[Music: 269_2]
He-a-wi-non´-da-ma-ni hē, He-a-wi-nonda-ma-ni hē;
He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē, He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē;
Manidomidēwi hē, Nemadawi dzhig, Heawinondamani hē, hē, hē.
[Illustration]
He´-a-we-na´ ni´-we-dō´,
Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´
Ni´-ka-nā´ ni´-na-nā´.
He who is sleeping,
The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman.
[In the employment of his powers he resorts to the help of Ki´tshi
Man´idō--his kinsman or Midē´ colleague.]
[Music: 270_1]
He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō,
He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō;
Ma´-ni-dō-we-a-ni ni-ka-na ni-ka-na, hō, hō.
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´
Esh-ke´-ta we´-a-nĭ´ man´-i-dō´ we´-a-nĭ´.
I am a spirit,
Fire is my spirit body.
[The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing his ability
to do so without injury and illustrating in this manner his
supernatural power.]
[Music: 270_2]
Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni
hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē;
Esh´kato´weani hē, Ma´nidō´wiani hē, Ma´nidō´wia-ni hē.
[Illustration]
Ai-ya´-swa-kĭt-te´, hē´, he´,
He´-ā´ se-wī´-kit-te´, hē´, hē´
Na-se´-ma-gŏt´ nin-dē´.
It is leaning,
My heart breathes.
[The phrase refers to the mī´gis within his heart. The short
radiating lines indicate the magic power of the shell.]
[Music: 271_1]
He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´a-si-wikit-te hē,
He´a-si-wi-kit-te hē, Na´simagot nin´de hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē,
He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē´, He´a-si-wi-kitte hē.
[Illustration]
Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the remainder of the
song.
[Illustration]
Ni-ka´-nin-ko´-tshi´-ha ni´-ka-na
Ni-ka´-na-nin-ko´-tshi-ha.
Midē´ friends, I am trying, Midē´ friends, Midē´ friends, I am trying.
[His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic power, in
reaching to grasp more than four degrees have given him; he has
in view a fifth, or its equivalent.]
[Music: 271_2]
Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshiha Ni´ka-ni ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshini Ni´-ka-ni
ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´-tshi-ha Ni´-ka-ni ha.
[Illustration]
Hi´-ne-na-wa´ ni-be´-i-dōn´ ni-di´-na.
I hold that which I brought, and told him.
[The singer is holding the mī´gis and refers to his having its
power, which he desires Ki´tshi Man´idō to augment.]
[Music: 272_1]
He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn,
He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn.
[Illustration]
Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē´, hwa´, da´, Ke-wa´-shi-mi-dē´, hĭ-a,
hwē´, Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē?
Who is this grand Midē´? You have not much grand medicine.
Who is the Midē´?
[The first line, when used with the music, is a´-we-nin-o´-au-midē´.
The whole phrase refers to boasters, who have not received the
proper initiations which they profess. The figure is covered with
mī´gis shells, as shown by the short lines attached to the body.]
[Music: 272_2]
Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwē,
Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwe.
Ye-we-ni-mi-dē, Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da.
[Illustration]
Nai´-a-na-wi´ na-ma´, ha´, Wa-na´-he-ne-ni-wa´, ha´,
O´-ta-be-we-ni´, mē´, hē´.
I can not reach it,
Only when I go round the Mide´wigân;
I can not reach it from where I sit.
[The mī´gis attached to the arrow signifies its swift and certain
power and effect. The first line of the phrase, when spoken, is
nin-na´-na-wi-nan´.]
[Music: 273_1]
Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
Wa-na-he-ne-ni-wa ha, O-ta-be-we-ni-me ha.
[Illustration]
Ai-yā´ ha´-na-wi´-na-ma´.
I can not strike him.
[The speaker is weeping because he can not see immediate prospects
for further advancement in the acquisition of power. The broken ring
upon his breast is the place upon which he was shot with the
mī´gis.]
[Music: 273_2]
Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma,
Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na--ma, hĕō, hĕō, hĕō.
The following musical notation presents accurately the range of notes
employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Midē´ songs lies in the
fact that each person has his own individual series of notes which
correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add thereto
meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is taught, the
words are the chief and most important part, the musical rendering of a
second person may be so different from that of the person from whom he
learns it as to be unrecognizable without the words. Another fact which
often presents itself is the absence of time and measure, which prevents
any reduction to notation by full bars; e.g., one or two bars may appear
to consist of four quarter notes or a sufficient number of quarters and
eighths to complete such bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an
additional quarter, or perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of
rythmic continuity. This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music,
in which the instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity
and to accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa.
In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been omitted
for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the songs as
rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated.
When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the chief
Midē´, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This is
furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his female
relatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne around
four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity of eating
sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to the Midē´wiwin may
then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon an intimation from the
chief Midē´, the members quietly retire, leaving the structure by the
western door. All personal property is removed, and upon the following
day everybody departs.
DESCRIPTIVE NOTES.
The amount of influence wielded by Midē´ generally, and particularly
such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The rite of the
Midē´wiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion--as that term is commonly
understood by intelligent people--and is believed to elevate such a
Midē´ to the nearest possible approach to the reputed character of
Mi´nabō´zho, and to place within his reach the supernatural power of
invoking and communing with Ki´tshi Man´idō himself.
By reference to Pl. III, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the human
figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of mī´gis
spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly the breast.
These are placed where the mīgis was “shot” into the Midē´, and the
functions of the several parts are therefore believed to be greatly
augmented. All the spots are united by a line to denote unity and
harmony of action in the exercise of power.
The mī´gis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of
deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the other.
Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object. The form is
shown on Pl. XI, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate, represents a shell,
used as a mī´gis, observed at White Earth.
Figs. 5-11, on Pl. XV, present several forms of painting midē´ posts,
as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each society claims
to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in No. 7, bears the
typical colors--red and green--upon the upper half, while the lower post
is square and colored white on the east, green on the south, red on the
west, and black on the north. The Midē´ explain the signification of the
colors as follows: White represents the east, the source of light and
the direction from which the sacred mī´gis came; green, sha´manō the
southern one, refers to the source of the rains, the direction from
which the Thunderers come in the spring, they who revivify the earth;
red refers to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the shadows or
the dead; and north being black, because that is the direction from
which come cold, hunger, and disease.
The words of the Midē´ priest alluding to “the path that has no end”
refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for the last
degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited powers in
magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl. III, A, at
No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations, but by strict
adherence to the principles of the Midē´wiwin the Midē´ may reach the
goal and become the superior of his confrères, designated
Mi-ni´-si-nō´-shkwe, “he who lives on the island.”
A Midē´-Wâbĕnō´ of this degree is dreaded on account of his
extraordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and
most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding performances
with fire.
The following performance is said to have occurred at White Earth,
Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians and mixed
bloods. Two small wig´iwams were erected, about 50 paces from each
other, and after the Wâbĕnō´ had crawled into one of them his
disparagers built around each of them a continuous heap of brush and
firewood, which were then kindled. When the blaze was at its height all
became hushed for a moment, and presently the Wâbĕnō´ called to the
crowd that he had transferred himself to the other wig´iwam and
immediately, to their profound astonishment, crawled forth unharmed.
This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities with
which the Wâbĕnō´ of the higher grade is accredited.
The special pretensions claimed by the Midē-Wâbĕnō´ have already been
mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of using the
“love powder” may here be appropriate. This powder--the composition of
which has been given--is generally used by the owner to accomplish
results desired by the applicant. It is carried in a small bag made of
buckskin or cloth, which the Wâbĕnō´ carefully deposits within his Midē´
sack, but which is transferred to another sack of like size and loaned
to the applicant, for a valuable consideration.
During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I had
occasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some of the
peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements and other
accessories employed in connection with their profession. He related the
following incident as having but a short time previously come under his
own personal observation:
One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years of age,
and a widower, had for the last preceding year been considered by most
of the residents as demented. The missionary himself had observed his
erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was impressed with the
probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One morning, however, as the
missionary was seated in his study, he was surprised to receive a very
early call, and upon invitation his visitor took a seat and explained
the object of his visit. He said that for the last year he had been so
disturbed in his peace of mind that he now came to seek advice. He was
fully aware of the common report respecting his conduct, but was utterly
unable to control himself, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate
condition to an occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning
his thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with
whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwithstanding the
absurdity of the impression, he was unable to cast it aside. After
breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, compelled to call upon
her, and to introduce himself, and although he expected to be able to
avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient control over himself
to resist lurking in the vicinity of her habitation.
Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon the
floor under his bed, a Midē´ sack which contained some small parcels
with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that one of them
consisted of “love powder.” He stated that he had grown children, and
the idea of marrying again was out of the question, not only on their
account but because he was now too old. The missionary reasoned with him
and suggested a course of procedure, the result of which had not been
learned when the incident was related.
Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made, is
also attributed to the highest class of Jĕs´sakkīd´. Several years ago
the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army,
and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper before the
Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in which
the account was mentioned, I quote his words:
Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at White
Earth Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a Jĕs´sakkīd´,
at Leech Lake, Minnesota, about the year 1858. The reports of his
wonderful performances had reached the agency, and as Beaulieu had no
faith in jugglers, he offered to wager $100, a large sum, then and
there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler could not
perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire to be
selected by him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a committee
of his friends. The Jĕs´sakkân´--or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge--was then
erected. The framework of vertical poles, inclined to the center, was
filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blankets and birch-bark
from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of about a foot
in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the objects to
be mentioned, but not large enough for the passage of a man’s body. At
one side of the lower wrapping a flap was left for the entrance of the
Jĕs´sakkīd´.
A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was
possible between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and confederates. These were reliable
people, one of them the Episcopal clergyman of the reservation. The
spectators were several hundred in number, but they stood off, not
being allowed to approach.
The Jĕs´sakkīd´ then removed his clothing, until nothing remained but
the breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by himself for the
purpose) and first tied and knotted one end about the juggler’s
ankles; his knees were then securely tied together, next the wrists,
after which the arms were passed over the knees and a billet of wood
passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the arms
down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again and
again, each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down upon
the knees. A flat river-stone, of black color--which was the
Jĕs´sakkīd´’s ma´nidō or amulet--was left lying upon his thighs.
The Jĕs´sakkīd´ was then carried to the lodge and placed inside upon a
mat on the ground, and the flap covering was restored so as to
completely hide him from view.
Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began
to sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman
remarked that this was the work of the Evil One and ‘it was no place
for him,’ so he left and did not see the end. After a few minutes of
violent movements and swayings of the lodge accompanied by loud
inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased when the voice of
the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a
friend, near by, and get the rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke
was to be played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful
not to permit any one to approach while he went for the rope, which he
found at the place indicated, still tied exactly as he had placed it
about the neck and extremities of the Jĕs´sakkīd´. He immediately
returned, laid it down before the spectators, and requested of the
Jĕs´sakkīd´ to be allowed to look at him, which was granted, but with
the understanding that Beaulieu was not to touch him.
When the covering was pulled aside, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sat within the
lodge, contentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight
than the black stone mánidō. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100.
An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was
announced a short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be
given in the presence of a number of Army people, but at the threat of
the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech Lake bands, who probably objected
to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the event did not take
place and bets were declared off.
Col. Mallery obtained further information, of a similar kind from
various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield,
Wisconsin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of
performances which were reported by the colonists of New England and the
first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where the general
designation of “The Sorcerers” was applied to the whole body of Indians
on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be remembered, however,
applied only to the numerous tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family
among which the alleged practices existed; though neighboring tribes of
other linguistic groups were no doubt familiar with them, just as the
Winnebago, Omaha, and other allied tribes, profess to have “Medicine
Societies,” the secrets of which they claim to have obtained from tribes
located east of their own habitat, that practiced the peculiar ceremony
of “shooting small shells” (i.e., the mī´gis of the Ojibwa) into the
candidate.
In Pl. XVIII is shown a Jĕs´sakkīd´ extracting sickness by sucking
through bone tubes.
[Illustration: Plate XVIII
Jĕs´akkīd´ Removing Disease.]
DZHIBAI´ MIDĒ´WIGÂN, OR “GHOST LODGE.”
A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now
generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in
connection with the word dzhibai´--ghost, or more appropriately
shadow--in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form
similar to that of the Midē´wigân, but its greatest diameter extends
north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will be made
to this in describing another method of conferring the initiation of the
first degree of the Midē´wiwin. This distinction is attained by first
becoming a member of the so-called “Ghost Society,” in the manner and
for the reason following:
After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends of
the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Midē´ to serve as
godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit in life. The
Midē´ is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus sometimes
happens that the child is dedicated to the “Grand Medicine,” i.e., he is
to be prepared to enter the society of the Midē´. In such a case the
parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor, and gather together
robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented at initiation.
Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period it is
not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints his
own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe diagonally
across the face from left to right, as in Pl. VI, No. 4, or red with two
short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the forehead as in Pl. VI,
No. 5, and announces to the chief Midē´ priest his intention of becoming
himself a member of the “Ghost Society” and his readiness to receive the
first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as a substitute for his deceased son.
Other members of the mourner’s family blacken the face, as shown on Pl.
VII, No. 5.
In due time a council of Midē´ priests is called, who visit the wig´iwam
of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject of
initiation is discussed. This wig´iwam is situated south and east of the
Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35, which illustration is a reproduction of
a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ.
[Illustration: Fig. 35.--Indian diagram of ghost lodge.]
The following is an explanation of the several characters:
No. 1 represents the wig´iwam of the mourner, which has been erected
in the vicinity of the Midē´wigân, until after the ceremony of
initiation.
No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the
deceased; it leads westward to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân; literally,
shadow-spirit wig´iwam.
No. 3, 4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the
fruits referred to--respectively the strawberry, the blueberry, the
June cherries, and the plum.
No. 7 designates the form and location of the Dzhihai´ Midē´wigân. The
central spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibai´
Man´idō--the good spirit--and the smaller spots around the interior
of the inclosure are places for the deposit of dishes for the other
Midē´ spirits who have left this earth.
No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his
wig´iwam to the Midē´wigân.
No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other
periods of initiation.
No. 10 is the Midē´wigân in which the ceremony is conducted at the
proper time.
It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west of
the location of the mourner’s wig´iwam, but for a long time this
practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit’s
progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation is
confined to placing the dishes of food in the Midē´wigân, which is
selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night
preceding the initiation.
This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the
mourner’s wig´iwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the spirits
of departed Midē´ to enjoy a feast, during the time that the Midē´
priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the center of
the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme Midē´ spirit was to
eat. Dishes are now carried to the Midē´wigân, as stated above.
The chief officiating Midē´ then instructs the father of the deceased
boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing the
course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit world.
The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the exception
of going to an imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only to the
Midē´wigân and deposits the articles enumerated below. He is told to
take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin, and one
pair of birds´ skins, in addition to those which he wears upon his feet;
these are to be carried to the structure in which the Midē´ spirits are
feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry from a plant on the
right of the path and a blueberry from a bush on the left, plucking June
cherries from a tree on the right and plums on the left. He is then to
hasten toward the Ghost Lodge, which is covered with mī´gis, and to
deposit the fruit and the moccasins; these will be used by his son’s
spirit in traveling the road of the dead after the spirits have
completed their feast and reception of him. While the candidate is on
his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for the time being represented by the
Midē´wigân) the assemblage in the wig´iwam chant the following for the
mourner: Yan´-i-ma-tsha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´, ha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´
yan´-i-ma-tsha´ ha´, yu´-te-no-win´ gē´, hē´ nin-de´-so-ne´--“I am going
away, I am going away, I am going away, to the village I walk”--i.e.,
the village of the dead.
The person who desires to receive initiation into the Midē´wigân, under
such circumstances, impersonates Minabō´zho, as he is believed to have
penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or ne´-ba-gī´-zis--“land
of the sleeping sun.” He, it is said, did this to destroy the “Ghost
Gambler” and to liberate the many victims who had fallen into his power.
To be enabled to traverse this dark and dismal path, he borrowed of
Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--his eyes, and received also the services of
wē´-we-tē´-si-wŭg--the firefly, both of which were sent back to the
earth upon the completion of his journey. By referring to Pl. III, A,
the reference to this myth will be observed as pictorially represented
in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the Midē´wigân from which the traveler
has to visit the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân (No. 112) in the west. No. 113,
represented as Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--whose eyes enabled Mī´nabō´zho to
follow the path of the dead (No. 114); the owl skin Midē´ sack is also
sometimes used by Midē´ priests who have received their first degree in
this wise. The V-shaped characters within the circle at No. 111 denote
the presence of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which reference has been
made.
The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the deceased
are now produced and placed in order for transportation to the
Midē´wigân, early on the following morning.
The Midē´ priests then depart, but on the next morning several of them
make their appearance to assist in clearing the Midē´wigân of the dishes
which had been left there over night, and to carry thither the robes,
blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the rafters. Upon
their return to the candidate’s wig´iwam, the Midē´ priests gather, and
after the candidate starts to lead the procession toward the Midē´wigân,
the priests fall in in single file, and all move forward, the Midē´
priests chanting the following words repeatedly, viz: Ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´
ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´, ha´, ha´, ha´, nōs e´wi-e´, hē´, ki´-na-ka´-ta-mŭn´
do-nâ´-gan--“I also, I also, my father, leave you my dish.”
This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his father
his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes added.
The procession continues toward and into the Midē´wigân, passing around
the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east to a
point opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods,
where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of the
inclosure, where he now faces the Midē´ post in the west. The members
who had not joined the procession, but who had been awaiting its
arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied the candidate
also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiating priests
begin the ceremony as described in connection with the initiation for
the first degree after the candidate has been turned over to the chief
by the preceptor.
Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the Midē´wiwin
is taken into that society, particularly when the father is absent or
dead.
INITIATION BY SUBSTITUTION.
It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully treated
by the Midē´, especially in the wig´iwam of the patient, when it becomes
necessary for the latter to be carried to the Midē´wigân and the
services of the society to be held. This course is particularly followed
when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equivalent to the
gift required for initiation under ordinary circumstances.
It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil man´idōs can be
expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which place
alone the presence of Ki´tshi Man´idō may be felt, after invocation, and
in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient the latter
promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice and
teachings of the Midē´wiwin. Before proceeding further, however, it is
necessary to describe the method pursued by the Midē´ priest.
The first administrations may consist of mashki´kiwabūⁿ´, or medicine
broth, this being the prescription of the Midē´ in the capacity of
mashki´kike´winĭ´nĭ, or herbalist, during which medication he resorts to
incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song by liberal use of the
rattle. As an illustration of the songs used at this period of the
illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic characters being
reproduced on Pl. XVI, C. The singing is monotonous and doleful, though
at times it becomes animated and discordant.
[Illustration]
In´-do-nâ-gât in-da´-kwo-nan
That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit.
[Ki´tshi Man´idō provides the speaker with the necessary food for
the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the
concentric rings, the spirit’s arm is just below it.]
[Illustration]
Mo´-ki-yan tshik´-ko-min´.
I bring life to the people.
[The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life.
The Otter is just emerging from the surface of the water, as he
emerged from the great salt sea before the Âni´shi-nâ´beg, after
having been instructed by Mi´nabō´zho to carry life to them.]
[Illustration]
Ni´-no-mūn´ mash-ki´-ki
I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth
[The Midē´’s arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies from the
earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the square figure
denotes a hole in the ground.]
[Illustration]
Rest. During this interval the Midē´’s thoughts dwell upon the sacred
character of the work in which he is engaged.
[Illustration]
Ni´-nin-dē´ in´-dai-yo´.
It is all in my heart, the life.
[The concentric circles indicates the mī´gis, life, within the
heart, the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic
power.]
[Illustration]
M´bi-mo´-se-an-kĭnk´.
The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above.
[The figure is that of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who granted power to the
speaker.]
[Illustration]
Dōn´-de-na mi-tĭz´-kŭnk.
It is also on the trees, that from which I take life.
[The tree bears “medicine” which the speaker has at his command,
and is enabled to use.]
When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient the
fact is made known to the Midē´ priests and he is consequently taken
to the Midē´wigân and laid upon blankets so that part of his body may
rest against the sacred midē´ stone. Associate Midē´ then attend,
in consultation, with the Midē´-in-chief, the other members present
occupying seats around the walls of the structure.
The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person, viz:
Mi-shosh´-yâ-gwa´ ga´-a-nin-nan´ gi´-de-wēn´-du-nŭn
ne´-tun-ga´-da-da-we´-in man´-i-dōmī´-gis. Kit´-ti-mâ´-gĭ-si
ē´-ni-dau´-â-ya-we´-yĭn o-ma´-e-nâ´-sa-ba-bĭt bī-ĭ-sha´-gaban´-dĕ-a
gi-bi´-sha-ban-da´-ĕt na-pĭsh-kâ-tshi-dŏsh ke´-a-yū´-ĭn-ki-go
gŏt-tâ-sō-nĕn´, mi´-a-shi´-gwa-gō-dĭn´-na-wât
dzhi-ma´-di-a-kad´-dŏ-yōn bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´.
The following is a free translation of the above:
The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it
necessary to first borrow the sacred mī´gis. Who are you that comes
here as a supplicant? Sit down opposite to me, where I can see you and
speak to you, and fix your attention upon me, while you receive life
you must not permit your thoughts to dwell upon your present
condition, but to support yourself against falling into despondency.
Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him.
The reference to borrowing a mī´gis signifies that the patient may have
this mysterious power “shot into his body” where he lies upon the ground
and before he has arrived at the place where candidates are properly
initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round the inclosure.
The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Midē´. The following song
is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being reproduced on
Pl. XVI, D.
[Illustration]
O-da´-pi-nŭng´-mung oâ´-ki-wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō
we´-an-ĭ-win´-zhi-gu-sân´.
We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground.
[The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting
to remedies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof
depending upon their combined prayers. The arm is represented as
reaching for a remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil.]
[Illustration]
We-a´-ki man´-i-dō we-an-gwĭs´.
The ground is why I am a spirit, my son.
[The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which
he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach
his body.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu we´-gi ma´-ŏ-dzhig´.
The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me.
[The Midē´ is supplicating the Midē´ spirits for aid in his wishes
to cure the sick.]
[Illustration]
Kish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu ki´-shi´-gŭng don´-dzhi-wa´-wa-mĭk.
The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you.
[The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the Midē´
is raising his arm in supplication.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´-â ni´-o.
My body is a spirit.
[The Midē´ likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, the magic powers of
which are shown by the lines across the body and short strokes upon
the back.]
[Illustration]
Pi-ne´-si-wi-ân´ ke-ke´-u-wi-an´.
A little bird I am: I am the hawk.
[Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and
influence.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´ nu´-tu wa´-kan.
Let us hear the spirit.
[The Ki´tshi Man´idō is believed to make known his presence, and all
are enjoined to listen for such intimation.]
[Illustration]
Ka´-nun-ta´-wa man´-i-dō´ wi´-da-ku-ē´, hē´, ki´-a-ha-mī´.
You might hear that he is a spirit.
[The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a
superior being.]
[Illustration]
Ka´-ke-na gus-sâ´ o´-mi-si´-nī´ na´-ēn.
I am afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble.
[The Midē´ fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil
man´idōs do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The
arm is shown reaching for mī´gis, or life, the strength of the
speaker’s, having himself received it four times, does not appear
to be of any avail.]
Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased
illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is
extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse after
the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improvement, the first
attendant Midē´ changes his songs to those of a more boastful character.
The first of these is as follows, chanted repeatedly and in a monotonous
manner, viz:
A´-si-na´-bi-hu´-ya, a-si´-na´-b-hu´-ya.
I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks.
[This refers to the appearance of the Midē´ stone which it is
believed absorbs some of the disease and assumes a change of color.]
Nish´-a-we´nī´, hū´, gū´, mi-dē´, wug, a-ne´-ma-bī´-tshig.
The Midē´ have pity on me, those who are sitting around,
and those who are sitting from us.
[The last line refers to those Midē´ who are sitting, though absent
from the Midē´wigân.]
The following illustrates the musical rendering:
[Music: 285_1]
A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa,
A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa.
[Music: 285_2]
Nish-a-wi-in-hu gū, O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē,
A-ne-ma-bi-tshig hē, Nishawiinhu gū,
O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē, Nish-a-wi-ni-hu gŭ O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē.
As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midē´ becomes more
expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and importance.
The following is an example in illustration, viz:
Ni-ne´-ta-we-hē´ wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´ man´-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´.
[I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.]
Nin´-da-nī-wĭ-a, nin´-da-nī´-wĭ-a.
I surpass him, I surpass him.
[The speaker overcomes the malevolent man´idō and causes him to take
flight.]
Na´-sa-ni-nēn´-di-yaⁿ a-we´-si-yŏk´ no-gwe´-no´-wŏk.
See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing.
[The signification of this is, that he “shoots at them as they fly,”
referring to the man´idōs as they escape from the body.]
The following is the musical notation of the above, viz:
[Music: 285_3]
Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´bâ-ma man-i-dō wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō,
Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō.
[Music: 286_1]
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, hō.
[Music: 286_2]
Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,
Awasiyōk, Nogwenowōk.
If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is
led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated.
If not, the mī´gis is “shot into his body” as he reclines against the
sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midē´
present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the
initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however,
the chief attendant Midē´ announces his readiness in the following
manner: Mi´-o-shi´-gwa, wi-kwod´-gi-o-wŏg´ ga-mâ´-dzhi-a-ka´-dŭng
bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´--“Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin
to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present
procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise
of the power of giving life by transferring the sacred mī´gis.
The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner
described as pertains to the first degree of the Midē´wiwin.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.
PICTOGRAPHY.
Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to
several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs
are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a
sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is
generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such
purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right
hand upper corner of Pl. XIX is reproduced a portion of a mnemonic song
showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White
Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. XVI, C. A piece of bark
obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy
years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. XIX. The drawings
are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The
left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same
period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.
[Illustration: Plate XIX.
Sacred Birch Bark Records.]
In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from
left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found
to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been
obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin
of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular
circle.
The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among
the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not
appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is
fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining
to the Midē´ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but
it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to
state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the
right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are
ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact
that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery,
U.S. Army, in a paper entitled “Recently Discovered Algonkian
Pictographs,” read before the American Association for the Advancement
of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following
words:
It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē´ and other bark
records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be
mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the
pictorial alphabet to teach children “A was an archer,” etc., is not
strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic,
but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented
to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To
persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the
charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the
Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed
without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only
significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory
as to degrees and details of ceremony.
A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a
suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should
be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published
in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every
stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was
obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations
remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The
illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the
stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza
and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the
rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft
pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual understanding
requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the
initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only
profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries.
In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the
nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to
comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than
symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of
ideography and symbolism.
[Illustration: Plate XX.
Sacred Bark Scroll and Contents.]
On Pl. XX are presented illustrations of several articles found in a
Midē´ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake
over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and
forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The
information given below was obtained from Midē´ priests at the above
locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same
society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a
birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to
curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The
upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending
forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This
character has suggested to several Midē´ priests that the owner might
have been a Midē´-Jĕs´sakkīd´. This belief is supported by the actual
practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their personal
effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the
presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side
of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.
The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded,
consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in
consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder
bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood,
painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but
were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four
consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip
of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s
medicine--in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves--and
another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity
of ground medicinal plants.
The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of
a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten
condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who
were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally,
impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred
objects contained in Midē´ sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest
adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons,
chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.
Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are
of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after something of
European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on. Pl. XXI,
Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made
of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse
side, besides the figures of man´-idōs, such as the Thunder bird, the
serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied
from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a
bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag.
This specimen was found among the effects of a Midē´ who died at Leech
Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other
relics already mentioned in another part of this paper.
MUSIC.
In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given,
especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few
remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs
employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the
members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same.
Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there
are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a
continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are
thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum
and the steps of the dancers.
An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented
in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midē´ priest
upon his entrance into the Midē´wigân of the first degree. In this
instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the
individual, each Midē´ chanting notes of his own, according to his
choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even
if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the
taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and
phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends
upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midē´
priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for
ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he
may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner.
Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the
same style of notation.
The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several
classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key.
Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently
becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants
become more and more excited.
Midē´ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though
they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered by one
sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midē´
priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs,
while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note
lower still.
The statement has been made that one Midē´ is unable either to recite or
sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a song
belonging to another Midē´ unless specially instructed. The
representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a
similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may
signify the Bear man´idō as one of the guardians of the society; it may
pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man´idō; exorcism
of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to
the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for
the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is
always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midē´
preceptor.
[Illustration: Plate XXI.
Midē´ Relics from Leech Lake.]
An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as
otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even
totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an
Indian candidate for admission into the Mīdē´wiwin may already have
prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed,
he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating
thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such
circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory,
each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being
intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “Little
Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous
instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and
valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under
consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his
preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic
songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as
have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation
of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in
further explanation. Pl. XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song;
the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is
of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right
to left.
[Illustration]
From whence I sit.
[The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the
surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line
extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies,
in this instance, singing.]
[Illustration]
The big tree in the center of the earth.
[It is not known whether or not this relates to the first
destruction of the earth, when Mi´nabō´zho escaped by climbing a
tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of
the flood. One Midē´ thought it related to a particular medicinal
tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus
represented as the chief of the earth.]
[Illustration]
I will float down the fast running stream.
[Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by
footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of
the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as
in the Delaware language one word for river signifies “water road,”
when in accordance therewith “footprints” would be in perfect
harmony with the general idea.]
[Illustration]
The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I
inhabit.
[The circular line above the Midē´ denotes obscurity, i.e., he is
hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to
his enemies as the water monster.]
[Illustration]
You who speak to me.
[Illustration]
I have long horns.
[The Midē´ likens himself to the water monster, one of the
malevolent serpent man´idōs who antagonize all good, as beliefs
and practices of the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
A rest or pause.
[Illustration]
I, seeing, follow your example.
[Illustration]
You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in
grasping the stone.
[The Bear man´idō is represented as the type now assumed by the
Midē´. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies
are extracted.]
[Illustration]
You, to whom I am speaking.
[A powerful Man´idō´, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him the
Midē´ addresses his request.]
[Illustration]
I am swimming--floating--down smoothly.
[The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while
the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the
Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Bars denoting a pause.
[Illustration]
I have finished my drum.
[The Midē´ is shown holding a Midē´ drum which he is making for use
in a ceremony.]
[Illustration]
My body is like unto you.
[The mī´gis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
Hear me, you who are talking to me!
[The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating
persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The
lines denoting speech--or hearing--pass through the speaker’s head
to exclaim as above.]
[Illustration]
See what I am taking.
[The Midē´ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his
possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an
advertisement.]
[Illustration]
See me, whose head is out of water.
[Illustration: Plate XXII.
Mnemonic Songs.]
On Pl. XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of
birch bark owned by the preceptor of “Little Frenchman,” of the import
of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the
characters is based upon general information which he has received, and
not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances
the song seems to be a private record pertaining to the Ghost Society,
the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully
referred to:
[Illustration]
I am sitting with my pipe.
[Midē´ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a
patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory
to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.]
[Illustration]
I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
[This evidently indicates the Owl Man´idō, which has been referred
to in connection with the Red Lake Mide´ chart, Pl. III, No. 113.
The Owl man´idō is there represented as passing from the Midē´wigân
to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, and the drawings in that record and in
this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of
this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midē´ chart.]
[Illustration]
It stands, that which I am going after.
[The Midē´, impersonating the Bear Man´idō, is seeking a medicinal
tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he
employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction
the animal is taking.]
[Illustration]
I, who fly.
[This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his
talons some medical plants.]
[Illustration]
Ki´-bi-nan´ pi-zan´. Ki´binan´ is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
[The Midē´’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the
velocity of action of the remedy.]
[Illustration]
I am coming to the earth.
[A Man´idō is represented upon a circle, and in the act of
descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal
line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote
the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above,
but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below,
so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as
suggested by several Midē´ priests, to denote great altitude above
the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is
designated by curved lines only.]
[Illustration]
I am feeling for it.
[The Midē´ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden
medicines.]
[Illustration]
I am talking to it.
[The Midē´ is communing with the medicine Man´idō´ with the Midē´
sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his
mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl,
as before noted in connection with the second character in this
song.]
[Illustration]
They are sitting round the interior in a row.
[This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn
at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midē´wigân,
and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart
already alluded to and figured in Pl. III, No. 112. The spirits or
shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in
like manner.]
[Illustration]
You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full.
[The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having
reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies
or events are to occur.]
[Illustration]
I am going for my dish.
[The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish
being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are
directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens
himself to the Bear man´idō, one of the guardians of the Midēwiwin.]
[Illustration]
I go through the medicine lodge.
[The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed
through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is
indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and
south, it is stated that Midēwiwin is intended. This appears to be
an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic
delineation.]
[Illustration]
Let us commune with one another.
[The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man´idōs,
with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by
the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice
lines extend.]
On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from
birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midē´ priest, at
Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection
has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midē´ in
the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession.
These mnemonic songs were exhibited to many Midē´ priests from various
portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some
satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters;
but, although they were pronounced to be “Grand Medicine,” no
suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the
object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of
their order was mentioned, because in most instances the initial
character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of
interest as exhibiting the superior character and cleverness of their
execution.
[Illustration: Fig. 36.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]
The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper
corner, and represents the Bear Man´idō. The third figure is that of the
Midē´wiwin, with four man´idōs within it, probably the guardians of the
four degrees. The owner of the song was a Midē´ of the second degree,
as was stated in connection with his Midē´wi-gwas or “medicine chart,”
illustrated on Plate III, C.
[Illustration: Fig. 37.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]
Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is
suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state
absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it
would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would
be more in accordance with the common custom.
[Illustration: Fig. 38.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]
Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a
hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midē´, it is lead
from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according
to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The
lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which
probably indicate mī´gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence
possessed by the recorder.
[Illustration: Fig. 39.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]
The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from
the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to
the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a
Midē´ with the mī´gis upon his breast. This is interesting on account of
the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also because such
instances are rarely found to occur.
DRESS AND ORNAMENTS.
While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little
clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or
ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in
the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The
Ojibwa Midē´ priests, take particular pride in their appearance when
attending ceremonies of the Midē´ Society, and seldom fail to impress
this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted
similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian
neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the
breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive
ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a
sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently
excites severe comment.
Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s
fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a
member, the Midē´ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the
first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain
or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or,
what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored
porcupine quills.
Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa’s
dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different
specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in
length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long,
are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a
bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns
as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. XXIII are
reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary
interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the
primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the
introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of
green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with
those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the
mī´gis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of color
for the preceding, accounted for by the Midē´ informants, who explained
that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired
could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for
white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design
retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the
introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among
their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa
term the groundwork or type of their original style of ornamentation,
i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work consists chiefly of
curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction
from the Catholic sisters at various early mission establishments until
now, when there has been brought about a common system of working upon
cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of vines, leaves, and flowers,
often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of
the word.
[Illustration: Plate XXIII.
Midē´ Dancing Garters.]
Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached
to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes,
and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces
of claws, shells, or other objects.
Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though
brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.
Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with
beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or
baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with
disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with
eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the
wearer.
Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the
representatives of the present generation have never been actively
engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older
members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing
indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has
been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was
wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a
feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege
of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is
recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great
number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may
consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed,
the idea to be expressed being “a great number,” rather than a specific
enumeration.
Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other
specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now
have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently
the practice has fallen into desuetude.
FUTURE OF THE SOCIETY.
According to a treaty now being made between the United States
Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the
several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to
portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in
severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to
the Government, and the members of the various bands will become
citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties will be broken
and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.
The chief Midē´ priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of
such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of
much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became
willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might
be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants.
There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly
held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national
authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any
degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time
before the Midē´wiwin will be only a tradition.
INDEX.
Birch-bark records and songs of the Midē´wiwin 286-289
Calumet, ceremonial use of, among Algonkian tribes 153
Cross, use of, in Indian ceremonials 155
Cuchan population 188
Dress and ornaments used in Ojibwa dances 298, 299
Dzhe Manido, the guardian spirit of the Midewiwin 163, 166
Dzhibai midewigân or “Ghost Lodge” 278-281
Gatschet, A. S., acknowledgments to 143
Ghost Lodge ceremonies 278-281
Ginseng, Mide tradition relating to origin of 241, 242
Grand Medicine Society. See Midewiwin.
Hawk-leg fetish, description and figure 220, 221
Hennepin, Louis, cited on practices of
Algonkian medicine men 152, 154
Hennepin, Louis, cited on ceremonial use
of Calumet by Algonkian tribes 153
“Hunter’s medicine” of Midewiwin 221-223
Hunting, Mide “medicine” practiced in 221-223
Jessakid class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
practices of 157-158, 251-255
Jones, Peter, cited on medicine men of the Ojibwa 162
cited on witchcraft beliefs of Ojibwa Indians 237
cited on Ojibwa love charm or powder 258
Jugglery among Ojibwa Indians 276-277
Kitshi Manido, the principal Ojibwa deity 163
La Hontan, A. L. de D., cited on practices
of Algonkian medicine men 151-152
Leech Lake record, how obtained 171
Love powder of Ojibwa Indians 258
Magical practices of Midewiwin 205-206
Mallery, Garrick, cited on Schoolcraft’s
account of the Ojibwa hieroglyphs 156
cited on Indian jugglery 276-277
cited on character and use of Algonkian pictographs 287-288
Marquette, Jaques, cited on practices of
Algonkian medicine men 152-153
cited on use of the cross in Indian ceremonials 155
Medical prescriptions of the Midewiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242
Medicine men, practices of,
among Algonkian tribes 151, 152, 154, 159
Midē class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
how elected 160, 163-164
charts of, described 165, 174-183, 185-187
therapeutics of 197-202
Midē Society. See Midewiwin.
Midewigân, or Grand Medicine Lodge,
described 187-189, 224, 240, 255-257
Midewiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa
purposes of 151
origin of 160
degrees in 164
records of 164-165
ceremonies of first degree 189-224
songs of 193-196, 202-203, 207-214, 216,
218-219, 227-230, 232-233, 239-240,
243-244, 246-251, 253-254, 259-261,
263-264, 266-273, 282-286, 289-297
ceremony of initiation into 187-196, 202-286
magical practices of 204-206
ceremonies of second degree 224-240
payments made to priests of 225
use of tobacco in ceremonials of 231, 248-249
drums used in ceremonies of 238
ceremonies of third degree 240-255
ceremonies of fourth degree 255-278
initiation into, by substitution 281-286
pictography of 286-289
dress and ornaments used in dances of 298-299
future of 299-300
Migis (Indian charm or token),
forms and uses of 191, 192, 215, 217-218, 220, 236, 251, 265
Minabozho, an Ojibwa deity 166
Music of Midewiwin described 289-290
Ojibwa
area inhabited by 149-150
belief of, respecting spirits 163
mythology of 163
Pictography of Midewiwin 286-289
Plants used for medical purposes
by the Midewiwin 197-201, 226, 241, 242
Red Lake Midē Chart described 165
Schoolcraft, H. R., cited on Wabeno 156
initiation into Midēwiwin 161
Shamans, classes of 156-159
Sikassige (Ojibwa Indian) furnishes account
of origin of the Indians 172-173
Sikassige’s explanation of Mille Lacs chart 174-181
Songs used in ceremonies of the Midewiwin 193-196, 203-203,
207-214, 216, 218-219, 227-230, 232-233,
239-240, 243-244, 246-251, 253-254,
259-261, 263-264, 266-273, 282-286, 289-297
mode of writing 286-289
mode of singing described 289-290
Sorcerers, practice of, among Algonkian tribes 151, 152, 154
Sweat lodge of Midewiwin, use of 204, 258
Therapeutics of the Midéwiwin 197-201, 226, 241-242
Tobacco, use of, in ceremonies of the Midéwiwin 231, 260, 262
Wabeno class of Shamans, relative importance of 156
practices of 156-157
Warren, W. W., cited on Society of the Midē 160-161, 162
cited on Indian traditions 183-184
Weather imploration of Midewiwin 207-209
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
Errors and Anomalies noted by transcriber:
Variant spellings (unchanged):
Ojibwa : Ojibway
_throughout text_
Man´ido(s) : Man´idō(s)
_throughout text_
INDEX:
_all spellings unchanged_
sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited
_word is usually spelled “Mi´nabō´zho”_
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´
_word is usually spelled “Midē´”_
The bear going to the Midē´wigan
_word is usually spelled “Midē´wigân”_
The chief priest then says to him, “Ō´mishga‘n”--“get up”--which he does
_the backward apostrophe in “Ō´mishga‘n” occurs nowhere else in the
text; it may be phonetic (glottal stop?) or an error_
The boy then narrated ... man´-i-dō´ ‘n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk
_the apostrophe in “‘n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk” occurs nowhere else in the
text; it may be phonetic (elision?) or an error_
Corrections:
[Footnote 11]
History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)]
_question mark and brackets in original_
the Midē´wiwin was at that time held annually
_text reads “Midê´wiwin” (circumflex for macron)_
shall guard it during the night
_text reads “shal”_
calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him
_text reads “to to” at line break_
This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter
_so in original: “and measures”, “measuring”?_
shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215
_text reads “page 192” (page number of Fig. 15)_
at the time during which the investigations were made
_text reads “investiga/gations” at line break_
The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence
_text reads “sigzag”_
The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping
_so in original_
in this place he shall be Raised again
_text (two-line gloss) reads “in this he shall / be place”_
(the second-degree mī´gis)
_text reads “mì´gis”_
the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the original
_text reads “Pl. XVII, A”_
the following Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B
_text reads “Pl. XVII, B”_
a three-lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 4
_text reads “Fig. 3”_
south and east of the Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35
_text reads “Fig. 30”_
These mnemonic songs were exhibited
_text reads “menmonic”_
Punctuation:
All brackets, except those used for [Illustration] and similar tags,
are in the original.
principles of magic and incantations.”
_close quote missing_
(or, as we have learned to term it, “Grand Medicine,”)
_close parenthesis missing_
place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.”
_close quote missing_
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15)
_printed “beneath/ the” (no hyphen at line break)_
“Our forefathers were living
_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´?
_text ends “.?”_
“He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society
_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa - Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, - Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 143-300" ***
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