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Title: Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (2 of 6) - England (1 of 12) William the Conqueror
Author: Holinshed, Raphael
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.


*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (2 of 6) - England (1 of 12) William the Conqueror" ***


HOLINSHED'S CHRONICLES

OF

_ENGLAND_, _SCOTLAND_, AND _IRELAND_.

IN SIX VOLUMES.


VOL. II.
ENGLAND.


_LONDON_:
PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON; F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. PAYNE;
WILKIE AND ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORME;
CADELL AND DAVIES; AND J. MAWMAN.


1807.
AMS PRESS INC.
NEW YORK
1965

AMS PRESS INC.
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003
1965

MANUFACTURED in the U.S.A.



[_Original Title_.]

THE THIRD VOLUME OF CHRONICLES,
BEGINNING AT
DUKE WILLIAM THE NORMAN, COMMONLIE CALLED THE CONQUEROR;

AND _DESCENDING BY DEGREES OF YEERES_
TO ALL THE KINGS AND QUEENES OF ENGLAND
IN THEIR ORDERLIE SUCCESSIONS:

FIRST COMPILED BY
RAPHAELL HOLINSHED,
AND BY HIM EXTENDED TO THE
YEARE 1577.

NOW NEWLIE RECOGNISED, AUGMENTED, AND CONTINUED
(WITH OCCURRENCES AND ACCIDENTS OF FRESH MEMORIE)
TO THE YEARE 1586.

WHEREIN ALSO ARE CONTEINED MANIE MATTERS OF SINGULAR DISCOURSE
AND RARE OBSERUATION,
_FRUITFULL TO SUCH AS BE STUDIOUS IN ANTIQUITIES_,
OR TAKE PLEASURE IN THE GROUNDS OF ANCIENT HISTORIES.

_With a third table (peculiarlie seruing this third volume) both of
names and matters memorable_.

       *       *       *       *       *

HISTORIÆ PLACEANT NOSTRATES AC PEREGRINÆ



TO THE
RIGHT HONORABLE AND HIS SINGULAR GOOD LORD,
_SIR WILLIAM CECILL_,

BARON OF BURGHLEYGH, KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER, LORD
HIGH TREASURER OF ENGLAND, MAISTER OF THE COURTS OF WARDS AND LIUERIES,
AND ONE OF THE QUEENES MAIESTIES PRIUIE COUNCELL.

       *       *       *       *       *

Considering with my selfe, right Honorable and my singular good Lord,
how redie (no doubt) manie will be to accuse me of vaine presumption,
for enterprising to deale in this so weightie a worke, and so far aboue
my reach to accomplish: I haue thought good to aduertise your Honour, by
what occasion I was first induced to vndertake the same, although the
cause that moued me thereto hath (in part) yer this beene signified vnto
your good Lordship.

Whereas therefore, that worthie Citizen Reginald Wolfe late Printer to
the Queenes Maiestie, a man well knowne and beholden to your Honour,
meant in his life time to publish an vniuersall Cosmographie of the
whole world, and therewith also certaine particular histories of euery
knowne nation, amongst other whom he purposed to vse for performance of
his intent in that behalfe, he procured me to take in hand the
collection of those histories, and hauing proceeded so far in the same,
as little wanted to the accomplishment of that long promised worke, it
pleased God to call him to his mercie, after fiue and twentie yeares
trauell spent therein; so that by his vntimelie deceasse, no hope
remained to see that performed, which we had so long trauelled about.
Neuerthelesse those whom he put in trust to dispose his things after
his departure hence, wishing to the benefit of others, that some fruit
might follow of that whereabout he had imployed so long time, willed me
to continue mine indeuour for their furtherance in the same. Which
although I was redie to doo, so far as mine abilitie would reach, and
the rather to answere that trust which the deceassed reposed in me, to
see it brought to some perfection: yet when the volume grew so great as
they that were to defraie the charges for the impression, were not
willing to go through the whole, they resolued first to publish the
histories of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with their descriptions;
which descriptions, bicause they were not in such readinesse, as those
of forren countries, they were inforced to vse the helpe of other better
able to doo it than my selfe.

Moreouer, the Charts, wherein Maister Wolfe spent a great part of his
time, were not found so complet as we wished: and againe, vnderstanding
of the great charges and notable enterprise of that worthie Gentleman
maister Thomas Sackford, in procuring the Charts of the seuerall
prouinces of this realme to be set foorth, we are in hope that in time
he will delineate this whole land so perfectlie, as shall be comparable
or beyond anie delineation heretofore made of anie other region; and
therefore leaue that to his well deserued praise. If any well willer
will imitate him in so praiseworthie a worke for the two other regions,
we will be glad to further his endeuour with all the helpes we may.

The histories I haue gathered according to my skill, and conferred the
greatest part with Maister Wolfe in his life time, to his liking, who
procured me so manie helpes to the furtherance thereof, that I was loth
to omit anie thing that might increase the readers knowledge, which
causeth the booke to grow so great. But receiuing them by parts, and at
seuerall times (as I might get them) it may be, that hauing had more
regard to the matter than the apt penning, I haue not so orderlie
disposed them, as otherwise I ought; choosing rather to want order, than
to defraud the reader of that which for his further vnderstanding might
seeme to satisfie his expectation.

I therefore most humblie beseech your Honour to accept these Chronicles
of England vnder your protection, and according to your wisedome and
accustomed benignitie to beare with my faults; the rather, bicause you
were euer so especiall good Lord to Maister Wolfe, to whom I was
singularlie beholden; and in whose name I humblie present this rude
worke vnto you; beseeching God, that as he hath made you an instrument
to aduance his truth, so it may please him to increase his good gifts in
you, to his glorie, the furtherance of the Queenes Maiesties seruice,
and the comfort of all hir faithfull and louing subiects.

Your Honours most humble to be commanded,

RAPHAEL HOLINSHED



THE

PREFACE TO THE READER.

       *       *       *       *       *

It is dangerous (gentle reader) to range in so large a field as I haue
here vndertaken, while so manie sundrie men in diuers things may be able
to controll me, and manie excellent wits of our countrie (as well or
better occupied I hope) are able herein to surpasse me; but seeing the
best able doo seeme to neglect it, let me (though least able) craue
pardon to put them in mind not to forget their natiue countries praise
(which is their dutie) the incouragement of their woorthie countriemen,
by elders aduancements; and the daunting of the vicious, by foure penall
examples, to which end (as I take it) chronicles and histories ought
cheefelie to be written. My labour may shew mine vttermost good will, of
the more learned I require their further enlargement, and of
fault-finders dispensation till they be more fullie informed. It is too
common that the least able are readiest to find fault in matters of
least weight, and therefore I esteeme the lesse of their carping, but
humblie beseech the skilfull to supplie my want, and to haue care of
their dutie; and either to amend that wherein I haue failed, or be
content with this mine endeuour. For it may please them to consider,
that no one can be eie-witnesse to all that is written within our time;
much lesse to those things which happened in former times, and therefore
must be content with reports of others. Therein I haue beene so
carefull, that I haue spared no paines or helpe of freends to search out
either written or printed ancient authors, or to inquire of moderne
eie-witnesses for the true setting downe of that which I haue here
deliuered: but I find such want in writers for the necessarie knowledge
of things doone in times past, and lacke of meanes to obteine sufficient
instructions by reporters of the time present; and herewith the worthie
exploits of our countriemen so manie, that it greeueth me I could not
leaue the same to posteritie (as I wished) to their well deserued
praise. But I haue here imparted what I could learne, and craue that it
may be taken in good part. My speech is plaine, without any rhetoricall
shew of eloquence, hauing rather a regard to simple truth, than to
decking words. I wish I had beene furnished with so perfect
instructions, and so many good gifts, that I might haue pleased all
kinds of men, but that same being so rare a thing in any one of the
best, I beseech thee (gentle reader) not to looke for it in me the
meanest.

But now for thy further instruction, to vnderstand the course of these
my labours. First concerning the historie of England, as I haue
collected the same out of manie and sundrie authors, in whome what
contrarietie, negligence, and rashnesse sometime is found in their
reports; I leaue to the discretion of those that haue perused their
works: for my part, I haue in things doubtfull rather chosen to shew the
diuersitie of their writings, than by ouer-ruling them, and vsing a
peremptorie censure, to frame them to agree to my liking: leauing it
neuerthelesse to each mans iudgement, to controll them as he seeth
cause. If some-where I shew my fansie what I thinke, and that the same
dislike them; I craue pardon, speciallie if by probable reasons or
plainer matter to be produced, they can shew mine errour; vpon
knowledge whereof I shall be readie to reforme it accordinglie. Where I
doo begin the historic from the first inhabitation of this Ile, I looke
not to content ech mans opinion concerning the originall of them that
first peopled it, and no maruell: for in matters so vncerteine, if I
cannot sufficientlie content my selfe (as in deed I cannot) I know not
how I should satisfie others. That which seemeth to me most likelie, I
haue noted, beseeching the learned (as I trust they will) in such points
of doubtfull antiquities to beare with my skill: sith for ought I know,
the matter is not yet decided among the learned, but still they are in
controuersie about it, and as yet Sub iudice lis est. Well, howsoeuer it
came first to be inhabited, likelie it is, that at the first the whole
Ile was vnder one prince and gouernour, though afterwards (and long
peraduenture before the Romans set any foot within it) the monarchie
thereof was broken, euen when the multitude of the inhabitants grew to
be great, and ambition entred amongst them: which hath brought so manie
good policies and states to ruine and decaie.

The Romans hauing once got possession of the continent that faceth this
Ile, could not rest (as it appeareth) till they had brought the same
also vnder their subiection: and the sooner doubtlesse, by reason of the
factions amongst the princes of the land, which the Romans (through
their accustomed skill) could turne verie well to their most aduantage.
They possessed it almost fiue hundreth yeares, and longer might haue
doone, if either their insufferable tyrannie had not taken awaie from
them the loue of the people as well here as else-where; either that
their ciuill discord about the chopping and changing of their emperours
had not so weakened the forces of their empire, that they were not able
to defend the same against the irruption of barbarous nations. But as we
may coniecture by that which is found in histories, about that time, in
which the Romane empire began to decline, this land stood in verie weake
state: being spoiled of the most part of all hir able men, which were
led[1] awaie into forren regions, to supplie the Romane armies; and
likewise (perhaps) of all necessarie armour, weapon, and treasure: which
being perceiued of the Saxons, after they were receiued into the Ile, to
aid the Britons against the Scots and Picts then inuading the same,
ministred to them occasion to attempt the second conquest, which at
length they brought to passe, to the ouerthrow not onelie of the British
dominion, but also to the subuersion of the Christian religion here in
this land: which chanced (às appeareth by Gildas) for the wicked sins
and vnthankefulnesse of the inhabitants towards God, the cheefe
occasions and causes of the transmutations of kingdoms, Nam propter
peccata, regna transmatantur à gente in gentem.

The Saxons obteining possession of the land, gouerned the same, being
diuided into sundrie kingdoms, and hauing once subdued the Britons, or
at the least-wise remooued them out of the most part of the Ile into od
corners and mountaines; fell at diuision among themselues, and
oftentimes with warre pursued ech other, so as no perfect order of
gouernement could be framed, nor the kings grow to any great puissance,
either to mooue warres abroad, or sufficientlie to defend themselues
against forren forces at home: as manifestlie was perceiued; when the
Danes and other the Northeasterne people, being then of great puissance
by sea, began misserablie to afflict this land: at the first inuading as
it were but onelie the coasts and countries lieng neere to the sea, but
afterwards with manie armies they entred into the midle parts of the
land. And although the English people at length came vnder one king, and
by that meanes were the better able to resist the enimies; yet at length
those Danes subdued the whole, and had possession thereof for a time
although not long, but that the crowne returned againe to those of the
Saxon line: till shortlie after, by the insolent dealings of the
gouernours, a diuision was made betwixt the king and his people, through
iust punishment decreed by the prouidence of the Almightie, determining
for their sinnes and contempt of his lawes, to deliuer them into the
hands of a stranger; and therevpon when spite and enuie had brought the
title in doubt, to whom the right in succession apperteined, the
Conquerour entred, and they remained a prey to him and his: who plucked
all the heads and cheefe in authoritie so cleerelie vp by the roots, as
few or none of them in the end was left to stand vp against him. And
herewith altering the whole state, he planted such lawes and ordinances
as stood most for his auaile and securitie, which being after qualified
with more milde and gentle lawes, tooke such effect, that the state hath
euer sithens continued whole and vnbroken by wise and politike
gouernement, although disquieted sometime by ciuill dissention, to the
ruine commonlie of the first moouers, as by the sequele of the historie
you may see.

For the historie of Scotland, I haue for the more part followed Hector
Boece, Iohannes Maior, and Iouan Ferreri Piemontese, so far as they haue
continued it, interlaced somtimes with other authours, as Houeden,
Fourdon, and such like; although not often, bicause I meant rather to
deliuer what I found in their owne histories extant, than to correct
them by others, leauing that enterprise to their owne countrimen: so
that whatsoeuer ye read in the same, consider that a Scotishman writ it,
and an Englishman hath but onelie translated it into our language,
referring the reader to the English historie, in all matters betwixt vs
and them, to be confronted therewith as he seeth cause. For the
continuation thereof I vsed the like order, in such copies and notes as
Maister Wolfe in his life time procured me; sauing that in these last
yeares I haue inserted some such notes as concerned matters of warre
betwixt vs and the Scots, bicause I got them not till that part of the
English historie was past the presse.

For Ireland, I haue shewed in mine epistle dedicatorie in what sort, and
by what helps I haue proceeded therein; onelie this I forgot to
signifie, that I had not Giraldus Cambrensis, and Flatsburie, vntill
that part of the booke was vnder the presse, and so being constreined to
make post hast, I could not exemplifie what I would out of them all,
neither yet dispose it so orderlie as had beene conuenient, nor pen it
with so apt words as might satisfie either myselfe, or those to whose
view it is now like to come. And by reason of the like haste made in the
impression, where I was determined to haue transposed the most part of
that which in the English historie I had noted, concerning the conquest
of Ireland by Hen. the second, out of Houeden & others, I had not time
thereto; and so haue left it there remaining where I first noted it,
before I determined to make any particular collection of the Irish
histories, bicause the same commeth there well inough in place, as to
those that shall vouchsafe to turne the booke it may appeare.

For the computation of the yeares of the world, I had by Maister Wolfes
aduise followed Functius; but after his deceasse, M. W. H. made me
partaker of a Chronologie, which he had gathered and compiled with most
exquisit diligence, following Gerardus Mercator, and other late
Chronologers, and his owne obseruations, according to the which I haue
reformed the same. As for the yeares of our Lord, and the kings, I haue
set them downe according to such authors as seeme to be of best credit
in that behalfe, as I doubt not but the learned and skilfull in
histories it shall appeare. Moreouer, this the reader hath to consider,
that I doo begin the yeare at the natiuitie of our Lord, which is the
surest order (in my fansie) that can be followed.

For the names of persons, townes, and places, as I haue beene diligent
to reforme the errours of other (which are to be ascribed more to the
vnperfect copies than to the authors) so may it be that I haue
some-where committed the like faults, either by negligence or want of
skill to restore them to their full integritie as I wished. But what I
haue performed, aswell in that behalfe as others, the skilfull reader
shall easily perceiue, and withall consider (I trust) what trauell I
haue bestowed to his behoofe in this huge volume; crauing onelie, that
in recompense thereof he will iudge the best, and to make a freendlie
construction of my meaning, where ought may seeme to haue escaped my pen
or the printers presse, otherwise than we could haue wished for his
better satisfaction. Manie things being taken out as they lie in
authors, may be thought to giue offense in time present, which referred
to the time past when the author writ, are not onelie tollerable, but
also allowable. Thereforé (good reader) I beseech thee to weigh the
causes and circumstances of such faults and imperfections, and consider
that the like may creepe into a far lesse volume than this, and shew me
so much fauour as hath beene shewed to others in like causes. And
sithens I haue doone my good will, accept the same, as I with a free and
thankefull mind doo offer it thee; so shall I thinke my labour well
bestowed. For the other histories, which are alreadie collected, if it
please God to giue abilitie, shall in time come to light, with some such
breefe descriptions of the forren regions whereof they treat, as may the
better suffice to the readers contentation, and vnderstanding of the
matters conteined in the same histories, reduced into abridgements out
of their great volumes. And thus I ceasse further to trouble thy
patience, wishing to thee (gentle reader) so much profit, as by reading
may be had, and as great comfort as Gods holie spirit may endue thee
with.

FINIS.



THE
POLITIKE CONQUEST
OF
WILLIAM THE FIRST.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: Anno 1.] This William Duke of Normandie, base son of Robert
the sixt Duke of Normandie, and nephew vnto Edward king of England,
surnamed the Confessor, hauing vanquished the English power, and
slaine Harold in the field (as you may read at large towards the end
of the historie of England) began his reigne ouer England the xv. daie
of October being Sundaie, [Sidenote: 1066.] in the yeare after the
creation of the world 5033, (as W. Harison gathereth) and after the
birth of our Sauiour 1066, which was in the tenth yeare of the
emperour Henrie the fourth, in the sixt of pope Alexander the second,
in the sixt of Philip king of France, and about the tenth of Malcolme
the third, surnamed Camoir, king of Scotland.

[Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._] Immediatlie after he had thus got the victorie
in a pight field (as before ye haue heard) he first returned to
Hastings, and after set forward towards London, wasted the countries
of Sussex, Kent, Hamshire, Southerie, Middlesex, and Herefordshire,
burning the townes, and sleaing the people, till he came to Beorcham.
[Sidenote: Edwin and Marchar. Quéene Aldgitha sent to Chester. _Wil.
Mal._ _Simon Dun._] In the meane time, immediatlie after the
discomfiture in Sussex, the two earles of Northumberland and Mercia,
Edwin and Marchar, who had withdrawne themselues from the battell
togither with their people, came to London, and with all speed sent
their sister quéene Aldgitha vnto the citie of Chester, and herewith
sought to persuade the Londoners to aduance one of them to the
kingdome: as Wil. Mal. writeth. But Simon of Durham saith, that Aldred
archbishop of Yorke, and the said earles with others would haue made
Edgar Etheling king. Howbeit, whilest manie of the Nobilitie and
others prepared to make themselues redie to giue a new battell to the
Normans (how or whatsoeuer was the cause) the said earles drew
homewards with their powers, to the great discomfort of their freends.
[Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ The bishops blamed.] Wil. Malm. séemeth to put
blame in the bishops, for that the lords went not forward with their
purpose in aduancing Edgar Etheling to the crowne. For the bishops
(saith he) refused to ioine with the lords in that behalfe, and so
through enuie and spite which one part bare to another, when they
could not agrée vpon an Englishman, they receiued a stranger,
[Sidenote: The archbishop of Yorke & other submit themselues to king
William.] insomuch that vpon king William his comming vnto Beorcham,
Aldred archbishop of Yorke, Wolstane bishop of Worcester, and Walter
bishop of Hereford, Edgar Etheling, and the foresaid earles Edwin and
Marchar came and submitted themselues vnto him, whom he gentlie
receiued, and incontinentlie made an agréement with them, taking their
oth and hostages (as some write) and yet neuerthelesse he permitted
his people to spoile and burne the countrie.

But now, when the feast of Christs natiuitie (commonlie called
Christmas) was at hand, he approched to the citie of London, and
comming thither, caused his vauntgard first to enter into the stréets,
where finding some resistance, he easilie subdued the citizens that
thus tooke vpon them to withstand him, [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._]
though not without some bloudshed (as Gemeticen. writeth) but as by
others it should appéere, he was receiued into the citie without anie
resistance at all; and so being in possession thereof, he spake manie
fréendlie words to the citizens, and promised that he would vse them
in most liberall & courteous maner. [Sidenote: William Conquerour
crowned 1067, according to their account which begin the yeare on the
daie of Christ his natiuitie.] Not long after, when things were
brought in order (as was thought requisite) he was crowned king vpon
Christmas daie following, by Aldred archbishop of Yorke. For he would
not receiue the crowne at the hands of Stigand archbishop of
Canturburie, bicause he was hated, and furthermore iudged to be a
verie lewd person and a naughtie liuer.

At his coronation he caused the bishops and barons of the realme to take
their oth, that they should be his true and loiall subiects (according
to the maner in that case accustomed.) And being required thereto by the
archbishop of Yorke, he tooke his personall oth before the altar of S.
Peter at Westmister, to defend the holie church, and rulers of the same,
to gouerne the people in iustice as became a king to doo, to ordeine
righteous lawes & kéepe the same, so that all maner of bribing, rapine,
and wrongful iudgements should for euer after be abolished.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] [Sidenote: 1067.] After this, he tooke order
how to keepe the realme in good and quiet gouernment, fortifieng the
necessarie places, and furnishing them with garisons. He also
appointed officers and councellers, such as he thought to be wise and
discréet men, and appointed ships to be in the hauens by the coast for
the defense of the land, as he thought moste expedient. [Sidenote:
_Iohn Stow._] After his coronation, or rather before (as by some
authours it should seeme) euen presentlie vpon obteining of the citie
of London, [Sidenote: _Thos. Spot._] he tooke his iourney towards the
castell of Douer, to subdue that and the rest of Kent also: which when
the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin the abbat of S. Augustines (being
as it were the chiefest lords and gouernours of all Kent) did
perceiue, and considered that the whole realme was in an euill state;
& that whereas in this realme of England, before the comming in of the
forsaid duke William, there were no bondmen: [Sidenote: Seruitude &
bondage of the Nobilitie and Commonaltie to the Normans.] now all, as
well the Nobilitie as the Commonaltie were without respect made
subiect to the intollerable bondage of the Normans, taking an occasion
by the perill and danger that their neighbours were in, to prouide for
the safegard of themselues and their countrie. They caused all the
people of the countie of Kent to assemble at Canturburie, and declared
to them the perils and dangers imminent, the miserie that their
neighbours were come into, the pride and insolencie of the Normans,
and the hardnesse and griefe of bondage and seruile estate. Whereupon
all the people rather choosing to end their vnfortunate life, than to
submit themselues to an vnaccustomed yoke of seruitude and bondage,
with a common consent determined to méet duke William, and to fight
with him for the lawes of their countrie. Also, the foresaid Stigand
the archbishop, and the abbat Egelsin, choosing rather to die in
battell, than to see their nation in so euill an estate, being
encouraged by the examples of the holie Machabées, became capteins of
the armie. And at a daie appointed, all the people met at Swanescombe,
and being hidden in the woods, laie priuilie in wait for the comming
of the foresaid duke William.

Now, bicause it cannot hurt to take great héed, and to be verie warie in
such cases, they agréed before hand, that when the duke was come, and
the passages on euerie side stopped, to the end he should no waie be
able to escape, euerie one of them, as well horssemen as footmen should
beare boughes in their hands. The next daie after, when the duke was
come into the fields and territories néere vnto Swanescombe, and saw all
the countrie set and placed about him, as it had beene a stirring and
moouing wood, and that with a meane pace they approched and drew neare
vnto him, with great discomfort of mind he woondered at that sight. And
assoone as the capteins of the Kentishmen sawe that duke William was
inclosed in the middest of their armie, they caused their trumpets to be
sounded, their banners to be displaied, and threw downe their boughes, &
with their bowes bent, their swords drawne, and their speares and other
kind of weapons stretched foorth, they shewed themselues readie to
fight. Duke William and they that were with him stood (as no maruell it
was) sore astonied, and amazed: so that he which thought he had
alreadie all England fast in his fist, did now despaire of his owne
life. Therefore on the behalfe of the Kentishmen, were sent vnto duke
William the archbishop Stigand, and Egelsin abbat of S. Augustines, who
told him their message in this sort.

     "My lord duke, behold the people of Kent come forth to méet you,
     and to receiue you as their liege lord, requiring at your hands
     the things which perteine to peace, and that vnder this
     condition; that all the people of Kent enioy for euer their
     ancient liberties, and may for euermore vse the lawes and
     customes of the countrie: otherwise they are readie presentlie to
     bid battell to you, and them that be with you, and are minded
     rather to die here altogither, than to depart from the lawes and
     customes of their countrie, and to submit themselues to bondage,
     whereof as yet they neuer had experience."

The duke séeing himselfe to be driuen to such an exigent & narrow
pinch, consulted a while with them that came with him, prudentlie
considering, that if he should take anie repulse or displeasure at the
hands of this people, which be the key of England, all that he had
done before should be disanulled and made of none effect, and all his
hope and safetie should stand in danger and ieopardie: not so
willinglie as wiselie he granted the people of Kent their request. Now
when the couenant was established, and pledges giuen on both sides:
the Kentishmen being ioyfull, conducted the Normans (who also were
glad) vnto Rochester, and yéelded vp to the duke the earledome of
Kent, and the noble castell of Douer. [Sidenote: The ancient liberties
and lawes of England remaine in Kent onlie.] Thus the ancient
liberties of England, and the lawes and customes of the countrie,
which before the comming of duke William out of Normandie, were
equallie kept throughout all England, doo (through this industrie and
earnest trauell of the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin abbat of S.
Augustines) remaine inuiolablie obserued vntill this daie within that
countie of Kent. [Sidenote: _Wil. Thorne._] ¶ Thus far Thomas Spot,
and after him William Thorne writeth the same. Of the which the former
(that is Spot) liued in the daies of king Edward the first, and
William Thorne in the daies of king Richard the second.

But now, before we procéed anie further in recitall of the Conquerours
dooings, we haue here in a table noted all the noble capteins and
gentlemen of name, aswell Normans as other strangers, which assisted
duke William in the conquest of this land: and first, as we find them
written in the chronicles of Normandie by one William Tailleur.

       *       *       *       *       *

      THE
      CATALOG OF SUCH NOBLEMEN, LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN OF NAME,
      AS CAME INTO THIS LAND WITH
      WILLIAM THE CONQUEROUR.


Odo bishop of Bayeulx.
Robert erle of Mortaing.
Roger erle of Beaumont surnamed _A la Barbe_.
Guillaume Mallet seigneur de Montfort.
Henrie seig. de Ferrers.
Guillaume d'Aubelle-mare seign. de Fougieres.
Guillaume de Roumare seig. de Lithare.
Le seig. de Touque.
Le seig. de la Mare.
Neel le Viconte.
Guillaume de Vepont.
Le seig. de Magneuille.
Le seig. de Grosmenil.
Le seig. de S. Martin.
Le seig. de Puis.
Guillaume Crespin.
Guillaume de Movenne.
Guillaume Desmoulins.
Guillaume Desgarennes.
Hue de Gourney, _aliàs_ Genevay.
Le seig. de Bray.
Le seig. de Gouy.
Le seig. de Laigle.
Le seig. de Touarts.
Le seig. de Aurenchin.
Le seig. de Vitrey.
Le seig. de Trassy, _aliàs_ Tracy.
Le seig. de Picquigny.
Le seig. d'Espinay.
Osmond seig. du Pont.
Le seig. de Estouteuile.
Le seig. de Torchy.
Le seig. de Barnabost.
Le seig. de Breual.
Le seig. de Seeulme.
Le seig. de Houme.
Le seig. de Souchoy.
Le seig. de Cally.
Le seig. de la Riuere.
Euldes de Beanieu.
Le seig. de Roumilly.
Le seig. de Glotz.
Le seig. du Sap.
Le seig. de Vanuille.
Le seig. Branchou.
Le seig. Balleul.
Le seig. de Beausault.
Le seig. de Telleres.
Le seig. de Senlys.
Le seig. de Bacqueuille.
Le seig. de Preaulx.
Le seig. de Iouy.
Le seig. de Longueuille.
Le seig. de Aquigny.
Le seig. de Passy.
Le seig. de Tournay.
Le seig. de Colombieres.
Le seig. de Bolleber.
Le seig. de Garensieres.
Le seig. de Longueile.
Le seig. de Houdetot.
Le seig. de Malletot.
Le seig. de la Haie Malerbe.
Le seig. de Porch Pinche.
Le seig. de Iuetot.
The erle of Tanqueruile.
The erle d'Eu.
The erle d'Arques.
The erle of Aniou.
The erle of Neuers.
Le seig. de Rouuile.
Le prince de Alemaigne.
Le seig. de Pauilly.
Le seig. de S. Cler.
Le seig. d'Espinay.
Le seig. de Bremetot.
Alain Fergant erle of Britaigne.
Le seig. de la Ferte.
Robert fils Heruays duc de Orleans.
Le seig. de la Lande.
Le seig. de Mortimer.
Le seig. de Clare.
Le seig. de Magny.
Le seig. de Fontnay.
Roger de Montgomery.
Amaury de Touars.
Le seig. de Hacqueuile.
Le seig. de Neanshou.
Le seig. de Perou.
Robert de Beaufou.
Le seig. Meauuon.
Le seig. de Soteuile.
Eustace de Hambleuile.
Geoffray Bournom.
Le seig. de Blainuile.
Le seig. de Mauneuile.
Geoffrey de Moienne.
Auffray and Mauger de Carteny.
Le seig. de Freanuile.
Le seig. de Moubray.
Le seig. de Iafitay.
Guillaume Patais seig. de la Lande.
Eulde de Mortimer.
Hue erle of Gournay.
Egremont de Laigle.
Richard d'Aurinchin.
Le seig. de Bearts.
Le seig. de Soulligny.
Bouteclier d'Aubigny.
Le seig. de Marcey.
Le seig. de Lachy.
Le seig. de Valdere.
Eulde de Montfort.
Henoyn de Cahieu.
Le seig. de Vimers.
Guillaume de Mouion.
Raoul Tesson de Tignolles.
Anguerand erle of Hercourt.
Roger Marmion.
Raoul de Gaiel.
Auenel de Viers.
Pauuel du Montier Hubert.
Robert Bertraule Tort.
Le seig. de Seulle.
Le seig. Doriual.
Le seig. de la Hay.
Le seig. de S. Iohn.
Le seig. de Saussy.
Le seig. de Brye.
Richard Dollebec.
Le seig. du Monfiquet.
Le seig. de Bresey.
Le seig. de Semilly.
Le seig. de Tilly.
Le seig. de Preaux.
Le seig. de S. Denis.
Le seig. de Meuley.
Le seig. de Monceaux.
The archers of Bretuile.
The archers of Vaudreuile.
Le seig. de S. Sain.
Le seig. de Breansou.
Le seig. de Sassy.
Le seig. de Nassy.
Le vidam de Chartres.
Le seig. de Ieanuile.
Le vidam du Passais.
Pierre du Bailleul seig. de Fescampe.
Le seneschal de Torchy.
Le seig. de Grissey.
Le seig. de Bassey.
Le seig. de Tourneur.
Guillaume de Colombieres.
Le seig. de Bonnebault.
Le seig. de Ennebault.
Le seig. de Danuillers.
Le seig. de Beruile.
Le seig. de Creueceur.
Le seig. de Breate.
Le seig. de Coutray.
The erle of Eureux.
Le seig. de seint Valery.
Thomas erle d'Aumale.
The erle de Hiesmes.

With other lords and men of account in great numbers, whose names the
author of the chronicles of Normandie could not come by (as he himselfe
confesseth.) In consideration whereof, and bicause diuers of these are
set foorth onlie by their titles of estate, and not by their surnames;
we haue thought it conuenient to make you partakers of the roll which
sometime belonged to Battell abbeie, conteining also (as the title
thereof importeth) the names of such Nobles and Gentlemen of Marque, as
came at this time with the Conqueror, whereof diuerse maie be the same
persons which in the catalog aboue written are conteined, bearing the
names of the places whereof they were possessors and owners, as by the
same catalog maie appeare.

       *       *       *       *       *

     THE ROLL OF BATTELL ABBEIE.


A

Avmarle
Aincourt
Audeley
Adgillam
Argentoune
Arundell
Auenant
Abell
Auuerne
Aunwers
Angers
Angenoun
Archere
Anuay
Asperu
Albeuile
Andeuile
Amouerduile
Arcy and Akeny
Albeny
Aybeuare
Amay
Aspermound
Amerenges


B

Bertram
Buttecourt
Brebus and Byseg
Bardolfe
Basset and Bigot
Bohun
Bailif
Bondeuile
Brabason
Baskeruile
Bures
Bounilaine
Bois
Botelere
Bourcher
Brabaion
Berners
Braibuf
Brande and Bronce
Burgh
Bushy
Banet
Blondell
Breton
Bluat and Baious
Browne
Beke
Bickard
Banastre
Baloun
Beauchampe
Bray and Bandy
Bracy
Boundes
Bascoun
Broilem
Broleuy
Burnell
Bellet
Baudewin
Beaumont
Burdon
Berteuilay
Barre
Busseuile
Blunt
Beaupere
Beuill
Barduedor
Brette
Barrett
Bonret
Bainard
Barniuale
Bonett
Barry
Bryan
Bodin
Beteruile
Bertin
Bereneuile
Bellewe
Beuery
Busshell
Boranuile
Browe
Beleuers
Buffard
Botelere
Bonueier
Boteuile
Bellire
Bastard
Bainard
Brasard
Beelhelme
Braine
Brent
Braunch
Belesuz
Blundell
Burdet
Bagot
Beauuise
Belemis
Beisin
Bernon
Boels
Belefroun
Brutz
Barchampe


C

Camois
Camuile
Chawent
Chauncy
Conderay
Coluile
Chamberlaine
Chamburnoun
Comin
Columber
Cribett
Creuquere
Corbine
Corbett
Chaundos
Chaworth
Cleremaus
Clarell
Chopis
Chaunduit
Chantelow
Chamberay
Cressy
Curtenay
Conestable
Cholmeley
Champney
Chawnos
Comiuile
Champaine
Careuile
Carbonelle
Charles
Chereberge
Chawnes
Chaumont
Caperoun
Cheine
Curson
Couille
Chaiters
Cheines
Cateray
Cherecourt
Cammile
Clerenay
Curly
Cuily
Clinels
Chaundos
Courteney
Clifford


D

Denauille
Dercy
Diue
Dispencere
Daubeny
Daniell
Denise and Druell
Deuans
Dauers
Dodingsels
Darell
Delaber
Delapole
Delalinde
Delahill
Delaware
Delauache
Dakeny
Dauntre
Desny
Dabernoune
Damry
Daueros
Dauonge
Duilby
Dalauere
Delahoid
Durange
Delee
Delaund
Delaward
Delaplanch
Damnot
Danway
Dehense
Deuile
Disard
Doiuille
Durant
Drury
Dabitot
Dunsteruile
Dunchampe
Dambelton


E

Estrange
Estuteuile
Engaine
Estriels
Esturney


F

Ferrerers
Foluille
Fitz Water
Fitz Marmaduke
Fleuez
Filberd
Fitz Roger
Fauecourt
Ferrers
Fitz Philip
Filiot
Furniueus
Furniuaus
Fitz Otes
Fitz William
Fitz Roand
Fitz Pain
Fitz Auger
Fitz Aleyn
Fitz Rauff
Fitz Browne
Fouke
Freuil
Front de Boef
Facunberge
Fort
Frisell
Fitz Simon
Fitz Fouk
Filioll
Fitz Thomas
Fitz Morice
Fitz Hugh
Fitz Henrie
Fitz Waren
Fitz Rainold
Flamuile
Formay
Fitz Eustach
Fitz Laurence
Formibaud
Frisound
Finere and Fitz Robert
Furniuale
Fitz Geffrey
Fitz Herbert
Fitz Peres
Fichet
Fitz Rewes
Fitz Fitz
Fitz John
Fleschampe


G

Gvrnay
Gressy
Graunson
Gracy
Georges
Gower
Gaugy
Goband
Gray
Gaunson
Golofre
Gobion
Grensy
Graunt
Greile
Greuet
Gurry
Gurley
Grammori
Gernoun
Grendon
Gurdon
Gines
Griuil
Greneuile
Glateuile
Gurney
Giffard
Gouerges
Gamages


H

Haunteney
Haunsard
Hastings
Hanlay
Haurell
Husee
Hercy
Herioun
Herne
Harecourt
Henoure
Houell
Hamelin
Harewell
Hardell
Haket
Hamound
Harcord


I

Iarden
Iay
Ieniels
Ierconuise
Ianuile
Iasperuile


K

Kaunt
Karre
Karrowe
Koine
Kimaronne
Kiriell
Kancey
Kenelre


L

Loueny
Lacy
Linneby
Latomer
Loueday
Louell
Lemare
Leuetot
Lucy
Luny
Logeuile
Longespes
Louerace
Longechampe
Lascales
Lacy
Louan
Leded
Luse
Loterell
Lornge
Longevule
Loy
Lorancourt
Loions
Limers
Longepay
Laumale
Lane
Louetot


M

Mohant
Mowne
Maundeuile
Marmilon
Moribray
Moruile
Miriell
Manlay
Malebraunch
Malemame
Mortimere
Mortimaine
Muse
Marteine
Mountbother
Mountsoler
Maleuile
Malet
Mounteney
Monfichet
Maleherbe
Mare
Musegros
Musard
Moine
Montrauers
Merke
Murres
Mortiuale
Monchenesy
Mallory
Marny
Mountagu
Mountford
Maule
Monhermon
Musett
Meneuile
Manteuenant and Manfe
Meapincoy
Maine
Mainard
Morell
Mainell
Maleluse
Memorous
Morreis
Morleian Maine
Maleuere
Mandut
Mountmarten
Mamelet
Miners
Mauclerke
Maunchenell
Mouet
Meintenore
Meletak
Manuile
Mangisere
Maumasin
Mountlouel
Mawreward
Monhaut
Meller
Mountgomerie
Manlay
Maulard
Mainard
Menere
Martinast
Mare
Mainwaring
Matelay
Malemis
Maleheire
Moren
Melun
Marceans
Maiell
Morton


N

Noers
Neuile
Newmarch
Norbet
Norice
Newborough
Neiremet
Neile
Normauile
Neofmarch
Nermitz
Nembrutz

O

Oteuell
Olibef
Olifant
Osenel
Oisell
Olifard
Orinall
Orioll


P

Pigot
Pery
Perepount
Pershale
Power
Painell
Perche and Pauey
Peurell
Perot
Picard
Pinkenie
Pomeray
Pounce
Pauely
Paifrere
Plukenet
Phuars
Punchardoun
Pinchard
Placy
Pugoy
Patefine
Place
Pampilioun
Percelay
Perere and Pekeny
Poterell
Peukeny
Peccell
Pinell
Putrill
Petiuoll
Preaus
Pantolf
Peito
Penecord
Preudirlegast
Perciuale


Q

Qvinci
Quintiny


R

Ros
Ridell
Riuers
Riuell
Rous
Rushell
Raband
Ronde
Rie
Rokell
Risers
Randuile
Roselin
Rastoke
Rinuill
Rougere
Rait
Ripere
Rigny
Richemound
Rochford
Raimond


S

Souch
Sheuile
Seucheus
Senclere
Sent Quintin
Sent Omere
Sent Amond
Sent Legere
Someruile
Siward
Saunsovere
Sanford
Sanctes
Sauay
Saulay
Sules
Sorell
Somerey
Sent Iohn
Sent George
Sent Les
Sesse
Saluin
Say
Solers
Saulay
Sent Albin
Sent Martin
Sourdemale
Seguin
Sent Barbe
Sent Vile
Souremount
Soreglise
Sanduile
Sauncey
Sirewast
Sent Cheueroll
Sent More
Sent Scudemore


T

Toget
Tercy
Tuchet
Tracy
Trousbut
Trainell
Taket
Trussel and Trison
Talbot
Touny
Traies
Tollemach
Tolous
Tanny
Touke
Tibtote
Turbeuile
Turuile
Tomy and Taverner
Trencheuile
Trenchelion
Tankeruile
Tirell
Triuet
Tolet
Trauers
Tardeuile
Turburuile
Tineuile
Torell
Tortechappell
Trusbote
Treuerell
Tenwis
Totelles


V

Vere
Vernoun
Vescy
Verdoune
Valence
Verdeire
Vauasour
Vendore
Verlay
Valenger
Venables
Venoure
Vilan
Verland
Valers
Veirny
Vauurvile
Veniels
Verrere
Vschere
Veffay
Vanay
Vian
Verneys
Vrnall
Vnket
Vrnafull
Vasderoll
Vaberon
Valingford
Venicorde
Valiue
Viuille
Vancorde and Valenges


W

Wardebois
Ward
Wafre
Wake
Wareine
Wate
Watelin
Wateuil
Wely
Werdonell
Wespaile
Wiuell

[Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] When king William had set all things in
order through the most part of the realme, he deliuered the guiding
thereof vnto his brother Odo, the bishop of Bayeux, and his coosine
William Fits Osborne, whom he had made erle of Hereford. [Sidenote:
King William goeth ouer into Normandy. _Hen. Hunt._ _Polychron._ _Sim.
Dun._] In Lent following he sailed into Normandie, leading with him
the pledges, and other of the chéefest lords of the English nation:
among whom, the two earles Edwine and Marchar, Stigand the archbishop,
Edgar Etheling, Walteoff sonne to Siward sometime duke of
Northumberland, and Agelnothus the abbat of Glastenburie were the most
famous. [Sidenote: Edricke Syluaticus.] Soone after his departing,
Edricke surnamed Syluaticus, sonne to Alfricke that was brother to
Edricke de Streona, refusing to submit himselfe vnto the king,
rebelled and rose against such as he had left in his absence to
gouerne the land. [Sidenote: Richard Fits Scroope.] Wherevpon those
that laie in the castell of Hereford, as Richard Fitz Scroope and
others, did oftentimes inuade his lands, and wasted the goods of his
farmers and tenants: but yet so often as they attempted to inuade him,
they lost manie of their owne souldiers and men of war. Moreouer, the
said Edricke calling to his aid the kings of the Welshmen, Bleothgent
and Rithwall, about the feast of the assumption of our Ladie, wasted
the countrie of Hereford, [Sidenote: The riuer of Wye.] euen to
the bridge of the riuer of Wye, and obteined out of those quarters a
maruellous great spoile. [Sidenote: King William returneth into
England.] In the winter also following, and after king William had
disposed his busines in Normandie, he returned into England, and euen
then began to handle the Englishmen somewhat sharpelie, supposing
thereby to kéepe them the more easilie vnder his obedience. He also
took awaie from diuerse of the Nobilitie, and others of the better
sort, all their liuings, and gaue the same to his Normans. [Sidenote:
_H. Hunt._] Moreouer, he raised great taxes and subsidies through the
realme: nor any thing regarded th' English Nobilitie, so that they who
before thought themselues to be made for euer by bringing a stranger
into the realme, doo now see themselues troden vnder foot, to be
despised, and to be mocked on all sides, [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]
insomuch that many of them were constreined (as it were for a further
testimonie of seruitude and bondage) to shaue their beards, to round
their heare, and to frame themselues as well in apparell as in seruice
and diet at their tables after the Norman manner, verie strange and
farre differing from the ancient customes and old vsages of their
countrie. [Sidenote: Englishmen withdraw them to the woods as out
lawes.] Others vtterlie refusing to susteine such an intolerable yoke
of thraldome as was dailie laid vpon them by the Normans, chose rather
to leaue all both goods & lands, & after the maner of outlawes got
them to the woods, with their wiues, children, and seruants, meaning
from thencefoorth wholie to liue vpon the spoile of the countries
adioining, and to take whatsoeuer came next to hand: wherevpon it came
to passe within a while that noe man might trauell in safetie from his
owne house or towne to his next neighbors, and euery quiet and honest
mans house became as it were an hold and fortresse furnished for
defense with bowes and arrowes, bills, polaxes, swords, clubs, and
staues, and other weapons, the doores kept locked and stronglie
boulted in the night season, for feare to be surprised as it had beene
in time of open warr and amongst publike enimies. Praiers were said
also by the maister of the house, as though they had beene in the
middest of the seas in some stormie tempest, and when the windowes or
doores should be shut in and closed, they vsed to saie _Benedicite_,
and others to answer, _Dominus_, in like sort as the preest and his
penitent were woont to doo at confession in the church.

Notwithstanding all this, K. William sought to tame & vanquish those
of the English Nobilitie, who would not be at his becke. They againe
on the other side made themselues strong, the better to resist him,
choosing for their chéefe capteines and leaders, the earles Edwine &
Edgar Etheling, who valiantlie resisted the Normans, and slue many of
them with great rage and crueltie. And as they thus procéeded in their
matters, king William being a politike prince, forward and painefull
in his businesse, suffered them not altogither to escape cléere awaie,
but did sore annoy and put them oft to remediles losses, though he
abode in the meane time many laborious iournies, slaughters of his
people, and damages of his person. [Sidenote: _Polydor._ _Anno Reg.
2._ _Matth. Paris._ _Matth. West._ Diuers of the English Nobilitie
forsake their natiue countrie.] Herevpon the English Nobilitie euer
after, yea in time of peace, were hated of the king and his Normans,
and at length were kept so short, that being mooued partlie with
disdaine, and partlie with dread, they got them out of the realme,
some into Scotland, some into Denmarke, others into Norway; and among
these, the two earles Edwine and Marchar, with certeine bishops &
others of the cleargie, besides manie also of the temporaltie, escaped
into Scotland. Marleswine & Gospatricke, with a great number of other
the Nobles of Northumberland, Edgar Ethling with his mother Agatha,
and his sisters Christine and Margaret, chanced also to be driuen into
Scotland by tempest, as they sailed towards the coasts of Germanie,
purposing to haue returned into Hungarie, where the said Edgar was
borne: howbeit being arriued in Scotland, he found so friendlie
entertainment there, that finallie Malcolme the third then king of
that realme, tooke his sister Margaret to wife, and Christine became a
nunne, as in the Scotish chronicles more plainelie dooth appéere.
[Sidenote: _Polydor._] King William héereby perceiuing daily how
vnwilling the Englishmen were to be vnder his obeisance, was in feare
of rebellious commotions; [Sidenote: Two at York, wherein he left fiue
hundred men in garrison.] and therefore to subdue them the better, he
builded foure castels, one at Notingham, another at Lincolne, the
third at Yorke, and the fourth néere vnto Hastings, where he landed at
his first comming into England.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ The Conquerour taketh frō the Englishmen their
armour.] Moreouer, to reduce the English people the sooner vnto
obedience and awe, he tooke from them all their armour and weapons. He
ordeined also that the maister of euerie houshold about eight of the
clocke in the euening, should cause his fire to be raked vp ashes, his
lights to be put out, and then go to bed. [Sidenote: Couer few first
instituted.] Besides this, to the end that euerie man might haue
knowledge of the houre to go to rest, he gaue order, that in all
cities, townes, and villages, where anie church was, there should a
bell be roong at the said houre, which custome is still vsed euen vnto
this daie, and commonly called by the French word, _Couer few_, that
is, _Rake vp the fier_.

[Sidenote: 1068.] [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] This yeare, on
Whitsunday, Maud the wife of king William was crowned Queene by
Aeldred archbishop of Yorke. The same yeare also was Henrie his sonn
borne here in England: for his other two sonns, Robert and William,
were borne in Normandie before he had conquered this land. [Sidenote:
Edmond the Great.] About the same time alsoe Goodwine and Edmund
surnamed the great, the sonns of K. Harold, came from Ireland and
landing in Somersetshire, fought with Adnothus that had beene maister
of their fathers horsses whom they slue with a great number of others,
and soe haueing got this victorie, returned into Ireland, from whence
they came with a great bootie which they tooke in their returne out of
Cornewall, Deuonshire, and other places thereabouts. [Sidenote: _Wil.
Malm._ _Simon Dunelm._] In like manner, Excester did as then rebell,
and likewise the countrie of Northumberland, wherevpon the king
appointed one of his capteines named Robert Cumin, a right noble
personage (but more valiant than circumspect) to go against the
northerne people with a part of his armie, whilest he himselfe and the
other part went to subdue them of Excester: where, at his comming before
the citie, the citizens prepared themselues to defend their gates and
wals: but after he began to make his approch to assaile them, part of
the citizens repenting their foolish attempts, opened the gates, and
suffered him to enter. Thus having subdued them of Excester, he
greeuouslie punished the chéefe offendors. But the countesse Gita, the
sister of Sweine K. of Denmarke, and sometime wife to earle Goodwine,
and mother to the last K. Harold, with diuers other that were got into
that citie, found meanes to flie, and so escaped ouer into Flanders.
King William hauing passed his businesse in such wise in Deuonshire,
hasted backe towards Yorke, being aduertised in the waie, that the
Northumbers hauing knowledge by their spials, that Robert generall of
the Normans being come to Durham, did not so diligentlie cause watch
and ward to be kept about the towne in the night season as was
requisite, [Sidenote: This chaunced the 28. of Januarie on a
Wednesday. _Polydor._] did set vpon him about midnight, & slue the
same Robert with all his companie, so that of seauen hundred which he
brought with him, there was but one that escaped to bring tidings to
the king their souereigne.

He heard also, how Edgar Etheling at the same time, being in the
countrie, riding abroad with a troope of horsemen, and hearing of the
discomfiture of those Normans, pursued them egerlie, [Sidenote:
_Polydor._] and slue great numbers of them, as they were about to saue
themselues by flight, with which newes being in no small furie, he
made speed forward, and comming at the last into Northumberland, he
easilie vanquished the foresaid rebels, and putting the cheefe authors
of this mutinie to death, he reserued some of the rest as captiues,
and of other some he caused the hands to be chopped off in token of
their inconstancie and rebellious dealing. After this he came to
Yorke, and there in like sort punished those that had aided Edgar,
which doone, he returned to London.

[Sidenote: 1069.] [Sidenote: Sweine and Osborne hath. _Matth. Paris._]
In the meane time, those Englishmen that were fled (as you haue heard)
into Denmarke, by continuall sute made to Sueine then king of that
realme, to procure him to make a iournie into England for recouerie of
the right descended to him from his ancestors, at length obteined
their purpose, in so much that king Sueine sent his sonnes Harold and
Canutus toward England, [Sidenote: Thrée hundred sailes saith _M. W._
but _Sim. Dun._ hath 240.] who with a nauie of two hundred saile, in
the companie of Osborne their vncle, arriued in the mouth of Humber
betwéene the two later ladie daies, and there landing their people
with the English outlawes, whom they had brought with them, they
straightwaies marched towards Yorke, wasting and spoiling the countrie
with great crueltie as they passed. Soone after also came Edgar, and
such other English exiles as had before fled into Scotland, and ioined
their forces with them. When the newes of these things were brought to
Yorke, the people there were striken with a maruellous feare, insomuch
that Aeldred the archbishop (through verie greefe and anguish of mind)
departed this life. The Normans also which laie there in garrison,
after they vnderstood by their spies that the enimies were come within
two daies iournie of them, began not a little to mistrust the faith of
the citizens, and bicause the suburbes should not be any aid vnto
them, they set fire on the same, which by the hugenesse of the wind
that suddenlie arose, the flame became so big, and mounted such a
height, [Sidenote: Yorke burnt.] that it caught the citie also, and
consumed a great part therof to ashes, togither with the minster of S.
Peter, and a famous librarie belonging to the same. Herevpon the
Normans and citizens in like maner were constreined to issue foorth at
the same time, and being vpon the enimies before they had any
knowledge of their approch, were forced to trie the matter by
disordered battell: whose number though it was far inferiour vnto
theirs, yet they valiantlie defended themselues for a time, till being
oppressed with multitudes, they were ouercome and slaine, [Sidenote:
Normans slaine.] so that there perished in this conflict, to the
number of three thousand of them. Manie of the Englishmen also that
came with them to the field, were saued by the enimies, to the end
they might gaine somewhat by their ransomes, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
as William Mallet shirife of the shire, with his wife, and two of
their children, Gilbert de Gaunt, and diuers other. This slaughter
chanced on a saturdaie, being the nineteenth day of September; a
dismall daie to the Normans.

The two brethren hauing thus obteined this victorie, went on further
into the countrie of Northumberland, and brought the same wholie to
their subiection, insomuch that all the north parts were at their
cōmandement. Upon this they meant to haue gone towards London with the
like attempt in the south parts, [Sidenote: A sharpe winter, an enimie
to warlike enterprises.] if the extreame and hard winter which chanced
that yeare, had not staied their enterprise, as it did king William
from assailing them; who hearing of all their dooings in the north
countrie, would else full gladlie haue set vpon them. [Sidenote: The
Danes where they wintered. _Hen. Hunt._ _Polydor._] In the meane time,
the Danes wintered in Yorkeshire, betwixt the two riuers Ouse and
Trent; but so soone as the snow began to melt, and the yce to thaw and
waste away, king William sped him with great hast toward his enimies
into Yorkeshire, and comming to the riuer of Trent, where it falleth
into Humber, he pitched his tents there, to refresh his people, for
his enimies were at hand. The daie following he brought his armie into
the field to fight with the Danish princes, who likewise in battell
araie met them. Then began a right sore and terrible battell,
continuing a long space in equall balance, till at length in one of
the Danish wings the Norman horsemen had put their enimies to flight.
Which when the residue of the Danes perceiued, and therewith put in a
sudden feare, they likewise fled. Harold and Canutus with a band of
hardie souldiers that tarried about them, retired backe (though with
much a doo and great danger) vnto their ships. Edgar also, by helpe of
good horses, escaped into Scotland with a few in his companie.
[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._] Earle Walteof, who had fought most
manfullie in that battell, [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._ _Wil. Malm._] &
slaine manie Normans with his owne hands, was reconciled into the
kings fauour: but the residue were for the most part taken prisoners,
and killed. William of Malmesburie writeth, that king William comming
at that time into the north parts, besieged the citie of Yorke, and
putting to flight a great armie of his enimies that came to the
succour of them within, not without great losse of his owne souldiers,
at length the citie was deliuered into his hands; the citizens and
other that kept it, as Scots, Danes, and Englishmen, being constreined
thereto through lacke of vittels. [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._] Other
write, how the Danes, being loden with riches and spoiles gotten in
the countrie, departed to their ships before the comming of king
William. Here is not to be forgotten, that (as Iohn Leland hath noted)
whilest the Conquerour held siege before Yorke, at the earnest request
of his wife Quéene Maud, he aduanced his nephew Alane earle of
Britaine, with the gift of all those lands that sometime belonged vnto
earle Edwine, the tenor of which gift insueth:

     [Sidenote: Earle Edwines lands giuen vnto Alane earle of
     Britaine.]
     "Ego Gulihelmus cognomine Bastardus, do & concedo tibi nepoti
     meo Alano Britanniæ comiti, & hæredibus tuis in perpetuum, omnes
     illas villas & terras, quæ nuper fuerunt comitis Eadwini in
     Eborashira, cum feodis militum & alijs libertatibus &
     consuetudinibus, ita liberè & honorificè sicut idem Eadwinus ea
     tenuit. Dat. in obsidione coram ciuitate Eboraci:" that is, "I
     William surnamed Bastard, doo giue and grant to thee my nephue
     Alane earle of Britaine, and to thine heires for euer, all those
     townes and lands that latelie were earle Eadwines in Yorkeshire,
     with the knights fees and other liberties and customes, so
     freelie and honourablie as the said Eadwine held the same. Giuen
     in our seege before the citie of Yorke."

The earle of Britaine, being a man of a stout stomach, and meaning to
defend that which was thus giuen to him, [Sidenote: Castell of
Richmont.] built a strong castell neere to his manor of Gillingham,
and named it Richmont. The first originall line of the earles of
Richmont [2]that bare their title of honor of this castell and towne
of Richmont (as Leland hath set downe the same) is this: Eudo earle of
Britaine, the sonne of Geffrey, begat three sonnes, Alane le Rous,
otherwise Fregaunte, Alane the blacke, and Stephan. [Sidenote: Earle
of Britaine.] These three brethren after their fathers decease,
succéeded one another in the earledome of Britaine; the two elder,
Alane the red and Alane the blacke died without issue. Stephan begat a
sonne named Alane, who left a sonne, which was his heire named Conan,
which Conan married Margaret the daughter of William king of Scotland,
who bare him a daughter named Constantia, which Constantia was coupled
in marriage with Geffrey sonne to king Henrie the second, who had by
hir Arthur, whom his vncle King John, for fear to be depriued by him
of the crowne, caused to be made awaie; as some have written. But now
to returne where we left touching the Danes. [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
Simon Dunel. affirmeth, that Harold and Canute or Cnute the sonnes of
Sweine king of Denmarke, [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris_ maketh mention but
of Sweine and Osborne whom he calleth brethren.] with their vncle
earle Osborne, and one Christianus a bishop of the Danes, and earle
Turketillus were guiders of this Danish armie, & that afterwards, when
king William came into Northumberland, he sent vnto earle Osborne,
promising him that he would permit him to take vp vittels for his
armie about the sea coastes; and further, to giue him a portion of
monie, so that he should depart and returne home as soone as the
winter was passed. But howsoeuer the matter went with the Danes,
certain it is by the whole consent of writers, that king William
hauing thus subdued his enimies in the north, he tooke so great
displeasure with the inhabitants of the countrie of Yorkeshire and
Northumberland, that he wasted all the land betwixt Yorke and Durham,
[Sidenote: _Wil. Malms._] so that for the space of threescore miles,
there was left in maner no habitation for the people, by reason
whereof it laie wast and desert for the space of nine or ten yeares. ¶
The goodlie cities with their towers and steeples set vp on a statelie
height, and reaching as it were into the aire: the beautifull fields
and pastures, watered with the course of sweet and pleasant riuers, if
a stranger should then haue beheld, and also knowne before they were
thus defaced, he would surely haue lamented: or if any old inhabitant
had béene long absent, & newly returned thither, had séene this
pitifull face of the countrie, he would not haue knowne it, such
destruction was made through out all those quarters, whereof Yorke it
selfe felt not the smallest portion. [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] The
bishop of Durham Egelwinus with his cleargie fled into holy Iland with
S. Cuthberts bodie, and other iewels of the church of Durham, where
they tarried three moneths and od daies, before they returned to
Durham againe. The kings armie comming into the countrie that lieth
betwixt the riuers Theise and Tine, found nothing but void feelds and
bare walles; the people with their goods and cattell being fled and
withdrawne into the woods and mountaines, if any thing were forgotten
behind, these new gests were diligent inough to find it out.

[Sidenote: _Anno Reg._ 4. 1070.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._] In the
beginning of the spring, king William returned to London, and now
after all these troubles, began to conceiue greater hatred against the
Englishmen than euer before; so as doubting that hee should neuer by
gentlenesse win their good willes, he now determined by a harder
measure to meete with them; insomuch that he banished a great number,
other some also (not a few) he spoiled of their goods, those
especiallie of whom he was in hope to gaine any great portion of
substance.

Thus were the Englishmen generallie in danger to lose life, lands and
goods, without knowledge, or orderlie proceeding in iudgement, so that
no greater miserie in the earth could be imagined, than that whereinto
our nation was now fallen. [Sidenote: Priuileges and fréedoms
revoked.] He tooke from the townes and cities, from the bishops sées
and abbeies all their ancient priuileges and freedoms, to the end they
should not onely be cut short and made weaker, but also that they (for
the obteinment of their quietnesse) might redeeme the same of him for
such summes of monie as pleased him to exact. [Sidenote: _Matth.
Paris._] Among other things, he ordeined that in time of warre they
should aide him with armor, horsse and monie, according to that order
which he should then prescribe: all which he caused to be registred,
inrolled, and laid vp in his treasurie. But diuerse of the spirituall
persons would not obey this ordinance, whom he banished without
remorse.

[Sidenote: Stigand. Alexander bishop of Lincolne. _Polydor._ The hard
deling of K. William against the Englishmen.] About this time the
archbishop Stigand, and Alexander bishop of Lincolne fled to Scotland,
where they kept themselues close for a season. But the king still
continued in his hard procéeding against the Englishmen, insomuch that
now protesting how he came to the gouernance of the realme only by
plaine conquest, he seized into his hands most part of euery mans
possessions, causing them to redeeme the same at his hands againe, and
yet reteined a propertie in the most part of them; so that those that
should afterwards enioy them, should acknowledge themselues to hold
them of him, in yéelding a yéerlie rent to him and his successors for
euer, with certeine other prouisions, whereby in cases of forfeiture
the same lands should returne to him, and his said successors againe.
The like order he appointed to be vsed by other possessors of lands,
in letting them forth to their tenants. [Sidenote: The institution of
the foure Termes.] He ordeined also, that the Termes should be kept
foure times in the yéere, in such places as he should nominate, and
that the iudges shuld sit in their seuerall places to iudge and decide
causes and matters in controuersie betwixt partie and partie, in
manner as is vsed vnto this day. He decréed moreouer, that there
should be shiriffes in euerie shire, and iustices of the peace to
keepe the countries in quiet, and to sée offendors punished.
[Sidenote: The Excheker.] Furthermore, he instituted the court of the
Excheker, and the officers belonging to the same, as the barons, the
clearks, and such other, [Sidenote: The Chancerie.] and also the high
court of Chancerie.

After he had in this sort ordeined his magistrates and ministers of
the lawes, he lastlie tooke order what ordinances he would haue
obserued: wherevpon abrogating in maner all the ancient lawes vsed in
times past, and instituted by the former kings for the good order and
quietnes of the people, [Sidenote: New lawes.] he made new, nothing so
equall or easie to be kept; which neuerthelesse those that came after
(not without their great harme) were constreined to obserue: as though
it had beene an high offense against GOD to abolish those euill lawes,
which king William (a prince nothing friendly to the English nation)
had first ordeined, and to bring in other more easie and tollerable.
[Sidenote: The lawes were written in the Norman toong.] ¶ Here by the
waie I giue you to note a great absurditie; namelie, that those lawes
which touched all, and ought to be knowne of all, were notwithstanding
written in the Norman toong, which the Englishmen vnderstood not; so
that euen at the beginning you should haue great numbers, partlie by
the iniquitie of the lawes, and partlie by ignorance in misconstruing
the same, to be wrongfullie condemned: some to death, and some in the
forfeitures of their goods; others were so intangled in sutes and
causes, that by no means they knew how to get out, but continuallie
were tossed from post to piller; in such wise that in their minds they
curssed the time that euer these vnequall lawes were made.

[Sidenote: Matters to be tried by a Iurie of 12. men.] The maner for
the triall of causes in controuersie, was deuised in such sort as is
yet vsed. Twelue ancient men (but most commonlie vnlearned in the
lawes) being of the same countie where the sute laie, were appointed
by the iudges to go togither into some close chamber, where they
should be shut vp, till vpon diligent examination of the matter they
should agrée vpon the condemnation or acquiting of the prisoner, if it
were in criminall causes; or vpon deciding in whom the right remained,
if it were vpon triall of things in controuersie. Now when they were
all agréed, they came in before the iudges, declaring to what
agréement they were growne: which doone, the iudges opened it to the
offendors or sutors, and withall gaue sentence as the qualitie of the
case did inforce and require. There may happilie be (as Polydor Virgil
saith) that will mainteine this maner of procéeding in the
administration of iustice by the voices of a iurie, to haue béene in
vse before the conquerors daies, but they are not able to prooue it by
any ancient records of writers, as he thinketh: albeit by some of our
histories they should séeme to be first ordeined by Ethelred or
Egelred. Howbeit this is most true, that the Norman kings themselues
would confesse, that the lawes deuised and made by the Conqueror were
not verie equall; insomuch that William Rufus and Henrie the sonnes of
the Conqueror would at all times, when they sought to purchase the
peoples fauor, promise to abolish the lawes ordeined by their father,
establish other more equall, and restore those which were vsed in S.
Edwards daies. The like kind of purchasing fauour was vsed by king
Stéephen, and other kings that followed him. [Sidenote: _Matth.
Paris._ _Matth. West._ _Wil. Mal._ _Wil. Thorne._ Abbeis searched.]
But now to the matter, king William hauing made these ordinances to
keepe the people in order, set his mind to inrich his cofers, and
therevpon caused first a tribvte to be leuied of the commons; then the
abbeies to be searched, and all such monie as any of the Englishmen
had laid vp in the same, to be kept. Besides all this, he seized into
his hands their charters of priuileges made to them by the Saxon kings
of the land, and spared not so much as the iewels and plate dedicated
to sacred vses. All this did he (as some write) by the counsell of the
earle of Hertford.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._ _Simon Dun._ _Wil. Thorne._ _Polydor._ _Sim.
Dunel._ Stigand archbishop of Canturburie depriued.] Shortlie after
betwixt Easter and Whitsuntide, a great synod was holden at Winchester
by the bishops and cleargie, where Ermenfred the bishop of Sion or
Sitten, with two cardinals Iohn and Peter sent thither from pope
Alexander the second, did sit as chéefe commissioners. In this synod
was Stigand the archbishop of Canturburie depriued of his bishoprike,
for three speciall causes.

     1 First, for that he had wrongfullie holden that bishoprike,
     whilest the archbishop Robert was liuing.

     2 Secondlie, for that he kept the see of Winchester in his hands,
     after his inuestiture vnto Canturburie, which he ought not to
     haue doone.

     3 Thirdlie, for that he had receiued the pall at the hands of
     pope Benedict the tenth, whom the cardinals, as one not lawfullie
     elected, had deposed.

Howbeit, manie writers burthen king William (who was present at this
synod) for the procuring of Stigand his depriuation, to the end he
might place a stranger in his roome. For as he had rooted out the
English Nobilitie, and giuen awaie their land and liuings to his
Normans; so meant he to turne out the English cleargie from bearing
any office of honor within the realme, which meaning of his did well
appeare at his councell, [Sidenote: Agelmarus bishop of Thetford was
one that was deposed. _Simon Dun._ _Matt. Paris._] wherin diuers
bishops, abbats, and priors were deposed, and Normans preferred to
their places. Stigand after his depriuation was kept in perpetuall
prison at Winchester, till he died, and yet (as some write) the same
Stigand was an helper vnder hand for king William to atteine the
crowne.

[Sidenote: Thomas a canon of Bayeux made archbishop of Yorke.] In the
feast of Pentecost next insuing, the king being at Windsor, gaue the
archbishoprike of Yorke vnto one Thomas, a canon of Bayeux, and to
Walkelme one of his chaplins he gave the Bishoprike of Winchester.
[Sidenote: Lanfranke consecrated archbishop of Canturburie. _Matth.
Westm._ hath the eight Kal. of Maie, but _Wil. Mal._ and _Eadmerus_
the fourth Kal. of September.] After this, calling one Lanfranke an
Italian from Caen where he was abbat, he made him archbishop of
Canturburie, who was consecrated there in the feast of S. John
Baptist, [Sidenote: 1071. An. Reg. 5.] [Sidenote: _Wil. Mal._
_Eadmerus._] in the yeare folowing, which was after the birth of our
Sauiour 1071. The foresaid Thomas was the fiue and twentith bishop
that had gouerned in that see of Yorke, & Lanfranke the thrée &
thirtith in the see of Canturburie. But yer long, betwixt these two
archbishops there rose great contention for the primasie of their
churches, in so much that the archbishop of Yorke appealed to Rome,
where they both appeared personallie before pope Alexander, in whose
presence Lanfranks cause was so much fauoured, that not onelie the
foresaid Thomas, but also Remigius the bishop of Dorchester were for
reasonable causes depriued of their crosiers and rings: and Lanfranke
at their humble request was a meane to the pope for them in the end,
that they might be restored to their staues, which was accordinglie
obteined. For when the pope heard Lanfranke declare in their fauour,
how necessarie their seruice might be to the king, in the
establishment of his new gotten kingdome, he said to Lanfranke; "Well,
looke you then to the matter, you are the father of that countrie, and
therefore consider what is expedient to be done therein: their staues
which they haue surrendered, there they be, take them, and dispose
them as you shall thinke most profitable for the aduancement of the
christian religion in that countrie." Wherevpon, Lanfranke tooke the
staues, and deliuered them to the former possessours, and so were they
in the popes presence restored to their former dignities. One cause
why Thomas was depriued (as some writers saie) was, for that he had
holpen duke William towards his iournie into England when he came to
conquer it, for the which pleasure to him then shewed, the duke
promised him a bishoprike, if euer he obteined victorie ouer the
English: an other cause, for that he was a priests sonne. [Sidenote:
_Wil. Malm._] Now, when the pope vnderstood the full ground of their
contention to be for the primasie of the two sees, Canturburie and
Yorke, and had heard what could be alledged on both sides, he remitted
the determination thereof to the king and bishops of England, that by
the histories and records of the land, the matter might be tried,
iudged, and ordered.

Wherefore, at their comming home, and after long debating and
discussing of the cause (as in William Marleburgh it appeareth more at
large) at a synod holden at Windsor, [Sidenote: Anno Reg. 6. 1072.] in
the yeare 1072, sentence was giuen on Lanfranks side, [Sidenote:
_Matth. West._ The subiection of the archbishoprike of Yorke, to the
archbishoprike of Canturburie.] so that in all things concerning
religion and the faith of holie church, the archbishop of Yorke should
be euer subiect to the archbishop of Canturburie, and come with all
the bishops of his prouince to what place soeuer the archbishop of
Canturburie should summon any councell within the realme of England.
Moreouer, when anie elected bishop of Canturburie was to be
consecrated, the archbishop of Yorke (for the time being) should come
to Canturburie, and consecrate him there. And if the archbishop of
Yorke was to be installed and consecrated, then should he come to
Canturburie, or to what place it should please the archbishop of
Canturburie to assigne, and there to be confirmed of him, taking an
oth with profession of due obedience vnto the higher see. [Sidenote:
_Polydor._ The archbishop of Yorke, acknowledged primate of all
Scotland.] Now, as the said Thomas of Yorke did yéeld obedience to
Lanfranke of Canturburie, so likewise the elect bishop of Glascow in
Scotland named Michaell, was soone after consecrated of the foresaid
Thomas archbishop of Yorke, and made an oth of obedience vnto the said
archbishop, as to the primate of all Scotland: and after him Tothade the
bishop of S. Andrewes did the like, by commandement of Malcolme the
third of that name king of Scotland, and Margaret his wife, who thought
good by this recognisance of obedience and dutie, so to prouide against
further inconuenience to come, that hereafter, one of the bishops of
their realme should not take vpon them to consecrate an other: or doo
any thing contrarie to the ancient decrées of the old fathers, that
might be preiudiciall to the authoritie of the archbishop of Yorke, at
whose appointment those and the like things were accustomed to be doone.
[Sidenote: _Ranulph Cestren._ lib. 1. cap. 57. & lib. 7. cap. 2.]
In this controuersie (or the like) it is left written, that in a court
held at Rome (the time is not mentioned) the pope perceiuing the strife
betwéene these two prelats to be but for the highest place or primasie
in the church; he solemnlie gaue sentence, that the sée of Yorke should
haue in title Primas Angliæ, & Canturburie Primas totius Angliæ, which
titles doo yet remain to them both.

But to leaue this, and to speake of other things which chanced in the
meane time that this controuersie depended betwixt the two
archbishops, I find that Edwin and Marchar earles of Mertia and
Northumberland, hauing of late obteined pardon for their former
misdemeanor, & reconciled to the king, began now so much to mislike
the state of the world againe, as euer they did before. For perceiuing
how the Englishmen were still oppressed with thraldome & miserie on
ech hand, they conspired, & began a new rebellion, but with verie ill
successe, as shall herafter appeare. [Sidenote: _Matt. Paris._] The
king vnderstanding of their dealings, and being not onelie armed
throughlie with temporall force, but also endued with the spirituall
power of his archbishop Lanfranke (who aided him in all that he might,
for the suppressing of those rebels) wasted the countries
excéedinglie, where he vnderstood that they had gotten any releefe,
minding vtterlie to vanquish them with sword, fire and hunger, or by
extreame penurie to bring them vnder. They on the other part make as
stout resistance; and perceiuing that it stood them vpon, either to
vanquish or to fall into vtter ruine, they raise a mightie strong
host, and make Edgar Etheling their capteine, a comelie gentleman and
a valiant, in whome also the whole hope of the English nation was
reposed, as appeareth by this his accustomed by-word, Edgar Etheling
Englands dearling. Amongst other noble men that were chiefe dooers in
the assembling of this armie, Frederike abbat of S. Albons, a prelate
of great wealth and no lesse puissance, was a principall.

The king perceiuing his estate to be now in no small danger, is in a
great perplexitie what to doo, in the end, he counselleth with the said
Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie, how he might remedie the matter;
who told him that in such a desperate case, the best waie for him should
be to séeke by faire words and friendly offers to pacifie the English
Nobilitie, which by all meanes possible would neuer ceasse to molest him
in the recouerie of their liberties. Wherevpon he made meanes to come to
some agréement with them, and so well the matter procéeded on his side,
that the Englishmen being deceiued through his faire promises, were
contented to common of peace, for which purpose they came also vnder the
conduct of the abbat Frederike vnto Berkamsted, where (after much
reasoning and debating of the matter for the conclusion of amitie
betwixt them) king William in the presence of the archbishop Lanfranke
and other of his lords, tooke a personall oth vpon all the relikes of
the church of S. Albons, and the holie euangelists (the abbat Frederike
ministring the same vnto him) that he would from thencefoorth obserue
and keepe the good and ancient approoued lawes of the realme, which the
noble kings of England his predecessors had made and ordeined
heretofore; but namelie those of S. Edward, which were supposed to be
most equall and indifferent.

The peace being thus concluded, and the Englishmen growne thereby to
some hope of further quietnesse, they began to forsake their alies, and
returned each one, either to his owne possessions, or to giue attendance
vpon the king. But he warilie cloking his inward purpose,
notwithstanding the vnitie latelie made, determineth particularlie to
assaile his enimies (whose power without doubt so long as it was vnited,
could not possiblie be ouercome, as he thought) and being now by reason
of this peace disseuered and dispersed, he thought it high time to put
his secret purposes in execution: wherevpon taking them at vnwares and
thinking of nothing lesse than warres and sudden inuasion, he
imprisoneth manie, killeth diuers, and pursueth the residue with fire
and sword, taking awaie their goods, possessions, lands, and
inheritances, and banishing them out of the realme. In the meane time,
those of the English Nobilitie, which could escape this his outragious
tyrannie, got awaie, and amongst other, Edgar Etheling fled againe
into Scotland: but Edwin was slaine of his owne souldiers, as he rode
toward Scotland. [Sidenote: _Ran. Higa._ _H. Hunt._ _Matth. Paris._]
Earle Marchar, and one Hereward, with the bishop of Durham named
Egelwinus, got into the Ile of Elie, in purpose there to defend
themselues from the iniurie of the Normans, for they tooke the place
(by reason of the situation) to be of no small strength. Howbeit king
William endeuouring to cut them short, raised a power, and stopped all
the passages on the east side, and on the west part he made a causie
through the fennes, of two miles in length, whereby he got vnto them,
and constreined them to yeeld. [Sidenote: _Polydor._ _Hen. Hunt._
_Matth. Paris._] But Marchar, or (as others haue) Hereward, foreséeing
the imminent danger likelie to take effect, made shift to get owt of
the Ile by bote, and so by spéedie flight escaped into Scotland.
[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] The bishop of Durham being taken, was sent to
the abbey of Abingdon, to be kept as prisoner, where he was so
sparinglie fed, that within a short space he died for hunger.
[Sidenote: Some write that he was so stubborne-harted, that after he
knew he should remaine in perpetuall prison, he refused his meate, and
so pined himselfe to death.]

In this meane time, and whilest king William was thus occupied in
rooting out the English, Malcolme king of Scotland had wasted the
countries of Theisedale, Cleueland, and the lands of S. Cuthbert, with
sundrie other places in the north parts. Wherevpon Gospatrike being
latelie reconciled to the king & made earle of Northumberland, was
sent against him, who sacked and destroied that part of Cumberland
which the said Malcolme by violence had brought vnder his subiection.
At the same time Malcolme was at Weremouth, beholding the fire which
his people had kindled in the church of Saint Peter to burne vp the
same, and there hearing what Gospatrike had doone, he tooke such
displeasure thereat, that he commanded his men they should leaue none
of the English nation aliue, [Sidenote: A bloudie cōmandment executed
vpon the English by the Scots.] but put them all to the sword without
pity or compassion, so oft as they came to hand. The bloudie slaughter
which was made at this time by the Scots, through that cruell
commandement of Malcolme, was pitifull to consider, for women,
children, old and yong, went all one way: howbeit, manie of those that
were strong and able to serue for drudges and slaues, were reserued,
and carried into Scotland as prisoners, where they remained manie
yeares after; in so much that there were few houses in that realme,
but had one or mo English slaues and captiues, whom they gat at this
vnhappie voiage. Miserable was the state of the English at that time,
one being consumed of another so vnnaturallie, manie of them destroied
by the Scots so cruellie, and the residue kept vnder by the king so
tyrannicallie.

But to returne to the purpose in hand, king William hearing of all
these things, was not a little mooued at the same, but chéefelie with
Malcolme king of Scots, for that his countrie was the onelie place
wherein all the mal-contents of his realme had their refuge. Wherfore,
thinking to reuenge the losse of his subiects, and to bring that
realme also vnto his subiection, he went thither with an huge armie,
about the middle of August, where he first inuaded the bounds of
Galloway, bicause he heard how the English were latelie fled thither.
[Sidenote: _Polydor_] But after he had wearied his souldiers in vaine
pursuit of them (who kept themselues in the mountaines and marres
grounds) he gaue ouer the enterprise, and drew towards Lothiam, where
king Malcolme laie with all his power, & sundrie English fugitiues,
with whome he determined by battell either to end his trouble, or else
to loose his life. [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._] Now as both the kings
with their armies were readie to encounter, Malcolme began to doubt
somewhat of the fiersenesse of the battell, bicause he saw the great
puissance and readie willes of the English and Normans to fight,
[Sidenote: _H. Hunt._] wherevpon he sent an harrold to king William to
treat of peace, wherewith he was content at the last (though with much
adoo) and so a vnitie insued betwixt them, vpon these conditions;
[Sidenote: The king of Scots did homage to king William for Scotland.]
namelie, that king Malcolme should doo homage to king William for the
realme of Scotland, and therevpon deliuer sufficient hostages: and
that on the other side, king William should pardon all the English
outlawes in Scotland which then rebelled against him. The place where
this peace was concluded, was called Abirnethi. [Sidenote: _Simon
Dun._] After this, king William returned into England, where he yer
long tooke the earledome of Northumberland from Gospatrike, [Sidenote:
The kings iustice.] and gave it to Waltheof the sonne of Siward;
bicause of right it séemed to descend vnto him from his father, but
cheefelie from his mother Alfreda, who was the daughter of Aldred
sometime earle of that countrie.

At the same time also the king caused a castell to be built at Durham,
and returned to London, where he receiued aduertisement that his
subiects in Normandie toward the the parties[3] of Angiew had begun a
rebellion against him. Heerevpon with all spéed he leuied an armie,
whereof the most part consisted of English (whose seruice he liked
rather in a forren countrie than in their owne) and sailed ouer into
Normandie, where he easilie subdued his enemies by the valiancie of the
English, whom from thenceforth he began somewhat to fauour and better
thinke of than before. Yoong Edgár also grew in verie good credit with
him, for though he had twise broken his oth of allegiance, and run to
the Scots as a rebell, yet now of his owne motion, returning to the king
and crauing pardon, he was not onelie receiued, but also highlie
honoured and preferred in his court.

The yeare 1074. thrée moonks of the prouince of Mercia, purposing to
restore religion after their maner within the prouince of
Northumberland, came into Yorke, and required of Hugh Fitz Baldricke
(then shirife of the shire) to haue safe conduct vnto Monkaster,
[Sidenote: Mountcaster now Newcastell.] which afterwards hight
Newcastell, and so is called to this day. These moonks, whose names
were Aldwin, Alswin, and Remfred, comming unto the foresaid place,
found no token or remanent of any religious persons, which sometime
had habitation there (for all was defaced and gone:) wherevpon, after
they had remained there a while, they remooued to Jarrowe, where
finding the ruines of old decaied buildings and churches, perteining
in times past to the moonks that there inhabited, they had such
assistance at the hands of Walkher bishop of Durham, that at length,
by the diligent trauell and sute of these moonks, three monasteries
were newlie founded and erected in the north parts, one at Durham, an
other at Yorke, and the third at Whitby. For you must consider, that
by the inuasion of the Danes, the churches and monasteries throughout
Northumberland were so wasted and ruinated, that a man could
scarselie find a church standing in all that countrie, as for those
that remained, they were couered with broome or thatch: but as for any
abbey or monasterie, not one was left in all the countrie, neither did
any man (for the space of two hundred yeares) take care for the
repairing or building vp of any thing in decaie, so that the people of
that countrie wist not what a moonke ment, and if they saw any, they
woondered at the strangenesse of the sight.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 9. 1075.] [Sidenote: Rafe Earle of Cambridge.
_Matth. West._ _Matth. Paris._ _Hen. Hunt._ _Simon Dun._ A rebellion
raised against K. William.] Whilest the king remained thus in
Normandie, Roger earle of Hereford (contrarie to the kings mind and
pleasure) married his sister vnto Rafe earle of Cambridge, or (as
other haue) Northfolke, and withall began a new conspiracie against
him. Amongst other also of the associats, earle Walteof the sonne of
earle Siward was one, who afterward mistrusting the successe of this
deuise, first vttered it to archbishop Lanfranke, and by his aduice
sailed ouer into Normandie, and there disclosed the whole matter to
king William: but in the meane time, the other two earles; namelie,
Hereford and Cambridge had so farre procéeded in the matter, that they
were vp in armour. Howbeit, Wolstan bishop of Worcester, and Egelwine
abbat of Euesham, with the shirife of Worcester & Walter Lacie, so
resisted the earle of Hereford, that he could not passe the Seuerne to
ioine with the earle of Cambridge. [Sidenote: _Iohn Pike._] On the
other side, Odo the bishop of Bayeux, and Geffrey the bishop of
Constances pursued the earle of Cambridge so narrowlie with an other
armie, which they had gathered of the English and Normans, that they
constreined him to flée into Britaine, whereby the rebellion was verie
much appeased.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 10. 1076.] In the meane time, the king
vnderstanding by earle Walteof how the matter went in England, came
ouer with all speed out of Normandie, & within a short space brought
the residue of the conspirators into such a feare, that they were
scattered and put to flight, without attempting anie further exploit
or conspiracie against him. Manie of them also were apprehended and
put to death, among whom Roger and Walteof were most famous.
[Sidenote: _H. Hunt._ Earle Walteof beheaded.] And though Walteof (as
yée haue heard before) disclosed the treason, yet to the end he should
offend no more hereafter, he was beheaded at Winchester by the kings
commandement, and his bodie hauing béene first buried in the same
place where he suffered, was afterward conueied vnto Crowland, and
there more honorablie interred.

This earle Walteof or Waldeue was sonne (as ye haue heard) to Siward
the noble earle of Northumberland, of whose valure in the time of K.
Edward the confessor ye haue heard. His son the foresaid Walteof in
strength of bodie and hardinesse did, not degenerate from his father,
for he was tall of personage, in sinews and musculs verie strong and
mighty. In the slaughter of the Normans at Yorke, he shewed proofe of
his prowesse, in striking off the heads of manie of them with his owne
hands, as they came foorth of the gates singlie one by one: yet
afterwards, when the king had pardoned him of all former offenses, and
receiued him into fauour hée gaue to him in mariage his néece Judith
the daughter of Lambert earle of Lens, sister to Stephen erle of
Albermare, and with hir he had of the kings gift, [Sidenote: Earledome
of Huntingdon.] all the lands and liberties belonging to the honor of
Huntingdon; in consideration whereof, he assigned to hir in name of
hir dower, all the lands that he held from Trent southward. Shée bare
by him two daughters, Maud and Alice: [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._] We
find, that he was not onlie earle of Northumberland, but also of
Northampton and Huntingdon.

The countesse of Cambridge or Northfolke (as other haue) wife of earle
Rafe, being, fled into the citie of Norwich, was besieged in the same
by the kings power, which pressed the citie so sore, as it was forced
for verie famine to yéeld; but yet by composition; namelie, that such
as were besieged within, should depart the realme, as persons abiured
and banished the land for euer. [Sidenote: _Polydor._ _Hen. Hunt._
_Simon Dun._ _Matth. Paris._] This was the end of the foresaid
conspiracie. At this verie time the Danes being confederate with these
rebels, and by them solicited, set forth towards England vnder the
leading of Cnuto, sonne to Sueno, and earle Haco, and (vnlooked for)
arriue here in England with two hundred sailes. But hearing that the
ciuill tumult was ended, and seeing no man readie either to
countenance or encourage them in their enterprise, they sailed first
into Flanders, which they spoiled, and after into their owne
countrie, with little desire or will to come againe into England. King
William also vnderstanding that they were thus departed, passed ouer
into Britaine, and there besieged the castell of Doll that belonged to
Rafe earle of Cambridge or Northfolke: but by the comming of Philip
the French king, king William being vnprouided of sufficient vittels
for his armie, was constreined to raise his siege, although with great
losse both of men and horsses.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 11. 1077.] [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._ An
earthquake, a long frost, a comet.] On the 27. daie of March was a
generall earthquake in England, and in the winter following a frost
that continued from the first of Nouember vntill the middle of Aprill.
A blasing starre appeered on palme sundaie, beeing the sixteenth daie
of Aprill, about six of the clocke, when the aire was faire and
cleere.

[Sidenote: Married préests.] About the same season, pope Gregorie
perceiuing that married préests did choose rather to run into the
danger of his cursse, than to forsake their wiues, meaning to bridle
them by an other prouiso, gaue commandment by his bull published
abroad, that none should heare the masse of a married préest.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 12. 1078.] [Sidenote: _Polydor._ A synod holden at
London. Bishops sées remoued.] King William after his comming from the
siege of Doll, remained a certeine time in quiet, during which season,
Lanfranke the archbishop called a synod or counsell of the cleargie at
London, wherein amongst other things it was ordeined, that certeine
bishops sées should be remoued from small townes to cities of more
fame, whereby it came to passe that Chichester, Exceter, Bath,
Salisburie, Lincolne & Chester were honored with sees and palaces of
bishops, whereas before they kept their residence at Sellewey, Kirton,
Welles, Shireborne, Dorchester, and Lichfield.

[Sidenote: _Woolstan._] At this synod also Woolstan bishop of
Worcester was present, whom Lanfranke would haue deposed for his
insufficiencie of learning; as he colourablie pretended, but indeed to
pleasure the king, who faine would have placed a Norman in his roome:
but (as they saie) by a miracle which he presentlie wrought, in causing
his crosier staffe to sticke fast in the toome of saint Edward (to
whom he protested and said he would resigne it, for that he obteined
the same by his gift) he did put the king and the archbishop into such
feare, that they suffered him still to enioy his bishoprike without
any further vexation. These things with other (touching a reformation
in the church and cleargie) being handled in this councell, it was
soone after dissolued.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 13. 1079.] In the yeare following, king William
led a mightie armie into Wales, and subdued it; receiuing of the
rulers and princes there their homages and hostages. [Sidenote:
_Matth. Paris._ _Matth. West._] About the same time, Robert the kings
eldest sonne, a right worthie personage, but yet as one of nature
somewhat vnstable, entered into Normandie as a rebell to his father,
and by force tooke diuers places into his hands. Which he did by the
practise of Philip the French king, who now began to doubt of the
great puissance of king William, as foreseeing how much it might
preiudice him, and the whole realme of France in time to come.
[Sidenote: The French king setteth the sonne against the father.]
Wherefore to stop the course of his prosperous successe, he deuised a
meane to set the sonne against the father. True it is that king
William had promised long afore to resigne the gouernment of Normandie
vnto the said Robert his sonne. Wherevpon the yoong man, being of an
ambitious nature, and now pricked forward by the sinister counsell of
his adherents, seeketh to obteine that by violence, which he thought
would be verie long yer he should atteine by curtesie. [Sidenote:
_Simon Dun._ _Matth. Paris._] King William hereof aduertised, was not
a little mooued against his disobedient sonne, and curssed both him
and the time that euer he begat him. Finallie, raising an armie, he
marched towards him, so that they met in the field. Assoone as the one
came in sight of the other, they encountred at a place called
Archenbraie, and whilest the battell was at the hottest, and the
footmen most busied in fight, Robert appointed a power of horssemen to
breake in upon the réereward of his enemies; & he himselfe following
after with all his might, chanced among other to haue a conflict with
his owne father, so that thrusting him through the arme with his
lance, he bare him beside his horsse, [Sidenote: The sonne
ouerthroweth the father.] and ouerthrew him to the ground. The king
being falne, called to his men to remount him. Robert perceiuing by
his voice that it was his father, whom he had vnhorssed, spéedilie
alighted, and tooke him vp, asking him forgiuenesse for that fact, and
setting him vp on his owne horsse, brought him out of the prease, and
suffered him to depart in safetie. King William being thus escaped out
of that present danger, and séeing himselfe not able to resist the
puissance of his enimies, [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] left the field to
his son, hauing lost many of his men which were slaine in battell and
chace, besides a great number that were hurt and wounded, among whom
his second sonne William surnamed Rufus or Red, was one; [Sidenote:
_Matth. Paris._] and therefore (as some write) he bitterlie curssed
his son Robert, by whom he had susteined such iniurie, losse, and
dishonor. [Sidenote: The father and the sonne made friends.] Howbeit,
other write, that for the courtesie which his sonne shewed, in
releeuing and helping him out of danger, when he was cast off his
horsse, he was mooued with such a fatherlie affection, that presentlie
after they were made friends, the father pardoned his sonne all his
former offenses, and therevpon found him euer after more tractable and
obedient than before.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 14. 1080.] After this battell, king William being
thus accorded with his sonne, [Sidenote: _Simon Dunel._] returned with
him into England, and immediatlie sent him against Malcolme king of
Scotland, who hauing broken the truce in time of the trouble betwixt
king William and his sonne, had doone much hurt by forraies vpon the
English borders, wasting all Northumberland euen to the riuer of Tine.
Howbeit, when he heard that Robert approched with his armie towards
him, he retired into Scotland. [Sidenote: The foundation of New
castell upon Tine, which before that season was called Moncaster.]
Robert Curthuze then lodged with his armie vpon the banks of the riuer
of Tine, where he began the foundation of a castell, whereof the towne
Newcastell did after take both beginning and name, for before this
season it was called Moncaster.

About the same time, Odo the bishop of Bayeux was sent to
Northumberland, to reuenge the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, whom
not long before the people of Northumberland had slaine in a tumult.
[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] The occasion of his death grew by the death
of one Liulfus, a noble man of those quarters, and déerelie beloued of
the people, bicause he was descended of honorable parentage, and had
married the ladie Algitha daughter vnto earle Alered, and sister to
Alfleda the mother of earle Walteof.

This Liulfus, a man of great possessions through England, now that the
Normans ruled in all places, quietlie withdrew himselfe vnto Durham, and
grew into such familiaritie and credit with the bishop, that touching
the order of temporall matters, he would doo nothing without his aduice.
Whereat Leofwin the bishops chapline conceiued such enuie (for that he
was not so often called to counsell as before) that in the end he
procured by his malicious meanes one Gilbert (to whom the bishop had
committed the rule of the earledome) to murther the said Liulfus by
night in his manor place not farre from Durham. Whereof the bishop
hauing vnderstanding, and knowing that the matter would be gréeuouslie
taken of the people, sent out letters and messengers into the countrie,
offering to purge himselfe of the slaughter of this man, according to
the order of the canon lawes: howbeit he did nothing lesse. Among other
things concerning his purgation, he said that he had banished Gilbert
and others, (who had committed the murther) out of Northumberland.
Hervpon the malice of the people was kindled against him. For when it
was knowne that he had receiued the murtherers into his house, and
fauoured them as before, they stomached the matter highlie: insomuch
that when by the trauell of those that went to and fro betwixt the
bishop and the kinsfolks of Liulfus, a daie was appointed, on the which
the bishop should come to farther communication with them at Gateshead,
he repaired thither according to his promise, but refusing to talke with
them abroad, he kept himselfe still within the church, and sent foorth
such of his counsell as should commune with them. But when the people
that were there gathered in great numbers, had signified in plaine words
that he should either come foorth and shew himselfe amongst them, or
else that they should fire the place where he sat: he caused Gilbert to
go foorth vnto them first, whom they slue, and his partakers also that
issued out of the church with him for his defense. But when the peoples
furie was not so quenched, the bishop himselfe casting the skirts of his
gowne ouer his face, came likewise foorth, and was immediatlie slaine of
the people. After this, they set the church on fire, bicause Leofwine
the bishops chapline and others were yet within, and refused to come
foorth: howbeit in the end, being compelled by the rage of the fire to
come out, the said Leofwine was also slaine and hackt in péeces (as he
had well deserued) being the ringleader of all the mischéefe.

[Sidenote: Note the sequele of the neglect of iustice in the former
storie.] ¶ Thus maie we sée what followed of the neglecting of iustice
in the bishop: for if he either banished Gilbert and other his
complices (accordinglie as he pretended to doo) or otherwise had séene
due punishment executed against them, the peoples rage had neuer
proceeded so far as it did: for they could not persuade themselues,
but that the bishop was guiltie and priuie to Liulfus death, sith he
had receiued the murtherers into his house, the verie same night in
which the fact was done, and kept them still about him, which his
bearing with them cost him his owne life. But now to the historie.

When bishop Odo was come into those parties to reuenge the bishops
death with an armie (as we haue said) he sore afflicted the countrie,
by spoiling it on euerie side with great crueltie. [Sidenote: _Sim.
Dunel._] Here king William placed and displaced diuerse rulers ouer
the Northumbers: [Sidenote: Copsi.] for first he appointed one Copsi
to haue the rule of that countrie, in place of Marchar who before had
held the same. This Copsi expelled Osulfe the sonne of earle Edulfe
brother to earle Aldred, which Osulfe was substitute vnto the earles
Edwine and Marchar, who although he was driuen out of his gouernement
by Copsi, yet recouering his forces againe, he slue the same Copsi as
he entred into the church of Newburne. But within a few moneths after,
the same Osulfe (as he ran with his horsse against a theefe) was
thrust through the bodie with a speare, which the theefe held in his
hand, and so died. [Sidenote: Gospatrike.] Then Gospatrike was
assigned by king William to haue the gouernement there: whose mother
Aldgitha was daughter to Vthred sometime earle of Northumberland
begotten vpon Elfgiua the daughter of king Egelred.

Some write, that Gospatrike purchased the earledome of king William,
and so held it, till the king tooke it from him againe, and then gaue
it vnto earle Walteof or Waldeue. Next after him Walkher the foresaid
bishop of Durham had the whole administration committed to him, but
(after he was slaine as yée haue heard) one Alberike ruled that
countrie, and lastlie, [Sidenote: Robert Mulbray earle of
Northumberland.] Robert Mulbray a right noble personage (for his
wisedome and valiancie highlie renowmed with all men) was created
earle of Northumberland, and gouerned the people of those parties in
such politike and wise order, that during his time, it is hard to
saie, whether his quietnesse or the obedience of the people was
greater.

[Sidenote: The foundation of vniuersitie colledge in Oxford.]
[Sidenote: An. Reg. 15. 1081.] In like manner, after the foresaid
Walkher; one William was created bishop of Durham, who was the
originall founder of vniuersitie colledge in Oxford, and by whose
assistance, the moonkes gaping both for riches, ease, and possessions,
found the means to displace the secular priests of the colledge of
Durham, that they might get into their roomes, as they did indeed
soone after, to their great gaine and aduantage. But to returne againe
to the course of the historie. [Sidenote: An. Reg. 16. 1082]
[Sidenote: Odo suspected and banished.] Shortlie after the reuenge of
the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, the fornamed bishop Odo, the
kings brother was suspected of some vntruth and sinister dealing,
wherevpon he was sent as a banished man into Normandie, or rather (as
other write) committed to prison, where he remained, not as a clerke,
but as a baron of the realme; for he was both bishop and earle of
Kent.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 17. 1083.] The king hauing at length obteined some
rest from wars, practised by sundrie meanes to inrich his cofers, and
therefore raised a tribute through out the whole kingdome; for the
better leuieng whereof, he appointed all the subiects of his realme to
be numbred, all the cities, townes, villages, and hamlets to be
registred, all the abbies, monasteries, and priories to be recorded.
Moreouer, he caused a certificat to be taken of euerie mans substance,
and what he might dispend by the yeare; he also caused their names to
be written which held knights fees, and were bound thereby to serue
him in the wars. [Sidenote: Plow land.] Likewise he tooke a note of
euerie yoke of oxen, & what number of plow lands, and how manie
bondmen were within the realme. This certificat being made & brought
vnto him, gaue him full vnderstanding what wealth remained among the
English people. Herevpon he raised his tribute, taking six shillings
for euerie hide of land through out this realme, which amounted to a
great masse of monie when it was all brought togither into his
Excheker. [Sidenote: _Geruasius Tilberiensis_. The true definition of
a hide of land.] ¶ Here note by the waie, that an hide of land
conteineth an hundred acres, and an acre conteineth fortie perches in
length, and foure in bredth, the length of a perch is sixtéene foot
and an halfe: so that the common acre should make 240. perches; &
eight hides or 800. acres is a knights fée, after the best approued
writers and plaine demonstration. Those therefore are deceiued, that
take an hide of land to conteine twentie acres (as William Lambert
hath well noted in his De priscis Anglorum legibus) where he
expoundeth the meaning of the old Saxon termes perteining to the
lawes.

But to procéed & come, a little after the temporals dealing, to some
of the spirituall affaires. [Sidenote: An. Reg. 18. 1084.] [Sidenote:
_Wil. Malm._ _Simon Dun._ Thurston abbat of Glastenburie.] It hapned
about the same time, that when king William had finished the rating of
his subiects, that there rose a strife betwixt Thurstane abbat of
Glastenburie a Norman, and the moonkes of that house. [Sidenote:
William of Fescampe.] One cause thereof was, for that the abbat would
haue compelled them to haue left the plaine song or note for the
seruice which pope Gregorie had set foorth, and to haue vsed an other
kind of tune deuised by one William of Fescampe: beside this, the said
abbat spent and wasted the goods that belonged to the house, in riot,
leacherie, and by such other insolent meanes (withdrawing also from
the moonkes their old accustomed allowance of diet) for the which they
first fell at altercation in words, and afterwards to fighting.
[Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._ _Wil. Malm._ have two slaine and xiiij hurt.]
The abbat got armed men about him, and falling vpon the moonkes, slue
thrée of them at the high altar, and wounded xviij. Howbeit the
moonkes for their parts plaied the pretie men with formes and
candelsticks, [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._] defending themselues as well
as they might, so that they hurt diuers of the abbats adherents, and
droue them out of the quier.

In the end, complaint hereof was brought to the king, by whose iudgement
the matter was so ordered, that Thurstane lost his roome, and returned
vnto Caen in Normandie from whence he came, and the moonkes were spred
abroad into diuerse houses of religion through the realme, Glastenburie
being replenished with more quiet persons, and such as were supposed
readier to praie than to quarell, as the other did: yet is it said, that
in the time of William Rufus this Thurstane obteined the rule of that
abbeie againe for fiue hundred pounds.

[Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._ _Hen. Marle._ _Matth. Paris._] There be which
write, that the numbring of men and of places, the valuation of goods
and substance, [Sidenote: _Hen. Marle._] as well in cattell as readie
monie, was not taken till about the xix. yéere of this kings reigne
(although the subsidie afore mentioned was gathered about two yeares
before of euerie hide of land as yée haue heard) and that the
certificat hereof being inrolled, was put into the kings treasurie at
Winchester, [Sidenote: An. Reg. 19.] in the xix. yeare of his reigne,
and not in the xvj. [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] But in what yeare soeuer
it was, and howsoeuer the writers agrée or disagree herein; certaine
it is, that the same was exacted, to the great gréefe and
impouerishment of the people, who sore lamented the miserable estate
whereinto they were brought, [Sidenote: _Polydor._ _Matth. Paris._]
and hated the Normans in their harts to the verie death. Howbeit, the
more they grudged at such tolles, tallages, customes, and other
impositions wherewith they were pressed; the more they were charged
and ouerpressed. [Sidenote: The Conquerour séeketh to kéepe the
English men low.] The Normans on the other side with their king
perceiuing the hatred which the English bare them, were sore offended,
and therefore sought by all meanes to kéepe them vnder. [Sidenote:
_Polydor._] Such as were called to be iustices, were enimies to all
iustice; wherevpon greater burdens were laid upon the English,
insomuch that after they had béene robbed and spoiled of their goods,
they were also debarred of their accustomed games and pastimes.
[Sidenote: The forrests seized into the kings hands. _Matth. Paris._]
For where naturallie (as they doo vnto this daie) they tooke great
pleasure in hunting of déere, both red and fallow, in the woods and
forrests about without restraint, king William seizing the most part
of the same forests into his owne hands, appointed a punishment to be
executed vpon all such offendors; namelie, to haue their eies put out.
And to bring the greater number of men in danger of those his penall
lawes (a pestilent policie of a spitefull mind, and sauoring
altogither of his French slauerie) he deuised meanes how to bréed,
nourish, and increase the multitude of déere, and also to make roome
for them in that part of the realme which lieth betwixt Salisburie and
the sea southward: [Sidenote: New forrest.] he pulled downe townes,
villages, churches, and other buildings for the space of 30. miles, to
make thereof a forrest, which at this daie is called New forrest. The
people as then sore bewailed their distres, & greatlie lamented that
they must thus leaue house & home to the vse of sauage beasts.
[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._ An earthquake. _Polydor._] Which crueltie,
not onelie mortall men liuing here on earth, but also the earth it
selfe might seeme to detest, as by a woonderfull signification it
séemed to declare, by the shaking and roaring of the same, which
chanced about the 14. yeare of his reigne (as writers haue recorded.)
There be that suppose how the king made that part of the realme waste
and barren vpon a policie, to the intent that if his chance were to be
expelled by ciuill wars, and he compelled to leaue the land, there
should be no inhabitants in that part of the Ile to resist his
arriuall vpon his new returne.

[Sidenote: _Simon Dun._] [Sidenote: 1085.] [Sidenote: A rumor spred of
the coming of the Danes.] But to go foorth with our purpose. About the
same time, a rumor was spred in England that Sueine king of Denmarke
meant to inuade England with a puissant armie, hauing the assistance
of the earle of Flanders whose daughter he had maried. Whervpon king
William being then in Normandie, reteined a great power of French
soldiers, both archers and footmen which togither with his Normans he
brought ouer into England in haruest season, and meaning to disburthen
himselfe of the charge of their keeping, he caused their finding and
wages to be borne by the lords and peeres of the realme, by the
shirifs of shires, and other officers. [Sidenote: Anno 20.] Howbeit,
when he vnderstood that the Danes changed their purpose, and would not
hold on their iourneie, he dismissed part of his power, and sent them
home againe, keeping the residue all the winter with him in England,
readie for his defense, if anie rebellion or other necessitie should
befall.

[Sidenote: 1086.] The same yeare, he kept his Christmasse at
Glocester, and made his sonne Henrie knight at Westminster in
Whitsunwéeke insuing. [Sidenote: _Matth. West._] [Sidenote: 1087.]
[Sidenote: An oth taken to be true to the king.] Shortlie after,
calling togither aswell lords spirituall as temporall he caused them,
all to sweare fealtie to him and his heires after him in the
possession of this kingdome.

[Sidenote: Great sickenes reigning. Murren of cattell. _Matth. West._
Paules church burned. _Simon Dun._ _Ran. Higd._ _Simon Dun._] About
this season, the people in all places were pitifullie plaged with
burning feuers, which brought manie to their end: a murren also came
to their cattell, whereof a woonderfull number died. At the same time
(which is more maruellous) tame foules, as hens, géese, & peacocks,
forsaking their owners houses, fled to the woods and became wild.
Great hurt was doone in manie places of the realme by fire, and
speciallie in London, where vpon the 7. daie of Julie a sudden flame
began, which burnt Paules church, and a great part or the citie downe
to the verie ground.

Now when K. William had taken the oth of fealtie and loialtie of all
his lords, Edgar Etheling, who was reconciled vnto his fauour (as you
haue heard) obteining licence of him to depart the realme for a
season, sailed into Puglia with two hundred souldiers: of whose acts
there and returne into England I spare to speake, bicause I find
little or nothing of moment recorded. [Sidenote: An. Reg. 21.] And now
king William, who hauing brought the Englishmen so lowe and bare, that
little more was to be got out of their hands, went once againe ouer
into Normandie with an huge masse of mony, where soone after he fell
sicke, so that he was constrained to keepe his bed longer than he had
beene accustomed to doo, whereat Philip the French king in iesting
manner said, that king William his cousine laie now in childbed
(alluding belike to his big bellie, for he was verie corpulent) and
withall added; [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ _Matth. Paris._] "Oh what a
number of candels must I prouide to offer vp at his going to church!
certeinelie I thinke that 100000. will not suffice," &c. [Sidenote:
_Wil. Malm._ _Ran. Higd._] This frumping spéech so moued the king,
that he made this answere: "Well, I trust when I shall be churched,
that our cousine shall be at no such cost, but I will helpe to find
him a thousand candels myselfe, and light them too, to some of their
paines, if God grant me life." Which promise he bound with an oth, and
in déed performed. [Sidenote: He inuadeth France. _Gemeticensis_. The
citie of Maunt burnt by K. William. _Matth. West._ _Matth. Paris._]
For in Julie next insuing, when their corne, fruit, and grapes were
most florishing, and readie for the sickle, he entered France with a
great armie, set fire on manie of their cities and townes in the west
side of that countrie, and came at last to the citie of Maunt, which
he burnt with the church of our ladie, and an ankresse inclosed in the
wall thereof as an holie closet, for the force of the fire was such as
all went to wrecke. In this heat king William tooke such a sicknesse
(which was likewise aggrauated by the fall of an horsse as he rode to
and fro, bicause he was not able to trauell on foot about his palace
by reason of his disease) that cost him his life; [Sidenote: King
William departed this life. _Simon Dun._ _Matth. West._ The lix. of
his age hath _Wil. Malm._] so that when he had ordeined his last will,
and taken order for the staie of things after his decease, he departed
this life on the 9. day of September, in the yeare after the birth of
our Saviour 1087. and 74. (as Polydor saith) of his age, hauing
gouerned Normandie about 51. yeres, and reigned ouer England 20.
yeares, ten moneths, and 28. daies (as all writers doo report.)

[Sidenote: He set all prisoners at libertie saith _Wil. Malm._
_Polydor._] Not long before his death, he released his brother Odo
bishop of Bayeux out of prison, Marchar earle of Northumberland, and
Wilnotus the sonne of king Harold, or (as some say) his brother.
Moreouer he repented him (as some say) when he lay on his death bed,
of his cruell dealing with the English, considering that by them he
had atteined to such honour and dignitie, as to weare the crown and
scepter of a kingdome: but whether he did so or not, or that some
moonke deuised the excuse in fauour of the prince: surely he was a
puissant prince, and though his time was troublesome, yet he was right
fortunate in all his attempts. Againe, if a man shall consider that in
a strange realme he could make such a conquest, and so exactlie and
readilie assure the same to his heires, with new lawes, orders and
constitutions (which are like for euer to endure) he would thinke it a
thing altogither void of credit. Yet so it was, and so honourable were
his dooings in the sight of the world, that those kings, which
succeeded sithens his death, begin their account at him, as from one
that had by his prudence renewed the state of the realme, and
instituted an other forme of regiment, in atchiuing whereof he did not
so much pretend a rightfull challenge by the grant of his coosine king
Edward the Confessor, as by the law of armes and plaine conquest, than
the which (as he supposed) there could be no better title.

Herevpon also those that haue sithens succeeded him, vse the same
armes as peculiar to the crowne of England, which he vsed in his time;
[Sidenote: He bare but two lions or rather leopards as some thinke.]
namelie, three lions passant gold in a field gewels (as Polydor
writeth) the three floure delices were since that time annexed thereto
by Edward the third, by reason of his claime to the crowne of France,
whereof hereafter ye shall heare. Among other greeuances which the
English susteined by the hard deling of the Conquerour, this is to be
remembered, that he brought Jewes into this land from Rouen, and
appointed them a place to inhabit and occupie.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._] There be that write, how the inconstancie of
the English people by their oft rebellions occasioned the king to be
so rough and rigorous against them; wheras (of his naturall
disposition and proper inclination) he was rather gentle and courteous
than sharpe and cruell. But sith he continued his extremitie euen to
his last daies, we may rather beléeue, that although from his
childhood he shewed some tokens of clemencie, bountie, and
liberalitie; yet by following the wars, and practising to reigne with
sternenesse, he became so inured therewith, that those peaceable
vertues were quite altered in him, and in maner clearelie quenched. He
was indued with a certeine stoutnesse of courage and skill in feats of
warre, which good hap euer followed: he was frée from lecherous lusts,
without suspicion of bodilie vices, quicke of wit, desirous of honor,
painefull, watchfull, and able to tolerate heat and cold, though he
were tall of stature, and verie grosse of bodie.

Toward the end of his daies he waxed verie deuout, and became desirous
to aduance the state of the church, insomuch that he builded thrée
abbeies in three seuerall places, endowing them with faire lands and
large possessions, one at the place where he vanquished king Harold,
fiue miles from Hastings, which he named Battell, of the field there
fought: the other at Celby in Yorkeshire: and the third in Normandie at
Caen, where his wife Quéene Maud had builded a nunnerie, which Maud died
in the yéere 1084, before the decease of the king hir husband.

[Sidenote: They gaue him an hundred pound, saith _Hen. Marle._]
After his death, his bodie was buried in Caen, in S. Stephans church;
but before it could be committed to the ground, the executors were
constreined to agree with the lord of the soile where the church stood,
which (as he said) the king in his life time had iniuriouslie taken from
him, and gaue him a great summe of monie to release his title.

¶ By this we may consider the great miserie of mans estate, in that so
mightie a prince could not haue so much ground after his death as to
couer his dead corps, without dooing iniurie to another. This also may
be a speciall lesson for all men, and namelie for princes, noblemen, and
gentlemen, who oftentimes to enlarge their owne commodities, doo not
regard what wrong they offer to the inferiour sort.

The said king William had by Maud his wife the daughter of Baldwine
earle of Flanders, foure sonnes, Robert surnamed Curthose (vnto whome
he bequeathed the duchie of Normandie) Richard who died in his youth,
William surnamed Rufus, to whom he gaue by testament the realme of
England, and Henrie surnamed Beauclerke for his cunning, knowledge and
learning, vnto whom he bequethed all his treasure and mooueable goods,
with the possessions that belonged to his mother. [Sidenote: _Hen.
Marle._] Besides these foure sonnes, he had also by his said wife fiue
daughters, Cecilie, who became a nunne; Constance, who was married to
Alane duke of Britaine; Adela, who was giuen in mariage to Stephan
earle of Blois (of whom that Stephan was borne which reigned after
Henrie the first) Adeliza, who was promised in mariage to Harold king
of England (as before you haue heard) but she died yer she was maried
either to him, or to any other, and so likewise did the fift, whose
name I cannot reherse.

[Sidenote: _Iohn Rous._] But to conclude, though king William held the
English so vnder foot, that in his daies almost no Englishman bare any
office of honor or rule in his time, yet he somewhat fauoured the
citie of London, and at the earnest sute of William a Norman then
bishop of that see, he granted vnto the citizens the first charter,
which is written in the Saxon toong, sealed with greene wax, and
expressed in viij. or ix. lines at the most, exemplified according to
the copie, and so printed, as followeth.

     "Williem King grets Williem Bisceop & Godfred Porterefan, & ealle
     ya Burghwarn binnen London Frencisce, & Englise frendlice, &
     Ickiden eoy, yeet ic wille yeet git ben ealra weera lagayweord,
     ye get weeran on Eadwerds daege kings. And ic will yeet aelc
     child by his fader yrfnume, aefter his faders daege. And ic nelle
     ge wolian, yeet aenig man eoy aenis wrang beode. God eoy heald."

     "Wilhelmus rex salutat Wilhelmum Episcopum, & Goffridum
     Portegrefium, & omnem Burghware infra London Frans. & Angl.
     amicabiliter. Et vobis notum facio, quòd ego vole quòd vos sitis
     omni lege illa digni qua fuistis Edwardi diebus regis. Et volo
     quòd omnis puer sit patris sui hæres post diem patris sui. Et ego
     nolo pati quòd aliquis homo aliquam iniuriam vobis inferat. Deus
     vos saluet."

[Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._ _Hen. Hunt._] But howsoeuer he vsed the
rest of the English, this is recorded of some writers, that by his
rigorous proceedings against them, he brought to passe that the
countrie was so rid of theeues and robbers, as that at length a maid
might haue passed through the land with a bag full of gold, and not
haue met with any misdooer to haue bereft hir of the same: a thing
right strange to consider, sith in the beginning of his reigne there
were such routs of outlawes and robbers, that the peaceabler people
could not be safelie possessed of their owne houses, were the same
neuer so well fortified and defended.

[Sidenote: _Iohn Rous._ _Hen. Marle._] Among manie lawes made by the
said William, this one is to be remembred, that such as forced any
woman, should lose their genitals.

[Sidenote: Salisburie vse.] In this kings daies also liued Osmond the
second bishop of Salisburie, who compiled the church seruice, which in
times past they commonlie called after Salisburie vse.

[Sidenote: Shooting.] The vse of the long bowe (as Iohn Rous
testifieth) came first into England with this king William the
Conquerour: for the English (before that time) vsed to fight with axes
and such hand weapons: and therefore in the oration made by the
Conquerour before he gaue battel to king Harold, the better to
encourage his men, he told them they should encounter with enimies
that wanted shot.

In the yeare of our Lord 1542. Monsieur de Castres bishop of Baieulx and
abbat of Saint Estienne in Caen, caused the Sepulchre of this William to
be opened, wherein his bodie was found whole, faire and perfect; of
lims, large and big; of stature and personage, longer than the ordinarie
sort of men: with a copper plate fairlie gilt, and this epitaph
therevpon ingrauen:

    "Qui rexit rigidos Normannos, atque Britannos
      Audacter vicit, fortiter obtinuit,
    Et Cœnomenses virtute contudit enses,
      Imperijq. sui legibus[4] applicuit,
    Rex magnus parua iacet hæc Guilhelmus in urna:
      Sufficit & magno parua domus domino,
    Ter septem gradibus se voluerat atq. duobus
      Virginis in gremio Phœbus, & hic obijt:"  that is;

    "Who ouer Normans rough did rule, and ouer Britons bold
      Did conquest stoutlie win, and conquest woone did stronglie hold:
    Who by his valure great the fatal vprores calmed, in maine,
      And to obeie his powers and lawes, the Manceaux did constraine:
    This mightie king within this little vault entoomed lies,
      So great a lord sometime, so small a roome dooth now suffice.
    When three times seuen and two by iust degrees the sunne had tooke
      His woonted course in Virgos lap, then he the world forsooke."

[Sidenote: _W. Patten_ collecteth this to be the 23. after the sun was
in _Virgo_: which is the 6. of Septēber.]


     Thus far William Conquerour.



Transcriber's notes

There are no footnotes in the original. The original spelling and
punctuation have been retained, with the exception of obvious errors
which have been corrected by reference to the 1587 edition of which
the original is a transcription.

[1] Original reads 'l d'; corrected to 'led'.

[2] Original reads '(that bare their title'; opening parenthesis removed.

[3] Original reads 'the the parties'; corrected to 'the parties'.

[4] Original reads 'suilegibus'; corrected to 'sui legibus'.





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