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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 08
Author: Kerr, Robert, 1755-1813
Language: English
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available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.



A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,

ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:

FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,
BY SEA AND LAND,
FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.

BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.

ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.

VOL. VIII.

MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTS

OF

VOL. VIII.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED.


CHAP. IX. Continued.--Early Voyages of the English to the East Indies
before the Establishment of an Exclusive Company.

SECT. IV. Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli in Syria, and
thence by Land and River to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583.

V. Of the Monsoons, or periodical Winds, with which Ships depart from
Place to Place in India. By William Barret.

VI. First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by Captain
George Raymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster.

VII. Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May.

VIII. The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the East
Indies, in 1596.

IX. Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilot
to a Dutch Ship.

X. Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long residence in that
Island.

Introduction.

§ 1. Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits of
Magellan.

§ 2. First Letter of William Adams.

§ 3. Letter of William Adams to his Wife.

SECT. XI. Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in 1604.

CHAP. X. Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment,
of the East India Company.

Introduction.

SECT. I. First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under
the Command of Captain James Lancaster.

Introduction.

§ 1. Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure of
the Fleet from Saldanha Bay.

§ 2. Continuation of the Voyage, to the Nicobar and Sombrero Islands.

§ 3. Their Reception and Trade at Acheen.

§ 4. Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca.

§ 5. Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to Queen
Elizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement of
Trade at these Places.

§ 6. Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage.

SECT. II. Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English at
Bantam; with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6th
October, 1605.

Introduction.

§ 1. Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of its
Inhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese.

§ 2. Brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of
the Javanese.

§ 3. Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English, and
the Javans, and of other memorable Things.

§ 4. Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences.

§ 5. Arrival of General Middleton, and other Events.

§ 6. Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and
other Occurrences.

§ 7. Observations by Mr John Saris of Occurrences during his Abode at
Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609

§ 8. Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the Places
where they are procured.

§ 9. Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities they
afford.

SECT. III. Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604,
under the Command of Captain Henry Middleton.

Introduction.

§ 1. Voyage of General Henry Middleton, afterwards Sir Henry, to Bantam
and the Moluccas, in 1604.

§ 2. Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda.

SECT. IV. Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by
Captain William Keeling.

Introduction.

§ 1. Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, with Occurrences till
leaving Saldanha Bay.

§ 2. Departure from Saldanha Bay, and Occurrences till the Ships parted
Company.

§ 3. Instruction learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon; with the
Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam.

§ 4. Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there.

SECT. V. Narrative by William Hawkins of Occurrences during his
Residence in the Dominions of the Great Mogul.

Introduction.

§ 1. Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous
Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits.

§ 2. Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court
of the Great Mogul.

§ 3. The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkins
to the Red Sea, Bantam, and England.

SECT. VI. Observations of William Finch, Merchant, who accompanied
Captain Hawkins to Surat, and returned over Land to England.

Introduction.

§ 1. Remembrances respecting Sierra Leona, in 1607.

§ 2. Observations made at St Augustine in Madagascar, and at the Island
of Socotora.

§ 3. Occurrences in India, respecting the English, Dutch, Portuguese,
and Moguls.

§ 4. Journey to Agra, and Observations by the Way; with some Notices of
the Deccan Wars.

§ 5. Description of Futtipoor, Biana, &c. of Nill, or Indigo; and of
other Matters.

§ 6. Description of Lahore, with other Observations.

SECT. VII. Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in 1607, to Bantam and the
Moluccas.

Introduction.

SECT. VIII. Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1608, by
Captain Alexander Sharpey.

Introduction.

§ 1. Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte.

§ 2. Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the same
unfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones.

§ 3. Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols.

SECT. IX. Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort of
the Ascension.

Introduction.

§ 1. Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from the
Ascension, to Acheen and Priaman.

§ 2. Return of the Union from Priaman towards England.

SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, under
the Command of Captain David Middleton.

Introduction.

§ 1. Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda.

§ 2. Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade at
Pulo-way, and many Perils.

§ 3. Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and Voyage Home.

SECT. XI. Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, under
the Command of Sir Henry Middleton.

Introduction.

§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron at Mokha.

§ 2. Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and at
Aden.

§ 3. Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of Yemen,
or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and Occurrences
till his Return to Mokha.

§ 4. Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forces
them to make Satisfaction.

§ 5. Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there.

§ 6. Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, and
Proceedings there.

SECT. XII. Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain
of the Pepper-corn.

Introduction.

§ 1. Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both
inclusive.

§ 2. Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous
Proceedings of both Places.

§ 3. Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit.

§ 4. Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there.

§ 5. Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England.

SECT. XIII. The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in
1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon.

Introduction.

SECT. XIV. Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris.

Introduction.

§ 1. The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam.

§ 2. Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and
the adjacent Kingdoms.

§ 3. Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that
Place.

§ 4. Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England.

SECT. XV. Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by
Captain John Saris.

Introduction.

§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora.

§ 2. Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea.

§ 3. Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and other
Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam.

§ 4. The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, with
Observations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca Islands.

[Illustration: Map of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope]

A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.

       *       *       *       *       *

PART II. BOOK III.

(CONTINUED.)

       *       *       *       *       *



CHAPTER IX.--Continued.

EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH. TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY.


SECTION IV.

Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli, in Syria, and thence, by
Land and River, to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583.[1]

I departed from London in the Tiger on Shrove-Tuesday, 1583, in company
with Mr John Newberry, Mr Ralph Fitch, and six or seven other honest
merchants, and arrived at Tripoli in Syria on the next ensuing 1st of
May. On our arrival, we went a _Maying_ on the Island of St George,
where the Christians who die here on ship board are wont to be buried.
In this city of Tripoli our English merchants have a consul, and all of
the English nation who come here reside along with him, in a house or
factory, called _Fondeghi Ingles_, which is a square stone building,
resembling a cloister, where every person has his separate chamber, as
is likewise the custom of all the other Christian nations at this place.

[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, II. 402. As Eldred accompanied Newberry and Fitch
from England to Basora, this article is, in a great degree, connected
with our present purpose: It may likewise be mentioned, that Eldred is
one of the persons with whom Newberry corresponded.--E.]

Tripolis stands under a part of Mount Lebanon, at the distance of two
English miles from the port. On one side of this port, in the form of a
half-moon, there are five block-houses, or small forts, in which there
are some good pieces of artillery, and they are occupied by about an
hundred janisaries. Right before the town there is a hill of shifting
sand, which gathers and increases with a west wind, insomuch, that they
have an old prophecy among them, that this sand hill will one day
swallow up and overwhelm the town, as it every year increases and
destroys many gardens, though they employ every possible device to
diminish this sand-bank, and to render it firm ground. The city is
walled round, though of no great strength, and is about the size of
Bristol: Its chief defence is the citadel or castle, which stands on the
south side of the town, and within the walls, overlooking the whole
town, being armed with some good artillery, and garrisoned by two
hundred janisaries. A river passes through the middle of the city, by
means of which they water their gardens and plantations of mulberry
trees, on which they rear great numbers of silk-worms, which produce
great quantities of white silk, being the principal commodity of this
place, which is much frequented by many Christian merchants, as
Venetians, Florentines, Genoese, Marsilians, Sicilians, and Ragusans,
and, of late, by the English, who trade more here than in any other port
of the Turkish dominions.

I departed from Tripolis with a caravan, on the 14th May, passing, in
three days, over the ridge of Mount Libanus; and at the end of that time
came to the city of _Hammah_, which stands in a goodly plain, abounding
in corn and cotton-wool. On these mountains grow great quantities of
_gall-trees_, which are somewhat like our oaks, but less, and more
crooked; and, on the best trees, a man shall not find above a pound of
galls on each. This town of Hammah is fallen into decay, and continues
to decay more and more, so that at this day scarcely is the half of the
wall standing, which has once been strong and handsome; but, because it
cost many lives to win it, the Turks will not have it repaired, and have
caused to be inscribed in Arabic, over one of the gates, "Cursed be the
father and the son of him who shall lay hands to the repairing of this
place."

Refreshing ourselves one day here, we went forwards three days more,
with our camels, and came to Aleppo, where we arrived on the 21st of
May. This has the greatest trade, for an inland town, of any in all
those parts, being resorted to by Jews, Tartars, Persians, Armenians,
Egyptians, Indians, and many different kinds of Christians, all of whom
enjoy liberty of conscience, and bring here many different kinds of
merchandise. In the middle of the city there is a goodly castle, raised
on high, having a garrison of four or five hundred janisaries. Within
four miles round about there are many goodly gardens and vineyards, with
many trees, which bear excellent fruit, near the side of the river,
which is very small. The walls of the city are about three miles in
circuit, but the suburbs are nearly as large as the city, the whole
being very populous.

We departed from Aleppo on the 31st of May, with a caravan of camels,
along with Mr John Newberry, and his company, and came to _Birrah_,
[Bir] in three days, being a small town on the Euphrates, where that
river first assumes the name, being here collected into one channel,
whereas before it comes down in numerous branches, and is therefore
called by the people of the country by a name which signifies a
_thousand heads_. We here found abundance of provisions, and furnished
ourselves for a long journey down the river; and, according to the
custom of those who travel on this river, we provided a small bark for
the conveyance of ourselves and our goods. These boats are
flat-bottomed, because the river is shallow in many places; and when
people travel in the months of July, August, and September, the water
being then at the lowest, they have to carry a spare boat or two along
with them, to lighten their own boats in case of grounding on the
shoals. We were twenty-eight days upon the river in going between Bir
and Feluchia, at which last place we disembarked ourselves and our
goods.

During our passage down the Euphrates, we tied our boat to a stake every
night at sun-set, when we went on land and gathered some sticks to make
a fire, on which we set our pot, with rice or bruised wheat; and when
we had supped, the merchants went on board to sleep, while the mariners
lay down for the night on the shore, as near the boats as they could. At
many places on the river side we met with troops of Arabs, of whom we
bought milk, butter, eggs, and lambs, giving them in barter, for they
care not for money, glasses, combs, coral, amber, to hang about their
necks; and for churned milk we gave them bread and pomegranate peels,
with which they tan their goat skins which they use for churns. The
complexion, hair, and apparel of these Arabs, are entirely like to those
vagabond Egyptians who heretofore used to go about in England. All their
women, without one exception, wear a great round ring of gold, silver,
or iron, according to their abilities, in one of their nostrils, and
about their legs they have hoops of gold, silver, or iron. All of them,
men, women, and children, are excellent swimmers, and they often brought
off in this manner vessels with milk on their heads to our barks. They
are very thievish, as I proved to my cost, for they stole a casket
belonging to me, containing things of good value, from under my man's
head as he lay asleep.

At Bir the Euphrates is about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth, in some
places broader, and in others narrower, and it runs very swiftly, almost
as fast as the Trent. It has various kinds of fish, all having scales,
some like our barbels, as large as salmon. We landed at Feluchia on the
28th of June, and had to remain there seven days for want of camels to
carry our goods to Babylon, [Bagdat,] the heat at that season being so
violent that the people were averse from hiring their camels to travel.
Feluchia is a village of some hundred houses, and is the place appointed
for discharging such goods as come down the river, the inhabitants being
all Arabs. Not being able to procure camels, we had to unlade our goods,
and hired an hundred asses to carry our English merchandize to New
Babylon, or Bagdat, across a short desert, which took us eighteen hours
of travelling, mostly in the night and morning, to avoid the great heat
of the day.

In this short desert, between the Euphrates and Tigris, formerly stood
the great and mighty city of ancient Babylon, many of the old ruins of
which are easily to be seen by day-light, as I, John Eldred, have often
beheld at my good leisure, having made three several journeys between
Aleppo and New Babylon. Here also are still to be seen the ruins of the
ancient Tower of Babel, which, being upon plain ground, seems very large
from afar; but the nearer you come towards it, it seems to grow less and
less. I have gone sundry times to see it, and found the remnants still
standing above a quarter of a mile in circuit, and almost as high as the
stone-work of St Paul's steeple in London, but much bigger.[2] The
bricks remaining in this most ancient monument are half a yard thick,
and three quarters long, having been dried in the sun only; and between
every course of bricks there is a course of matts made of canes, which
still remain as sound as if they had only lain one year.

[Footnote 2: It is hardly necessary to observe, that this refers to the
old St Paul's before the great fire, and has no reference to the present
magnificent structure, built long after the date of this journey.--E.]

The new city of Babylon, or Bagdat, joins to the before-mentioned small
desert, in which was the old city, the river Tigris running close under
the walls, so that they might easily open a ditch, and make the waters
of the river, encompass the city.[3] Bagdat is above two English miles
in circumference. The inhabitants, who generally speak three languages,
Persian, Arabic, and Turkish, are much of the same complexion with the
Spaniards. The women mostly wear, in the gristle of the nose, a ring
like a wedding-ring, but rather larger, having a pearl and a turquoise
stone set in it; and this however poor they may be. This is a place of
great trade, being the thoroughfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The
town is well supplied with provisions, which are brought down the river
Tigris from Mosul, in Diarbekir, or Mesopotamia, where stood the ancient
city of Nineveh. These provisions, and various other kinds of goods, are
brought down the river Tigris on rafts of wood, borne up by a great
number of goat-skin bags, blown up with wind like bladders. When the
goods are discharged, the rafts are sold for fuel, and letting the wind
out of the goat skins, they carry them home again upon asses, to serve
for other voyages down the river.

[Footnote 3: It may be proper to remark, as not very distinctly marked
here, though expressed afterwards in the text, that Bagdat is on the
east side of the Tigris, whereas the plain, or desert of ancient
Babylon, is on the west, between that river and the Euphrates.--E.]

The buildings here are mostly of brick, dried in the sun, as little or
no stone is to be found, and their houses are all low and flat-roofed.
They have no rain for eight months together, and hardly any clouds in
the sky by day or night. Their winter is in November, December, January,
and February, which is almost as warm as our summer in England. I know
this well by experience, having resided, at different times, in this
city for at least the space of two years. On coming into the city from
Feluchia, we have to pass across the river Tigris on a great bridge of
boats, which are held together by two mighty chains of iron.

From this place we departed in flat-bottomed boats, which were larger
and more strongly built than those on the Euphrates. We were
twenty-eight days also in going down this river to Basora, though we
might have gone in eighteen days, or less, if the water had been higher.
By the side of the river there stand several towns, the names of which
resemble those of the prophets of the Old Testament. The first of these
towns is called _Ozeah_, and another _Zecchiah_. One day's journey
before we came to Basora, the two rivers unite, and there stands, at the
junction, a castle belonging to the Turks, called _Curna_, where all
merchants have to pay a small custom. Where the two rivers join, their
united waters are eight or nine miles broad; and here also the river
begins to ebb and flow, the overflowing of the water rendering all the
country round about very fertile in corn, rice, pulse, and dates.

The town of Basora is a mile and a half in circuit; all the houses, with
the castle and the walls, being of brick dried in the sun. The Grand
Turk has here five hundred janisaries always in garrison, besides other
soldiers; but his chief force consists in twenty-five or thirty fine
gallies, well furnished with good ordnance. To this port of Basora there
come every month divers ships from Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indian
goods, as spices, drugs, indigo, and calico cloth. These ships are from
forty to sixty tons burden, having their planks sewed together with
twine made of the bark of the date-palm; and, instead of oakum, their
seams are filled with slips of the same bark, of which also their tackle
is made. In these vessels they have no kind of iron-work whatever,
except their anchors. In six days sail down the Gulf of Persia, they go
to an island called. Bahrein, midway to Ormus, where they fish for
pearls during the four months of June, July, August, and September.

I remained six months at Basora, in which time I received several
letters from Mr John Newberry, then at Ormus, who, as he passed that
way, proceeded with letters, from her majesty to Zelabdim Echebar, king
of Cambaia,[4] and to the mighty Emperor of China, was treacherously
there arrested, with all his company, by the Portuguese, and afterwards
sent prisoner to Goa, where, after a long and cruel imprisonment, he and
his companions were released, upon giving surety not to depart from
thence without leave, at the instance of one Father Thomas Stevens, an
English priest, whom they found there. Shortly afterwards three of them
made their escape, of whom Mr Ralph Fitch is since come to England. The
fourth, who was Mr John Story, painter, became a religious in the
college of St Paul, at Goa, as we were informed by letters from that
place.

[Footnote 4: Akbar Shah, padishah or emperor of the Moguls in
India.--E.]

Having completed all our business at Basora, I and my companion, William
Shales, embarked in company with seventy barks, all laden with
merchandize; every bark having fourteen men to drag it up the river,
like our west country barges on the river Thames; and we were forty-four
days in going up against the stream to Bagdat. We there, after paying
our custom, joined with other merchants, to form a caravan, bought
camels, and hired men to load and drive them, furnished ourselves with
rice, butter, dates, honey made of dates, and onions; besides which,
every merchant bought a certain number of live sheep, and hired certain
shepherds to drive them along with us. We also bought tents to lie in,
and to put our goods under; and in this caravan of ours there were four
thousand camels laden with spices and other rich goods. These camels can
subsist very well for two or three days without water, feeding on
thistles, wormwood, _magdalene_, and other coarse weeds they find by the
way. The government of the caravans, the deciding of all quarrels that
occur, and the apportionment of all duties to be paid, are committed to
the care of some one rich and experienced merchant in the company, whose
honour and honesty can best be confided in. We spent forty days in our
journey from Bagdat to Aleppo, travelling at the rate of from twenty to
twenty-four miles a-day, resting ourselves commonly from two in the
afternoon till three next morning, at which time we usually began our
journey.

Eight days journey from Bagdat, near to a town called Heit, where we
cross the Euphrates in boats, and about three miles from that place,
there is a valley in which are many mouths, or holes, continually
throwing out, in great abundance, a black kind of substance like tar,
which serves all this country for paying their boats and barks. Every
one of these springs makes a noise like a smith's forge, continually
puffing and blowing; and the noise is so loud, that it may be heard a
mile off. This vale swalloweth up all heavy things that are thrown into
it. The people of the country call it _Bab-el-gehenam_, or the gate of
hell. In passing through these deserts we saw certain wild beasts, such
as asses, all white, roebucks, leopards, foxes, and many hares, a
considerable number of which last we chaced and killed. _Aborise_, the
king of the wandering Arabs in these deserts, receives a duty of 40
shillings value for every loaded camel, which he sends his officers to
receive from the caravans; and, in consideration of this, he engages to
convoy the caravans in safety, if need be, and to defend them against
the prowling thieves.

I and my companion, William Shales, came to Aleppo on the 11th June,
1584, being joyfully welcomed at twenty miles distance by Mr William
Barret, our consul, accompanied by his people and janisaries. He fell
sick immediately after, and departed this life in eight days illness,
having nominated, before he died, Mr Anthony Bate to succeed him as
consul for the English nation, who laudably executed the office for
three years. In the mean time, I made two other journeys to Bagdat and
Basora, returning in the same manner through the desert. Being
afterwards desirous to see other parts of the country, I went from
Aleppo to Antioch, which is 60 miles, and from thence to Tripoli, where,
going on board a small vessel, I arrived at Joppa, and travelled by land
to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Jerusalem, Bethlem, the river Jordan, and the sea
of Sodom, and returned to Joppa, from whence I went back to Tripoli; but
as many others have published large discourses of these places, I think
it unnecessary to write of them here. Within a few days after my return
to Tripoli, I embarked in the Hercules of London, on the 22d December,
1587, and arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the Thames, with
divers other English merchants, on the 26th March, 1588; our ship being
the richest in merchant goods that ever was known to arrive in this
realm.


SECTION V.

_Of the Monsoons, or Periodical Winds, with which Ships depart from
Place to Place in India. By William Barret._[5]

It is to be noted, that the city of Goa is the principal place of all
the oriental India, and that the winter begins there on the 15th of May,
with very great rain, and so continues till the 1st of August; during
which time no ship can pass the bar of Goa, as, by these continual
rains, all the sands join together hear a mountain called _Oghane_, and
run into the shoals of the bar and port of Goa, having no other issue,
and remain there, so that the port is shut up till the 1st of August;
but it opens again on the 10th of August, as the rains are then ceased,
and the sea thus scours away the sand.

[Footnote 5: Hakluyt, II. 413.

It appears, from the journal of John Eldred, in the preceding section,
that William Barret was English consul at Aleppo, and died in 1584.

In the immediately preceding article in Hakluyt, vol. II. p. 406, et
seq., is a curious account of the money weights and measures of Bagdat,
Basora, Ormus, Goa, Cochin, and Malacca, which we wished to have
inserted, but found no sufficient data by which to institute a
comparison with the money weights and measures of England, without which
they would have been entirely useless.

In the present article, the dates are certainly of the old stile, and,
to accommodate these to the present new stile, it may be perhaps right
to add _nine_ days to each for the sixteenth century, or _twelve_ days to
reduce them to corresponding dates of the present nineteenth
century.--E.]

To the northward, as Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and other
places, the ships depart from Goa between the 10th and 24th of August;
and ships may sail to these places at all times of the year, except in
winter, as already described.

Ships depart for Goa from Chaul, Diu, Cambay, and other parts to the
northward, betwixt the 8th and 15th of January, and come to Goa about
the end of February.

From Diu ships depart for the straits of Mecca, or the Red-Sea, about
the 15th of January, and return from thence to Diu in the month of
August. They likewise depart from Din for the Red-Sea in the second
monsoon, betwixt the 25th of August and 25th of September, and return
to Diu between the 1st and 15th of May following.

From Socotora, which hath only few ships, they depart for Ormus about
the 10th of August.

About the 15th of September the Moors of the firm land begin to come to
Goa from all parts, as from Balagnete, Bezenegar, Sudalcan, and other
places; and they depart from Goa betwixt the 10th and 15th of November.

It is to be understood, that, by going to the north, is meant departing
from Goa for Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and other places as
far as Sinde; and, by the south, is meant departing from Goa for Cochin,
and all that coast, as far as Cape Comorin.

In the _first_ monsoon for Ormus, ships depart from Goa in the month of
October, passing with easterly winds along the coast of Persia. In the
_second_ monsoon, the ships depart from Goa about the 20th of January,
passing by a like course, and with a similar wind; this second monsoon
being called by the Portuguese the _entremonson_. There is likewise a
_third_ monsoon for going from Goa to Ormus, when ships set out from Goa
betwixt the 25th March and 6th April, having easterly winds, when they
set their course for the coast of Arabia, which they fell in with at
Cape Rasalgate and the Straits of Ormus. This monsoon is the most
troublesome of all, for they make two navigations in the latitude of
Ceylon, somewhat lower than six degrees.[6]

[Footnote 6: This is by no means obvious; but means, perhaps, that they
are obliged to bear away so far south, owing to the wind not allowing a
direct passage.--E.]

The _first_ monsoon from Ormus for Chaul and Goa is in the month of
September, with the wind at north or north-east. The _second_ is between
the 25th and 30th of December, with like winds. In the _third_, ships
leave Ormus between the 1st and 15th of April, with the wind at
south-east, east, or north-east, when they coast along Arabia from Cape
Mosandon to Cape Rasalgate; and after losing sight of Rasalgate, they
have westerly winds which carry them to Chaul and Goa. But if they do
not leave Ormus on or before the 25th of April, they must winter at
Ormus, and wait the first monsoon in September.

The _first_ monsoon from Ormus to Sinde is between the 15th and 20th of
April; the second between the 10th and 20th of October. From Ormus
ships depart for the Red Sea in all January.

From Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Ceylon, and other places to the southward,
the ships depart from the 1st to the 15th of August, and find these seas
navigable all the year, except in winter, that is, from the 15th May to
the 10th August. In like manner, ships can go from these places to Goa
every time of the year except in winter; but the best time is in the
months of December, January, and February.

In the first monsoon from Goa for Pegu, the ships depart from Goa
between the 15th and 20th of April, and winter at San Thome, whence they
sail for Pegu after the 5th of August. In the second, they leave Goa
between the 8th and 24th of August, going direct for Pegu; but, if they
pass the 24th of August, they cannot make out their voyage that monsoon,
and must wait till next April. It may be noticed, that the best trade
for Pegu is to take ryals and patechoni to San Thome, and there purchase
Tellami, which is fine cotton cloth, of which great quantities are made
in Coromandel. Other merchandize is not good in Pegu, except a few
dozens of very fair oriental emeralds. Gold, silver, and rubies are in
Pegu sufficiently abundant. In coming from Pegu for Western India, ships
sail between the 15th and 25th of January, and come to Goa about the
25th of March, or beginning of April. If it pass the 10th of May before
reaching Goa, ships cannot reach Goa that monsoon; and if they have not
then made the coast of India, they will with much peril fetch San Thome.

In the first monsoon for Malacca, the ships leave Goa between the 15th
and 30th of September, and reach Malacca about the end of October. In
the second, they leave Goa about the 5th of May, and arrive at Malacca
about the 15th of June. In the first monsoon from Malacca for Goa, they
leave Malacca about the 10th September, and come to Goa about the end of
October. In the second, they leave Malacca about the 10th February, and
reach Goa about the end of March. If any ship is detained on this voyage
till the 10th May, they cannot enter the harbour of Goa; and, if they
have not then got to Cochin, they must return to Malacca, as the winter
and the contrary winds then come on.

Ships sail from Goa for China in the month of April; and they must sail
in such time from China as to reach Goa before the 10th of May. If not
then arrived, they must put back to Cochin; and if not able to get in
there, must go to Malacca to winter.

Ships going from Goa for the Moluccas must sail on or before the 10th or
15th May; after which period they cannot pass the bar of Goa: and the
ships returning from the Moluccas usually reach Goa about the 15th of
April.

The ships from Portugal for India usually depart between the 10th and
15th of March, going direct for the coast of Melinda and Mozambique,
which they reach in July, whence they proceed to Goa. If they do not
reach the coast of Melinda in July, they cannot fetch Melinda that year,
but must return to the island of St Helena. If they are unable to make
that island, then they run as lost on the coast of Guinea. If they reach
the coast of Melinda in time, and set forwards for Goa, but are unable
to make that port by the 15th September, they then go to Cochin; but, if
unable to get into Cochin, they must return and winter on the coast of
Mozambique. Yet, in the year 1580, the ship San Lorenzo arrived there on
the 8th of October, sore tempest-beaten, to the great admiration of
every one, as the like had not been seen before.

The ships bound for Portugal leave Cochin between the 15th and 31st
January, steering for _Cabo de buona Speranza_, and the isle of St
Helena, which island is about midway, being in lat. 16° S. It is a small
island, but fruitful of all things, with great store of fruit, and gives
great succour to the ships homeward-bound from India to Portugal. It is
not long since that island was discovered, by a ship that came from the
Indies in a great storm. They found in it such abundance of wild beasts
and boars, and all sorts of fruit, that, by these means, this ship,
which had been four months at sea, was wonderfully refreshed both with
food and water. It received its name because discovered on the day of St
Helen. This island is so great a succour to the Portuguese ships, that
many of them would surely perish if it were not for the aid they get
here. For this reason, the King of Portugal caused a church to be built
here to the honour of St Helena, where only two hermits reside, all
others being forbidden to inhabit there, that the ships may be the
better supplied with victuals, as on coming from India they are usually
but slenderly provided, because no corn grows there, nor do they make
any wine. The ships which go from Portugal for India do not touch there,
because, on leaving Portugal, they are fully provided with bread and
water for eight months. No other person can inhabit St Helena except the
two hermits, or perchance some sick person who may be left there on
shore under the care of the hermits, for his help and recovery.

Ships depart from Goa for Mozambique between the 10th and 15th of
January; and from Mozambique for Goa between the 8th and 31st August,
arriving at Chaul or Goa any time in October, or till the 15th of
November.

From Ormus ships bound for Bengal depart between the 15th and 20th of
June, going to winter at _Teve_? whence they resume their voyage for
Bengal about the 15th of August.


SECTION VI.

_First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by Captain George
Raymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster_.[7]

INTRODUCTION.

We have at length arrived at the period when the English began to visit
the East Indies in their own ships; this voyage of Captain Raymond, or,
if you will, Lancaster, being the first of the kind ever performed by
them. From this year, therefore, 1591, the oriental navigations of the
English are to be dated; they did not push them with any vigour till the
beginning of the next century, when they began to pursue the commerce of
India with unwearied diligence and success, as will appear from the
narratives in the next succeeding chapter.

[Footnote 7: Hakluyt, II. 286. Astley, I. 235.]

"As for Captain Raymond, his ship was separated near Cape Corientes, on
the eastern coast of Africa, from the other two,[8] and was never heard
of more during the voyage, so that, whether he performed the voyage, or
was lost by the way, does not appear from Hakluyt; from whose silence,
however, nothing can be certainly concluded either way, for reasons
that will appear in the sequel[9]."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 8: This is a singular oversight in the editor of Astley's
Collection, as by that time there were only two ships, the Royal
Merchant having been sent home from Saldanha bay.--E.]

[Footnote 9: These promised reasons no where appear.--E.]

The full title of this voyage in Hakluyt's Collection is thus: "A Voyage
with three tall ships, the Penelope, Admiral; the Merchant-Royal,
Vice-Admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure, Rear-Admiral, to the East
Indies, by way of the Cape of Buona Speranza, to Quitangone, near
Mozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, on the backside of
Africa, and beyond Cape Comorin, in India, to the isles of Nicobar, and
of Gomes Palo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Islands of Pulo
Pinaom, and thence to the Mainland of Malacca; begun by Mr George
Raymond in the year 1591, and performed by Mr James Lancaster, and
written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich, his Lieutenant in
the said Voyage, by Mr Richard Hakluyt."

This voyage is chiefly remarkable as being the first ever attempted by
the English to India, though not with any view of trade, as its only
object seems to have been to commit privateering depredations upon the
Portuguese trading ships in India, or, as we would now call them, the
country ships, which were employed in trading between Goa and the
settlements to the eastwards. It is unnecessary here to point out the
entire disappointment of the adventurers, or the disastrous conclusion
of the expedition, as these are clearly related by Mr Edmund Barker.
This article is followed by a supplementary account of the same voyage,
by John May, one of the people belonging to the Edward Bonadventure, who
relates some of the occurrences rather differently from Edmund Barker,
or rather gives some information that Mr Barker seems to have wished to
conceal. For these reasons, and because of some farther adventures in a
French ship in which May embarked, it has been thought proper to insert
that narrative in our collection--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

Our fleet, consisting of three tall ships, the Penelope, Merchant-Royal,
and Edward Bonadventure, sailed from Plymouth the 10th April, 1591, and
arrived at the Canary Islands on 25th of that month, whence we again
took our departure on the 29th. The 2d May we were in the latitude of
Cape Blanco, and passed the tropic of Cancer on the 5th. All this time
we had a fair wind at north-east, sailing always before the wind, till
the 13th May, when we came within eight degrees of the line, where we
met a contrary wind. We lay off and on from that time till the 6th June,
when we crossed the equinoctial line. While thus laying off and on, we
captured a Portuguese caravel, laden by some merchants of Lisbon for
Brasil, in which vessel we got about 60 tons of wine, 1200 jars of oil,
100 jars of olives, some barrels of capers, three vats of pease, and
various other necessaries fit for our voyage; the wine, oil, olives, and
capers, being more valuable to us than gold.

We had two men died before passing the line, and several sick, who first
became unwell in these hot climates, as it is wonderfully unwholsome
from 8° N. lat. to the equator at that season of the year; for we had
nothing but tornadoes,[10] with such thunder, lightning, and rain, that
we could not keep our men dry three hours together; which, with scanty
cloathing to shift them, and living entirely on salt provisions,
occasioned an infection among them. After passing the line, we had the
wind continually at east-south-east, which carried us along the coast of
Brasil, at 100 leagues from the land, till we were in lat. 26° S. when
we had the wind from the north; at which time we estimated the Cape of
Good Hope to bear E. by S. 900 or 1000 leagues distant.

[Footnote 10: Tornado signifies a storm, during which the wind shifts
about, or _turns_ to all points of the compass.--E.]

In passing this great gulf from the coast of Brasil to the Cape of Good
Hope, we had the wind often variable, as it is on our own coast, but,
for the most part, so as that we could hold our course. The 28th of July
we had sight of the Cape; and till the 31st we plied off and on, with a
contrary wind, always in hopes to double the Cape, meaning to have gone
70 leagues farther, to a place called _Aguada de San Bras_, before
seeking to put in at any harbour. But as our men were sick in all our
ships, we thought it good to seek some place of refreshment for them;
wherefore we bore up with the land to the northward of the Cape, on the
west coast of Africa; and going along shore, we espied a goodly bay,
having an island to leeward of its mouth, into which we entered, and
found it very commodious to ride in at anchor. This bay is called
_Aguada de Saldanha_, being in lat. 33° S. 15 leagues northward on this
side from the Cape;[11] and in it we anchored on Sunday the 1st August,
and immediately sent our sick men on shore.

[Footnote 11: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these early
voyages, that this Aguada de Saldanha, called likewise Saldanha or
Saldania bay, was that now named Table bay, on which stands Cape Town,
and not that which is now called Saldanha bay, which is ten or twelve
leagues farther north, and on the same western coast of Africa.--E.]

Certain very brutish black savages came to them, but would not stay, and
immediately retired. For the space of 15 or 20 days, we could procure no
fresh provisions, except some cranes and geese which we shot; and we
could get no fish but mussels and other shell-fish, which we gathered on
the rocks. At the end of this time, our admiral went one day with his
pinnace to the island off the mouth of the bay, where he found great
numbers of penguins and seals, of which he brought plenty with him to
the ships, and twice afterwards some of our people brought their boats
loaded with these animals. Alter we had been here some time, we got hold
of a negro, whom we compelled to go along with us into the country,
making signs to him to procure us some cattle; but not being able at
this time to come in sight of any, we let the negro go, giving him some
trifling presents.[12] Within eight days after, he and 30 or 40 other
negroes brought us down about 40 oxen and as many sheep, at which time
we only bought a few of them; but, about eight days afterwards, they
brought down as many more, when we bought 24 oxen and as many sheep. The
oxen were large and well-fleshed, but not fat; and we bought an ox for
two knives, and a stirk, or young beast, for one knife. The sheep are
very large, and excellent mutton, having hair instead of wool, and great
tails like those of Syria. We gave a knife for a sheep, and even got
some for less value. We saw various wild beasts, as antilopes, red and
fallow deer, and other large beasts, which we knew not, with a great
number of overgrown monkies or baboons. Mr Lancaster killed an antilope
as large as a young colt.

[Footnote 12: This negro must, of course, have been a Hotentot.--E.]

Holding a consultation in respect to the prosecution of our, voyage, it
was thought best to proceed rather with two ships well manned, than with
two weakly manned, having only 198 men in sound health, of whom 100 went
in the Penelope with our admiral, and 98 in the Edward, with the
worshipful Captain Lancaster. We left behind 50 men in the Royal
Merchant, Captain Abraham Kendal, of whom a good many were well
recovered, thinking proper, for many reasons, to send home that ship.
The disease that consumed our men was the scurvy. Our soldiers, who had
not been used to the sea, held out best, while our mariners dropt away,
which, in my judgment, proceeded from their evil diet at home.

Six days after sending home the Royal Merchant from Saldanha bay, our
admiral, Captain Raymond, in the Penelope, and Captain James Lancaster
in the Edward Bonadventure, set forward to double the Cape of Good Hope,
which they now did very readily. When we had passed as far as Cape
Corientes, on the east coast of Africa, at the entry into the channel of
Mozambique, we encountered a dreadful storm, with excessive gusts of
wind, during which we lost sight of our admiral, and could never hear of
him nor his ship more, though we used our best endeavours to seek him,
by plying up and down a long while, and afterwards staid for him several
days at the island of Comoro, which we had appointed our rendezvous in
case of separation. Four days after this unfortunate separation, we had
a tremendous clap of thunder at ten o'clock one morning, which slew four
of our men outright, without speaking one word, their necks being wrung
asunder. Of 94 other men, not one remained untouched, some being struck
blind, some bruised in their arms and legs, others in their breasts, so
that they voided blood for two days: some were as it were drawn out in
length, as if racked. But, God be praised, they all recovered, except
the four men who were struck dead. With the same flash of lightning our
mainmast was terribly split from the head to the deck, some of the
spikes that went ten inches into the wood being melted by the fervent
heat.

From thence[13] we shaped our course north-east, and not long afterwards
fell in with the north-west point[14] of the island of St Lawrence, or
Madagascar, which, by God's blessing, one of our men espied late in the
evening by moonlight.

[Footnote 13: The place of shaping this course is by no means obvious.
It could not be from Comoro, which is farther north than the north end
of Madagascar, and was therefore probably from near Cape Corientes.--E.]

[Footnote 14: From the sequel, the text is certainly not accurate in
this place, as they were not so far as this cape by 100 leagues. It
probably was Cape St Andrews.--E.]

Seeing from afar the breaking of the sea, he called to some of his
comrades, asking what it meant, when they told him it was the sea
breaking upon shoals or rocks, upon which we put about ship in good
time, to avoid the danger we were like to have incurred. Continuing our
voyage, it was our lot to overshoot Mozambique, and to fall in with
_Quitangone_, two leagues farther north, where we took three or four
barks belonging to the Moors, laden with millet, hens, and ducks, going
as provisions for Mozambique, and having one Portuguese boy on board.
These barks are called _pangaias_ in their language.


Within a few days after, we came to an island called Comoro, which we
found exceedingly populous, the inhabitants being tawny Moors, of good
stature, but very treacherous, and requiring to be sharply looked after.
Being desirous of procuring fresh water, of which we stood in great
need, we sent sixteen of our men, well armed, on shore, whom the natives
allowed very quietly to land and take the water. A good many of them
came on board, along with their king, who was dressed in a gown of
crimson satin, reaching to the knee, pinked after the Moorish fashion.
We entertained him in the best manner we could, and had some conference
with him as to the state of the place and merchandise, using the
Portuguese boy we had taken as our interpreter. We then dismissed the
king and his company courteously, and sent our boat on shore again for
water, when also they dispatched their business quietly, and returned. A
third time the boat went for the same purpose, and returned unmolested.
We now thought ourselves sufficiently provided; but our master, William
Mace, of Ratcliff, pretending that it might be long before we should
find any good watering-place, would needs go again on shore, much
against the will of our captain. He went accordingly with sixteen men in
a boat, which were all we had, other sixteen of our men being on shore
with our other boat, washing their clothes, directly over against our
ship. The perfidious Moors attacked all these men, who were mostly slain
in our sight, while we could not yield them the smallest aid, as we had
now no boat.

Going from thence with heavy hearts on the 7th November, we shaped our
course for the island of Zanzibar, where we arrived shortly after, and
there made ourselves a new boat, of such boards as we had in our ship.
We continued here till the 15th of February, 1591, during which time we
saw several _pangaias_, or boats, of the Moors, which are pinned with
wooden pins, and sewed together with cords made of the palmito, and
caulked with the husks of the cocoa-nut, beaten into a substance like
oakum. At length a Portuguese pangaia came out of the harbour of
Zanzibar, where they have a small factory, and sent a Moor to us who had
been christened, bringing with him a letter in a canoe, in which they
desired to know what we were, and what was our business. We sent them
back word that we were Englishmen, who had come from Don Antonio, upon
business to his friends in the East Indies. They returned with this
answer to their factory, and would never more look near us. Not long
after this we manned our boat, and took a pangaia belonging to the
Moors, in which was one of their priests, called in their language a
_sherife_,[15] whom we used very courteously. The king took this in very
good part, having his priests in high estimation, and furnished us with
two months' provisions for his ransom, during all which time we detained
him on board. From these Moors we were informed of the false and
spiteful dealing of the Portuguese towards us, as they had given out we
were barbarous people, and canibals, desiring the Moors, as they loved
their safety, not to come near us; using these contrivances to cut us
off from all knowledge of the state and commerce of the country.

[Footnote 15: _Sheríf, sharíf,_ in Arabic, more properly denotes one of
the descendants of Mahomet.--Astl. 1. 287. b.]

While we rode from the end of November till the middle of February in
this harbour, which has sufficient water for a ship of 500 tons, we one
day attempted to take a Portuguese pangaia; but as our boat was so small
that our men had not room to move, and as they were armed with ten good
guns, like fowling-pieces, we were not able to take them. For the
excellence of its harbour and watering-place; its plenty of fish, of
which we took great store with our nets; for sundry sorts of fruits, as
cocoa-nuts and others, which were brought to us in abundance by the
Moors; and for oxen and poultry, this place is well worth being
carefully sought after by such of our ships as shall hereafter pass this
way; but our people had good need to beware of the Portuguese. While we
lay here their admiral of the coast, from Melinda to Mozambique, came
to view us, and would have taken our boat, if he had found an
opportunity. He was in a galley frigate, or armed pinnace, with eight or
nine oars of a side. We were advertised of the strength of this galley,
and their treacherous intentions, by an Arabian Moor, who came
frequently to us from the King of Zanzibar, about the delivery of the
priest, and afterwards by another Moor, whom we carried from thence
along with us: for, wheresoever we came, we took care to get one or two
of the natives into our hands, to learn the languages and conditions of
the parts at which we touched.

We had at this place another thunder clap, which shivered our foremast
very much, which we fished and repaired with timber from the shore, of
which there is abundance, the trees being about forty feet high, the
wood red and tough, and, as I suppose, a kind of cedar. At this place
our surgeon, Mr Arnold, negligently caught a great heat, or stroke of
the sun, in his head, while on land with the master in search of oxen,
owing to which he fell sick, and shortly died, though he might have been
cured by letting blood before the disease had settled. Before leaving
this place we procured some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a grey
and white gum, like frankincense, as clammy as turpentine, which grows
black when melted, and very brittle; but we mixed it with oil, of which
we had 300 jars from the prize taken to the north of the equator, not
far from Guinea. Six days before leaving Zanzibar, the head merchant of
the factory sent a letter to our captain, in friendship, as he
pretended, requesting a jar of wine, a jar of oil, and two or three
pounds of gunpowder. This letter he sent by a negro servant and a Moor,
in a canoe. Our captain sent him all he asked by the Moor, but took the
negro along with us, as we understood he had been formerly in the
Indies, and knew something of the country. By this negro we were
advertised of a small bark of some thirty tons, called _junco_ by the
Moors, which was come hither from Goa, laden with pepper for the
factory, and for sale in that kingdom.

Having put our ship into as good order as we could, while we lay in the
road of Zanzibar, we set sail for India on the 15th of February, 1592,
as said before, intending, if we could, to have reached Cape Comorin,
the head-land, or promontory, of the main-land of Malabar, and there to
have lain off and on for such ships as should pass from Ceylon, San
Thome. Bengal, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccas, China, or Japan, which ships
are full of wealth and riches. But in our course we were much deceived
by the currents, which set into the gulf of Arabia, all along the coast
of Melinda; and the winds so scanted upon us from the east and
north-east, that we could not get off, and set us to the northward,
within fourscore leagues of Socotoro, far from our destined course.
During all this time we never wanted dolphins, bonitos, and flying
fishes. Finding ourselves thus far to the northward, and the season
being far spent, we determined upon going to the Red Sea, or the island
of Socotoro, both for refreshment and to look out for some purchase,
(prize). But, while in this mind, the wind fortunately sprung up at
north-west, and carried us direct for Cape Comorin.

Before doubling that cape, it was our intention to touch at the islands
of _Mamale_[16] in 12° of N. lat. at one of which we were informed we
might procure provisions. But it was not our luck to find it, partly by
the obstinacy of our master; for the day before we should have fallen in
with part of these islands, the wind shifted to the south-west, and we
missed finding it. As the wind now became more southerly, we feared not
being able to double the cape, which would have greatly hazarded our
being cast away upon the coast of Malabar, the winter season and western
monsoon being already come in, which monsoon continues on that coast
till August. But it pleased God that the wind came about more westerly,
so that in May, 1592, we happily doubled Cape Comorin, without being in
sight of the coast of India. Having thus doubled the cape, we directed
our course for the islands of Nicobar, which lie north and south with
the western part of Sumatra, and in lat. 7° N.[17] We ran from Cape
Comorin to the meridian of these islands in six days, having a very
large wind, though with foul weather, excessive rain, and gusts of wind.

[Footnote 16: Perhaps the Maldives are here meant; but the northern
extremity of that group is in lat. 7° N., and the latitude of 10°, which
reaches to the southernmost of the Lakedives, is very far out of the way
for doubling Cape Comorin.--E.]

[Footnote 17: The Nicobar Islands are in 8° N.; but Great Sambelong is
in the latitude mentioned in the text, and may have been considered as
belonging to the Nicobar group.--E.]

Through the negligence of our master, by not taking due observation of
the south star, we missed these islands, falling to the southward of
them, within sight of the islands of _Gomes Polo_,[18] immediately off
the great island of Sumatra, it being then the 1st of June; and we lay
two or three days becalmed at the north-east side of these islands,
hoping to have procured a pilot from the island of Sumatra, which was in
sight, within two leagues of us. Winter now coming on, with much
tempestuous weather, we directed our course for the islands of _Pulo
Pinao_:[19] it is to be noted that Pulo, in the Malayan language,
signifies island. We arrived there early in June, and came to anchor in
a very good harbour between three islands. At this time our men were
very sick, and many of them fallen; and we determined to remain here
till the winter were well over. This place is in lat. 5° 15' N. and
about five leagues from the main land, between Malacca and Tanaserim,
belonging to Pegu.

[Footnote 18: Probably the islands now called Pulo Brasse, and Pulo
Way.--E.]

[Footnote 19: Most probably the same with Pulo Pinang, now called Prince
of Wales's Island: the Portuguese orthography being used in the text, in
which language _ao_, or rather _aom_, as in the next section, has oar
sound of _ang_.--E.]

We remained at this place till the end of August, our refreshments being
very small, consisting only of oysters, growing on the rocks, great
wilks, or conchs, and a few fish, which we took with hooks and lines. We
landed our sick upon one of these uninhabited islands, for the sake of
their health, yet twenty-six of them died here, among whom was John
Hall, our master, and Rainald Golding, a merchant of much honesty and
discretion. There are abundance of trees in these islands of white wood,
so tall and straight as to be well fitted for masts, being often an
hundred feet long. When winter was past, and our ship fitted for going
to sea, we had only now remaining thirty-three men and one boy,
twenty-two only of whom were sound and fit for labour, and not above a
third even of these were mariners. Being under the necessity of seeking
some place for refreshments, we went over to the main-land of Malacca,
and came next day to anchor in a bay two leagues from the shore. Then
our captain, Mr James Lancaster, with his lieutenant, Mr Edmund Barker,
the author of this narrative, having manned the boat, went on shore, to
see if we could fall in with any inhabitants. On landing, we could see
the tracks of some barefooted people, who had been there not long
before, for their foe was still burning; yet we could see no people,
nor any living creature, except a fowl called oxbird, being a grey
sea-bird, in colour like a _snipe_, but different in the beak. Being by
no means shy, we killed about eight dozen of them with small shot, and
having spent the day fruitlessly, we went on board in the evening.

About two o'clock next day we saw a canoe, in which were about sixteen
naked Indians, who came near us, but would not come on board; yet, going
afterwards on shore, we had some friendly converse with them, and they
promised to bring us victuals. Next morning we espied three ships, all
of them about sixty or seventy tons burden, one of which surrendered
even to our boat; and understanding that they were of the city of
Martaban, a chief sea-port of the great city of Pegu, and that the goods
belonged to some Portuguese jesuits, and a biscuit-baker of that nation,
we took that ship; but as the other two were laden on account of
merchants of Pegu, we let them go. Having this other along with us, we
came to anchor together at night; and in the night time all her men,
being mostly natives of Pegu, fled away in their boat, except twelve,
whom we had taken on board our ship. Next day we weighed anchor, and
went to leeward of an island hard by, where we took out her lading of
pepper, which they had taken on board at Pera, a place on the main-land,
thirty leagues to the south. We likewise stopt another ship of Pegu,
laden with pepper; but finding her cargo to belong to native merchants
of Pegu, we dismissed her untouched.

Having employed about ten days in removing the goods from the prize into
our own ship, and our sick men being greatly refreshed, and strengthened
by the relief we had found in the prize, we weighed anchor about the
beginning of September, determining to run into the straits of Malacca,
to the islands called Pulo Sambilam, about forty-five leagues north from
the city of Molucca, past which islands the Portuguese ships must
necessarily pass on their voyages from Goa, or San Thome, for the
Moluccas, China, or Japan. After cruizing off and on here for about
five-days, we one Sunday espied a Portuguese ship of 250 tons, from
Negapatnam, a town on the main-land of India, opposite the northern end
of Ceylon, laden with rice for Malacca, and took her that night. Captain
Lancaster ordered her captain and master on board our ship, and sent me,
Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, with seven men, to take charge of the
prize. We came to anchor in thirty fathoms, as in all that channel there
is good anchorage three or four leagues from shore.

While thus at anchor, and keeping out a light for the Edward, another
Portuguese ship of 400 tons, belonging to San Thome, came to anchor hard
by us. The Edward had fallen to leeward, for want of a sufficient number
of men to handle her sails, and was not able next morning to fetch up to
this other ship, until we who were in the prize went in our boat to help
her. We then made sail towards the ship of San Thome: but our ship was
so foul that she escaped us. We then took out of our prize what we
thought might be useful to us, after which we liberated her with all her
men, except a pilot and four Moors, whom we detained to assist in
navigating the Edward. We continued to cruize here till the 6th of
October, at which time we met the galeon of the captain of Malacca, a
ship of 700 tons, coming from Goa. After shooting at her many times, we
at length shot through her main-yard, on which she came to anchor and
surrendered. We then commanded the captain, master, pilot, and purser to
come on board our ship; but only the captain came, accompanied by one
soldier, saying that the others would not come, unless sent for; but
having got to some distance from us in the evening, all the people of
the ship, to the number of about 300, men, women, and children, got on
shore in two great boats, and we saw no more of them.

When we came on board, we found she was armed with sixteen brass cannon.
She had 300 butts of wine, Canary, Nipar wine, which is made of the
palm-trees, and raisin-wine, which is very strong. She had likewise an
assortment of all kind of haberdashery wares; as hats, red caps, knit of
Spanish wool, knit worsted stockings, shoes, velvets, camblets, and
silks; abundance of _surkets_, (sweet-meats,) rice, Venice glasses,
papers full of false and counterfeit stones, brought from Venice by an
Italian, wherewith to deceive the rude Indians, abundance of playing
cards, two or three bales of French paper, and sundry other things. What
became of the treasure usually brought in this vessel, in ryals of
plate, we could not learn. After the mariners had pillaged this rich
ship in a disorderly manner, as they refused to unlade the excellent
wines into the Edward, Captain Lancaster abandoned the prize, letting
her drive at sea, after taking out of her the choicest of her goods.

Being afraid that we might be attacked by a greatly superior force from
Malacca, we now departed from the neighbourhood of the Sambilam islands,
and went to a bay in the kingdom of Junkseylon, between Malacca and
Pegu, in the lat. of 8° N. We here sent on shore the soldier who had
been left on board our ship by the captain of the galeon, because he
could speak the Malay language, to deal with the people for pitch, of
which we were in much need, which he did very faithfully, procuring two
or three quintals, with promise of more, and several of the natives came
off along with him to our ship. We sent commodities to their king, to
barter for ambergris and the horns of the _abath_, the trade in both of
which articles is monopolized by the king of this country. This _abath_
is a beast having only one horn in her forehead, thought to be the
female _unicorn_, and the horn is highly prized by all the Moors in
those parts, as a most sovereign remedy against poison.[20] We got two
or three of these horns, and a reasonable quantity of ambergris. At
length the king was disposed to detain the Portuguese soldier and our
merchandise treacherously; but he told the king that we had gilt armour,
shirts of mail, and halberts, which things they prize greatly, and in
hope of procuring some of these he was allowed to return on board.[21]

[Footnote 20: This _Abath_, or _Abadia_, is the Rhinoceros Monoceros, or
One-horned Rhinoceros. The virtue of the horn, mentioned in the text, is
altogether imaginary.--E.]

[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt makes the following remark on the
margin:--"Some small quantity of these things might be carried out to
pleasure those kings."]

Leaving this coast, we returned in sight of Sumatra, and went thence to
the islands of Nicobar, which we found inhabited by Moors. After we came
to anchor, the people came daily on board in their canoes, bringing
fowls, cocoas, plantains, and other fruits; and within two days they
brought ryals of plate, which they gave us in exchange for calicut
cloth. They find these ryals by diving for them in the sea, having been
there lost in two Portuguese ships not long before, that were cast away
when bound for China. In their language the cocoa-nut is called
_calambo_; the plantain, _pison_; a hen, _jam_; a fish, _iccan_; and a
hog, _babee_. Departing from the Nicobar Islands on the 21st November,
we made sail for the island of Ceylon, where we arrived about the 3d
December, 1592, and anchored on its south side, in six fathoms water,
but lost our anchor, as the ground was foul and rocky. We then ran along
the south-west side of the island, and anchored at a place called _Punta
del Galle_, meaning to remain there in waiting for the Bengal fleet of
seven or eight ships, the Pegu fleet of two or three, and the ships from
Tanaserim, a great bay to the south of Martaban, in the kingdom of Siam,
which ships, according to different informations we had got, were
expected to come this way within fourteen days, with commodities for the
caraks, which usually depart from Cochin, on the homeward voyage, about
the middle of January.

The commodities of the ships which come from Bengal are, fine pavilions
for beds, wrought quilts, fine cotton cloth, _pintados_, (painted
chintz,) and other fine goods, together with rice; and they usually make
this voyage twice a year. The ships from Pegu bring the most precious
jewels, as rubies and diamonds; but their principal lading is rice and
certain cloths. Those from Tanaserim are chiefly freighted with rice and
Nipar wine, which is very strong, and as colourless as rock water, with
a somewhat whitish tinge, and very hot in taste, like _aqua vitae_.[22]
We came to anchor at Punta Galle, in foul ground, so that we lay all
that night a-drift, having only two anchors left, which were in the
hold, and had no stocks. Upon this our men took occasion to insist upon
going home, our captain at that time being very sick, and more likely to
die than recover. In the morning we set our foresail, meaning to bear up
to the northward, standing off and on to keep away from the current,
which otherwise would have set us to the south, away from, all known
land. When the foresail was set, and we were about to hand our other
sails, to accomplish our before-mentioned purpose, our men unanimously
declared that they would stay no longer in this country, and insisted
upon directing our course for England; and as they would listen to no
persuasions, the captain was under the necessity of giving way to their
demand, leaving all hope of the great possibility we had of making some
rich prizes.

[Footnote 22: Most probably what we now call arrack is here meant.--E.]

Accordingly, on the 8th of December, 1592, we made sail for the Cape of
Good Hope, passing the Maldive Islands, and leaving the great island of
St Lawrence to starboard, or on our right hand; we passed its southern
end in lat. 26° S. In our passage from the island of St Lawrence, or
Madagascar, to the main-land of Africa, we found immense quantities of
bonitos and albicores, which, are large fishes, and of which our
captain, who was now recovered from his sickness, took as many with a
hook in two or three hours as would have served forty persons a whole
day. This _skole_ of fish continued with us for five or six weeks, in
all which time we took every day as many as sufficed our whole company,
which was no small refreshment to us.

In February, 1593, we fell in with the eastern coast of Africa, at a
place called _Baia de Agoa_, something more than 100 leagues to the
north-east of the Cape of Good Hope; and having contrary winds, we spent
a month before we could double the cape. After doubling that cape in
March, we steered for the island of St Helena, where we arrived on the
3d of April, and remained there to our great comfort nineteen days, in
which time several individuals amongst us caught thirty sizeable congers
in a day, with other rock fish, and some bonitos. I, Edmund Barker, went
one day on shore, with four or five _Peguers_ and our surgeon, where I
found an Englishman in a house near the chapel, one John Segar, of Bury,
in Suffolk, who was left there eighteen months before by Abraham Kendal;
who put in there with the Royal Merchant, and who left him there to
refresh on the island, being like to perish on shipboard. At our coming
he was fresh in colour, and seemed in perfect health of body; but he was
crazed in mind, and half out of his wits, as appeared afterwards.
Whether it was that he was terrified at our arrival, not knowing at
first whether we were friends or foes, or if sudden joy so affected him
on finding again his countrymen and old comrades, I know not, but he
became quite light headed, and during eight days and nights he could not
get any natural rest, so that he died for lack of sleep. At this place
two of our men recovered their health in a short time, one of whom was
diseased with the scurvy, and the other had been nine months sick of the
flux. We found abundance of green figs, fine oranges and lemons, plenty
of goats and hogs, and numbers of partridges, pintados, and other wild
fowls. Having now supplied the ship with fresh water, and having some
store of fish, our discontented mariners insisted upon resuming the
voyage home; and our captain, being inclined to go for Fernambuco, in
Brasil, agreed to their request. We departed therefore from St Helena
about the 12th April, 1593, directing our course for the Brasils; and
next day, on calling the sailors to finish a foresail they had then in
hand, some of them declared they would not put their hands to any thing,
unless the ship's course was directed for England; so that he was
obliged to follow their humour, henceforwards directing our course
towards our own country, which we continued to do till we came to lat.
8° N. between the equator and which latitude we spent about six weeks,
with perpetual calms or contrary winds from the north, sometimes
north-east and north-west; owing to which loss of time, and our small
store of provisions, we were very doubtful of being able to keep our
course. At this time some of our men became very mutinous, threatening
to break up other people's chests, to the entire consumption of our
provisions and ourselves; for every man had now his share of provisions
in his own custody, that they might know what they had to trust to, and
husband that the more thriftily.

Anxious to prevent the occurrence of absolute famine, and being informed
by one of the ship's company who had been at the island of Trinidada, in
a voyage with Mr Chudlei, and that we might be sure of having provisions
there, our captain directed the course for that island; but not knowing
the currents, we overshot it in the night, getting into the gulf of
Paria, in which we were for eight days, unable to get out again, as the
current constantly set in, and our ship was often in three fathoms
water. At length the current put us over to the western side of the
gully under the main-land, so that by keeping close in shore, and having
the wind off the land in the night, we got out to the northward. Being
now clear, we came in four or five days to the isle of _Mona_, where we
anchored and remained about eighteen days, during which time the Indians
of Mona gave us some victuals. In the mean time there arrived a French
ship of Caen, in Normandy, of which one Monsieur de Barbaterre was
captain, from whom we bought two butts of wine, with some bread, and
other provisions. We then watered and repaired our ship, stopping a
great leak that sprung upon us while beating out of the gulf of Paria;
and being thus in readiness for sea, we determined upon going to the
island of Newfoundland: but, before we could put this in execution,
there arose a great storm from the north, which drove us from our
anchor, and forced us to the southwards of San Domingo. We were that
night in great danger of shipwreck upon an island called _Savona_, which
is environed with flats for four or five miles all round; yet it pleased
God to enable us to clear them, when we directed our course westwards,
along the southern shore of St Domingo, and having doubled Cape
Tiberoon, we passed through the old channel between St Domingo and Cuba,
shaping our course for Cape Florida.

In this part of our course we again met with the Caen ship, which could
now spare us no more victuals; but having some hides, which he had taken
in traffic among the islands, we were glad to procure them, and gave him
for them to his contentment. After this we passed Cape Florida, and
clearing the Bahama channel, we directed our course for Newfoundland.
Running to the lat. of 36° N. and as far east as the isle of Bermuda, we
found the winds, on the 17th September, very variable, contrary to
expectation and all men's writings, so that we lay there a day or two
with a north wind, which continually increased, till it blew a storm,
which continued twenty-four hours with such violence that it carried
away our sails, though furled, and occasioned the ship to take in much
water, so that we had six feet water in our hold. Having freed our ship
by baling, the wind shifted to the north-west, and somewhat dulled; but
presently after the storm renewed with such violence, and our ship
laboured so hard, that we lost our foremast, and our ship became as full
of water as before.

When the storm ceased, the wind remained as much contrary as ever, on
which we consulted together how we might best save our lives. Our
victuals were now utterly spent; and as we had subsisted for the last
six or seven days entirely on hides, we thought it best to bear away
back again for Dominica and the adjoining islands, as we might there
have some relief. Upon this we turned back for these islands; but before
we could get there the wind scanted upon us, so that we were in the
utmost extremity for want of water and provisions; wherefore we were
forced to bear away to the westwards, to the islands called _Las
Nueblas_, or the Cloudy Islands, towards the isle of _San Juan de Porto
Rico_. At these islands we found land-crabs and fresh water, and
sea-tortoises, or turtle, which come mostly on land about full noon.
Having refreshed ourselves there for seventeen or eighteen days, and
having supplied our ship with fresh water and some provision of turtle,
we resolved to return again for Mona, upon which determination five of
our men left us, remaining on the isles of Nueblas, in spite of every
thing we could say to the contrary. These men came afterwards home in an
English ship.

Departing from the Nueblas, we arrived again at Mona about the 20th
December, 1593, and came to anchor there towards two or three in the
morning. The captain and I, with a few others, went on shore to the
dwelling of an old Indian and his three sons, thinking to procure some
food, our victuals being all expended, so that we could not possibly
proceed without a supply. We spent two or three days on shore, seeking
provisions to carry on board for the relief of our people; and on going
to the shore, for the purpose of returning with these to the ship, the
wind being somewhat northerly and the sea rough, our people could not
come near the shore with the boat, which was small and feeble, and
unable to row in a rough sea. We remained therefore till the next
morning, in hopes there might then be less wind and smoother sea. But
about twelve o'clock that night our ship drove away to sea, having only
five men and a boy, our carpenter having secretly cut the cable, leaving
nineteen of us on shore, to our great distress, having no boat or any
thing else.

In this miserable situation we reposed our trust in God, who had many
times before succoured us in our greatest extremity, and contenting
ourselves with our poor estate, sought for the means of preserving our
lives. As one place was unable to sustain us, we divided ourselves into
several companies, six of us remaining with our captain. The greatest
relief that we could find during twenty-nine days was the stalks of
purselin, boiled in water, with now and then a pompion, or gourd, which
we found in the garden of the old Indian, who, on this our second
arrival, fled with his three sons, and kept himself continually aloft on
the mountains. At the end of these twenty-nine days we espied a French
ship, which we afterwards learnt was the Louisa, of Dieppe, commanded by
a Monsieur Felix. As a signal to this ship we made a fire, at sight of
which he took in his top-sails, and bore up for the land, shewing his
French colours. Then coming to anchor at the Western end of the island,
we came down with all speed towards him; and the old Indian, with his
three sons, now joined us, and accompanied us towards the ship. This
night Captain Lancaster went on board the ship, where he received good
entertainment; and next morning they fetched other eleven of us on
board, and used us all very courteously.

This day came another French ship belonging to Dieppe, which remained
till night, expecting our other seven men to come down; but though
several shots were fired to call them, none of them came. Next morning,
therefore, we departed thence for the north side of St Domingo, where we
remained till April, 1594, spending two months in traffic, upon
permission, with the inhabitants, for hides and other articles, six of
us being in one of the ships and six in the other. In this time we were
joined by a third French ship of Newhaven, by which we had intelligence
of the seven men who were left by us at the island of Mona. Two of them
had broken their necks by clambering on the cliffs to catch fowls; other
three were slain by the Spaniards, who came over from St Domingo, having
received information of our being on Mona, from our people who went away
in the Edward; the other two were in this ship of Newhaven, which had
relieved them from the bloody hands of the Spaniards.

From this place Captain Lancaster and I shipped ourselves in another
ship belonging to Dieppe, of which one Monsieur Jean la Noe was captain,
being the first that was ready to come away, leaving the rest of our men
in the other ships, where they were all well treated. We sailed for
Europe on Sunday the 7th April, 1594; and passing through the _Caycos_,
we arrived safe in Dieppe in forty-two days after, on the 19th of May.
After staying two days to refresh ourselves, giving thanks to God and to
our friendly preservers, we took our passage for Rye, where we landed on
Friday the 24th May, 1594, having spent in this voyage three years, six
weeks, and two days, which the Portuguese perform in half the time,
chiefly because we lost the fit time and season to begin our voyage.

We understood, in the East Indies, from certain Portuguese, that they
have lately discovered the coast of China as high as the latitude of
59° N. finding the sea still open to the northwards, by which great
hopes are entertained of finding the north-east or north-west passage.

Witness, JAMES LANCASTER.


SECTION VII.

_Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May_.[23]

We departed from Plymouth on the 10th April, 1591, with three tall
ships; the Penelope, Captain Raimond admiral; the Merchant Royal,
Captain Samuel Foxcroft[24] vice-admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure,
Captain James Lancaster rear-admiral; on board of which I sailed,
together with a small pinnace. In May following we arrived at Gran
Canaria, one of the Fortunate Islands; and towards the end of that
month, being within three degrees of the equator on the north side, we
took a Portuguese ship, bound for Brasil, which tended much to our
refreshment. The 29th July we came to Saldanha Bay. (_Aguada Saldania_,)
a good harbour, near the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid about a
month, and whence we sent home the Merchant Royal for England, because
of great sickness among our people, with a considerable number of our
weak men. We here bought an ox for a knife worth three-pence, a sheep
for a broken knife, or any other odd trifle, from the natives, who are
negroes, clad in cloaks of raw-hides, both men and women.

[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 52.]

[Footnote 24: In the account of this voyage, penned from the relation of
Edmund Barker, forming the immediately preceding section, the captain of
the Merchant Royal is named Abraham Kendal.--E.]

The 8th of September the Penelope and Edward Bonadventure weighed
anchor, and that day we doubled the cape. The 12th following we were
assailed by a fierce tempest, or hurricane; and in the evening we saw a
great sea break over our admiral, the Penelope, which struck out their
light, and we never saw them any more. In October we in the Edward fell
in with the westernmost part of the island of St Lawrence about
midnight, not knowing where we were. Next day we came to anchor at
Quitangone, a place on the main-land of Africa, two or three leagues
north of Mozambique, which is supplied from hence with fresh water. We
here took a _pangaia_, in which was a Portuguese boy, being a vessel
like a barge, with one mat-sail of cocoa-nut leaves. The hull of this
barge is pinned with wooden pins, and sewed with cord made of the bark
of trees. In this pangaia we found a kind of corn called _millio_, or
millet, a considerable number of hens, and some bales of blue calicut
cloth. We took the Portuguese boy with us, and dismissed the rest. From
this place we went to an island called Comoro, off the coast of Melinda,
in about 11° S., where we staid all November, finding the people black
and comely, but very treacherous; for the day before we left that island
they killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace our
master, and two of his mates, one of them being in the boat along with
him to fetch water, and the other on shore, over against the ship. They
first took possession of our boat, and then slaughtered our men. From
thence we went to the island of Zanzibar, on the coast of Melinda, where
we staid to winter, till the beginning of February, 1592.

The 2d February, 1592, we weighed anchor, and set sail for the East
Indies; but, having calms and contrary winds, we were not able to fetch
the coast of India, near Calicut, till the month of June, by which long
delay many of our men died for want of refreshments. In this month of
June we came to anchor at the islands of _Pulo Pinaom_, where we staid
till the 1st September, our men being very sick, and dying fast. We set
sail that day, directing our course for Malacca, and had not gone far at
sea when we took a ship of the kingdom of Pegu, of about eighty tons,
having wooden anchors, a crew of about fifty men, and a pinnace of some
eighteen tons at her stern, laden with pepper; but the pinnace stole
from us in the morning in a gust of wind. We might likewise have taken
two other Pegu vessels, laden with pepper and rice. In this month also
we took a great Portuguese ship of six or seven hundred tons, chiefly
laden with victuals, but having chests of hats, pintados, and calicut
cloths.[25] We took likewise another Portuguese ship, of some hundred
tons, laden with victuals, rice, white and painted cotton cloth, (or
calicoes and chintzes,) and other commodities. These ships were bound
for Malacca, mostly laden with victuals, as that place is victualled
from Goa, San Thome, and other places in India, provisions being very
scarce in its own neighbourhood.

[Footnote 25: Painted and white calicoes or cotton cloths.--E.]

In November, 1592, we steered for the Nicobar Islands, some degrees to
the north-west of the famous island of Sumatra, at which islands we
found good refreshment, as the inhabitants, who are Mahometans, came on
board of us in their canoes, with hens, cocoas, plantains, and other
fruits; and within two days brought ryals of plate, which they gave us
for cotton cloth, which ryals they procured by diving in the sea, having
been lost not long before in two Portuguese ships bound for China, that
had been there cast away. Our ship's company was now so much wasted by
sickness, that we resolved to turn back to Ceylon, for which purpose we
weighed anchor in November, and arrived off Ceylon about the end of that
month. In this island grows excellent cinnamon; and the best diamonds in
the world are found there. Our captain proposed to have staid at this
island to make up our voyage, of which he had great hope, in consequence
of certain intelligence we had received; but our company, now reduced to
thirty-three men and boys, mutinied, and would not stay, insisting upon
going home, and our captain was very sick, and like to die.

We accordingly set sail, homeward bound, on the 8th December, 1592; but
some days before our arrival within sight of the Cape of Good Hope, we
were forced to divide our bread, to each man his portion, in his own
keeping, as certain flies had devoured most of it before we were aware.
We had now only thirty-one pounds of bread a man to carry us to England,
with a small quantity of rice daily. We doubled the Cape of Good Hope on
the 31st March, 1593, and came next month to anchor at the island of St
Helena, where we found an Englishman, a tailor, who had been there
fourteen months. Having sent ten men on shore in the boat, they found
this man in the chapel, into which he had gone to avoid the heat; and
hearing some one sing in the chapel, whom our people supposed to have
been a Portuguese, they thrust open the door, and went in upon him: but
the poor man, on seeing so many men of a sudden, and believing them to
be Portuguese, was at first in great fear, not having seen a human being
for fourteen months, and afterwards knowing them to be English, and
some of them his acquaintance, he became exceeding joyful, insomuch
that between sudden and excessive fear and joy, he became distracted in
his wits, to our great sorrow. We here found the carcasses of forty
goats, which he had dried. The party which left him had made for him two
suits of goats'-skins, with the hairy side outmost, like the dresses
worn by the savages of Canada. This man lived till we came to the West
Indies, and then died.

We remained at St Helena all the month of April, and arrived at the
island of Trinidada, in the West Indies, in June, 1593, hoping to
procure some refreshments there, but could not, as the Spaniards had
taken possession. We got here embayed between the island and the main;
and, for want of victuals, our company would have forsaken the ship, on
which our captain had to swear every man not to forsake her till the
most urgent necessity. It pleased God to deliver us from this bay,
called _Boca del Dragone_, from whence we directed our course for the
island of _San Juan de Puerto Rico_, but fell in with the small island
of Mona, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola, where we remained about
fifteen days, procuring some small refreshment. There arrived here a
ship of Caen, in Normandy, of which Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere
was captain, who greatly comforted us by a supply of bread and other
provisions, of which we were greatly in need, after which we parted.

Having foul weather at Mona, we weighed anchor and set sail, directing
our course for Cape Tiberoon, at the west end of Hispaniola; and, in
doubling that cape, we had so violent a gust of wind from the shore,
that it carried away all our sails from the yards, leaving us only one
new fore-course, the canvass of which we had procured from the
Frenchman. Having doubled the cape in that distress, the
before-mentioned Captain de la Barbotiere gave us chase with his
pinnace; and when come near, I went on board to inform him of our
distress; and he now said, there was nothing in his ship but what he
would spare for our assistance; so we agreed with him for some canvass.
He said likewise, if we would accompany him to a harbour called
_Gonnavy_,[26] to the northward of Tiberoon, that he would procure us
plenty of fresh provisions. I went back to our ship, and reported this
to our captain, who made it known to the company, and it was unanimously
agreed to go there, which was done accordingly. We remained there
fifteen days along with the Frenchman, but could get very small
refreshment, as the Spaniards were in great fear of the Frenchman,
supposing him a man of war, and that our ship was Portuguese, which he
had captured, and could not be persuaded to the contrary by any thing he
could say. Thus staying long, and procuring very little refreshment, our
people begun to grow mutinous, pretending that the captain and I went on
board the Frenchman to make good chear ourselves, taking no care of
them; but I protest before God that our sole care was to procure
victuals that we might leave him.

[Footnote 26: Hakluyt, on the margin, gives _Guanaba_ as a synonime: it
was probably Gonaives' Bay, in the northern part of the west end of
Hispaniola.--E.]

In the mean time a great part of our people entered into a conspiracy to
seize the Frenchman's pinnace, and with her to board the French ship;
but while this was concerting among them, one of themselves went on
board the Frenchman, and revealed the plot. Upon this Monsieur de la
Barbotiere sent for the captain and me to dine with him. We went
accordingly, and remained all the afternoon, being invited likewise to
supper. While we were at supper the French captain did not come to us
for a long time, and when he at length came into the cabin, he told us
we must either leave him, or he must go seek another port. Informing
Captain Lancaster of this, he desired me to say, that rather as be any
hindrance to him we would depart. While we were thus talking together,
the Frenchman weighed and set sail, which we perceived, and asked what
he meant. He said he proposed to keep us as his sureties, because our
men had plotted to seize his ship, as before mentioned.

When the French ship came athwart ours, it blowing then a stiff breeze,
their boat, which was astern, and had in her two Moors and two Peguers,
whom we had given to them, broke away. The French captain was now worse
than before, and threatened sore to make us pay for his voyage. Seeing
us pass, the Edward weighed and set sail, meaning to go for England; and
the people shared among them all the captain's victuals and mine, when
they saw us kept as prisoners.

Next morning the French ship went in search of her pinnace, which was at
_Laguna_, and on firing a gun she came off, having three of our people
on board, Edmund Barker our lieutenant, one John West, and Richard
Lackland, one of our mutineers. Of this I told the French captain, which
Lackland could not deny but that such a scheme was intended. I was then
put into the French pinnace to seek their boat, while they went to see
if they could overtake our ship.

Next day we all met at Cape St Nicholas, but could hear no tidings of
the French boat. As there were Spaniards and negroes on board our ship,
Captain de la Barbotiere requested to have them; on which our captain
desired him to send his boat for them, and he might have them with all
his heart. After much ado this was done, and they were brought on board.
He then demanded of these people if his boat were in our ship, and being
assured she was not, we became good friends again, to our great joy. The
12th August, 1593, our captain was again sent on board his own ship;
but, before his departure, he requested the French captain to take me
home with him, that I might certify to the owners all that had passed in
our unfortunate voyage, as also the mutinous behaviour of our crew.
Accordingly we took our leaves of each other, the Edward setting sail
for England, while we in the French ship bore up again for _Gonnavy_, or
Gonaives, where we afterwards found the French boat.[27]

[Footnote 27: In this part of the narrative, May is somewhat different
from that formerly given from Edmund Barker, in the preceding section,
or rather he is more minutely particular. The remainder of the narrative
has no farther connection with the unfortunate Edward Bonadventure.--E.]

The last of November, 1593, Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a
port called Laguna, in Hispaniola. The 17th of December we had the
misfortune to be cast away on the north-west part of the island of
Bermuda, about midnight. At noon of that day the pilots reckoned
themselves twelve leagues to the south of that island, and certifying
the captain that the ship was out of all danger, they demanded and
received their _wine of height_.[28] After having their wine, it would
seem that they became careless of their charge, so that through their
drunkenness and negligence a number of good men were cast away. It
pleased God that I, a stranger among above fifty Frenchmen and others,
was among those who were saved: I trust to his service and glory. At
first we comforted ourselves in the hope that we were wrecked hard by
the shore of the island, being high cliffs; but we found ourselves seven
leagues off. By means of our boat, and a raft which we made, about
twenty-six of us were saved, among whom I was the only Englishman. Being
among so many strangers, and seeing there was not room for half the
people, I durst neither press to get into the boat or upon the raft,
lest they should have thrown me overboard or killed me; so I remained in
the ship, which, was almost full of water, till the captain called me
into the boat, in which he was; so I presently entered, leaving the
better half of our company to the mercy of the sea.

[Footnote 28: Probably alluding to some customary perquisite on getting
safely through the dangerous navigation of the Bahama Islands.--E.]

We rowed all day, and an hour or two of the night, towing the raft after
us, before we got to land: and, being all that day without drink, every
man dispersed in search of water, but it was long before any was found.
At length one of the pilots, by digging among a tuft of weeds, found
water, to our great comfort. As there are many fine bays in this island,
I think abundance of fresh water might be got by digging for it. Bermuda
is all divided into broken islets; the largest, upon which I was, might
be about four or five miles long, by two and a half miles over, all
covered with wood, as cedar and other kinds, but cedar is the most
abundant.

It pleased God, before our ship broke to pieces, that we saved our
carpenter's tools, otherwise we must have remained on the island. With
these tools we went immediately to work, cutting down trees, of which we
built a small bark of about eighteen tons, almost entirely fastened with
trunnels, having very few nails. As for tackle, we made a trip to our
ship in the boat, before she split, cutting down her shrouds, and some
of her sails and other tackle, by which means we rigged our bark.
Instead of pitch, we made some lime, which we mixed with oil of
tortoises; and as soon as the carpenters had caulked a seam, I and
another, with small sticks, plastered the mortar into the seams, and
being fine dry warm weather, in the month of April, it became dry, and
as hard as stone, as soon as laid on. Being very hot and dry weather, we
were afraid our water might fail us, and made therefore the more haste
to get away. Before our departure, we built two great wooden chests,
well caulked, which we stowed on each side of our mast, into which we
put our provision of water, together with thirteen live sea-tortoises
for our food during the voyage, which we proposed for Newfoundland.

There are hogs in the south part of Bermuda; but they were so lean,
owing to the barrenness of the island, that we could not eat them. It
yielded us, however, abundance of fowl, fish, and tortoises. To the
eastwards this island has very good harbours, so that a ship of 200 tons
might ride in them, perfectly land-locked, and with enough of water.
This island also has as good pearl-fishing as any in the West Indies;
but is subject to foul weather, as thunder, lightning, and rain. In
April and part of May, however, when we were there, the weather was hot,
and quite fair.

On the 11th of May it pleased God that we got clear of this island, to
the no small joy of us all, after we had lived in it for five months.
The 20th of that month we fell in with the land near Cape Breton, where
we ran into a fresh water river, of which there are many on this coast,
and took in wood, water, and ballast. Here the people of the country
came to us, being cloathed in furs, with the hair side inwards, and
brought with them sundry sorts of furs to sell, together with great
quantities of wild ducks; and as some of our company had saved a few
small beads, we bought a few of their ducks. We staid only about four
hours at this place, which seemed a very good country, as we saw very
fine champaign ground and woods. We ran from this place to the Banks of
Newfoundland, where we met several vessels, none of which would take us
in. At length, by the blessing of God, we fell in with a bark belonging
to Falmouth, which received us all for a short time; and in her we
overtook a French ship, in which I left my dear friend, Captain de la
Barbotiere, and all his company, remaining myself in the English bark,
in which I arrived at Falmouth in August, 1594.


SECTION VIII.

_The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the East
Indies, in_ 1596.[29]

INTRODUCTION.

In the year 1596, a squadron of three ships, the Bear, Bear's Welp, and
Benjamin, was fitted out, chiefly at the charges of Sir Robert Dudley,
and the command given to Mr Benjamin Wood. The merchants employed in
this voyage were, Mr Richard Allot and Mr Thomas Bromfield, both of the
city of London. As they intended to have proceeded as far as China, they
obtained the gracious letters of Queen Elizabeth, of famous memory, to
the king or emperor of that country, recommending these two merchants,
or factors, to his protection.

[Footnote 29: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, Astl. I. 252.]

This their honourable expedition, and gracious recommendations from her
majesty for the furtherance of their mercantile affairs, had no
answerable effects, but suffered a double disaster: first, in the
miserable perishing of the squadron; and next, in losing the history, or
relation, of that tragedy. Some broken plank, however, as after a
shipwreck have yet been encountered from the West Indies, which gives us
some notice of this East-Indian misadventure. Having the following
intelligence by the intercepted letters of the licentiate _Alcasar de
Villa Senor_, auditor in the royal audience of St Domingo, judge of the
commission in Porto Rico, and captain-general of the province of New
Andalusia, written to the King of Spain and his royal council of the
Indies; an extract of which, so far as concerns this business, here
follows; wherein let not the imputation of robbery and piracy trouble
the minds of the reader, being the words of a Spaniard concerning the
deeds of Englishmen, done in the time of war between us and them.

So far we have exactly followed the introductory remarks of Purchas. In
the sequel, however, we have thought it better to give only an
abridgement of the letter from Alcasar de Villa Senor, which Purchas
informs us, in a side note, he had found among the papers of Mr Richard
Hakluyt. In this we have followed the example of the editor of Astley's
Collection, because the extract given by Purchas is very tedious, and
often hardly intelligible. This letter, dated from Porto Rico, 2d
October, 1601, gives no light whatever into the voyage itself, nor by
what accident the ships, which had set out for the East Indies, had come
into the West Indies; neither what became of the ships, nor the nature
of the sickness which had reduced their men to four, but wholly refers
to what passed after these sailors had quitted their ship, and landed on
the island of _Utias_, near Porto Rico. All these circumstances were
probably communicated in a former letter, alluded to in the commencement
of that which was intercepted, as it proceeds upon having received a
commission from the royal audience, to punish certain offenders who had
usurped a great quantity of property belonging to the King of Spain in
the island of Utias; the plunder taken by the English, and with which
these four men had landed in that island--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

It appears by this letter, that three English ships bound for the East
Indies, belonging to Portugal, had captured three Portuguese ships, one
of them from Goa, from the captain of which they took a large rich
precious stone, which the captain had charge of for the King of Spain;
the particulars of which had been communicated the year before in a
letter from Alcasar to the king, together with a copy of the declaration
of one Thomas, of the goods he and his three companions had in the said
island of Utias. They had also many bags of ryals of eight and four,
intended for the pay of the garrison in a frontier castle of India, and
much more goods belonging to the Portuguese.

After this all the men died of some unexplained sickness, except four
men, whose names were Richard, Daniel, Thomas, and George. These men,
with all the jewels, money, and rich goods they could remove, put into a
river or bay of the island of _Utias_,[30] three leagues from Porto
Rico; where, after landing their goods, their boat sunk, and they
remained on that island with only a small boat made of boards, which
they had taken from some fishermen at Cape San Juan, the north-east
headland of Porto Rico. With that small boat they crossed over to Porto
Rico in search of water, and, on their return to Utias, left George
behind them on Porto Rico. He, being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes and
five others, gave information of all that had happened to them, and of
the large stone, jewels, gold, plate, testoons, and other rich goods
that were in the said island, and of the places where the other three
Englishmen and their goods might be found.

[Footnote 30: From the context, it would appear, that the island of
Utias is to the east of Porto Rico, among or towards the group called
the Virgin isles. The ships of Wood were probably suffering from scurvy
and famine, like the Edward Bonadventure; and, endeavouring, like
Lancaster, to seek relief in the West Indies, may have perished among
the Virgin isles.--E.]

Consulting together on this information, they agreed to pass over into
the island, to take possession for their own benefit of these rich
goods, and did so, carrying with them a letter from George the
Englishman to his: comrades, advising them to submit to the Spaniards,
and to deliver up to them their arms and riches. Coming near to where
the three Englishmen dwelt, these Spaniards displayed a white flag in
token of peace, and the Englishmen set up another; after which they held
a friendly conference together, the Spaniards pledging their good faith
and friendship. Upon which the Englishmen yielded themselves to Don
Rodrigo and his companions, with their arms and all their goods, which
they took possession of, and parted all the money among themselves. They
hid and kept secret the great stone and other jewels, with a great
quantity of gold, silver, and other rich goods; keeping out only a small
quantity of silver in bars, and some silks, as a cover for the rest.
And, that it might not be known what quantity of jewels, gold, silver,
and other rich goods they had usurped, they agreed to murder the three
Englishmen with whom they had eaten, drank, and slept in peace. They
accordingly killed Richard and Daniel, and would have slain George, but
he escaped from them to a mountain. They then returned to Porto Rico,
where they put George to death by poison, and sent to Utias to seek out
Thomas and put him to death; but he got over to this island in a
wonderful manner by means of a piece of timber; which they hearing of,
sought by all the means they could to kill him, but to no purpose.

Meanwhile Don Rodrigo, and two others of his accomplices, came to the
city of San Juan, and informed the governor that they had found a small
quantity of goods in the island of Utias, having slain three Englishmen
in fight to get them; and their other accomplices presented themselves
as witnesses, falsely declaring that they had found no more goods. But
not agreeing in their story on farther investigation, and Thomas the
Englishman being at length procured as evidence against them, they were
all sent to prison; whence Don Rodrigo, though bolted and guarded by two
soldiers, contrived to get out by filing off his irons in the night.
After Don Rodrigo's escape, the rest confessed the whole affair; but
either through favour or fear, no one would assist Alcasar to bring this
rascally ringleader to justice. He pronounced sentence on all the rest,
with a denunciation that they were to be put to death in five days,
unless the goods were delivered up.

How this affair ended does not appear, as the letter was written before
the expiry of the five days. Neither indeed is this letter of much
importance, except to shew the miserable end of that unfortunate voyage,
the villainy of Don Rodrigo and his comrades in murdering the poor
Englishmen to conceal their plunder, and that Alcasar, in the
prosecution, was solely intent upon recovering the treasure for the King
of Spain, without any consideration of the murder of the three
Englishmen; who, in his letter, are treated as robbers and thieves,
though England was then at war with Spain, and they were consequently
justifiable in taking the Portuguese ships as lawful prizes.


SECTION IX.

_Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilot to a
Dutch Ship_.[31]

This voyage was written by Davis himself, and appears to have been sent
by him in a letter to Robert Earl of Essex, dated Middleburgh, 1st
August, 1600. From this letter we learnt that Mr Davis had been employed
by his lordship, for discovering these eastern parts of the world, for
the service of Queen Elizabeth, and the good of England. He informs his
noble patron, that his journal only contains such things as had fallen
under his own observation; but, when favoured with an opportunity, he
would give him an account of all that he had learnt abroad relating to
the places of trade and strength belonging to the crown of Portugal, and
respecting the commerce of those eastern nations with each other. The
Portuguese possessions, he says, beginning at Sofala, being the first
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, are Mozambique, Ornuus, Diu, Gor, Coulan,
Onore, Mangalore, Cochin, Columbo, Negapatam, Portogrande or Chittigong
in Bengal, Malacca, and Macao in China, with the islands of Molucca and
Amboyna. That the Portuguese likewise trade to Monomotapa, Melinda,
Aden, Arabia, Cambaya or Guzerat, the coast of Coromandel, Balagate, and
Orissa.

[Footnote 31: Purch. Pilg. I. 116. Astley, I. 254.]

Of all these nations, as he says, there are some traders residing at
Acheen, in the island of Sumatra; where likewise he met with Arabians,
and a nation called _Ramos_,[32] from the Red-Sea, who have traded there
many hundred years. There are there also many Chinese engaged in trade,
who have been used to trade there for many hundred years, and used Davis
kindly, so that he says he was able to give his lordship much
information concerning the great empire of China. He concludes by
saying, that the Portuguese had long industriously concealed all these
things, which were now providentially laid open. He concludes by saying,
that he had inclosed the alphabet of the Acheen language, with some
words of their language, written from right to left, after the manner of
the Hebrews; but this has not been printed in the Collection of Purchas.
He says that he had also sent by one Mr Tomkins, probably the bearer of
the letter and journal, some of the coin used there in common payments;
The gold piece called _mas_, being worth about ninepence half-penny; and
those of lead called _caxas_, of which it takes 1600 to make one _mas_.

[Footnote 32: Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence In the east
the Turks are called Rumos.--_Purchas_.

By the _Rumos_, or _Rúms_, are to be understood the people of Egypt;
which, having been a part of the Roman empire, is, like Anatolia and
other provinces of the Turkish empire, called _Rúm_ by the orientals.
Hence likewise the Turks are called _Rúms_; and not, as Purchas says,
because they are in possession of Constantinople, which was called _New
Rome_: For these provinces were called _Rúm_ several ages before the
Turks took that city.--ASTLEY, I.254, b.]

"The relation which follows, titled "A brief Relation of Master John
Davis, chief Pilot to the Zealanders in their East India Voyage,
departing from Middleburgh," is obscure in some places, but must only be
considered as an abstract of his large journal, perhaps written in
haste. The latitudes are by no means to be commended for exactness, and
seem to have been taken on shipboard, only two or three of them with any
care. It is rather singular that he gives no observation for Acheen,
though the chief object of the voyage, and that he staid there so
long."--ASTLEY.

       *       *       *       *       *

We departed from Flushing on the 15th of March, 1598, being two ships in
company, the Lion of 400 tons, having 123 persons on board, and the
Lioness of 250 tons, with 100 men. These ships were the sole property of
Messrs Mushrom, Clarke, and Monef of Middleburgh, and entirely at their
risk. Cornelius Howteman was chief commander of both ships, with the
title of general, having a commission from Prince Maurice.

The seventh day after, being the 22d, we anchored in Torbay, having a
contrary wind. We sailed thence on the 7th of April, and had sight of
Porto Santo on the 20th; fell in with Palma on the 23d, and the 30th
reached the Cape Verd islands. We first anchored at St Nicholas, in lat.
16° 16' N. We here watered on the 7th of May, and setting sail on the
9th, fell in with St Jago. The 9th June we got sight of Brazil, in lat.
7° S, not being able to double Cape St Augustine; for, being near the
equator, we had very inconstant weather and bad winds; in which
desperate case we shaped our course for the island of Fernando Noronho,
in lat. 4° S. where on the 15th June we anchored on the north side in
eighteen fathoms. In this island we found twelve negroes, eight men and
four women. It is a fertile island, having good water, and abounds in
goats; having also beeves, hogs, hens, melons, and Guinea corn with
plenty of fish and sea-fowl. These negroes had been left here by the
Portuguese to cultivate the island, and no ships had been there for
three years.

Leaving this island on the 26th August, with the wind at E.N.E. we
doubled Cape St Augustine on the 30th. The 10th September we passed the
_Abrolhos_, which we were in much fear of; these shoals being far out at
sea in lat. 21° S. and are very dangerous. On this occasion our _Baas_,
for so a Dutch captain is called, appointed a _Master of Misrule_, named
the _Kesar_, the authority of which disorderly officer lay in riot, as
after dinner he would neither salute his friends, nor understand the
laws of reason, those who ought to have been most respectful being both
lawless and witless. We spent three days in this dissolute manner, and
then shaped our course for the Cape of Good Hope, sailing towards the
coast of Bacchus, to whom this idolatrous sacrifice was made, as
appeared afterwards.

The 11th November we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 34° S. ten
leagues short of the Cape of Good Hope, where there are three fresh
water rivers.[33] The people came to us with great plenty of oxen and
sheep, which they sold for spike nails and pieces of old iron, giving
the best for not more than the value of a penny. Their cattle are large,
and have a great lump of flesh on the shoulder, like the back of a
camel. Their sheep have prodigiously large tails, entirely composed of
fat, weighing twelve or fourteen pounds, but are covered with hair
instead of wool. The people are not circumcised; are of an olive black
colour, blacker than the Brazilians, with black curled hair like the
negroes of Angola. Their words are mostly inarticulate, and in speaking
they cluck with the tongue like a brood hen, the cluck and the word
being pronounced together in a very strange manner. They go naked,
except a short cloak of skins, and sandals tied to their feet, painting
their faces with various colours, and are a strong active people, who
run with amazing swiftness. They are subject to the King of
Monomotapa,[34] who is reported to be a mighty sovereign. Their only
weapons are darts.

[Footnote 33: It has been before remarked, that the Saldanha bay of the
older navigators was Table bay. What is now called Saldanha bay has no
river, or even brook, but has been lately supplied by means of a cut or
canal from Kleine-berg river, near twenty-five miles in length.--E.]

[Footnote 34: This is an error, the Hotentots having been independent
nomadic herders of cattle and sheep, divided into a considerable number
of tribes, and under a kind of patriarchal government.--E.]

As the Dutchmen offered them some rudeness, they absented themselves
from us for three days, during which time they made great fires on the
mountains. On the 19th of November, there came a great multitude of them
to us, with a great number of cattle, and taking a sudden opportunity
while bartering, they set upon us and slew thirteen of our people with
their hand-darts, which could not have hurt any of us at the distance of
four pikes' length. The Dutchmen fled from them like mice before cats,
basely throwing away their weapons. Our _Baas_ or captain kept on board
to save himself, but sent us corslets, two-handed swords, pikes,
muskets, and targets, so that we were well laden with weapons, but had
neither courage nor discretion, for we staid at our tents besieged by
savages and cows. We were in muster giants, with great armed bodies; but
in action babes with wrens' hearts. Mr Tomkins and I undertook to order
these fellows, according to that excellent way which we had seen in your
lordship's most honourable actions. Some consented to go with us, though
unwillingly; but most of them ran to the pottage pot, swearing it was
dinner time. We went all on board this night, except our great mastiff
dog, which we could not induce to follow us, for I think he was ashamed
of our cowardly behaviour. The land here is of an excellent soil, and
the climate is quite healthy; the soil being full of good herbs, as
mints, calamint, plantain, ribwort, trefoil, scabious, and such like. We
set sail from Saldanha bay on the 27th of December, and doubled the Cape
of Good Hope on the last day of the year.

The 6th of January, 1599, we doubled Cape Aguillas, the most southern
point of Africa, in lat. 35° S. [34° 45'] where the compass has no
variation.[35] The 6th of February we fell in with Madagascar, short of
St Romano, [or Cape St Mary, at its southern end;] and not being able to
double it, we bore room with [bore away to leeward for] the bay of St
Augustine on the south-west side of that island, in lat. 23° 50' S. [23°
30'.] The 3d of March we anchored in that bay, where we saw many people
on the shore, but they all fled when we landed; for when, our _baas_ was
in this bay on the former voyage, he greatly abused the people, and
having taken one of them, he had him tied to a post and shot to death,
having besides used them otherwise most shamefully. After seven days, we
enticed some of them to come to us, from whom we bought some milk and
one cow; but they soon left us, and would not have any more connexion
with us. They are a strong well-shaped people, of a coal-black colour,
having a sweet and pleasing language. Their weapons are spears or half
pikes, headed with iron, which they keep very clear; and they go quite
naked. The soil appeared very fertile, and we saw a vast number of
tamarind trees. We found another high tree producing beans very good to
eat, in pods two feet long, and the beans of a proportional size. We saw
here many cameleons. We English suffered no small misery, especially in
this bay: but God, the ever living commander, was our only succour.

[Footnote 35: This, it must be noticed, was in the year 1599. The
variation alters progressively, increasing to a maximum in one
deflexion; it then retrogrades till it points true north, which it
progressively overpasses in the opposite deflexion to a maximum again.
But these changes do not proceed with sufficient regularity to admit of
being predicted with any certainty.--E.]

This 8th of March we came on board hungry and meatless, and on the 14th
we set sail from this place, which we called Hungry bay, shaping our
coarse to the northward along the west side of the island. The 29th, we
came to the islands of Comoro, between 12° and 13° S. [12° 32' and 15°
16'.] There are five of these islands, named Mayotta, Anzuame,
Magliaglie, San Christophero, and Spiritu Santo.[36] The 30th, we
anchored at Mayotta close by a town, where there were many people who
seemed rejoiced at our arrival, and came on board, bringing us presents
of victuals. The king sent a message to our _baas_, inviting him on
shore with promise of much kindness; and when he landed, the king met
him with a great retinue, having three drums beaten before him. He and
his principal followers were richly dressed, in long silken robes,
embroidered in the Turkish fashion: and after using us with great
kindness, gave us a letter of recommendation for the Queen of Anzuame,
or Hinzuan, as that island has no king.

[Footnote 36: There are six islands in the Comoro group: 1. Comoro,
Gasidza, of Angazesio: 2. Malalio, Senbraeas, or Moelia: 3. Mayotta: 4.
St Christophus: 5. Hinzuan, Angouan, or Joanna: 6. St Esprit. Which last
has four inlets off its western side, and one to the N.E. of its
northern end.--E.]

We sailed from Mayotta on the 17th of April, and anchored at Hinzuan on
the 19th, before a town named _Demos_, which appears from its ruins to
have been a strong place, the houses being built of hewed freestone, and
what remains being as large as Plymouth, but the walls are almost
ruined. The queen used us in a most friendly manner, yet would not allow
any of us to see her. In these islands we had rice, oxen, goats, cocoas,
bananas, oranges, lemons, and citrons. The inhabitants are negroes, but
smooth-haired, and follow the Mahometan religion. Their weapons are
swords, targets, bows and arrows. These islands are very beautiful and
fertile; and among them we found merchants of Arabia and India, but I
could not learn what commodities they yielded. They greatly coveted
weapons and iron, and were fond of procuring paper. The 28th we departed
from Hinzuan, passing through the islands of Mascarenhas and the Shoals
of Almirante.

The 23d of May, we fell in with the islands called Maldives, which are
very low close to the water, and are so covered with cocoa-nut trees,
that we saw only trees and no shore. Many of the native boats passed
close by us, but none would come to us, wherefore our _baas_ sent a
ship's boat to take one of them, which on the 24th brought a boat to us,
which was covered with mats like a close barge. In this boat was a
gentleman and his wife. He was dressed in very fine white linen, made
after the Turkish fashion, having several rings with red stones; and his
countenance was so modest, his behaviour so sweet and affable, and his
speech so graceful, that we concluded he could not be less than a
nobleman. He was very unwilling to let his wife be seen; but our _baas_
went into the boat along with him to see her, and even opened her
casket, in which were some jewels and ambergris. He reported that she
sat in mournful modesty, not speaking a word. What was taken from them I
know not, but on departing, this gentleman shewed a princely spirit. He
was a man of middle stature, of a black colour, with smooth or lank
hair. There is considerable trade in these islands, by reason of the
cocoa-trees; for they make ropes, cables, sails, wine, oil, and a kind
of bread from that tree and its fruit. It is said that there are 11,000
of these islands.

The 27th of May we set sail, and that morning there came on board of us
an old man who could speak a little Portuguese, who piloted us through
the channel, as by chance we had fallen upon the right channel called
Maldivia, in lat. 4° 15' N. Here the compass varied 17° westerly. It is
a very dangerous thing to miss the right channel, the trade and
navigation through which is very great of various nations, to most
places of India, as I hope in your lordship's presence to inform you at
large. The 3d June we fell in with the coast of India near Cochin, in
lat. 8° 40' N.[37] and coasting along the shore, we shaped our course
eastwards for Cape Comorin, and thence to the island of Sumatra.

[Footnote 37: Cochin is in lat. 9° 56' 30" N. 8° 40', the lat. in the
text falls very near Anjengo; to the south of Coulan.--E.]

The 13th June we saw the coast of Sumatra, in lat. 5° 40' N. at its most
northerly extremity; and when stopping at an island near the shore to
take in water, on the 16th, we spoke with some of the people. The 21st,
we anchored in the bay of Acheen in twelve fathoms, on which the king
sent off his officers to measure the length and breadth of our vessels,
and to take the number of our ordnance and men, which they did. Our
_baas_ sent two of his people on shore along with these officers, with a
present to the king, consisting of a looking glass, a drinking glass,
and a coral bracelet. Next day our people returned on board, being
apparelled by the king after the country fashion, in dresses of white
calico, and brought a friendly message of peace, welcome, and plenty of
spices. We found, three barks belonging to Arabia and one of Pegu riding
in the bay, which had come to lade pepper. There was here also a
Portuguese officer, Don Alfonso Vincente, with four barks from Malacca,
who had come expressly to endeavour to prevent our trade, as was shewn
in the sequel.

On the 23d June, the king sent at midnight for our _baas_ to come to
wait upon him, sending a noble as his hostage. He went immediately on
shore, and was kindly used by the king, who promised him a free trade,
and cloathed him after the fashion of the country, giving him likewise a
_criss_ of honour. This _criss_ is a dagger, having a haft or handle of
a kind of metal of fine lustre esteemed far beyond gold, and set with
rubies. It is death to wear a criss of this kind, except it has been
given by the king; and he who possesses it is at absolute freedom to
take victuals without money, and to command all the rest as slaves. Our
_baas_, or captain, came on board the 26th with a boat-load of pepper,
making incredible boasts of his mighty good fortune, and the wonderful
trade he had procured, with no small rejoicing in his pride. He said
likewise that the king had often asked if he were from England, which he
strongly denied, using many unhandsome speeches of our nation; and after
coming on board, he said he would have given a thousand pounds to have
had no English with him, thus thrusting us poor souls into a corner.

The 27th of June, our merchants went on shore with their goods, having a
house appointed for their residence by the king. On the 20th July, our
captain being with the king, was well entertained by him, and on this
occasion the king was very importunate to know if he were English. "Tell
me truly," said he, "for I love the English; and I must farther tell you
that Alfonso Vincente has been earnest with me to betray you, but it
shall not be, for I am your friend." With that he gave him a purse of
gold. The captain gave him thanks for the present and his friendly
disposition, declaring that he was not from England but from Flanders,
and entirely disposed to serve his majesty. "I have heard of England,"
said the king, "but never of Flanders; pray what land is that?" He
farther enquired who was their king, and what was the state and
government of the country? The captain made a large report on this
topic, saying that they had no king, but were governed by an
aristocracy. He likewise requested that the king would give orders to
his subjects not to call him an Englishman, as that gave him much
displeasure, which the king promised should be done. The king then asked
if there were no English in the ships? To which the captain answered,
that there were some, but they had been bred up in Flanders. The king
then said, he understood there were some men in the ships that differed
from the others in apparel, language, and manners, and desired to know
who these were? To this the _baas_ answered, that they were English, and
that his chief pilot was one of them. The king then said that he must
see these men. "As for your merchandize," added he, "I have war with the
king of Johor, and if you will assist me against him with your ships,
your recompence shall be a full lading of pepper." To this our captain
agreed. The 28th of July, the _Sabandars_,[38] the secretary, the
merchants of Mecca, who were Turks and Arabians, together with Don
Alfonso Vincente and some others of the Portuguese, came on board with
our _baas_, and all returned passing drunk.

[Footnote 38: The _Shah bandar_, signifies in Persian, the King of the
Port; being the title of the principal officer of the customs.--Astl. I.
257. a.]

The 20th of August the king began to change his countenance to our
captain, demanding why the English pilot had not been to wait upon him;
for hitherto Mr Tomkins and I had not been permitted to go on shore;
adding, that when the Dutch had got their pepper, he supposed they would
ran away without performing the service they had promised. Upon this I
was immediately sent for, and came ashore on the 21st. I waited on the
king early next morning, and he treated me very kindly. I staid with him
four boars, or more, banqueting And drinking. After an hour, he ordered
the _sabandar_ to stand up, and me likewise; upon which the sabander
took off my hat, and put a roll of white linen about my head. He then
put about my middle a long white linen cloth, embroidered with gold,
which went twice about me, the ends hanging down half my leg. After
this, taking the roll from my head, and laying it before the king, he
put a white garment on me, and above that a red one. Then, replacing the
roll on my head, I sat down before the king, who drank to me in
_aquavitae_, [arrak, or brandy,] and made me eat of many strange meats.
All his service was in gold, except some of the dishes, which were fine
porcelain. These were all set upon the floor, without table, napkins, or
other linen. He asked me many questions about England, about the queen,
and her _bashas_, or nobles; and enquired how she could carry on war
against so great a monarch as the king of Spain, for he believed that
all Europe was under his government. I satisfied him as well as I could
on all these points, and he seemed very much pleased.

On the 23d I was sent for by the prince, and rode to his court on an
elephant. He used me extremely well, our entertainment consisting in
excessive eating and drinking. While I was on shore, I met with a very
sensible merchant of China, who spoke Spanish, and of whom I learnt some
things which I hope will give your lordship good contentment hereafter.
There are many people here from China who follow trade, and who have
their separate town. So have the Portuguese, the Guzurates, the Arabs,
Bengalese, and Peguers. As our _baas_ disliked that I should so much
frequent the company of the Chinese, he ordered me on board, and came
off himself next day in a very dull humour, having had some sour looks
from the king.

The 1st of September the king gave out that we were to receive ordnance
on board for battering Johor, and to take in soldiers for that service.
Many gallies were manned and brought out of the river, and rode at
anchor about half a mile from our ships. The sea was all full of
_paraws_ and boats. There came that day on board our ship the secretary,
named _Corcoun_, and the chief sabander, named _Abdala_, accompanied by
many soldiers armed with cutlasses, darts, crisses, and targets. They
brought with them many kinds of meats, and a great jar of aquavitae,
making a great shew of friendship and banqueting. Suspecting some
treachery, we filled our tops with stones, made fast and prepared our
gratings, all without orders from our _baas_, who was exceedingly angry,
and ordered us to discontinue, but we would not.

There is a kind of seed in this country, by eating a little of which a
man becomes quite foolish, all things seeming to be metamorphosed; but,
above a certain quantity, it is deadly poison. With this all the meat
and drink they brought on board was infected. While banqueting, the
sabandar sent for me and Mr Tomkins, who kept me company, and said some
words to one of their attendants, which I did not understand. In a short
time we were foolishly frolicsome, gaping one upon another in a most
ridiculous manner, our captain, or _baas_, being at that time a prisoner
in their hands, yet knew it not. A signal was made from the other ship,
where the like treachery was going on under the direction of the
secretary, who went there from our ship for that purpose. They
immediately set upon us, murdered our _baas_, and slew several others.
Mr Tomkins and I, with the assistance of a Frenchman, defended the poop,
which, if they had gained, our ship had been lost, for they already had
the cabin, and some of their fellows were below among our guns, having
crept in at the port-holes. The master of our ship, whom the Dutch call
captain, leapt into the sea, with several others, but came on board
again when all was over. In the end, we put them to flight, for our
people in the tops annoyed them sore; and, when I saw them run, I leapt
from the poop to pursue them, Mr Tomkins following my example. At this
time a Turk came out of the cabin, who wounded him grievously, and they
lay tumbling over each other on the deck. On seeing this, I ran the Turk
through the body with my rapier, and our skipper thrust him down the
throat into the body with a half pike.

All the principal people in the other ship were murdered, and the ship
obviously in possession of the Acheenese; on which we instantly cut our
cables and drove towards her, and, with our shot, made the Indians
abandon her, so that we recovered her likewise. The gallies did not
venture near us. In our great distress, it was some comfort to see how
these base Indians fled, how they were killed, and how they were
drowned; the whole sea being covered with dead Indians, floating about
in hundreds. Abdala, the sabandar, and one of the king's near kinsmen,
were slain, with many others, and the secretary was wounded. The king
was by the shore at this time, attended by a vast many, people; and, on
learning the death of the sabandar, and the overthrow of this treachery,
the furious infidels murdered all of our people who were on shore,
except eight, who were put in irons as slaves. In this great calamity we
lost sixty-eight persons, of whom we are not certain how many may be in
captivity, having only knowledge of these eight. We lost at this time
two fine pinnaces of twenty tons each, and our ship's boat.

We left Acheen that same day, and anchored at _Pedier_, where we had
sent a small pinnace for rice, but could get no tidings of her. Next
day, the 2d September, there came eleven gallies to take our ships,
having Portuguese in them, as we thought. We sank one of them, and
defeated all the rest, so that they fled amain. That same afternoon, the
son of Lafort, a French merchant, dwelling in Seethinglane, London, came
on board of us, being one of the eight prisoners. He brought the
following message from the king:--"Are you not ashamed to be such
drunken beasts, as, in your drunkenness, to murder my people whom I sent
on board of you in kindness?" He farther required of us, in satisfaction
of his pretended wrong, that we should give up our best ship, on which
he would release our men, telling Lafort, if he could succeed in this,
that he would make him a great nobleman. To this ridiculous proposal we
gave a flat denial; and, being in distress for water, we went over to
_Pulo Lotum_, on the coast of Queda, or northern part of Malacca, on its
western coast, in lat. 6° 50' N. where we refreshed and watered.

During our stay at Acheen, we received into both our ships 140 tons of
pepper, what precious stones and other merchandize besides I know not.
But, on the day of treason, our merchants lost all the money and goods
they had on shore, which was said to be of great value. On this
occasion, many of our young adventurers were utterly ruined; among whom,
I most grieve at the loss sustained by _poor John Davis_, having not
only lost my friendly factor, but all my European commodities, with
those things I had provided to shew my love and duty to my best friends;
so that, though India did not receive me rich, she hath sent me back
sufficiently poor.

The island of Sumatra is pleasant and fertile, abounding in many
excellent fruits; but their only grain is rice, which serves them for
bread. They plough the land with buffaloes, which they have in great
numbers, but with small skill, and less industry. The rice grows in all
respects like our barley. They have plenty of pepper, which is grown in
large gardens or plantations, often a mile square. It grows like hops,
from a planted root, winding about a stake set to support it, till it
grows like a great bushy tree, whence the pepper hangs in small
clusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster having
forty pepper-corns; and it yields as great increase as mustard-seed. At
Acheen they are able to load twenty ships every year, and might supply
more, if the people were industrious. The whole country resembles a
pleasure-garden, the air being temperate and wholesome, having every
morning a fruitful dew, or small rain. The harbour of Acheen is very
small, having only six feet water on the bar, at which there is a stone
fort, the ramparts of which are covered or flanked with battlements, all
very low, and very despicable. In front of this fort is an excellent
road, or anchoring ground for ships, the wind being, always off shore,
so that a ship may ride safely a mile from the shore, in eighteen
fathoms, and close in, in six and four fathoms.

In this country there are elephants, horses, buffaloes, oxen, and goats,
with many wild-hogs. The land has plenty of mines of gold and copper,
with various gums, balsams, many drugs, and much indigo. Its precious
stones are rubies, sapphires, and garnets; but I know not whether they
are found there, or are brought from other places. It has likewise most
excellent timber for building ships. The city of Acheen,[39] if such it
may be called, is very spacious, and is built in a wood, so that the
houses are not to be seen till we are close upon them; neither could we
go into any place but we found houses and a great concourse of people,
so that the town seems to spread over the whole land. Their houses are
raised on posts, eight feet or better from the ground, leaving free
passage under them, the walls and roofs being only of mats, the poorest
and weakest things that can be conceived. I saw three great
market-places, which were every day crowded like fairs, with all kinds
of commodities exposed for sale.

[Footnote 39: This place, called likewise _Achin_ and _Achien_ by Davis,
is commonly called _Achen_; but in the letters from the king to Queen
Elizabeth, which will be mentioned in the sequel it is called
_Ashi_.--Astl. I. 259. b.]

The king, called Sultan Aladin, is said to be an hundred years old, yet
is a lively man, exceedingly gross and fat. In his young days he was a
fisherman, of which there are many in this place, as they live mostly on
fish. Going to the wars with the former king, he shewed himself so
valiant and discreet in ordering the king's gallies, that he acquired
the royal favour so much as to be appointed admiral of all the
sea-force, in which he conducted himself so valiantly and wisely, that
the king gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife. The king had an
only daughter, whom he married to the king of Johor, by whom she had a
son, who was sent to Acheen to be brought up as heir to his grandfather.
The king who now is, being commander in chief by sea and land, the old
king died suddenly; on which the present king took the child under his
guardianship, against which the nobility protested: but, as he had the
command of the whole armed force, he maintained his point, putting to
death more than a thousand of the nobles, raised the rascal people to be
new lords, and made new laws. Finally, the young prince was murdered,
and he proclaimed himself king, in right of his wife; on which there
arose great wars between him and the king of Johor, which continue to
this day. He has held the kingdom by force these twenty years, and seems
now secure in his usurped and ill-got power.

The king's court, or residence, is situated upon the river, about half a
mile from the city, having three inclosures, and guards, before any one
can come to him, and a wide green between each guarded inclosure. His
house is built like all the rest, but much higher, so that he can see,
from where he sits, all that come to any of his guards, yet no one can
see him. The walls and covering of his house are made of mats, which
are sometimes hung with cloth of gold, sometimes with velvet, and at
other times with damask. He sits on the ground, cross-legged, like a
tailor, and so must all do who are admitted into his presence. He always
wears four _crisses_, two before and two behind, richly ornamented with
diamonds and rubies, and has a sword lying in his lap. He is attended by
at least forty women; some with fans to cool him, some with cloths to
wipe off sweat, others to serve him with aquavitae or water, and the
rest to sing pleasant songs. He doth nothing all day but eat and drink,
there being no end of banqueting from morning till night; and, when
ready to burst, he eats _areka betula_[40], which is a fruit like a
nutmeg, wrapped in a leaf like tobacco, with _sharp-chalk_ [lime] made
of the shells of pearl oysters. Chewing these ingredients makes the
spittle very red, causes a great, flow of saliva, and occasions a great
appetite; it also makes the teeth very black, and the blacker they are
is considered as so much the more fashionable. Having recovered his
appetite by this means, he returns again to banqueting. By way of
change, when his belly is again gorged, he goes into the river to bathe,
where he has a place made on purpose, and gets a fresh appetite by being
in the water. He, with his women and great men, do nothing but eat,
drink, and talk of venery; so that, if the poets have any truth, then is
this king _the great Bacchus_, for he practises all the ceremonies of
gluttony. He spends his whole time in eating and drinking with his
women, or in cock-fighting. Such is the king, and such are his subjects;
for the whole land is entirely given to such habits of enjoyment.

[Footnote 40: _Areka_ is the nut, and _betel_ the leaf in which it is
wrapped, along with _chunam_, or lime, called _sharp-chalk_ in the
text.--E.]

While, in all parts of Christendom, it is the custom to uncover the head
in token of reverence, it is here the direct contrary; as, before any
man can come into, the presence of this king, he must put off his shoes
and stockings, coming before him bare-footed and bare-legged, holding
his hands joined over his head, bowing his body, and saying _dowlat_;
which duty performed, he sits down, cross-legged, in the king's
presence. The state is governed by five principal officers, his
secretary, and four others, called _sabandars_, in whom are all the
authority of government, and who have inferior officers under them. The
will of the king is the law: as there seemed to be no freemen in all the
land, the lives and properties of all being at the king's pleasure. In
punishing offenders, he makes no man happy by death, but orders their
hands and feet to be cut off, and then banishes them to an island called
_Pulo Wey_. When any one is condemned to die, he is either trodden to
death by elephants, or empaled. Besides those in jails, many prisoners
in fetters are seen going about the town. The king has three wives, and
many concubines, who are very closely kept, and his women are his chief
counsellors.

The king has many gallies, an hundred, as I think, some of them so large
as to carry four hundred men. These are all made like wherries, very
long, narrow, and open, without deck, forecastle, or poop, or any upper
works whatever. Instead of oars, they have paddles, about four feet
long, made like shovels, which they hold in their hands, not resting
them on the gunwales, or in row-locks, as we do. The gallies have no
ordnance; yet with these he holds all his neighbours under subjection.
His admiral is a woman, as he trusts no man with that high office. Their
weapons are bows and arrows, javelins, swords, and targets, having no
defensive armour, and fighting entirely naked. They have a great many
pieces of brass ordnance, which they fire lying on the ground, using no
carriages. Some of these are the greatest I ever saw, and the metal of
which they are made is said to be rich in gold. The great dependence of
his land-force is in the elephants.

These people boast of being descended from Abraham, through Ismael, the
son of Hagar, and can distinctly reckon the genealogies in our Bible.
They follow the Mahometan religion, and use rosaries, or strings of
beads, in praying, like the papists. They bring up their children in
learning, and have many schools. They have an archbishop, and other
spiritual dignitaries. There is a prophet in Acheen, who is greatly
honoured, and is alleged to have the spirit of prophecy, like the
ancients. This person is distinguished from all the rest by his dress,
and is in great favour with the king. The natives are entirely addicted
to commerce, in which they are very expert; and they have many mechanics
or artisans, as goldsmiths, cannon-founders, shipwrights, tailors,
weavers, hatters, potters, cutlers, smiths, and distillers of
aquavitae, [arrak,] which is made from rice, as they must drink no wine.

Every family or tribe has its own particular place of burial, which are
all in the fields. The bodies are all deposited in graves, with the
heads laid towards Mecca, having a stone at the head, and another at the
feet, curiously wrought, so as to designate the rank and worth of each
person. In the burial-place of the kings, as we were told, every grave
has a piece of gold at the head, and another at the feet, each weighing
500 pounds, curiously embossed and carved. I was very desirous to see
this royal cemetery, because of its great riches, but could not obtain
permission; yet am disposed to believe it to be true, as the reigning
king has made two such costly ornaments for his own grave, which are
almost finished. They are each of gold, a thousand pounds weight
a-piece, and are to be richly ornamented with precious stones.[41]

[Footnote 41: In the Portuguese Asia is a story which confirms this
report. George Brito, who went in 1521 to Acheen with six ships, and
three hundred men, having been informed, by an ungrateful Portuguese,
whom the king had relieved from shipwreck, that there was a great
treasure of gold in the tombs of the kings, and having made other
inquiries on this subject, picked a quarrel with the king, and landed
with two hundred men in order to seize it: But being opposed by the
king, at the head of a thousand men, and six elephants, he, and most of
his men, were slain; a just reward of injustice, ingratitude, and
avarice.--Astl. 1. 260. a.]

The people who trade to this port are from China, Bengal, Pegu, Java,
Coromandel, Guzerata, Arabia, and _Rumos_. _Rumos_ is in the Red-Sea,
whence Solomon sent his ships to Ophir for gold; which Ophir is now
Acheen, as they affirm upon tradition; and the _Rumos_ people have
followed the same trade from the time of Solomon to this day.[42] Their
payments are made in different denominations, called cash, mas, cowpan,
pardaw, and tayel. I only saw two sorts of coin, one of gold, and the
other of lead: The gold coin, or _mas_, is of the size of a
silver-penny, and is as common at Acheen as pence are in England. The
other, of lead, called _cash_, is like the little leaden tokens used in
London by the vintners: 1600 _cashes_ make one _mas_; 400 _cashes_ make
a _cowpan_, and four cowpans a mas; five _mases_ are equal to four
shillings sterling; four _mases_ make a _pardaw_, and four _pardaws_ a
_tayel_. Hence one _mas_ is 9-3/5d. sterling; one pardaw, 3s. 2-2/5d.;
one _tayel_, 12s. 9-3/5d.; one cowpan, 2-3/5d.; and one cash is a
two-hundredth part of a penny. Pepper is sold by the _Bahar_, which is
360 English pounds, for 3l. 4s. Their pound is called _catt_, being
twenty-one of our ounces; and their ounce is larger than ours in the
proportion of sixteen to ten. They sell precious stones by a weight
named _masse_, 10-3/4 of which make an ounce.

[Footnote 42: The Turks are called _Rumos_ in India, because their chief
city, Constantinople, was called New Rome. Their tradition of Ophir is
more to be marked than this conceit of _Rumos_ in the Red-Sea.--_Purchas_,
in a marginal note.

The Egyptians might follow this trade from the days of Solomon, but the
_Rums_, or Romans, could not, as they did not possess Egypt till long
after Solomon.--Astl. 1. 260. c.

It would be too long, in a note, to enter upon any critical discussion
respecting the _Ophir_ of Solomon, which was more probably at _Sofala_,
on the eastern coast of Africa.--E.]

Once every year they have the following strange custom, which happened
while we were there. The king and all his nobles go in great pomp to the
church, or mosque, to see if the _Messias_ be come. On that occasion, I
think, were at least forty elephants, all richly covered with silk,
velvet, and cloth of gold, several nobles riding on each elephant. One
elephant was exceedingly adorned beyond the rest, having a little golden
castle on his back, which was led for the expected _Messias_ to ride
upon. On another elephant, the king sat alone in a little castle, so
that the whole made a very splendid procession; in which some bore
targets of pure massy gold, others large golden crescents, with
streamers, banners, ensigns, drums, trumpets, and various other
instruments of music. Going to the church with great solemnity, and
using many ceremonies, they looked into the church, and not finding the
_Messias_ there, the king descended from his own elephant, and rode home
on that prepared for the _Messias_. After which, the day was concluded
with great feastings, and many pleasant sports.

The island of Sumatra is divided into four kingdoms, Acheen, Pedier,
Monancabo, and Aru, of which Acheen is the chief, Pedier and Monancabo
being tributary to it; but Aru refuses subjection, and adheres to the
king of Johor, in Malacca. I only heard of five principal cities in this
island, Acheen, Pedier, Pacem, [Pisang,] Daia, [perhaps Daga,] and
Monancabo.

I now return to our proceedings after the slaughter of Acheen. On the
10th September we anchored at the islands of _Pulo Lotum_, in lat. 6°
50' N. near the coast of the kingdom of _Queda_, where we watered, and
procured refreshments. There were in our ship three sealed letters,
superscribed A.B.C. which were to be opened on the death of our _baas_,
or captain. On opening that marked A. one Thomas Quymans was appointed
our chief; but, as he was slain at Acheen, we opened B. by which Guyan
Lafort, who escaped death by bringing the message from the king to us at
Pedier, was nominated our chief, and was accordingly received by us in
that capacity. The letter marked C. was not opened.

Leaving Pulo Lotum on the 30th September, we sailed for Acheen, for the
purpose of endeavouring to recover our men who were there in captivity.
We came in sight of Acheen on the 6th October, and got into the bay on
the 12th, where twelve of their gallies set upon us. We got up with one
of them, and gave her several shots; but, as the weather was very calm,
she escaped from us under the land, and the rest did not dare to
approach us, for they are proud base cowards. On the 18th, we set sail
for Tanaserim,[43] which is a place of great trade, and anchored among
the islands in the bay belonging to that place, in lat. 11° 20' N. on the
25th. We were here so much crossed by contrary winds, that we could not
get up to the city, which stands twenty leagues within the bay; and,
being in great distress for provisions, we made sail for the Nicobar
islands, hoping there to find relief. We anchored at these islands on
the 12th November, in lat. 8° N. when the people brought us off great
abundance of poultry, oranges, lemons, and other fruit, with some
ambergris, which we paid for in pieces of linen cloth and table napkins.
These islands consist of pleasant and fertile low land, and have good
anchorage for ships; but the people are very barbarous, living on fish
and natural fruits, not cultivating the ground, and consequently having
no rice.

[Footnote 43: Mergui, the sea-port of Tanaserim, is in lat. 12° N.]

We departed on the 16th of November, shaping our course for Ceylon,
being in great distress, especially for rice. By the great goodness of
God, on the 6th December, we took a ship from Negapatam, on the coast of
Coromandel, laden with rice, and bound for Acheen. There were in her
about sixty persons, belonging to Acheen, Java, Ceylon, Pegu, Narsinga,
and Coromandel. From these people we learnt that there is a city in
Ceylon called _Matecalon_,[44] a place of great trade, where we might
load our ships with cinnamon, pepper, and cloves. They also told us that
there were great store of precious stones and pearls to be had in
Ceylon; that the country abounded in all kinds of provisions, and that
the king was a bitter enemy to the Portuguese. They likewise told us of
a city called _Trinquanamale_, [Trinconomale, usually called
Trinquamalee,] at which was a similar trade. They engaged that we might
load our ships, and procure a plentiful supply of provisions, at either
of these places, for little money; and we accordingly used our utmost
possible exertions to get to them, but all to no purpose, as the wind
was quite contrary. The Indians then told us, that if we would remain
till January, we should meet above an hundred sail of ships, laden with
spiceries, linen cloth, [cottons,] and commodities of China; but our
commander would not agree to stay there for the purpose of war, as his
commission only authorised him to trade, but proposed to remain for
traffic, paying for every thing he might be able to procure. To this,
however, the company would not consent; and we accordingly began our
voyage homewards on the 28th of December, after beating up for sixteen
days to endeavour to make Batacolo. We had discharged our prize on the
18th, after taking out most of her rice, for which our commander paid
them to their satisfaction; but our men plundered the Indians of their
goods and money in a disorderly manner. We took with us twelve of the
Indians, belonging to different countries; and after they had been with
us some time, they informed us that the merchants in the Negapatam ship
had a large quantity of precious stones in the ship, hidden under the
planks of her lining. How far this might be true I know not, as, for
some unknown reason, Mr Tomkins and I were not allowed to go on board
her.

[Footnote 44: Perhaps Batacolo is here meant, on the east side of
Ceylon, in lat. 7° 45' N.]

The 5th March, 1600, our victuals were poisoned, but God preserved us;
for one of our people tasting it by chance, or from greediness, was
infected. It was strongly poisoned before it came to us, being fresh
fish; for our surgeon took almost a spoonful of poison out of one fish.
But this is not the first time, if the grieved would complain.[45] The
10th March we fell in with the Cape of Good Hope, where we encountered a
heavy storm; and on the 26th we doubled that Cape.

[Footnote 45: This story is very unintelligible, as no circumstance is
mentioned as to where the fish were got, nor who was suspected of
introducing the poison.--E.]

We anchored at St Helena on the 13th March. This island is in lat. 16°
S. [15° 45'.] We here found plenty of water, with abundance of figs, and
as many fish as we chose to take. At sun-set, on the 15th, a caravel
came into the roads, and anchored a large musket-shot to windward of us.
She was totally unprepared for fighting, as none of her guns were
mounted. We fought her all night, giving her in that time, as I think,
upwards of 200 shots, though, in the course of eight hours, she did not
return a single shot, nor seemed to regard us. By midnight she got six
pieces mounted, which she used to good purpose, shooting us often
through, and slew two of our men. So, on the 16th, in the morning, we
departed, having many of our men sick, and shaped our course for the
island of Ascension, where we hoped to find relief. The 23d April we got
sight of that island, which is in lat. 8° S. [7° 50'.] But it has
neither wood, water, or any green thing upon it, being a barren green
rock, five leagues broad. The 24th, at midnight, we agreed to proceed to
the island of _Fernando Loronio_, [Noronho,] where we knew that
sufficient relief could be had, as we had stopt ten weeks there when
outward-bound, when unable to double Cape St Augustine.

We arrived on the 6th May at Fernando Noronho, [in lat. 3° 28' S. off
the coast of Brazil,] where we remained six days to take in water, and
to refresh ourselves. The 13th of the same month we departed, shaping
our course for the English channel, and arrived at Middleburgh, in
Zealand, on the 29th of July, 1600.


SECTION X.

_Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long Residence in that
Island_.[46]

INTRODUCTION.

This very curious article consists chiefly of two letters from Japan,
written by William Adams, an Englishman, who went there as pilot in a
Dutch fleet, and was detained there. His _first_ letter, dated Japan,
22d October, 1611, is addressed,--"To my unknown Friends and Countrymen;
desiring this letter, by your good means, or the news or copy thereof
may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance, at Limehouse,
or elsewhere; or at Gillingham, in Kent, by Rochester." The _second_
letter has no date, the concluding part of it being suppressed or lost,
by the malice of the bearers, as Purchas suspected; but is addressed to
his wife, and was probably inclosed in the former, or perhaps sent home
by Saris, whose voyage will be found in the sequel. Adams appears to
have died about 1620, in Japan, as reported by the ship James, which
arrived from that island, in England, in 1621. Purchas observes, that
though this voyage was not by the Cape of Good Hope, he had yet inserted
it among the early English voyages to India, because performed to Japan.
The editor of Astley's Collection says that he once intended to have
placed it in a different division of his work, as performed by a
south-west course; but, because Adams is frequently mentioned in the
journals of Saris and Cocks, to whom he was serviceable in Japan, he
chose to follow the example of Purchas. One of the views of Adams, in
the first of these letters, in the opinion of the editor of Astley's
Collection, appears to have been to excite the English to repair to
Japan; and they seem to have entertained that object at the same time,
as Saris set out upon his voyage to that island six months before the
date of the letter from Adams.

[Footnote 46: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 125. Astley, I. 525.]

In Astley's Collection, the editor has used the freedom, as he has done
in a variety of other instances, to make great alterations in the
arrangement of the original document, and even often makes important
changes in the sense, which is by no means commendable. In this article,
as in all others, we have chosen to have recourse to the original
source, merely accommodating the language to that of the present day.

Before the letters of Adams, it seemed proper to give the following
short notice of the earlier part of the voyage in which Adams went to
Japan, as contained in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 78.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 1. _Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits of
Magellan_.

In the year 1598, the following ships were fitted out at Amsterdam for a
voyage to India: The Hope, of 250 tons, admiral, with 136 persons; the
Charity, of 160 tons, vice-admiral, with 110 men; the Faith, of 160
tons, and 109 men; the Fidelity, of 100 tons, and 86 men; and the Good
News, of 75 tons, and 56 men; of which fleet Sir Jaques Mabu was
general, and Simon de Cordes vice-admiral; the captains of the other
three ships being Benninghen, Bockholt, and Sebalt de Wert. Being
furnished with all necessary provisions, they set sail on the 27th June,
1598. After much difficulty, and little help at the Cape de Verd
islands, where they lost their general, to whom Cordes succeeded, they
were forced, by their pressing wants, and the wiles of the Portuguese,
being severely infected with the scurvy in all their ships, to leave
these islands, with the intention of going to the Isle of Anabon, in the
gulf of Guinea, in lat. 1° 40' S. to make better provision of water, and
other necessaries, and to refresh their men. Falling in unexpectedly
with the land, in about the lat. of 3° S. 120 miles before their
reckoning, they determined to go to Cape Lope Gonsalves, driving a
peddling trade with the negroes as they went along the coast.

Arriving at the bay of Cape Lope, the sick men were sent a-shore on the
10th November. The 23d, a French sailor came aboard, who promised to
procure them the favour of the negro king, to whom Captain Sebalt de
Wert was sent. This king was found on a throne hardly a foot high,
having a lamb's skin under his feet. He was dressed in a coat of violet
cloth, with tinsel lace, without shirt, shoes, or stockings, having a
party-coloured cloth on his head, with many glass beads hanging from his
neck, attended by his courtiers adorned with cocks feathers. His palace
was not comparable to a stable. His provisions were brought to him by
women, being a few roasted plantains and some smoke-dried fish, served
in wooden vessels, with palm-wine, in such sparing measure, that
Massinissa, and other renowned examples of temperance, might have been
disciples to this negro monarch. One time the Dutch captain regaled his
majesty with some of the ship's provisions; but he forgot all his
temperance on being treated with Spanish wine, and had to be carried off
mortal drunk. Very little refreshment could be procured here. They
killed a boar and two buffaloes in the woods, and snared a few birds,
besides buying some provisions from the negroes. The worst of all was,
as the scurvy subsided, they were afflicted with dangerous fevers.

Departing from this place on the 8th December, they came to the island
of _Anobon_ on the 16th, where they procured some provisions by force.
By the scurvy and fever they lost thirty men, among whom was Thomas
Spring, a young Englishman of promising parts. In the beginning of the
year 1599, they departed from Anabon, steering for the straits of
Magellan, being too late for passing the Cape of Good Hope. The 10th
March they observed the sea all red, as if mixed with blood, occasioned
by being full of red worms, which when taken up leapt like fleas. They
entered the straits on the 6th April, supplying themselves at Penguin
islands with thirteen or fourteen hundred of these birds. On the 18th of
that month they anchored in Green bay within the straits, where they got
fresh water and large mussels. They remained at this place till the 23d
of August, in a perpetually stormy winter, and lost a hundred of their
men. The storm found them continual labour, without any furtherance of
their intended voyage; suffering continual rain, wind, snow, hail,
hunger, loss of anchors, and spoiling of their ships and tackling,
sickness, death, and savages, want of stores and store of wants, so that
they endured a fulness of misery. The extreme cold increased their
appetites, which decreased their provisions, and made them anxious to
look out for more.

On the 7th May, going in their boats to take gudgeons on the south side
of the straits, opposite Green bay, they descried seven canoes with
savages, who _seemed_ ten or eleven feet high, with red bodies and long
hair.[47] The Dutch were much amazed at these men, who likewise
terrified them with stones and loud cries. The Dutch got immediately
into their boats, and stood on their defence; but when the savages saw
four or five of their companions fall down dead, slain by Dutch thunder,
they fled to the land; and plucking up large trees, barricaded
themselves against the Hollanders, who left them. After this, three of
the Dutchmen, in seeking food to preserve their life, found death at the
hands of naked savages, who were armed with barbed darts, which, if they
entered the flesh, had to be cut out.

[Footnote 47: This is the first notice we have yet met with of the
long-famed Patagonians; but their enormous stature in the text is very
diffidently asserted. We shall have future opportunities of becoming
better acquainted with these South American giants. Perhaps the original
may only have said they seemed ten or eleven _spans_ high, and some
careless editor chose to substitute _feet_.--E.]

This Green bay, in which they staid so long, was named Cordes bay after
the commander. In another, called Horse bay, they erected a new guild or
fraternity, binding themselves with much solemnity and many oaths to
certain articles, and calling it the _Fraternity of the Freed Lion_. The
general added six chosen men to himself in this society, and caused
their names to be engraven on a board, which was hung up on high
pillars, to be seen by all passing that way; but it was defaced by the
savages, who likewise disinterred the dead bodies from their graves and
dismembered them, carrying one away.

The 3d September, they left the straits, and continued till the 7th,
when De Wert was forced to stay by a storm, and the Faith and Fidelity
were left behind in much misery, hunger, tempests, leaks, and other
distress. The death of their master, and the loss of their consorts,
added much to their misery, and in the end of the month they were forced
again into the straits; after which, in two months, they had not one
fair day to dry their sails. The 14th October, the Faith lost two
anchors. To one place they gave the name of Perilous bay, and called
another Unfortunate bay, in remembrance of their distresses, to all of
which the devil added mutiny among their people and thieving. They took
a savage woman who had two children, one of whom they thought to be only
six months old, yet it could walk readily, and had all its teeth. I
loath to relate their loathsome feeding, with the blood running from
their mouths. They here met General Oliver Noort, whose men were all
lusty, and was yet unable to spare them any relief. After a world of
straits in these straits, too long to rehearse, they departed thence on
the 22d January, 1600, and arrived in the Maese on the 14th July.
Without the straits, in lat. 50° 40' S. they saw three islands, sixty
miles from land, stored with penguins, which they called the Sebaldines
of the Indies, but which are not inserted in maps.[48]

[Footnote 48: The only islands which agree in any respect with the
position assigned in the text, are the north-westermost of the Malouines
or Falkland islands, which are nearly in that latitude, but much farther
from the land.--E.]

§ 2. _First Letter of William Adams_.

Hearing that some English merchants are residing in the island of Java,
although by name unknown, and having an opportunity, I presume to write
these lines, desiring your worshipful company, being unknown to me, to
pardon my boldness. The reason of my writing is chiefly that my
conscience binds me to love my country and country men. Your worships
will therefore please to understand that I am a Kentish man, born in the
town of Gillingham, two miles from Rochester and one mile from Chatham,
where the king's ships lie; and that from the age of twelve years I was
brought up at Limehouse near London, being apprentice twelve years to
one Mr Nicholas Diggines. I have served both as master and pilot in her
majesty's ships; and served eleven or twelve years with the worshipful
company of Barbary merchants. When the Indian trade of Holland began, I
was desirous of making some trial of the small knowledge which God hath
given me in that navigation. So, in the year 1598, I was hired as chief
pilot of a fleet of five sail, which was fitted out by Peter Vanderhag
and Hans Vanderuke, the chiefs of the Dutch India company. A merchant
named Jaques Mayhay,[49] was general of this fleet, in whose ship I was
pilot.

[Footnote 49: Called Mahu in the preceding narrative.--E.]

It being the 23d or 24th of June before we set sail, we were too late in
coming to the line to pass it without contrary winds, for it was then
the middle of September, at which time we found much southerly winds,
and many of our men fell sick, so that we were obliged to go upon the
coast of Guinea to Cape Lopo Gonsalves, where we landed our sick men,
many of whom died. Few recovered here, as the climate was very
unhealthy, and we could procure little or no refreshment. We determined
therefore, for the fulfilment of our voyage, to sail for the coast of
Brazil, and to pass through the straits of Magellan. By the way we came
to an island called _Ilha da Anobon_, where we landed and took the town,
consisting of about eighty houses. We refreshed in this island, where we
had plenty of lemons, oranges, and various other fruits; but such was
the unhealthiness of the air, that as one grew better another fell sick.
We spent upon the coast of Cape Gonsalves and at Anobon about two
months, till the 12th or 13th of November, when we sailed from Anobon,
having the wind still at S. by E. and S.S.E. till we got four degrees
south of the line; at which time the winds became more favourable,
coming to S.E. E.S.E. and E. so that we ran from Anobon to the straits
in about five months. During this passage, one of our ships carried away
her mainmast, by which we were much hindered, having to set up a new
mast at sea.

The 29th of March we espied the land in the latitude of 50° S. after
having the wind for two or three days contrary; but the wind becoming
again fair, we got into the straits of Magellan on the 6th April, 1599,
by which time the winter was come on, so that there was much snow.
Through cold and hunger combined, our men became very weak. We had the
wind at east for five or six days, in which time we might have passed
through the straits; but we waited refreshing our men, taking in wood
and water, and setting up a pinnace of about fifteen or sixteen tons. At
length, we would have passed the straits, but could not, on account of
southerly winds, attended by much rain and great cold, with snow and
ice; so that we had to winter in the straits, remaining there from the
6th April till the 24th September, by which time almost all our
provisions were spent, so that many of our men died of hunger. Having
passed through the straits into the South Sea, we found many violent
currents, and were driven south into 54 degrees, where we found the
weather excessively cold. Getting at last favourable winds, we
prosecuted our intended voyage towards the coast of Peru; but in the
end lost our whole fleet, being all separated from each other.

Before the fleet separated, we had appointed, in case of separation by
foul weather, that we should wait on the coast of Chili, in the latitude
of 46° S. for thirty days, in hopes of rejoining. Accordingly, I went to
that latitude, where we remained twenty-eight days, and procured
refreshments from the natives, who were very good-natured, though the
Spaniards had nearly prevented them at first from dealing with us. They
brought us sheep and potatoes, for which we gave them bells and knives;
but at length they retired into the country, and came no more near us.
Having set up a pinnace which we brought with us, and remained in
waiting for our consorts during twenty-eight days, we proceeded to the
port of _Baldivia_ in lat. 40° 20' S. but entered not by reason of
contrary winds, on which we made for the island of _Mocha_, where we
arrived next day. Finding none of our ships there, we sailed for the
island of _Santa Maria_,[50] and came next day to the Cape, which is
within a league and half of that island, where we saw many people; being
much tempest-tost endeavouring to go round that cape, and finding good
ground, we came to anchor in a fine sandy bay, in fifteen fathoms water.

[Footnote 50: The island of Santa Maria, or St Mary, is on the coast of
Chili near Conception, in about the latitude 86° 50' N.]

We went in our boat, to endeavour to enter into a friendly conference
with the natives, but they opposed our landing, and shot a great many
arrows at our men. Yet, having no victuals in our ship, and hoping to
procure refreshments here, we forcibly landed between twenty-seven and
thirty men, driving the natives from the shore, but had most of our men
wounded by their arrows. Being now on land, we made signs to them of
friendship, and at length succeeded in bringing them to an amicable
conference, by means of signs and tokens which the people understood. By
our signs we communicated our desire to procure provisions, in exchange
for iron, silver, and cloth. They gave us some wine, potatoes, and
fruits; and desired us by signs to return to our ship, and come back the
next day, when they would supply us with victuals. It being now late,
our people came on board, most of them more or less hurt, yet glad of
having brought the natives to a parley.

Next day, the 9th November, 1599, our captain and all our officers
prepared to land, having come to the resolution of only going to the
shore, and landing two or three men at the most, as the people were very
numerous, and our people were not willing to put too much trust in them.
Our captain went in one of our boats, with all the force we were able to
muster; and when near the shore, the natives made signs for him to land,
which our captain was not willing to do. But as the natives did not come
near the boats, our captain and the rest determined to land,
notwithstanding what had been agreed upon in the ship. At length
twenty-three men landed, armed with muskets, and marched up towards four
or five houses; but had hardly got a musketshot shot from the boats,
when above a thousand Indians fell upon them from an ambush, with such
weapons as they had, and slew them all within our sight. Our boats
waited long, to see if any of our men would return; but seeing no hope
to recover any of them, they returned to the ship with, the sorrowful
news that all who had landed were slain. This was a most lamentable
affair, as we had scarcely as many men remaining as could weigh our
anchor.

We went next day over to the island of St Mary, where we found our
admiral, who had arrived there four days before us, and had departed
from the island of _Mocha_ the day after we came from thence, the
general, master, and all the officers having been _wounded_ on
shore.[51] We were much grieved for our reciprocal misfortunes, so that
the one bemoaned the other, yet were glad that we had come together
again. My good friend Timothy Shotten of London was pilot of this ship.
At this island of St Mary, which is in lat. 37° S, [36° 50'] near the
coast of Chili, it was concluded to take every thing into one of the
ships, and burn the other; but the new captains could not agree which of
the ships to burn, so that this agreement was not executed. Having much
cloth in our ships, it was agreed to steer for Japan, which we
understood was a good market for cloth; and we were the more inclined to
this measure, because the King of Spain's ships upon the coast of Peru
having now intelligence of us, would come in search of us, and knew that
we were weak by the loss of our men, which was all too true, for one of
our ships, as we learnt afterwards, was forced to surrender to the enemy
at St Jago.

[Footnote 51: In the second letter, the general and twenty-seven men are
said to have been _slain_ at Mocha.--E.]

Having procured refreshments at Santa Maria, more by policy than force,
we departed from the road of that island on the 27th November with our
two ships, having heard nothing of the rest of our fleet. We took our
course direct for Japan, and passed the line together, keeping company
till we came into the latitude of 28° N. in which latitude, on the 22d
and 23d of February, we had as heavy a storm of wind as I ever saw,
accompanied with much rain; during which storm we lost sight of our
other and larger ship, being very sorry to be left alone, yet comforted
ourselves with the hope of meeting again at Japan. Continuing our course
as we best could for wind and weather, till we were in the lat. of 30°
N. we sought for the _north_ cape of that island, but found it not;
because it is falsely laid down in all charts, maps, and globes, for
that cape is 35° 30' N. which is a great difference.[52] At length, in
32° 30' N. we saw land on the 19th April, having been four months and
twenty-two days between Santa Maria and Japan, and at this time there
were only six men, besides myself, who could stand on their feet.

[Footnote 52: The geographical notices in the text are hardly
intelligible. The northern cape of Japan is in 40° 30' N. _Sanddown_
point, towards the _south_ end of the eastern side of the great island
of Niphon, is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text. The latitude
of 32° 30', where, according to Adams, they had first sight of Japan, is
on the eastern side of Kiusiu, the south-western island of Japan, in
long. 131° 25' E. while Sanddown point is in long. 141° E. from
Greenwich.--E.]

Being now in safety, we let go our anchor about a league from a place
called _Bungo_.[53] Many boats came off to us, and we allowed the people
to come on board, being quite unable to offer any resistance; yet,
though we could only understand each other very imperfectly by signs,
the people did us no harm. After two or three days, a jesuit came to us
from a place called Nangasacke, to which place the Portuguese caraks
from Macao are in use to come yearly. This man, with some Japanese
chieftains, interpreted for us, which was bad for us, being our mortal
enemies; yet the King of Bungo, where we had arrived, shewed us great
friendship, giving us a house on shore for our sick, and every
refreshment that was needful. When we came to anchor off Bungo, we had
twenty-four men living, sick and well, of whom three died next day, and
other three after continuing long sick, all the rest recovering.

[Footnote 53: In modern maps, Bungo is the name of the middle province
on the eastern side of Japan, and includes the indicated latitude, the
nearest sea-port town being named _Nocea_, thirty-five miles farther
north. But as we have hardly any intercourse with Japan, our maps of
that country are very imperfect.--E.]

The Emperor of Japan hearing of us, sent presently five gallies, or
frigates, to us at Bungo, with orders to bring me to the court where he
resided, which was almost eighty English leagues from Bungo.[54] When I
came before him, he demanded to know from what country we were, and I
answered him in all points. There was nothing almost that he did not
enquire about, more especially concerning war and peace between
different countries, to all of which I answered to the best of my
knowledge, which were too long to write off at this time. After this
conference, I was ordered to prison along with one of our mariners, who
had accompanied me to serve me, but we were well used there. Some two
days afterwards the emperor sent for me again, and demanded the reason
of our having come so far. I made answer, that we were a people who
sought peace and friendship with all nations, and to have trade with all
countries, bringing such merchandise as our country had, and buying such
others in foreign countries as were in request in ours, through which
reciprocal traffic both countries were enriched. He enquired much
respecting the wars between us and the Spaniards and Portuguese, and the
causes of the same, all the particulars of which I explained to him,
with which he seemed much pleased. After this I was again remanded to
prison, but in another place, where my lodging was bettered.[55]

[Footnote 54: This was Osaca, which is eighty leagues from
Bungo.--_Purchas_.

Osaka, in a straight line, is about ninety marine leagues, or 276
English miles, from the coast of Bungo.--E.]

[Footnote 55: The second letter, addressed to his wife, breaks off
here.--E.]

I continued thirty-nine days in prison, hearing no news of our ship or
captain, and knew not whether he were recovered or not, neither
respecting the rest of our company. In all that time I expected
continually to be crucified, as is the custom of Japan, as hanging is
with us; for during my long imprisonment, the Portuguese and jesuits
gave many false accounts against us to the emperor, alledging that we
were thieves, who went about to rob and plunder all nations, and that if
we were suffered to live it would be to the injury of the emperor and
his nation; for then no nation would come there without robbing, but if
justice were executed upon us, it would terrify the rest of our nation
from coming there any more. They thus persuaded the emperor daily to cut
us off, making all the friends at court they could to back them. But God
was merciful to us, and would not permit them to have their will against
us. At length the emperor gave them this answer: "That, as we had done
no hurt to him or any of his subjects, it was contrary to reason and
justice to put us to death; and if our country and theirs were at war,
that was no reason why he should punish us." They were quite cast down
by this answer, seeing their cruel intentions towards us disappointed,
for which God be praised for ever and ever.

While I remained in prison, the emperor gave orders for our ship to be
brought as near to the city where he resided as possible, which was done
accordingly. Then, on the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, I was
again brought before the emperor, who asked me many more questions,
which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me if I wished to
go to the ship to see my countrymen, which I said would give me much
satisfaction. So he bad me go, and I departed, being freed from
imprisonment. I now first learnt that our ship and company were come to
the city where the emperor resided; whereupon, with a joyous heart, I
took a boat and went on board, where I found our captain and the rest
recovered from their sickness. At our meeting they saluted me with
tears, having heard that I was long since put to death. Thus, God be
praised, all we that were left alive came again together.

All our things were taken out of our ship, all my instruments and other
things being taken away, so that I had nothing left but the clothes on
my back, and all the rest were in a similar predicament. This had been
done unknown to the emperor, and, being informed of it, he gave orders
to restore every thing to us; but they were all so dispersed among many
hands that this could not be done. Wherefore 50,000 ryals were ordered
to be given us, which the emperor himself saw delivered into the hands
of one of his officers, who was appointed our governor, with orders to
supply us from that fund as we had occasion, to enable us to purchase
provisions, and all other necessary charges. At the end of thirty days,
during which time our ship lay before a city called _Sakay_, three
leagues, or two and a half, from _Osaka_, where the emperor then
resided, an order was issued that our ship should be carried to the
eastern part of the land of Japan called _Quanto_, whither, according to
his commands, we went, the distance being about 120 leagues. Our passage
there was long, owing to contrary winds.

Coming to the land of _Quanto_, and near to the city of _Eddo, [Jedo,]_
[56] where the emperor then was, we used many supplications to get our
ship set free, and to be allowed to seek our best profit at the place
where the Hollanders have their trade,[57] in the prosecution of which
suit we expended much of the money given us by the emperor. In this time
three or four of our men mutinied against the captain and me, and drew
in the rest of our men, by which we had much trouble with them, every
one endeavouring to be commander, and all being desirous to share among
them the money given us by the emperor. It would be too tedious to
relate all the particulars of this disturbance. Suffice it to say, that
we divided the money, giving to every one a share according to his
place. This happened when we had been two years in Japan. After this,
when we had received a positive denial to our petition for having our
ship restored, and were told that we must abide in Japan, our people,
who had now their shares of the money, dispersed themselves, every one
to where he thought best. In the end, the emperor gave to every one to
live upon two pounds of rice daily, and so much yearly as was worth
eleven or twelve ducats, the captain, myself, and the mariners all
equal.

[Footnote 56: Osaka, at the head of a bay of the same name on the south
side of Niphon, is in lat. 34° 58' N. long. 135° 5' E. Sakay, or Sakai,
on the eastside of the same bay, is about fifteen miles directly south
from Osaka. Eddo, or Jedo, at the head of a bay of that name, likewise
on the south side of Niphon, is in lat. 35° 38' long. 140° E. from
Greenwich--E.]

[Footnote 57: This is probably an anachronism, meaning the place where
the Hollanders had been allowed to trade by the time when Adams wrote in
1611.--E.]

In the course of three or four years the emperor called me before him,
as he had done several times before, and on this occasion he would have
me to build him a small ship. I answered that I was not a carpenter, and
had no knowledge in ship-building. "Well then," said he, "do it as well
as you can, and if it be not well done, there is no matter." Accordingly
I built a ship for him of about eighty tons burthen, constructed in all
proportions according to our manner. He came on board to see her, and
was much pleased, so that I grew into favour with him, was often
admitted to his presence, and received presents from him from time to
time, and at length got an yearly revenue to live upon, equal to about
seventy ducats, besides two pounds of rice daily, as before. Being in
such grace and favour, owing to my having taught him some parts of
geometry and mathematics, with other things, I so pleased him, that
whatever I said was not to be contradicted. My former enemies, the
jesuits and Portuguese, wondered much at this, and often solicited me to
befriend them with the emperor, so that through my means both Spaniards
and Portuguese have frequently received favours, and I thus recompensed
their evil with good. In this manner, though at first it cost me much
labour and pains to pass my time and procure a living, God hath at
length blessed my endeavours.

At the end of five years I made supplication to the emperor for leave to
quit Japan, desiring to see my poor wife and children, according to
nature and conscience; but he was displeased with my request, and would
not permit me to go away, saying that I must continue in the country.
Yet in process of time, being greatly in his favour, I made supplication
again, hearing that the Hollanders were in Acheen and Patane, which
rejoiced us much, in the hopes that God would enable us to return again
to our country by some means or other. I told him, if he would permit me
to depart, I would be the means of bringing both the English and
Hollanders to trade in his country. He said that he was desirous of both
these nations visiting his country in the way of trade, and desired me
to write to them for that purpose, but would by no means consent to my
going away. Seeing, therefore, that I could not prevail for myself; I
petitioned him for leave to our captain to depart, which he readily
granted. Having thus procured his liberty, the captain embarked in a
Japanese junk, in which he went to Patane, where he waited a year for
Dutch ships; but none arriving in that time, he went from Patane to
Johor, where he found a fleet of nine sail, of which _Matleet_ was
general, and in which fleet he was again made a master.

This fleet sailed for Malacca, where it fought with a Portuguese
squadron, in which battle he was slain; so that I think as yet there can
be no certain news respecting me, whether I be alive or dead. Wherefore
I am very desirous that my wife and two children may learn that I am
alive in Japan; my wife being in a manner a widow, and my children
fatherless; which alone is my greatest grief of heart, and sorely
afflicts me. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliff and Limehouse;
particularly to my good master Mr Nicholas Diggines, Mr Thomas Best, Mr
Nicholas Isaac and Mr William Isaac, brothers, with many others, as also
to Mr William Jones and Mr Becket. Therefore, if this letter, or a copy
of it, may come into any of their hands, I am sure that such is their
goodness, that they will communicate the news to my family and friends,
that I do as yet live in this vale of sinful pilgrimage: Which, thing I
do again and again earnestly desire may be done, for the sake of Jesus.

You are to understand, that the first ship I built for the emperor made
a voyage or two, whereupon he commanded me to build another, which I did
of the size of 120 tons. In this ship I made a voyage from Meaco[58][in
lat. 35° 12' N. long. 135° 37' E.] to Jeddo, being about as far as
London is from the Lizard or Land's-end of England. In the year 1609,
the emperor lent this ship to the governor of Manilla, to go with 86 of
his men to Accapulco. In the same year 1609, a great ship of about 1000
tons, called the San Francisco, was cast away on the east coast of
Japan, in the latitude of 30° 50' N. Being in great distress in a storm,
she cut her mainmast by the board, and bore away for Japan; and in the
night time, before they were aware, the ship ran on shore, and was
utterly wrecked, 136 men being drowned, and 340 or 350 saved, in which
ship the governor of Manilla was going as a passenger for New Spain.
This governor was sent off to Accapulco, as before said, in the larger
ship of my building, and 1611 he sent back another ship in her stead,
with a great present, and an ambassador to the emperor, giving him great
thanks for his kindness, and sending the value of the emperor's ship in
goods and money: which ship of my building, the Spaniards now have at
the Philippine islands.

[Footnote 58: Meaco is entirely an inland city, thirty-five miles from
Osaka, and on the same river, which runs into the bay of Osaka two or
three miles below the latter city. It is probable, therefore, that this
ship may have been built at Meaco, and floated down the river to the bay
of Osaka.--E.]

At this time, for the services which I have performed to the emperor,
and am daily performing, he hath given me a living, like unto a
lordship in England, in which there are eighty or ninety husbandmen, who
are as my servants and slaves, the like having never been done to any
stranger before in this country. Thus God hath amply provided for me
after my great misery To his name be the praise for ever and ever.
_Amen_. But whether I shall ever get out of this land or not I know not.
Until this present year, 1611, there has been no way or manner of
accomplishing this my earnest desire, which there now is through the
trade of the Hollanders. In 1609, two ships belonging to Holland came to
Japan, in the intention of taking the carak which comes yearly from
Macao. Being five or six days too late for that purpose, they came
notwithstanding to Firando.[59] From thence they waited on the emperor,
and were received in a friendly manner, receiving permission to come
yearly to Japan with one or two ships, and so departed with the
emperor's pass or licence. In consequence of this permission, a small
ship is arrived this year, 1611, with cloth, lead, elephants' teeth,
damask, black taffeties, raw silk, pepper, and other commodities; and
have given a sufficient excuse why they missed the former year, as had
been promised. This ship was well received, and entertained in a
friendly manner.

[Footnote 59: Firando is an island about twenty miles in diameter, in
the west of Japan, the centre of which is in lat. 33° 10' N. and long.
128° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]

You must understand that the Hollanders have here _an Indies_ of money
and profit; as by this trade they do not need to bring silver from
Holland to the East Indies; for in Japan there is much silver and gold,
to serve their turn in other places of the East Indies where it is
needed. The merchandise that is most vendible here for ready money, is
raw silk, damask, black taffety, black and red cloth of the best kind,
lead, and such like goods. Learning, by this lately-arrived Hollander,
that a settled trade is now carried on by my countrymen in the East
Indies, I presume that some among them, merchants, masters, or mariners,
must needs know me. Therefore am I emboldened to write these few lines,
which I have made as short as I could, not to be too tedious to the
readers.

This country of Japan is a great island, reaching in its northern part
to the latitude of forty-eight degrees,[60] and its most southerly part
is in thirty-five degrees, both north. Its length from east by north to
west by south, for such is its direction, is 220 English leagues. The
breadth from south to north is thirteen degrees, twenty leagues to the
degree, or 260 leagues, so that it is almost square. The inhabitants of
Japan are good-natured, courteous above measure, and valiant in war.
Justice is executed with much severity, and is distributed impartially,
without respect of persons, upon all transgressors of the law. They are
governed in great civility, and I think that no part of the world has
better civil policy. The people are very superstitious in their
religion, and entertain various opinions or beliefs. There are many
jesuits and franciscan friars in the country, and who have many churches
in the land.

[Footnote 60: The island of Japan Proper reaches only to lat. 40° 37' N.
and the southern coast of Tacuxima, its most southerly detached isle, is
in lat. 32° 28'. The most southerly point of the largest island of Niphon
being in 33° 3' N. The extreme length of Niphon, in a slight curve from
N.E. to S.W. is about 815 English miles; or, continuing the measure to
the S.W. extremity of Kiusiu at Cape Nomo, about 1020 miles. The breadth
is very irregular, but cannot exceed 100 miles on the average.--E.]

Thus shortly am I constrained to write, hoping that by one means or
other I may hear of my wife and children in process of time, and so with
patience I wait the good will and pleasure of Almighty God; earnestly
desiring all those to whom this letter may come, to use means to
acquaint my good friends before named of its contents; that so my wife
and children may hear of me, and I may have hope to hear of them before
I die. Which God grant, to his glory and my comfort. _Amen_.

Dated in Japan, the 22d of October, 1611, by your unworthy friend and
servant, to command in what I can,

WILLIAM ADAMS.

§3. _Letter of William Adams to his Wife_.[61]

Loving wife, you shall hereby understand how all things have passed with
me since I left you. We sailed from the Texel with five ships, on the
24th June, 1598, and took our departure from the coast of England the
5th July. The 21st August we came to St Jago, one of the Cape Verd
Islands, where we remained twenty-four days. In this time many of our
men fell sick, through the unwholesomeness of the air, and our general
among the rest. We abode so long among these islands, because one of the
captains of our fleet made our general believe that we should find
plenty of refreshments there, as goats and other things, which was not
the case. I and all the pilots in the fleet were here called to council;
but as we all declared ourselves much averse to the place, our opinions
were so much disliked by the captains, that they agreed among themselves
to call us no more to council.

[Footnote 61: Although this fragment relates to the same circumstances
that are detailed in the former letter, these are frequently given more
at large, and it has therefore been retained.--E.]

The 15th September we departed from St Jago, and passed the equator; and
in the lat. of 3° S. our general died. The season being much too late,
we were forced upon the coast of Guinea, falling in with a headland
called _Cabo de Spiritu Santo_. The new general commanded us to bear up
for Cape Lopo Gonsalves, to seek refreshments for our men, which was
done accordingly. We landed all our sick at that place, where they did
not find much benefit, as we could get no store of provisions. The 29th
December we resumed our voyage, and on our way fell in with an island
called Anobon, where we landed our sick men, taking possession of the
island by force, the town containing about eighty houses. Having here
refreshed our men, we again set sail, our general giving out in orders,
that each man was only to have the allowance of one pound of bread in
four days, being a quarter of a pound daily, with a like reduced
allowance of wine and water. This scarcity of victuals made our men so
feeble, that they fell into great weakness and sickness for very hunger,
insomuch that they eat the calf-skins with which our ropes were covered.

The 3d April, 1599, we fell in with port St Julian,; and on the 6th we
entered the Straits of Magellan, which are at first narrow. The 8th day
we passed the second narrows with a fair wind, and came to anchor at
Penguin Island, where we landed, and loaded our boat with penguins.
These are fowls larger than ducks, and proved a great refreshment to us.
The 10th we weighed anchor, having much wind, yet fair for our passage;
but our general insisted upon taking in wood and water for all our
ships, of which there is great abundance in all parts of the straits,
and good anchoring grounds every three or four leagues. In the mean time
the wind changed, and became southerly; so we sought for a good harbour
on the north side of the straits, four leagues from Elizabeth Bay. April
being out, we had a wonderful quantity of snow and ice, with great
winds; for the winter there is in April, May, June, July, and August,
being in 52° 30' S. Many times during the winter we had the wind fair
for passing through the straits, but our general would not; so that we
remained in the straits till the 24th August,[62] 1599, on which day we
came into the South Sea. Six or seven days after the whole fleet was
separated, and the storm-continuing long, we were driven south, into 1st
54° 30' S. The weather clearing up, with a fair wind, we saw the admiral
again, to our great joy. Eight or ten days afterwards, having very heavy
wind in the night, our foresail was blown away, and we again lost sight
of the admiral.

[Footnote 62: In the former letter this is called the 24th September,
which seems to be the true date from what follows--E.]

Having a fair wind for that purpose, we directed our course for the
coast of Chili, where we arrived on the 29th October, at a place
appointed by the general for a rendezvous, in lat. 46° S. where we
waited twenty-eight days, and set up a pinnace. In this place we found
people, with whom we had friendly intercourse for five or six days,
during which they brought us sheep, for which we gave them bells and
knives, with which they seemed contented. But shortly afterwards they
all went away from the place where our ship lay, and we saw no more of
them. The twenty-eight days being expired, we set sail in the intention
to go to Baldivia, and came to the mouth of the port; but as the wind
was high, our captain changed his mind, and we directed our course for
the island of Mocha, in thirty-eight degrees, where we arrived the 1st
November. The wind being still high, we durst not come to anchor, and
directed our course for Cape St Mary, two leagues south of the island of
that name. Having no knowledge of the people, our men landed on the 2d
of November, and the natives fought with them, wounding eight or, nine
of our people; but in the end the natives made a false composition of
friendship with them, which our men believed sincere.

Next day our captain went on shore, with twenty-three of our best men,
meaning to get victuals in exchange for goods, as we were reduced to
great straits. Two or three of the natives came immediately to the boat,
bringing a kind of wine and some roots, and making signs for our people
to land, where they would get sheep and oxen. The captain and men went
accordingly on shore, being very anxious to get provisions; but above a
thousand of the natives broke out upon them from an ambush, and slew
them all, among whom was my brother, Thomas Adams. After this severe
loss we had hardly as many men remaining as could hoist our anchor; so
on the 3d November, in great distress and heaviness of mind, we went to
the island of Santa Maria, where we found our admiral ship, by which our
hearts were somewhat comforted: but when we went on board, we found them
in as great distress as ourselves, the general and twenty-seven of their
men having been slain at the island of Mocha, from whence they had
departed the day before we passed that island. We here consulted what we
should do to procure victuals, not being in condition to go to land and
take them by force, as most of our remaining men were sick.

While in this sad dilemma, there came a Spaniard on board by composition
to see our ship. He came on board again the next day, and we allowed him
quietly to depart. The following day two Spaniards came, on board,
without pawn or surety, to see if they could betray us. When they had
seen our ship, they were for going again on land; but we would not let
them, saying, as they had come on board without leave, we should not
permit them to go away till we thought fit, at which they were very much
offended. We then told them how much we were in want of victuals, and
said if they would let us have such a number of sheep and ewes, that we
would set them at liberty. Thus, against their wills, they entered into
a composition with us, which, within the time appointed, they
accomplished. Having procured so much refreshment, most of our men
recovered.

In consequence of the death of the general, one Hudcopee, a young man,
who knew nothing, and had served the former, was made general in his
stead; and the master of our ship, Jacob Quaternack, of Rotterdam, was
made captain of our ship, in the place of him who had been slain. So the
new general and vice-admiral called me and the other pilot, an
Englishman, named Timothy Shorten, who had been with Mr Thomas Candish
in his voyage round the world, and desired our advice how to prosecute
the voyage for the best profits of our merchants. It was at last
resolved to go for Japan, as, by the report of one Dirrick Gerritson,
who had been there with the Portuguese, woollen cloth was in great
estimation in that island; and we concluded that the Moluccas, and most
other parts of the East Indies, being hot countries, our woollen cloth
would not be there in much request: wherefore we all agreed to go for
Japan. Leaving, therefore, the coast of Chili, in lat. 36° S. on the 27th
November, 1599, we shaped our course direct for Japan, and passed the
equinoctial line with a fair wind, which lasted several months. In our
way we fell in with certain islands in lat. 16° N. of which the
inhabitants are canibals.[63] Coming near these islands, our pinnace,
with eight men, ran from us, and were eaten, as we supposed, by the
savages, of whom we took one man.

[Footnote 63: These islands seem to be the Ladrones.--_Purchas_.]

In the latitude of 27 or 28 degrees north, we had variable winds and
stormy weather; and on the 24th February, 1600, we lost sight of our
admiral, and never saw his ship more; yet we still continued our course
for Japan. The 24th March we saw an island called _Una Colona_, at which
time many of our men were again sick, and several dead. We were in the
utmost misery, not above nine or ten of our men being able to creep
about on their hands and knees; while our captain and all the rest were
expecting every hour to die. The 11th April, 1600, we had sight of
Japan, near to _Bungo_, at which time there were not more than five of
us able to stand. The 12th we came close to Bungo, and let go our
anchor, many barks coming aboard of us, the people whereof we willingly
allowed to come into our ship, having indeed no power to resist them.
These people did us no personal injury; but they stole every thing they
could lay their hands upon, for which some paid very dear afterwards.
Next day the king of that land sent a party of soldiers on board, to
prevent the merchant goods from being stolen. Two or three days after,
our ship was brought into a good harbour, there to remain till the
emperor of the whole island was informed of our arrival, and should give
his orders as to what was to be done with us. In the meantime we
petitioned the King of Bungo for leave to land our captain and the other
sick men, which was granted, having a house appointed for them, in which
they were all laid, and had all manner of refreshments given them.

After we had been five or six days here, there came a Portuguese jesuit,
with other Portuguese, who falsely reported of us that we were pirates,
and not at all in the way of trade; which scandalous reports caused the
governors and people to think very ill of us, so that we even looked for
being set upon crosses, which is the punishment in this land for
thievery and some other crimes. Thus daily did the Portuguese incense
the rulers and the people against us. At this time two of our men became
traitors, giving themselves up to the service of the emperor, and
becoming all in all with the Portuguese, who warranted them their lives.
One was named Gilbert de Conning, whose mother dwelt in Middleburg, who
gave himself out as the merchant over all the goods in the ship; the
name of the other was John Abelson van Oudwater. These traitors tried
every means to get the goods into their hands; and made known to the
Portuguese every thing that had happened during our voyage.

Nine days after our arrival, the emperor, or great king of the land,
sent for me to come to him. So, taking one man with me, I went to him,
taking leave of our captain and the sick men, and commending myself into
HIS hands who had hitherto preserved me from the perils of the sea. I
was carried in one of the emperor's gallies to the court of Osaka, where
the emperor then resided, being about eighty leagues from where our ship
lay. On the 12th May, 1600, I came to the city of Osaka, and was brought
immediately into the presence of the emperor, his palace being a
wonderfully costly house, gilded with gold in great profusion. On coming
before him, he viewed me well, and seemed favourably disposed towards
me, making many signs to me, some of which I comprehended, and others
not. After some time there came one who could speak Portuguese, who
acted as interpreter. Through this person the king demanded to know from
what country I was, and what had induced us to come to his land, at so
great a distance from our own country. I then told him whence we were,
that our country had long sought out the East Indies, desiring to live
in peace and friendship with all kings and potentates in the way of
trade; having in our country various commodities which these lands had
not, and wishing to purchase such commodities in this land as our
country did not possess. He then asked me if our country had any wars;
to which I answered, that we were at war with the Spaniards and
Portuguese, but at peace with all other nations. He farther asked me,
what was my religious belief; to which I made answer, that I believed in
God, who created the heavens and the earth. After many questions about
religion and many other things, he asked me by what way we came to his
country. Having with me a chart of the world, I showed him the way in
which we had come, through the straits of Magellan; at which he
wondered, and seemed as if he did not believe I spoke truth. Asking me
what merchandise we had in our ship, I gave him an account of the whole.
Thus, from one thing to another, I remained with him till midnight. In
the end, when he was ready to depart, I desired that we might be allowed
the same freedom of trade which the Spaniards and Portuguese enjoyed. He
made me some answer, but what it was I did not understand, and then
commanded me to be carried to prison.

Two days afterwards he sent for me again, and made many inquiries about
the qualities and conditions of our countries; about wars and peace, of
beasts and cattle of all sorts, of the heavens, and many other things;
and he seemed well pleased with my answers. Yet was I again remanded to
prison; but my lodging was bettered in another place.

       *       *       *       *       *

"The rest of this letter, by the malice of the bearers, was suppressed,
but was probably the same in substance with the former; yet I have added
this also, because it contains several things not mentioned in the
other. This William Adams _lately_[64] died at Firando, in Japan, as by
the last ship, the James, returning home in the year 1621, we have
received intelligence."--_Purchas_.

[Footnote 64: This is in reference to the year 1625, when the Pilgrims
of Purchas was published.--E.]


SECTION XI.

_Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in_ 1604.[65]

INTRODUCTION

This voyage is given by Purchas under the title of "The Second Voyage of
John Davis, with Sir Edward Michelburne, into the East Indies, in the
Tiger, a ship of 240 tons, with a pinnace, called the Tiger's Whelp."
Purchas adds, that, though later in time than the first voyage set forth
by the English East India Company, he had chosen to insert it in his
work previous to their voyages, because not performed in their
employment; and we have here followed his example, because not one of
the voyages equipped by the Company. It is called the _second_ voyage of
John Davis, because he had been to the East Indies before, as related in
the ninth section of this chapter, and went upon this voyage with Sir
Edward Michelburne. But it ought to have been called his _third_, and
indeed it is actually so named in the table of contents of the Pilgrims;
as, besides his _first_ voyage along with the Dutch in 1594, he appears
to have sailed in the first voyage instituted by the Company for India,
in 1601, under Lancaster. The editor of Astley's Collection supposes
this journal to have been written by the captain or master of one of the
ships, from some expressions in the narrative; at all events, it was
written by some person actually engaged in the voyage. It is very
singular that Sir Edward Michelburne, though a member of the first East
India Company, and the fourth of the list in the original patent, should
have set forth this voyage on private account.

[Footnote 65: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 192. Astley, I. 306.]

We learn from the annals, of the India Company, that the lord-treasurer
of England, in 1600, when the company was first instituted, proposed
that Sir Edward Michelburne should be appointed to command the first
fleet dispatched to India; but this was firmly declined, as will
afterwards appear. Sir Edward now commanded what may be called an
interloping trading voyage to India, under a licence granted by James I.
in absolute contravention of the exclusive privilege granted to the
Company.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

The 5th of December, 1604, we sailed from Cowes, in the Isle of Wight,
and arrived in the road of Aratana, in the island of Teneriffe, on the
23d of that month. During the whole night of the 14th January, 1605, we
were troubled with excessive heat, thunder, lightning, and rain. The 6th
we passed the line, shaping our course for the isle of _Noronha_, with
the wind at S.S.E., our course being S.S.W. About three degrees south of
the line, we met with incredible multitudes of fish; so that, with hooks
and harping irons, we took so many dolphins, bonitos, and other fishes,
that our men were quite weary with eating them. There were likewise many
fowls, called _parharaboves_ and _alcatrarzes_. We took many of the
former, as it delights to come to a ship in the night-time, insomuch,
that if you hold up your hand, they will light upon it. The alcatrarze
is a kind of hawk that lives on fish; for, when the bonitos and dolphins
chase the flying fishes in the water till they are forced to take wing
for safety, the alcatrarzes fly after them like hawks after partridges.
I have seen often so many of these flying fishes at one time in the air,
that they appeared at a distance like a large flock of birds. They are
small fishes, hardly so large as a herring.

The 22d of January we came to anchor at the island of Fernando Noronba,
in lat. 4° S. where our skiff was overset going ashore, by the violence
of the surf, and Richard Michelburne, a kinsman of our general, was
drowned, all the rest being saved. The 25th, our long-boat, while going
to fill some empty casks with water, fell in with the same unfortunate
surf, and was overset, when two more of our men were drowned. We were so
much put about in getting wood and water on board, by the danger of the
surf, that we had to pull our casks on shore by means of ropes, and so
back again when filled. Not six days before our arrival, there was a
Holland ship here, whose boat, in going for water, was stove on the
rocks, and all the men dashed to pieces, having their legs and arms cut
from their bodies.

The 26th, the general went on shore to view the island, which was found
entirely waste, being only inhabited by six negro slaves. There were
formerly in this island many goats, and some wild cattle; but as the
Portuguese caraks sometimes water here in their way to the East Indies,
and these poor slaves are left here purposely to kill goats and dry
their flesh for these ships, we could find very few of them. There are,
however, great quantities of turtle-doves, alcatrarzes, and other fowls,
of which we killed many with our fire-arms, and found them excellent
eating. There is likewise here plenty of maize or Guinea wheat, and
abundance of cotton trees, on which grows fine _bombast_; with great
numbers of wild gourds and water melons. Having completed our supply of
wood and water, we came on board, and continued our voyage.

The 12th February, when in lat. 7° 5' S. we saw at night the most
extraordinary sight, in my opinion, that ever was seen. The sea seemed
all night, though the moon was down, all over, as it were, burning and
shining with flames of fire, so that we could have seen to read any book
by its light. The 15th, in the morning, we descried the island, or rock
rather, of Ascension, in lat. 8° 30' S. Towards night, on the 1st April,
we descried land from the maintop, bearing S.S.E. when, according to our
reckoning, we were still 40 leagues off. The 2d, in the morning, we were
close to the land, being ten or twelve leagues north of Saldanha bay.
The 3d we sailed by a small island, which Captain John Davis took to be
one that is some five or six leagues from Saldanha bay, called _Dassen_
island, which our general was desirous to see; wherefore he went on
shore in the skiff, with only the master's mate, the purser, and myself,
with four rowers. While we were on shore, a storm arose, which drove the
ship out of sight of the island, so that we were forced to remain on
shore two days and nights. This island has great numbers of seals and
conies, or rabbits, on which account we called it Conie island.

The 8th, we came to anchor in the road or bay of Saldanha,[66] and went
ashore on the 9th, finding a goodly country, inhabited by the most
savage and beastly people that ever were created. In this place we had
most excellent refreshments, the like of which is not to be found among
any other savage people; for we wanted neither for beef nor mutton, nor
wild-fowl, all the time we lay there. This country is very full of
cattle and sheep, which they keep in great flocks and herds, as we do in
England; and it abounds likewise in wild beasts and birds, as wild deer,
in great abundance, antelopes, baboons, foxes, hares, ostriches, cranes,
pelicans, herons, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, and various other
excellent kinds, of which we killed as many as we pleased, with our
fire-arms. The country is most pleasantly watered with many wholesome
springs and brooks, which have their origin in the tops of exceeding
high mountains, and which, pervading the vallies, render them very
fertile. It has many trees growing close-to the sea-shore, not much
unlike our bay trees, but of a much harder consistence. The natives
brought us more cattle and sheep than we could use during all the time
we remained there, so that we carried fresh beef and mutton to sea with
us. For a piece of an old iron hoop, not worth two-pence, we could
purchase a large bullock; and a sheep for a small piece of iron not
worth two or three good hob-nails. These natives go quite naked, having
only a sheep skin on their shoulders, and a small flap of skin before
them, which covers them just as much as if it were not there. While we
were there, they lived on the guts and offal of the meat which we threw
away, feeding in a most beastly manner, as they neither washed nor
cleaned the guts, but covered them merely with hot ashes, and, before
they were heated through, pulled them out, shook them a little, and eat
guts, excrements, ashes and all. They live on raw flesh, and a kind of
roots, which they have in great abundance.

[Footnote 66: This Bay was probably that now called Table bay, which all
the early navigators seem to have denominated Saldanha, or Saldania
bay.--E.]

We continued here from the 9th April, till the 3d May, by which good
recreation on shore and excellent refreshment, we were all in as good
health as when we first put to sea. The 7th May we were off the Cape of
Good Hope, ten leagues south by estimation, and that night we passed
over the shoals of _cabo das Aguilhas_. The 9th there arose a great
storm, when we lost sight of our pinnace, being driven from her by the
violence of the gale. This storm continued in a most tremendous manner
for two days and two nights, with much rain, thunder, and lightning, and
we often shipped a great deal of water. By reason of the extreme fury of
the tempests, and the danger they find in passing the southern
promontory of Africa, the Portuguese call this place the _Lion of the
Sea_. At night, during the extremity of the storm, there appeared a
flame on our top-mast head, as big as a great candle, which the
Portuguese call _corpo sancto_, holding it as a divine token that the
worst is past when it appears; as, thanks be to God, we had better
weather after. It appeared to us two successive nights, after which we
had a fair wind and good weather. Some think this to be a spirit, while
others say that it is an exhalation of moist vapours. Some affirm that
the ship is fortunate on which it appears, and that she shall not
perish.

The 24th, the island of Diego Roiz, in 1st. 19° 40' S. and long. 98° 30'
E. bore north of us, eight leagues distant, about five o'clock[67] We
bore down, intending to have landed there, but the wind freshened so
much in the night that we changed our purpose. We saw many white birds
about this island, having two long feathers in their tails. These birds,
and various other kinds, accompanied us along with, such contrary winds
and gusts that we often split our sails, and being obliged to lie to, or
tack to and again, we rather went to leeward than gained way, having the
wind strong at E.S.E.

[Footnote 67: The latitude and the name agree with Diego Rodriguez; but
the longitude is inexplicable, as Diego Rodriguez is in long. 63° 10' E.
from Greenwich, or 80° 56' from Ferro; making an error of excess in the
text at the least of 17° 51'.--E.]

The 3d June, while standing for the isle _de Cisne_[68] we came again in
sight of Diego Roiz, and bore down for it, intending to wait there for a
fair wind; but finding it a dangerous place, we durst not come thereto
anchor, for fear of the rocks and shoals that lie about it, so that we
changed our purpose, and stood for the East Indies. The 15th of June, we
had sight of the isle _dos Banhos_, in lat. 6° 37' S. and long. 109°
E.[69] These islands are laid down far too much to the west in most
charts. We sent our boats to try if they could here find any good
anchoring ground, but they could find none either on the south or west
shore. There are five of these islands, which abound in fowls, fish, and
cocoa-nuts; and our boats going on shore, brought us off a great store
of all these, which proved a great refreshment to us. Seeing we could
find no good anchorage, as in some places close to the shore we could
find no bottom, while in other places the ground was full of shoals and
sharp rocks, we stood our course as near as we could for India, the
winds being bad and contrary.

[Footnote 68: By some thought to be Diego Rodriguez, by others the
Mauritius, or isle of France.--Astl. 1. 507. a.]

[Footnote 69: A group of islands, one of which is called _Peros Banhos_,
is found about the indicated latitude, and between the longitude of 70°
and 74° E. having a similar excess with what was mentioned before in
regard to Diego Roiz or Rodriguez.--E.]

The 19th of June, we fell in with the island of _Diego Grasiosa_, in
lat. 7° 30' S. and in long. 110° 40' S. by our reckoning.[70] This
seemed a pleasant island, and a good place for refreshment, if any
proper place could be found for anchoring. We sought but little for
anchoring there, as the wind was bad, and the tide set towards the
shore, so that we durst not stay to search any farther. The island
seemed to be some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding in fish and
birds, and appeared an entire forest of cocoa-trees. What else it
yielded we knew not. The 11th July, we again passed the equator, where
we were becalmed, with excessive heat, and much thunder and lightning.
The 19th we descried land, which seemed many islands, locked as it were
into one, in lat. 2° N. under the high coast of the great island of
Sumatra.[71] We here sent off our boat to get some fresh water; but the
sea went with so violent a _breach_ [surf] upon the shore, that the
people durst not land. The natives of the island, or islands, made great
fires along the shore, as if inviting us to land.

[Footnote 70: Diego Garcia, in the indicated latitude nearly, and in
long. 72° E. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 71: There is no such cluster of islands in the indicated
latitude and situation; but off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, between the
line and lat. 2° N. are several islands of some size, considerably
distant from each other and from Sumatra.--E.]

The 28th we anchored near a small island, where we sent our boat ashore
for fresh water; but finding none, the people brought off some
cocoa-nuts, saying that the island was quite full of cocoa palms, which
had very few nuts upon them. We saw three or four persons on this
island, but they went away and would not come near us: It was supposed
these people were left here to gather cocoa-nuts, to have them ready
when others should come to carry them away. The 26th of the same month,
July 1605, we came to anchor within a league of a large island called
_Bata_,[72] in lat. 20' S. We here set up a shallop or bark, and named
her the _Bat_. This island has no inhabitants, but abounds in woods and
streams of water, as also with fish, monkies, and a kind of bird, said
to be the _bat_ of the country, of which I killed one as large as a
hare. In shape it resembled a squirrel; only that from its sides there
hung down great flaps of skin; which, when he leapt from tree to tree,
he could spread out like a pair of wings, as though to fly with
them.[73] They are very nimble, and leap from bough to bough, often
holding only by their tails. As our shallop was built in _the kingdom of
these beasts_, we called her therefore _the Bat_.

[Footnote 72: _Pulo Botoa_ is about as much north of the line as _Bata_
is said in the text to be south. But the island at which they stopt may
have been _Pulo Mintaon_, about 40 minutes in length from S. to N. and
the north end of which reaches to the equator.--E.]

[Footnote 73: There are a considerable number of animals of this
description, known to naturalists by the general name of flying
squirrels, sciuri volantes, or _Petauri_. The species mentioned in the
text may have been the sciurus petaurista of Linnaeus, the taguan,
flying-cat, flying-hare, or Indian flying-squirrel of various authors.
It is much larger than any others of this genus, being eighteen inches
long from nose to rump. Two varieties are mentioned in authors; one of a
bright chesnut colour; and the other black on the upper parts of the
body, and hoary underneath.--E.]

While walking along the shore on the 29th, I noticed a _roader_, or
small vessel, riding at anchor under a small island about four leagues
off, which made me very glad, hoping it might be our pinnace which we
lost sight of in a great storm near the Cape of Good Hope, and made
haste on board with the news to our general, who sent me with Captain
John Davis next morning to endeavour to find her. On coming to the
place, we found three barks riding under the small isle, the people of
which made signs for us to come to them, informing us they had hens for
sale. Some of them understood Portuguese, so we told them we would go
back to our ship for money, not being then provided; but in reality we
durst not go on board them, not being strong enough in case of
treachery. We went back next morning better furnished, thinking to have
made some purchases; but they had weighed anchor and gone away, seeming
to have been afraid of us.

The 4th August we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman, and on the 9th
the general manned the shallop, and sent us along the coast to see if we
could find any _roaders_, [coasters.] Spying a sail we gave chase, and
finding they could not get away, the people came to anchor and forsook
their bark, going all ashore to an island in a small boat, where we
could not follow them. Going on board the bark, in which not a man
remained, we found it loaded with cocoanuts, cocoa-oil, and fine mats.
Seeing it was such mean stuff, and knowing our general would not have
liked us to take her, we came away, not taking any thing worth speaking
of. The 10th and 11th we stood close along the shore of Sumatra, where
we espied eight _praws_ riding at anchor over against a place called
_Ticoo_. Being in great hope of finding our pinnace, the Tiger's Whelp,
among them, we stood on; and although she was not there, they put us in
good hope, by telling us there was an English ship at Priaman, not above
six leagues from this town of Ticoo. Then standing out to sea to rejoin
our admiral, we got soon on board, and told the news to our general. We
had not sailed a league farther, when our ship grounded on a rock of
white coral: But, God be praised, having a strong breeze, we got her
soon off again without any hurt. On approaching the road of Priaman, we
had the great satisfaction to see our pinnace there, which we had lost
sight of so long before in the storm at the Cape of Good Hope. The
captain and master of the pinnace came to meet us in their skiff, half a
league from the road, and on coming aboard, our general welcomed them,
with a peal of cannon. After many discourses, recounting what had
happened to each during our separation, we came to anchor in the road of
Priaman in good ground and five fathoms water.

The 14th August, the general sent me on shore with a present to the
governor and others, to enquire the price of pepper, to buy fresh
provisions, and to know if our people might land in safety. But on
coming on shore, the governor durst not speak with us in private, on
account of wars then subsisting among them, owing to which they were
jealous of each other. The cause of these wars was this: The old King of
Acheen had two sons, the elder of whom he kept with himself intending
him as his successor, and made the younger King of Pedier; upon which
the elder made his father a prisoner, pretending that he was too old to
govern any longer, and afterwards made war on his younger brother.
Seeing that little good could be done here, and having refreshed with
fresh provisions, we weighed anchor on the 21st, and stood for Bantam.
That same day we took two praws, in which there was nothing but a little
rice. In one of these praws two of our men were sore wounded. Thinking
that all the people had leapt overboard, they boarded the praw; but two
of the natives had hidden themselves behind the sail, and as soon as
the two foremost of our men had entered, they came suddenly from their
concealment, wounded our men very severely, and then leapt into the
water, where they swam like water spaniels. Taking such things as we
liked from the praws, we left them without any farther harm.

We took a fishing boat on the 23d, and let her go again, as she had
nothing of value; only that one of her men was shot through the thigh,
as they resisted us at the first. The 25th we descried a sail, and sent
our shallop, long-boat, and skiff to see what she was, as neither our
ship nor pinnace was able to fetch her, being becalmed. On coming up
with her we desired her to strike, but she would not, so we fought with
her from three in the afternoon till ten at night, by which time our
pinnace came up, when she struck her sails and yielded. We made her fast
to our pinnace, and towed her with us all night. In the morning our
general sent for them to know what they were, and sent three of us on
board to see what she was loaden with. They told our general they were
of Bantam; for which reason, as not knowing what injury he might do to
the English merchants who had a factory at Bantam, and learning from us
that their loading was salt, rice, and china dishes, he sent them again
on board their bark, not suffering the value of a penny to be taken from
them. They stood on for Priaman, and we for Bantam. This bark was of the
burden of about forty tons.

We met a small ship of Guzerat or Cambaya, on the 2d September, of about
eighty tons, which we took and carried into the road of Sillibar, in lat.
4° S. into which road many praws continually come for refreshments, as
they may here have wood, water, rice, buffaloes, goats, hens, plantains,
and fresh fish, but all very dear. Having dispatched our business, we
weighed anchor on the 28th September, and stood for Bantam. The 23d
October, we came to anchor in the road of Marrah in the strait of Sunda,
where we took in fresh water. In this place there is great plenty of
buffaloes, goats, hens, ducks, and many other good things for
refreshment; and the people do not esteem money so much in payment, as
white and painted calicoes, and such like stuffs. If well used, these
people will use you well; but they must be sharply looked after for
stealing, as they think all well got that is stolen from a stranger.

We weighed anchor on the 28th of October from before Marrah, and stood
for Bantam; which is in lat. 6' 40' S. We came this day within three
leagues of Bantam, and anchored for the night. Here we expected to have
met the English fleet, but it had sailed for England three weeks before
our arrival. Yet those who had been left as factors of our nation came
on board us, being glad to see any of their countrymen in so distant a
foreign land. They told our general, that the Hollanders belonging to
the ships in the road, had made very slanderous reports of us to the
King of Bantam, to the following purport: "That we were all thieves and
lawless persons, who came there only to deceive and cheat them, or to
use violence, as time and opportunity might serve; adding, that we durst
not come into the road among them, but kept two or three leagues from
thence for fear of them." When our general heard this report, he was so
much moved to anger, that he immediately weighed anchor, sending word to
the Hollanders that he was coming to ride close by them, and bade the
proudest of them all that durst be so bold as to put out a piece of
ordnance against him: Adding, if they dared either to brave or disgrace
him or his countrymen, he would either sink them or sink by their sides.
There were five ships of these Hollanders, one of which was seven or
eight hundred tons, but all the rest much smaller. We went and anchored
close beside them, but no notice was taken of our general's message; and
though the Hollanders were wont to swagger and make a great stir on
shore, they were so quiet all the time we lay there, that we hardly ever
saw one of them on land.

We took leave of our countrymen, and departed from Bantam on the 2d of
November, shaping our course for Patane. While on our way between the
Chersonesus of Malacca and _Piedra branca_, we met with three praws,
which being afraid of us, anchored so close to the shore that we could
not come near them, either in our ship or pinnace. Our general therefore
manned the shallop with eighteen of us, and sent us to request that he
might have a pilot for money, to carry his ship to Pulo Timaon, which is
about five days sail from where we met them. But, as they saw that our
ship and pinnace were at anchor a mile from them, and could not come
near, they told us flatly that none of them would go with us, and
immediately weighed anchor to go away. We therefore began to fight them
all three, and took one of them in less than, half an hour, all her
men, to the number of seventy-three, getting ashore. Another fought with
us all night, but yielded about break of day next morning, our general
having joined us in his skiff a little while before she yielded. They
were laden with benzoin, storax, pepper, china dishes, and pitch. The
third praw got away while we were fighting the other. Our general would
not allow any thing to be taken out of them, because they belonged to
Java, except two of their men to pilot us to Pulo Timaon. The people of
Java are very resolute in a desperate case. Their principal weapons are
javelins, darts, daggers, and a kind of poisoned arrows which they blow
from trunks or tubes. They have likewise some arquebusses, but are by no
means expert in using these; they use also targets, and most of them are
Mahometans. They had been at _Palimbangan_, and were on their way back
to _Grist_, a port town on the north-east coast of Java, to which place
they belonged.

The 12th November we dismissed them, pursuing our course for Patane. The
26th we saw certain islands to the N.W. of us, which neither we nor our
pilots knew; but, having a contrary wind for Patane, we thought it
necessary to search these islands for wood and water, hoping to have a
better wind by the time we had watered. The 27th we came to anchor
within a mile of the shore, in sixteen fathoms, on good ground, on the
south side of these islands. Sending our boat on shore, we found some of
them sunken islands, having nothing above water but the trees or their
roots. All these islands were a mere wilderness of woods, but in one of
them we found a tolerably good watering place; otherwise it was a very
uncomfortable place, having neither fruits, fowls, or any other
refreshment for our men. We took these islands to be some of the broken
lands which are laid down to the south-east of the island of Bantam.
Having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor and stood for Patane,
as well as a bad wind would permit; for we found the winds in these
months very contrary, keeping always at N. or N.W. or N.E.

While near Pulo Laor, on the 12th December, we descried three sail, and
sent our pinnace and shallop after one of them which was nearest, while
we staid with the ship, thinking to intercept the other two; but they
stood another course in the night, so that we saw them no more. In the
morning we descried our pinnace and shallop about four leagues to
leeward, with the other ship which they had taken; and as both wind and
current were against them, they were unable to come up to us, so that we
had to go down to them. On coming up with them, we found the prize was a
junk of _Pan-Hange_,[74] of about 100 tons, laden with rice, pepper, and
tin, going for Bantam in Java. Not caring for such mean luggage, our
general took as much rice as was necessary for provisioning our ship,
and two small brass guns, paying them liberally for all; and took
nothing else, except one man to pilot us to Patane, who came willingly
along with us, when he saw our general used them well. The other two
pilots, we had taken before from the three praws, were very unskilful,
wherefore our general rewarded them for the time they had been with us,
and sent them back to their own country in this junk.

[Footnote 74: This should rather be, perhaps, _Pau-hang_, being the same
place called by other writers Pahaung, Pahang, or Pahan, often called
_Pam_ in the Portuguese accounts, and pronounced by them Pang.--Astl. I.
310. c.]

We parted from her on the 13th, steering for Pulo Timaon, adjoining to
the country of the King of Pan-Hange, [Pahan,] and were much vexed with
contrary winds and adverse currents: For, from the beginning of November
to the beginning of April, the sea runs always to the southwards, and
from April to November back again towards the north. The wind also in
these first five months is most commonly northerly, and in the other
seven months southerly. All the ships, therefore, of China, Patane,
Johor, Pahan, and other places, going to the northward, come to Bantam,
or Palimbangan, when the northern monsoon is set in, and return back
again when the southern monsoon begins, as before stated, by observing
which rule they have the wind and current along with them; but by
following the opposite course, we found such violent contrary winds and
currents, that in three weeks we did not get one league forwards. The
country of Pahan is very plentiful, being full of gentry according to
the fashion of that country, having great store of victuals, which are
very cheap, and many ships. It lies between Johor and Patane, stretching
along the eastern coast of Malacca, and reaches to Cape _Tingeron_,
which is a very high cape, and the first land made by the caraks of
Macao, junks of China, or praws of Cambodia, on coming from China for
Malacca, Java, Jumbe, Johor Palimbangan, Grisi, or any other parts to
the southwards.

Here, as I stood for Patane, about the 27th December, I met with a
Japanese junk, which had been pirating along the coasts of China and
Cambodia. Their pilot dying, what with ignorance and foul weather, they
had lost their own ship on certain shoals of the great island of Borneo;
and not daring to land there, as the Japanese are not allowed to come
a-shore in any part of India with their weapons, being a desperate
people, and so daring that they are feared in all places; wherefore, by
means of their boats, they had entered this junk, which belonged to
Patane, and slew all the people except one old pilot. This junk was
laden with rice; and having furnished her with such weapons and other
things as they had saved from their sunken ship, they shaped their
course for Japan; but owing to the badness of their junk, contrary
winds, and the unseasonable time of the year, they were forced to
leeward, which was the cause of my unfortunately meeting them.

Having haled them and made them come to leeward, and sending my boat on
board, I found their men and equipment very disproportionate for so
small a junk, being only about seventy tons, yet they were ninety men,
most of them in too gallant habits for sailors, and had so much equality
of behaviour among them that they seemed all comrades. One among them
indeed was called captain, but he seemed to be held in very little
respect. I made them come to anchor, and on examining their lading,
found nothing but rice, and that mostly spoilt with wet, for their
vessel was leaky both in her bottom and upper works. Questioning them, I
understood they were pirates, who had been making pillage on the coast
of China and Cambodia, and had lost their own ship on the shoals of
Borneo, as already related. We rode by them at anchor under a small
island near the isle of Bintang for two days, giving them good usage,
and not taking any thing out of them, thinking to have gathered from
them the place and passage of certain ships from the coast of China, so
as to have made something of our voyage: But these rogues, being
desperate in minds and fortunes, and hopeless of ever being able to
return to their own country in that paltry junk, had resolved among
themselves either to gain my ship or lose their own lives.

During mutual courtesy and feastings, sometimes five or six and twenty
of the principal persons among them came aboard my ship, of whom I would
never allow more than six to have weapons; but there never was so many
of our men on board their junk at one time. I wished Captain John Davis,
in the morning, to possess himself of their weapons, putting the company
before the mast, and to leave a guard over their weapons, while they
searched among the rice; doubting that by searching, and perhaps finding
something that might displease them, they might suddenly set upon my men
and put them to the sword, as actually happened in the sequel. But,
beguiled by their pretended humility, Captain Davis would not take
possession of their weapons, though I sent two messages to him from my
ship, expressly to desire him. During the whole day my men were
searching among the rice, and the Japanese looking on. After a long
search, nothing was found except a little storax and benzoin. At
sun-set, seeking opportunity, and talking to their comrades who were in
my ship, which was very near, they agreed to set upon us in both ships
at once, on a concerted signal. This being given, they suddenly killed
and drove overboard all of my men that were in their ship. At the same
time, those who were on board my ship sallied out of my cabin, with such
weapons as they could find, meeting with some targets there, and other
things which they used as weapons. Being then aloft on the deck, and
seeing what was likely to follow, I leapt into the waste, where, with
the boatswains, carpenter, and some few more, we kept them under the
half-deck. At first coming from the cabin, they met Captain Davis coming
out of the gun-room, whom they pulled into the cabin, and giving him six
or seven mortal wounds, they pushed him before them out of the cabin. He
was so sore wounded, that he died immediately on getting to the waste.

They now pressed so fiercely upon us, while we received them on our
levelled pikes, that they attempted to gather them with one hand that
they might reach us with their swords, so that it was near half an hour
before we could force them back into the cabin, after having killed
three or four of their leaders. When we had driven them into the cabin,
they continued to fight us for at least four hours, before we could
finally suppress them, in which time they several times set the cabin on
fire, and burnt the bedding and other furniture; and if we had not
beaten down the bulkhead and poop, by means of two demi-culverines from
under the half-deck, we had never been able to prevent them from
burning the ship. Having loaded these pieces of ordnance with bar-shot,
case-shot, and musket-bullets, and discharged them close to the
bulk-head, they were so annoyed and torn with shot and splinters, that
at last only one was left out of two and twenty. Their legs, arms, and
bodies were so lacerated as was quite wonderful to behold. Such was the
desperate valour of these Japanese, that they never once asked quarter
during the whole of this sanguinary contest, though quite hopeless of
escape. One only leapt overboard, who afterwards swam back to our ship
and asked for quarter. On coming on board, we asked him what was their
purpose? To which he answered, that they meant to take our ship and put
us all to death. He would say no more, and desired to be cut in pieces.

Next day, being the 28th December, we went to a small island to leeward;
and when about five miles from the land, the general ordered the
Japanese who had swum back to our ship to be hanged; but the rope broke,
and he fell into the sea, but whether he perished or swam to the island
I know not. Continuing our course to that island, we came to anchor
there on the 30th December, and remained three days to repair our boat
and to take in wood and water. At this island we found a ship belonging
to Patane, out of which we took the captain, whom we asked whether the
China ships were yet come to Patane? He said they were not yet come, but
were expected in two or three days. As he knew well the course of the
China ships, we detained him to pilot us, as we determined to wait for
them. The 12th January, 1606, one of our mates from the top of the mast
descried two ships coming towards us, but which, on account of the wind,
fell to leeward of the island. As soon as we had sight of them, we
weighed anchor and made sail towards them, and came up with the larger
that night. After a short engagement, we boarded and took her, and
brought her to anchor.

Next morning we unladed some of her cargo, being raw silk and silk
goods. They had fifty tons of their country silver, but we took little
or none of it, being in good hope of meeting with the other China ships.
So we allowed them to depart on the 15th January, and gave them to the
value of twice as much as we had taken from them. Leaving this ship, we
endeavoured to go back to China Bata, but could not fetch it on account
of contrary wind, so that we had to go to leeward to two small islands,
called Palo Sumatra by the people of Java, where we anchored on the 22d
January. On the 24th there arose a heavy storm, during which we parted
our cable, so that we were under the necessity of taking shelter in the
nearest creek.

The 5th February, five homeward-bound ships belonging to Holland put
into the same road where we lay. Captain Warwick, who was general of
these ships, invited our general to dine with him, which he accepted. He
told us, that our English merchants at Bantam were in great peril, and
looked for nothing else but that the King of Java would assault them,
because we had taken the China ship, by which he was deprived of his
customs. For which reason Captain Warwick requested our general to
desist from his courses, and to go home along with him. But our general
answered, that he had not yet made out his voyage, and would not return
till it should please God to send him somewhat to make up his charges.
Seeing that he could not persuade our general to give up his purpose,
Captain Warwick and the Hollanders departed from us on the 3d February.

Our general now considered, if he were to continue his voyage, that it
might bring the English merchants who were resident in those parts into
danger; and besides, as he had only two anchors and two cables
remaining, he thought it best to repair his ships and return home with
the poor voyage he had made. Our ships being ready, and having taken in
a supply of wood and water, we set sail on the 5th February, on our
return to England. The 7th April, after encountering a violent storm, we
had sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The 17th of the same month we came
to the island of St Helena, where we watered and found refreshments, as
swine and goats, which we ourselves killed, as there are many of these
animals wild in that island. There are also abundance of partridges,
turkies, and guinea fowls, though the island is not inhabited. Leaving
St Helena on the 3d May, we crossed the line on the 14th of that month,
and came to Milford Haven in Wales on the 27th June. The 9th of July,
1606, we came to anchor in the roads of Portsmouth, where all our
company was dismissed, and here ended our voyage, having occupied us for
full nineteen months.



CHAPTER X.

EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
EAST INDIA COMPANY.


INTRODUCTION.

We have now to record the early voyages, fitted out from England, for
trading to file East Indies, by THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OF
LONDON, TRADING INTO THE EAST INDIES.[75] By which stile, or legal
denomination, George Earl of Cumberland, Sir John Hart, Sir John
Spencer, and Sir Edward Mitchelburne, knights, with 212 others, whose
names are all inserted in the patent, were erected into a body corporate
and politic, for trading to and from all parts of the East Indies, with
all Asia, Africa, and America, and all the islands, ports, havens,
cities, creeks, towns, and places of the same, or any of them, beyond
the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, for fifteen years,
from and after Christmas 1600; prohibiting all other subjects of
England, not free of this company, from trading to these parts without
licence from the company, under forfeiture of their goods and ships,
half to the crown and half to the company, together with imprisonment
during the loyal pleasure, and until they respectively grant bond in the
sum of £1000 at the least, not again to sail or traffic into any part of
the said East Indies, &c. during the continuance of this grant. With
this proviso, "That, if the exclusive privilege thus granted be found
unprofitable for the realm, it may be voided on two years notice: But,
if found beneficial, the privilege was then to be renewed, with such
alterations and modifications as might be found expedient" This
exclusive grant, in the nature of a patent, was dated at Westminster on
the 31st December, 1600, being the 43d year of the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, signed by herself, and sealed with her privy seal.

[Footnote 75: So denominated in the copy of the charter in the Pilgrims
of Purchas, vol. I. p. 139--147, which we have not deemed it necessary
to insert.--E.]

It is by no means intended to attempt giving in this place any history
of our East India Company, the early Annals of which, from its
establishment in 1600, to the union of the London and English Companies
in 1708, have been lately given to the public, in three quarto volumes,
by John Bruce, Esq. M.P. and F.R.S. Historiographer to the Honourable
East India Company, &c. &c. &c. to which we must refer such of our
readers as are desirous of investigating that vast portion of the
history of our commerce. All that we propose on the present occasion, is
to give a short introduction to the series of voyages contained in this
chapter, all of which have been preserved by _Samuel Purchas_, in his
curious work, which he quaintly denominated PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS,
published in five volumes folio at London in 1625.

In the first extension of English commerce, in the sixteenth century,
consequent upon the discoveries of Western Africa, America, and the
maritime route to India, it seems to have been conceived that exclusive
chartered companies were best fitted for its effectual prosecution. "The
spirit of enterprise in distant trade, which had for a century brought
large resources to Spain and Portugal, began to diffuse itself as a new
principle, in the rising commerce of England, during the long and able
administration of Queen Elizabeth. Hence associations were beginning to
be formed, the joint credit of which was to support experiments for
extending the trade of the realm."[76]

[Footnote 76: Ann. of the Honb. East India Co, I. 206.]

In the reign of Edward VI. a company was projected with this view; which
obtained a charter in 1553, from Philip and Mary, under the name of
_Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Lands, Countries, Isles, &c.
not before known to the English_. This company, of which Sebastian Cabot
was governor, in the last year of Queen Mary, had extended its trade
through Russia into Persia, to obtain raw silks, &c. In the course of
their proceedings, the agents of this company met with merchants from
India and China, from whom they acquired a knowledge of the productions
of these countries, and of the profits which might be derived from
extending the trade of England to these distant regions.[77] In 1581,
Queen Elizabeth gave an exclusive charter to the Levant or Turkey
Company, for trading to the dominions of the Grand Signior or Emperor
of Turkey. In the prosecution of this trade, of which some account has
been given in our preceding chapter, the factors, or travelling
merchants, having penetrated from Aleppo to Bagdat and Basora, attempted
to open an overland trade to the East Indies, and even penetrated to
Agra, Lahore, Bengal, Malacca, and other parts of the East, whence they
brought information to England of the riches that might be acquired by a
direct trade by sea to the East Indies.[78] The circumnavigations of Sir
Francis Drake in 1577-1580, and of Mr Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, in
1586, of which voyages accounts will be found in a future division of
this work, who brought back great wealth to England, obtained by making
prizes of the Spanish vessels, contributed to spread the idea among the
merchants of England, that great profits and national advantages might
be derived from a direct trade to India by sea.[79]

[Footnote 77: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 107.]

[Footnote 78: Ann. of the Hon. E. India Co. I. 108.]

[Footnote 79: Id. ib.]

In consequence of these views, a memorial was presented to the lords of
council in 1589, requesting a royal licence for three ships and three
pinnaces to proceed for India, which gave rise to the expedition of
Captain Raymond, in 1591, already related. In 1599, an association of
London Adventurers entered into a contract for embarking, what was then
considered as a _large joint stock_, for the equipment of a voyage to
the East Indies. The fund subscribed amounted to £30,133: 6: 8, divided
into 101 shares or adventures, the subscriptions of individuals varying
from £100 to £3000.[80] This project, however, seems to have merged into
the East India Company, at the close of the next year 1600, as already
mentioned.

[Footnote 80: Id. III.--From the peculiar amount of this capital sum,
the subscriptions were most probably in marks, of 13s 4d. each.--E.]

On the 30th September, 1600, a draft of the patent, already said to have
been subsequently sealed on the last day of that year, was read before
the _seventeen committees_, such being then the denomination of what are
now called _directors_; and being approved of, was ordered to be
submitted to the consideration of the Queen and Privy Council. "In this
early stage of the business, the lord-treasurer applied to the _Court of
Committees_ or Directors, recommending Sir Edward Mitchelburne to be
employed in the voyage; and thus, before the Society of Adventurers had
been constituted an East India Company, that influence had its
commencement, which will be found, in the sequel, to have been equally
adverse to the prosperity of their trade and to the probity of the
directors."[81] Yet, though still petitioners for their charter, the
directors had the firmness to resist this influence, and resolved _Not
to employ any gentleman in any place of charge_, requesting to be
permitted to _sort_ their business with men of _their own quality_, lest
the suspicion of employing _gentlemen_ might drive a great number of the
adventurers to withdraw their contributions.[82]

[Footnote 81: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I.128.]

[Footnote 82: Id. ib.]

In the commencement of its operations, the East India Company proceeded
upon rather an anomalous plan for a great commercial company. Instead of
an extensive joint stock for a consecutive series of operations, a new
voluntary subscription was entered into among its members for each
successive adventure. That of the _first_ voyage was about £70,000. The
_second_ voyage was fitted out by a new subscription of £60,450. The
_third_ was £53,500. The _fourth_ £33,000. The _fifth_ was a branch or
extension of the third, by the same subscribers, on an additional call
or subscription of £13,700. The subscription for the _sixth_ was
£82,000. The _seventh_ £71,581. The _eighth_ £76,375. The _ninth_ only
£7,200.

In 1612, the trade began to be carried on upon a broader basis by a
joint stock, when £429,000 was subscribed, which was apportioned to the
_tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages. In 1618, a new
_joint stock_ was formed by subscription, amounting to £1,600,000.[83]

[Footnote 83: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. Vol. I. passim.]

In the year 1617, King James I. of England and VI. of Scotland, granted
letters patent under the great seal of Scotland, dated at Kinnard, 24th
May, 1617, to Sir James Cunningham of Glengarnock, appointing him, his
heirs and assigns, to be governors, rulers, and directors of a _Scottish
East India Company_, and authorizing him "to trade to and from the East
Indies, and the countries or parts of Asia, Africa, and America, beyond
the Cape of _Bona Sperantia_, to the straits of Magellan, and to the
Levant Sea and territories under the government of the Great Turk, and
to and from the countries of Greenland, and all other countries and
islands in the north, north-west, and north-east seas, and other parts
of America and Muscovy." Which patent, and all the rights and
privileges annexed to it, was subsequently, for a valuable
consideration, assigned by Sir James Cunningham to the London East India
Company.[84]

[Footnote 84: Ann. &c. I. 192.--_Note_.]

It is quite unnecessary to extend this introductory view of the rise of
the India Company any farther, as our limits could not possibly admit
any satisfactory deduction of its history, any farther than is contained
in the following series of the _Early Voyages_, for which we are almost
entirely indebted to the Collection of Purchas. By this _first_ English
East India Company, with a capital or joint stock of about 70,000l. at
least for the _first_ voyage, were laid the stable foundations of that
immense superstructure of trade and dominion now held by the present
company. Their first joint stock did not exceed the average of 325l. or
330l. for each individual of 216 members, whose names are recorded in
the copy of the charter in _Purchas his Pilgrims_, already referred to.
Yet _one_ of these was disfranchised on the 6th July, 1661, not six
months after the establishment of the company, probably for not paying
up his subscription, as the charter grants power to disfranchise any one
who does not bring in his promised adventure.

The East India Company of Holland, the elder sister of that of England,
now a nonentity, though once the most extensive and most flourishing
commercial establishment that ever existed, long ago published, or
permitted to be published, a very extensive series of voyages of
commerce and discovery, called _Voyages which contributed to establish
the East India Company of the United Netherlands_. It were, perhaps,
worthy of the _Royal Merchants_ who constitute the _English East India
Company_, now the unrivalled possessors of the entire trade and
sovereignty of all India and its innumerable islands, to publish or
patronize a similar monument of its early exertions, difficulties, and
ultimate success.--E.


SECTION I.

_First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under the
Command of Captain James Lancaster_.[85]

INTRODUCTION.

From the historiographer of the company[86] we learn, that the period of
this voyage being estimated for twenty months, the charges of provisions
were calculated at £6,600 4:10: and the investment, exclusive of
bullion, at £4,545; consisting of iron and tin, wrought and unwrought,
lead, 80 pieces of broad cloth of all colours, 80 pieces of Devonshire
kersies, and 100 pieces of Norwich stuffs, with smaller articles,
intended as presents for the officers at the ports where it was meant to
open their trade. Captain John Davis, who appears to have gone as chief
pilot, was to have £100 as wages for the voyage, with £200 on credit for
an adventure; and, as an incitement to activity and zeal, if the profit
of the voyage yielded _two for one_, he was to receive a gratuity of
£500; if _three for one_, £1000; if _four for one_, £1500; and if _five
for one_, £2000.[87] Thirty-six factors or supercargoes were directed to
be employed for the voyage: _Three_ of the _first_ class, who seem to
have been denominated _cape merchants_, were to have each £100 for
equipment, and £200 for an adventure; _four_ factors of the _second_
class at £50 each for equipment, and £100 for an adventure; _four_ of
the _third_ class, with £30 each for equipment, and £50 for adventure;
and _four_ of the _fourth_ class, with £20 each for equipment, and £40
for adventure.[88] They were to give security for their fidelity, and to
abstain from _private trade_; the _first_ class under penalties of £500
the second of 500 marks, the _third_ at £200 and the _fourth_ of £100
each.[89] These only exhaust fifteen of the thirty-six, and we are
unable to account for the remaining twenty-one ordered to be nominated.

[Footnote 85: Purch. Pilgr. I. 147. Astl. I. 262.]

[Footnote 86: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 129.]

[Footnote 87: Id. I. 130.]

[Footnote 88: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 131.]

[Footnote 89: Id. I. 133.]

In the Annals of the Company,[90] we are told that the funds provided
for this first voyage amounted to £68,373, of which £39,771 were
expended in the purchase and equipment of the ships, £28,742 being
embarked in bullion, and £6,860 in goods. But the aggregate of these
sums amounts to £77,373; so that the historiographer appears to have
fallen into some error, either in the particulars or the sum total. We
are not informed of the particular success of this first voyage; only
that the conjunct profits of it and of the second amounted to £95 per
cent. upon the capitals employed in both, clear of all charges.[91]

[Footnote 90: Id. I.146.]

[Footnote 91: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 153.]

We may state here from the Annals of the Company, that the profits of
the _third_ and _fifth_ voyage combined amounted to £234 per cent. Of
the _fourth_ voyage to a total loss, as one of the vessels was wrecked
in India on the outward-bound voyage, and the other on the coast of
France in her return. The profits of the _sixth_ voyage were £121 13:4:
per cent. Of the _seventh_ £218 per cent. Of the _eighth_ £211 per cent.
Of the _ninth_ £160 per cent. The average profits of the _tenth,
eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages were reduced to £87-1/2 per
cent.

Captain James Lancaster, afterwards Sir James, who was general in this
voyage, was a member of the company; and is the same person who went to
India in 1591, along with Captain Raymond. Captain John Davis, who had
been in India with the Dutch, was pilot-major and second in command of
the Dragon, or admiral ship. It does not appear who was the author of
the following narrative; but, from several passages, he seems to have
sailed in the Dragon.[92]--E.

[Footnote 92: Astl. I. 262., a and b.]

§ 1. _Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure
of the Fleet from Saldanha Bay_.

Having collected a joint stock of _seventy thousand pounds_, to be
employed in ships and merchandize in the prosecution of their privileged
trade to the East Indies, by means of which they were to bring spices
and other commodities into this realm, the company bought and fitted out
four large ships for their first adventure. These were the Dragon[93] of
600 tons, and 202 men, admiral, in which Mr James Lancaster was placed
as general;[94] the Hector of 300 tons, and 108 men, commanded by Mr
John Middleton, vice-admiral; the Ascension of 260 tons, and 82 men,
Captain William Brand;[95] and the Susan,[96] commanded by Mr John
Hayward, with 84 men:[97] Besides these commanders, each ship carried
three merchants or factors, to succeed each other in rotation in case of
any of them dying. These ships were furnished with victuals and stores
for twenty months, and were provided with merchandize and Spanish money
to the value of _twenty-seven thousand pounds_; all the rest of the
stock being expended in the purchase of the ships, with their necessary
stores and equipment, and in money advanced to the mariners[98] and
sailors who went upon the voyage. To these was added, as a victualler,
the _Guest_ of 130 tons.[99]

[Footnote 93: This ship, originally called the Malice Scourge, was
purchased from the Earl of Cumberland for 3,700l.--Ann. of the H.E.I.
Co. I. 128.]

[Footnote 94: In these early voyages the chief commander is usually
styled _general_, and the ship in which he sailed the _admiral_.--E.]

[Footnote 95: This person is called by Purchas _chief governor_. Perhaps
the conduct of commercial affairs was confided to his care.--E.]

[Footnote 96: The burden of this ship was 240 tons.--Ann. I. 129.]

[Footnote 97: Besides there was a pinnace of 100 tons and 40 men.--Ann.
I. 129.]

[Footnote 98: In many of the old voyages, this distinction is made
between mariners and sailors: Unless a mere pleonasm, it may indicate
able and ordinary seamen; or the former may designate the officers of
all kinds, and the latter the common men.--E.]

[Footnote 99: Perhaps the pinnace already mentioned.--E.]

On application to the queen, her majesty furnished the merchants with
friendly letters of recommendation to several of the sovereigns in
India, offering to enter into treaties of peace and amity with them,
which shall be noticed in their proper places. And, as no great
enterprize can be well conducted and accomplished without an absolute
authority for dispensing justice, the queen granted a commission of
martial law to Captain Lancaster, the general of the fleet, for the
better security of his command.

Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from Woolwich, in the
river Thames, on the 13th of February, 1600, after the English mode of
reckoning,[100] or more properly 1601. They were so long delayed in the
Thames and the Downs, for want of wind, that it was Easter before they
arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days, taking in
bread and other provisions, appointed to be procured there. Departing
thence on the 18th of April, they came to anchor in Torbay, at which
place the general sent on board all the ships instructions for their
better keeping company when at sea, and directions as to what places
they were to repair to for meeting again, in case of being separated by
storms or other casualties. These were the _calms of Canary_; Saldanha
bay,[101] in case they could not double the Cape of Good Hope; Cape St
Roman, in Madagascar; the island of Cisne, Cerne, or Diego Rodriguez;
and finally, Sumatra, their first intended place of trade.

[Footnote 100: At this time, and for long after, there was a strangely
confused way of dating the years, which were considered as beginning at
Lady-day, the 25th of March. Hence, what we would now reckon the year
1601, from the 1st January to the 24th March inclusive, retained the
former date of 1600. The voyage actually commenced on the 13th February,
1601, according to our present mode of reckoning.--E.]

[Footnote 101: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these voyages,
that the place then named Saldanha, or Saldania bay, was what is now
termed Table bay at the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

The wind came fair on the 22d of April, when we weighed and stood out of
Torbay, directing our course for the Canaries. As the wind continued
fair, we had sight of _Alegranza_, or Great Island, the northermost of
the Canaries, on the 5th of May, and we directed our course to pass
between Fuertaventura and Gran Canaria; and coming to the south of Gran
Canaria, thinking to have watered there, we fell into _the calms_, which
are occasioned by the high lands being so near the sea. About three in
the afternoon of the 7th of May, having the wind at N.E. we departed
from Gran Canaria, shaping our course S.W. by S. and S.S.W. till we came
into the lat. of 21° 30' N. From the 11th to the 20th, our course was
mostly S till we came to lat. 8° N. the wind being always northerly and
N.E. In this latitude we found calms and contrary winds, which, at this
season of the year, prevail much off this part of the coast of Guinea,
alternating with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, and thunder and
lightning very fearful to behold, and very dangerous to the ships,
unless the utmost care be taken suddenly to strike all the sails, on
perceiving the wind to change even never so little. Yet such was the
suddenness many times, although the masters of the ships were very
careful and diligent, that it could hardly be done in time.

From the 20th of May till the 21st of June, we lay mostly becalmed, or
with contrary winds at south; and, standing to and again to bear up
against this contrary wind, we got with much ado to 2° N. where we
espied a ship, to which the general gave chace, commanding all the
ships to follow him. By two in the afternoon we got up with and took
her. She was of Viana, in Portugal, and came from Lisbon, in company of
two caraks and three galleons, bound for the East Indies, but had parted
from them at sea. The three galleons were ships of war, intended to keep
the coast of India from being traded with by other nations. From this
ship we took 146 butts of wine, 176 jars and 12 casks of oil, and 55
hogsheads and vats of meal,[102] which were of great service to us
afterwards during our voyage. The general divided these victuals
impartially among all the ships, giving a due proportion to each.

[Footnote 102: Probably wheaten meal or flour.--E.]

The 31st June about midnight we crossed the line, having the wind at
S.E. and lost sight of the north star; and continuing our course S.S.W.
we passed Cape St Augustine about 26 leagues to the eastward. The 20th
July, we reached the latitude of 19° 40' S. the wind getting daily more
and more towards the east. We here unloaded the _Guest_, which went
along with us to carry such provisions as we could not stow in the other
four ships; after which we took out her masts, sails, yards, and all
other tackle; broke up her upper works for fire-wood, and left her hull
floating in the sea, following our own course southwards. We passed the
tropic of Capricorn on the 24th July, the wind N.E. by N. our course
E.S.E. On account of our having been so long near the line, by reason of
leaving England too late in the season by six or seven weeks, many of
our men fell sick; for which reason the general sent written orders to
the captain of each ship, either to make Saldanha bay or St Helena for
refreshment.

The 1st August we were in 30° S. at which time we got the wind at S.W.
to our great comfort, for by this time many of our men were sick of the
scurvy; insomuch, that in all our ships, except the admiral, they were
hardly able to manage the sails. This wind held fair till we were within
250 leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, and then came clean contrary at E.
continuing so for fifteen or sixteen days, to the great discomfort of
our men; for now the few that had continued sound began also to fall
sick, so that in some of the ships the merchants had to take their turn
at the helm, and to go into the tops to hand the top-sails along with
the common mariners. But God, shewing us mercy in our distress, sent us
again a fair wind, so that we got to Saldanha bay on the 9th September,
when the general, before the other ships bore in and came to anchor,
sent his boats to help the other ships. The state of the other three
ships was such that they were hardly able to let go their anchors. The
general went on board them all with a number of men, and hoisted out
their boats for them, which they were not able to do of themselves.

The reason of the men in the admiral being in such better health than in
the other three ships was this: He brought with him to sea several
bottles of lemon juice, of which he gave to each man, as long as it
would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suffering them to
eat any thing afterwards till noon. This juice worketh much the better
if the person keeps a spare diet, wholly refraining from salt meat;
which salt meat, and being long at sea, are the only causes of breeding
this disease. By this means the general cured many of his men and
preserved the rest; so that, though his ship had double the number of
men of any of the rest, he had not so many sick, nor did he lose so many
men, as any of the rest.

After getting all the ships to anchor, and hoisting out their boats, the
general went immediately aland, to seek refreshments for our sick and
weak men. He presently met with some of the natives, to whom he gave
various trifles, as knives, pieces of old iron, and the like; making
signs for them to bring him down sheep and oxen. For he spoke to them in
the cattle's language, which was not changed at the confusion of Babel;
using _mouth_ for oxen, and _baa_ for sheep, imitating their cries;
which language the people understood very well without any interpreter.
Having sent the natives away, well contented with the kind usage and
presents he had given them, orders were given for so many men from every
ship to bring sails ashore, to make tents for the sick; and also to
throw up fortifications for defence, lest by any chance the natives
might take offence and offer violence. He at the same time prescribed
regulations for buying and selling with the natives; directing, when
they should come down with cattle, that only five or six men selected
for the purpose should go to deal with them, and that the rest, which
should never be under thirty muskets and pikes, should keep at the
distance of at least eight or ten score yards, always drawn up in order
and readiness, with their muskets in the rests, whatever might befal.
This order was so strictly enforced, that no man was permitted to go
forward to speak with the natives, except with special leave. I
attribute our continuing in such amity and friendship with the natives
to these precautions, for the Hollanders had lately five or six of their
men slain by the treachery of these natives.

The third day after our arrival in Saldanha bay, the natives brought
down beeves and sheep, which we bought for pieces of old iron hoops; as
two pieces of eight inches each for an ox, and one piece for a sheep,
with which the natives seemed perfectly satisfied. In ten or twelve
days, we bought 1000 sheep and 42 oxen, and might have had more if we
would. After this they discontinued bringing any more cattle, but the
people often came down to us afterwards; and when we made signs for more
sheep, they would point to those we had already, which the general kept
grazing on the hills near our tents; which, as we judged, was the reason
why they did not bring us more, as they thought we meant to inhabit
there. But, God be thanked, we were now well provided, and could very
well pass without farther purchases. The oxen were as large as ours in
England, and very fat; and the sheep were many of them bigger than ours,
of excellent flesh, sweet and fat, and to our liking much better than
our English mutton, but having coarse hairy wool.

The people of this place are all of a tawny colour, of reasonable
stature, swift of foot, and much given to pick and steal. Their language
is entirely uttered through their throats, and they _cluck_ with their
tongues in so strange a manner, that, in seven weeks which we remained
here, the sharpest wit among us could not learn one word of their
language, yet the natives soon understood every sigh we made them. While
we staid at this bay, we had such royal refreshing that all our men
recovered their health and strength, except four or five. Including
these, and before we came in, we lost out of all our ships 105 men; yet,
on leaving this bay,[103] we reckoned ourselves stronger manned than
when we left England, our men were now so well inured to the southern
climates and to the sea.

[Footnote 103: In a marginal note, Purchas gives the lat. of Saldanha
bay as 34° S. The place then called Saldanha bay was certainly Table
bay, the entrance to which is in 33° 50' S. So that Purchas is here
sufficiently, accurate.--E.]

§ 2. _Continuation of the Voyage, from Saldanha Bay to the Nicobar and
Sombrero Islands._

The general ordered all our tents to be taken down on the 24th of
October, and all our men to repair on board their respective ships,
having laid in an ample supply of wood and water. We put to sea the 29th
of that month, passing a small island in the mouth of the bay, which is
so full of seals and penguins, that if no better refreshment could have
been procured, we might very well have refreshed here. Over the bay of
Saldanha there stands a very high and flat hill, called the Table; no
other harbour on all this coast having so plain a mark to find it by, as
it can be easily seen seventeen or eighteen leagues out at sea. In the
morning of Sunday the 1st November, we doubled the Cape of Good Hope in
a heavy gale at W.N.W.

On the 26th November we fell in with the head-land of the island of St
Lawrence or Madagascar, somewhat to the eastward of cape St Sebastian,
and at five mile from the shore we had 20 fathoms; the variation of the
compass being 16°, a little more or less. In an east and west course,
the variation of the compass serves materially, and especially in this
voyage.[104] From the 26th November till the 15th December we plied to
the eastwards, as nearly as we could, always striving to get to the
island of Cisne, called Diego Rodriguez in some charts; but ever from
our leaving Madagascar, we found the wind at E. or E.S.E. or E.N.E. so
that we could not accomplish it, and we could not continue to strive
long in hopes of the wind changing, as our men began again to fall sick
of the scurvy. The captain of our vice-admiral, John Middleton of the
Hector, now proposed to our general to bear away for the bay of
_Antongit_, on the east coast of Madagascar, where we might refresh our
men with oranges and lemons, so as to get rid again of this cruel
disease; which counsel was approved by him and the whole company.

[Footnote 104: At this period, and for long afterwards, mariners
estimated their longitudes by dead reckonings, or by the observed
variations of the compass; both very uncertain guides.--E.]

We had sight of the southernmost part of the island of St Mary [in lat.
16° 48' S. long. 50° 17' E.] and anchored next day between that island
and the main of Madagascar. We immediately sent our boats to St Mary,
where we procured some store of lemons and oranges, being very precious
for our sick men to purge them of the scurvy. While riding here, a great
storm arose, which drove three of our ships from their anchors; but
within sixteen hours the storm ceased, and our ships returned and
recovered their anchors. The general thought it improper to remain here
any longer, on account of the uncertainty of the weather, the danger of
riding here, and because we were able to procure so little refreshment
at this island; having got, besides a few lemons and oranges, a very
little goats milk, and a small quantity of rice: But as our men were
sick, and the easterly winds still prevailed, he gave orders to sail for
Antongil.

The isle of St Mary is high land and full of wood. The natives are tall
handsome men, of black colour and frizzled hair, which they stroke up at
their foreheads as our women do in England, so that it stands three
inches upright. They go entirely naked, except covering their parts; and
are very tractable and of familiar manners, yet seemed valiant. Most of
their food is rice, with some fish; yet while we were there we could get
very little rice to purchase, as their store was far spent, and their
harvest near at hand. There are two or three watering places on the
north part of this island, none of them very commodious, yet there is
water enough to be had with some trouble.

Departing from this island of St Mary on the 23d December, we came into
the bay of Antongil on Christmas-day, and anchored in eight fathoms
water, at the bottom of the bay, between a small island and the
main.[105] The best riding is nearest under the lee of that small
island, which serves as a defence from the wind blowing into the bay;
for while we were there it blew a very heavy storm, and those ships
which were nearest the island fared best Two of our ships drove with
three anchors a-head, the ground being oosy and not firm. Going a-land
on the small island, we perceived by a writing on the rocks, that five
Holland ships had been there, and had departed about two months before
our arrival, having had sickness among them; for, as we could perceive,
they had lost between 150 and 200 men at this place.

[Footnote 105: This island of _Maroise_ is in lat. 15° 10' S. and almost
in the same longitude with the isle of St Mary, being 62 English miles
from its northern extremity.--E.]

The day after we anchored, we landed on the main, where the people
presently came to us, making signs that five Dutch ships had been there,
and had bought most of their provisions. Yet they entered into trade
with us for rice, hens, oranges, lemons, and another kind of fruit
called plantains; but held every thing very high, and brought only small
quantities. Our market was beside a considerable river, into which we
went in our boats, such of our men as were appointed to make the
purchases going ashore; the rest always remaining in the boats with
their arms in readiness, and the boats about twenty or thirty yards from
the land, where the natives could not wade to them, and were ready at
all times, if needful, to take our marketers from the land. In this
manner we trifled off some days before we could get the natives to
commence a real trade; for all these people of the south and east parts
of the world are subtle and crafty in bartering, buying, and selling, so
that, without sticking close to them, it is difficult to bring them to
trade in any reasonable sort, as they will shift continually to get a
little more, and then no one will sell below that price. Upon this, the
general ordered measures to be made of about a quart, and appointed how
many glass beads were to be given for its fill of rice, and how many
oranges, lemons, and plantains were to be given for every bead, with
positive orders not to deal at all with any who would not submit to that
rule. After a little holding off, the natives consented to this rule,
and our dealing became frank and brisk; so that during our stay we
purchased 15-1/4 tons of rice, 40 or 50 bushels of their peas and beans,
great store of oranges, lemons, and plantains, eight beeves, and great
numbers of hens.

While at anchor in this bay, we set up a pinnace which we had brought in
pieces from England; and cutting down trees, which were large and in
plenty, we sawed them into boards, with which we sheathed her. This
pinnace was about 18 tons burden, and was very fit and necessary for
going before our ships at our getting to India. While we remained here,
there died out of the Admiral, the master's mate, chaplain, and surgeon,
with about ten of the common men; and out of the Vice-Admiral, the
master and some two more. By very great mischance, the captain and
boatswain's mate of the Ascension were slain: For, when the master's
mate of the Admiral was to be buried, the captain of the Ascension took
his boat to go on shore to his funeral; and as it is the rule of the sea
to fire certain pieces of ordnance at the burial of an officer, the
gunner fired three pieces that happened to be shotted, when the ball of
one of them struck the Ascension's boat, and slew the captain and
boatswain's mate stark dead; so that, on going ashore to witness the
funeral of another, they were both buried themselves. Those who died
here were mostly carried off by the flux, owing, as I think, to the
water which we drank; for it was now in the season of winter, when it
rained very much, causing great floods all over the country, so that the
waters were unwholesome, as they mostly are in these hot countries in
the rainy season. The flux is likewise often caught by going open, and
catching cold at the stomach, which our men were very apt to do when
hot.

We sailed from this bay on the 6th March, 1602, steering our course for
India, and on the 16th fell in with an island called _Rogue Pize_, [in
lat. 10° 30' S. and long. 64° 20' E.] The general sent his boat to see
if there were any safe anchorage, but the water was found almost every
where too deep. As we sailed along, it seemed every where pleasant, and
full of cocoa-nut trees and fowls, and there came from the land a most
delightful smell, as if it had been a vast flower garden. Had there been
any good anchorage, it must surely have been an excellent place of
refreshment; for, as our boats went near the land, they saw vast
quantities of fish, and the fowls came wondering about them in such
flocks, that the men killed many of them with their oars, which were the
best and fattest we had tasted in all the voyage. These fowls were in
such vast multitudes, that many more ships than we had might have been
amply supplied.

The 30th March, 1602, being in lat. 6° S[106] we happened upon a ledge
of rocks, and looking overboard, saw them under the ship about five
fathoms below the surface of the water, which amazed us exceedingly by
their sudden and unexpected appearance. On casting the ship about, we
had eight fathoms, and so held on our course to the east. Not long
after, one of our men in the top saw an island S.E. of us, some five or
six leagues off, being low land, which we judged to be the island of
_Candu_,[107] though our course by computation did not reach so far
east. Continuing our course some thirteen or fourteen leagues, we fell
upon another flat of sunken rocks, when we cast about southwards, and in
sailing about twelve leagues more found other rocks, and in trying
different ways we found rocks all round about, having twenty, thirty,
forty, and even fifty fathoms among the flats. We were here two days and
a half in exceeding great danger, and could find no way to get out. At
last we determined to try to the northward and in 6° 40' S. thank God,
we found six fathoms water. The pinnace went always before, continually
sounding, with orders to indicate by signals what depth she had, that we
might know how to follow.

[Footnote 106: The Speaker bank, in long. 78° E. is nearly in the
indicated latitude.--E.]

[Footnote 107:4 There are two islands called Candu, very small, and
direct N. and S. of each other, in lat. 50° 40' S. long. 78° E. and less
than half a degree N.N.E. is a small group called the Adu islands,
surrounded by a reef--E.]

Being delivered out of this _pound_, we followed our course till the 9th
May about four in the afternoon, when we got sight of the islands of
Nicobar, on which we bore in and anchored on the north side of the
channel. But as the wind changed to S.W. we had to weigh again, and go
over to the south side of the channel, where we came to an anchor under
a small island on that shore. We here got fresh water and cocoa-nuts,
but very little other refreshments; yet the natives came off to us in
long canoes that could have carried twenty men in each. They brought
gums to sell instead of amber, with which they deceived several of our
men; for these eastern people are wholly given to deceit. They brought
also hens and cocoa-nuts for sale; but held them at so dear a rate that
we bought very few. We staid here ten days, putting our ordnance in
order and trimming our ships, that we might be in readiness at our first
port, which we were not now far from.

In the morning of the 20th April, we set sail for Sumatra, but the wind
blew hard at S.S.W. and the current set against us, so that we could not
proceed. While beating up and down, two of our ships sprung leaks, on
which we were forced to go to the island of Sombrero,[108] ten or
twelve leagues north of Nicobar. Here we in the Admiral lost an anchor,
for the ground is foul, and grown full of false coral and some rocks,
which cut our cable asunder, so that we could not recover our anchor.
The people of these islands go entirely naked, except that their parts
are bound up in a piece of cloth, which goes round the waist like a
girdle, and thence between their legs. They are all of a tawny hue, and
paint their faces of divers colours. They are stout and well-made, but
very fearful, so that none of them would come on board our ships, or
even enter our boats. The general reported that he had seen some of
their priests all over cloathed, but quite close to their bodies, as if
sewed on; having their faces painted green, black, and yellow, and horns
on their heads turned backwards, painted of the same colours, together
with a tail hanging down behind from their buttocks, altogether as we
see the devil sometimes painted in Europe. Demanding why they went in
that strange attire, he was told that the devil sometimes appeared to
them in such form in their sacrifices, and therefore his servants the
priests were so cloathed. There grew many trees in this island,
sufficiently tall, thick, and straight to make main-masts for the
largest ship in all our fleet, and this island is full of such.

[Footnote 108: So called, because on the north end of the largest island
of the cluster there is a hill resembling the top of an umbrella--ASTL.
I. 267. a.]

Upon the sands of this island of Sombrero we found a small twig growing
up like a young tree, and on offering to pluck it up, it shrinks down to
the ground, and sinks, unless held very hard. On being plucked up, a
great worm is found to be its root, and as the tree groweth in
greatness, so doth the worm diminish; and as soon as the worm is
entirely turned into tree, it rooteth in the earth, and so becomes
great. This transformation is one of the strangest wonders that I saw in
all my travels: For, if this tree is plucked up while young, and the
leaves and bark stripped off, it becomes a hard stone when dry, much
like white coral: Thus is this worm twice transformed into different
natures. Of these we gathered and brought home many.

       *       *       *       *       *

The editor of Astley's Collection supposes this a mere fiction, or that
it might take its rise from coral growing accidentally on shell fish.
The _first_ part of the story probably arose from some of the animals
called _animal flowers_, the body of which, buried in the sand, and
resembling a worm, extends some member having the appearance of a young
tree, which retracts when touched rudely. The second part may have been
some corraline or madrepore growing in shallow water, the coriaccous
part of which, and the animals residing in the cells, may have resembled
the bark and leaves of a plant. Considering both of these erroneously as
the same plant in different states, might easily give occasion to the
wonders in the text, without the smallest intention of fiction.--E.


§ 3. _Their Reception and Trade at Acheen._

We set sail from the island of Sombrero on the 29th May, and got sight
of Sumatra on the 2d June, coming to anchor in the road of Acheen on the
5th, about two miles from the city. We here found sixteen or eighteen
sail of different countries, Guzerat, Bengal, Calicut, Malabar, Pegu,
and Patane, which had come for trade. There came on board two Dutch
merchants or factors, who had been left behind by their ships, to learn
the language and the customs of the country; who told us we should be
made welcome by the king, who was desirous to entertain strangers; and
that the Queen of England was already famous in those parts, on account
of the wars and great victories she had gained over the King of Spain.
That same day, the general sent Captain John Middleton, with four or
five gentlemen in his train, to wait upon the king, and to inform him,
that the general of our ships had a message and letter from the most
famous Queen of England to the most worthy King of Acheen and Sumatra,
to request the king would vouchsafe to give audience to the said
ambassador, to deliver his message and letter, giving sufficient
warranty for the safety of him and his people, according to the law of
nations. Captain Middleton was very kindly entertained by the king, who,
on hearing the message, readily granted the request, and communed with
him on many topics; after which a royal banquet was served up to him;
and, at his departure, he was presented with a robe, and a _tuke_ or
turban of calico wrought with gold, as is the manner of the kings of
this place to those whom they are pleased to favour. The king sent his
commendations to the general, desiring him to remain yet another day on
board, to rest from the fatigues of his voyage, and to come the day
following on shore, when he might be sure of a kind reception and free
audience, in as much safety as if in the dominions of the queen his
mistress: but, if he doubted the royal word, such honourable pledges
should be sent for his farther assurance as might give him entire
satisfaction.

The general went ashore on the third day after our arrival with thirty
attendants or more. He was met on landing by the Holland merchants, who
conducted him to their house, as had been appointed; as the general did
not think fit to have a house of his own till he had been introduced to
the king. He remained at the Holland factory, where a nobleman from the
king came and saluted him kindly, saying that he came from the king,
whose person he represented, and demanded the queen's letter. The
general answered, that he must himself deliver the letter to the king,
such being the custom of ambassadors in Europe. The nobleman then asked
to see the superscription of the letter, which was shewn him. He read
the same, looked very earnestly at the seal, took a note of the
superscription and of the queen's name, and then courteously took his
leave, returning to tell the king what had passed. Soon afterwards six
great elephants were sent, with many drums, trumpets and streamers, and
much people, to accompany the general to court. The largest elephant was
about thirteen or fourteen feet high, having a small castle like a coach
on his back, covered with crimson velvet. In the middle of the castle
was a large basin of gold, with an exceedingly rich wrought cover of
silk, under which the queen's letter was deposited. The general was
mounted upon another of the elephants, some of his attendants riding,
while others went a-foot. On arriving at the gate of the palace, the
procession was stopped by a nobleman, till he went in to learn the
king's farther pleasure; but he presently returned, and requested the
general to come in.

On coming into the presence of the king, the general made his obeisance
according to the manner of the country, saying, that he was sent by the
most mighty Queen of England, to compliment his majesty, and to treat
with him concerning peace and amity with the queen his mistress, if it
pleased him to do so. He then began to enter upon farther discourse;
but the king stopt him short, by desiring him to sit down and refresh
himself, saying, that he was most welcome, and that he would readily
listen to any reasonable conditions, for the queen's sake, who was
worthy of all kindness and frank conditions, being a princess of great
nobleness, of whom fame reported much. The general now delivered the
queen's letter, which the king graciously received, delivering it to a
nobleman who waited on him. The general then delivered his present,
consisting of a basin of silver, having a fountain in the middle of it,
weighing 205 ounces; a large standing cup of silver; a rich mirror; a
head-piece with a plume of feathers; a _case of very fair dagges_[109];
a richly embroidered sword-belt; and a fan made of leathers. All these
were received in the king's presence by a nobleman of the court, the
king only taking into his own hand the fan of feathers, with which he
made one of his women fan him, as if this had pleased him more than all
the rest.

[Footnote 109: A case of handsomely mounted pistols.--E.]

The general was then commanded to sit down in the presence, on the
ground, after the manner of the country, and a great banquet was served,
all the dishes being either of pure gold, or of _tomback_, a metal
between gold and brass, which is held in much estimation. During this
banquet, the king, who sat aloft in a gallery about six feet from the
ground, drank often to the general in the wine of the country, called
arrack, which is made from rice, and is as strong as our brandy, a
little of it being sufficient to set one to sleep. After the first
draught of this liquor, the general either drank it mixed with water, or
pure water, craving the king's pardon, as not able to take such strong
drink; and the king gave him leave.

After the feast was done, the king caused his damsels to come forth and
dance, and his women played to them on several instruments of music.
These women were richly attired, and adorned with bracelets and jewels;
and this was accounted a great favour, as the women are not usually seen
of any but such as the king will greatly honour. The king gave also to
the general a fine robe of white calico, richly wrought with gold: a
very fine girdle of Turkey work; and two _crisses_, which are a kind of
daggers all of which were put on him by a nobleman in the king's
presence. He was then courteously dismissed, and a person was sent
along with him, to make choice of a house in the city, wherever the
general might think most suitable. But at that time he refused the
proffered kindness, chusing rather to go on board the ships, till the
king had considered the queen's letter.

The letter from the queen was superscribed, To the great and mighty King
of Achem, &c. in the island of Sumatra, our loving brother,
greeting.[110] After a long complimentary preamble, and complaining
against the Portuguese and Spaniards for pretending to be absolute lords
of the East Indies, and endeavouring to exclude all other nations from
trading thither, it recommended the English to his royal favour and
protection, that they might be allowed to transact their business freely
then and afterwards in his dominions, and to permit their factors to
remain with a factoryhouse in his capital, to learn the language and
customs of the country, till the arrival of another fleet. It likewise
proposed that reasonable capitulations, or terms of commercial
intercourse, should be entered into by the king with the bearer of the
letter, who was authorised to conclude the same in her name; and
requested an answer accepting the proffered league of amity.

[Footnote 110: In the Pilgrims this letter is given at full length; but,
being merely complimentary, is here only abridged.--E.]

At his next audience, the general had a long conference with the king
respecting the queen's letter, with which he seemed well satisfied;
saying, if the contents came from the heart he had reason to think of it
highly, and was well pleased to conclude the proposed treaty of amity
and commerce. As for the particular demands made in the queen's name by
the general, respecting trade, the king referred him to two noblemen,
who were authorised to confer with him, promising that all which was
requested by the queen should be granted. With this satisfactory answer,
and after another banquet, the general departed. He sent next day to the
two noblemen appointed to treat with him, to know when they proposed to
meet, and confer with him. One of these was chief bishop or high-priest
of the realm,[111] a person in high estimation with the king and people,
as he well deserved, being a very wise and prudent person. The other
was one of the ancient nobility of the country, a man of much gravity,
but not so fit for conferring on the business in hand as the former.

[Footnote 111: As the grand Turk has his Mufti, so other Mahomedan
princes have their chief priests in all countries of that
profession.--Purch.]

After a long conference,[112] the general demanded that proclamation
might be instantly made, that none of the natives should abuse the
English, but that they might be permitted to follow their business in
peace and quietness. This was so well performed, that though there was a
strict order for none of their people to walk by night, yet ours were
allowed to go about by day or night without molestation; only, when any
of our people were found abroad at unlawful hours, the justice brought
them home to the general's house, and delivered them there.

[Footnote 112: A long train of formal particulars are here omitted, as
tedious and uninteresting.--E.]

At the close of the conference, the chief-priest required from the
general notes of his demands of privileges for the merchants in writing,
with the reasons of the same, that they might be laid before the king;
promising that he should have answers within a few days. With these
conferences, and much courtesy, and after some conversation on the
affairs of Christendom, they broke up for that time. The general was not
negligent in sending his demands in writing to the noblemen, as they
were mostly drawn up before coming ashore, being not unready for such a
business.

On his next going to court, and sitting before the king, beholding a
cock-fight, which is one of the sports in which the king takes great
delight, the general sent his interpreter with his obeisance to the
king, requesting him to be mindful of the business on which he had
conferred with the two noblemen. The king then made him draw near,
telling him he was careful of his dispatch, and would willingly enter
into a league of peace and amity with the Queen of England, which he
would truly perform: and that the demands and articles he had set down
in writing should all be extended in proper form by one of his
secretaries, which he should then authorise and confirm. Within five or
six days these were delivered to the general, from the king's own hands,
with many gracious words. It were too long to insert the entire articles
of this treaty; but the whole demands of the English were granted.
_First_, free trade and entry. _Second_, freedom from customs on import
and export. _Third_, assistance of their vessels to save our goods and
men from wreck, and other dangers. _Fourth_, liberty of testament, to
bequeath their goods to whom they pleased. _Fifth_, stability of
bargains and payments by the subjects of Acheen, &c. _Sixth_, authority
to execute justice on their own people offending. _Seventh_, justice
against injuries from the natives. _Eighth_, not to arrest or stay our
goods, or to fix prices upon them. _Lastly_, freedom of conscience.

This important treaty being settled, the merchants were incessantly
occupied in providing pepper for loading the ships; but it came in
slowly and in small quantities, as the last year had been very sterile.
Hearing of a port called Priaman, about 150 leagues from Acheen, in the
south part of Sumatra, where one of the smaller ships might be loaded,
the general prepared to send the Susan thither, placing in her Mr Henry
Middleton as captain and chief merchant. The general was not a little
grieved, that Mr John Davis, his chief pilot, had told the merchants
before leaving London, that pepper was to be had at Acheen for four
Spanish, ryals of eight the hundred, whereas it cost us almost twenty.
Owing to this, the general became very thoughtful, considering how to
load his ships, and save his credit in the estimation of his employers;
as it would be a disgrace to all concerned, in the eyes of all the
neighbouring nations of Europe, seeing there were merchandise enough to
be bought in the East Indies, while his ships were likely to return
empty.

§ 4. _Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca_.

A Portuguese ambassador was at this time in Acheen, who looked with an
evil eye on every step we took, but was by no means in favour with the
king: for, on the last day of his being at court, on demanding leave to
settle a factory in the country, and to build a fort at the entrance of
the harbour, for the protection of the merchants goods, because the city
was subject to fire, the king, perceiving what he meant, gave him this
sharp answer: "Has your master a daughter to give my son, that he is so
careful for the security of my country? He shall not need to be at the
charge of building a fort; for I have a fit house about two leagues
inland from the city, which I can give him for a factory, where you
need neither fear enemies nor fire, for I will protect you." The king
was much displeased with this insolent demand, and the ambassador left
the court much discontented.

Shortly after this, an Indian, who belonged to a Portuguese captain, who
came to the port with a ship-load of rice from Bengal, came to our house
to sell hens. The Portuguese captain lodged at the ambassador's house,
and our general suspected he came only as a spy to see what we were
about; yet he gave them orders to treat the Indian well, and always to
give him a reasonable price for his hens. At last he took occasion to
commune with this Indian, asking whence he came and what he was, saying
to him pleasantly, that a young man of his appearance deserved a better
employment than buying and selling hens. To this he answered, "I serve
this Portuguese captain, yet am neither bound nor free; for, though
free-born, I have been with him so long that he considers me as his
property, and he is so great a man that I cannot strive with him." Then,
said the general, "If thy liberty be precious to thee, thy person, seems
to merit it; but what wouldst thou do for him who should give thee thy
liberty, without pleading to thy master for it?" "Sir," said the Indian,
"freedom is as precious as life, and I would venture my life for him
that would procure it for me: Try me, therefore, in any service that I
can perform for you, and my willingness shall make good my words."
"Then," said the general, "thou desirest me to try thee? What says the
ambassador of me and my shipping, and what are his purposes?" The Indian
told him, that the Portuguese had a spy employed over his ships, being a
Chinese who was intimate with the men, so that he has procured drawings
of the ships, and of every piece of ordnance in them, and how they are
placed, with a list of all the men in each: That he thought the ships
strong and well equipped, but being weak in men, believed they might
easily be taken, if any force could be had to attack them suddenly; and
intended in a few days to send his draughts to Malacca, to induce the
Portuguese to send a force from thence to attack them as they lay at
anchor. The general laughed heartily at this account, but said the
ambassador was not so idle as the Indian thought, for he well knew the
English ships were too strong for all the forces in those parts. He then
desired the Indian to go his way, and return in a day or two to inform
him if the ambassador continued his project, and when he was to send his
messenger to Malacca. Saying, that although it would serve him little to
know these things, yet he would give the Indian his liberty for the
good-will he shewed to serve him.

The Indian went away well pleased, as might easily be seen by his
countenance and the lightness of his steps. When he was gone, the
general said to me, that we had now met with a fit person to betray his
master, if we could derive any benefit from his treachery; and in this
he was not deceived, for by his means, whatever was done or said by the
ambassador during the day, was regularly reported to our general that
night or next morning; yet did this fellow conduct himself so prudently,
that neither was he suspected by any one in the Portuguese ambassador's
house, nor was it known to any one in ours, what business he was engaged
in. He had the right character for a spy, being crafty, careful, and
subtle, never trusting any one to hear his conversation with our
general, but always spoke to him when alone, and that in a careless
manner, as if he had answered idly; for he was in fear that our people
should discover that the selling of hens was a mere pretence for coming
continually to our house.

The general was sent for to court next day, when the king had a
conference with him about an embassy from the King of Siam respecting
the conquest of Malacca, having sent to know what force he would employ
for that service by sea, if the King of Siam undertook to besiege it by
land. This King of Acheen is able to send a great force of gallies to
sea, if he may have four or five months warning to make them ready. The
general endeavoured to further this proposal with many reasons; and took
occasion to talk about the Portuguese ambassador, who conducted himself
with much proud insolence, and who, he said, had come to Acheen for no
other reason but to spy out the strength of his kingdom. "I know it
well," said the king, "for they are my enemies, as I have been to them;
but what makes you see this?" The general then said, that he could take
nothing in hand but that they employed spies to mark his conduct, and
that the ambassador intended to send drawings of all his ships to
Malacca, to procure a force from thence to fall upon him suddenly. The
king smiled at this, saying that he need fear no strength that could
come from Malacca, as all the force they had there was quite
insufficient to do the English any harm. Then said the general, that he
did not fear their strength or what they could do against him; but as
they would know when he was to go to sea, the ambassador would send them
notice to keep in port, so that he would be unable to do them harm;
wherefore he entreated the king to arrest two of the ambassador's
servants that were to go for Malacca in a few days, not meaning to sail
from Acheen, but to go thence to another port of the king's, and there
to hire a bark for Malacca. "Well," said the king, "let me know when
they depart from hence, and thou shall see what I will do for thee." The
general now took leave of the king, well pleased with his friendly
intentions, and continued his daily conferences with his hen-merchant,
so that he became privy to everything that was either done or said in
the ambassador's house.

When the time was come, the ambassador's servants went away to a port
about twenty-five leagues from Acheen; upon which the general went
immediately to inform the king, who had already given proper orders, so
that, on their arrival at the port, when they had hired a vessel in
which they embarked with their letters, and were even going over the bar
a mile from the town, a galley went after them, and caused the bark to
strike sail, that the justice might see what was their lading. On the
justice coming on board, and seeing the two Portuguese, he asked whence
they came and whither they were going? They answered, that they came
from Acheen, being in the service of the Portuguese ambassador. "Nay,"
said the justice, "but you have robbed your master and run away with his
goods; wherefore I shall return you again to him, that you may answer
for your conduct." In this confusion they lost their plots and letters,
their trunks having been broke open; and they were sent back to Acheen
to the king, to be delivered to the ambassador, if they belonged to him.
The general was immediately sent for to court, and asked by the king if
he were satisfied; on which he gave the king humble and hearty thanks
for his friendship in the business. The merchant of hens continued to
come daily to our house with his goods; and the general suspected, not
without his master's knowledge, as indeed he afterwards confessed, to
carry news from us as well as bringing us intelligence.

It was now September, and summer being past, and the general intending
to go to sea to seek for means to supply his necessities, was like to
have been crossed worse than ever. The Portuguese ambassador had got his
dispatches of leave from the king, and was about to go from Acheen;
which coming to the knowledge of our general, he went immediately to
court, where the king sat looking at certain sports which were made for
his amusement. The general sent his interpreter to request permission to
speak with the king, who immediately called him, desiring to know what
he wished. "It has pleased your majesty," said the general, "to shew me
many courtesies, by which I am emboldened to entreat one more favour."
"What is that?" said the king, smiling: "Are there any more Portuguese
going to Malacca to hinder your proceedings?" "The ambassador himself,"
said the general, "as I am given to understand, has received your
majesty's dispatches, with licence to go when he pleases, and is
determined to go in five days." Then, said the king, "What would you
have me do?" To this the general replied, "Only stay him for ten days
after I have sailed." "Well," said the king, laughing, "you must bring
me a fair Portuguese maiden at your return."

With this answer the general took his leave, and made all the haste he
could to be gone, having recommended the factors during his absence to
the protection and favour of the king, and to purchase pepper, to help
out the loading of the Ascension, which was now more than three parts
laden; yet he did not chuse to leave her behind, as the road was open.
When all the three ships were nearly ready, the captain of a Holland
ship, called the Sheilberge, then in the roads, requested permission of
the general to join company with him, and take part in the adventure
upon which he was going. This ship was above 200 tons burden; but her
captain was as short of money in proportion as we were, and was
therefore desirous of a chance of making some addition to his stock; and
as our general was content to have his aid, he agreed to let him have an
eighth part of what might be taken. The general then went to take leave
of the king, to whom he presented two of the chief merchants, Messrs
Starkie and Styles, whom the king graciously took under his protection,
as they and some others were to remain behind to provide pepper against
the return of the ships.

We sailed on the 11th September, 1602, steering our course for the
straits of Malacca; but, before giving an account of this adventure, I
shall relate how the king dealt with the Portuguese ambassador after our
departure. Every day the ambassador urgently pressed for permission to
depart; but still, on one pretence or another, the king delayed his
voyage; till at last, twenty-four days after our departure, the king
said to him, "I wonder at your haste to be gone, considering that the
English ambassador is at sea with his ships, for if he meet you he will
do you some wrong or violence." "I care little for him," said the
ambassador, "for my _frigate_[113] is small and nimble, with sails and
oars; and if I were only her length from the Englishman, I could easily
escape all his force." The king then gave him his dispatch, and allowed
him to depart. This delay served well for us, for had he got away in
time, such advices would have been sent from Malacca into the straits by
_frigates_, that all ships would have had warning to avoid us: But by
detaining the ambassador, we lay within 25 leagues of Malacca, and were
never descried.

[Footnote 113: Frigates, in the present day, are single-decked ships of
war, of not less than 20 guns: The term seems then to have been applied
to a swift-sailing vessel of small size and force; and is frequently
applied to armed or even unarmed barks or grabs, small Malabar vessels
employed by the Portuguese for trade and war.--E.]

While we lay in the straits of Malacca, on the 3d October, the Hector
espied a sail, and calling to us, we all saw her likewise. Being towards
night, the general directed us to spread out in a line, a mile and a
half from each other, that she might not pass us in the night. During
the night the strange sail fell in with the Hector, which first espied
her. The captain immediately hailed her to surrender, firing two or
three shots to bring her to; so that the rest of our ships were apprized
of where she was, and all gathered about her, firing at her with their
cannon, which she returned. On the coming up of the admiral, which shot
off six pieces at once out of her prow, the main-yard of the chase fell
down, so that she could not escape. The admiral now ordered all our
ships to discontinue firing, lest some unfortunate shot might strike
between wind and water, and sink our expected prize; so we lay by her
till morning without any more fighting. At break of day, the captain of
the chase, and some of his men, went into his boat; on which the Hector,
being nearest, called to them to come to his ship. Mr John Middleton,
the captain of the Hector, being vice-admiral, brought the boat and
captain immediately aboard the general, to whom they surrendered their
ship and goods.

The general gave immediate orders to remove all the principal men of the
prize on board our ships, and only placed four of our men in the prize,
for fear of rifling and pillaging the valuable commodities she
contained, and gave these men strict warning, if any thing were
amissing, that they should answer for the value out of their wages and
shares, ordering them on no account to allow any one to come on board
the prize, unless with his permission. When the prize was unloaded, her
own boatswain and mariners did the whole work, none of our men being
allowed to go on board even to assist. They only received the goods into
our boats, carrying them to such ships as they were directed by the
general; by which orderly proceeding there was neither rifling,
pillaging, nor spoil, which could hardly have been otherwise avoided in
such a business. Within five or six days we had unladen her of 950 packs
of calicoes and pintados, or chintzes, besides many packages of other
merchandise. She had likewise much rice and other goods, of which we
made small account: And as a storm now began to blow, all their men were
put on board, and we left her riding at anchor. She came from San Thome,
[or Meliapour near Madras,] in the bay of Bengal, and was going to
Malacca, being of the burden of about 900 tons. When we intercepted her,
there were on board 600 persons, including men, women, and children.

The general would never go on board to see her, that there might be no
suspicion, either among our mariners, or the merchants in London, of any
dishonest dealing on his part, by helping himself to any part of her
goods. He was exceeding glad and thankful to God for this good fortune,
which had eased him of a heavy care, as it not only supplied his
necessities, to enable him to load his ships, but gave him sufficient
funds for loading as many more; so that now his care was not about
money, but how he should leave these goods, having so much more than
enough, till the arrival of other ships from England.

The 21st October, we began our voyage from the straits of Malacca to
return to Acheen; and by the way there came a great spout of water,
pouring from the heavens, and fell not far from our ship, to our extreme
terror. These spouts come pouring down like a river of water; so that,
if they were to fall upon a ship, she would be in imminent danger of
sinking downright; as the water falls all at once like one vast drop, or
as a prodigious stream poured from a vessel, and with extreme violence,
sometimes enduring for an hour together, so that the sea boils and foams
to a great height.


§ 5. _Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to Queen
Elizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement of
Trade at these Places._

We again cast anchor in the road of Acheen, on the 24th of October, when
the general went immediately on shore, and found all our merchants well
and in safety, giving great commendations of the kind entertainment they
had from the king in the absence of the general. On this account, the
general, willing to gratify the king with some of the most valuable
articles taken in the prize, selected a present of such things as he
thought might be most to his liking, and presented them to him on his
first going to court. The king received the present very graciously, and
welcomed the general on his return, seeming to be much pleased with his
success against the Portuguese; but jestingly added, that the general
had forgotten his most important commission, which was to bring back
with him a fair Portuguese maid. To this the general replied, that there
were none worthy of being offered. The king smiled, and said, if there
were any thing in his dominions that could gratify the general, he
should be most welcome to have it.

The merchants were now directed to ship in the Ascension, all the
pepper, cinnamon, and cloves they had bought in the absence of the
ships, which was scarcely enough to complete her loading; but there was
no more to be had at the time, nor could any more be expected that year.
The general, therefore, ordered every thing to be conveyed on board the
ships, as he was resolved to depart from Acheen, and to sail for Bantam
in _Java Major_, where he understood good sale might be procured for his
commodities, and a great return of pepper at a much more reasonable
price than at Acheen. Upon this order being promulgated, every person
made haste to get their things embarked.

The general went to court, and communicated to the king his intentions
of departing, and had a long conference with his majesty, who delivered
to him a complimentary letter for the Queen of England.[114] A present
was likewise delivered to him for the queen, consisting of three fine
vestments, richly woven and embroidered with gold of exquisite
workmanship, and a fine ruby set in a gold ring, the whole enclosed in a
_red box of Tzin_.[115] He likewise presented the general with another
ruby set in a ring, and when about to take leave, he asked the general
if we had the Psalms of David extant among us. On being told that we
had, and sang them daily, he said, that he and his nobles would sing a
psalm to God for our prosperous voyage, which they did very reverently.
He then desired that we might sing another psalm in our own language;
and being about twelve of us present, we sang a psalm. That being ended,
the general took leave of the king, who shewed him much kindness at his
departure, desiring God to bless us during our voyage, and to guide us
safely to our country; adding, that if any of our ships should come
hereafter to his ports, they might depend on receiving as kind treatment
as we had got.

[Footnote 114: Purchas gives a copy of this letter, as translated from
the Arabic by William Bedwell. It is long, tedious, and merely composed
of hyperbolical compliment; and therefore omitted.--E.]

[Footnote 115: This was probably a casket of red Chinese lacker or
varnish, usually denominated Japanned.--E.]

All our goods and men being shipped, we departed from Acheen on the 9th
November, 1602, with three ships, the Dragon, Hector, and Ascension, the
Susan having been long before sent to Priaman. We kept company for two
days, in which time the general prepared his letters for England,
sending them away in the Ascension, which now directed her course by the
Cape of Good Hope for England; while we steered along the south-western
coast of Sumatra, in our way to Bantam, meaning to look for the Susan,
which had been sent formerly to endeavour to procure a loading on that
coast. While in this course we suddenly fell in among a number of
islands in the night, and when the morning dawned were astonished how we
had got in among them, without seeing or running upon any of them. They
were all low land, environed with rocks and shoals, so that we were in
great danger; but thanks be to God, who had delivered us from many
dangers, and enabled us to extricate ourselves from the present
difficulty. Continuing our course, we passed the equinoctial line for
the third time, and coming to Priaman, the 26th November, we rejoined
the Susan, which the general had sent there from Acheen to load with
pepper.

The people of the Susan were rejoiced at our arrival, having already
provided 600 bahars of pepper, and sixty-six bahars of cloves. Pepper
was cheaper here than at Acheen, though none grows in the neighbourhood
of this port, being all brought from a place called _Manangcabo_, eight
or ten leagues within the country; which place has no other merchandise,
except a considerable store of gold in dust and small grains, which is
washed out of the sands of rivers after the great floods of the rainy
season, by which it is brought down from the mountains. Priaman is a
good place of refreshment, and is very pleasant and healthy, though it
lies within 15' of the line. Having refreshed ourselves here with good
air, fresh victuals, and water, the general left orders for the Susan to
complete her loading in all speed, which wanted only a few hundred
bahars of pepper, and then to proceed direct for England.

Leaving the Susan at Priaman, we left that place with the Dragon and
Hector on the 4th December, directing our course for Bantam in Java.
Entering the straits of Sunda, the 15th December, we came to anchor
under an island three leagues from Bantam, called _Pulo Pansa_. Next
morning we got into the road of Bantam, and fired a great peal of
ordnance from our two ships, the like of which had never been heard in
that place before. Next morning, the general sent Captain John Middleton
on shore with a message for the king, to say that he, the general, was
sent by the Queen of England with a letter and message for his majesty,
and required his majesty's licence and safe conduct to come on shore to
deliver them. The king sent back word that he was glad of his arrival,
sending a nobleman along with Captain Middleton to welcome the general,
and accompany him on shore. Taking about sixteen attendants, the
general went on shore with this nobleman to the court, where he found
the king, being a boy of ten or eleven years of age, sitting in _a round
house_, surrounded in some decent state by sixteen or eighteen of his
nobles. The general made his obeisance after the custom of the country,
and was welcomed very kindly by the young king. After some conference
about his message, he delivered the queen's letter into the king's
hands, and made him a present of plate and some other things, which the
king received with a smiling countenance, and referred the general for
farther conference to one of his nobles, who was protector or regent of
the kingdom in his minority.

After a conference of an hour and a half; the regent in the king's name
received the general and all his company under the king's protection,
with perfect freedom to come on land, to buy and sell without
molestation, assuring him of as great security as in his own country, to
all which the other nobles gave their consent and assurance. There
passed many discourses upon other topics at this conference, which I
omit troubling the reader with for the sake of brevity; my purpose being
to shew the effect of this first settlement of trade in the East Indies,
rather than to be tediously particular. After this kind welcome and
satisfactory conference, the general took his leave of the king and
nobles, and immediately gave orders for providing houses, of which he
had the king's authority to make choice to his liking. Within two days,
the merchants brought their goods ashore, and began to make sales; but
one of the nobles came to the general, saying, that it was the custom of
the place, for the king to buy and provide himself before the subjects
could purchase any thing. The general readily consented to this
arrangement, being informed that the king would give a reasonable price
and make punctual payment.

When the king was served, the merchants went on with their sales, and in
a few weeks sold more goods than would have sufficed to purchase loading
for both ships, yet we only brought away from thence 276 bags of pepper,
each containing sixty-two pounds. Each bag cost at first rate 5-1/2
ryals of eight, of 4s. 6d. being £1:4:9 per bag, or something less than
5d. a pound. This was, however, besides duty of anchorage and custom to
the king. By agreement with the _Sabander_ or governor of the
city,[116] the general paid as anchorage duty for the two ships, 1500
ryals of eight; and one ryal of eight as custom for each bag of pepper.
We traded here very peaceably, though the Javans are reckoned the
greatest thieves in the world: But; after having received one or two
abuses, the general had authority from the king to put to death whoever
was found about his house in the night, and after four or five were thus
slain, we lived in reasonable peace and quiet, yet had continually to
keep strict watch all night.

[Footnote 116: This officer, as his title implies, which ought to be
written Shah-bander, is lord of the port or harbour.--E.]

We went on with our trade, so that by the 10th February, 1603, our ships
were fully laden and ready to depart. In the mean time, Mr John
Middleton, captain of the Hector, fell sick on board his ship in the
road. For, from the very first of our voyage, the general made it an
invariable rule, if he were ashore, that the vice-admiral must be on
board, and _vice versa_, that both might not be at one time from their
charge. Hearing of his sickness, the general went aboard to visit him,
and found him much weaker than he himself felt or suspected, which
experience in these hot climates had taught our general to know; for,
although Captain Middleton was then walking about the deck, he died
about two o'clock next morning.

The general now proceeded to put every thing in order for our speedy
departure, and appointed a pinnace of about 40 tons, which we had, to be
laden with commodities, putting into her twelve mariners with certain
merchants, whom he sent to the Moluccas, to trade there and settle a
factory, against the arrival of the next ships from England. He likewise
left eight men and three factors in Bantam, Mr William Starkie being
head factor; whom he appointed to sell such commodities as were left,
and to provide loading for the next ships. Every thing being arranged,
the general went to court to take his leave of the king, from whom he
received a letter for Queen Elizabeth, with a present of some fine
bezoar stones. To the general he gave a handsome Java dagger, which is
much esteemed there, a good bezoar stone, and some other things. After
this the general took leave of the king, with many courteous expressions
on both sides.

§ 6. _Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage_.

We all embarked on the 20th February, 1603, shot off our ordnance, and
set sail for England, giving thanks to God with joyful hearts for his
merciful protection. We were in the straits of Sunda on the 22d and 23d
of that month, and on the 26th we got clear of all the islands in these
straits and of the land, shaping our course S.W. so that on the 28th we
were in lat. 8° 40' S. On Sunday the 13th March, we were past the tropic
of Capricorn, holding our course mostly S.W. with a stiff gale at S.E.
The 14th April we were in lat. 34° S. judging the great island of
Madagascar to be north of us. We had a great and furious storm on the
28th, which forced us to take in all our sails. This storm continued a
day and night, during which the sea so raged that none of us expected
our ships to live; but God, in his infinite mercy, calmed the violence
of the storm, and gave us opportunity to repair the losses and injuries
we had received; but our ships were so shaken by the violence of the
wind and waves, that they continued leaky all the rest of the voyage.

We had another great storm on the 3d May, which continued all night, and
did so beat on the quarter of our ship that it shook all the iron work
of our rudder, which broke clean off next morning from our stern, and
instantly sunk. This misfortune filled all our hearts with fear, so that
the best and most experienced among us knew not what to do, especially
seeing ourselves in so tempestuous a sea, and a so stormy place, so that
I think there be few worse in the world. Our ship now drove about at the
mercy of the winds and waves like a wreck, so that we were sometimes
within a few leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, when a contrary wind came
and drove us almost into 40° S. among hail, snow, and sleety cold
weather. This was a great misery to us, and pinched us sore with cold,
having been long used to hot weather. All this while the Hector
carefully kept by us, which was some comfort, and many times the master
of the Hector came aboard our ship to consult upon what could be done.
At length it was concluded to put our mizen-mast out at a stern port, to
endeavour to steer our ship into some place where we might make and hang
a new rudder to carry us home. This device, was however to little
purpose; for, when we had fitted it and put it out into the sea, it did
so lift up with the strength of the waves, and so shook the stem of our
ship, as to put us in great danger, so that we were glad to use all
convenient haste to get the mast again into the ship.

We were now apparently without hope or remedy, unless we made a new
rudder, and could contrive to hang it at sea, which may easily be judged
was no easy matter, in so dangerous a sea, and our ship being of seven
or eight hundred tons.[117] But necessity compelled us to try all
possible means. The general ordered our carpenters to make a new rudder
of the mizen-mast; but there was this great obstacle, that we had lost
all our rudder-irons along with the old rudder: Yet we proceeded with
all expedition; One of our men dived, to search what might remain of our
rudder-irons on the stern port, who found but two, and another that was
broken. Yet, with God's help, finding a fair day, we made fast our new
rudder, and were able to make sail homewards. Within three or four
hours, the sea took it off again, and we had great difficulty to save
it, losing another of our irons, so that only two now remained to hang
it by, and our men began to propose quitting the ship and going on board
the Hector to save themselves. "Nay," said the general, "we will abide
God's leisure, and see what mercy he will shew us; for I do not yet
despair to save ourselves, the ship, and the goods, by some means which
God will appoint." With that, he went into his cabin, and wrote a letter
for England, proposing to send it by the Hector, commanding her to
continue her voyage and leave us; but not one of our ship's company knew
of this command. The tenor of the letter was as follows, little more or
less, addressed to the Governor and Company:

RIGHT WORSHIPFUL,

_What hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I have settled for the
company, and what other events have befallen us, you shall understand by
the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion has fallen) I must refer you, I
shall strive with all diligence to save my ship and her goods, as you
may _perceive by the course I take in venturing my own life, and those
that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if you
send any pinnace to seek me; because I live at the devotion of the winds
and seas. And that, fare you well, praying God to send us a merry
meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.



The passage to the_ East India _lieth in 62 1/2 degrees, by the
north-west on the America side_.[118]

_Your very loving friend,

JAMES LANCASTER_.

[Footnote 117: At the commencement of this article, the burden of the
Dragon is only stated at 600 tons.--E.]

[Footnote 118: This latter paragraph obviously refers to the _ignis
fatuus_ of a northwest passage by sea to India, to be noticed in an
after part of this work.--E.]

When this letter was delivered to the Hector, together with his orders
for her departure, the general expected she would have gone off from us
in the night, according to instructions; but when he espied her in the
morning, he said to me that they regarded no orders. But the Hector kept
some two or three leagues from us, not coming any nearer; for the master
was an honest and good man, who loved our general, and was loth to leave
him in such great distress. It was now incumbent upon us to try every
means to save ourselves and the ship. Our carpenter mended our new
rudder, and in a few days the weather became somewhat fair and the sea
smooth. So we made a signal for the Hector to come near, out of which
came the master, Mr Sander Cole, bringing the best swimmers and divers
belonging to his ship, who helped us materially in our work. By the
blessing of God, we hung our rudder again on the two remaining hooks,
and then had some hope of being able to fetch some port for our relief.

We were sore beaten to and fro in these raging seas, and had many more
storms than are here expressed, sometimes for a whole month together, so
that our men began to fall sick, and the wind was so scant that we could
fetch no port on the coast of Africa, which was the nearest land.
Committing ourselves therefore into the hands of God, we made sail for
the island of St Helena, knowing that we were to the westwards of the
Cape of Good Hope, especially by the height we were now in to the
northward. While in this course our main-yard fell down, and drove one
of our men into the sea, where he was drowned; this being the last of
our misfortunes. The 5th June, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, and in
the morning of the 16th we got sight of St Helena to our great joy. We
bore close along shore, to get to the best part of the road, where we
came to anchor in twelve fathoms water, right over against a chapel
which the Portuguese had built there long since.

When we went ashore, we found by many writings, that the Portuguese
caraks had departed from thence only eight days before our arrival. In
this island there are excellent refreshments to be had, especially water
and wild goats; but the latter are hard to be got at, unless good means
are followed. For this purpose the general selected four stout active
men, the best marksmen among our people, who were directed to go into
the middle of the island, each of these, having four men to attend him,
and to carry the goats he killed to an appointed place, whence every day
twenty men went to bring them to the ships. By this plan there was no
hooting or hallooing about the island to scare the goats, and the ships
were plentifully supplied to the satisfaction of all. While we remained
here, we refitted our ships as well as we could, and overhauled our
temporary rudder, securing it so effectually that we had good hope it
might last us home. All our sick men recovered their health, through the
abundance of goats and hogs we procured for their refreshment. Indeed
all of us stood in great need of fresh provisions, having seen no laud
in three months, but being continually beaten about at sea.

We departed from St Helena on the 5th July, steering N.W. and passed the
island of Ascension, in lat. 8° S. on the 13th. No ships touch at this
island, for it is altogether barren and without water; only that it
abounds with fish all around in deep water, where there is ill riding
for ships. Holding our course still N.W. with the wind at E. and S.E.
till the 19th of that month, we then passed the equator, and on the 24th
were in lat. 6° N. at which time we judged ourselves to be 150 leagues
from the coast of Guinea. We then steered N. by W. and N. till the 29th,
when we got sight of the island of _Fuego_, one of the Cape Verds, where
we were becalmed five days, striving to pass to the eastwards of this
island but could not, for the wind changed to the N.E. so that we had to
steer W.N.W. We were in lat. 16° N. on the 7th August, and on the 12th
we passed the tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. holding our course to
the north. The 23d the wind came westerly; and on the 29th we passed St
Mary, the southeastermost of the Azores, with a fair wind. We had
soundings on the 7th September, 1603, the coast of England being then 40
leagues from us by our reckoning; and we arrived in the Downs on the
11th of that month, where we came safe to anchor: For which we thanked
the Almighty God, who hath delivered us from infinite perils and
dangers, in this long and tedious navigation; having been, from the 2d
April, 1601, when we sailed from Torbay, two years five months and nine
days absent from England.



SECTION II.

_Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English at Bantam;
with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6th October,
1605_.[119]

INTRODUCTION.


The entire title of this article, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, is, "A
Discourse of Java, and of the first English Factory there, with divers
Indian, English, and Dutch Occurrences; written by Mr Edmund Scot,
containing a History of Things done from the 11th February, 1602, till
the 6th October, 1605, abbreviated."

[Footnote 119: Purch. Pilgr. I. 164. Astl. I. 284.]

It is to be observed, that February, 1602, according to the old way of
reckoning time in England, was of the year 1603 as we now reckon, for
which reason we have changed the date so far in the title of the
section. Mr Edmund Scot, the author of this account of Java, was one of
the factors left there by Sir James Lancaster. He became latterly head
factor at that place, and returned from thence to England with Captain
Henry Middleton, leaving Mr Gabriel Towerson to take charge of the trade
in his room; doubtless the same unhappy person who fell a sacrifice,
seventeen years afterwards, to the avarice, cruelty, and injustice of
the Dutch. This article may be considered as a supplement to the voyage
of Sir James Lancaster, and is chiefly adopted as giving an account of
the first factory established by the English in the East Indies. Being
in some parts rather tediously minute upon matters of trifling interest,
some freedom has been used in abbreviating its redundancies. The
following character is given of it by the editor of Astley's
collection.--E.

"The whole narrative is very instructive and entertaining, except some
instances of barbarity, and affords more light into the affairs of the
English and Dutch, as well as respecting the manners and customs of the
Javanese and other inhabitants of Bantam, than if the author had dressed
up a more formal relation, in the usual way of travellers: From the
minute particulars respecting the Javanese and Chinese, contained in the
last sections, the reader will be able to collect a far better notion of
the genius of these people, than from the description of the country
inserted in the first; and in these will be found the bickerings between
the Dutch and English, which laid the foundations of these quarrels and
animosities which were afterwards carried to such extreme length, and
which gave a fatal blow to the English trade in the East
Indies."--_Astl._

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 1. _Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of its
Inhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese_.


Java Major is an island in the East Indies, the middle of which is in
long. 104° E. and in lat. 9° S.[120] It is 146 leagues long from east to
west, and about 90 leagues broad from south to north.[121] The middle of
the island is for the most part mountainous, yet no where so steep as to
prevent the people from travelling to their tops either a-foot or on
horseback. Some inhabitants dwell on the hills nearest the sea; but in
the middle of the land, so far as I could learn, there were no
inhabitants; but wild beasts of several sorts, some of which come to the
valleys near the sea, and devour many people. Towards the sea the land
for the most part is low and marshy, whereon stand their towns of
principal trade, being mostly on the north and north-east sides of the
island, as Chiringin, Bantam, Jackatra, and Jortan or Greesey. These low
lands are very unwholesome, and breed many diseases, especially among
the strangers who resort thither, and yield no merchandise worth
speaking of, except pepper, which has been long brought from all parts
of the island to Bantam, as the chief mart or trading town of the
country. Pepper used formerly to be brought here from several other
countries for sale, which is not the case now, as the Dutch trade to
every place where it can be procured, and buy it up.

[Footnote 120: The longitude of the middle of Java may be assumed at
110° E. from Greenwich, and its central latitude 7° 15' S. The western
extremity is in long. 105° 20' and the eastern in 114° 48' both E. The
extreme north-west point is in lat. 6°, the most southeastern in 8° 45',
both S. It is hard to guess what Mr Scot chose as his first meridian,
giving an error of excess or difference of 30° from the true position;
as the meridian of Ferro would only add about 18 degrees.--E.]

[Footnote 121: The difference of longitude in the preceding note gives
189 leagues, being 43 more than in the text, whereas its greatest
breadth does not exceed 28 leagues, not a third part of what is assigned
in the text.--E.]

The town of Bantam is about three English miles long, and very populous.
It has three markets held every day, one in the forenoon and two in the
afternoon. That especially which is held in the morning abounds as much
in people, and is equally crowded with many of our fairs in England; yet
I never saw any cattle there for sale, as very few are bred or kept in
the country. The food of the people is almost entirely confined to rice,
with some hens and fish, but not in great abundance. All the houses are
built of great canes, with a few small timbers, being very slight
structures; yet in many houses of the principal people there is much
good workmanship, with fine carvings and other embellishments. Some of
the chiefest have a square chamber built of brick, in a quite rude
manner, no better than a brick-kiln; the only use of which is to secure
their household stuff in time of fires, for they seldom or never lodge
or eat in them.

Many small rivers pervade the town, which also has an excellent road for
shipping; so that if the people were of any reasonable capacity, it
could easily be made a goodly city. It is entirely surrounded by a
brick-wall, built in a very warlike manner, with flankers and towers,
scouring in all directions; and I have been told by some that it was
first built by the Chinese. In many places this wall has fallen to ruin.
At one end of the city is the Chinese town, being divided from that of
the Javanese by a narrow river, which, after crossing the end of the
Chinese town, runs past the king's palace, and then through the middle
of the great town, where the tide ebbs and flows, so that at high water
galleys and junks of heavy burden can go into the middle of the city.
The Chinese town is mostly built of brick, every house being square and
flat-roofed, formed of small timbers, split canes, and boards, on which
are laid bricks and sand to defend them from fire. Over these brick
warehouses a shed is placed, constructed of large canes, and thatched;
some being of small timber, but mostly of canes. Of late years, since we
came here, many wealthy persons have built their houses fire-proof all
the way to the top: but, on our first coming, there were none other in
that manner except the house of the Sabander, and those of the rich
Chinese merchants: yet even these, by means of their windows, and the
sheds around them, have been consumed by fire. In this town stand the
houses of the English and Dutch, built in the same manner with the
others; but of late the Dutch have built one of their houses to the top
of brick, but with much trouble and expence, in hopes of securing
themselves from fire.

The King of Bantam is an absolute sovereign, and since the deposition
and death of the late Emperor of _Damacke_ he is considered as the
principal king of the whole island. He uses martial law on any offender
he is disposed to punish. If the wife or wives of any private individual
are guilty of adultery, upon good proof, both the woman and her paramour
are put to death. They may put their slaves to death for any small
fault. For every wife that a free Javan marries he must keep ten female
slaves, though some keep forty such for each wife, and may have as many
more as they please, but can only have three wives; yet may use all
their female slaves as concubines. The Javanese are exceedingly proud,
yet very poor, as hardly one among them of a hundred will work. The
gentry among them are reduced to poverty by the number of their slaves,
who eat faster than their pepper and rice grow. The Chinese plant,
dress, and gather all the pepper, and sow the rice, living as slaves
under the Javanese proprietors; yet they absorb all the wealth of the
land by their industry, from the indolent and idle Javanese. All the
Javanese are so proud that they will not endure an equal to sit an inch
higher than themselves. They are a most blood-thirsty race, yet seldom
fight face to face, either among themselves or with other nations,
always seeking their revenge after a cowardly manner, although stout men
of good stature. The punishment for murder among them is to pay a fine
to the king: but evermore the relations of the murdered person seek for
revenge upon the murderer or his kindred; so that the more they kill one
another the more fines come to the king. The ordinary weapon, which they
all wear, is a dagger, called a _criss_, about two feet long, with a
waved blade, crooked to and fro indenture ways, like what is called a
flaming sword, and exceedingly sharp, most of them being poisoned, so
that not one among five hundred wounded in the body escapes with life.
The handles of these weapons are of horn or wood, curiously carved in
the likeness of a devil, which many of these people worship. In their
wars they use pikes, darts, and targets; and of late some of them have
learnt to use fire-arms, but very awkwardly.

The better sort wear a _tuke_ or turban on their heads, and a fine piece
of painted calico round their loins, all the rest of their bodies being
naked. They sometimes wear a close coat like a _mandilion_,[122] made of
cloth, camblet, velvet, or some other silk; but this is seldom, and only
on extraordinary occasions. The common people have a flat cap of velvet,
taffeta, or calico, on their heads, cut out in many pieces, and neatly
sewed together, so as to fit close. About their loins they wrap a piece
of calico made at _Clyn_, put on like a girdle, but at least a yard
broad, being mostly of two colours. There come also from the same place
many sorts of white cloth, which they dye, paint, and gild, according to
their own fashions. They can also weave a kind of striped stuff, either
of cotton or the rinds of trees; but, owing to their indolence, very
little of that is made or worn. The men for the most part wear their
hair, which is very thick and curly, and in which they take great pride,
and often go bare-headed to show their hair. The women go all
bare-headed, many of them having their hair tucked up like a cart-horse,
but the better sort tuck it up like our riding geldings. About their
loins they wear the same stuffs like the men; and always have a piece of
fine painted calico, of their country fashion, thrown over their
shoulders, with the ends hanging down loose behind.

[Footnote 122: The editor of Astley's Collection substitutes the word
_cassock_ at this place.--E.]

The principal people are very religious, yet go seldom to church. They
acknowledge Jesus to have been a great prophet, calling him _Nabu Isa_,
or the prophet Jesus, and some of them entertain Mahometan priests in
their houses: but the common people have very little knowledge of any
religion, only saying that there is a God who made heaven and earth and
all things. They say that God is good, and will not hurt them, but that
the devil is bad, and will do them harm; wherefore many of them are so
ignorant as to pray to him, for fear he should harm them. Assuredly, if
there were here men of learning, and having a sufficient knowledge of
their language to instruct them, many of these ignorant people might be
drawn over to the true Christian faith, and civilized; for many with
whom I have conversed upon Christian laws have liked all very well,
except the prohibition of a plurality of wives, as they are all very
lascivious, both men and women.

The better sort of the Javanese, who are in authority, are great takers
of bribes; and all of them are bad payers when trusted, although their
laws for debt are so strict, that the creditor may take his debtor,
wives, children, slaves, and all that he hath, and sell them in
satisfaction of the debt. They are all much given to stealing, from the
highest to the lowest; and surely they were, in times past, canibals or
man-eaters, before they had trade with the Chinese, which some say is
not above a hundred years ago. They delight much in indolent ease and in
music, and for the most part spend the day sitting cross-legged like
tailors, cutting a piece of stick, by which many of them become good
carvers, and carve their criss handles very neatly; which is all the
work that most of them perform. They are great eaters; but the gentry
allow nothing to their slaves except rice sodden in water, with some
roots and herbs. They have also an herb called _betel_, which they carry
with them wherever they go; in boxes, or wrapped up in a cloth like a
sugar-loaf; and also a nut called _pinang_,[123] which are both very
hot-tasted, and which they chew continually to warm them within, and to
keep away the flux. They also use much tobacco, and take opium. The
Javanese are a very dull and blockish people, very unfit for managing
the affairs of a commonwealth, so that all strangers who come to their
land get beyond them; and many who come here to dwell from the country
of _Clyn_, grow very rich, and rise to high offices, as the _sabander,
laytamongon_, and others. The Chinese especially, who live crouching
under them like Jews, rob them of their wealth, and send it to China.

[Footnote 123: Probably that called _areka_ on the continent of India;
the areka and betel being chewed together, along with powdered chunam,
or shell-lime.--E.]

The Chinese are very crafty in trade, using every conceivable art to
cheat and deceive. They have no pride in them, neither will they refuse
any labour, except they turn Javans, when they have committed murder or
some other villainy, when they become every whit as proud and lazy as a
Javan.[124] They follow several different sects of religion, but are
mostly atheists; many of them believing, that if they lead good lives,
they will be born again to great riches, and be made governors; whereas
those who lead bad lives will be changed to some vile animal, as a frog
or toad. They burn sacrifices every new moon, mumbling over certain
prayers in a kind of chanting voice, tingling a small bell, which they
ring aloud at the close of each prayer. When any of them of good account
lies sick and like to die, they sacrifice in this manner: Their altars
are furnished with goats, hens, ducks, and various kinds of fruit, some
dressed fit for eating, and others raw, which are all dressed and eaten;
after which they burn a great many pieces of paper, painted and cut out
into various devices. I have often asked them, to whom they burn their
sacrifices? when they always said, it was to God; but the Turks and
Guzerates who were there, alleged it was to the devil: If so, they are
ashamed to confess.

[Footnote 124: Though not obviously expressed, it would appear, that for
murder, and some other crimes, the Chinese had to become Mahometans, to
be entitled to redeem their lives by a fine.--E.]

Many of them are well skilled in astronomy, keeping an exact account of
the months and years. They observe no Sabbaths, neither keep they any
day holier than another; except that, on laying the foundation of a
house, or beginning any great work, they note down the day, and keep it
ever after as a festival. When any of them that are wealthy die at
Bantam, their bodies are burnt to ashes, which are collected into close
jars, and carried to their friends in China. I have seen when some of
them lay dying, that there were set up seven burning perfumes, four of
them great shining lights, arranged on a cane laid across two crochets,
six feet from the ground, and three small dim lights on the ground
directly under the others. On asking frequently the meaning of this
ceremony, I could never get any other answer than that it was the custom
of China. They do many other such foolish things, not knowing wherefore,
but only that it has been so done by their ancestors.

They delight much in the exhibition of plays, and in singing, but
certainly have the worst voices in the world. These plays and interludes
are exhibited in honour of their gods, after burning sacrifices at the
beginning, the priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground
three times in quick succession. These plays are made most commonly when
they think their junks are setting out from China, and likewise when
they arrive at Bantam, and when they go away back to China. These plays
sometimes begin at noon, and continue till next morning, being mostly
exhibited in the open streets, on stages erected on purpose. They have
likewise among them some soothsayers, who sometimes run raging up and
down the streets, having drawn swords in their hands, tearing their hair
like so many madmen, and throwing themselves on the ground. When in this
frantic state, they themselves affirm, and it is believed by the
Chinese, that they can foretell what is to happen. Whether they be
possessed of the devil, who reveals things to them, I know not; but many
of the Chinese use these conjurers when they send away a junk on any
voyage, to learn if the voyage shall succeed or not; and they allege
that it hath happened according as the soothsayer told them.

The Chinese are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles, or shorter
garments, under these; and are assuredly the most effeminate and
cowardly nation in the world. On their heads they wear a caul or close
bonnet, some of silk and some of hair, having the hair of their heads
very long, and bound up in a knot on their crowns. Their nobles and
governors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hat
and the other half like a French hood, others of net-work with a high
crown and no brims. They are tall and strong built, having all very
small black eyes, and very few of them have any beards. They will steal
and commit all manner of villainy to procure wealth. At Bantam they
purchase female slaves, as they cannot bring any women out of China. By
these slaves they have many children; and when they go back to China,
without intending to return to Bantam, they carry all their children
along with them, but sell their women. They send always some of their
goods to China by every fleet of junks; for if they die at Bantam, all
the goods they have there fall to the king. If they cut their hair, they
must never return to China; but their children may, providing their hair
has never been cut.


§ 2._A brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of
the Javanese_.


After our two ships, the Dragon and Hector, were laden, and all things
set in order, our general, Sir James Lancaster, departed from Bantam on
the 21st February, 1603, leaving nine persons resident in that city,
over whom he appointed Mr William Starkie to be chief commander. He
likewise left thirteen others, who were appointed to go in our pinnace
for Banda, over whom Thomas Tudd, merchant, was constituted chief
commander, and Thomas Keith master of the pinnace. At his departure, the
general left orders that the pinnace should be sent away with all speed;
wherefore, having taken on board fifty-six chests and bales of goods,
she set sail at night on the 6th March; but meeting with contrary winds,
was forced to return to Bantam after having been two months at sea,
beating up to no purpose. Also, at our general's departure, he left us
two houses full of goods, besides some being at the Dutchman's house;
but we were too few in number to have kept one house well, had not God
of his great mercy preserved us.

Before the departure of our ships, a quarrel had taken place between our
people and the Javanese, who sought by all manner of ways to be
revenged; so that presently after the departure of our pinnace, they
began to attempt setting fire to our principal house, by means of
fire-arrows and fire-darts in the night; and when we brought out any
quantity of our goods to air, they were sure to set some part of the
town on fire to windward not far from us. If these fire-arrows had not,
by God's good providence, been seen by some of our people, that house
and all its goods had surely been consumed, as plainly appeared when we
came afterwards to repair the roof. But, as the malice of the rascal
sort began now plainly to appear, and continued for two years against
us, so did the merciful protection of God begin to shew itself, and
continued to the last day, as will manifestly be seen in the sequel of
this discourse: For which blessed be his holy name.

Immediately after dispatching the pinnace, we began to lay the
foundation of our new house, which was seventy-two feet long, and
thirty-six broad. And as at this time a new protector of the kingdom was
chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost before we could get
permission to go through with it. In airing our prize goods, Mr Starkie
unadvisedly caused the leather covers to be stripped off from most of
the bales, by which we found afterwards that they did not keep their
colour near so well as the others. On the 21st of March, in consequence
of a cannon being fired off by a Chinese captain, the town was set on
fire, and many houses full of goods were consumed. Among the rest the
Dutch house was burnt down, in which we had sixty-five packs of goods,
besides some pepper. We had also a considerable quantity of pepper in
the house of a Chinese which was burnt down, in which we lost 190 sacks
entirely, besides damage received by the rest. Our loss by this fire was
great, yet we were thankful to God it was no worse, considering how near
the fire came to our two houses, which were at that time very unfit for
such danger, especially one to which the fire came within three yards,
so that the jambs of the windows were so hot one could hardly lay their
hand upon them, yet did not its old dry thatch take fire, to the great
admiration of all who were there of many nations. All the villains of
the place gathered round our house, so that we durst take no rest, lest
they should set it on fire. Some of them even were so impudent in the
evening as to ask how many of us lay in that house, as if meaning to set
upon us in the night and cut all our throats. They were even so bold as
to come in the day time before our very faces, to observe how our doors
were fastened in the inside; and we were often warned by our
well-wishers to keep good watch, as there were a knot of thieves who
intended to rob and murder us. There were only four of us in this house,
who, with over-watching, and by the disease of the country, which is a
dysentery, were quite spent with weakness, and two of us never
recovered. Nine sail of Hollanders came into the road on the 19th of
April, 1603, of which fleet Wyorne van Warwicke was general; who shortly
after sent two ships to China, two to the Moluccas, and one to Jortan,
two remaining at Bantam. We were much beholden to this general for
bread, wine, and many other necessaries, and for much kindness. He used
often to say that Sir Richard Lewson had relieved himself, when like to
perish at sea, for which he held himself bound to be kind to the English
wherever he met them; and he shewed much reverence for our queen on all
occasions.

Thomas Morgan, our second factor, died on the 25th of April, after
having been long sick; and Mr Starkie began to grow very weak. The 28th,
our pinnace which had gone to Banda came back to Bantam, having lost
William Chace, one of her factors, and all the others in her were weak
and sickly. The new protector now forbade us from proceeding with our
house; but by the favour of the Sabander, and _Cay Tomogone Goboy_ the
admiral, we were with much ado allowed to finish it. Mr Starkie, our
principal factor, died on the 30th June, whose burial General Warwicke
caused to be honoured by the attendance of a company of shot and pikes,
with the colours trailed, as at the funeral of a soldier.

The great market-place on the east side of the river was set fire to on
the 4th July, in which fire several Chinese who were indebted to us lost
their all, so that we sustained some loss. Thomas Dobson, one of the
factors appointed for Banda, died on the 17th July. The town was fired
again on the east side of the river on the 27th. The 5th, several Dutch
captains came to our house, saying that the regent had asked if they
would take our parts in case he did us any violence; when they told him
we were their neighbours, and they would not see us wronged. I went
immediately to the regent, to whom I gave a small present, and thanked
him for the men he had lent us to help our building; but I could see by
his countenance that he was angry. The same day the admiral of Bantam
sent his son to the regent to enquire why he used threats against us,
which he denied; and, sending for me next morning, he asked me who had
said he meant to harm us. Saying it was the Dutch captains, he answered
if any Javan or Chinese had said so, he would have sent for them and cut
their throats before my eyes. He then blamed me for not coming to him
when we had any suits, and going always to the sabander and admiral;
upon which, I said that he was only newly appointed, and we were not yet
acquainted with him, but should apply to him in future.

About this time an affray broke out between the Hollanders and the
Chinese, in which some on both sides were slain and wounded, owing to
the disorderly and drunken behaviour of the lower Dutchmen when on
shore. They got the worst on this occasion, not indeed from the Chinese
themselves, but from some Javan slaves of turn-coat Chinese, who would
steal unawares on the Hollanders of an evening, and stab them in a
cowardly manner. One day, when the Hollanders were very importunate
about one of their men who had been assassinated, the regent asked,
whether they brought a law along with them into a foreign country, or
whether they were governed by the laws of the country in which they
resided? They answered, that they were governed by their own laws when
on ship board, and by those of the country when on shore. Then said the
regent, "I will tell you what are the laws of this country in regard to
murder. If one kill a slave, he must pay 20 ryals of eight, if a freeman
50, and if a gentleman 100." This was all the redress they had for the
slaughter of their man.

About the 5th September there came a junk full of men from the island of
_Lampon_ in the straits of Sunda, who are great enemies to the Javans,
and yet so very like them as not to be distinguishable. These men,
having their junk in a creek near Bantam, and being in all points like
the Javans, used to come boldly into the town and into the houses, even
at noonday, and cut off the people's heads, so that for near a month we
had little rest for the grievous lamentations of the towns people. After
a time, many of them becoming known, were taken and put to death. They
were men of comely stature, and the reason of their strange procedure
was, that their king rewarded them with a female slave for every head
they brought him, so that they would often dig up newly-buried persons
at Bantam and cut off their heads, to impose upon their savage king.

About this time, we got notice from the admiral and other friends to be
much on our guard, as some of the principal natives in respect to birth,
though not in wealth or office, had conspired to murder us for the sake
of our goods, and then to give out that it had been done by the
_Lampons_. These devils came several times in the intention to execute
their horrid purpose, but seeing always lights about our house, which we
had set up that we might see them, and hearing our drum at the end of
every watch, their hearts failed them for fear of our small arms, both
which and our _murderers_ [blunderbusses] we had always ready for their
reception. At length they fell out among themselves and dispersed.

By our continual alarms, and the grievous outcries of men, women, and
children, who were nightly murdered around us, our men were so wrought
upon, that even in their sleep they would dream of pursuing the Javans,
and would suddenly start out of bed, catch at their weapons, and even
wound each other before those who had the watch could part them; but yet
we durst not remove their weapons, lest they should be instantly wanted,
of which we were in constant dread. Being but few of us, I had to take
my regular turn of watch with the rest, and have often been more in fear
of our own men than of the Javans, so that I had often to snatch up a
target when I heard them making any noise in their sleep, lest they
might treat me as they did each other. So terrified were we on account
of fire, that though, when we went to sleep after our watches were
expired, our men often sounded their drum at our ears without awakening
us, if the word fire had been spoken, however softly, we would all
instantly run from our chambers; so that I was forced to warn them not
to talk of fire in the night without urgent occasion. I do not mention
these things to discourage others from going hereafter to Bantam: for we
were then strangers, but have now many friends there, and the country is
under much better regulation, and will more and more improve in
government as the young king grows older. In three months time, the town
on the east side of the river was five times burnt down; but, God be
praised, the wind always favoured us; and although the Javans often set
it on fire near us, it pleased God still to preserve us, as there was
little wind, and the fire was put out before it got our length.

§ 3. _Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English,
and the Javans, and of other memorable Things_.


About this time there was again a great outcast between the Hollanders
and the natives, owing to the rude behaviour of the former, and many of
them were stabbed in the evenings. The common people did not then
distinguish between us and the Hollanders, calling both of us English,
because the Hollanders had usurped our name on first coming here for
trade, in which they did us much wrong, as we used often to hear the
people in the streets railing against the English, when they actually
meant the Hollanders; so that, fearing some of our men might be stabbed
instead of them, we endeavoured to fall upon some plan to make ourselves
be distinguished from them. And as the 17th of November drew nigh, which
we still held as the coronation-day of queen Elizabeth, knowing no
better, we dressed ourselves in new silk garments, and made us scarfs
and hat-bands of red and white taffeta, the colours of our country, and
a banner of St George, being white with a red cross in the middle. We,
the factors, distinguished ourselves from our men, by edging our scarfs
with a deep gold fringe.

When the day arrived, we set up our banner on the top of our house, and,
with our drum and fire-arms, marched up and down the yard of our house;
being but fourteen in number, we could only _cast ourselves in rings and
esses_ in single file, and so plied our shot. Hearing our firing, the
sabander, and some others of the chief people of the land, came to see
us, and enquired the cause of our rejoicing; when we told them that our
queen was crowned on that day forty-seven years ago, for which reason
all Englishmen, in whatever country they might then happen to be, were
in use to shew their joy on that day. The sabander commended us
mightily, for shewing our reverence to our sovereign at so great a
distance from our country. Some of the others asked, how it happened
that the Englishmen at the other house or factory did not do so
likewise; on which we told them that they were not English but
Hollanders, having no king, and their land being ruled only by
governors, being of a country near England, but speaking quite a
different language.

The multitude greatly admired to see so few of us discharge so many
shots, for the Javans and Chinese are very inexpert in the use of
fire-arms. In the afternoon, I made our people walk out into the town
and market-place, that the people might see their scarfs and hat-bands,
making a shew that the like had never been seen there before, and that
the natives might for the future know them from the Hollanders; and many
times the children ran after us in the streets, crying out, _Orang
Engrees bayk, Orang Hollanda jahad_: The Englishmen are good, the
Hollanders are bad.

The 6th December two Dutch ships came in, that had taken a rich
Portuguese carak near Macao, by which they got great plunder, and were
enabled so to bribe the regent, that he began to listen to their desire
of being permitted to build a handsome house. About this time the regent
sent for me to lend him 2000 pieces of eight, or at least 1000; but I
put him off with excuses, saying we had been left there with goods, not
money, that the natives owed us much which we could not get in, and that
we were under the necessity of purchasing pepper to load our ships,
which we were expecting to arrive daily.

The 6th February, 1604, Robert Wallis, one of our company, died, and
several others of our men were very weak and lame, owing to the heat of
the pepper, in dressing, screening, and turning it; so that we were in
future obliged to hire Chinese to do that work, our own men only
superintending them. The 16th of that month there came in a great ship
of Zealand from Patane, which made us believe that General Warwicke was
coming to load all his ships here; for which reason we immediately
bought up all the good and merchantable pepper we could get. This ship
had made some valuable prizes, but they had sworn all the English
mariners on board to tell us nothing, on pain of losing their wages,
which we took as very unkind. There was at this time in Bantam three
houses of the Hollanders, all upon separate accounts, which all bought
up as much pepper as they could get.

The 5th March, the regent sent again to borrow 1000 pieces of eight in
the name of the king; and I was forced to lend him 500, lest he might
have quarrelled with me, which would have given much pleasure to the
Hollanders. In this country, when a Javan of any note is to be put to
death, although there is a public executioner, yet the nearest of kin
to the criminal is generally allowed to execute the office, which is
considered as a great favour. The 14th March, Thomas Tudd, who had been
left here as chief factor for Banda, departed this life, having been
long sick; so that of seven factors left here for Bantam and Banda, two
only were in life, besides several others of our men having died; we
being now only ten men living and one boy.

A great junk from China came in on the 22d of April, which was thought
to have been cast away, being so late, as they usually come in during
February and March. In consequence of her very late coming, _cashes_
kept all this year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to
our trade, as when _cashes_ are cheap, and pieces of eight consequently
dear, we could not sell any of our prize goods at half the value we did
at our first arrival. Besides this, the Chinese sent all the ryals they
could get this year to China; for which reason we were obliged to give
them credit, or must have lost the principal time of the year for making
sales. The Hollanders had purchased all the pepper, except what was in
our hands, and what belonged to the sabander, who would not sell at any
reasonable price. Our goods now began to be old, and many of their
colours to fade; for the warehouses are so hot and moist, that they will
spoil any kind of cloth that is long in them, though we take never so
much pains in airing and turning them.


§ 4. _Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences_.


A Chinaman turned Javan was our next neighbour, who kept a
victualling-house or tavern, and brewed arack, a hot drink used in these
parts instead of wine. He had two outhouses, in one of which his guests
were in use to sit, and the other was his brewhouse, which joined the
pales on the south side of our house. He now commenced a new trade, and
became an engineer, having leagued with eight other villains to set our
house on fire and plunder our goods. These nine ruffians dug a well in
the brewhouse, from the bottom of which they wrought a mine quite under
the foundation of our house, and then upwards to our warehouse; but on
coming to the planked floor of the warehouse, they were at a stand how
to get through, being afraid to cut them, as they always heard some of
us walking over them night and day. They had gone wrong to work; for if
they had continued their mine only to our next adjoining wareroom, they
would have found 30,000 pieces of eight buried in jars for fear of fire;
beside that room was not boarded. After waiting two months in vain for
an opportunity to cut the boards, one of them, who was a smith, proposed
to work through our planks by means of fire. Accordingly, about ten at
night of the 28th May, 1604, they put a candle to the planks, through
which they presently burnt a round hole. When the fire got through, it
immediately communicated to the mats of our bales, which began to burn
and spread. All the while we knew nothing of the matter, by reason of
the closeness of the warehouse, all the windows being plastered up for
fear of fire over-head.

After the first watch was out, one of which I had been, the second watch
smelt a strong _funk_ of fire, as it was by that time much increased,
but they could not find out where it was after searching every corner.
One of them remembered a rat-hole behind his trunk, whence he could
plainly perceive the smoke steaming out, on which he came immediately to
me, and told me our cloth warehouse was on fire. Going down immediately,
and opening the doors of the warehouse, we were almost suffocated by the
smoke, which was so thick we could not perceive whence it came. We had
at this time two jars of gunpowder in this warehouse, which made us
greatly fear being blown up: But, laying aside fear, we pulled every
thing away that lay upon these jars, and got them out to our back-yard,
the jars being already very hot. We now searched boldly for the fire,
and at last found it. At length, by the aid of some Chinese merchants
and others, we cleared the room of above fifty packs of goods, sixteen
of which were on fire.

We wondered how this fire had come, suspecting the Portuguese had hired
some Malays to do it: But a Chinese bricklayer, who wrought at the Dutch
house, told a Hollander next morning, who had been long in the country,
that it was done by the Chinese brewer and his accomplices, who were now
fled, and if we looked well in the room we should find how it had been
done. The Dutchman told this to an English surgeon, desiring him to come
and tell us, while he, the Dutchman, being perfect in the native
language, would go and enquire after the incendiaries. The surgeon came
to me, and desired to see the room which had been on fire; on going into
which with a candle, he presently discovered a little round hole, burnt
quite through one of the planks of the floor, and putting down a long
stick, we could feel no bottom. I then called for an axe, with which we
wrenched up the plank as softly as possible, under which was a hole
through which the largest trunk or pack in our warehouse might have gone
down. I immediately took three of our men armed, and went to the house
whence the mine came. Leaving one at the door, with orders to let no
person out, I went into the house with the other two of my men, where we
found three men in one of the rooms. There were two more in another
room, who immediately fled on hearing us, by means of a back-door which
we did not know of. After a few blows, we made the three men prisoners,
and brought them away. One was an inhabitant of the brewer's house, but
we could prove nothing against the others, yet we laid all three in
irons. I immediately sent Mr Towerson to the regent, to give him an
account of the matter, and to desire the villains might be sought out
and punished. He promised this should be done, but was very slack in
performance. The Dutch merchants, hearing we had taken some of the
incendiaries, and fearing the Chinese might rise against us, came very
kindly to us armed, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel.

After laying out such of our goods to dry as had been wetted in
extinguishing the fire, we examined the person who dwelt with the
brewer, who told us the names of six who were fled, but would not
confess that he knew any thing about the mine, or setting our warehouse
on fire. Then threatening him with a hot iron, but not touching him, he
confessed the whole affair, and that he was concerned in it, saying,
that the two out-houses were built expressly for the purpose, though put
to other uses to avoid suspicion. I sent him next morning to execution;
and as he went out at our gate, the Javans reviled him, to which he
answered, that the English were rich and the Chinese poor, therefore why
should not they steal if they could from the English?

Next day the Javan admiral took one of the incendiaries, who was found
hid in a privy. This was he who put the fire to our house. He confessed
to the admiral that he had clipped many ryals, and had counterfeited
some; he even confessed some things concerning our matter, but not
much, and would tell us nothing. Because of his obstinacy, and that he
had set our house on fire, I caused him to be burnt, by means of sharp
irons thrust under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes, and the
nails to be torn, off; and, because he never flinched, we thought his
hands and feet had been benumbed with tying, wherefore we burnt him in
other parts, as the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but even this had
no effect. We then burnt him quite through the hands, and tore out the
flesh and sinews with rasps, causing his shins to be knocked with hot
searing irons. I then caused cold iron screws to be screwed into the
bones of his arms, and suddenly snatched out, and to break all the bones
of his fingers and toes with pincers: Yet for all this he never shed a
tear, neither once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot; but,
when we asked a question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and
strike his chin on his knees to bite it off. After using the utmost
extremity of torture in vain, I made him be again laid fast in irons,
when the ants, which greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and
tormented him worse than we had done, as might be seen by his gestures.
The king's officers desired me to shoot him to death, which I thought
too good a death for such a villain; but as they insisted, we led him
out into the fields and made him fast to a stake. The first shot carried
away a piece of his arm, bone and all; the next went through his breast
near the shoulder, on which he bent down his head and looked at the
wound. At the third shot, one of our men used a bullet cut in three
pieces, which struck his breast in a triangle, on which he sunk as low
as the stake would allow. Finally, between, our men and the Hollanders
he was shot almost in pieces.[125]

[Footnote 125: This monster might have graced the holy office! He must
have delighted in cruelty, or he could not have devised such horrible
torments, and given a recital of them. The Dutch at Amboyna did not
inflict more savage tortures on the English. Had not these things been
related by the author himself, we could scarcely have believed such
cruelty could have existed in an Englishman.--_Astl._ I. 295, a.]

At this time the admiral and sabander sent us an armed guard every
night, lest the Chinese might rise against us. We were not, however, in
any fear of them; yet we kept four of them to be witnesses for us, in
case of their rising, that what we did was in our own defence. By means
of a bribe, I procured another of the incendiaries, who confessed
against his associates. These were _Uniete_ the chief; _Sawman_ his
partner, dwelling in the same house; _Hynting_, Omygpayo, Hewsamcow;
Utee_, who was shortly after _crissed_ for being caught with a woman;
the informant, named _Boyhoy; Irrow_ and _Lackow_, who were fled to
Jackatra, neither of whom I had before heard of. I used every means to
get them, but could not, unless I had been at great charges. Some of
them belonged to great men among the Javans, and had taken refuge in
their houses, so that we could not get at them: Yet some of their
masters offered to sell them, on which we higgled for their price as one
would do for an ox or calf, but they held them so dear that I could not
deal with them. I offered as much for each as would have bought a slave
in their stead; but they were fit instruments for their purpose, being
practised in all manner of villainy, so that they would not part with
them, except for large sums; for all the Javans and Chinese, from the
highest to the lowest, are thorough-paced villains, without one spark of
grace. Were it not for the sabander and admiral, and one or two more,
who are natives of _Clyn_, there would be no living for Christians among
them, without a fort, or a strong house all of brick or stone. We did
not torture _Boyhoy_, because he had confessed, but crissed him.

Among the other instruments of the devil on earth in Bantam, there was a
kinsman of the king, named _Pangram Mandelicko_, who kept one of the
incendiaries of our house under his protection. He came one day to our
house to buy cloth, when I desired him to deliver up this fellow into
our hands, telling him how good it would be for the country to root out
all such villains. "Tell them so," said he, "who have the government in
their hands, or care for the good of the country, for I do not." On
another time, wanting me to give him credit for cloth to the value of
six or seven hundred pieces of eight, because I refused to trust him, he
went away very angry, saying at the gate, it was a pity our house was
not again set on fire.

The regent or protector gave us all the houses and ground that joined
our inclosure, and had belonged to the incendiaries that undermined our
house, but made us pay enormously dear for the property. We bought also
from a _Pangram_, or gentleman, a house which came so near the door of
our pepper warehouse as to be very troublesome to us, so that now we had
a spacious yard.

The 9th September, the regent made proclamation, that no Chinese should
weigh pepper to the English and Hollanders; which proclamation was
procured by the Hollanders, for they told us themselves that day at
dinner, that the protector owed them 10,000 sacks of pepper; but I said
to them that it was not so, as they would not be such fools as to trust
them so largely. I went next morning to an old woman, who was called
queen of the land by the sabander and others, and commands the
protector, though not even of the royal blood, but is held in such
estimation among them for her wisdom, that she rules as though she were
queen of the country. Having made known our griefs, she sent for the
protector that I might talk with him in her presence. I asked the reason
why he had prohibited our trade, on which he said that he must buy
10,000 sacks of pepper for the king; but I then said that I was informed
by the Hollanders he owed them 10,000 sacks, and that he was working
underhand for them against us. He used many shifts; but the old queen,
who was our fast friend, said he should not hurt us. Finding they could
have no trade with the people for pepper, the Hollanders had bribed the
protector into this plan. But if we had possessed 10,000 pieces of eight
more than we had, the Hollanders would have got little pepper that year
in Bantam, for they are much disliked, and what trade they have is
through fear of their ships, which they have in great numbers in those
seas.

In the end of September, the _Pangran Mandelicko_ fell to robbing the
junks, and seized one from Johor laden with rice, and having a number of
men and women on board, all of whom he carried off as prisoners, and
converted the rice to his own use. This was a ready way to keep all
other junks from the place, and to starve the inhabitants, as the land
is not able to feed a quarter of its people. The king and protector sent
to command him to deliver up the people and goods, but he refused, and
fortified his house, being supported by all the other _pangrans_ of the
royal blood, who were all, like him, traitors to the king, so that the
king's officers durst not meddle with him. The protector, sabander, and
admiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, as the rebels grew
stronger every day. I borrowed some small pieces of cannon of the
Chinese merchants, who were our friends, causing our men to make
chain-shot, lang-ridge, and bar-shot, and fortified our quarters the
best way I could with bushes and chains. So much were the inhabitants in
fear of the rebels, that all trade was at an end. Every day some spies
of the rebels used to come into our yard, very inquisitive about what we
were doing, so that we looked nightly to be attacked, and made every
preparation to give them a warm reception.

About the 20th October, the King of Jackatra came to Bantam with 1500
fighting men, besides stragglers, and was to be followed by 1000 more.
He challenged the rebels and _pangrans_ to fight him, having a great
quarrel against them all, as they had endeavoured to have him deposed
from his kingdom. But the rebels kept within their fortifications. The
King of Jackatra and the Admiral of Bantam sent for us on the 26th
October, to know if there were any means to fire their fortifications
from a reasonable distance, beyond reach of their _bases_, of which they
had a great number. We told them, if we had a ship in the roads it might
have been easily done, but we hardly expected to find materials for the
purpose, such as camphor, salt-petre, and sulphur, having already some
other things, for the purpose of making fire-arrows. The admiral
proposed the use of a long bow and arrows for this service, but in my
opinion a musket would have answered better. We meant likewise to have
shot red-hot bullets among them from the king's ordnance, which would
have made sad work among their thatched houses and fortifications of
canes; for as Mandelicko had sought all means to set us on fire, we now
meant to try if we could return the compliment. But, whether from fear
of the King of Jackatra, or hearing that we were employed, the rebels
and pangrans came to an agreement two days after, by which Mandelicko
engaged to depart from the dominions of Bantam within six days, with
only thirty followers, which he did. The Javans are very unwilling to
fight if that can be avoided, as their wealth consists chiefly in
slaves, so that they are beggared if these be slain; wherefore they had
always rather come to a set feast than a pitched battle.

In November and the beginning of December, we were constantly busy in
completing our buildings, and getting in and cleaning pepper. A Dutch
pinnace came into the roads on the 14th December, by which we were
informed of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the great plague and
sickness that had prevailed over all Christendom. This occasioned more
distress to us than all our late troubles; but they told us that the
King of Scots was crowned, that our land was in peace, and that peace
was likely to be concluded between England and Spain; which news was
very comfortable to us. They could give us no intelligence of our ships,
having no letters for us: But the Dutch fleet soon followed, on which I
went immediately on board their admiral to welcome him, and enquire for
letters, which were found in the vice-admiral.

_Uniete_, the chief of those who undermined and set fire to our house,
having long lurked in the mountains, was now forced by want of food to
repair to certain houses near Bantam, whence he was brought to the house
of the rich Chinese merchant. As soon as I heard of this, I sent Mr
Towerson to inform the protector, and that we meant shortly to execute
him. Since the time of the mischief this man occasioned, I had never
gone out of our house, but once when the protector crossed us about the
pepper, as before mentioned, being in constant fear that our house would
be fired before my return; and three times a week I used to search all
the Chinese houses in our neighbourhood, for fear of more undermining.


§ 5. _Arrival of General Middleton, and other Occurrences_.

In the evening of the 22d December, 1604, we joyfully descried our ships
coming into the roads; but when we went on board the admiral, and saw
their weakness, and also heard of the weakly state of the other three
ships, we were greatly grieved; well knowing that Bantam is not a place
for the recovery of sick men, but rather to kill men who come there in
health. At my first going on board, I found the general, Captain Henry
Middleton, very weak and sickly, to whom I made a brief relation of the
many troubles we had endured. I also told him we had lading ready for
two ships, which was some comfort to his mind, being much grieved for
the weakness of his men; as they had scarcely fifty sound men in the
four ships, and had lost many of their sick men. Even of those who came
here in health, many never went out of Bantam roads.

The 24th we executed the arch-villain _Uniete_, who was the fourth of
these rascals we had put to death, besides a fifth who was slain for
stealing a woman. At my coming away four remained alive; two of whom
were at Jackatra, one with the rebel Mandelicko, and one with _Cay
Sanapatta Lama_, whom we could not then get at. The same day our
vice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst, came on shore with some merchants, and
we accompanied him to court, to notify to the king that our general had
letters for him from the King of England, and a present, but being weary
and sick with his long voyage, would wait upon him as soon as he was
refreshed.

On Christmas-day we dined on board the general. But I ought to have
previously mentioned, that, on the 23d, it was agreed the Dragon and
Ascension were to be sent to the Moluccas, and the Hector and Susan to
be loaded with pepper, and sent home. We busied ourselves to procure
fresh victuals, vegetables, and fruits, for the recovery of our men, who
were in a most pitiable case with the scurvy.

The 31st December, our general came on shore, and being accompanied by
all the merchants who were in sufficient health, and by several others,
he went to court with the king's letter, which he delivered along with
the following present: A fair basin and ewer, with two handsome standing
cups, and a spoon, all of silver parell gilt, and six muskets with their
furniture. The general employed two or three days following in visiting
our chiefest friends, as the sabander, the admiral, and the rich Chinese
merchant, making them presents, which they thankfully received. We then
fell to work to pack up goods for the Moluccas; but as our men recovered
from the scurvy they fell ill of the flux, so that it seemed quite
impossible for us to accomplish our business.

The 7th January, 1605, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall ships,[126]
besides pinnaces and sloops, set sail for Amboyna and the Moluccas, so
that we were long in doubt of getting any loading in those parts this
year for our ships, so many having gone before us; nor was it possible
for ours to go earlier, owing to their weakness. The 10th January, our
two ships that were to go home began taking in pepper, but were so
oppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch. The other two
having taken in all the goods we thought meet for those parts, set sail
on the 18th of January for the islands of Banda, their men being still
weak and sickly; but how they spent their time till their return to
Bantam, I must refer to their own reports. Immediately after the
departure of these ships under the general, the protector sent to us for
the custom, which we thought had been quite well understood, by what was
paid when the ships were here before; but he demanded many duties of
which we had never heard formerly, and because I refused payment, he
ordered the porters not to carry any more pepper for us. To prevent,
therefore, this hindrance in loading our ships, I was forced to pay him
in hand, as had been done on the former occasion, and to let the full
agreement remain open till the return of our general.

[Footnote 126: This expression, _tall ships_, so often used in these
early voyages, evidently means square-rigged vessels having top-masts;
as contradistinguished from low-masted vessels, such as sloops and
pinnaces.--E.]

It pleased God to take away the two masters of the two ships which were
now loading, Samuel Spencer, master of the Hector, and Habakkuk Pery, of
the Susan; as also William Smith, master's mate of the Hector, and soon
afterwards Captain Styles, with several other principal men, and many of
their sailors, so that we were forced to hire men to ease them of their
work in loading, and also to engage as many as we could get of Guzerat
and Chinese mariners, to help to navigate the ships home, at a great
expence. With much ado we got them laden by the 16th February; but it
was the 4th of March before we could get ready for sea. They then
sailed, the Hector having on board 63 persons of all sorts, English and
others, but many of their own men were sick. The Susan had 47 of all
sorts, but likewise had many English sick: I pray God to send us good
news of them.

The 6th May a Holland ship came in, which came from the coast of Goa,
[Malabar,] where, along with two other Dutch ships bound for
Cambay,[127] they took four very rich Portuguese ships, one of which,
laden with great horses, they set on fire. This ship had left Holland in
June, 1604, but could give us no farther news than we had already got
from our own ships. The captain of this ship was Cornelius Syverson, a
proud boor, having neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity; and
presently after his arrival the Hollanders withdrew their familiarity
from us. I shall now, however, leave this despiser of courtesy and hater
of our nation, with his rascally crew, and give some account of the
ceremonial of the young king's circumcision, and the triumphs held daily
in consequence for more than a month before he went to church, [mosque]
in preparations for which all the better sort had been busied since
February or March, till the 24th of June.

[Footnote 127: Cambay, in this place, probably means Camboja, or
Cambodia, in Eastern India, not Cambay in Guzerat.--E.]

For this ceremonial a great pageant was prepared, the fore part of which
was made in the resemblance of a great devil, on which were placed three
chairs of state; that in the middle for the king, being elevated about
two feet above those on either side, which were for the two sons of
_Pangran Goban_, heir to the crown if the king should die without issue.
This pageant was placed on a green or open space, in front of the palace
gate, and railed in all round. The custom of the country is, when the
king comes to the throne, or at his circumcision, all that are able must
make the king presents publicly, and with as much shew as possible; such
as cannot do so of themselves, whether natives or strangers, join in
companies to make their compliments. About the 25th June these shews
began, and continued all that month and the next, every day except some
few when it rained. The protector or regent of the kingdom began on the
first day, and was succeeded daily by the nobles and others, each having
their day, not as they were in rank or birth, but as each happened to be
in readiness, sometimes two or three companies in one day.

As the Javans are not expert in the use of fire-arms, the protector
borrowed some shot both of us and the Hollanders. When these went forth,
there was great strife which should go foremost, whether our men or the
Hollanders, they despising our small number, and ours their sordid
appearance. Our men were in neat apparel, with coloured scarfs and
hat-bands; they in greasy thrum caps, tarred coats, and their shirts, or
at least such as had any, hanging between their legs. Our men,
therefore, chose to take the rearward, refusing to go next after the
Hollanders.

Every morning the king's guard, consisting both of shot and pikes, was
placed round the inclosure without the rails, being usually three
hundred men; but on some principal days there were upwards of six
hundred, in files according to our martial discipline. In our marching,
we differ much from them, as we usually go in column of three, five,
seven, or nine abreast; while they always march in single file,
following as close as they can, and carrying their pikes upright. As for
their fire-arms, not being used to them, they are very unhandy. Their
drums are huge pans, [_gongs_,] made of tomback, which make a most
hellish sound. They have also colours to their companies; but their
standards and ensigns are not like ours. Their ensign staff is very long
and high, being bent at top like a bow; but the colours, hardly a yard
in breadth, hang down from the top like a long pendant. The first day,
being the greatest shew, there were certain forts made of canes and
other trash, set up in front of the king's pageant, in which some Javans
were placed to defend, and other companies to assault them, many times
the assailants firing upon the defenders. All this was only in jest
among the Javans with their pikes; but our men and the Hollanders were
in earnest with their shot, and were therefore forced to be kept
asunder.

Meeting the Dutch merchants in the evening, I asked one of them if he
thought that Holland were able to wage war with England, that they
should make such contention with our men, striving who should go
foremost? I likewise told them all, that if the English had not once
gone before, they might have gone behind all the other nations of Europe
long ago. But they answered, that times and seasons change: And
doubtless, owing to their great numbers here in India, they hold
themselves able to withstand any other nation in the world. I cannot,
however, say what may be the opinion of their states at home, and of the
wiser of their nation.[128]

[Footnote 128: In this business of the Dutch, wherein many shewed their
pride and ingratitude, as the fault I hope is not in their nation, but
only personal, I have mollified the author's style, and left out some
harsher censures. _Beati pucifici.--Purch_. in a side note.]

Always, a little before the shews began, the king was brought out from
his palace, sitting on a man's shoulders bestriding his neck, and the
man holding him by the legs. Many rich _tirasols_, [parasols or
umbrellas,] were carried over and round about him. His principal guard
walked before him, and was placed within the rails, round about the
pageant. After the king, a number of the principal people followed,
seeming to have their stated days of attendance. The shews were in this
manner: First came a crew armed with match-locks, led by some
_gentleman-slave_; then come the pike-men, in the middle of whom were
the colours and music, being ten or twelve pans of tomback, carried on a
staff between two people. These were tuneable like a peal of bells, each
a note above the other, and always two people walked beside them who
were skilled in the country music, and struck upon them with something
they held in their hands. There was another kind of music, that went
both before and after; but these pans or _gongs_ formed the principal.
The pike-men were followed by a company of targeteers carrying darts.
Then followed many sorts of trees with their fruit hanging upon them;
and after these many sorts of beasts and birds, both alive, and also
artificially made, that they could not be distinguished from those that
were alive, unless one were near.

Then came a number of maskers, who danced and vaulted before the king,
shewing many strange tumbling tricks, some of these being men and others
women. After all these followed sometimes two hundred or even three
hundred women, all carrying presents of some kind; only that every ten
were headed by an old motherly woman empty handed, to keep them in order
like so many soldiers. These presents were commonly rice and
_cashes_[129] on frames of split canes, curiously laid out for show, and
adorned with gilt paper, but the present itself seldom exceeded the
value of twelve-pence. Then followed the rich presents, being commonly
some rich _tuck_,[130] or some fine cloth of the country fashion,
curiously wrought and gilded, or embroidered with gold, for the king's
own wearing. These were also carried by women, having two pikes borne
upright before them; and every present intended for the king's wearing
had a rich parasol carried over it. Last of all followed the heir to the
person sending the present, being his youngest son, if he had any, very
richly attired after their fashion, with many jewels at gold, diamonds,
rubies, and other precious stones, on their, arms and round their
waists, and attended by a number of men and women. After he has made
his obeisance to the king, he sits down on the ground on a mat, and all
the presents are carried past the king's pageant into the palace, where
certain officers are ready to receive them.

[Footnote 129: A species of coin formerly explained.--E.]

[Footnote 130: Tuck, tuke, or tuque, the old term for a turban, worn by
Mahometans, or for the sash of which it is made.--ASTL. I. 301. c.]

When all these were gone by, a person within the king's pageant spoke
out of the devil's mouth, commanding silence in the king's name. Then
begins the chief revels, accompanied with music, and now and then the
musketeers discharged a volley. The pikemen and targeteers also
exhibited their feats of arms, being very expert, but their shot
exceedingly unskilful. Always when the pikemen and targeteers go up to
charge, they go forwards dancing and skipping about, that their
adversaries may have no steady aim to throw their darts or thrust their
pikes. During the shews, there likewise came certain representations of
junks, as it were under sail, very artificially made, and laden with
rice and _cashes_. There were also representations of former history,
some from the Old Testament, and others from the chronicles of the Javan
kings. All these inventions have been learnt by the Javans from the
Chinese, or from the Guzerates, Turks, and others who come hither for
trade, for they are themselves ignorant blockheads.

Our present was preceded by a fine pomegranate tree full of fruit, some
ripe, half ripe, green, and only budded. It had been dug up by the
roots, and set in earth in a frame made of rattans like a cage. The
earth was covered with green sod, on which were three silver-haired
rabbits, given me by the vice-admiral of our fleet; and all among the
branches we had many small birds fastened by threads, which were
continually fluttering and singing. We had likewise four very furious
serpents, very artificially made by the Chinese, on which we hung the
cloths that were meant for the king's use, being five pieces very
curiously wrought and gilded in their fashion; together with other
pieces of stuff for the king to bestow on his followers. We likewise
presented a petronel, or horseman's pistol, and a brace of smaller
pistols, finely damasked and in rich cases, having silken strings and
gold tassels. Having no women to carry these things, we borrowed thirty
of the prettiest boys we could get, and two tall Javans to carry pikes
before them. Mr Towerson had a very pretty Chinese boy, whose father had
been lately slain by thieves, and we sent this youth as gallantly
attired as the king himself, to present these things, and to make a
speech to the king, signifying, if our numbers and ability had equalled
our good will, we would have presented his majesty with a much finer
shew. The king and those about him took much delight in our rabbits,
being great rarities, and also in some fire-works which our men played
off, but the women cried out, fearing they might set the palace on fire.

The Hollanders gave but a small present, though they made a mighty brag
about it. Neither do they spare bragging of their king, as they called
Prince Maurice, whom at every word in those parts they styled _Raia
Hollanda_. Many quarrels took place between their men and ours, the
Hollanders always beginning in their drink to brawl, and usually having
the worst. I had much ado to restrain our men, which yet was necessary,
considering our great charge of goods, all of which lay on me. We were
also in a dangerous country, and but badly housed; and if we had come to
blows, it was likely that a great number would come upon us, and we
being few, could not have defended ourselves without bloodshed, which
would occasion revenge. Now of them there were above an hundred men,
including those in their house, ship, and fly-boat, all of whom would
have come against us, while we were only thirteen in a straw house.

The king of Jackatra came on the 18th of July to present his shew before
the king, attended by a guard of several hundred persons. Immediately on
his coming in sight, the guards of the king of Bantam rose up, and
handled their weapons, not from fear of the king of Jackatra offering
any violence, but because there were a number of other petty kings
present, who were mortal enemies to the king of Jackatra. On coming near
the innermost rank of the Bantam guards, and seeing that he had to pass
through among a number of these inimical petty kings, and being afraid
of the cowardly stab so usual among this people, he appeared much
alarmed, though as brave as any in those parts; wherefore he would not
pass through them, but sat down on a piece of leather, which every
gentleman has carried along with him for that purpose. He then sent to
the king, to know if it was his pleasure he should wait upon him; upon
which the king sent two principal noblemen to escort him into the
presence. And when the king of Jackatra had made his obeisance, the
young king embraced him, and he of Jackatra took his seat in the place
appointed for him.

Then came the presents of the king of Jackatra, carried by about 300
women, and attended by about as many soldiers, consisting of rice,
cashes, and many strange beasts and birds, both alive and dead. Among
these was a furious beast, called by them a _Matchan_, somewhat larger
than a lion, and very princely to behold, if he had been at liberty. He
was spotted white and red, having many black streaks from the reins down
under his belly. I have seen one of them leap eighteen feet for his
prey. These _matchans_ often kill many people near Bantam; and often the
king and all the people go out to hunt them, sometimes even in the
night. This _matchan_ was in a great cage of wood, placed on the trucks
of old gun carriages, and being drawn by buffaloes, seemed like a
traitor drawn on a hurdle.[131] There were several other curious
articles in this shew, with many maskers, vaulters, and tumblers,
strangely and savagely attired. Last of all came the youngest son of the
king of Jackatra, riding in a chariot drawn by buffaloes, which had to
me an unseemly appearance. They have indeed few horses in this island,
which are mostly small nags, none of which I ever saw draw; being only
used for riding and running tilt, after the Barbary fashion, which
exercise they ordinarily use every Saturday towards evening, except in
their time of Lent or _ramadan_.

[Footnote 131: This matchan of Java is obviously the tiger.--E.]

The second day after this shew, the king was carried on his pageant to
the mosque, where he was circumcised; his pageant being carried aloft by
many men, four hundred, as the king's nurse told me, but I think she
lied, as in my opinion so many could not stand under it.

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 6. _Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and
other Occurrences_.

Our general returned into the road of Bantam from Ternate on the 24th
July, 1605. As soon as we saw and knew the Dragon, I took a _praw_ and
went on board; when the general recounted all the dangers he had gone
through, and the unkind usage he had received of the Hollanders, though
he had saved some of their lives. He told me that he had procured a
good quantity of cloves towards his loading, though with much pains and
turmoil. For this good news, and especially because our general was
returned in safety, we gave hearty thanks to God, not doubting but we
should soon complete his loading. The 28th of the same month came in the
great Enkhusen of Holland from Ternate; and on the same day the king of
Jackatra came to visit our general.

The 1st August, in the afternoon, while the general and all our
merchants were very busy in the warehouse, taking an inventory of all
the prize goods remaining, and of all our other goods, word was brought
that the Hollanders had wounded two of our men, whom we presently
afterward saw enter the gate bleeding. Our general immediately ordered
every man to take his weapons, and to lay them soundly over the
Dutchmen's pates, which was done accordingly, and the Dutchmen were
banged home to their own house, one being run through the body, who was
said by some to have recovered afterwards; and two more lost their arms.
The Dutch merchants and several others came out with firearms; but
hearing that their men began the fray, they said they had only their
deserts: and, after taking a cup of wine in a friendly manner with our
general, they kindly look their leave. News was carried to court that
the Hollanders and us were by the ears, and that two were slain; on
which some of the king's attendants asked, whether the slain were Dutch
or English? and when told they were Hollanders, they said it was no
matter if they were all slain. I thank God that only two of our men were
hurt in this affair, which were those mentioned at the first; one having
a cut over the hand, and the other a stab with a knife in the side, but
not very deep. This was the first serious affray, but it was not long
before we were at it again pell-mell, again and again, when the
Hollanders sped as they did now.

The 11th August two ships came in from Cambaya, which had taken much
wealth from the Portuguese, and the same day one ship came from
Tenate.[132] The Ascension came in from Banda on the 16th. The 8th
September the Dutch merchants invited our general and his masters and
merchants to a feast, where we were treated with good cheer and much
friendship. The 15th September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland,
one being a small ship laden with pepper at Bantam; and the other,
having taken in some cloves at Ternate, was loaded out with prize goods,
taken from the ships that came from Cambaya. The Dutch admiral came in
from Banda on the 21st, and next day our general sent some merchants to
the Dutch house to congratulate him; on which day a drunken Dutchman
caused a new fray, which began with our surgeon, but was augmented by
several on both sides, and some of the Hollanders were wounded.

[Footnote 132: Though not mentioned in the text, these three ships were
most probably Hollanders.--E.]

About one o'clock that same afternoon, while our general sat on a bench
at our gate, conversing with a Portuguese, a drunken Dutch swab came and
sat himself down between them, on which our general gave him a box in
the ear and thrust him away. Some of his comrades came presently round
our gate, drawing their knives and _sables_, [hangers,] and began to
swagger. Taking the butt-ends of our pikes and halberts, and some faggot
sticks, we drove them to an arrack house, where they shut the door upon
us; but we forced it open, knocked some of them down, and carried them
prisoners to our general. Soon after another troop of Hollanders came
down the street to take part with their comrades, on whom we laid such
load that they took to their heels, some being knocked down, and many
having their pates pitifully broken, while others had to run through a
miry ditch to escape us. The master of their admiral had occasioned this
tumult, as he had gone from ship to ship, desiring the men to go armed
on shore and kill all the English they could meet: and when some of our
people were going on board the Dutch ships, some Englishmen they had in
their ships called out to them not to come on board, as orders had been
given to slay as many English as they could, on board or on shore. These
frays were much wondered at by all foreigners in Bantam, that we should
dare to go to blows with the Hollanders, who had seven large tall ships
in the road, while we had but two. None of our men met with any harm in
this affray, except Mr Saris, one of our merchants, who got a cut on his
fore-finger with a hanger.

At the end of this fray, the Dutch general came to our house with a
great guard of captains, merchants, and others, and being met in a
similar manner in the street by our general, was invited into our
house. When the cause of this affray was reported to the Dutch general,
he approved of what we had done. When some of his people complained that
their men bore all the blows, as was apparent by their bloody pates and
shoulders, the Dutch general said he saw plainly the fault lay with his
men, and he would take order to prevent so many of his men coming on
shore in future. After much talk, a banquet of sweetmeats was served,
the Dutch general took a kindly leave of ours, and all the Dutch and
English merchants shook hands and parted.

Some Javans, who belonged to two of the principal men of Bantam under
the king, had stolen nine muskets and callivers from the gun-room of our
ship the Ascension; and two of them returning shortly after to steal
more, were taken by our people with the stolen goods upon them. Our
general sent me to examine into the matter, and to bring them on shore.
After some examination, they confessed whose slaves they were, and said
the pieces were forthcoming. After they came on shore, the general sent
to the king and protector, desiring to have the pieces back; but the
masters of these slaves said they had no pieces except what they had
bought with their money; yet they requested our general to defer
executing the slaves for two days, which he agreed to. But as these
nobles were not reckoned great good-wishers to the king, the protector
sent the executioner with a guard of pikes to put them to death. When
they came to the place of execution, our general wished to spare their
lives; but the executioner said he had the king's orders, and must
therefore put them to death, which was done accordingly. This the
thieves very patiently submitted to, as is the manner of their nation;
for they hold it their greatest glory to die resolutely, as I have seen
them do often, both men and women, in the most careless manner. One
would think these men ought to be excellent soldiers, but they are not;
as this valour is only when there is no remedy. Against their own
countrymen they are reasonably brave; but they will not venture with
Europeans, unless with manifest great advantage in numbers or otherwise.

The 3d October our general made a farewell feast, to which he invited
the Dutch admiral, with all his captains, masters, and merchants, and we
were all exceedingly merry on this occasion, with much friendship
between the two nations. Next day our general went to court,
accompanied by our merchants and others, to take leave of the king and
his nobles. The 6th, being Sunday, our general, with all who were bound
for England, went on board, and on passing the Dutch house, went in and
took leave of the Dutch general and merchants. Mr Gabriel Towerson, who
was to remain agent at Bantam, and some other merchants, accompanied us
on board, some returning on shore after dinner, and others staying till
next day. We weighed anchor about three o'clock, saluting the town and
Dutch ships with our cannon. About eleven at night we came to anchor
under an island, where next day we took in wood, which our general had
sent some men to get ready cut beforehand. Towards evening of the 7th
October, 1605, we again weighed anchor and set sail: Mr Towerson and
some other merchants now took their leaves to go on shore, whom we
committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to the
courtesy of the seas, praying God to bless them and us, and, if it be
his holy will, to send us a happy meeting again in England.



§ 7. _Observations by Mr John Saris, of Occurrences during his abode at
Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609_.[133]

This, and the subsequent subdivisions of the present section, are given
by Purchas as a continuation of the foregoing observations by Mr Scot,
to which Purchas affixes the following extended title, for the better
understanding of which it is to be noticed, that Mr Saris was afterwards
captain or general, as it was then called, of the _eighth_ voyage fitted
out by the English East India Company, which sailed in 1611.

[Footnote 133: Purch. Pilg. I. 384.]

"Observations by _John Saris_, of Occurrences which happened in the
_East Indies_, during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, to
October, 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of these
Parts; observed by his own Experience, or taken from the Relation of
Others; extracted out of his larger Book, and, here added as an Appendix
to his greater Voyage. These may serve as a continuation of the
preceding Observations by Mr Scot; and to these are added, certain
Observations by the same Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of
principal Trade in those Parts of the World."--_Purch_.


In the Pilgrims, these observations are appended to the voyage of
Captain Saris to India and Japan, in 1611, but are here placed more
naturally as a continuation of the observations by Scot, because
considerably prior to that voyage, and precisely connected with these
observations. Several uninteresting particulars are omitted from these
observations in the present edition.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

On the 7th of October, 1605, our general Henry Middleton, and Captain
Christopher Coulthurst, departed from the road of Bantam, leaving
eighteen men in all, of whom five were mariners and thirteen
sailors.[134] The 23d there arrived a Dutch junk from Priaman, by which
we learnt that Sir Edward Mitchelburne and Captain Davis were upon the
coast, and that they had captured a Guzerat ship in the straits of
Sunda, bound from Bantam to Priaman. On the report of the Hollanders, we
of the English factory were summoned to court on the 25th, and wore
required to say if we knew Sir Edward, and why he had offered violence
to the king's friends, who had done him no wrong. We answered, that we
knew a person of that name, but knew not if he were upon the coast, nor
whether he had taken the Guzerat vessel, except by the report of the
Hollanders, which we held to be false, and were more apt to believe it
had been done by one of the Dutch-ships, which sailed from Bantam two
days before the departure of that Guzerat ship. We were then desired to
depart till further proof could be had.

[Footnote 134: This piece of information is placed as a marginal note by
Purchas, and confirms an idea formerly hazarded, that mariners were in
these old times of a higher description than sailors; the former being
thoroughbred seamen, the latter only ordinary.--E.]

Sir Edward Mitchelburne came here to anchor in the road of Bantam on the
29th, when Mr Towerson and I went on board to visit him, and were well
entertained. He then informed us of having taken the Guzerat vessel, and
we entreated of him that he would not capture the Chinese junks, which
he promised not to do on the word of a gentleman. He set sail from
Bantam on the 2d November, directing his course for the straits of
Palinbangan.

The 18th November, a small Dutch pinnace sailed for the exploration of
the land called New Guinea, which was said to produce great abundance of
gold. The 2d January, 1606, a junk set sail for Timor, freighted by
Chinese merchants. Besides English iron, coarse porcelain, taffetas,
Chinese pans and bells, they carried with them what are called _brand_
pieces of silver, being beaten out very thin and a hand-breadth in size.
On the 20th there arrived a Chinese junk, which Sir Edward Mitchelburne
had captured notwithstanding his promise to Mr Towerson and me. We were
called upon to make restitution, the _nokhada_ or pilot of the junk
alleging to have lost many rich commodities, and the governor and
principal courtiers were grievously offended; but by the favour of the
admiral and sabander we were let off.

On the 23d May, there arrived a small vessel belonging to the Hollanders
from Ternate, bringing away the merchants left there by _Bastianson_,
who were sent away by the Spaniards, by whom that island was now taken,
together with all their goods, the Spaniards having allowed them to
depart, but had carried off the King of Ternate as a prisoner to
Manilla; and it was said they meant to send him to Spain. While about
ten leagues from Jackatra, this small vessel fell in with the king of
Bantam's fleet, by which they were pillaged of every thing they had
saved from the Spaniards; and though they now used every endeavour to
procure restitution, they could have no redress.

On the 15th June, _Nokhada Tingall_, a _cling-man_, arrived in a Javan
junk from Banda with a cargo of mace and nutmegs, which be sold here to
the Guzerats for 150 dollars the Bantam _bahar_, which is 450 _cattees_.
He told me that the Dutch pinnace, which went upon discovery to New
Guinea, had found the island; but that, on sending their men ashore to
endeavour to procure trade, nine of them had been slain by the natives,
who are canibals or man-eaters; so that the Dutch were forced to come
away, and had gone, to Banda.

The 6th August, the moon was eclipsed about eight in the evening, and
continued so for two hours, during which time the Chinese and Javans
made a continual noise by beating on pots and pans, crying out that the
moon was dead. The 4th October, the whole Chinese quarter of Bantam was
burnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve our house. That same night a
Dutch ship sailed for Holland, laden with 15,000 sacks of pepper,
besides some raw silk, and great store of China sugar. The 9th, arrived
a pinnace from Succadanea in Borneo, laden with wax and _cavalacca_, and
great store of diamonds.

The 14th May, 1607, there arrived here at Bantam a junk from _Grese_, by
which we learnt that one Julius, a Dutchman, who went from hence on the
30th November, 1606, for Succadanea, had been put to death at
Banjarmassen, in Borneo, and all his goods confiscated by the king of
that place, because, as was reported, Julius had used certain insolent
speeches concerning the king, which came to his knowledge, upon which he
sent for Julius and the master of the junk, and had them slain by the
way.

The 7th August arrived a pinnace from the island of _St Lucia_, in lat.
24° 30' S. about a mile from the coast of Madagascar, where they were
forced to take shelter in the ship which left this on the 4th October,
1606, having been obliged to throw overboard 3000 sacks of pepper,
besides other commodities of great value, to lighten the ship and
preserve their lives. They found this island an excellent place for
refreshment, the natives having no knowledge of money; so that they
bought a fat ox for a tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of brass.
The anchorage, as they reported, was very good, being in seven or eight
fathoms; upon hard ground.

The 14th November, 1607, Captain David Middleton arrived here in the
Consent.[135]

[Footnote 135: Mr Saris gives here a long account of incidents
concerning a Dutch fleet outward bound, having no connection with the
affairs of Bantam, or with those of the English trade, and which is
therefore omitted.--E.]

The 2d October, 1608, the Dragon arrived here from Priaman, in which was
General William Keeling, commander in the third voyage fitted out by our
English East India Company. He went to court on the 7th, and delivered
our king's letter to the King of Bantam, together with a present of five
handsome muskets, a bason, an ewer, and a barrel of gunpowder.

Very early in the morning of the 13th, the governor of Bantam and his
_Jerotoolies_ were put to death by the _Pangavas_; the sabander, the
admiral, _Key Depatty Utennagarra_, and others. The conspirators
assembled over night at the house of _Keymas Patty_, and beset the
court, laying hold in the first place of the king and his mother. They
then hastened to the residence of the governor, thinking to have found
him in bed; but he hid himself at the back of the bed, where they found
him, and wounded him in the head. He then fled for protection to the
priest, called _Key Finkkey_, who came out to them, and entreated they
would spare his life; but they were inexorable, and having forced their
way in, they dispatched him.

The 9th November, Samuel Plummer went from hence for Succadanca in
Borneo, where he intended to remain. In the afternoon of Sunday the 4th
December, our general, William Keeling, set sail from hence for England;
but on the 6th he was forced back by bad weather and westerly winds. He
set sail again on the 10th, and returned a second time on the 13th,
having met with the Dragon in the straits of Sunda, the men belonging to
that ship being very weak in consequence of the scurvy; besides which
the Portuguese of Damaun had treacherously seized their boats at Surat,
taking nineteen of their men, together with cloths which had cost 9000
dollars at that place. In their way for Bantam, the Dragon had captured
a pinnace belonging to Columbo, out of which they took eleven packs of
cloth, containing in all 83 pieces, thirteen pieces being _poulings_,
which were sent to the island of Banda. On the 23d, the Dragon,
commanded by Captain Gabriel Towerson, set sail again for England.

The 1st January, 1609, our general, William Keeling, set sail in the
Hector for Banda. The 20th March, a Chinese house next to our warehouse
was burnt down, but it pleased God that our house escaped. Next day I
was sent for to court by Paugran Areaumgalla, the governor, and went
accordingly, carrying the following present: One piece of _mallee
goobaer_, one piece _mallayo pintado_, a musket with a bandeleer and a
roll of match, which the governor accepted very kindly. He then told me
he had sent for me, having heard that there were two men in chains at
our house for debt, and he desired to know by whose authority I thus
confined them. I said we had laid hold of them by order of the king, and
I hoped he would not take them from us till I were satisfied for the
debt, or at least some part of it, and in proof of its being due I
showed their bills. He said he knew that they were indebted, but knew
likewise that the king had not given us leave to chain them up, and
desired therefore they might be set free; but I persuaded him to allow
me to keep them till _Tanyomge_, who owed 420-1/2 dollars, should pay
100, and Bungoone, who owed 500 dollars and 100 sacks of pepper, should
pay 20 sacks of pepper and 100 dollars in money, pursuant to his
agreement and bill. The governor sent one of his slaves home along with
me, to inform the prisoners of this, and to desire them to pay me.

The 24th I was again sent for to court, where the Hollanders were
likewise; on which occasion the governor asked the Hollanders, whether
it were customary in their country to take a man prisoner for debt
without informing the king? The Hollanders said, it was not. Whereupon,
forgetting his promise made only three days before, he commanded me to
liberate the prisoners immediately, although I reminded him of his
promise to no purpose; and he sent one of the king's slaves to take them
out of our house. I am satisfied this rigid course was taken on the
suggestion of the Dutch, induced by _Lackmoy_, the great Chinese
merchant, on purpose to prevent us from giving credit to the Chinese,
that we might be constrained to deal only with himself: and, as he is
provided by the Hollanders with all kinds of commodities, he will
entirely overthrow our trade, as we cannot now give credit to any one,
justice being refused to us.

Captain William Keeling arrived here from Banda on the 26th of August,
having laden there 12,484-1/2 _cattees_ of mace and 59,846 _cattees_ of
nutmegs, which cost him 9,10, and 11 dollars the _bahar_. The _cattee_
there weighs 13-1/2 English ounces; the _small bahar_ of mace being ten
cattees, and the small bahar of nutmegs 100 _cattees_; while the _large
bahar_ is 100 _cattees_ of mace, or 1000 cattees of nutmegs: so that if
a person owe _ten_ cattees of mace, and pay 100 cattees of nutmegs, the
creditor cannot refuse payment in that manner.

Captain Keeling having taken in the rest of his loading at Bantam,
consisting of 4900 bags and 3 cattees of pepper, set sail in the Hector
for England on the 4th October, 1609; on which occasion I embarked in
that ship to return home, having been four years, nine months, and
eleven days in the country.

§ 8. _Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the
Places whence they are procured._[136]

_Lignum aloes_, a wood so called by us, is called _garroo_ by the
Mallays. The best comes from Malacca, Siam, and Cambodia,[137] being in
large round sticks and very massy, of a black colour interspersed with
ash-coloured veins. Its taste is somewhat bitter, and odoriferous; and
when a splinter is laid upon a burning coal it melts into bubbles like
pitch, continuing to fry till the whole is consumed, diffusing a most
delightful odour.

[Footnote 136: Purch. Pilgr. I. 389, being a continuation of the
Observations by Mr Saris.--E.]

[Footnote 137: In the Pilgrims this last place is called Cambaya, but
which we suspect of being an error of the press.--E.]

_Benjamin_, or _Benzoin_, is a gum called _Minnian_ by the Mallays. The
best kind comes from Siam, being very pure, clear, and white, with
little streaks of amber colour. Another sort, not altogether so white,
yet also very good, comes from Sumatra. A third sort comes from Priaman
and _Barrowse_, which is very coarse, and not vendible in England.[138]

[Footnote 138: On this subject Purchas has the following marginal note.
"Burrowse yieldeth _Tincal_, called _buris_ in England; worth at Bantam
a dollar the _cattee_, and here in England ten shillings the pound. It
is kept in grease."--Purch.

The substance of this note has not the smallest reference to benjamin or
benzoin, and evidently means borax, called _burris_ or _burrowse_, which
used likewise to be called _tincal_, a peculiar salt much used in
soldering, and which is now brought from Thibet by way of Bengal.--E.]

The best _civet_ is of a deep yellow colour, somewhat inclining to
golden yellow, and not whitish, as that kind is usually sophisticated
with grease. Yet when civet is newly taken from the animal, it is
whitish, and acquires a yellowish colour by keeping.

There are three sorts of _musk_, black, brown, and yellow; of which the
first is good for nothing, the second is good, and the last best. It
ought to be of the colour of spikenard, or of a deep amber yellow,
inclosed only in a single skin, and not one within another as it often
is. It should not be too moist, which adds to its weight, but of a
medium moisture, having a few hairs like bristles, but not many, and
quite free from stones, lead, or other mixed trash, and having a very
strong fragrant smell, which to many is very offensive. When chewed it
pierces the very brain with its scent; and should not dissolve too soon
in the mouth, neither yet to remain very long undissolved. Musk must not
be kept near any sweet spices, lest it lose its scent.

_Bezoar_, of which there are two kinds, one of which comes from the West
Indies, called _occidental_, and the other from the East Indies, called
_oriental_; which latter is worth double the price of the other. Both
are of divers forms; some round, others oblong like the stones of dates,
some like pigeons eggs; and others like the kidneys of a kid, and others
again like chesnuts; but most are blunt at both ends, and not sharp.
There is no less variety in the colours; some being light-red, others
like the colour of honey, many of a dark ash-colour, but most of a
waterish green. The East India or oriental bezoar consists of many
coats, artificially compacted together like the coats of an onion, each
inclosing the other, and all bright and shining, as if polished by art;
when one coat is broken off that immediately below being still brighter
than the former. These several coats are of different thicknesses, in
proportion to the size of the bezoars; and the larger is the stone so
much the more is it in request. There is one sure way to make trial of
bezoars: Take the exact weight of the stone, and then put it in water
for four hours; then see that it is not cracked, and wipe it quite dry;
and if it now weigh in the smallest degree heavier than before, you may
be assured that it is not good. I have ascertained this many times at
Bantam, having found many of them to turn out mere chalk, with a bit of
stick in the middle, that weighed a Javan _taile_, or two English
ounces. Most of the counterfeit bezoars come from Succadanea in Borneo.
The true oriental bezoars come from Patane, Banjarmassen, Succadanea,
Macasser, and the Isola das Vaccas at the entrance to Cambodia.[139]

[Footnote 139: In old times, oriental bezoar was prized at a high rate
in medicine, having many fancied valuable qualities, now found by
experience to be altogether imaginary; so that it is now confined to
cabinets of curiosities. It is merely an accidental concretion, which
takes place in the stomachs of various animals, somewhat similar to a
gall-stone.--E.]

Of Amber,[140] in regard to colour, there are many different kinds, as
black, white, brown, and grey; of all which the black is usually the
worst, and the grey the best. That which is freest from filth or dross
of any kind, and purest in itself, ought to be chosen; of a colour
inclining to white, or ash-coloured, or intermixed with ash-coloured
veins, and other white veins. When put into water it ought to swim; and
though some that is sophisticated will likewise float, it is certain
that none which is pure will sink. The greatest quantity of this
commodity comes from Mozambique and Sofala.

[Footnote 140: Ambergris is assuredly meant in the text.--E.]


§ 9. _Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities
they afford._[141]

Bantam, a town of Java Major, stands in latitude 6° S. and the variation
here is 3° W.[142] It is a place of great resort by various nations, and
where many different commodities are to be bought and sold, though of
itself it produce few things, besides provisions, cotton-wool, and
pepper. The quantity of this last at the yearly harvest, which is in
October, may be about 32,000 sacks, each containing 49-1/2 Chinese
cattees, and each cattee 21-1/2 rials English.[143] A sack is called a
_timbang_, two of which are one _pekul_, three pekuls a _small bahar_,
and 4-1/4 pekuls a _great bahar_, or 445-1/2 _cattees_. As the Javanese
are not very expert in using the beam, they mostly deal by means of a
weight called _coolack_, containing 7-1/4 cattees. Seven _coolacks_ are
one _timbang_, water-measure, being 1-1/4 cattees more than the beam
weight, although there ought to be no difference; but the weigher, who
is always a Chinese, gives advantages to his countrymen, whom he
favours, as he can fit them with greater or smaller weights at his
pleasure.

[Footnote 141: This subdivision is likewise a continuation of the
Observations of Saris, while factor at Bantam, and is to be found in the
Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 390.]

[Footnote 142: The latitude of Bantam is 6° S. as in the text, and its
longitude is 106° 10' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 143: This seems a mistake for English ounces. If so, the sack
weighs 1065-1/2 ounces, or 66 libs. 6-1/2 ounces.--E.]

In the months of December and January, there always come many junks and
proas to Bantam laden with pepper, from _Cherringin_ and _Jauby_,[144]
so that there is always enough of pepper to be had at the end of January
to load three large ships. There is no money coined here, all the
current coin being from China, called _cashes_, which are made from
very impure brass, in round thin pieces, having holes on which to string
them: 1000 cashes on a string is called a _pecoo_, which is of different
values, according as cashes rise or fall in demand. Their accounts are
kept in the following manner: 10 _pecoos_ are a _laxsau_, 10 _laxsaus_ a
_cattee_, 10 _cattees_ an _uta_, and 10 _utas_ a _bahar_. There are
two ways of stringing the _cashes_, one called China_ chuchuck_, and the
other Java_ chuchuck_, of which the Java is the best, as there ought to
be 200 _cashes_ upon a _tack_, but in the Chinese _tacks_ you will only
find 160 to 175; and as 5 tacks make a _pecoo_, you may lose 200
_cashes_, or 150, on each _pecoo_; which in extensive dealings will rise
to a considerable matter. By the law of the country there ought to be
just 1000 cashes upon a string or _pecoo_, or they must give _basse_,
which is allowance for the deficiency. On the departure of the junks,
you may buy 34 or 35 _pecoos_ for a dollar; which, before next year, you
may sell at 22 or even 20 pecoos for a dollar; so that there is great
profit to be made on this traffic; but the danger of loss by fire is
great.

[Footnote 144: Cherringin, is probably that now called Cheribon on the
south side of Java; but Jauby is not to be recognised in our modern
maps.--E.]

The weight used in the purchase and sale of bezoars is called a _taile_
which is 2-1/4 dollars, or 2 English ounces. A Mallay _taile_ is only
equal to 1-1/2 dollar, or 1-1/3 English ounces. A China _taile_ is
1-7/20 dollars, or 1-1/5 English ounces; so that 10 China _tailes_ are
exactly equal to 6 Javan _tailes_.

The English commodities vendible here are as follow: English iron in
long thin bars, sells for six dollars the _pekul_. Lead in small pigs,
5-1/2 dollars the pekul. The barrel of fine corned powder 25 dollars.
Square pieces _sanguined_ 10 dollars each. Square pieces _damasked_ all
over, 6-1/2 feet long, 15 dollars each.[145] Broad-cloth, of ten pounds
the cloth, of Venice red colour, sells for 3 dollars the _gasse_, which
is 3/4 of a yard. Opium _misseree_,[146] which is the best, 8 dollars
the _cattee_. Amber, in large beads, one _wang_ and half a _taile_
mallay, for 6 dollars. Coral in large branches, 5 or 6 dollars the
_taile_ mallay. Dollars are the most profitable commodity that can be
carried to Bantam.

[Footnote 145: These _pieces_ were probably matchlocks.--E.]

[Footnote 146: Misseree here certainly means from Egypt.--E.]

In February and March every year, there come to Bantam three or four
junks from China, richly laden with raw silk, and wrought silks of
various stuffs, China _cashes_, porcelain, cotton cloth, and other
things. The prices of these are as follow: Raw silk of _Lanking_
[Nankin] which is the best, 190 dollars the pekul; raw silk of Canton,
which is coarser, 80 dollars the pekul; taffeta in bolts, 120 yards in
the piece, 46 dollars the _corge_, or 20 pieces; velvets of all colours,
13 yards the piece, for 12 dollars; Damasks of all colours, 12 yards the
piece, at 6 dollars; white sattins, in pieces of 12 yards, 8 dollars
each; _Burgones_, of 10 yards long the piece, 45 dollars the _corge_;
sleeve silk, the best made colours, 3 dollars the _cattee_; the best
musk, 22 dollars the _cattee_; the best sewing gold thread, 15 knots,
and every knot 30 threads, one dollar; velvet hangings with gold
embroidery, 18 dollars; upon sattins, 14 dollars; white curtain stuffs,
9 yards the piece, 50 dollars the _corge_; flat white damask, 9 yards
the piece, 4 dollars each; white sugar, very dry, 3-1/2 dollars the
pekul; very dry sugar-candy, 5 dollars the pekul; very fine broad
porcelain basons, 2 dollars the piece; coarse calico cloths, white or
brown, 15 dollars the _corge_. They bring likewise coarse porcelain,
drugs, and various other commodities; but as these are not suitable to
our country, I omit to mention them, but the following may be
enumerated: Very good and white benjamins, from 30 to 35 dollars the
pekul; alum, from China, as good as English, 2-1/2 dollars the pekul.
Coromandel cloths are a principal commodity here, and those most
vendible are _goobares_; pintadoes or chintz, of four or five colours;
fine _tappies_ from St Thomas; _ballachos_; Java girdles, otherwise
called _caine-goolong_; calico lawns; book calicos; and white calicos
made up in rolls.[147] A _goobar_ is double, and contains 12 yards, or 6
_hastaes_ single; coarse and fine _ballachos_ contain from 32 to 34
_hastaes_, but the finest are always longest. In general, all sorts of
cotton cloths that are broad and of good length are here in good
request.

[Footnote 147: Probably turbans.--E.]

The king's custom, called _chuckey_, is 8 bags on the 100, rating pepper
always at 4 dollars the sack, whatever be its price. _Billa-billian_ is
another custom of this port, by which every ship that arrives here,
whatever be its lading, as cloth or the like, must in the first place
give notice to the king of all the sorts and quantities of commodities,
with their several prices, before landing any of them; upon which the
king sends his officers to look at the goods, who take for him such
goods as he inclines, at half the prices affixed to them, or somewhat
more, as can be agreed upon: Thus, if the cloths be rated at 20 dollars
per _corge_, the king will only give 15 or 16 dollars at the most.
Instead of this, the Hollanders have been in use to pay to the king 700
or 800 dollars at once for the freedom of a ship's loading, to clear
them of this troublesome _billa-billian_. By the custom of the country,
this duty upon 6000 sacks of pepper is fixed at 666 dollars, if you
purchase and load the pepper from the merchants; or otherwise to
purchase so many thousand sacks of pepper from the king, paying him half
or three quarters of a dollar more than the current price at the time.
Even if you have provided a loading beforehand, you must pay this
exaction before you can be permitted to load. _Rooba-rooba_ is the duty
of anchorage, and is 500 dollars upon 6000 sacks. The sabander's duty is
250 dollars on 6000 sacks. The weighers have one dollar on every 100
sacks; and the _jerotoolies_, or weighers belonging to the customhouse,
have a similar duty of one dollar the 100 sacks.

_Jortan_ is a place to the eastwards of _Jackatra_, called likewise
_Sourabaya_, which produces plenty of provisions, together with cotton
wool, and yarn ready spun. There come to this place many junks from
_Jauby_, laden with pepper, and several small proas belonging to this
place trade with Banda; so that some mace and nutmegs are to be had
here.

_Macasser_ is an island not far from Celebes, having abundance of bezoar
stones, which are there to be had at reasonable rates. It has plenty of
rice and other provisions; and as it has some junks which trade with
Banda, nutmegs and mace are likewise to be procured there, but in no
great quantity.

_Balee_, or Bally, is an island to the eastward of Macasser, standing in
8° 30' S. latitude.[148] It produces great abundance of rice,
cotton-yarn, slaves, and coarse white cloth, which is in great request
at Bantam. The commodities for sale there, are the smallest sort of blue
and white beads, iron, and coarse porcelain.

[Footnote 148: Instead of the eastwards, Bally is W.S.W. of Macasser, in
long. 115° E. and lat. 8° 30' S. while Macasser is in about the lat. of
5° 15' S. and in 120° E. long.--E.]

_Timor_ is an island to the eastwards of Bally, in the latitude of 10°
40'. This island produces great quantities of _Chindanna_, called by us
white saunders, of which the largest logs are accounted the best, and
which sells at Bantam for 20 dollars the pekul, at the season when the
junks are here. Wax likewise is brought from thence in large cakes,
worth at Bantam 18, 19, 20, and even 30 dollars the pekul, according to
quantity and demand. Great frauds are practised with this article, so
that it requires great attention in the purchaser, and the cakes ought
to be broken, to see that nothing be mixed with it. The commodities
carried there for sale are chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain,
coloured taffetas, but not blacks, Chinese _frying-pans_,[149] Chinese
bells, and thin silver plates beaten out quite flat, and thin like a
wafer, about the breadth of a hand. There is much profit made in this
trade, as the Chinese have sometimes given four for one to our men who
had adventured with them.

[Footnote 149: Perhaps, as stated in conjunction with bells, _gongs_ are
here meant, which are not unlike frying-pans.--E.]

_Banda_ is in the latitude of 5° S. and affords great store of mace and
nutmegs, together with oil of two sorts. It has no king, being ruled by
a sabander, who unites with the sabanders of Nero, Lentore, Puloway,
Pulorin, and Labatacca, islands near adjoining. These islands were all
formerly under the dominion of the King of Ternate, but now govern
themselves. In these islands they have three harvests of mace and
nutmegs every year; in the months of July, October, and February; but
the gathering in July is the greatest, and is called the _arepootee_
monsoon. Their manner of dealing is this: A _small bahar_ is ten cattees
of mace, and 100 of nutmegs; a great bahar being 100 cattees of mace,
and 1000 of nutmegs. The cattee is five libs. 13-1/2[150] ounces
English, and the prices are variable. The commodities in request at
these islands are, Coromandel cloth, _cheremallay_, _sarrasses_,
chintzes or pintadoes of five colours, fine _ballachos_, black girdles,
_chellyes_, white calicos, red or stammel broad-cloths, gold in coin,
such as English rose-nobles and Dutch ducats and dollars. But gold is so
much preferred, that you may have as much for the value of 70 dollars
in gold as would cost 90 dollars in silver. Fine china basons without
rims are likewise in request, together with damasks of light gay
colours, taffetas, velvets, china-boxes, gilded counters, gold chains,
gilt silver cups, bright and damasked head-pieces, fire-arms, but not
many sword blades, which must be _brandt_ and backed to the point.
Likewise Cambaya cloths, black and red calicos, calico lawns, and rice,
which last is a good commodity to carry there.

[Footnote 150: On a former occasion, the Banda _cattee_ was said to
contain only 13-1/2 ounces English, so that this account is quite
irreconcileable to the former.--E.]

The _Molucca_ islands are five in number; viz. Molucca Proper, Ternate,
Tidore, Gilolo, and Makian, and are under the equinoctial line. They
produce great abundance of cloves, not every year, but every third year.
The _cattee_ there is 3 libs. 5 ounces English, and the _bahar_ is 200
_cattees_. Thus 19 Molucca cattees make exactly 50 Bantam cattees. The
commodities most vendible in these islands are Coromandel
_cheremallays_, but fine, Siam girdles or sashes, _salalos_, but fine,
_ballachos_ and _chelleys_, are in most request. Likewise China
taffetas, velvets, damasks, great basons, varnished counters, crimson
broad-cloths, opium, benzoin, &c.

_Siam_ is in the lat. of 14° 30' N. It produces great store of fine
benzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A
_taile_ is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comes
from Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coin
will purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammel
broad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also all
kinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper than
at Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touching
by the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence they
go overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2
to 6 fathoms water.

_Borneo_ is in lat. 3° S.[151] This island affords great store of gold,
bezoar, wax, rattans, _cayulacca_, and dragons blood. At _Bernermassin_,
[Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade for
these articles; and at this place the following commodities are in
principal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks,
damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammel
broad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weight
called _taile_, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollars
the _taile_, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town in
Borneo, in lat. 1° 30' S. and is about 160 leagues N.E. of Bantam. The
entrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of the
flow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze.
There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities of
the finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance at
all times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October,
but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are brought
down the river _Lavee_ in proas. They are said to be procured by diving,
in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be had
more abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and October
there falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at the
place where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that the
people can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it is
only four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the best
depth for diving.

[Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island,
which reaches from the lat. of 4° 20' S. to 6° 40' N. and between the
longitudes of 100° 12' and 119° 25' E. from Greenwich; being above 700
English miles from N. to S. and 670 from E. to W.--E.]

The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, very
fine _sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava,_ calico lawns,
light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammel
broad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which are
made at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean.
These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a
_masse_ the 100, a _masse_ being three quarters of a dollar. Likewise
Chinese _cashes_ and dollars are in request, but more especially gold;
insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold,
which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar and
three quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending to
sail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place to
Banjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, which
you may purchase at the rate of three _cattees_ of _cashes_ the Mallayan
_taile_, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it has
been worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea,
and paying it away for diamonds, at four _cattees_ of _cashes_ the
_taile_, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, you
gain 3/4 of a dollar on each _taile_: Yet, after all, the principal
profit must be upon the diamonds.

The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into _four waters_, which they
call _varna_, viz. Varna _Ambon_, varna _Loud_, varna _Sackar_, and
varna _Bessee_. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and a
colour between green and yellow; but the white water, or _varna ambon_,
is the best. Their weights are called _Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck_,
and _Sa-pead_: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2
pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called _pahaw_, which is four
masse, and 16 _masse_ are one _taile_. By these weights both diamonds
and gold are weighed.

In regard to goods from _China_, the best raw silk is made at Nankin,
and is called _howsa_, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The best
taffeta, called _tue_, is made at a small town called _Hoechu_, and is
worth 30 dollars the _corge_. The best damask, called _towa_, is made at
Canton, and is worth 50 dollars the _corge_. Sewing gold, called
_kimswa_, is sold by the _chippau_, or bundle, each containing ten
pahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three
_pawes_, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewing
silk, called _couswa_, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroidered
hangings, called _paey_, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece.
Sattins, called _lyn_, are worth for the best one dollar the piece.
Great porcelain basons, Called _chopau_, are sold three for a dollar.
White sugar, called _petong_, the best is sold for half a dollar the
pekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called _poa_, of the best sort,
sell for one dollar the _cattee_. The best pearl boxes, called _chanab_,
are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called _jounckes_, the best
sells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called _saheo_, seven dollars the
cattee. Cashes, 60 _pecoos_ for one dollar.

Broad-cloth, called _toloney_, is worth seven dollars the _sasocke_,
which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called _kea_, are worth 10
dollars each. Tin, called _sea_, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called
_la_, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called _cauching_, each barrel
worth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or _cattans_, called _samto_, are worth 8
dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called _ga_, worth
200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders,
called _toawheo_, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul.

In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one _taile_ upon a pekul, but
no custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying any
kind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks bound
for Manilla depart from _Chuchu_, in companies of four, five, ten, or
more, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw and
wrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry to
Bantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days.
They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing back
dollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employed
in this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the whole
might be taken by a ship's boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper was
worth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling in
Bantam for 2-1/2 dollars the _timbang_.

SECTION III.

_Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under the
Command of Captain Henry Middleton_.[152]

INTRODUCTION.

There are two relations of this voyage in the Pilgrims of Purchas, or
rather accounts of two separate voyages by different ships of the fleet;
which consisted of four, the Red Dragon, admiral, Captain Henry
Middleton general; the Hector, vice-admiral, Captain Sorflet; the
Ascension, Captain Colthurst; and the Susan. These were, in all
probability, the same ships which had been in the former voyage under
Lancaster. The former of these journals, written on board the admiral,
confines itself chiefly to Captain Middleton's transactions at Bantam
and the Moluccas; having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension to
Banda. The latter contains the separate transactions of Captain
Colthurst, and is described as a brief extract from a larger discourse
written by Thomas Clayborne, who seems to have sailed in the Ascension;
and, besides describing what particularly relates to the trip to Banda,
gives some general account of the whole voyage. In the Pilgrims of
Purchas, these narratives are transposed, the former being given in vol.
I. p. 703, and the latter in vol. I. p. 185. "But should have come in
due place before, being the second voyage of the company, if we had then
had it: But better late than never." Such is the excuse of Purchas for
misplacement, and we have therefore here placed the two relations in
their proper order, in separate subdivisions of the section. The first
indeed is a very bald and inconclusive article, and gives hardly any
information respecting the object and success of the voyage to the
Moluccas.

[Footnote 152: Purch. Pilgr. I.185, and I. 703. Astl. I.279, and I.
281.]

§ 1. _Voyage of the General, Henry Middleton, afterward Sir Henry, to
Bantam and the Moluccas, in 1604_.[153]

Being furnished with all necessaries, and having taken leave of the
company, we set sail from Gravesend on the 25th March, 1604, and arrived
about the 20th December, after various accidents, in the road of Bantam,
with our crews very weak and sickly. After many salutations, and
interchange of ordnance between us and the Hollanders, the general of
the Hollanders dined with our general on the 31st December. Next day,
being 1st January, 1605, the general went on shore with a letter and
presents from James I. King of England, to the King of Bantam, then a
youth of thirteen years of age, and governed by a protector. The 16th of
the same month, our general came on board to proceed for the Moluccas,
having appointed Captain Surtlet to go home in the Hector. The 7th
February, we anchored under the shore of _Veranula_, the people of which
having a deadly hatred against the Portuguese, had sent to the
Hollanders for aid against them, promising to become their subjects if
they would expel the Portuguese. In short, the castle of Amboyna was
surrendered to the Hollanders; after which, by their command, the
governor of the town debarred us from all trade.

[Footnote 153: Purch. Pilgr. I.708. Astl. I. 279.]

At this time there was war between the islands of Ternate and Tidor, the
former assisted by the Dutch, and the latter by the Portuguese. Shortly
after we got near the coast of Tidor, we saw, between Pulo Canally and
Tidor, two gallies or _coracoras_ belonging to Ternate, making great
haste towards us; and waving for us to shorten sail and wait for them.
At the same time, seven gallies of Tidor were rowing between us and the
shore to assault the Ternaters; and seeing them in danger, our general
lay to, to see what was the matter. In the foremost of the two gallies
were the King of Ternate with several of his nobles, and three Dutch
merchants, who were in great fear of their enemies, and prayed our
general for God's sake to save them from the Tidorians, who would shew
them no mercy if we did not protect them: They likewise entreated him to
save the other _coracora_, which followed them, in which were several
Dutchmen, who expected nothing but death if taken by their cruel
enemies. Our general thereupon commanded his gunner to fire at the Tidor
gallies; yet they boarded the second Ternate coracora even under our
guns, and put all on board to the sword, except three; who saved
themselves by swimming, and were taken up by our boat.

Being determined to go to Tidor, the Dutchmen entreated our general not
to allow the King of Ternate and them to fall into the hands of their
enemies, from whom he had so lately delivered them; promising him
mountains of cloves and other commodities at Ternate and Makeu, but
performing mole-hills, verifying the proverb, "When the danger is over
the saint is deceived." One thing I may not forget: When the King of
Ternate came on board, he was trembling for fear; which the general
supposing to be from cold, put on his back a black damask gown laced
with gold, and lined with unshorn velvet; which he had not the manners
to restore at his departure, but kept it as his own.

When we arrived at the Portuguese town in Tidor, the governor of the
fort sent one Thomas de Torres on board with a letter, stating that the
King of Ternate and the Hollanders reported there was nothing but
treachery and villainy to be expected from us; but that he believed
better of us; considering their reports to be entirely malicious: Such
was our recompence from these ungrateful men. Not long afterwards, on
coming to the town of the King of Ternate, our general sent Mr Grave on
board the Dutch admiral, who gave him only cold entertainment, affirming
that we had assisted the Portuguese in the late wars against the King
of Ternate and them, with ordnance and ammunition; which our general
proved to be untrue by some Portuguese they had taken in that conflict,
on which, being ashamed of this slander, the Dutch general pretended he
had been so informed by a renegado Guzerate, but did not believe it to
be true.

Not long afterwards, when the King of Ternate seemed to affect our
nation, the Dutch threatened to forsake him, and to join with his deadly
enemy the King of Tidor, if he suffered the English to have a factory,
or allowed them any trade; affirming that the English were thieves and
robbers, and that the _King of Holland_, as they called their
stadtholder, was stronger at sea than all the other powers of
Christendom; a just consideration for all nations, to think what this
insolent frothy nation[154] will do, if they gain possession of the East
Indies. To these insolent speeches, our general made answer, that
whatsoever Hollander made such reports lied like a traitor, and that he
would make it good against any one who dared to spread any such report;
affirming, if Queen Elizabeth had not taken pity upon them, they had
been utterly ruined and enslaved by the King of Spain, and branded for
rebels and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our nation
would fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear.

[Footnote 154: This is to be understood of the merchants who traded, or
warred rather; not of the whole country or best men of Holland. Losers
will have leave to speak, and merchants envy each other.--_Purch_.]

       *       *       *       *       *

Appended to this very unsatisfactory notice of the voyage of Middleton
to the Moluccas, are two letters to the King of England, one from the
King of Ternate, and one from the King of Tidor. In the former, the King
of Ternate mentions, that one of his predecessors, about thirty years
before, had sent a ring by Sir Francis Drake to Queen Elizabeth. He
complains that the Hollanders had prevented him from permitting Captain
Middleton to establish a factory in the island, for which he craves
pardon, being against his will, and promises a better reception
afterwards to the English ships.

The letter from the King of Tidor requests the King of England to take
pity of him, and not permit him and his country to be oppressed by the
Hollanders and the King of Ternate, but to send him succours, which he
requests may be under the command of Captain Henry Middleton or his
brother.

There is a third letter likewise, from the King of Bantam to King James,
acknowledging having received a present by Captain Henry Middleton, and
announcing that he had sent in return, two _bezoars_, one weighing
fourteen _mas_, and the other three.

§ 2. _Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda_.[155]

The 2d of April, 1604, we had sight of the Lizard. The 23d we fell in
with the western part of St Jago bearing W. by N. six leagues; when we
stood eastward for Mayo, having the wind at north. The 24th we fell in
with Mayo, and stood to the southward of that island, coming to anchor
in fifteen fathoms. We landed on the 25th, when one of our merchants was
taken by the people of the island. Next day we landed 100 men to
endeavour to recover our merchant, but could not get near any of the
islanders, so that we had to leave him behind, setting sail that night
with the wind at north. We passed the equinoctial on the 16th May, and
got sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th July.

[Footnote 155: Purch. Pilgr. I.185. Astl. I. 281.]

The 17th July we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 33° 56' S. or
34°, having sixty men bad of the scurvy, all of whom, God be praised,
recovered their health before we went from thence, where we remained
five weeks wanting one day. Here Mr Cole was drowned, who was master of
the Hector, our vice-admiral. We weighed anchor from Saldanha bay on the
20th August, standing to the westwards with the wind at south. On Sunday
the 23d December, 1604, we came to anchor in Bantam roads, where we
found six ships of Holland, and three or four pinnaces. The 18th
January, 1605, we sailed out of Bantam roads, with the Dragon and
Ascension, but parted at Amboyna, the general going with the Dragon to
the Moluccas, while the Ascension, Captain Colthurst, went for Banda,
The Hector and Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and sailed thence for
England about the middle of February.

We arrived in the Ascension at Banda on the 20th February, and anchored
in 4-1/2 fathoms beside _Nera_, the principal place in these islands.
From the south part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is E. by S. and to
the southwards, 30 leagues. The latitude of Banda is 4° 40' N. and the
going in is to the westwards. There is a very high hill which burns
continually, which hill must be left to larboard, having the great
island on the starboard. The entry is very narrow, and cannot be seen
till within half a mile; but you may stand fearlessly to within two
cable's length of the island on which is the high hill, for so you must
do, and will have 20 fathoms. Then stand along that island, at the
distance of a cable's length, if the wind permit, when you will find the
water shoaling, 8, 7, 6 fathoms, and 5 in the narrowest part, which
depth continues till you get into the road of Nera. With God's help, a
man may go in without danger, keeping near the before-mentioned island.
It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side of the narrow passage, but
that will shew itself. There are two small islands, Pulo-way and
Pulo-rin, about three leagues west of this entrance, but there is no
danger about them that is not quite obvious; and you may leave these
islands on either side you find convenient, either in going in or out.

At this place we found the wind variable about the middle of March, and
it so continued till about the middle of April; when it became
stationary between E. and S.E. four months to our knowledge: But, as the
people of the country say, it continues so for five mouths; and likewise
five months between W. and N.W. the other two months being variable. In
the dark moons, they have here much gusty weather with rains. We staid
here twenty-one weeks and six days, in which time eleven of our men
died, mostly of the flux.

We sailed from Banda the 21st July, 1605, having the wind at E.S.E. and
stood to the westwards. The 22d we fell in with the south end of
_Bourro_. The 27th we fell in with _Deselem_, and then came about to the
south end of the island, leaving seven islands to starboard. We then
stood close by the wind to the northward, hard by the main island of
Deselem, to clear ourselves of a small island, and a shoal off the S.W.
part of Deselem; then, leaving this island, and all the other shoals on
our larboard side, we stood N.N.W. along the W. side of Deselem, till we
came into the latitude of 6° 10' S. Then steered 18 leagues west, and
fell in with the shoal off the S.W. point of Celebes, the very southmost
part of which is in lat. 6° S. [only 5° 45',] and being clear of that, we
steered westwards, coming to anchor in Bantam roads on the 16th August.

We set sail from Bantam on the 6th October, the Dragon and Ascension in
company. The 15th November, we were in lat. 31° 48' S. the wind W.N.W.
thick foggy weather, when about 10 a.m. we came within our ship's length
of a rock or sunken island, on which the water appeared very brown and
muddy, and in some places very blue. When a ship's breadth or two to the
north of it, the water by the ship's side was very black and thick, as
though it had earth or coarse sand boiling up from the bottom. The
variation here was 21 degrees westerly. The 16th December, in lat. 34°
20' S. we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, [Africa] about 12 leagues
from us. The 26th, being in lat. 34° 30' S. and within one league of the
Cape of Good Hope, we steered N.W. and N.N.W. and N. going round the
Cape.

The 27th we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, where we found our admiral
and the Hector. Our admiral had fallen in with that ship seven days
before, driving up and down at sea, about four leagues from the Cape of
Good Hope, having only ten men in her; all the rest, to the number of
53, having died since leaving Bantam nine months before. Being in great
distress, three months after leaving Bantam, she lost company with the
Susan, which ship was never heard of afterwards. We came to anchor at
Saldanha bay in seven fathoms water, having the low point going in N.W.
by W. the sugar-loaf S.W. half W. the point of the breach of the Penguin
island N.W. by N. the hill between the sugar-loaf and the low point,
W.S.W. and the peak of the hill to the eastward of the Table S. by E.

In the morning of the 16th January, 1606, we sailed from Saldanha bay,
going to the northward of Penguin island, between it and the main. We
sounded when we had the land south from us about a mile and a half, and
had ground at 20 fathoms, white coral and broken shells. On clearing
the island, we stood W. by S. and W.S.W. till we brought the island to
bear S.E. by E. being now about six in the evening, when we saw the
Hector coming out by the south side of the island, having left her at
anchor when we weighed. The wind being at S. we stood all night
westwards, and in the morning had lost company with the Hector, when we
steered N.W. with little sail till noon, thinking to get sight of the
Hector, but could not. The 1st February, in lat. 16° 20' S. we had sight
of St Helena, 12 or 13 leagues N.W. The 2d, having the wind at S.E. we
lay off and on east of the island most part of the night, and in the
following morning we stood to the north of the island, coming to anchor
about noon in the road of St Helena, in 20 fathoms, on blackish gravelly
sand. We had a point of land to the N.E. a sharp hill like a sugar-loaf,
with a cross upon it, N.E. by E. the church in the valley S.E. In this
valley there are many trees, the high land S.E. from the church, and the
entire valley being full of trees. We moored S.E. and N.W. the anchor in
the offing being in 21 fathoms.

At night of the 3d, we had sight of the Hector coming round the south
end of the island, but she could not fetch into the road, yet stood to
the northward as near as she could, having the wind at east. The 4th and
5th our boats went out to endeavour to help her into the road, but could
not. Having a little wind on the 6th, our boats towed her in, bringing
her to anchor in 35 fathoms, a mile and half from shore, bearing from us
S.W. by W. distant about two leagues. The 11th we set sail from St
Helena, the wind at E.N.E. and steering N.W. The N.W. part of St Helena
is in lat. 16° S. and the variation is 7° 45'. The church, that bore
S.E. of us when we were in the road, stands in the bottom of the fifth
valley from that point which bore N.E. from us. We came to anchor in the
Downs on the 6th May, 1606, where we lay at anchor eight days, waiting
for a fair wind.


SECTION IV.

_Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by Captain
William Keeling_.[156]

INTRODUCTION.

In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; the
Dragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general;
the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and the
Consent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appears
from its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commander
or general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But, by a
side-note, Purchas informs us, that he had abbreviated the narrative
from the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, which
were very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that he
had only retained the most necessary observations for sea and land
affairs.

[Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312.]

The editor of Astley's Collection observes, "That this narrative is
written very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinks
Purchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems to
have kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things from
time to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only of
loose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and often
referring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects may
have been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; and
indeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost every
thing he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks,
and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now began
to lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness of
some of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they will
consider that our design is to give a series of _the English Voyages_;
and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundance
and imperfection."[157]

[Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the _previous remarks_ to
the voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley's Collection.--E.]

Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, "That the Consent held no
concent with the Dragon and Hector." Her voyage will be found in the
sequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it,
which have not been noticed in Astley's Collection, and which appeared
necessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England with
India, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We have
endeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it was
impossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we have
abbreviated or lopt off redundancies and unimportant particulars.--E.

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 1. _Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, forcing them back to Sierra
Leona; with Occurrences till leaving Saldanha Bay_.

By the 1st of April, 1607, the Dragon and Hector had reached the Downs.
After passing the line in the beginning of June, and getting four or
five degrees to the southwards, we were so crossed by gusts, calms,
rains, and sickness, as to be constrained to return northwards. Missing
the island of Fernando Noronha, I consulted on the 30th July with the
master, named Taverner, who thought we must return for England; but
Sierra Leona being mentioned, of which place I had formerly read good
accounts, I sent for the book,[158] and both Mr Taverner and myself took
a liking to the place. Our company being very much diseased, and being
exceedingly in want of water, with no hopes of getting to Fernando
Noronha, I called a council, and after dinner desired their opinion what
was fittest to be done? They were all of opinion that we could not stand
any longer to the south, for many reasons; and, demanding their opinions
in regard to a watering-place, Churchman, Savage, and Taverner, proposed
Mayo; Earming, Pockham, Molineux, and my master, preferred Sierra Leona
for many causes, which likewise was my own opinion, wherefore we
concluded to make for Sierra Leona, with which determination I
acquainted the crews, to their very great comfort.

[Footnote 158: Purchas makes the following remark in a side-note:--"Mr
Hakluyt's book was here of good profit; for, as Sir Thomas Smith
affirmed to me, it now saved £20,000 to the company, which they had been
endamaged if the ships had returned home; which had certainly been the
case if that book had not been consulted."]

On the morning of the 4th August, we saw many flowers, a strong sign of
approaching land, and towards evening had ground in from 20 to 16
fathoms, yet saw no land. By means of our skiff, I set the current to
the S.E. at the rate of two miles each watch. The 5th we steered all
morning eastwards, and E. By S. having from 30 to 20 and 10 fathoms, and
still no land to be seen. The greatest depth was on an oose bottom, the
least a coarse yellow sand. About nine o'clock we espied land, bearing
N.E. about 8 leagues distant, being a round hummock of middling height.
By noon we were in latitude 7° 56' N. having steered all day east,
sometimes half a point north or south, as our water deepened or shoaled,
for we would sometimes have ten fathoms or more one cast, and the next
seven fathoms, the ground being full of pits, believing that we were
upon the edge of the shoals of _Santa Anna_, otherwise called _Madera
bomba_. In the afternoon we had 9, 10, 11, and 12 fathoms. The
first-seen land proved to be _Ilha Verde_, a very round land, and a very
notable mark for any ship bound for Sierra Leona from the southwards.

About seven p.m. we anchored in 20 fathoms on hard sand, the south part
of _Ilha Verde_, bearing E. and the Cape of Sierra Leona, which is a low
point, N. by E. about eight leagues distant. But the land over the cape
is very high, and may be seen fifteen leagues off in clear weather.
About six next morning we made sail for the road, and had not less than
16, 15, 10, and 9 fathoms, till we ranged north and south with the rocks
which lie about 1-1/2 miles west of Cape Sierra Leona; and when one mile
from the nearest shore we had seven fathoms, good shoaling between us
and the rock. Immediately when past the rock we had 20 fathoms, and
shoaled to 18, 16, 12, and 10 fathoms all the way into the roads,
keeping very near the south shore; for a sand lies about two miles from
the north shore, or a league from the south shore, and upon it the sea
continually breaks. We came to anchor in ten fathoms on good ground, the
point of Sierra Leona bearing W. by N. the north point of the bay N. by
W. and the sand or breaker N.N.E.

In the afternoon we were waved by some men on shore, to whom I sent my
boat, which, leaving two hostages, brought off four negroes, who
promised us refreshments. My skiff sounded between our anchorage and the
breakers, finding fair shoaling, with two fathoms water within two boats
length of the breach, or sand on which the sea breaks. All the previous
observations of the variation, since our coming from 2° N. latitude to
this place, proved erroneous; for to each distance, having reference to
any meridian eastwards, there must be added 30 leagues, and from such as
referred to western meridians, 30 leagues must be subtracted; for it
appeared, by our falling in with the land, that the ship was so much
more westerly than we supposed; myself, notwithstanding this error,
being as much, if not more westerly than any of the mariners. Yet every
man must trust to his own experience; for instruments may deceive, even
in the hands of the most skilful.

The 7th August, some negroes of a superior appearance came aboard in my
boat, for whom, as for all others, we had to leave one of our men in
hostage for every two of them. These men made signs that I should send
some men up the country, and they would stay as hostages. I accordingly
sent Edward Bradbury, and my servant, William Cotterell, with a present
to the captain, or chief, consisting of one coarse shirt, three feet of
a bar of iron, a few glass beads, and two knives. They returned towards
night, and brought me from the captain, one small gold ear-ring, worth
some eight or nine shillings; and as it was late, the hostages remained
all night on board without any one in pawn for them. I sent my boat, and
brought off five tons of water, very good, and easily come by.

I went ashore on the 11th, when the people came to us, accompanied by
their women, yet feared we might carry them away. We got plenty of
lemons very cheap, as they gave us 200 for a penny knife. The 18th I
bought an elephant's tooth of 63 pounds weight, for five yards of blue
calico, and seven or eight pounds of bar iron. The 15th, in an hour and
a half, we took six thousand excellent small fish, called _cavallos_.
That afternoon we bought two or three thousand lemons at the village. It
rained so much at this place, that we esteemed it a dry day when we had
three hours of fair weather. The 16th I allowed our weekly workers to go
on shore with me for recreation. In our walk we saw not above two or
three acres sown with rice, the surface of the ground being mostly a
hard rock. The 16th and 17th were quite fair, and on the latter I
caused a quantity of lemon water to be made.

The 20th, John Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of
gold in form of a half-moon, worth five or six shillings. He reported
the people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing to be
two leagues up the river, and the chief's village eight miles from the
landing. The 22d I went on shore, and made six or seven _barricos_ full
of lemon juice; having opened a firkin of knives belonging to the
company, wherewith to buy limes. The afternoon of the 7th September we
went all on shore, to try if we could shoot an elephant; when we shot
seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as
appeared by his track; but night coming on, we had to go on board
without effecting our purpose.

The best road and watering-place is the fourth bay to the east of Cape
Sierra Leona. The tide where we rode flowed W.S.W. and the highest water
upon a spring tide was at the least 12 feet. I made no observation of
the sun in this road, neither aboard nor on shore, though I proposed to
have so done several times; but the master made the road where we lay 8°
36' N. Cape Sierra Leona being west, a league or four miles off. He also
made the variation 1° 50' eastwards; but my instrument was out of order,
and I had not time to put it in repair.

We weighed from Sierra Leona the 14th September, with the wind all
easterly; but it soon fell calm, and we drove to the north, but drifted
again S.W. by S. with the ebb, and when the flood again made, we
anchored in 15-1/2 fathoms. Cape Sierra Leona bearing N.E. by E. about
seven leagues off. We had not less than ten fathoms all this day. The
16th we found the current setting N. by W.

The 17th December, about two p.m. we saw land, being the Table at
Saldanha, and bore up towards it till three, when I ordered the master
to steer E.S.E. and S.E. by E. to double the cape; but as all the
people, sick and sound, desired to put into Saldanha bay, we bore up for
it, and came to anchor about noon, [next day,] in 5-1/2 fathoms, the W.
point bearing W.N.W. the island N.N.E. and the sugar-loaf S.W. As soon
as we were anchored I sent on shore, when there was found engraven on a
rock, Captain Middleton, of the Consent, 24th July, 1607. I went on
shore the 21st; and bought 120 sheep, 12 bullocks, and two calves, of
which I allowed a proportional share to the Hector. This market
continued several days, in which we bought much cattle, paying in all
200 iron hoops for 450 sheep, 46 cows, 10 steers, 9 calves, and one
bull.

§ 2. _Departure from Saldanha, and Occurrences till the Ships parted
Company_.

By sun-rise of the first January, 1608, both vessels were under sail,
and by six p.m. were ten leagues _west-southerly_[159] from the south
point of the bay of Saldanha. The 19th we shipped much sea at the helm
port, and at the hole abaft in my gallery, about two hours after
midnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. We were then in lat. 35°
22' S. [I allow thirteen leagues S.S.E. wind E.N.E. and N.E. six leagues
drift S. and three leagues N.E. wind all westerly.[160]] Our too great
quantity of _Kintledge_ goods occasions our ship to labour greatly,
which the company must have special care of on another voyage. The 20th
I carefully aired and dried our cloth, oiled the fire-arms and sword
blades belonging to the company, strengthened the packing cases, &c.
This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the astonishment of all
our mariners, we saw land bearing N.N.W. about twelve leagues off, being
in the lat. of 34° S. If I had not had dear experience of the strong
westerly current in my last voyage, I likewise had admired this; yet I
am more westerly in my reckoning than any, having doubted the currents
for causes before noted; being by reckoning 100 leagues more easterly
than the sight of land warranted.

[Footnote 159: This unusual expression, and others similar, as
west-northerly, east-southerly, and east-northerly, which frequently
occur in this voyage, are most probably the same with the usual
expressions of west by south, west by north, east by south, and east by
north.--E.]

[Footnote 160: These observations within brackets are unintelligible:
Probably notes in the log-book, for being attended to in calculating the
ship's day's work; and either left unexplained as a species of
short-hand writing of Keeling, or rendered unintelligible by the
ignorant abbreviation of Purchas. Such often occur in this article of
the Pilgrims; but, except in this instance, as an example, we have
omitted such useless unintelligibilities.--E.]

The 17th of February we saw land, bearing E. about eight leagues from
us, and, as I judged, in lat. 24° 20' S. About noon we were athwart two
small islands, which seemed to make a good road; but not being sure of
our latitude, we stood off and on till high noon, when we might take an
observation, having no ground with 60 fathoms line within two miles of
the shore. The 18th, in lat. 23° 37' we anchored in 71/2 fathoms sandy
ground, the two islands bearing S.W. one mile distant. There was an
island E. by N. from us about three leagues off, which the master
supposed to be St Augustine, for which we proposed to search. The
variation here was 15° 30'. The 19th we weighed in the morning, when we
broke one of our anchors, through an original defect; which surely
deserves much blame, but for which I refer to a certificate I made on
the subject. We now steered for the seeming harbour or bay of St
Augustine, having from our former anchorage in sailing towards it, from
ten to twelve and twenty fathoms; and on coming near the point of the
bay, we had no ground with 100 fathoms, till we came far into the bay,
our skiffs going before, and then had ground at thirty, shoaling to
eight fathoms. We anchored in eighteen fathoms, and laid out another
anchor in forty fathoms, the deepest water being on the south shore, the
other being made shallow by the coming down of rivers. The land bore W.
by S. and N. from our anchorage, and to the north are certain shoals on
which the sea breaks, so that it was only open to five points of the
wind; but the road is very full of pits and deep water, and a strong
stream runs always down from the river.

Captain Hawkins came on board me, and, as I was very unwell, I sent him
ashore with the boats of both ships. He returned on board towards night,
without having seen any people, though their tracks were quite recent in
several places. He left some beads and other trifles in a canoe, to
allure the natives. In his opinion we had small chance here of any
refreshments; but my fishers from the other side of the bay told me of
having seen great store of beasts bones, and bones certainly have once
had flesh. George Evans, one of the Hector's men, was severely bitten by
an _alegarta_, [alligator.] I gave orders to fill our water casks with
all speed, and propose in the mean time to seek for refreshment. The
tide flows here _nearest east_,[161] and rises high. The 21st we saw
four natives, to whom I sent some beads and other baubles, making them
understand by signs that we were in want of cattle, when they promised
in the same manner to bring plenty next day. Seeing people on shore next
day, I went a-land, and found them a subtle people, strong-built and
well-made, almost entirely naked, except a cloth of bark carelessly hung
before them. We bought a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, but they would only
deal for silver. In the afternoon I rowed up the river, which I found
shallow and brackish. The 24th we bought three kine, two steers, and
four calves, which cost us about nineteen shillings and a few beads.
These cattle have far better flesh than those we got at Saldanha, and
have bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like camels, only more
forward. Some affirmed that the people were circumcised. We here found
_the beautiful beast._[162]

[Footnote 161: As the bay of St Augustine, in lat. 23° 30' S. is on the
west coast of Madagascar, where the coast is direct N. and S. the
current of the tide could not set from the east. The expression in the
text, therefore, probably means that it is high-water when the moon is
nearly east.--E.]

[Footnote 162: This seems to refer to some creature then in the ship,
and perhaps brought home with them to England. Astl. I. 316. a.--Mr
Finch says, there were in the woods, near the river, great store of
beasts, as big as monkies, of an ash colour, having a small head, a long
tail like a fox, barred with black and white, and having very fine
fur.--E.]

Where we rode at anchor the water by the ship's side was very fresh at
high water, and very salt at low water, contrary to what might have been
expected; and at high water it was very fresh on one side of the ship,
and very salt on the other. In a gust of wind at N.W. on the 25th, our
ship drifted and broke a cable, by which we lost the anchor. We bought
this day a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, the sheep having a great tail; all
three costing us _2s. 3d._ I found certain spiders, whose webs were as
strong as silk. All along the low land from E. to W about half a mile
from the shore, there runs a ledge of rocks on which the sea continually
breaks, between which and the shore are two fathoms water, wonderfully
full of fish, and having a fine beach on which to haul the nets.

The 28th in the morning we got under sail to put to sea. This bay of St
Augustine is a very unfit place for ships to touch at for refreshments,
as these are to be had only in small quantities; and the bay is very
untoward for riding at anchor, the water being deep and pitty and the
ground foul, as appeared by cutting our cable. By the 15th March we had
only got into lat. 15° 40' S. and I knew not what course to take to get
out of the current, which was very swift setting to the south, as
keeping mid-channel may endanger us upon _In. de Nova_;[163] and in
keeping near shore God knows what danger may befal, as it is indiscreet
to continue where the wind does not stem the current. The 17th we were
in, lat. 14° 57' S. so that we have got 25 leagues farther north, and
the main power of the current seems now lessened. My master is of
opinion that the age of the moon may have peculiar influence over the
currents, causing them to be strong till three or four days after the
full: but I rather think that the deep bay between Cape Corientes and
Mozambique causes an indraught or eddy of some stream or current, coming
either from the N.E. or more easterly, and entering the channel of
Mozambique at the N.W. of Madagascar, and so along the land to Cape
Corientes; or else the stream from the N.W. of Madagascar, meeting with
the land of Mozambique, may be drawn that way by the falling in of the
land. If this supposition be true, we committed an error in falling in
with the land till we had got to the north of Mozambique point, which
bends far into the sea.[164]

[Footnote 163: This I understand to be the island of Juan de Nova, in
the narrowing between Madagascar and the coast of Africa towards
Mozambique.--ASTL. I.317.]

[Footnote 164: This is by no means the case, and we may therefore
conjecture that Cape St Andrew in Madagascar is here meant, which is of
that description, and is in some measure opposite Mozambique.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

"Their sailing along the islands, and trucking at Tamara, with other
occurrences, I have left out, as being more fully known by later
experience. Leaving _Abdalcuria_ they were forced to ride in _Delisa_
road to the north of _Socotora,_ till the monsoon freed them; at which
time Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam with the Dragon, and Captain
Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow."[165]

[Footnote 165: This latter paragraph is a side-note in the original by
Purchas.--E.]

§ 3. _Instructions learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon, from the
Moors and Guzerates; with the Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam_.

The Moors of _Delisa_ affirm that pieces of ambergris are some years
found weighing 20 quintals, and so large that many men may take shelter
under their sides without being seen. This is upon the coast of Mombaza,
Magadoxa, Pata, Brava, &c. which indeed are all one coast. From Delisa
they make yearly voyages to the Comora islands to buy slaves; and they
report that the natives there are very treacherous, having sometimes
slain fifty persons by treason; for which reason they trade always
afloat, and do not venture ashore. They affirmed that eight Hollanders
had been three or four years in _Pemba_, two of whom had become
Mahometans. According to their reckoning the southern monsoon begins
yearly on the 1st May, the extremity of it continuing 100 days, and the
most wind being in June and July. On the 10th August the south wind
diminishes; and soon after the wind comes from the north, with much
rain, and so continues for three or four months more. At this time they
make most of the aloes on the island, being the juice of an evergreen,
put into goats skins and dried.

The 23d May I sent on shore to weigh aloes, and received on board 1250
pounds, which cost 250 dollars, for the company. We bought in all 1833
pounds neat. The chief sent to borrow 500 dollars, which I refused to
lend, but sent him two yards of fine coloured kersey, and a knife of my
own. I sent again on shore, and bought 575 pounds of aloes for 115
dollars.

The 24th I was informed that the west monsoon began in this year on the
30th April, coming every year eleven days later; so that in thirty-three
years they begin again on the same day of the month, which I conceive
cannot be true.[166] I was farther informed, that the east monsoon will
begin this year on the 13th October, both monsoons falling yearly eleven
days later. They have only two monsoons yearly. That this year, called
_Neyrocze_,[167] begins with the first of the east monsoon. The west
monsoon here blows all south, and the east monsoon all north. After the
20th September, ships cannot depart from the Red Sea to the eastward.
Chaul, Dabul, and Danda Rajipuri are good and safe ports, and rich
trading towns on the coast of India. At Saada, Ilbookie, Anzoane, and
Mootoo,[168] four of the Comora islands, there is abundance of cheap
rice, and the people are good. Inghezeegee and Malala,[169] two others
of the Comoras, have very little rice, and the people are very
treacherous; and they report that about sixteen years ago an English
ship lost many men by treachery on that island, which surely was James
Lancaster in Raimond's voyage.[170]

[Footnote 166: This must be the case where they reckon by lunar months,
as is done every where by the Mahometans.--ASTL. I. 318. c.]

[Footnote 167: This should be _Neurúz_, which in Persian signifies
New-year's day.--ASTL. I. 318. d.]

[Footnote 168: Probably St Christopher's, St Esprit, Hinznan, and
Mayotta,--E.]

[Footnote 169: Probably Gazidza or Angazezio, and Molalio, Moelia, or
Senbracas.--E.]

[Footnote 170: In the account of that voyage, as already given in Chap.
IX. Sect. 6. of this book, which was in 1591, Lancaster was said to have
been lost in a storm. He may have got on shore in this island, and been
massacred by the natives.--E.]

We were farther informed, that this day, 26th May, 1608, was the 224th
from the _Neyrooze,_ or new-year's-day, according to their account:
That there is no rain on the coast of Arabia till the 70th day of this
monsoon: That the 305th day from Neyrooze is the best time for going to
Surat; and that in ten or twelve days they get to that port. Burrom,
Mekella, and Cayxem, [Keyshem, Kashin, Kasseen, Kassin, or Kushem,] on
the coast of Arabia, are good harbours for shelter in both monsoons; but
are places of no trade. Xael or Xaer[171] has no harbour or road for any
season, yet might be a vent for iron or lead. This place is commanded by
a Turkish Aga, and they send thence for commodities to Keyshem, a day's
journey to the west; but there is no going there at this season. In both
monsoons there is a very heavy sea on the coast of Arabia, and the
currents there set along with the wind. There is no riding at anchor at
the entrance to Surat, so as to have shelter in the west monsoons, both
on account of bad ground, and because the tides run with such rapidity
as to overset ships that are not aground. This road of Delisa is very
safe in the west monsoon; but only two miles either east or west it
continually blows so strong that no ship can ride. I can give no reason
for this, unless that the distance of the high mountains produce this
remarkable difference, as there is much low ground between us and them.

[Footnote 171: This is the Portuguese orthography; in English it should
be _Shael_, or Shaer; but the true name is Shahr, or Shohr, while some
call it Seer.--ASTL. I. 318.I.]

We departed from Delisa on the 24th June, 1608; and on the 23d July we
saw an island, and about noon two more, in lat. 4° 2' S. We left two of
these to the north and one to the south of our course; the most
northerly being a large high island full of trees. Between the two
southermost of these three islands, ten leagues distant, and half way
between them, there is a dangerous reef of rocks, to avoid which we
steered through a very good passage within two leagues of the middle
island, the reef being then to the south, about three leagues from us,
and is very dangerous for ships going through by night. There seemed a
likeness of a passage through between the middle island and the
northermost, but it was not a league broad. The southern island is the
largest of the three.[172]

[Footnote 172: These three islands seem to have been Pulo Minton,
Good-Fortune, and Nassau, off the south-western coast of Sumatra.--E.]

The 26th July we were halfway between Priaman and Tecu, about three
leagues from the shore, the two hummocks of Tecu, with high land over
them, bearing N. by W. and S. by E. half a point east. There is a shoal
four miles from shore, bearing N. and S. with the high land of Tecu. We
had here 45 fathoms water 21/2 leagues from shore, being then N.E. by E.
from the road of Priaman. In the afternoon we got into the road of
Priaman, and saluted the town with five guns.

The governor of the town sent me a goat, and I sent him in return three
yards of stammel cloth, one piece of blue calico, a stocked musket, a
musket-barrel, and two sword blades. The messenger spoke good
Portuguese, to whom I gave a piece of blue calico. He was accompanied by
a person of Acheen, with whom I conversed in Arabic, and by whom I had
great hope of trade. I went ashore early on the 29th, and going to the
governor's house, he presented me with a buffalo, and appointed some of
his chief men to make the price of pepper with me. Sitting down with
about sixty of these men, they first proposed that the pepper should be
weighed in town, while I insisted that it should be weighed in the
island. They demanded fifty dollars the bahar, which much displeased me,
as the Acheen man had desired me only to offer sixteen: But that was his
craft, for he was a merchant, and wished to have engrossed much pepper
before I bought, and then to have re-sold it to me at his own price.
After much time and many words, we agreed at 22-1/2 dollars the bahar,
besides six per centum custom. I at first refused to pay two other
customs, or exactions rather, the one of 160 dollars, and the other not
much less; but at length I consented, and writings were drawn up between
us. During the last night a man lay on board my ship who spoke
Portuguese, who offered, in the name of the widow of the former
governor, calling her queen, to give me half the town if I would help
her in taking it from the present governor. But I refused any
interference, as not answerable for my sovereign, and sent him on shore.
I this day sold cloth to _Nakhada_[173] for 159 _masses_ of gold.

[Footnote 173: Nakhada, or Nakhadah, signifies the captain or commander
of a ship in Arabic--ASTL. I. 519. d.]

The town and bounds of Priaman do not yield above 500 bahars of pepper
yearly; but, with the parts adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and
the mountains over the town, there are gathered about 2500 bahars
yearly, which quantity will load two good ships, and may be bought very
reasonable, if a factory had means to buy all the year. Their pepper
harvest is in August and September, and is fetched away only by those of
Acheen and Java, the Guzerates not being permitted to trade here, by the
express command of the King of Acheen. Therefore, a ship touching at
Surat, and buying there especially blue calicos, white calicos, blue and
white striped and chequered stuffs, with some small fine painted cloths,
and then leaving a factory at Priaman, might lay the best foundation for
profit that can be wished, against next year. I say against another
year, for it does not seem to me that a ship could go to Surat and come
hither in time the same year. For this purpose, however, the licence of
the King of Acheen must be procured for our safe proceeding in these
parts.

We made sail from Priaman on the 18th September, and on the 4th October
got into the road of Bantam, where we found six ships of Holland, two of
which were almost laden with cloves, and other two were to load with
pepper. I found thirteen Englishmen here alive, and received a letter
from Captain David Middleton of the Consent. The 6th I paid Uncte and
Tegin, the two Chinese, their wages, and dismissed them. The 20th I
called the merchants together, having formerly resolved to return with
the Dragon for England, and we now concluded that our pinnace, when
finished, should go for Banda with Brown and Sidall. John Hearne, John
Saris, and Richard Savage, were to remain at Bantam; and when the
pinnace returned from Banda, John Saris was to go in her to Sackadanea,
in Borneo. The 15th November, I sent for Jaques L'Ermite, the commander
of the Dutch vessels at Bantam, and discovered to him a plot of the
Javans for cutting the throats of all the Hollanders, of which I had
received particular intimation.

The ambassador of Siam came to visit me on the 22d, and dined with me,
and asserted that a thousand pieces of red cloth might be sold in his
country in two days, and a great quantity yearly, as it is used for
housings to their elephants and horses. Gold, he said, was in such
abundance in his country as only to be worth three times its weight in
silver, though good gold. It has also great abundance of cheap precious
stones. He said, moreover, that his king would esteem it a great
happiness to have commerce with the King of England, with whom, as he
understood, the _King of Holland_ was not to be compared.

The 28th November, I took leave of the king, the governor, the admiral,
the old sabander, Jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, and went
on board for altogether next day. The 2d December, at night, our
merchants came aboard, bringing a letter from the King of Bantam to the
King of England, with a present of two _picols of Canton._ Before we got
out of the straits we espied a sail on the 12th December, which proved
to be the Hector from Surat, where her captain, William Hawkins,
remained. I understood that the Portuguese had taken eighteen of our
men, several of whom were factors, and goods to the value of 9000
dollars. The 14th we came back to Bantam roads, forced either to
lengthen our voyage, or to go home with lost reputation. The 16th there
came a small vessel from Amsterdam, giving notice of peace between
France, Spain, and the Dutch. I appointed Messrs Molineux and Pockham
for England in the Dragon, taking the rest with me in the Hector for the
Moluccas, into which other ship I removed on the 17th, the masters
shifting ships. The 21st I forwarded Mr Towerson in all diligence,
wishing him to depart in all speed; and on the 23d the Dragon made sail
from Bantam, God prosper her voyage.[174]

[Footnote 174: Mr Tewerson seems from this time to have commanded the
Dragon on the voyage home; but this whole narrative is so ill expressed
and incoherent, that its meaning has often to be guessed at.--ASTL. I.
321.a.]

§ 4. _Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there._

About one in the morning of the 1st January, 1609, we weighed anchor,
and with an off-shore wind got round the east point, three leagues
E.N.E. from our former anchorage. Thence easterly to another point other
three leagues, a very long shoal with very little water extending
between the two, to avoid which it is good to steer halfway between Java
and the isles of _Tonda_, which are five leagues distant. East from the
second point is the isle of _Tanara_, so close to the shore that it
cannot be distinguished from any distance. From the second to the third
point, are four leagues E.S.E. and one and a half mile off that point N.
by W. is the isle of Lackee, between which and the point is only one and
a half fathoms water, according to report. We rode all night in six
fathoms, having the isle east of us a league. Weighing on the 4th, we
steered within half a league of _Lackee_ in seven or eight fathoms; from
the isle to the west point of _Jackatra_ being E.S.E. four leagues.
There is a dangerous sand off the west point of Jackatra, wherefore it
is good to keep nearer the island opposite that point.

The 8th I went to _Jackatra,_[175] and anchored far out. The king sent
his sabander to desire powder and match, and I sent him 30 pounds of
powder and a roll of match. I bought of them a Portuguese boy, given by
the Hollanders to their king, but who refused to apostatize from
Christianity, and paid for him 45 dollars. We have seen thirty or forty
islands since leaving Bantam. The 10th we made sail from Jackatra. There
is a sunken island even with the water, about two leagues W. by N. from
the east point of Jackatra, which we left to larboard, going between it
and the easter island. The two points forming Jackatra bay bear E.S.E.
and W.N.W. four leagues distant, the eastermost island being in a
straight line between both points. At noon on the 11th we were ten
leagues N.E. from the east point of Jackatra. The 12th at noon, we were
two leagues S.W. by S. from an island, having sailed thirty leagues E.
by S. The 15th we came near Madura, contrary to my expectation, whence I
suppose that the island of Java is not so long as it is laid down in the
charts, or else that we had found a current setting to the east. The
18th we were near the islands of _Nossaseres_ or _Nussasira_, which were
N. by W. a league from us, in lat. 5° 30' S. The 21st, in the forenoon,
we saw _Celebes_; but we could not fetch _Macassar_. Coming to anchor,
we parted our cable and lost an anchor. The 4th February we saw
_Bourro_. The 5th I held a council to consider what was best to be done,
as the wind did not serve for the Moluccas, when it was concluded to go
for Banda. We saw Amboyna E. by N. from Bourro, twelve leagues. The 6th
we saw the high land of Banda, in my opinion 25 leagues E. by S. 1/2 S.
from the eastern part of Amboyna.

[Footnote 175: On the Dutch making this place the metropolis of their
Indian trade and dominion, they changed its name to Batavia, in honour
of their own country, called by the Romans, _insula Batavorum._-E.]

We got into the road or harbour of Banda on the 8th February, 1609, when
the people and the Hollanders came to welcome me. The 9th I went on
shore, and delivered his majesty's letter to _Nera_, together with a
present, being a gilt cup and cover, a head-piece and gorget, and one of
Mr Bucke's firelocks, which cost twenty-five dollars. I was received
with much state, but they delayed giving an answer about our house till
next day. The Hollanders fired five pieces at my landing, and as many
when I returned on board, and I dined with them. The 11th we agreed for
building a house. The 21st I went to _Urtatan_, to confer with the
people, and on the 25th I went to _Lantor_, where I delivered our king's
letter and present, being a smaller gilt cup and cover, a handsome
target, a stocked musket; and a musket-barrel. In the night, Nakhada
China, a spy of the Hollanders, came on board, and advised me to be
speedy. The 13th the people of Lantor demanded for _serepinang_[176] 140
dollars, and I demanded leave to sell my cloth as I best might. The
priest was sent to demand payment of _Rooba-rooba_[177] before we
traded, which I refused unless they would bind themselves to load me
with mace and nutmegs within four months. He offered them at 100
dollars, and I would not give past 90,[178] wherefore he took time for
consideration; when I observed that they deferred till the Hollanders
might arrive, which was now doubtful, as the monsoon was almost spent.
He took his leave, without making any bargain, having a smooth outside,
but a rough mind.

[Footnote 176: It appears in the sequel that this was some tax or
custom.--E.]

[Footnote 177: Another tax or imposition.--E.]

[Footnote 178: We suppose the Katti is here meant, as no quantity is
expressed in the text--ASTL. I. 323. c.]

The 16th three large Dutch ships came in, and shot thirty, sixteen, and
nine pieces of excellent ordnance.[179] Two of these came from Ternate,
where they had lost Paul Van Cardan, their admiral, with seventy-four of
their men, being taken by the Spaniards. The Dutch offered a ransom for
him of 50,000 dollars; but they would hearken to no terms, except the
surrender of fort _Machian_, formerly taken from them by him. The 18th
the Dutch officers of the two largest came to visit me, and staid to
supper; yet an Englishman reported that they meant to surprise me before
the end of a month.

[Footnote 179: This strange expression is probably meant to indicate the
respective number of cannon in each ship.--E.]

The states sent again for _Rooba-rooba_, which I refused to pay; so they
sent again to say, now that the Dutch were come, I should have no trade
unless I gave above 100 dollars; but I refused to give more than 100.
After a long dispute, we at length agreed at 100 dollars; _Rooba-rooba_,
380 dollars; _Serepinang_, 50 dollars; besides _pissalin_, being a duty
to the four sabanders of four pieces of _Sarassa_, or Malayan painted
cloth. We received a beam and weight, the cattee being 99 dollars, or 5
pounds 13 1/2 ounces avoirdupoise. The 20th we began to weigh, and the
Hollanders coming on shore, agreed at 100 dollars, paying 400 for
_Rooba-rooba_, together with _serepinang_ and _pissalin_. We had to
bribe the Dutch in secret, or we must have been idle. The 23d I made a
secret agreement with the chief of Pulo-way to send a factory to that
island, for which I had to lend him 300 dollars, and to give 100 dollars
more as _serepinang_; and the Dutch hearing of this next day, used their
endeavour to prevent me. The 29th six large Holland ships and two small
pinnaces came into the roads, which I saluted with nine guns, and was
only answered with three. The 1st April I received from Pulo-way 225-1/4
cattees of mace, and 1307 1/2 cattees of nutmegs. The 11th we began to
carry our nuts on board, being so constrained by the Dutch, who meant to
land in a day or two; so that we had not time to select the best, nor to
let them lie long enough in sweats.

The 13th I went on shore, and proposed to the sabander of Nera, as I had
done several times before, the formal surrender of Bands to the
sovereignty of the King of England, before the Hollanders might land or
commence their intended fort. The states seemed to like this proposal,
and promised to take it into consideration, and to give me an answer,
but I was doubtful of their inconstancy, neither did they come to any
conclusion. The Dutch landed 1200 men on the 15th from 20 boats, and the
natives fled. The 20th I went on shore to fetch rice, in part of a debt
due by _Daton Patee_ to our company; but the Hollanders had dishonestly
taken it, though their admiral promised I should have it. I then went
among the Javans to buy rice, but they universally said they were
enjoined by the Dutch not to sell me any, although I offered five
dollars the _coyoung_ more than the Dutch paid. When I got home, I found
the person whom the admiral had formerly sent to me, and desired him to
tell the admiral, that his taking my rice was great injustice, and if he
were a gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I
walked about. He answered, that the admiral was a weaver and no
gentleman; and being an Englishman, I reprehended him for so speaking;
but he affirmed that all the Dutch spoke so of him.[180]

[Footnote 180: We here omit a long series of ill-told disputes with the
Dutch; who, presuming on their greatly superior force, interrupted the
trade of the English at Banda, and finally obliged Keeling to withdraw,
very imperfectly provided with mace and nutmegs, and much dissatisfied.
The narrative in Purchas is so abrupt, disjointed, and inconclusive,
that it was found quite impossible to give it any consistency or
interest.--E.]

The 4th of May I went to Pulo-way, where I got 1000 cattees of nutmegs,
and 200 cattees of mace. The 1st August, the Dutch gave me a letter of
credit, for the payment at Bantam of all the debts due me at Banda; and
this day I went on shore, at the request of the Dutch governor, to view
their fort, which was a square redoubt, with thirty pieces of artillery,
eight of which were good brass demi-cannon. The 10th I weighed a half
hundred against the ordinary Banda weights, and found it to contain
9-1/2 cattees, so that the cattee appears to equal 5 pounds 14-1/3
ounces avoirdupoise. The 11th I anchored near Macassar, in the island of
Celebes, hoping to get cloves there in barter for cloth; but learning
that a Dutch ship had been lost there lately, I desisted from the
attempt, as the road of Macassar was reported to be dangerous. The 21st
we anchored off Jackatra, in Java, where we found two Dutch ships, which
had brought our people and their goods from Amboyna. The 26th we met a
praw, in which was Ralph Hearne, sent to me by Mr John Saris from
Bantam, to say that he had ready 3481 bags of pepper for me. We got that
day into the road of Bantam, when Mr Saris came immediately on board.

The 13th September, 1609, at the request of the King of Bantam, I sent
twenty-five armed men to make him pastime, in honour of his having the
night before consummated his marriage. The 23d, having token on board
4900 bags of pepper, I prepared for our homeward voyage; and on the 27th
I appointed the following members of our factory at that place:
Augustine Spalding chief factor, at £50 a year; Francis Kellie surgeon,
at 40s. a month; John Parsons at 30s. a month; Robert Neale 29s.
Augustine Adwell 24s. Etheldred Lampre 20s. William Driver 20s. William
Wilson 22s. William Lamwell 16s. Philip Badnedge 16s. Francisco Domingo
12s. Juan Seraon 10s. Adrian, Mr Towerson's boy, 10s.[181] Using every
possible diligence to get away, I hired six persons to go along with us
for England in assistance to our crew; and on the 30th, delivered over
the charge of the factory to Spalding, giving him strict injunctions to
beware of the Dutch insolence and hatred towards us, and therefore to
have as little intercourse with them as possible.

[Footnote 181: These wages are here particularized, as a curious record
of the original wages of the Company's servants in India.--E.]

I took leave of the governor or regent of Bantam on the 2d October,
1609, requesting his favour to our factory, which he promised with
seeming heartiness; and on the 3d I went on board, after taking leave of
all our friends. The 1st November we were in lat. 25° S. with 24°
variation, being by our reckoning 650 leagues from Bantam, which we had
run in 24 days. The 29th, in lat. 32° 30' S. and above 13° variation, we
had all day a severe gale of wind, which at night became a storm at
W.S.W. from the northward,[182] and put us to try with our main course,
continuing all night and next day. In this, as sundry times before, we
found the report of _Linschot_ to be true, that generally all easterly
winds, coming about to the northwards, if accompanied by rain, come
presently round to W.S.W. with considerable violence.

[Footnote 182: This expression is unintelligible; but from the sequel,
it appears the gale had been originally easterly, had then changed to
the north, and finally settled in a storm at W.S.W.--E.]

Early in the morning of the 8th December, 1609, we fell in with the
_Terra de Natal_, some six leagues west, being at noon in lat. 81° 27'
S. with the variation about 8° 30', we standing S.S.E. under low sails,
with the wind at S.W. We met a Hollander, from whom we learnt that the
Erasmus, a ship of the fleet which went home from Bantam at the time of
my arrival there in the Dragon, had sprung a leak at sea; and, being
left by the rest of the fleet, steered for the Mauritius, where she
unladed her goods, which were loft there with twenty-five persons till
they and the goods could be sent for, the rest of her company being in
this vessel. They farther told us, that there are two harbours in the
island of Mauritius; one called the north-west harbour, in somewhat less
than 20° S. the other called the south-east harbour, in 28° 15' S. All
kinds of refreshments are to be had there, as fish, turtles, and
manatis, in great abundance.[183] It has an infinite number and variety
of fowls. Hogs and goats, only newly introduced, are in some reasonable
number, and are fast increasing. The island is healthy, and between 30
and 40 leagues in circumference. The variation there is 21° westwards.
They came from Bantam in May, were a month in getting to the Mauritius,
had remained there four months and a half, and had been six weeks from
thence, seventeen days of which with contrary winds.

[Footnote 183: The Lamantin, Trichechus Manatas Australis, Southern
Manati, or Fish-tailed Walrus of naturalists. This singular amphibious
animal, or rather aquatic quadruped, inhabits the southern seas of
Africa and America, especially near the mouths of rivers, pasturing on
aquatic plants, and browsing on the grass which grows close to the
water. It varies in size from eight to seventeen feet long, and from 500
to 800 pounds weight, and the flesh is said to be good eating.--E.]

The 22d of December we were in lat. 85° 28' S. within seven leagues of
_Cape Aguillas_,[184] which shews like two islands from where we were,
being to the S.E. of it. Coming more athwart, it resembled three isles,
two bays, N.E. and N.W. making three conspicuous, low, and seemingly
round points. We had ground in the evening in 77 fathoms upon ooze,
being about five leagues south from shore, and, as I guess, nearly to
the westwards of the shoalest part of the bank. When bound homewards on
this coast, and finding no weather for observation, either for latitude
or variation, we may boldly and safely keep in sixty fathoms with
shelly ground, and when finding ooze we are very near Cape Aguillas.
When losing ground with 120 fathoms line, we may be sure of having
passed the cape, providing we be within the latitude of 36° S. The 23d
we steered all night W. by N. and W.N.W. with afresh easterly gale,
seeing the land all along about eight or ten leagues from us, all high
land. About noon we were near the Cape of Good Hope, to which we sailed
in seventeen hours from Cape Aguillas. Being within three leagues of the
sugarloaf, we stood off and on all night. The 28th I received by the
Dutch boat from the island, six sheep, the fattest I ever saw, the tail
of one being twenty-eight inches broad, and weighing thirty-five pounds.
I got a main-top-sail of the Dutch, of which we were in extreme want,
and gave them a note on our company to receive twelve pounds twelve
shillings for the same. For the fat sheep we got on Penguin island, we
left lean in their room. The Dutch here behaved to us in a very honest
and Christian-like manner. I left a note here of my arrival and the
state of my company, as others had done before me. All the time we
remained at the Cape, from the 23d December, 1609, to the 10th January,
1610, the wind was westerly and southerly; whereas the two former times
of my being here, at the same season, it blew storms at east.

[Footnote 184: This cape is only in lat. 34° 4S' S. So that their
latitude here could not exceed 35° 10', giving an error in excess of
eighteen minutes in the text--E.]

The 10th January, 1610, we weighed and set sail homewards. The 20th
about noon we passed the tropic of Capricorn; and that evening the Dutch
officers came and supped with me, whom I saluted with three guns at
parting. The 30th before day-light, we got sight of St Helena, having
steered sixty-six leagues west in that latitude. We came to anchor a
mile from shore, in twenty-two fathoms sandy ground, N.W. from the
chapel. This island is about 270 or 280 leagues west from the coast of
Africa. We were forced to steer close under the high land to find
anchorage, the bank being so steep as to have no anchorage farther out.

We weighed on the 9th February, making sail homewards, having received
from the island nineteen goats, nine hogs, and thirteen pigs. The 16th
we saw the island of Ascension, seven or eight leagues to the W.S.W. In
the morning of the 28th, the wind westerly and reasonably fair weather,
we spoke the Dutch ship, which made a waft for us at his mizen-top-mast
head. He told us that he had only eight or nine men able for duty, all
the rest being sick, and forty-six of his crew dead. This was a grievous
chastisement for them, who had formerly offered to spare me twenty men
or more upon occasion, and a never-sufficiently-to-be-acknowledged mercy
to us, that they should be in so pitiable a case, while we had not lost
one man, and were even all in good health. Towards night, considering
our leak, with many other just causes on our part, besides our want of
means to aid them, and at my company's earnest desire, we made sail and
left them, not without sensible Christian grief that we could give them
no assistance. Indeed, without asking us to remain by them, they desired
us to acquaint any Dutch ship we might meet of their extreme distress,
that the best means might be pursued for their relief. We were then in
lat. 45° 6' N.

The 1st May, having fine weather and the wind at S.W. we were in lat.
49° 13' N. Early in the morning of the 2d, the wind came S. and blew a
storm, putting us under our fore course. Towards night we spoke a
Lubecker, who told us Scilly bore E. by N. thirty-eight German miles
from us, which are fifty leagues. I told them of the Dutchman's
distress; and as the wind was fair, made sail for England. In the
morning of the 9th, Beechy-head was three leagues from us N.N.E. and on
the 10th May, 1610, we anchored in the Downs about sunset, having spent
three years, one month, and nine days on this voyage.

       *       *       *       *       *


SECTION V.

_Narrative by William Hawkins, of Occurrences during his Residence in
the Dominions of the Great Mogul_.[185]

INTRODUCTION.

This and the next following section may be considered as supplementary
to the one immediately preceding; as Captain Hawkins in the Dragon
accompanied Captain Keeling, in the _third_ voyage fitted out by the
English Company; and Finch was in the same vessel with Hawkins, and
accompanied him into the country of the Mogul. The present narrative is
said, in its title in the Pilgrims, to have been written to the company,
and evidently appears to have been penned by Hawkins himself, without
any semblance of having been subjected to the rude pruning knife of
Purchas; except omitting so much of the journal as related to
occurrences before landing at Surat. Purchas gives the following account
of it in a side-note.--E.

[Footnote 185: Purch. Pilg. I. 206.]

"Captain Keeling and William Hawkins had kept company all the
outward-bound voyage, as already related, and therefore not necessary to
be here repeated, to the road of Delisa, in Socotora, whence, on the
24th June, 1603, Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as before
related. Captain Hawkins sailed from Delisa in the Hector, for Surat, on
the 4th August, having previously built a pinnace, and having received
from the general, Captain Keeling, a duplicate of the commission under
the great seal."--_Purch_.

§ 1. _Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous
Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits._

Arriving at the bar of Surat on the 24th August, 1608, I immediately
sent Francis Bucke, merchant, and two others, on shore, to make known
that I was sent by the King of England, as his ambassador to the king of
the country, together with a letter and present. In answer, I received a
message from the governor, by three of his servants accompanying those I
sent, saying, he and all that country could afford were at my command,
and that I should be made very welcome if I pleased to come on shore. I
accordingly landed, accompanied by our merchants and others, equipped in
the best manner I could, as befitting the honour of my king and country.
On landing, I was well received after their barbarous manner, and vast
multitudes of the natives followed after me, desirous of seeing a
new-come people whom they had often heard of, but who had never before
visited their country. When I drew near the governor's house, I was told
he was not well, but I rather think he was drunk with _affion_ [or
opium,] being an aged man. I went therefore to the chief customer, being
the only officer to whom sea-faring causes belonged; as the government
of Surat pertained to two great noblemen, one of whom, _Khan-Khana_, was
viceroy of the Decan,[186] and the other, _Mucrob-Khan_, was viceroy of
Cambaya or Guzerat, who had no command in Surat except what regarded the
king's customs, and with him only I had to deal.

[Footnote 186: He was only viceroy of the projected conquest of the
Decan.--E.]

I told him that the purpose of my coming to Surat was to establish a
factory there, and that I had a letter from the king of England to his
sovereign for that effect, my sovereign being desirous to form a treaty
of peace and amity with his; so that the English might freely come and
go, and make sales and purchases, according to the usage of all nations;
and finally, that my ship was laden with commodities from our country,
which, according to the intelligence of former travellers, were there in
request. To this he answered, that he would immediately dispatch an
express to his master at Cambaya, as he could do nothing of himself in
the premises without his orders. So, taking my leave, I departed to the
lodging appointed for me, which was at the custom-house. Next morning I
went to visit the governor of the city, to whom I made a present, and
who received me with much gravity and outward show of kindness, bidding
me heartily welcome, and saying that the country was at my command.
After compliments on both sides, I entered upon my main business, when
he told me that my affairs were not in his department, as all sea-faring
or commercial matters belonged to Mucrob-Khan, to whom at Cambaya he
promised to dispatch a _footman_, and would write a letter in my behalf
both for the unloading of my ship and the establishment of a factory. In
the meantime he appointed me to lodge with a merchant who understood
_Turkish_, who was my _trucheman_, or interpreter, being the captain of
that ship which was taken by Sir Edward Michelburn.

In consequence of the great rains and heavy floods it was twenty days
before the messenger returned from Cambaya; in which interval many of
the merchants entertained me in a very friendly manner, when the weather
was such that I could get out of doors; for, during almost the whole
time of the messenger's absence, it rained almost continually. At the
end of twenty days, the messenger came back from Cambaya with the
answer of Mucrob Khan, giving licence to land my goods, and to buy and
sell for the present voyage; but that he could not grant leave to
establish a factory, or for the settlement of future trade, without the
commands of his king, which he thought might be procured, if I would
take a two months journey to deliver my king's letter to his sovereign.
He likewise sent orders to the customer, that all the goods I might land
were to be kept in the custom-house till the arrival of his brother
_Sheck Abder Rachim_, who was to make all convenient dispatch, on
purpose to chuse such goods as were fit for the king's use. It may be
noticed, however, that this pretence of taking some part of the goods of
all men for the king, is merely for their own private gain. Upon this
answer I made all dispatch to ease my ship of her heavy burden of lead
and iron, which must of necessity be landed, and were placed under the
care of the customer till the arrival of the great man. The time being
precious, and my ship not able to stay long, I sent on board for three
chests of money, with which to purchase such commodities as are vendible
at Priaman and Bantam, being those which the Guzerates carry there
yearly, and sell to great profit. I then began to make purchases, to the
great dissatisfaction of the native merchants, who made loud complaints
to the governor and customer of the leave granted me to buy these
commodities, which would greatly injure their trade at Priaman and
Bantam, supposing I meant only to have bought such goods as were fit for
England. At the end of this business the great man arrived from Cambaya,
who allowed me to ship my purchases.

In a council of all our merchants, respecting the delivery of the king's
letter and the establishment of a factory, it was concluded that these
weighty matters could only be properly accomplished by me, from the
experience of my former travels, and my knowledge of the language, and
as it was known to all that I was the person appointed ambassador for
this purpose. I therefore agreed to remain for these ends, and made all
haste to ship the goods and dispatch the vessel. This done, I called Mr
Marlow and all of the ship's company who were on shore, and acquainted
them with my intentions, directing them all to receive Mr Marlow as
their commander; and to give him all due reverence and obedience as
they had done me. I then accompanied them to the water-side, and bade
them farewell.

Next day, when going about my affairs to wait upon Abder Rachim, I met
ten or twelve of the better sort of our men in a great fright, who told
me that our two barks, with thirty men, and all our goods, had been
taken by a Portuguese frigate or two,[187] they only having escaped. I
asked in what manner they were taken, and if they did not fight in their
own defence?[188] They answered me, that Mr Marlow would not allow them,
as the Portuguese were our friends. They said also that Bucke had gone
to the Portuguese without a pawn, and had betrayed them; but, in fact,
Bucke went on the oath and faithful promise of the Portuguese captain,
but was never allowed to return. I sent immediately a letter to the
captain-major of the Portuguese, demanding the release of our men and
goods, as we were English, and our sovereigns were in peace and amity;
adding, that we were sent to the Mogul's country by our king, with
letters for the Mogul to procure licence for us to trade; and that I
held the king's commission for the government of the English in that
country; that his restoring his majesty's subjects and their goods would
be well taken at his own king's hands, but the contrary would produce a
breach between the crowns of England and Spain. On the receipt of this
letter, as the messenger told me, the proud rascal vapoured exceedingly,
most vilely abusing our king, whom he called a king of fishermen, and of
a contemptible island, whose commission he despised; and scornfully
refused to send me any answer.

[Footnote 187: These frigates could only be small armed boats, otherwise
the English in the barks could not have been found fault with for not
fighting.--E.]

[Footnote 188: This not fighting was upbraided to our men by the Indians
as much disgrace; but was since recovered with interest, by our
sea-fights with the Portuguese.--Purch.]

I chanced, on the following day, to meet the captain of one of the
Portuguese frigates, who came on business ashore from the captain-major;
which business, as I understand, was to desire the governor to send me
to him as a prisoner, because we were Hollanders. Knowing what he was, I
took occasion to speak to him of the abuses offered to the King of
England and his subjects. He pretended that these seas belonged to the
King of Portugal, and no one ought to come there without his licence. I
told him, that the seas of India were as free to subjects of England as
to those of Spain, and that the licence of the King of England was as
valid as that of the King of Spain, and whoever pretended otherwise was
a liar and a villain; and desired him to tell his captain-major, that in
abusing the King of England he was a base villain, and a traitor to his
own king, which I was ready to maintain against him with my sword, if he
dared to come on shore, whereto I challenged him. Seeing that I was much
moved, the Moors caused the Portuguese to depart. This Portuguese came
to my house some two hours after, and offered to procure the release of
my men and goods, if I would be liberal to him. I entertained him
kindly, and gave him great promises; but before he left the town, my men
and goods were sent off for Goa.

I had my goods ready about five days before I could get a clearance to
ship them, waiting for the arrival of Abder Rachim, which was the 3d
October; and two days afterwards the ship set sail. I was now left in
Surat with only one merchant, William Finch, who was mostly sick, and
unable to go abroad to do any business; all the rest of my attendants
being two servants, a cook, and a boy, which were all the company I had
to defend us from so many enemies, who went about to destroy us, and
endeavoured to prevent my going to the Great Mogul. But God preserved
me, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to proceed on
my travels. After the departure of our ship, I learnt that my men and
goods had been betrayed to the Portuguese by Mucrob Khan and his
followers; for it was a laid plot by Mucrob Khan and the Jesuit Peneiro,
to protract time till the Portuguese frigates might come to the bar of
Surat, which was done so secretly that we never beard of them till they
had taken our barks.

So long as my ship remained at the bar I was much flattered, but after
her departure I was most unsufferably misused; being in a heathen
country, environed by so many enemies, who plotted daily to murder me
and to cozen me of my goods. Mucrob Khan, to get possession of my goods,
took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price as
his own barbarous conscience dictated; where thirty-five was agreed,
giving me only eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had his
full authority. Even on his own terms, it was hardly possible to get any
money from his chief servant, as we only received a small part after the
time appointed was expired, before Mucrob came to Surat; and after he
came I was debarred of all, though he outwardly flattered and dissembled
for almost three months, feeding me with continual promises. In the
meantime he came three times to my house, sweeping me clean of all
things that were good; and when he saw I had no more worth coveting, he
gradually withdrew his attentions and pretended kindness. Most of this
time William Finch was ill of the flux, but, thank God, he recovered
past all hope. As for me I durst not venture out of doors, as the
Portuguese were lurking about in crowds to assault or murder me, their
armada being then at Surat.

Their first plot against me was thus. I was invited by _Hagio_ [Haji]
_Nazam_ to the dispatching of his ship for Mecca, as it is the custom on
such occasions to make great feasts for all the principal people of the
town. It was my good fortune at this time, that a great captain
belonging to the viceroy of Guzerat, residing in _Amadavar_,
[Ahmedabad,] was then at Surat, and was likewise invited to this feast,
which was held at the water-side, near which the Portuguese had two
frigates of their armada, which came there to receive tribute for the
ships about to depart, and likewise to procure refreshments. Out of
these frigates there came three gallants to the tent where I was, and
some forty Portuguese were scattered about the water-side, ready to join
in the assault on the first signal. These three gallants that came to
our tent, were armed in buff-coats down to their knees, with rapiers and
pistols at their sides, and, immediately on entering, demanded who was
the English captain? I presently rose, and told them I was the man; and
seeing some intended mischief by their countenances, I immediately laid
hand on my weapon. The Mogul captain, perceiving treason was meant
against me, both he and his followers drew their swords; and if the
Portuguese had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew
had come ill off.

Another time some thirty or forty of them came to assault me in my
house, having a friar along with them to animate their courage, and give
them absolution. But I was always on my guard, and had a strong house
with good doors. Many of the Portuguese at other times used to lurk for
me and mine in the streets; so that I was forced to complain to the
governor, that I could not go about my business on account of the
Portuguese coming armed into the city to murder me; and represented that
they were not in use at other times to come armed into the city. The
governor then sent word to the Portuguese not to come armed into the
city at their peril.

Mucrob Khan came to Surat accompanied by a Jesuit named _Padre Peneiro_,
who had offered him 40,000 dollars to send me prisoner to Damaun, as I
was afterwards certainly informed by Hassen Ally and Ally Pommory. On
his arrival I went to visit him, giving him presents, besides those
formerly given to his brother; and for a time, as already mentioned, I
had many outward shows of kindness from him, till such time as I
demanded my money, when he told me flatly he would not give me 20
_mahmudies_ the _vara_, as had been agreed, but would rather give me
back my cloth. I dissembled my sense of this unjust procedure as well as
I could, entreating leave to proceed to Agra to wait upon the king;
telling him I meant to leave William Finch as chief in my place, who
would either receive the money or the goods, as he might please to
conclude. Upon this he gave me his licence and a letter to the king,
promising me an escort of forty horsemen; which promise he did not
perform. After I got this licence, Father Peneiro put into his head that
he ought not to allow me to go, as I would complain against him to the
king; thus plotting to overthrow my intended journey. Mucrob Khan could
not prevent my going, because I was sent by a king; but endeavoured to
prevail on my interpreter and coachman to poison or murder me by the
way; which invention was devised by the Jesuit. But God, of his mercy,
discovered these plots, and the contrivances of the Jesuit took no
effect.


§ 2. _Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court
of the Great Mogul._

William Finch being now in good health, I left all things belonging to
our trade in his hands, giving him instructions how to conduct himself
in my absence. So I began to take up soldiers to conduct me in safety;
being denied by Muerob Khan. Besides some shot and bowmen whom I hired,
I applied to a captain of the Khan-Khana, to let me have 40 or 50
horsemen to escort me to the Khan-Khana, who was then viceroy of Deccan,
and resided in _Bramport_.[189] This captain did all in his power for
me, giving me a party of _Patan_ horsemen, who are much feared in these
parts for their valour. If I had not done this I had surely been
overthrown, as the Portuguese of Damaun had induced an ancient friend of
theirs, a Hajah, who was absolute lord of a province called _Cruly_,
situated between Damaun, Guzerat, and the Deccan, to be ready with 200
horsemen to intercept me; but I went so well provided with a strong
escort, that they durst not encounter me; and for that time also I
escaped. Then at _Dayta_,[190] another province or principality, my
coachman having got drunk with some of his kinsmen, discovered that he
was hired to murder me. Being overheard by some of my soldiers, they
came and told me that it was to have been done next morning at the
commencement of our journey, as we usually set out two hours before day.
Upon this notice, I examined the coachman and his friends, in presence
of the captain of my escort. He could not deny the truth, but would not
reveal who had hired him, though much beaten; and cursed his bad luck
that he could not effect his purpose. So I sent him back prisoner to the
governor of Surat. My broker or interpreter afterwards told me, that
both he and the coachman were hired by Mucrob Khan, by the persuasion of
the Jesuit, the one to poison and the other to murder me. The
interpreter said he was to receive nothing till the deed was done, which
he never meant to perform, being resolved to be faithful. Thus God again
preserved me. This was five days after the commencement of my journey,
having left Surat on the 1st February, 1609.

[Footnote 189: The names of places in Hindustan are often very much
corrupted in the early voyages and travels, so as sometimes to be
unintelligible. Burhampoor, or Boorhanpoor, in Candeish, is certainly
the place indicated in the text, about 260 English miles almost due east
from Surat.--E.]

[Footnote 190: Neither Cruly nor Dayta are to be found in our best
modern map of Hindostan by Arrowsmith. It may be noticed on this
subject, that most places in Hindostan have more than one name; being
often known to the natives by one name in their vernacular language,
while another name is affixed in Persian, by the Mogul conquerors. The
names of places likewise are often changed, at the pleasure of
successive possessors; and the continual wars and revolutions have made
wonderful changes in the distribution of dominion, since this journey of
Hawkins.--E.]

Continuing my journey for _Burhanpoor_, some two days after leaving
_Dayta_, the Patans who had hitherto escorted me went back, leaving me
to be forwarded by another Patan captain, who was governor of that
lordship, by whom I was kindly entertained. His name was _Sher-Khan_,
and having been some time a prisoner among the Portuguese, and speaking
that language fluently, he was glad to do me service, being of a nation
that is in great enmity to the Portuguese. He escorted me in person with
forty horsemen for two days, till we were past the dangerous places;
during which time he encountered a troop of outlaws, of whom he took
four alive and slew eight, all the rest escaping. Before leaving me, he
gave me letters, authorising me to use his house at Burhanpoor, which
was a very great courtesy, as otherwise I should hardly have known where
to get lodgings, the city being so full of soldiers, which were
preparing for war with the people of the Deccan. I arrived in safety at
Burhanpoor, thanks be to God, on the eighteenth of February. Next day I
went to court to visit the Khan-Khana, who was lord-general and viceroy
of the Deccan, and made him a present, as the custom is, which he
received very graciously. After three hours conference, he made me a
feast; and being, risen from table, he invested me with two robes, one
of fine woollen, and the other of cloth of gold; giving me a letter of
recommendation to the king, which availed me much. Then embracing me, I
departed. The language we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well.

I remained in Burhanpoor till the 2d of March, not being sooner able to
effect the exchange of the money I had with me, and waiting likewise to
join a caravan. Having then got a new escort of soldiers, I resumed my
journey to Agra, where, after much fatigue and many dangers, I arrived
in safety on the 16th April. Being in the city, and seeking out for a
house in a secret manner, notice was carried to the king of my arrival,
but that I was not to be found. He presently charged many troops both of
horse and foot to seek for me, and commanded his knight-marshal to bring
me in great state to court, as an ambassador ought to be; which he did
with a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that he hardly
allowed me time to put on my best apparel. In fine, I was brought before
the king, bringing only a slight present of cloth, and that not
esteemed, as what I had designed for the king was taken from me by
Mucrob Khan, of which I complained to his majesty. After making my
salutation, he bid me heartily welcome with a smiling countenance; on
which I repeated my obeisance and duty. Having his majesty's letter in
my hand, he called me to come near him, reaching down his hand from his
royal seat, where he sat in great majesty on high to be seen of the
people. He received the letter very graciously, viewing it for some
time, both looking at the seal and at the way in which it was made up;
and then called an old Jesuit who was present, to read and explain the
letter. While the Jesuit was reading the letter, he spoke to me in the
kindest manner, asking me the contents of the letter, which I told him:
Upon which he immediately promised, and swore by God, that he would
grant and allow with all his heart every thing the king had asked, and
more if his majesty required. The Jesuit told him the substance of the
letter, but discommended the style, saying that it was basely penned,
writing _vestia_ without _majestad_. On which I said to the king, "May
it please your majesty, these people are our enemies: How can it be that
this letter should be irreverently expressed, seeing that my sovereign
demands favour from your majesty?" He acknowledged the truth of this
observation.

Perceiving that I understood Turkish, which he spoke with great
readiness, he commanded me to follow him into his presence-chamber,
having then risen from the place of open audience, as he wished to have
farther conference with me. I went in accordingly, and waited there two
hours, till the King returned from his women. Their calling me to him,
he said he understood that Mucrob Khan had not dealt well by me, but
desired me to be of good cheer, for he would remedy all. It would seem
that the enemies of Mucrob Khan had acquainted the king with all his
proceedings; for indeed the king has spies upon the conduct of all his
nobles. I made answer, that I was quite certain all matters would go
well with me so long as his majesty was pleased to grant me his
protection. After this, he presently dispatched a post to Surat with his
commands to Mucrob Khan, earnestly enjoining him in our behalf, as he
valued his friendship, which he would lose if he did not deal justly by
the English, according to their desire. By the same messenger I sent a
letter to William Finch, desiring him to go with this command to Mucrob
Khan, at the receipt of which he wondered that I had got safe to Agra,
and had not been murdered or poisoned by the way; of which speech Finch
informed me afterwards.

After some farther conference with the king, as it grew late, he
commanded that I should be brought daily into his presence, and gave me
in charge to one of his captains, named Houshaber Khan, ordering that I
should lodge at his house till a convenient residence could be procured
for my use; and that when I was in want of any thing from the king, he
was to act as my solicitor. According to his command, I resorted daily
to court, having frequent conference with the king, both by day and by
night; as he delighted much to talk with me, both of the affairs of
England and other countries; and also made many enquiries respecting the
West Indies, of which he had heard long before, yet doubted there being
any such place, till I assured him I had been in the country.

Many days and weeks passed thus, and I became in high favour with the
king, to the great grief of all mine enemies; when, chusing a favourable
time, I solicited his order or commission for the establishment of our
factory. He asked me, if I meant to remain at his court? to which I
answered, that I should do so till our ships came to Surat, when I
proposed to go home with his majesty's answer to the letter from my
king. He then said, that he expected I should stay much longer, as he
intended by our next ships to send an ambassador to the King of England,
and he wished me to remain with him till a successor was sent to me from
my sovereign: That my remaining would be of material benefit to my
nation, as I should be in the way to put all wrongs to right, if any
were offered to the English, as whatever I might see beneficial for them
would be granted to my petitions; swearing _by his father's soul_, that
if I remained with him, he would grant me articles for our factory to my
full contentment, and would never go back from his word; and that
besides he would give me ample maintenance. I answered, that I would
consider of his proposal: And, as he was daily inciting me to stay, I at
last consented; considering that I should be able to do good service
both to my own sovereign and him, especially as he offered me an
allowance of £4200 sterling for the first year, promising yearly to
augment my salary till I came to the rank of 1000 horse; my first year
being the allowance of commander of 400. The nobility of India have
their titles and emoluments designated by the number of horse they
command, from 40 up to 12,000, which last pay belongs only to princes
and their sons.

Trusting, therefore, to his promises, and believing that it might be
beneficial both to my nation and myself, I did not think it amiss to
yield to his request; considering that I was deprived of the advantages
I might have reaped by going to Bantam; and that your worships would
send another in my place after half a dozen years, while in the mean
time I might do you service and feather my own nest. Then, because my
name was somewhat harsh for his pronunciation, he gave me the name of
_Ingles Khan_, which is to say _English lord_: though in Persia khan is
equivalent to duke. Being now in the height of favour, the Jesuits and
Portuguese did every thing they could for my overthrow; and indeed the
principal Mahometans about the king envied much to see a Christian in
such favour.

Father Peneiro, who was with Mucrob Khan, and the Jesuits here at Agra,
in my opinion did little regard their masses and other church matters,
in studying how to overthrow my affairs. Advice being sent to Goa and
Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, by the Jesuits here at Agra, of my
favour with the king, they did all in their power to gain Mucrob Khan to
aid the Portuguese; for which purpose the viceroy at Goa wrote to him,
sending rich presents, together with many toys for the king. These
presents, and many fair promises, so wrought with Mucrob Khan, that he
sent a memorial to the king, accompanied by the present from the
viceroy, stating, that permitting the English to trade in the land would
occasion the loss of the maritime country about Surat, Cambaya, and
other places; and that his ancient friends the Portuguese were much
offended by his entertaining me, as a rumour went among them that I was
now general of 10,000 horse, and was ready to assault Diu on the arrival
of the next English ships. The letter of the Portuguese viceroy was much
to the same effect. To all which the king answered, that he had but one
Englishman at his court, whom they had no reason to fear, as he
pretended to none of those things they alleged, and had refused an
establishment near the sea, preferring to live at court.

The Portuguese were quite enraged with this answer, and laboured
incessantly to get me out of the world. I then represented to the king
the dangerous predicament in which I was, and the uncomfortable
situation I was reduced to: My boy Stephen Grosvenor just dead, and my
man Nicholas Ufflet extremely sick, who was the only English person with
me, while I was myself beginning to fall much off. The king immediately
called for the Jesuits, and assured them, if I died by any extraordinary
casualty, that they should all feel it to their cost. The king was then
very earnest with me to take a white maiden from his palace to be my
wife, offering to give her slaves and all other things necessary, and
promising that she would turn Christian; by which means, he said, my
meat and drink would be properly looked after by her and her women, and
I might live without fear. In answer, I refused to accept of any
Mahometan woman, but said if any Christian could be found I would
gratefully accept his royal bounty.

Then the king called to remembrance the daughter of one Mubarick Shah,
who was an Armenian Christian, of the most ancient Christian race;
Mubarick having been a captain, and in great favour with Acbar Padisha,
this king's father. This captain had died suddenly, and without a will,
leaving a vast deal of money, all of which was robbed by his brothers
and kinsmen, or absorbed in debts due to him which could not be
recovered, leaving only a few jewels to this his only child. Considering
that she was a Christian of honest descent, and that I had passed my
word to the king, I could no longer resist my fortune: Wherefore I took
her, and, for want of a minister, I married her before Christian
witnesses, my man Nicholas Ufflet acting as priest; which I thought had
been lawful, till I met with the chaplain who came with Sir Henry
Middleton, who shewed me the error; on which I was again married.
Henceforwards I lived contented and without fear, my wife being willing
to go where I went, and to live as I lived.[191]

[Footnote 191: She went away along with him for England; but as he died
by the way, she afterwards married Mr Towerson.--_Purch._]

After the settlement of this affair, news were sent me that the
Ascension was coming to Surat, which was learnt from the men belonging
to her pinnaces, which were cast away near that place. I then went to
the king, and told him of this circumstance, craving his leave to repair
to Surat, with his commission for settling trade at that port, which he
was very willing to allow, limiting me to a certain time of absence,
when I was to return again to Agra. When the king's chief vizir, Abdal
Hassan, heard this, who was an enemy of all Christians, he told the king
that my going would be the occasion of war, and might occasion the ruin
of one of his great men, who had been sent to Goa to purchase toys for
the king. Upon this, the king signified his pleasure that I was to
remain; but gave immediate orders to have the commission effectually
written and sent off to the chief factor at Surat. In fine, the
commission was written out in golden letters under his great seal, as
fully, freely, and firmly, for our benefit as we could possibly desire.
This I presently obtained, and sent it off to William Finch at Surat.

Before its arrival, news came that the Ascension was cast away, and her
men saved, but were not allowed to come to Surat. I immediately
communicated this intelligence to the king, who was much dissatisfied
with the conduct of Mucrob Khan, my great enemy, and gave me another
order for their good usage, and that every means should be used to save
the goods if possible. These two royal orders came almost at the same
time to Surat, to the great joy of William Finch and the rest, who much
admired how I had been able to procure them. Thus continuing in great
favour with the king, being almost continually in his sight, and serving
him for half the twenty-four hours, I failed not to have most of his
nobles for my enemies, who were chiefly Mahometans; for it went against
their hearts to see a Christian in so great favour and familiarity with
the king, and more especially because he had promised to make his
brother's children Christians, which he actually caused to be done about
two years after my coming to Agra.

Some time after, some of the people belonging to the Ascension came to
me, whom I could have wished to have behaved themselves better, as their
conduct was much pried into by the king.[192] In all this time I had
been unable to recover the debt due me by Mucrob Khan. At length he was
sent for by the king, to answer for many faults laid to his charge, and
much injustice and tyranny he had been guilty of to the people under his
authority, having ruined many, who petitioned the king for justice. This
dog now sent many bribes to the king's sons and the nobles about his
person, to endeavour to make his peace, and they laboured, in his
behalf. When news came that Mucrob Khan was near, the king sent orders
to attach his goods, which were so abundant that the king was two months
in viewing them, every day allotting a certain quantity to be brought
before him. What the king thought fit for his own use he kept, and
returned the rest to Mucrob Khan. In viewing these goods, there appeared
certain muskets, with a rich corselet and head-piece, with other things,
forming the present I intended for the king; which Mucrob had taken from
me under pretence that they were for the king, and would not allow me to
deliver myself. At the sight of these, I was so bold as to tell the king
they were mine.

[Footnote 192: In a side-note at this place, Purchas says that Mr
Alexander Sharpey, their general, came to Agra along with them; which is
not mentioned in the text, but will be found in the narrative of
Sharpens voyage in the sequel.--E.]

After the king had viewed these goods, a Banyan made a most grievous
complaint to the king against Mucrob Khan, who had taken away his
daughter, pretending she was for the king; but had deflowered her
himself, and gave her afterwards to a Bramin who was in his service. The
man who made this charge protested, that his daughter surpassed all
women he had ever seen for beauty. This matter being examined into, and
the offence clearly proved against Mucrob, he was committed as a
prisoner into the custody of a noble of high rank; and the Bramin was
condemned to be made a complete eunuch. Before this happened I went
several times to visit Mucrob, who made many fair promises that he would
deal honestly by me and be my friend, and that I should have my right.
After his disgrace his friends daily solicited for him, and at length
got him clear; but with commandment to pay every man his right, and that
no more complaints should be heard against him, if he loved his life. So
he paid every one his due except me, whom he would not pay. I then
entreated him to deliver me back my cloth, that I might if possible end
with him by fair means; but he put me off from day to day with fresh
delays till his departure shortly after; for the king restored him his
place again, and he was to go to Goa about a fair ballas ruby and other
rarities which were promised to the king.

§ 3. _The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkins
with Sir Henry Middleton to the Red Sea, and thence to Bantam, and
afterwards for England_.

All my going and sending to Mucrob Khan for my money and cloth were in
vain, and seeing myself so grossly abused by him, I was forced to demand
justice of the king, who commanded that the money should be brought
before him; yet for all the king's commands, Mucrob did as he liked, and
in spite of every thing I could do or say, he finally cheated me of
12,500 mahmudies which he owed me, besides interest.[193] The greatest
man in the whole country was his friend, who with many others took his
part, and were continually murmuring to the king about suffering the
English to come into the country, saying, that _if our nation once got
footing in the country we would dispossess him of it_.[194] The king,
upon this, called me before him to make answer to these charges. I said,
if any such matters were done or attempted, I was ready to answer with
my life, for the English were in no respect that base nation that our
enemies represented; and that all these things were laid to our charge
merely because I demanded my due and could not get it. At this time I
used to visit daily the king's chief favourites and nearest relatives,
who spoke to him in my favour, so that he commanded no more such
injuries to be offered me. So, thinking to use my best endeavour to
recover my loss, I spoke to the chief vizier, that he might aid me; but
he answered me in a threatening manner, that if I opened my mouth again
on this subject, he would oblige me to pay 100,000 _mahmudies_, which
the king had lost in his customs at Surat, to which no persons durst
now trade for fear of the Portuguese, who were displeased because the
king entertained me, and granted licence for the English to trade. Owing
to this I was constrained to be silent, for I knew that my money had
been swallowed up by these dogs.

[Footnote 193: On some other occasions in these voyages, the mahmudy is
said to be worth about a shilling.--E.]

[Footnote 194: This may appear somewhat in the spirit of prophecy, as
the English are now masters of a very large portion of the Mogul empire
in Hindostan. This unwieldy empire broke in pieces by its own weight,
and the original vices of its constitution; after which its fragments
have gradually been conquered by the India Company, whose dominions now
include Delhi and Agra, two of its great capitals, and many of its
finest provinces--E.]

Mucrob Khan was now ordered in public to make ready to depart upon an
appointed day for Guzerat, whence he was to proceed to Goa, and was on
that day to come to court to take leave, as is the custom. At this time
three principal merchants of Surat came to court about affairs in which
they had been employed by the king or the chief vizier. Likewise, some
six days before this, a letter came to the king from the Portuguese
viceroy, accompanied by a present of many rarities; in which letter the
viceroy represented how highly the King of Portugal was dissatisfied at
the English being admitted into the king's dominions, considering the
ancient amity between him and his majesty. After many compliments, the
viceroy stated, that a merchant had arrived at Goa with a very fine
ballas ruby, weighing 350 _rotties_, of which the pattern was sent. On
coming to take his leave, accompanied by Padre Peneiro, who was to go
along with him, the three Surat merchants being in the presence, Mucrob
Khan made his speech to the king, saying that he hoped to obtain the
great ruby, and many other valuable things, for his majesty from the
Portuguese, if the privileges granted to the English were disannulled;
and besides, that it would occasion great loss to his majesty and his
subjects, if the English were suffered any more to frequent his ports.
In confirmation of this, he called upon the Surat merchants to declare
to his majesty what loss was occasioned by the English, as they best
knew. They affirmed that they were all likely to be undone because of
the English trading at Surat, and that no toys or curiosities would
hereafter come into his majesty's dominions, because the Portuguese,
being masters of the sea, would not suffer them to go in or out of the
ports, because of the licence granted to the English. All this was a
plot concerted by the Portuguese with Mucrob Khan and the vizier, with
the assistance of the jesuits; and by means of these speeches, and the
king's anxiety to procure the great ruby, together with the promises of
the _padres_ to procure many rarities for his majesty, my affairs were
utterly overthrown; and the king commanded Mucrob Khan to inform the
Portuguese viceroy, that the English should not be suffered any more to
come into his ports.

I now saw plainly that it would be quite bootless for me to make any
attempt to counteract these plots, by petitioning the king, till a good
while after the departure of Mucrob Khan, as my enemies were very
numerous, though they had received many presents from me. When I saw a
convenient time, I resolved to petition the king again, having in the
mean time found a fit toy to present, as the custom is, for no man who
makes a petition must come empty handed. On presenting this petition,
the king immediately granted my request, commanding the vizier to make
me out another commission or licence in as ample form as before, and
expressly commanded that no person should presume to speak to him to the
contrary, it being his fixed resolution that the English should have
freedom to trade in his dominions. Of this alteration the Jesuits at
Agra had immediate notice; for no matter passes in the court of the
Mogul, however secret, but it may be known in half an hour, by giving a
small matter to the secretary of the day; for every thing is written
down, and the writers or secretaries have their appointed days in turn.
The Jesuits instantly sent off a speedy messenger with letters to
Peneiro and Mucrob Khan, giving them notice of this new turn in my
affairs; on receipt of which they immediately resolved not to proceed to
Goa till I were again overthrown. Thereupon Mucrob Khan transmitted a
petition to the king, and letters to his friend the vizier, stating that
it was not for his majesty's honour to send him to Goa, if the promises
made to the Portuguese were not performed; and that the purpose of his
journey would be entirely frustrated, if the new licence given to the
English were not recalled. On reading this, the king went again from his
word and recalled my licence, esteeming a few toys promised him by the
Jesuits beyond his honour.

Being desirous to see the final issue of these things, I went to _Hogio
Jahan_, [Haji Jehan], who was lord-general of the king's palace, and
second officer of the kingdom, entreating him to stand my friend. He
went immediately to the king, telling him that I was sore cast down,
because Abdul Hassan, the chief vizier, would not deliver me the
commission which his majesty had accorded to me. Being in the presence,
and very near the king, I heard him give the following answer: "It is
very true that the commission is sealed and ready for delivery; but
owing to letters received front Mucrob Khan, and better consideration
respecting the affairs of my ports in Guzerat, I do not now think fit
that it should be granted." Thus was I tossed and tumbled, like a
merchant adventuring his all in one bottom, and losing all at once by
storms or pirates. In regard likewise to my pension, I was mightily
crossed; as many times when I applied to Abdul Hassan, he would make
answer, "I know well that you are in no such need, as your own master
bears your charges, and the king knew not what he did in giving to you,
from whom he ought on the contrary to receive." I represented to him
that it was his majesty's pleasure, and none of my request, and being
his majesty's gift, I saw no reason for being deprived of my right. Then
he would bid me have patience, and he would find me out a good living.
Thus was I put off from time to time by this mine enemy; insomuch that
all the time I served at court I could not get a living that would yield
me any thing, the vizier giving me always my living on assignments on
places that were in the hands of outlaws or insurgents, except once that
I had an assignment on Lahor by special command of the king, but of
which I was soon deprived; and all I received from the beginning was not
quite £300, and even of this a considerable portion was spent upon the
charges of men sent to the lordships on which my pension was assigned.

Seeing now that the living which the king had bestowed upon me was taken
away, I was past all hope; for before this, on hearing that our ships
were arrived, I expected the king would perform his former promises, in
hopes of receiving rare things from England. When I now presented a
petition to the king concerning my pension, he turned me over to Abdul
Hassan, who not only refused to let me have my pension, but gave orders
that I should be no more permitted to come within the red rails, being
the place of honour in the presence; where all the time of my residence
hitherto I was placed very near the king's person, only five men of the
whole court being before me.

My affairs being thus utterly overthrown, I determined, with the advice
of my friends, to know exactly what I had to rest upon, and either to be
well in or well out. I therefore made ready and presented a petition to
the king, representing how I had been dealt with by Abdul Hassan who had
himself appropriated what his majesty had been pleased to order for my
living: That the expences of my residence at court for so long a time,
at his majesty's command, and under promises to provide for me, would be
my utter ruin; wherefore, I humbly entreated his majesty to take my case
into his gracious consideration, either to establish me as formerly, or
to grant me leave to depart. In answer to this, he gave me permission to
go away, and commanded a safe conduct to be given me, to pass freely and
without molestation throughout his dominions. On receiving this
passport, I came to make my obeisance, and to take my leave, when I
entreated to have an answer to the letters of my sovereign. On this
Abdul Hassan came to me from the king, and utterly refused in a
disdainful manner; saying, that it was not meet for so great a monarch
to write a letter to any petty prince or governor. To this I answered,
that the king knew more of the mightiness of the King of England than to
suppose him a petty governor.

I went home to my house, using all my endeavours to get my goods and
debts gathered together, meaning to purchase commodities with the money
remaining, and exerted every diligence to get out of the country,
waiting only for the return of Nicholas Ufflet from Lahor with some
indigo then in charge of William Finch, who was determined to go home
over land, as he had no hope of our ever being able to embark at Surat.
I would willingly have gone home by the same route, but it was well
known that I could not travel through Turkey, especially in company with
a female. I was forced therefore to curry favour with the Jesuits, to
procure me a pass or _seguro_ from the Portuguese viceroy, to go by way
of Goa to Portugal, and thence to England. But when the mother and
kindred of my wife saw that I was about to take her away, and supposing
they should never see her more, they were so importunate with me, that I
was forced to engage that she should go no farther with me than Goa,
which was in India, and where they could go to visit her; and that, if
at any time I were to go to Portugal or elsewhere, I should then leave
her with such a dower as is usual with the Portuguese when they die. But
knowing that if my wife should chuse to go with me, all these might
have no effect, I concerted with the Jesuits to procure me two _seguros_
or passports; one giving me free permission and liberty of conscience to
reside and trade at Goa, which only I meant to show to my wife's
relations; while the other was to contain an absolute grant for a free
passage to Portugal, and so for England, with my wife and goods, so as
not to be hindered by any interference of my wife's relations; any thing
that I might be under the necessity of conceding to them to be void and
of no effect, but that I should have liberty to stay or go when I
pleased, with liberty of conscience for myself. This last _seguro_ was
desired to be transmitted to me at Cambaya by the fleet of Portuguese
frigates, as at my departure our ships were not yet come.

The fathers would readily have done this and much more for me, only to
get me out of the country. About this time I had notice of the arrival
of three English ships at Mocha, and that they were surely to come to
Surat at the proper season; which news were sent me from Burhanpoor by
Nicholas Banham, who had gone from me six weeks before for the recovery
of some debts, and with letters for our ships if any came, and it were
possible to send them. While I was preparing to depart, news came of the
return of Mucrob Khan from Goa, with many rare and fine things for the
king; but he brought not the balas ruby, saying that it was false; or at
least he made this excuse, lest, if he had given the Portuguese merchant
his price, it might be valued much lower when it came to the king, and
he be forced to pay the overplus, as had happened before on similar
occasions. I likewise understood that Mucrob Khan did not receive such
satisfaction from the Portuguese as he expected.

At this time my great enemy the chief vizier was thrust out of his
place, owing to the complaints of many of the nobles who were in debt
for their expences, and were unable to procure payment of their
pensions, having their assignments either upon barren places, or on such
as were in rebellion, Abdul Hassan having retained all the good
districts to himself, and robbed them all. From these complaints and
others he had much ado to escape with his life, being degraded from his
high office, and ordered to the wars in the Deccan. One _Gaih Beg_, who
was the king's chief treasurer, and whose daughter was chief queen or
favourite, was made vizier in his stead. The new vizier was one who, in
outward show at least, made much of me, and was always willing to serve
me on occasion. His son and I were great friends, having often visited
at my house, and was now raised to high dignities by the king. On this
change of affairs, and being certified through various channels of the
arrival of our ships, I determined to try what I could now do to
re-establish my affairs; and knowing that nothing could be accomplished
through these Moors without gifts and bribes, I sent my broker to
procure me some jewels fit to be presented to the king's sister and new
paramour, and to the new vizier and his son. After receiving my gifts,
they began on all sides to solicit my cause.

News came to Agra, from certain Banyans at Diu, that three English ships
were seen off that place, and three days afterwards other intelligence
was received that they were anchored at the bar of Surat. Upon these
news, the visier asked me if I had a proper gift for the king, on which
I showed him a ruby ring, and he desired me to prepare for going to
court along with him, when he would present my petition to the king,
who, he said, was already won over to my interest. So, once more coming
before his majesty, and my petition being read, he presently granted the
establishment of our factory, and that the English might come and trade
in all freedom at Surat, commanding the vizier to make out my commission
or licence to that effect with all expedition. The vizier made me a sign
to come forwards and make my obeisance, which I did according to the
custom. But mark what followed. A nobleman of high rank, and in great
favour with the king, who was a most intimate friend both of the late
vizier and of Mucrob Khan, having been brought up along with them from
childhood as pages together to the king, made a speech to the king to
the following effect: "That the granting of this licence would be the
ruin of all his majesty's sea-ports and people, as his majesty had been
already certified by several of his subjects: That it was not consistent
with the king's honour to contradict what he had granted to the
Portuguese, his ancient friends: And that whoever solicited in favour of
the English knew not what they were about; or, if they knew, were not
friends to his majesty." Upon this speech my business was again quite
overthrown, and all my time and presents thrown away, as the king now
said he would not allow the English to trade at his sea-ports, owing to
the inconveniences that had already arisen from their trading at Surat.
But as for myself, if I would remain in his service, he would command
that the allowance he had formerly granted me should be given to my
satisfaction. I declined this, unless the English were allowed the
freedom of trade according to his promise; saying that my own sovereign
would take care that I should not want. I then requested his majesty
would be pleased to give me an answer to the letter I had brought him
from my sovereign; but after consulting some time with his viziers, this
was refused.

I now took my leave, and departed from Agra the 2d of November, 1611,
being in a thousand difficulties what course I had best take. I was in
fear lest the Portuguese might poison me for the sake of my goods; it
was dangerous to travel through the Deccan to Masulipatam on account of
the wars; I could not go by land to Europe by reason of the Turks; and I
was resolved not to remain among these faithless infidels. I arrived at
Cambaya the 31st December, 1611, where I had certain news of our ships
being at Surat, to which place I sent a foot-messenger with a letter,
saying that the friars at Cambaya asserted that four large ships, with
certain gallies and frigates, wore preparing at Goa to attack our ships,
and that the Portuguese were contriving treachery against Sir Henry
Middleton; all of which the fathers wished me to apprize him of, which I
afterwards found was a political contrivance to put Sir Henry in fear,
that he might depart.

As for me, my ostensible object was to go home by means of the
Portuguese, as I had promised my wife and her brother, who was now with
us, and to delude him and the friars till I could get away on board our
ships, which I was sure to know by the return of my messenger. In the
mean time I used every endeavour to get away my wife's brother, who
departed two days afterwards for Agra, without once suspecting that I
meant to go in the English ships. Nicholas Ufflet now went from Cambaya
to examine the road; and when two days journey from Cambaya, he met
Captain William Sharpey, Mr Fraine, and Mr Hugh Greete, who were sent to
me at Cambaya by Sir Henry to my no small joy. Wherefore, making all the
haste I could to prepare for my departure, I left Cambaya on the 18th
January, 1612, and got to our ships on the 26th of the same month, when
I was most kindly received and welcomed by Sir Henry Middleton.

We departed from Surat on the 11th February, and arrived at Dabul on the
16th, where we took a Portuguese ship and frigate, out of which we took
some quantity of goods. Leaving Dabul on the 5th March for the Red Sea,
with intention to revenge our wrongs both on the Turks and Moguls, we
arrived there on the 3d April, where we found three English ships, whose
general was Captain John Saris. Having dispatched our business in the
Red Sea, we sailed from thence the 16th August, 1612, and arrived at
Tecu in Sumatra the 19th October. Our business there being ended, we
departed thence on the night of the 19th November, and struck that
night, three leagues off, on a bed of coral, in about three fathoms
water, but by the great mercy of God escaped being lost; yet we were
forced to put back to Tecu to stop our leaks, for which purpose we had
to unload our ship. The leaks being somewhat stopped, and our goods
reloaded, we departed again the 8th December, and arrived at Bantam the
21st of that month.

As Sir Henry did not think his ship, the Trades-increase, in sufficient
condition for going home that season, he was forced to remain and have
her careened. Having closed accounts with Sir Henry to his satisfaction,
I shipped my goods in the Solomon, _which came for our voyage_,[195] for
saving a greater freight, but could not be admitted in her myself;
Captain Saris, however, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed
that the Solomon and we were to keep company. We accordingly sailed from
Bantam on the 30th January, 1613, and arrived at Saldanha bay the 21st
April, having much foul weather for near 200 leagues from the Cape. We
here found four ships of Holland, which left Bantam a month before us.
The Hollanders were very kind to us all, and especially attentive to me,
as they had heard much of my favour and high estate at Agra, by an agent
of theirs who resided at Masulipatam. Some eight days afterwards the
Expedition came in,[196] and brought me a letter from your worships,
which was delivered two days after. The wind coming fair, we departed
from Saldanha the 21st May, 1613.[197]

[Footnote 195: This uncommon expression is not easily explicable, as the
ships under Saris appear to have been in the employ of the same company.
It probably refers to the partial subscriptions for particular voyages,
in use at the first establishment of the Company.--E.]

[Footnote 196: This alludes to the twelfth voyage fitted out by the
English East India Company, under the command of Christopher Newport, of
which hereafter.--E.]

[Footnote 197: We have formerly seen, from a side-note of Purchas, that
Captain Hawkins died before reaching England, and that his Armenian wife
afterwards married Mr Towerson. The journal here breaks off abruptly,
and Purchas remarks, that he had omitted many advices of the author,
respecting forts, Indian factories, &c. _not fitting for every
eye._--E.]

4. _A brief Discourse of the Strength, Wealth, and Government of the
Great Mogul, with some of his Customs.[198]

I first begin with his princes, dukes, marquisses, earls, viscounts,
barons, knights, esquires, gentlemen, and yeomen; for as the Christian
sovereigns distinguish their nobility by these titles, so do the Moguls
distinguish theirs by the numbers of horse they are appointed to
command; unless it be those whom he most favours, whom he honours with
the title of _Khan_ and _Immirza_; none having the title of _Sultan_
except his sons. Khan, in the Persian language, is equivalent to duke
with us in Europe. Immirza is the title given to the sons of the king's
brother. These titles or ranks are of 12,000 horse, of which there are
only four, being the king himself, his mother, his eldest son, Prince or
Sultan Parvis, and one more named Khan Azam, who is of the blood-royal
of the Usbecks. The next rank, equivalent to our dukes, are leaders of
9000 horse, of whom there are three. Then of marquisses, or commanders
of 5000, there are eighteen. The others are from 2000 down to 20; of all
which ranks there are 2950. Besides which there are 5000 men, called
Haddies, who receive monthly pay, equal to from one to six horsemen. Of
such officers as belong to the court and camp there are 36,000, as
porters, gunners, watermen, lackies, horse-keepers, elephant-keepers,
matchlock-men, _frasses_ or tent-men, cooks, light-bearers, gardeners,
keepers of wild beasts, &c. All these are paid from the royal treasury,
their wages being from ten to three rupees[199]. All the captains under
the king are obliged, on eight days warning, to furnish the number of
horsemen which belong to the rank they respectively hold, from 12,000
down to 20, for all which they draw pay, and which they are obliged to
maintain; making a total of three lacks, or 300,000 horse.

[Footnote 198: This appears to have been written by Captain Hawkins, as
appended to his narrative by Purchas. It is said by the author, that he
had partly seen these things, and partly learnt them by information,
from the chief officers and overseers of the court.--E]

[Footnote 199: The rupee, or _rupia_, as it is called in the original,
is stated by Purchas, in a side-note, at 2s. each; while, he adds, some
call it 2s. 3d. and others 2s. 6d. In fact, the rupee varies materially
in its value according to circumstances, which will be fully explained
in the sequel.--E.]

The entire compass of the dominions of the Great Mogul is two years
travel for caravans; reaching from Agra, which is in a manner in the
heart of all his kingdoms, in various directions, to Candahar, to
Soughtare[200] in Bengal, to Cabul, Deccan, Surat, and Tatta in Sinde.
His empire is divided into five great kingdoms: _Punjab_, of which
Lahore is the capital; _Bengal_, of which _Sonargham_[201] is the chief
place; _Malwa_, of which _Ugam_ [Ougein] is the capital; _Deccan_, with
its capital _Bramport_ [Burhanpoor]; and _Guzerat_, having _Amadavar_
[Ahmedabad] as its capital. _Delhi_ is reckoned the chief or royal city
of the great kingdom of the Mogul in India, where all the ceremonials of
his coronation are performed. There are six principal fortresses or
castles, Agra, Gualiar, Nerwer, Ratamboor, Hassier, and Roughtaz; in
which castles his treasures are securely kept.[202]

[Footnote 200: This name is so completely corrupted as to be
inexplicable.--E.]

[Footnote 201: This name is nearly in the same predicament with
Soughtare, unless Chunarghur be meant, including Oude Allahabad and
Bahar in Bengal.--E.]

[Footnote 202: The three last names are inexplicable, unless Ruttampoor
be meant for one of them. But this slight sketch of the Mogul empire is
so exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory, as not to merit any
commentary.--E.]

In all this great empire there are three arch enemies, which all his
power has been unable to subdue; these are, _Amberry Chapu_ in the
Deccan, _Baadur_, the son of _Muzafer_, who was formerly king of
Guzerat, and _Rajah Rahana_ in Malwa. The present Great Mogul[203] has
five sons, Sultan Cussero, Sultan Parvis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar,
and Sultan Bath. He has two young daughters, and 300 wives, four of
whom, being the chief, are reckoned queens; Padisha Bann, the daughter
of Kaime Khan; Nour Mahal, the daughter of Gaih Beg; the third is the
daughter of Sein Khan; and the fourth is the daughter of Hakim Hamaun,
who was brother to his own father the Padisha Akbar.[204]

[Footnote 203: His name is no where given by Hawkins; but in the journal
of Sir Thomas Rae, who went a few years afterwards ambassador to the
same king, he is called Jehan-Guire.--E.]

[Footnote 204: We have here omitted a long account of the Mogul
treasures in gold, silver, and jewels, and an immense store of rich
ornaments in gold, silver, and jewellery, together with the enumeration
of horses, elephants, camels, oxen, mules, deer, dogs, lions, ounces,
hawks, pigeons, and singing birds, extremely tedious and
uninteresting.--E.]

The daily expences of the Mogul for his own person, and for feeding his
cattle of all sorts, among which are some royal elephants, and all other
particular expences, as dress, victuals, and other household charges,
come to 50,000 rupees a-day; and the daily expences of his women amount
to 30,000 rupees.

The custom of the Mogul is, to take possession of all the treasure
belonging to his nobles when they die, giving among the children what he
pleases; but he usually treats them kindly, dividing their fathers land
among them, and giving great respect to the eldest son, who is generally
promoted in time to the full rank of his father. In my time Rajah
Gaginat, a great lord or prince among the idolaters, died, when his
effects being seized to the king's use, besides jewels, silver, and
other valuables, his treasure in gold only amounted to 60 _mauns_, every
_maun_ being 25 pounds weight.

The king has 300 royal elephants on which he himself rides; and when
brought before him they appear in great state, having thirty-two men
going before them with streamers. The housings or coverings of these
elephants are very rich, being either cloth of gold or rich velvet; each
royal elephant is followed by his female, and his cub or cubs, usually
having four or five young ones as pages, some seven, eight, or nine.
These royal elephants, which are the largest and handsomest, eat every
day to the value of ten rupees, in sugar, butter, grain, and sugar
canes. They are so tame and well managed, that I one day saw the king
order one of his sons, named Shariar, a child of seven years old, to go
to the elephant and be taken up by his trunk, which was so done, the
elephant delivering him to his keeper, who rules him with a hooked iron.
When any of these elephants are brought Jean before the king, those
having charge of them are disgraced unless they have all the better
excuse: so that every one strives to bring his in good order, even
though he may have to spend of his own funds.

When the Mogul goes out to hunt, his camp is about as much in compass as
the city of London, or even more; and I may even say that at least
200,000 people follow him on this occasion, every thing being provided
as for the use of a large city. The elephant is of all beasts the most
sagacious, of which I shall give one instance, which was reported to me
as a certainty. An elephant upon a hard journey having been ill-used by
his keeper, and finding the fellow asleep one day near him, but out of
his reach, and having green canes brought him as food, he took hold of a
cane by one end with his trunk, and reached the other end to the
keeper's head, which was bare, his turban having fallen off, and
twisting the cane among his long hair, drew the fellow towards him, and
then slew him.

The king has many dromedaries, which are very swift, and are used for
coming with great speed to assault any city, as was once done by this
king's father, who assaulted Ahmedabad in Guzerat, when he was supposed
to be at Agra; going there with 12,000 men in nine days upon
dromedaries, striking such terror into the Guzerats by his sudden
arrival, that they were easily reduced. This king has much reduced the
numbers of the Rajaput captains, who were idolaters, and has preferred
Mahometans, who are weak-spirited men, void of resolution; so that this
king is beginning to lose those parts of the Deccan which were conquered
by his father. He has a few good captains yet remaining, whom his father
highly valued; but they are out of his favour, as they refused to join
him in his unnatural rebellion against his own father. For this purpose,
being in _Attabasse_, the regal seat of a kingdom called _Porub_,[205]
he rose in rebellion with 80,000 horse, intending to have taken Agra and
got possession of his father's treasure, who was then engaged in
conquering the Deccan.

[Footnote 205: Probably an error for the royal city of the kingdom of
Porus, in the time of Alexander the Great; in which case Attabasse may
be what is now called Attock Benares, on the main stream of the Indus,
in the Punjab, or the eastern frontier of Lahore.--E.]

Before the former emperor Akbar departed for the wars in the Deccan, he
gave orders to his son Selim, who is now emperor, to go with the forces
he commanded against Raja Rahana, the great rebel in Malwa, who coming
to a parley with Selim, told him he would get nothing in warring against
him but hard blows; and he had much better, during his father's absence
in the Deccan, go against Agra, and possess himself of his father's
treasure and make himself king, as there was no one able to resist him.
Selim followed this advice: but his father getting timely notice, came
in all haste to Agra to prevent him, and sent immediately a message to
his son, that he might either come and fall at his feet for mercy, or
try the chance of a battle. Considering his father's valour, he thought
it best to submit to his father, who committed him to prison, but soon
released him at the intercession of his mother and sisters. In
consequence of this rebellion Selim was disinherited, and his eldest son
Cussero was proclaimed heir-apparent; all the younger sons of Akbar
having died in the Deccan or in Guzerat.

Akbar died shortly after, having restored Selim to his inheritance while
on his death-bed. But Cussero raised troops against his father, and
being defeated and taken prisoner, still remains confined in the palace,
but blinded, according to report. Since that time he has caused all the
adherents of his son to be put to cruel deaths, and has reigned since in
quiet; but is ill beloved by the greatest part of his subjects, who are
in great fear of him. While I was at his court, I have seen him do many
cruel deeds. Five times a week he orders some of his bravest elephants
to fight in his presence, during which men are often killed or
grievously wounded by the elephants. If any one be sore hurt, though he
might very well chance to recover, he causes him to be thrown into the
river, saying, "Dispatch him, for as long as he lives he will
continually curse me, wherefore it is better that he die presently." He
delights to see men executed and torn in pieces by elephants.

In my time, a Patan of good stature came to one of the king's sons,
called Sultan Parvis, and petitioned to have some place or pension
bestowed on him. Demanding whether he would serve him, the Patan said
no, for the prince would not give him such wages as he would ask. The
prince asked him how much would satisfy him, on which he said that he
would neither serve his father nor him unless he had 1000 rupees a-day,
equal to £100 sterling. On the prince asking what were his
qualifications that he rated his services so highly, he desired to be
tried at all kind of weapons, either on foot or on horseback, and if any
one was found to surpass him, he was willing to forfeit his life. The
prince having to attend his father, ordered the Patan to be in the way.
At night, the king's custom being to drink, the prince told him of the
Patan, whom the king commanded to be brought before him. Just at this
time a large and very fierce lion was brought in, strongly chained, and
led by a dozen men. After questioning the Patan, as to whence he came,
his parentage, and what was his valour, that he demanded such wages, the
Patan desired the king to put him to a trial: Then, said the king, go
and wrestle with that lion. The Patan replied, that this was a wild,
beast, and it would be no trial of his manhood to make him go against
the lion without a weapon. The king however insisted upon it, and the
poor fellow was torn in pieces. Not yet satisfied, but desirous to see
more sport, the king sent for ten of his horsemen who were, that night
on guard, whom he commanded, one after the other, to buffet with the
lion. They were all grievously wounded, and three of them lost their
lives. The king continued three months in this cruel humour; in which
time, merely for his pleasure, many men lost their lives, and many were
grievously wounded. Afterwards, and till I came away, twelve or fifteen
young lions were made tame, and used to play with each other in the
king's presence, frisking about among people's legs, yet doing no harm
in a long time.

His custom is every year to be two months out hunting; and when he means
to begin his journey, if he comes from his palace on horseback, it is a
sign he goes to war; but if on an elephant or in a palanquin, his
expedition will only be for hunting.

He cannot abide that any one should have precious stones of value
without offering them to him for sale, and it is death for any one to
possess such without immediately giving him the refusal. A Banyan, named
_Herranand_, who was his jeweller, had bought a diamond of three
meticals weight, for which he paid 100,000 rupees, yet had not done it
so covertly but news of it was brought to the king; and some friend of
_Herrenand_ presently acquainted him that it had come to the king's
knowledge. Upon this the jeweller waited on the king, saying that his
majesty had often promised to come to his house, and that now was the
proper time, as he had a fine present to make him, having bought a
diamond of great weight. The king smiled, and said, "Thy luck has been
good." By these and such means the king has engrossed all the finest
diamonds, as no one dare purchase one from five carats upwards without
his leave. All the lands of the whole monarchy belong to the king, who
giveth and taketh at his pleasure. If any one, for instance, has lands
at Lahore, and is sent to the wars in the Deccan, his lands at Lahore
are given to another, and he receives new lands in or near the Deccan.
Those lands which are let pay to the king two-thirds of the produce; and
those which are given away in fee pay him one-third. The poor _riots_,
or husbandmen who cultivate the land, are very hardly dealt by, and
complain much of injustice, but little is given them. At his first
coming to the throne he was more severe than now, so that the country is
now so full of outlaws and thieves, that one can hardly stir out of
doors in any part of his dominions without a guard, as almost the whole
people are in rebellion.

There is one great _Ragane_[206] between Agra and Ahmedabad, who
commands an extent of country equal to a good kingdom, maintaining
20,000 horse and 50,000 foot; and as his country is strong and
mountainous, all the force of the king has never been able to reduce
him. There are many of those rebels all through his dominions, but this
is one of the greatest. Many have risen in Candahar, Cabul, Mooltan,
Sindy, and the kingdom of _Boloch_.[207] Bengal, Guzerat, and the Deccan
are likewise full of rebels, so that no one can travel in safety for
outlaws; all occasioned by the barbarity of the government, and the
cruel exactions made upon the husbandmen, which drive them to rebellion.

[Footnote 206: Hawkins calls rebels, as the Moguls did, all those that
refused subjection; though some of them were perhaps originally
independent kings, as this Ragane or Ranna, supposed to have been the
true successor of Porus, who was conquered by Alexander. He is now
reduced, or rather, as they say, peaceably induced to acknowledge the
Mogul, and to pay tribute.--_Purch_.]

[Footnote 207: Probably meaning the Ballogees, a people on the
south-side of the Wulli mountains, bordering to the southward on
Candahar.--E.]

In the morning, at break of day, the king is at his beads, praying, on
his knees, upon a Persian lambskin, having some eight rosaries, or
strings of beads, each containing 400. The beads are of rich pearl,
ballace rubies, diamonds, rubies, emeralds, aloes wood, _eshem_, and
coral. At the upper end of a large black stone on which he kneels, there
are figures graven in stone of the Virgin and Christ, so, turning his
face to the west, he repeats 3200 words, according to the number of his
beads. After this he shews himself to the people, receiving their salams
or good-morrows; a vast multitude resorting every morning to the palace
for that purpose. After this he takes two hours sleep, then dines, and
passes his time among his women till noon. From that time till three
o'clock he shews himself again to the people, looking at sports and
pastimes made by men, or at fights of various animals. At three o'clock,
all the nobles then in Agra, who are in health, resort to court, when
the king comes forth to open audience, sitting in his royal seat, and
all the nobles standing before him, each according to his degree. The
chiefs of the nobles standing within the red rail, and all the rest
without, all being properly placed by the lieutenant-general. The space
within the red rail is three steps higher than where the rest stand, and
within this red rail I was placed among the chiefest of the land. All
the rest are placed in their order by officers, and they likewise are
placed within another rail in a spacious place; and without the rail
stand all kinds of horsemen and foot-soldiers belonging to his captains,
and all other comers. At these rails there are many doors kept by a
great number of porters, who have white rods to keep every one in order.

In the middle of the place, right before the king, stands one of the
king's sheriffs or judges, together with the chief executioner, who is
attended by forty executioners, distinguished from all others by a
peculiar kind of quilted caps on their heads, some with hatchets on
their shoulders, and others with all sorts of whips, ready to execute
the king's commands. The king hears all manner of causes in this place,
staying about two hours every day for that purpose; for the kings in
India sit in judgment every day, and their sentences are put in
execution every Tuesday.

After this he retires to his private chamber for prayer, when four or
five kinds of finely-dressed roast meats are set before him, of which
he eats till his stomach is satisfied, drinking after this meal one cup
of strong drink. He then goes into a private room, into which no one
enters but such as are named by himself, where for two years I was one
of his attendants; and here he drinks other five cups of strong liquor,
being the quantity allowed by his physicians. This done, he chews opium,
and being intoxicated, he goes to sleep, and every one departs to his
home. He is awakened after two hours to get his supper, at which time he
is unable to feed himself, but has it thrust into his mouth by others,
which is about one o'clock in the morning; after which he sleeps the
rest of the night.

During the time that he drinks his six cups of strong liquor, he says
and does many idle things; yet whatsoever he does or says, whether drunk
or sober, there are writers who attend him in rotation, who set every
thing down in writing; so that not a single incident of his life but is
recorded, even his going to the necessary, and when he lies with his
wives. The purpose of all this is, that when he dies all his actions and
speeches that are worthy of being recorded may be inserted in the
chronicle of his reign. One of the king's sons, Sultan Shariar, a boy of
seven years old, was called by him one day when I was there, and asked
if he chose to accompany him to some place where he was going for
amusement. The boy answered he would either go or stay, as it pleased
his majesty to command. Because he had not said, that he would go with
all his heart along with his majesty, he was sore beaten by the king,
yet did not cry. The king therefore asked him, why he cried not?
Because, he said, his nurse had told him that it was the greatest
possible shame for a prince to cry when beaten; and that ever since he
had never cried, and would not though beaten to death. On this his
father struck him again, and taking a bodkin, thrust it through his
cheek; yet would he not cry, though he bled much. It was much wondered
at by all that the king should so treat his own child, and that the boy
was so stout-hearted as not to cry. There is great hopes that this child
will exceed all the rest.


SECTION VI.

_Observations of William Finch, Merchant, who accompanied Captain
Hawkins to Surat, and returned overland to Europe_.[208]

INTRODUCTION.

This article is said by Purchas to have been abbreviated out of the
larger journal kept by Finch during his voyage to India and residence
there, and seems a most useful supplement to the preceding section,
being in many circumstances more full and satisfactory than the relation
of Hawkins. In the Pilgrims of Purchas it does not follow the former
relation, but that was owing to its not reaching him in time, as is
stated in the following note, which is both characteristic of that early
collector of voyages and travels, and of the observations of William
Finch.

[Footnote 208: Purch. Pilg. I. 414.]

"This should have followed next after Master Hawkins, with whom William
Finch went into the _Mogolls_ country, if I then had had it. But better
a good dish, though not in duest place of service, than not at all:
Neither is he altogether born out of due time, which comes in due place,
while we are yet in India, and in time also, before the _Mogoll_ affairs
received any latter access or better maturity: And for that circumstance
failing, you shall find it supplied in substance, with more accurate
observations of men, beasts, plants, cities, deserts, castles,
buildings, regions, religions, than almost any other; as also of ways,
wares, and wars."--_Purchas_.

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 1. _Remembrances respecting Sierra Leona, in August 1607, the Bay,
Country, Inhabitants, Rites, Fruits, and Commodities_.

The island, which we fell in with some ten leagues south from the bay of
Sierra Leona, in lat. 8° N. has no inhabitants; neither did I learn its
name. It has some plantains, and, by report, good watering and wooding
for ships; but about a league from the shore there is a dangerous ledge
of rock, scarcely visible at high water. The bay of Sierra Leona is
about three leagues broad, being high land on the south side, full of
trees to the very edge of the water, and having several coves, in which
we caught plenty and variety of fish. On the farther side of the fourth
cove is the watering place, having excellent water continually running.
Here on the rocks we found the names of various Englishmen who had been
there. Among these was Sir Francis Drake, who had been there
twenty-seven years before; Thomas Candish, Captain Lister, and others.
About the middle of the bay, right out from the third cove, lieth a
sand, near about which there are not above two or three fathoms, but in
most other parts eight or ten close in shore. The tide flows E.S.E. the
highest water being six or eight feet, and the tide is very strong. The
latitude is 8° 30' N.

The king of Sierra Leona resides at the bottom of the bay, and is called
by the Moors _Borea_, or Captain _Caran_, _caran_, _caran_, having other
petty kings or chiefs under him; one of whom, called Captain _Pinto_, a
wretched old man, dwells at a town within the second cove; and on the
other side of the bay is Captain _Boloone_. The dominions of _Borea_
stretch 40 leagues inland, from which he receives a tribute in
cotton-cloth, elephants teeth, and gold; and has the power of selling
his people as slaves, some of whom he offered to us. Some of them have
been converted to Christianity by the Portuguese priests and Jesuits,
who have a chapel, in which is a table inscribed with the days that are
to be observed as holy. The king and a few of his principal attendants
are decently clothed in jackets and breeches; but the common people have
only a slight cotton-cloth round their waists, while the women have a
kind of short petticoat or apron down to their knees; all the rest of
their bodies, both men and women, being quite naked; the young people of
both sexes having no dress whatever. All the people, both men and women,
have all parts of their bodies very curiously and ingeniously _traced
and pinked_ [tatooed], and have their teeth filed very sharp. They pull
off all the hair from their eye-lids. The men have their beards short,
black, and cropped, and the hair on their heads strangely cut into
crisped paths or cross alleys; while others wear theirs in strange
jagged tufts, or other foolish forms; the women's heads being all close
shaved.

Their town contains not more than thirty or forty houses, all
irregularly clustered together, all thatched with reeds; yet each has a
kind of yard inclosed with mud walls, like our hovels or hog-styles in
England. Instead of a locked and bolted door, the entrance is only
closed by a mat, having nothing to be stolen; and for bedsteads they
have only a few billets covered by a mat; yet some have hangings of
mats, especially about their beds. Their furniture consists of two or
three earthen pots to hold water, and to boil such provisions as they
can get; a gourd or two for palm-wine; half a gourd to serve as a
drinking cup; a few earthen dishes for their _loblolly_ or pottage; a
basket for the _maria_ [wife], to gather cockles; and a knapsack for the
man, made of bark, to carry his provisions, with his pipe and tobacco.
When a negro man goes from home, he has always his knapsack on his back,
in which he has his provisions and tobacco, his pipe being seldom from
his mouth; besides which, he has always his _do-little_ sword by his
side, made by themselves of such iron as they get from the Europeans;
his bow also, and quiver full of poisoned arrows, pointed with iron like
a snake's-tongue, or else a case of javelins or darts, having iron heads
of good breadth and made sharp, sometimes both.

The men of this country are large and well-made, strong and courageous,
and of civilized manners for heathens; as they keep most faithfully to
their wives, of whom they are not a little jealous. I could not learn
their religion; for though they have some idols, they seem to know that
there is a God in heaven, as, when we asked them about their wooden
puppets, they used to lift up their hands to heaven. All their children
are circumcised, but I could not learn the reason why. They are very
just and true in their dealings, and theft is punished with instant
death. When any one dies, a small thatched roof is erected over his
bier, under which are set earthen pots kept always full of water, and
some earthen plates with different kinds of food, a few bones being
stuck up around the body. To the south of this bay, some thirty or forty
leagues into the interior country, there are very fierce people, who are
cannibals, and sometimes infest the natives of Sierra Leona.

[Illustration: map]

The inhabitants of Sierra Leona feed on rice, of which they only
cultivate what is indispensibly needful for their subsistence, in small
patches near their dwellings, which they clear by burning the woods.
They likewise sow another very small grain, called _pene_, of which they
make bread, not much unlike winter savory. They rear a few poultry about
their houses, using no other animal food, except when they sometimes get
a fawn of the wild deer, a few of which are found in the mountains, or
some wild fowl. They feed also on cockles and oysters, of which there
are vast quantities on the rocks and trees by the sea-side, but these
have rather an insipid taste; and they catch plenty of excellent fish,
by means of wears and other devices. They also feed on herbs and roots,
cultivating about their dwellings many plantains, gourds, pumpkins,
potatoes, and guinea pepper. Tobacco likewise is planted by every one,
and seems to constitute half their food. The hole of their tobacco pipe
is very large, and made of clay well burnt into the lower end of which
they thrust a small hollow cane eighteen inches long, through which they
suck the smoke, both men and women swallowing most of it. Every man
carries a small bag called a _tuffio_, in his knapsack, in which is his
pipe and tobacco, and the women have their _tuffio_ in their wrappers,
carrying their pipes in their hands. They prepare their tobacco for
smoking by straining out its juice while quite green, and they informed
us by signs that it would otherwise make them drunk. They afterwards
shred it very small, and dry it on an earthen dish over the embers. On
an island in the bay we saw about half a dozen goats, and no where else
in this country.

They have innumerable kinds of fruits growing wild in the woods, in
which are whole groves of lemon trees, especially near the town and
watering-place, and some few orange trees. Their drink is mostly water,
yet the men use great quantities of _palmito_ wine, which they call
_moy_, giving little or none to the women. It is strange to see their
manner of climbing the palmito trees, which are of great size and
height, having neither boughs nor branches except near the top.
Surrounding the tree and his own, body by means of a _withe_, or band of
twisted twigs, on which he leans his back, and jerking up his withe
before him, he foots it up with wonderful speed and certainty, and comes
down again in the same manner, bringing his gourd full of liquor on his
arm. Among their fruits are many kinds of plumbs; one like a _wheaten_
plumb is wholesome and savoury; likewise a black one, as large as a
horse plumb, which is much esteemed, and has an aromatic flavour. A
kind called _mansamilbas_, resembling a wheaten plumb, is very
dangerous, as is likewise the sap of the boughs, which is perilous for
the sight, if it should chance to get into the eyes.[209] Among their
fruits is one called _beninganion_, about the size of a lemon, with a
reddish rind, and very wholesome; also another called _bequill_, as
large as an apple, with a rough knotty skin, which is pared off, when
the pulp below eats like a strawberry, which likewise it resembles in
colour and grain, and of which we eat many. There are abundance of wild
grapes in the woods, but having a woody and bitterish taste. The nuts of
the palmito are eaten roasted. They use but little pepper and _grains_,
the one in surgery and the other in cooking. There is a singular fruit,
growing six or eight together in a bunch, each as long and thick as
one's finger, the skin being of a brownish yellow colour, and somewhat
downy, and within the rind is a pulp of a pleasant taste; but I know not
if it be wholesome.

[Footnote 209: Probably the Manchencel--E.]

[Illustration: map]

I observed in the woods certain trees like beeches, bearing fruit
resembling beans, of which I noticed three kinds. One of these was a
great tall tree, bearing cods like those of beans, in each of which was
four or five squarish beans, resembling tamarind seeds, having hard
shells, within which is a yellow kernel, which is a virulent poison,
employed by the negroes to envenom their arrows. This they call _Ogon_.
The second is smaller, having a crooked pod with a thick rind, six or
seven inches long, and half that breadth, containing each five large
beans an inch long. The third, called _quenda_, has short leaves like
the former, and much bigger fruit, growing on a strong thick woody
stalk, indented on the sides, nine inches long and five broad, within
which are five long beans, which are also said to be dangerous. I
likewise saw trees resembling willows, bearing fruit like pease-cods.

There is a fruit called _Gola_, which grows in the interior. This fruit,
which is inclosed in a shell, is hard, reddish, bitter, and about the
size of a walnut, with many angles and corners. The negroes are much
given to chew this fruit along with the bark of a certain tree. After
one person has chewed it a while, he gives it to his neighbour, and so
from one to another, chewing it long before they cast it away; but
swallowing none of its substance. They attribute great virtues to this
for the teeth and gums; and indeed the negroes have usually excellent
teeth. This fruit passes also among them for money.[210] Higher within
the land they cultivate cotton, which they call _innumma_, and of which
they spin very good yarn with spindles, and afterwards very ingeniously
weave into cloths, three quarters of a yard broad, to make their girdles
or clouts formerly mentioned; and when sewed together it is made into
jackets and breeches for their great men. By means of a wood called
_cambe_, they dye their purses and mats of a red colour.

[Footnote 210: In a side-note; Purchas calls this the fruit of the
_carob tree_.--E.]

The tree on which the _plantains_ grow is of considerable height, its
body being about the thickness of a man's thigh. It seems to be an
annual plant, and, in my opinion, ought rather to be reckoned among
reeds than trees; for the stem is not of a woody substance, but is
compacted of many leaves wrapped close upon each other, adorned with
leaves from the very ground instead of boughs, which are mostly two
yards long and a yard broad, having a very large rib in the middle. The
fruit is a bunch of ten or twelve plantains, each a span long, and as
thick as a man's wrist, somewhat crooked or bending inwards. These grow
on a leafy stalk on the middle of the plant, being at first green, but
grow yellow and tender as they ripen. When the rind is stripped off, the
inner pulp is also yellowish and pleasant to the taste. Beneath the
fruit hangs down, from the same stalk, a leafy sharp-pointed tuft, which
seems to have been the flower. This fruit they call _bannana_, which
they have in reasonable abundance. They are ripe in September and
October. We carried some with us green to sea, which, were six weeks in
ripening. Guinea pepper grows wild in the woods on a small plant like
_privet_, having small slender leaves, the fruit being like our barberry
in form and colour. It is green at first, turning red as it ripens. It
does not grow in bunches like our barberry, but here and there two or
three together about the stalk. They call it _bangue_. The _pene_, of
which their bread is made, grows on a small tender herb resembling
grass, the stalk being all full of small seeds, not inclosed in any
bask. I think it is the same which the Turks call _cuscus_, and the
Portuguese _yfunde_.

The _palmito_ tree is high and straight, its bark being knotty, and the
wood of a soft substance, having no boughs except at the top, and these
also seem rather reeds than boughs, being all pith within, inclosed by a
hard rind. The leaf is long and slender, like that of a sword lilly, or
flag. The boughs stand out from the top of the tree on all sides, rather
more than a yard long, beset on both sides with strong sharp prickles,
like saw-teeth, but longer. It bears a fruit like a small cocoa-nut, the
size of a chesnut, inclosed in a hard shell, streaked with threads on
the outside, and containing a kernel of a hard horny substance, quite
tasteless; yet they are eaten roasted. The tree is called _tobell_, and
the fruit _bell_. For procuring the palmito wine, they cut off one of
the branches within a span of the head, to which they fasten a gourd
shell by the mouth, which in twenty-four hours is filled by a clear
whitish sap, of a good and strong relish, with which the natives get
drunk. The oysters formerly mentioned grow on trees resembling willows
in form, but having broader leaves, which are thick like leather, and
bearing small knobs like those of the cypress. From these trees hang
down many branches into the water, each about the thickness of a
walking-stick, smooth, limber, and pithy within, which are overflowed by
every tide, and hang as thick as they can stick of oysters, being the
only fruit of this tree.

They have many kinds of ordinary fishes, and some which seemed to us
extraordinary; as mullets, rays, thornbacks, old-wives with prominent
brows, fishes like pikes, gar-fish, _cavallios_ like mackerel,
swordfishes, having snouts a yard long, toothed on each side like a saw,
sharks, dogfish, _sharkers_, resembling sharks, but having a broad flat
snout like a shovel, shoe-makers, having pendents at each side of their
mouths like barbels, and which grunt like hogs, with many others. We
once caught in an hour 6000 fishes like bleaks. Of birds, there are
pelicans as large as swans, of a white colour, with long and large
bills. Herons, curlews, boobies, ox-eyes, and various other kinds of
waterfowl. On land, great numbers of grey parrots, and abundance of
pintados or Guinea fowls, which are very hurtful to their rice crops.
There are many other kinds of strange birds in the woods, of which I
knew not the names; and I saw among the negroes many porcupine quills.
There are also great numbers of monkeys leaping about the trees, and on
the mountains there are lions, tigers, and ounces. There are but few
elephants, of which we only saw three, but they abound farther inland.
The negroes told us of a strange beast, which our interpreter called a
carbuncle, which is said to be often seen, but only in the night. This
animal is said to carry a stone in his forehead, wonderfully luminous,
giving him light by which to feed in the night; and on hearing the
slightest noise he presently conceals it with a skin or film naturally
provided for the purpose. The commodities here are few, more being got
farther to the eastwards. At certain times of the year, the Portuguese
get gold and elephants teeth in exchange for rice, salt, beads, bells,
garlick, French bottles, copper kettles, low-priced knives, hats, linen
like barber's aprons, latten basins, edge-tools, bars of iron, and
sundry kinds of specious trinkets; but they will not give gold for toys,
only exchanging victuals for such things.

       *       *       *       *       *

"This diligent observer hath taken like pains touching Saldanha bay: But
as we touch there often, and have already given many notices of that
place, we shall now double the Cape, and take a view along with him of
Cape St Augustine."--_Purch_.

       *       *       *       *       *

§ 2. _Observations made at St Augustine in Madagascar, and at the Island
of Socotora_.

St Augustine, in the great island of St Lawrence or Madagascar, is
rather a bay than a cape or point, as it has no land much bearing out
beyond the rest of the coast. It is in 23° 30' S. latitude, the
variation here being 15° 40, and may be easily found, as it has
breaches[211] on either side some leagues off to the W.S.W. Right from
the bay to seaward the water is very deep; but within the bay the ground
is so very shelvy, that you may have one anchor to the north in 22
fathoms, and your other anchor in more than 60; while in some places
nearer shore you will not have two feet at low water, and deep water
still farther in; the whole ground a soft ooze. Within a mile or two of
the bay the land is high, barren, and full of rocks and stones, with
many small woods. Two rivers run into the bottom of the bay, the land
about them being low, sandy, and overflowed; and these rivers pour in so
much water into the bay that their currents are never stemmed by the
tide, which yet rises two fathoms, by which the water in the bay is very
thick and muddy. Great quantities of canes are brought down by these
rivers, insomuch that we have seen abundance of them twenty or thirty
leagues out at sea. This bay is open to a north-west wind, yet the force
of the sea is broken by means of a ledge of rocks. We caught here smelts
of a foot long, and shrimps ten inches: The best fishing is near the
sandy shore off the low land, where the natives catch many with strong
nets. Within the woods we found infinite numbers of water-melons growing
on the low lands, which yielded us good refreshment. But we had nothing
from the rivers, except that one of our men was hurt by an alligator.
The water also was none of the best; but we got wood in plenty.

[Footnote 211: Probably meaning breakers.--E.]

This place did not seem populous, as we never saw above twenty natives
at any one time. The men were comely, stout, tall, and well-made, of a
tawny colour, wearing no cloathing excepting a girdle or short apron
made of rind of trees. Their beards were black and reasonably long; and
the hair of their heads likewise black and long, plaited and frizzled
very curiously; neither had their bodies any bad smell. They carry many
trinkets fastened to their girdles, adorned with alligators teeth, some
of them being hollow, in which they carry tallow to keep their darts
bright, which are their chief weapons, and of which each man carries a
small bundle, together with a fair lance, artificially headed with iron,
and kept as bright as silver. Their darts are of a very formidable and
dangerous shape, barbed on both sides; and each man carries a dagger
like a butcher's knife, very well made. They therefore showed no regard
for iron, and would not barter their commodities for any thing but
silver, in which we paid twelve-pence for a sheep, and 3s. 6d. for a
cow. They asked beads into the bargain, for which alone they would give
nothing except a little milk, which they brought down very sweet and
good in gourds.

Their cattle have great bunches on their fore-shoulders, in size and
shape like sugar-loaves, which are of a gristly substance and excellent
eating. Their beef is not loose and flabby like that at Saldhana, but
firm and good, little differing from that of England. Their mutton also
is excellent, their sheep having tails weighing 28 pounds each, which
therefore are mostly cut off from the ewes, not to obstruct propagation.
In the woods near the river there are great numbers of monkeys of an
ash-colour with a small head, having a long tail like a fox, ringed or
barred with black and white, the fur being very fine.[212] We shot some
of these, not being able to take any of them alive. There are bats also,
as large almost in the bodies as rabbits, headed like a fox, having a
close fur, and in other respects resembling bats, having a loud shrill
cry. We killed one whose wings extended a full yard. There are plenty of
herons, white, black, blue, and divers mixed colours; with many
_bastard_ hawks, and other birds of an infinite variety of kinds and
colours, most having crests on their heads like peacocks. There are
great store of lizards and camelions also, which agree in the
description given by Pliny, only it is not true that they live on air
without other food; for having kept one on board for only a day, we
could perceive him to catch flies in a very strange manner. On
perceiving a fly sitting, he suddenly darts out something from his
mouth, perhaps his tongue, very loathsome to behold, and almost like a
bird-bolt, with which he catches and eats the flies with such speed,
even in the twinkling of an eye, that one can hardly discern the action.
In the hills there are many spiders on the trees, which spin webs from
tree to tree of very strong and excellent silk of a yellow colour, as if
dyed by art. I found also hanging on the trees, great worms like our
grubs with many legs, inclosed within a double cod of white silk.

[Footnote 212: Called the _beautiful beast_ in Keeling's
voyage.--_Purch._]

There grows here great store of the herb producing aloes, and also
tamarind trees by the water side. Here also is great abundance of a
strange plant which I deem a wild species of cocoa-nut, seldom growing
to the height of a tree, but of a shrubby nature, with many long prickly
stalks some two yards long. At the end of each foot-stalk is a leaf
about the size of a great cabbage-leaf, snipt half round like a
sword-grass. From the tops of this plant, among the leaves, there spring
out many woody branches, as thick set with fruit as they can stand,
sometimes forty of them clustering together on one branch. These are
about the size of a great katharine pear; at the first greenish, and
shaped almost like a sheep's bell, with a smooth rind flat at top;
within which rind is a hard substance almost like a cocoa-nut shell, and
within that is a white round hollow kernel of a gristly consistence, yet
eatable, and in the central hollow about a spoonful of cool sweet
liquor, like cocoa-nut milk. There is another tree, as big as a
pear-tree, thick set with boughs and leaves resembling those of the bay,
bearing a large globular fruit like a great foot-ball, hanging by a
strong stalk; The rind is divided by seams into four quarters, and being
cut green, yields a clammy substance like turpentine. The rind is very
thick, consisting of divers, layers of a brown substance like agaric,
but harder, and contains thirteen cells, in each of which is contained a
large kernel of a dirty white colour, hard, bitter, and ill tasted.

In Socotora[213] the natives of Guzerat and the English build themselves
slight stone-houses, with pieces of wood laid across and covered with
reeds and branches of the date palm, merely to keep out the sun, as they
fear no rain during the season of residing here. The stones are easily
procured for this purpose, as the whole island seems almost nothing but
stones; yet about the head of the river, and a mile farther inland,
there is a pleasant valley replenished with date trees. On the east side
of this vale is a small town called _Dibnee_, very little inhabited
except in the date harvest. In the months of June and July the wind
blows in this valley with astonishing violence; yet only a short
gun-shot off towards the town of _Delisha_, over against the road where
the ships ride, there is hardly there a breath of wind. About 100 years
ago [1500] this island was conquered by the King of _Caixem_, or
_Cushem_, as the Arabs pronounce it, a sovereign of no great force, as
his army does not exceed two or three thousand soldiers. Besides
Socotora, this king has likewise the two _Irmanas_ and _Abba del Curia_.
The _Irmanas_, or Two Brethren, are small uninhabited stony and barren
isles, having nothing but turtles. _Abba del Curia_ is large, having
great abundance of goats, and some fresh water, but not above three or
four inhabitants, as we were told. Amer Benzaid, son to the King of
Kissem, resides at Socotora, which he rules under his father. He trades
to the Comora islands and to Melinda, for which he has two good
frigates,[214] in which rice and _mello_ [millet] are brought from the
main, being their chief food.

[Footnote 213: In his abbreviation of Finch's observations Purchas has
not clearly distinguished where those respecting Madagascar end, and
those made at Socotora begin.--E.]

[Footnote 214: It has been formerly noticed, that, _frigates_, in these
early navigators, were only small barks, in opposition to tall ships,
galleons, and caraks: These frigates, and those frequently mentioned as
belonging to the Portuguese and Moors in India at this time, could only
be _grabs_, or open sewed vessels, already frequently mentioned in the
course of this collection.--E.]

All the Arabs in this island are soldiers, being in a manner slaves to
the _snakee_ or prince, whom they attend and obey all his commands, some
few of them having fire-arms. Every one of them wears a crooked dagger
at his left side, like a wood-cutter's knife, without which they must
not be seen abroad. They have also thin broad targets, painted. The
dagger-handles and sheaths of the better sort are ornamented with
silver, and those of the ordinary people with copper or red latten.
These Arabs are tawny, industrious, and civil, of good stature, and
well-proportioned in their limbs, having their hair long, and covered
with turbans like the Turks, and a cloth round their waist hanging to
their knees; having seldom any other apparel, except sometimes sandals
on their feet fastened with thongs. They either carry their sword naked
on their shoulder, or hanging at their side in a sheath. They are fond
of tobacco, yet are unwilling to give any thing for it. Some of them
wear a cloth of painted calico, or some other kind, over their
shoulders, after the fashion of an Irish mantle or plaid; while others
have shirts and surplices, or wide gowns, of white calico, and a few
have linen breeches like the Guzerats. Some of their women are tolerably
fair and handsome, like our sun-burnt country girls in England; and they
are all dressed in long wide smocks down to the ground, made of red,
blue, or black calico, having a cloth over their heads, with which they
usually hide their faces, being very dainty to let themselves be seen,
yet are scarcely honest. Though the men be very poor, and have, hardly
enough to serve their needs, yet their women, of whom some men have
four, five, or six, are much laden with silver ornaments, and some with
gold. I have seen one, not of the best, who had in each ear at least a
dozen great silver rings, almost like curtain rings, with as many of a
smaller kind; two _carkanets_ or chains of silver about her neck, and
one of gold bosses; ten or twelve silver _manillias_ or bracelets on
each arm, each as thick as a little-finger, but hollow; almost every
finger covered with rings, and the small of her legs covered with silver
rings like horse-fetters. In all these ornaments they jingle like
morrice-dancers on the slightest motion. They are, however, seldom seen,
being kept very close by their jealous husbands. They delight in beads
of amber, crystal, and coral; but, having little wherewith to buy them,
they either beg them, or deal for them privately. The children, except
those of the better sort, usually, go entirely naked till of some age.
They are married at ten or twelve years old.

They call themselves _mussulmen_, that is, true believers in the faith
of Mahomet; and they alledge this reason for themselves, that all the
world are of their religion, and only a handful of ours. They eat their
meat on mats spread on the ground, using their hands in a very
unmannerly fashion, having neither spoons, knives, nor forks. Their
usual drink is water, yet do they drink wine in private when they can
get it; and they make at the proper season some wine of dates which is
strong and pleasant.

So much for the Arab conquerors of Socotora. They call the native
inhabitants, whom they have conquered, _cafrs_, or misbelievers, or
heretics, if you will, who are subjected to slavery, except some who
live in the mountains in a kind of savage liberty like wild beasts;
those who live under subjection to the Arabs not being allowed to carry
weapons of any kind. These are well-shaped, but much darker than the
Arabs, wearing nothing on their heads but their long hair, which seems
to be never cut, and staring all round as if frightened. They have a
coarse cloth of goats hair woven by themselves about their middles, and
slight sandals on their feet. The women are all dressed in smocks of
coloured calico or other coarse stuff, hanging to their feet, having
seldom any thing on their heads; but, in imitation of the Arab women,
they have manillias of iron or painted earthen ware about their legs and
arms, and strings of beads instead of carkanets about their necks,
painting their faces with yellow and black spots in a frightful manner.
According to the report of the Arabs, they are all mere heathens,
observing no marriage rites, but have their women in common. Their
native language is quite different from Arabic, which however most of
them understand. They live very miserably, many of them being famished
with hunger. They are not permitted to kill any flesh, so that they are
forced to live on such fish as they can catch in the sea, and what dates
they may procure, having no means to purchase rice, except by means of
their women prostituting themselves to the Guzerats when they reside
here. Such as are employed to keep the cattle belonging to the Arabs
maintain themselves on milk.

I could not learn of any merchandize produced in this island, except
aloes and dragon's blood; and some black ambergris is said to be got on
the shores of _Abba del Curia_. They could make, in my opinion, more
aloes than could be used in all Christendom, as the plant from which it
is procured grows every where in great abundance, being no other than
the _semper vivum_ of Dioscorides, with whose description it agrees in
seed, stalk, &c. It is all of the red prickly sort, much chamferred in
the leaves, and so full of resinous juice as to be ready to burst. The
chief time of preparing the aloes is in September, when the north winds
blow, after the fall of some rain. Being gathered, it is cut in small
pieces, and cast into a pit in the ground, which is paved and cleaned
from all filth. It lies here to ferment in the heat of the sun, which
causes the juice to flow out; which is put into skins that are hung up
in the wind to dry and grow hard. They sold it to us for twenty ryals
the quintal, or 103 pounds English; but we were told afterwards that
they sold it to others for twelve, which may very well be, considering
its abundance, and the ease with which it is made. The date tree
produces ripe fruit twice a-year, one harvest being in July while we
were there. Dates are a principal part of their sustenance, being very
pleasant in taste. When thoroughly ripe, the dates are laid in a heap on
a sloping skin, whence runs a liquor into earthen pots set in the earth
to receive it. This is their date wine, with which they sometimes get
drunk. When thus drained, the stones are taken out, and the dates are
packed up very hard in skins, in which they will keep a long time. They
sometimes gather them before they are completely ripe, and dry them
after taking out the stones. These are the best of all, and eat as if
they were candied. They will not keep whole. In every valley where dates
grow, the king has a deputy during the harvest, who sees all gathered
and brought to an appointed place, no one daring to touch a date on pain
of death without order, or other severe punishment. After all are
gathered, the deputy divides the produce in three equal parts; one for
the king, one for the Arabs, and one for the _cafrs_; which are
distributed, but not alike to each.

Socotora has abundance of civet cats,[215] which are taken in traps in
the mountains by the cafrs, who sell them for twelve-pence each. Flesh
is dear in this island; a cow costing ten dollars, and one goat or two
sheep a dollar. Their cattle have good firm and fat beef, like those in
England. The goats are large, and have good flesh; and the sheep are
small with coarse wool. The goats and sheep are very abundant. They make
very good butter, but it is always soft like cream, and is sold for
four-pence or six-pence a pound. Goat's milk may be bought for
three-pence the quart. Plenty of hens may be had, at the rate of five
for a dollar, or about twelve-pence each. In the whole island there are
not above two or three small horses of the Arab breed, and a few camels.
At _Delisha_ they take great quantities of lobsters and other good fish.
A few cotton plants are found growing on the strand; where likewise
there grows among the stones a shrubby plant, having large thick round
green leaves, as big as a shilling, with a fruit like capers, of which
it is a kind, called _eschuc_, and is eaten in sallads. Oranges are
scarce and dear. There is very fine sweet bazil. On the shore, many fine
shells are found, mixed with cuttle-fish bones, and vast quantities of
pearl-oyster shells, which the people say are driven thither by the
winds and waves, as no pearl-oysters are to be found here-about. The
people are very poor, and rank beggars, who buy what they are able and
beg all they can get, yet are honest and give civil usage. Their best
entertainment is a china dish of _coho_, a black bitterish drink, made
of a berry like that of the bay tree, which is brought from Mecca. This
drink is sipped hot, and is good for the head and stomach.[216]

[Footnote 215: The Civet, or Vierra Civetta of naturalists, is an animal
somewhat allied to the weazel; but the genus is peculiarly distinguished
by an orifice or folicle beneath the anus, containing an unctuous
odorant matter, highly fetid in most of the species; but in this and the
_Zibet_ the produce is a rich perfume, much esteemed in the east.--E.]

[Footnote 216: This _Coho_ of Finch is evidently coffee.--E.]

At our first landing in Socotora, the people all fled from us for fear
into the mountains, having formerly received injurious treatment from
the Portuguese, who they said had carried off some of them forcibly.
Their town which they left, is all built of stone covered with spars and
palm branches, with wooden doors, and very ingenious wooden locks. Near
the sea-side stands their church, enclosed by a wall like that of a
church-yard, having within a couple of crosses and an altar, on which
lay frankincense, with sweet wood and gums. When we first got speech of
them, they pretended this was _Abba del Curia_, and not Socotora, which
we afterwards found to be false. We walked up two or three miles into
the country, not seeing a single pile of green grass, but many date
trees. We saw one other very strange tree or plant, something more than
the height of a man, very thick at the root, and tapering upwards almost
to a point. The trunk was very smooth and without bark, and near the top
some long branches without leaves, bearing reddish flowers, which change
afterwards to a fruit not unlike the date in form and size, which is at
first green. It contains many small whitish kernels, which as well as
the branches are very bitter, and full of a resinous substance. We also
saw another church having a cross on its top.[217]

[Footnote 217: Of this church and the whole island, see the voyage of
Juan de Castro. For, in times past, the natives were Christians; which,
as all others not of their faith, the Mahometans call _cafrs_. Being
rude and brutish, they were the easier prey to the Arabs.--_Purch_.]

§ 3. _Occurrences in India, respecting the English, Dutch, Portuguese,
and Moguls_.

The 28th August, 1608, Captain Hawkins with the merchants and some
others landed at Surat. He was received into a coach and carried before
the _dawne,_ [or dewan.] We had very poor lodgings allotted to us, being
only the porter's lodge of the custom-house; where next morning the
customers came and tumbled about our trunks to our great displeasure,
though we had only brought our necessaries on shore. We were invited to
dinner by a merchant, who gave us good chear, but we had sour sauce to
our banquet, for he was the person who had sustained almost the whole
loss in the ship taken by Sir Edward Michelburne. The captain also of
that ship dined with us. When that affair was told us, our captain said
he had never heard of any such matter, and supposed it must have been
done by a Hollander; but they affirmed it was to their certain knowledge
an English ship, and deplored their hard fortunes, affirming there were
thieves of all nations, yet they were not disposed to impute that fault
to honest merchants. This liberal sentiment somewhat revived us; and we
were invited the day after to supper by _Mede Colee_, the captain of
that ship.

The 2d October we embarked our goods and provisions, gave a present to
_Schekh Abdel-reheime_, and got a dispatch for our departure; but the
customers refused a licence till they should search our ship, yet
meeting with some frigates in their own river, which they supposed to be
Malabars, they durst not venture down to our ship. These frigates
[grabs] were Portuguese, who desired that no one should come to talk
with them; yet Mr Buck rashly went on board and was detained.[218]

[Footnote 218: At this place is given a confused relation of several
incidents at Surat, obviously garbled and abbreviated by Purchas, so as
to be difficultly intelligible. As these are already contained in the
journal of Hawkins, they are here omitted.--E.]

At this time I was ill of the bloody flux, of which Mr Dorchester died,
but I was cured under God by an Englishman, named Careless.[219] From
him I learnt many things respecting India; and particularly of the great
spoil done by the Hollanders to the Portugals at Malacca the last year.
The Hollanders were lying before Malacca with sixteen ships, besieging
that place by sea and land, in conjunction with several native kings,
when news were sent to the Portuguese viceroy, then before Acheen with
all the gallants of India, having with him a very great fleet of ships,
gallies, and frigates, with 4000 soldiers, having been commanded to
conquer Acheen and to build a castle there, and afterwards to plunder
Johor, and to chastise the Moluccas for trading with the Hollanders.
Upon notice from Andrea Hurtado, who then commanded at Malacca, of the
distress to which that place was reduced, the viceroy set sail from
Acheen to attack the Hollanders. The Dutch general got timely notice of
his motions, and having re-embarked his men and artillery, went forth to
meet the viceroy. After a long and bloody fight, the Dutch had to draw
off to stop the leaks of their admiral; on which the Portuguese let slip
the opportunity, and fell to rioting and merriment, with great boasts of
their victory, not looking any more for the Hollanders. But they, having
stopped their leaks and refitted at Johor, came unexpectedly on the
Portuguese, most of whom were feasting ashore, and sunk and burnt all
their ships; insomuch, if the viceroy had not previously detached six
ships on some other service, the Portuguese naval power in India had
been all utterly destroyed. After this, the Portuguese in Malacca were
infected by a heavy sickness, in which most of them died, among whom was
the viceroy, and the governor of Manilla, who had brought a
reinforcement of 2000 Spanish troops, so that their power was laid in
the dust.

[Footnote 219: He seems to have been resident in Surat; but the
particulars are omitted by Purchas.--E.]

This year a new viceroy was expected from Portugal with a strong fleet,
to drive the Hollanders out of India. This fleet consisted of nine ships
of war, and six others for trade; which were all separated in the gulf
of Guinea, and never met again afterwards. Two of them came to
Mosambique, where they were fired by the Hollanders, who likewise much
distressed the castle, but could not take it; and the season, requiring
their departure, they set sail for Goa, being fifteen ships and a
pinnace, where they rode at the bar, defying the great Captain Hurtado,
who durst not meet them. Another of the Portuguese commercial ships,
having advice that the Dutch lay off Goa, went to the northwards, where
they landed their money and goods, and set their ship on fire, and the
soldiers fell together by the ears for sharing the money. The Dutch
fleet, leaving Goa, sailed all along the Malabar coast, plundering and
burning every thing, they could meet, and it was reported they had leave
from the Samorin to build a castle at Chaul.[220]

[Footnote 220: This must be an error, as the country of the Samorin, at
Calicut, is in the south of Malabar, and Chaul is far to the north in
the Concan.--E.]

The 1st of February, 1609, our captain, Mr Hawkins, departed from
Surat, with an escort of fifty peons and some horse. About this time
there was a great stir about the queen mother's ship, which was to be
laden for Mocha.[221] The Portuguese fleet of twenty-two frigates then
rode off the bar of Surat, and demanded 100,000 mamudies for her pass,
and at last agreed to take somewhat more than 1000 dollars, with sundry
presents, which the Moguls were forced to give them. At this time Mucrob
Khan gave me fair words, but the devil was in his heart, for he minded
nothing less than payment of his debts, striking off 17,000 from 41,000
to which our accounts extended. At last he gave me his _cheet_ for a
part, though with great abatements, which I was glad to get, esteeming
it better to secure some than lose all. In the beginning of April I was
seized with a burning fever, of which I recovered by losing a great deal
of blood, and ten days fasting, and on the fever, leaving me I was
tormented with miserable stitches. Next month also I had another severe
fever.

[Footnote 221: Mecca is probably here meant; this ship being destined to
carry the Mogul pilgrims. The queen mother of the Moguls, mother to the
reigning emperor.--E.]

The 12th May, news came that _Malek Amber_, King of the Deccan, had
besieged _Aurdanagur_[222] with 22,000 horse; which place had been the
metropolis of the Deccan, formerly conquered by Akbar; and that, after
several assaults, the Moguls had offered to surrender the city, on
condition that he would withdraw his army four or five _coss_[223] from
the city, that they might remove with bag and baggage in security. This
being done, they issued out with all their forces, and making an
unexpected assault on the unprovided enemy, gave them a total defeat
with great slaughter. As it was feared that Malek Amber might revenge
this defeat upon the other parts of the country, the Khan-Khana raised
numerous forces, and demanded 300,000 mamudies[224] towards the charges,
sending also an experienced Deccan leader to govern the city.

[Footnote 222: Probably a corruption of Aurungabad.--E.]

[Footnote 223: In this and other early voyages, the _coss_ is always
named _course_. It is rated by Purchas at a mile and a half English.
There are two cosses, the Hindoostanee, and the Rajeput, the former
being 44-4/9 to a degree, and the latter 32. The Hindoostanee is equal
to 1.56, and the Rajeput coss to 2.18 English miles.--E.]

[Footnote 224: This demand is inexplicable, as it is no where stated of
whom it was demanded: Besides, the sum, only £15,000, is quite
inadequate for the maintenance of numerous forces.--E.]

The 20th July, Shah Selim, the great Mogul, commanded his generals,
Khan-Khana and Rajah Mansing, two great commanders, to invade and
conquer all the kingdoms of the south to Cape Comorin, for which purpose
a prodigious army was assembled. In order to resist this invasion, the
three great kings of the south combined their troops, making head near
_Bramport_, (Burhampoor or Boorhanpoor,) on the Mogul frontiers, where
both armies were in camp, waiting the end of winter. These three kings,
Malek Amber, King of the Deccan, whose chief city is _Genefro_;[225] the
King of Visiapour; and the King of Golconda, whose chief city is
_Braganadar_.[226]

[Footnote 225: This name is so inexplicably corrupt as not even to admit
of conjectural amendment--E.]

[Footnote 226: This name is in the same unintelligible predicament with
Genefro.--E.]

In August, I received a flying report of on English pinnace being on the
coast at Gandooe[227] (Gundavee,) which, on departing from thence, was
forced in again by three Portuguese frigates. I supposed this might
belong to some of our shipping, which, standing for Socotora, had not
been able to fetch that place, and had been forced to this coast. This
was actually the case, as the pinnace belonged to the Ascension, manned
by the master, John Elmer, with five men and two boys, and was in want
of wood and water. The master and four of his company came to Surat on
the 28th of August; but I had much ado to get leave to bring them into
the town, as the people pretended we were merely allowed to trade. The
truth was, they stood in fear of the Portuguese, and detained these men
till they should send for instructions to the nabob, who was at the
distance of four coss. What was still worse, five Portuguese frigates or
grabs went into the Gundavee river and captured our pinnace, weighing up
its two falcons,[228] which had been thrown overboard. We received worse
news on the 5th September, the Ascension having been cast away; and next
day about seventy of her company who were saved came to Surat, whom the
people of the town obliged to remain outside of the walls among the
trees and tombs. I was not even able to procure leave for the general
himself to enter the city, though he brought letters of recommendation
from Mocha, besides letters for the great Mogul from the King of
England. Such was their fear of the Portuguese, in whose names two
jesuits threatened fire, faggots, and utter desolation, if any more
English were received. All I could do for them was sending them
necessary provisions, and carrying them to the _tank,_ where they were
more conveniently lodged, yet still among the tombs. At length the
governor appointed them better lodgings, at a small _aldea_ two coss
from Surat; and with much difficulty I obtained leave for Mr Rivet, Mr
Jordan, and the surgeon to come to Surat, to provide necessaries for the
rest. I had other trouble, occasioned by the disorderly and riotous
conduct of some of the Ascension's people; more especially owing to one
William Tucker, who when in liquor killed a calf, a crime held worse
than murdering a man among the Banians. I was therefore glad of their
departure for Agra, except fifteen who were sick and unwilling to go so
far, and some who returned again.

[Footnote 227: Gundavee, a small river about 20 miles south of the
Taptee, or river of Surat.--E.]

[Footnote 228: Small cannon of about two libs, ball--E.]

The 6th of October, came letters from Mr Hawkins, informing us that he
had married an Armenian woman; and other letters at the end of next
month, desiring me to go up to Agra. In December we were in much fear of
Badur, a descendant of the Kings of Cambaya, who lay within two days
march of Surat, with 600 horse and many foot. Owing to this, the
governor cessed all the inhabitants according to their abilities, with
the lodgement and entertainment of soldiers, rating me at ten men. I
went immediately to wait upon him, and told him that I had twenty
English at his service, for which he thanked me, and freed me of all
farther charges. The Banians were forced to labour hard to barricade all
the streets of the city, great guards were stationed at the gates, and
some cannon were drawn from the castle. A reinforcement of fifty horse
was sent from the garrison of _Carode_,[229] which had been very
insufficient to protect the town; but the governor of Ahmedabad sent
1000 horse and 2000 foot to our succour, on which Badur withdrew to his
strong-holds. Two years before our arrival, this chief had sacked
Cambay, of which his grandfather had been king. The 18th January, 1610,
I went from Surat on my way to Agra; but it is proper I should give here
some account of Surat.

[Footnote 229: Currode is a small place about 12 miles S.S.E. from
Surat.--E.]

This city stands about twenty miles from the sea, on the bank of a fair
river, [the _Taptee_,] and is of considerable size, with many good
houses belonging to merchants. About three miles from the mouth of the
river, where on the south side is a small low island overflowed in the
rainy season, is the bar where ships load and unload, having three
fathoms water at spring tides;[230] and above this is a fair channel all
the way to the city, capable of receiving loaded vessels of fifty tons.
This river extends upwards to beyond _Bramport_, [Boorhanpoor;] and from
thence, as some say, all the way to _Mussel Patem_.[231] In coming up
the river, the castle of Surat is on the right hand or south side of the
river, being moderately large, handsome, well walled, and surrounded by
a ditch. The ramparts are provided with many good cannons, some of which
are of vast size. It has one gate on the inland side with a draw-bridge,
and a small postern to the river. The captain of this castle has a
garrison of 200 horse. In front of the castle is the Medon, [Meidan, or
esplanade,] being a pleasant green, having a may-pole in the middle, on
which they hang a light and other decorations on great festivals. On
this side, the city of Surat is open to the green, but is fenced on all
other sides by a ditch and thick hedges, having three gates, one of
which leads to _Variaw_, a small village at the ford of the Taptee
leading to Cambay. Near this village on the left hand is a small
_aldea_, pleasantly situated on the bank of the river, where is a great
pagoda much resorted to by the Indians. A second gate leads to
Boorbanpoor; and a third to _Nonsary_,[232] a town ten coss from Surat,
where much calico is manufactured, standing near a fine stream or small
river. About ten coss farther in the same direction is _Gondoree_,
[Gundavee,] and a little further _Belsaca_, [Bulsaur,] the frontier town
towards Damaun. Just without _Nunsary_ gate is a handsome tank of
sixteen sides, surrounded on all sides by stone steps, three quarters
of an English mile in circuit, and having a small house in the middle.
On the farther side of this tank are several fine tombs with a handsome
paved court, behind which is a small grove of Mango trees, to which the
citizens resort to banquet. About half a coss beyond this, is a great
tree much venerated by the Banians, who alledge that it is under the
protection of a _dew_, or guardian spirit, and that although often cut
down and grubbed up from the roots by order of the Moors, it has yet
constantly sprung up again.

[Footnote 230: This depth probably refers to the anchorage below the
bar.--E.]

[Footnote 231: Masulipatam, or, more correctly, Mutshelipatnam, is at
the mouth of the Kistna, on the opposite coast of India.--E.]

[Footnote 232: Nunsary is a small river, with a town of the same name,
16 or 18 miles south of the Taptee.--E.]

Near the castle of Surat is the _Alphandica_, where are stairs down to
the river for landing and shipping goods, and within the alphandica are
store-rooms for keeping goods till they are cleared; the customs being
two and a half per centum for goods, three for provisions, and two for
money. Without the gate of the alphandica is the great _Gondoree_ or
_Bazar_, being the market-place for all kinds of merchandize. Right
before this gate is a tree with an arbour, where the _fokeers_,
[faquiers,] or Indian holy men, sit in state. Between this and the
castle, at the entrance of the green, or _atmeidan_, is the market for
horses and cattle. A little lower, and on the opposite side of the
river, is a pleasant small town named _Ranele_, inhabited by a people
called _Naites_, who speak a different language, and are mostly seamen.
The streets of this town are narrow, with good houses, each of which has
a high flight of steps to its door. The people are very friendly to the
English, and have many pleasant gardens, which attract many to pass much
of their time there. On the trees round this village there are an
infinite number of those great bats we saw at St Augustine in
Madagascar, which hang by their claws from the boughs, and make a shrill
noise. This bird is said by the people to engender by the ear, and to
give suck to their young.

The winter begins here about the 1st of June, and continues till the
20th September, but not with continual rains as at Goa; having only
heavy rain for six or seven days every full and change of the moon, with
much wind, thunder and lightning. At the breaking up of the winter,
there is always a cruel storm, called _tuffoon_, fearful even to men on
land. This is not equally severe every year, but once in two or three
years at the most. The monsoons, or periodical winds, serve here for
going to the south in April and September, and for Mocha in February and
March. From the south, ships come here in December, January, and
February, and from Mocha about the 5th September, after the rains. From
Ormus they sail for the coast of India in November: But none dare pass
without a licence of the Portuguese, for which they exact whatever they
think proper, erecting, by their own authority, a custom-house on the
seas, confiscating both ship and goods to the taker, if they do not
produce a regular pass.


§ 4. _Journey to Agra, and Observations by the Way; with some Notices of
the Deccan Wars._

The 18th January, 1610,[233] I departed from _Comuariaw_, or Cumraie, a
small village 3 _coss_ from Surat, to Mutta, a great _aldea_, 7 coss.
The 21st to _Carode_, 8 coss, a large country town, having the Surat
river on the north. This place has a castle, with a garrison of 200
Patan horse, who are good soldiers. The 22d to _Curka_, 12 c. a great
village with a river on its south side. In the way between Carode and
Curka, or Kirkwah, is _Beca_, or Behara, a castle with a great tank and
a pleasant grove. 23d to _Necampore_, a large town under the
_Pectopshaw_, 10 c. In this way begins a great ridge of mountains on the
right hand,[234] reaching towards Ahmedabad, among which Badur occupies
several strong-holds, which all the force of the king of the Moguls has
not been able to reduce. These mountains extend to Boorhanpoor, and on
them breed many wild elephants. The 24th to _Dayta_, 8 c. a great town,
having to pass in the midway a troublesome stony rivulet. This town has
a castle, and is almost encompassed by a river, being situated in a
fertile soil. The 25th to _Badur_, 10 c. a filthy town full of thieves,
where is made a kind of wine of a sweet fruit called _mewa_, but I found
it unwholesome except it be burnt.

[Footnote 233: In this journal, conjectural emendations of names from
Arrowsmith's excellent map of India, are given in the text as synonima,
to avoid perpetual notes; and the distances are always to be understood
as _cosses_, given exactly as in the original, without correction. It
must, however, be noticed that the names in the text are often so
corrupt, or different from those now in use, that it is often impossible
to trace the route.--E.]

[Footnote 234: The Vindhaya mountains are obviously here meant; but they
are on the _left_ hand of the route between Surat and Boorhanpoor.--E.]

This is the last town of note in the land of _Pectopshaw_, who is a
small king or rajah of the Gentiles, keeping on the tops of inaccessible
mountains, which begin at _Curka_, and extend to many cosses distance.
He holds possession of two fair cities, _Salere_ and _Muliere_, where
the mamudies are coined. Each of these towns has two mighty castles, the
roads to which only admit of two men abreast, or an elephant at most;
having also on the way eighty small fortresses dispersed among the
mountains to guard the passage. On the tops of these mountains there is
good pasture and abundance of grain, with numerous fountains or streams,
which run thence into the plains. Akbar besieged him for seven years,
and was in the end obliged to compound with him, giving him Narampore
Dayta and Badur, with several other _aldeas_, for safely conducting his
merchants along this plain; so that he is now in peace with the king, to
whom he sends presents yearly, and leaves one of his sons in Boorhanpoor
as a pledge of his fealty. He is said to have always in readiness 4000
mares of an excellent breed, and 100 elephants.

Leaving Badur on the 26th, I went 7 coss to _Nonderbar_, or Nundabar, a
city, short of which are many tombs and houses of pleasure, with a
castle and a fair tank. The 27th to _Lingull_, 10 c. a beastly town,
with thievish inhabitants, a dirty castle, and a deep sandy road near
the town. 28th 10 c. to _Sindkerry_, or Sindkera, a great dirty town. On
the way, the governor of Lingull, with others as honest as himself,
would have borrowed some money of me; but finding I would only give him
powder and shot, he desisted, and allowed our carts to pass without
farther trouble. Beyond Sindkera runs a small river of brackish water,
by drinking of which I got the bloody flux, which continued with me all
the way to Boorhanpoor. The 29th 10 c. to _Taulneere_, or Talnere, a
thievish road, but a fair town with a castle and river, which is not
passable in the rains without a boat.[235] The 30th 15 c. to _Chupra_,
or Choprah, a great town. I rested here two days on account of the
rains; in which time came the governor of Nundabar with 400 horse,
without whose company I could not have continued my journey without
danger, as Khan-Khana had been defeated and obliged to retire to
Boorhanpoor, after losing the strong and rich town of _Joulnapore_, or
Jalnapoor, on which the Deccaners became so insolent, that they made
inroads as far as the Taptee, plundering many of the passengers.

[Footnote 235: The author seems not to have been aware that this was the
Taptee, or river of Surat.--E.]

The 2d February we went 6 c. to _Rawel_, or Arawul, a country village,
where unseasonable thunder, wind, and rain, combining with my disease,
had nearly made an end of me, so that we made _mukom_, or halted, on the
3d and 4th. The 5th I went to _Beawle_, or Beawull, 10 c. a large town
with a good castle. Next day we were again stopt by bad weather. The
7th, 16 c. to _Ravere_, a great town; and the 8th, 10 c. to Boorhanpoor,
where I pitched my tent in a yard belonging to the Armenians, not being
able to get a house for money, the city being so full of soldiers. About
2 c. short of Boorhanpoor is _Babuderpoor_ a fair city; and between the
two the army of Khan-Khana was encamped on the north side of the road,
consisting of about 15,000 horse, 200 elephants, and 100 cannon of
different sizes, the encampment extending two coss in length. Within
twenty or thirty coss to the south, Amber chapon, an _Abashed_,[236] who
was general of the army of the king of Deccan, lay encamped at the head
of 10,000 of his own cast, all brave soldiers, and about 40,000
Deccaners; so that the Moguls had certainly lost the city of
Boorhanpoor, had not the prince Sultan Parvis with Rajah Mausing come
down with great forces; as Amber chapon had sent to demand the surrender
of Boorhanpoor, deeming that Khan-Khana was unable to hold it against
him.

[Footnote 236: Assuredly meaning an Abyssinian.--E.]

Boorhanpoor is a very large but beastly city, situated in a low damp
place, and consequently very unhealthy, which is farther augmented by
the water being bad. The castle is on the N.E. of the city, on the banks
of the river which runs by Surat. In the river beside the castle, there
is an image of an elephant in stone, so naturally made, that an elephant
one day, coming to the river to drink, ran against it with all his
force, and broke both his teeth. The forehead of this image is painted
red, and many simple Indians worship it. About two coss from the castle
is a garden belonging to Khan-Khana, called the _Loll baug_, all the way
between being pleasantly shaded by rows of trees. The garden has many
fine walks, with a beautiful small tank shaded by trees; and at the
entrance is a fine lofty banqueting-house, likewise among trees.

I rested till the 12th under my tent, for the recovery of my health,
which God was pleased to grant. Two days after my arrival, news came
that Ravere and other neighbouring places had been sacked by 1500 Deccan
horse, so that we were thankful to God for our safe arrival, as the way
was not now passable for 1000 horse. I was here informed, by letters
from an Armenian, of a prodigious disaster sustained by the Portuguese
armada on the Malabar coast, consisting of fifty frigates or grabs, and
two gallies, which being dispersed by a storm, was suddenly assailed by
the Malabar pirates issuing from many creeks, who took many of their
fleet and burnt most of the rest. On the 12th I rode out to visit the
prince, and on the 13th I made him a present. He received me very
courteously, and promised me every thing I asked. The prince was
attended by 20,000 horse and 300 elephants; having along with him Asaph
Khan with about 3000, and Emersee Rastein, late King of Candahar, with
some thousand veterans. While I remained in the camp, Rajah Mansing
joined with 10,000 horse, all Rajaputs, and near 1000 elephants; so that
all the plains for a vast distance were covered with tents, making a
most splendid appearance. Along with the army were many large boats, for
transporting the troops across large rivers. On the prince removing, I
returned to Boorhanpoor; and as he advanced three coss towards the
enemy, I went on the 26th to take my leave, when news were brought of
the defeat of some of Rajah Mansing's troops.

The 1st of March I departed for Agra along with the governor of
Boorhanpoor and that day we travelled 12 c. to _Barre_, a great village,
having passed by a very steep and stony road across the great ridge of
mountains, [Callygong hills,] which come from Ahmedabad.[237] On this
way, and about four coss from Boorhanpoor, we passed the strong and
invincible castle of _Hasser_, seated on the top of a high mountain, and
said to be large enough to contain forty or fifty thousand horse. On the
top are many tanks and fine pasture grounds. In the time of its former
sovereign, Badur Shah, it is said to have been defended by 600 pieces
of cannon. Akbar besieged it for a long time, surrounding it on all
sides, and at length took it by composition. For it is said there bred
such innumerable quantities of small worms in the waters of the fort,
that the people swelled and burst, by which mortality the king was
forced to submit and surrender, the place being impregnable by any human
force. The 3d we came to _Candah_, eleven c. a small aldea, the road
being stony and very troublesome. The 4th to _Magergom_, four c. a large
aldea, and by a very bad road. The 5th ten c. to _Kergom_, or Kargaw, a
large village and a steep road. The 6th thirteen c. to _Bircool_, a
small village. The 7th eight c. to _Taxapore_, or Tarrapoor, a small
town, within two coss of which we passed a fine river called _Nervor_,
[Nerbuddah,] which runs into the sea at Broach. On the bank of this
river is a pretty town with a good castle, immediately under which is
the ferry. About a coss lower down is an overfall where the water is not
above three feet deep, but a mile in breadth, by which camels usually
pass. The 8th five c. to _Mandow_, three coss of which the road goes up
a steep mountain, having no more than breadth for a coach.

[Footnote 237: This is an error of Finch. The Vindhaya mountains, which
run from Guzerat eastwards, are on the north of the Nerbuddah river;
whereas the mountain ridge in the text divides the valley of the
Nerbuddah from that of the Taptee, and joins the western Gauts near
Surat.--E.]

This ridge of mountains, [the Vindhaya,] extends E. and W.[238] On the
top, and at the very edge of the table land, stands the gate of the
city, over which is built a handsome fort and pleasure-house. The walls
extend all along the side of the mountain for many cosses. On the left
hand of the entrance, at two or three miles distance from the gate, is a
strong fort on the top of a pointed mountain, and some ten or twelve
more dispersed in other places. For two coss or better within the outer
gate, this city is all ruined, except many tombs and mosques which yet
remain, interspersed among the tottering walls of many large houses. The
old city of Mandow is four coss from the S. to the N. gate, and measures
ten or twelve coss from east to west, beyond which to the east are good
pasture grounds for many cosses. On the top of the mountain are some
fifteen or sixteen tanks, dispersed about the city. What still remains
of this city is very well built, but small in comparison with its
former greatness, yet has many goodly buildings, all of stone, and very
lofty gates, the like of which, I believe, is not to be seen in
Christendom. At the entrance on the south, within the gate of the city
now inhabited, as you pass along, there stands a goodly mosque on the
left hand, and over against it a splendid sepulchre, in which are
interred the bodies of four kings in exceedingly rich tombs. By the side
of which stands a high tower of 170 steps in height, built round with
windows and galleries to each room, with many fine arches and pillars,
the walls being all inlaid in a most beautiful manner with green marble
or some other rich stone. On the north side, where we came forth from
this city; there lay a cannon, the bore of which was eighteen inches
diameter. The gate is very strong, having six others within, all very
strong, with large walled courts of guard between gate and gate. All
along the side of the mountains runs a strong wall, with turrets or
flankers at intervals, although the hill is so steep in itself that it
is hardly possible for a man to creep upon all fours in any part of it,
so that it appears absolutely impregnable; yet was taken, partly by
force and partly by treason, by Humaion, grandfather of the present
Great Mogul, from Sheic Shah Selim, whose ancestors conquered it from
the Indians about 400 years ago. This Shah Selim was a powerful King of
Delhi, who once forced Humaion to flee into Persia for aid; and,
returning from Persia, put Selim to the worst, yet was unable to conquer
him. He even held out during the whole reign of Akbar, keeping upon the
mountains. Beyond the walls, the suburbs formerly extended four coss to
the north, but are now all in ruins, except a few tombs, mosques, and
goodly _serais_, in which no persons now dwell.

[Footnote 238: The original says N.E. and S.W. but in our best and
latest map of Hindoostan, the direction is nearly E. and W. or perhaps
E. by N. and W. by S.--E.]

The 9th we went four coss by a very bad stony road to _Luneheira_.
Between this and the ruins, at three c. from Mandow, is a fine tank
inclosed with stone, having a banqueting-house in the middle, and a fair
house on the south side, now in ruins, from which to the
banqueting-house is an arched bridge. The 10th to _Dupalpore_, fourteen
c. a small town and the road good. The 11th twelve long cosses to
_Ouglue_, or Oojain, a fair city, in the country called Malwah, a
fertile soil abounding with opium. In this country the coss is two
English miles. We halted the 12th. The 13th to _Conoscia_ eleven c.
14th, eight c. to _Sunenarra_, or Sannarea, by a bad stony way, among a
thievish people, called _graciae_, inhabiting the Hills on our left
hand, who often plunder the _caffilas_, or caravans, and a hundred of
them had done so now to a caravan, if we had not prevented them by our
arrival. This is a small town, short of which we passed a great tank
full of wild fowl. The 15th ten c. to _Pimelegom_, a shabby _aldea_. At
the end of the fourth coss we passed _Sarampore_, or Sarangpoor, a great
town with a castle on its south side, and a handsome town-house. Here
are manufactured much good cotton cloth and handsome turbans. Short of
this town we met Khan Jehan, a great favourite of the king, with 10,000
horse, many elephants, and a number of boats, going to join the army at
Boorhanpoor. On the way also we met many of Rajah Mansing's Rajapoots,
he having in all about 20,000, so that it was thought the army would
amount to 100,000 horse when all assembled.

From the 16th to the 26th of March, we travelled 74 coss to _Qualeres_,
or Colarass, a small pretty town, encompassed with tamarind and mango
trees.[239] The 27th to _Cipry_, or Shepoory, seven Surat cosses of a
mile and a half each, by a desert road. Two nights before, some sixty or
seventy thieves assailed in the dark a party of 150 Patan soldiers,
mistaking them for a caffila that had just gone before, by whom ten of
them were slain and as many taken, the rest escaping in the dark. The
28th to _Narwar_ twelve c. through a rascally desert full of thieves. In
the woods we saw many _chuckees_, stationed there to prevent robbery;
but they alledge that the fox is oft times set to herd the geese. This
town stands at the foot of a steep stony mountain, and on the top is a
castle having a steep ascent rather more than a mile, which is
intersected by three strong gates. The fourth gate is at the top of the
ascent, where no one is allowed to enter without an order from the king.
Within, the town is large and handsome, being situated in a curious
valley on the top of the mountain. This fortified summit is said to be
five or six coss in circuit, walled all round, and having towers and
flankers every here and there, so that it is impregnable unless by
treachery. This was formerly the gate or barrier of the kingdom of
Mandow, and has been very beautiful, and secured by means of strong
works with abundance of cannon, but is now much gone to ruin.

[Footnote 239: It has been thought better to omit the minute enumeration
of stages in the sequel, where no other information occurs; more
especially as their names can seldom be referred to those in modern maps
of India.--E.]

The 29th we went seven c. to _Palacha_, or Pelaiche; 80th, twelve c. to
_Antro_, or Anter; 31st, six c. to _Gualior,_ a pleasant city with
castle; and on the top of a pyramidal hill, is a ruined building in
which several great men have been interred. The castle of Gualior is on
the west side of the town, on a steep craggy cliff, six coss in circuit,
or, as some say, eleven, which is all enclosed with a strong wall. On
going up to the castle from the city, the entry is by a strong gate into
a handsome court enclosed with strong walls, where a numerous guard is
always kept, no person being allowed to enter without a public order.
From thence a narrow stone causeway leads to the top, with walls on both
sides, having three gates at intervals on the ascent, all strongly
fortified, with courts of guard at each. At the top of all is another
strong gate, at which is a curious colossal figure of an elephant in
stone. This gate is highly ornamented, and has a stately house
adjoining, the walls of which are curiously adorned with green and blue
stones, and the roof with sundry gilded turrets. This is the house of
the governor, in which is a place for the confinement of nobles who have
fallen under the displeasure of the King of the Moguls. He is said to
have two other castles devoted as prisons for the nobles. _Rantipore_,
or Rantampoor, is one of these, forty c to the W. to which are sent such
nobles as are intended to be put to death, which is generally done two
months after their arrival; when the governor brings them to the top of
the wall, and giving them a bowl of milk, causes them to be thrown over
the rocks. The other is _Rotas_, in Bengal, to which are sent those
nobles who are condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and from whence very
few return. On the top of the mountain of Gualior is a considerable
extent of very good ground, with many fair buildings, and three or four
good _tanks_ or reservoirs of water. Below, on the same side with the
town, there are many houses cut out of the solid rock, serving both as
habitations, and as shops and warehouses; and at the foot of the hill on
the north-west side, is a spacious park inclosed with a stone wall,
within which are several fine gardens and pleasure-houses, and which is
also useful for securing horses in time of war from marauders. This
castle of Gualior was the main frontier of the kingdom of Delhi towards
Mandow, and the ascent from the petah, or town, to the top of the rock,
is near a mile.

Leaving Gualior on the 1st April, 1610, we arrived at _Doolpoor_ on the
2d, being nineteen c. Within two c. before reaching that place, we
passed a fine river, called the _Cambue_, or Chumbull, as broad as the
Thames, a little short of which we went through a narrow and dangerous
pass between two hills. The castle of Doolpoor is very strong, having
four walls within each other, with steep ascents to each, the outermost
having a deep and broad ditch. This castle is three quarters of a mile
through, and has similar walls and gates to be passed on going out Its
inhabitants are mostly Gentiles. The 3d April we went to _Jahjaw_, nine
c. and next day other nine c. to _Agra_. In the afternoon the captain
carried me before the king, where I found Mr Thomas Boys, three French
soldiers, a Dutch engineer, and a Venetian merchant, with his son and
servant, all newly come by land from Christendom.

In May and part of June, the city of Agra was much distressed with
frequent fires by day and night, some part or other of the city being
almost ever burning, by which many thousand houses were consumed, with
great numbers of men, women, children, and cattle, so that we feared the
judgment of Sodom and Gomorrah had gone forth against the place. I was
long and dangerously ill of a fever, and in June the heat was so
excessive that we thought to have been broiled alive. The 28th June
arrived _Padre Peneiro_, an arch knave, a jesuit I should say, who
brought letters from the Portuguese viceroy with many rich presents,
tending entirely to thwart our affairs. In this time Mucrob Khan[240]
was complained against to the king by our captain, Mr Hawkins, when
Abdal Hassan, the grand vizier, was ordered to see that we had justice:
But birds of a feather flock together, and Mucrob Khan, partly by
misstatements and partly by turning us over to a bankrupt banyan, would
only pay us with 11,000 mamudies instead of 32,501-1/2 which he was due,
and even that was not paid for a long time.

[Footnote 240: Finch uniformly calls this person _Mo. Bowcan_, but we
have substituted the name previously given him by Hawkins.--E.]

In July news came of the bad fortune of the king's army in the Deccan;
which, when within four days march of Aumednagur, hoping to raise the
siege of that place, was obliged by famine and drought to retreat to
Boorhanpoor, on which the garrison was forced to surrender after
enduring much misery. The royal army in the Deccan consisted of at least
100,000 horse, with an infinite number of elephants and camels; so that,
including servants, people belonging to the baggage, and camp followers
of all kinds, there could not be less than half a million, or 600,000
persons in the field. The water in the country where they were, became
quite insufficient for the consumption of so vast a multitude, with all
their horses, elephants, camels, and draught cattle, insomuch that a
_mussock_ of water was sold in camp for a rupee, and all kinds of
victuals were sold excessively dear. The army of the King of Deccan
spoiled the whole country around, and getting between the Moguls and
their supplies from Guzerat and Boorhanpoor, prevented the arrival of
any provisions at the camp, daily vexing them with perpetual and
successful skirmishes, and by cutting off all foraging parties and
detachments; so that the whole army was in imminent danger, and was only
extricated by a speedy retreat to Boorhanpoor; at their return to which
they did not muster above 30,000 horse, having lost an infinite number
of elephants, camels, and other cattle, that had died for want of forage
and water.

This month also, news came of the sacking of a great city called _Putana
in the Purrop_,[241] and the surprisal of its castle, where a
considerable treasure belonging to the king was deposited, the citizens
having fled without making any resistance. But the successful insurgent
was almost immediately besieged and taken in the castle by a
neighbouring great omrah; and on the return of the fugitive citizens, he
sent twelve of their chiefs to the king, who caused them to be shaven,
and to be carried on asses through the streets of Agra in the garb of
women, and it is said that next day they were beheaded.

[Footnote 241: This name and province are difficultly ascertainable. The
_Purrop_ has possibly a reference to the kingdom of _Porub_, the Indian
name of Porus, so celebrated in the invasion of India by Alexander. If
this conjecture be right, the Potana of the text was Pattan or Puttan,
in the north of Guzerat, the ancient Naherwalch.--E.]

Likewise this same month, the king made a great stir about Christianity,
affirming before his nobles that it was the true religion, while that of
Mahomet was all lies and fables. He had ordered all the three sons of
his deceased brother to be instructed by the jesuits, and christian
apparel to be given them, to the great wonderment of the whole city; and
finally these princes were baptized solemnly, being conducted to the
church by all the Christians in the city, to the number of about sixty
horse, Captain Hawkins being at their head, with St George's ensign
carried before him, in honour of England, displaying them in the court
in the presence of the king. The eldest was named Don Philippo, the
second Don Carlo, and the third Don Henrico. On the 3d September
following, another young prince was christened by the name of Don
Duarte, being grandson to a brother of the Emperor Akbar. This king gave
frequent charges to the fathers to instruct all these princes in the
Christian religion; yet all this has since clearly appeared to have been
mere dissimulation.[242]

[Footnote 242: It is possible that Selim, unwilling to put to death such
near relations, fell upon this device to render them ineligible among
the Moguls to the succession, by which to secure the throne to himself
and his sons.--E.]

§ 5. _Description of Futtipoor, Biana, &c.; of Nill, or Indigo; and of
other Matters._

The 1st of November I was sent to Biana to buy _nill_, or indigo. I
lodged the first night at _Menhapoor_, a great serai or public inn,
seven c. from Agra, near which the queenmother has a garden, and
_Moholl_, or summer-house, very curiously contrived. The 2d I halted at
_Kanowa_, or Kanua, eleven c. At every coss from Agra to Ajmeer, 130
coss, there is erected a stone pillar, owing to the following
circumstance. At Ajmeer is the tomb of a celebrated Mahometan saint,
called Haji Mondee; and as Akbar had no children, he made a pilgrimage
on foot to that famous shrine, ordering a stone pillar to be erected at
every coss, and a Moholl, with lodgings for sixteen of his principal
women, at the end of every eight coss; and after his return he had three
sons.

At twelve coss from Agra, on this road, is the famous city of
_Futtipoor_, built by Akbar, and inclosed by a fair stone wall, still
quite fresh, having four great gates, some three English miles between
each. Within the walls, the whole extent of the city lies waste like a
desert and uninhabited, being very dangerous to pass through in the
night time. Much of the ground is now occupied as gardens, and much of
it is sown with _nill_, or different kinds of grain, so that, one could
hardly suppose he were in the middle of what was so lately a great and
populous city. Before the gate towards Agra, in a stony ascent near a
coss in length, are the ruins of an extensive suburb. At the S.W. gate,
for two English miles from the city, there are ruins of many fine
buildings; and on the left are many fine walled gardens, to the distance
of three miles from the city. At the entrance of the N.E. gate is a
goodly bazar, or market, all of stone, being a spacious straight-lined
and paved street, with handsome houses on both sides, half a mile long.
Close, within the gate is the king's serai, consisting of extensive
stone buildings, but much ruined. At the head of this street stands the
king's house, or Moholl, with much curious building; beyond which, on an
ascent, is the goodliest mosque in all the east. It has a flight of some
twenty-four or thirty steps to the gate, which is, in my opinion, one of
the loftiest and handsomest in the world, having a great number of
clustering pyramids on the top, very curiously disposed. The top of this
gate may be distinctly seen from the distance of eight or ten miles.
Within the gate, is a spacious court curiously paved with stone, about
six times the size of the exchange of London, with a fine covered walk
along the sides, more than twice as broad and double the height of those
in our London exchange, supported by numerous pillars all of one stone;
and all round about are entrances into numerous rooms, very ingeniously
contrived. Opposite the grand gate stands a fair and sumptuous tomb,
most artificially inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and inclosed by a stone
ballustrade curiously carved; the ceiling being curiously plastered and
painted. In this tomb is deposited the body of a _calender_, or
Mahometan devotee, at whose cost the whole of this splendid mosque was
built. Under the court-yard is a goodly tank of excellent water; none
other being to be had in the whole extent of the city, except brackish
and corroding, by the use of which so great a mortality was occasioned
among the inhabitants of this city, that Akbar left it before it was
quite finished, and removed his seat of empire to Agra, so that this
splendid city was built and ruined in the space of fifty or sixty years.

The name of this place at first was _Sykary_, signifying seeking or
hunting: But on his return from his pilgrimage to Ajmeer, and the
subsequent birth of his son Selim, the present emperor, Akbar, changed
its name to _Futtipoor_, or the city of content, or _heart's desire
obtained_. Without the walls, on the N.N.W. side of the city, there is a
goodly lake of two or three coss in length, abounding with excellent
fish and wild-fowl; all over which grows the herb producing the
_hermodactyle_, and another bearing a fruit like a goblet, called
_camolachachery_, both very cooling fruits. The herb which produces the
_hermodactyle_, is a weed abounding in most tanks near Agra, which
spreads over the whole surface of the water. I did not observe its leaf;
but the fruit is enclosed in a three-cornered hard woody shell, having
at each angle a sharp prickle, and is a little indented on the flat
sides, like two posterns or little doors. The fruit while green is soft
and tender, and of a mealy taste, and is much eaten in India; but, in my
opinion, it is exceedingly cold on the stomach, as I always after eating
it was inclined to take spirits. It is called _Singarra_. The
_camolachachery_, or other fruit resembling a goblet, is flat on the
top, of a soft greenish substance, within which, a little eminent, stand
six or eight fruits like acorns, divided from each other, and enclosed
in a whitish film, at first of a russet green, having the taste of nuts
or acorns, and in the midst is a small green sprig, not fit to be eaten.

_Canua_ is a small country town, eighteen c. from Agra, W. by S. around
which very good indigo is made, owing to the strength of the soil and
brackishness of the water. It makes yearly about 500 M.[243] _Ouchen_,
three c. distant, makes very good indigo; besides which no town but
Biana is comparable to Canua. The country which produces the excellent
indigo, which takes its name from Biana, is not more than twenty or
thirty coss long. The herb _nill_, from which indigo is made, grows in
form not much unlike chives or chick-pease, having a small leaf like
that of senna, but shorter and broader, set on very short foot-stalks.
The branches are hard and woody, like those of broom. The whole plant
seldom exceeds a yard high, and its stem, at the biggest in the third
year, does not much exceed the size of a man's thumb. The seed is
enclosed in a small pod about an inch long, and resembles fenugreek,
only that it is blunter at both ends, as if cut off with a knife. The
flower is small, and like hearts-ease. The seed is ripe in November, and
is then gathered. When sown, the herb continues three years on the
ground, and is cut every year in August or September, after the rains.
The herb of the first year is tender, and from it is made _notee_, which
is a heavy reddish indigo, which sinks in water, not being come to
perfection. That made from the plant of the second year, called _cyree_,
is rich, very light, of a perfect violet colour, and swims in water. In
the third year the herb is declining, and the indigo it then produces,
called _catteld_, is blackish and heavy, being the worst of the three.
When the herb is cut, it is thrown into a long cistern, where it is
pressed down by many stones, and the water is then let in so as to cover
it all over. It remains thus certain days, till all the substance of the
herb is dissolved in the water. The water is then run off into another
cistern which is round, having another small cistern in the centre. It
is here laboured or beaten with great staves, like batter or white
starch, when it is allowed to settle, and the clear water on the top is
scummed off. It is then beaten again, and again allowed to settle,
drawing off the clear water; and these alternate beatings, settlings,
and drawing off the clear water, are repeated, till nothing remain but a
thick substance. This is taken out and spread on cloths in the sun, till
it hardens to some consistence, when it is made up by hand into small
balls, laid to dry on the sand, as any other thing would drink up the
colour, and which is the cause of every ball having a sandy foot. Should
rain fall while in this situation, the indigo loses its colour and
gloss, and is called _aliad_. Some deceitfully mix the crops of all the
three years, steeping them together, which fraud is hard to be
discovered, but is very knavish. Four things are required in good
indigo; a pure grain, a violet colour, a gloss in the sun, and that it
be light and dry, so that either swimming in water or burning in the
fire it casts forth a pure light violet vapour, leaving few ashes.

[Footnote 243: The meaning of this quantity is quite unintelligible; but
may possibly mean 500 _maunds_.--E.]

The king's manner of hunting is thus. About the beginning of November,
he goes from Agra accompanied by many thousands, and hunts all the
country for thirty or forty coss round about, and so continues till the
end of March, when the great heats drive him home again. He causes a
tract of wood or desert to be encompassed about by chosen men, who
contract themselves to a near compass, and whatever is taken in this
enclosure, is called the king's _sykar_, or game, whether _men_! or
beasts, and who ever lets aught escape loses his life, unless pardoned
by the king. All the beasts thus taken, if man's meat, are sold, and the
money given to the poor: If men, they become the king's slaves, and are
sent yearly to Cabul, to be bartered for horses and dogs; these being
poor miserable and thievish people, who live in the woods and deserts,
differing little from beasts. One day while the king was hunting, about
the 6th January, 1611, he was assaulted by a lion[244] which he had
wounded with his matchlock. The ferocious animal came upon him with such
sudden violence, that he had in all probability been destroyed, had not
a Rajaput captain interposed, just as the enraged animal had _ramped_
against the king, thrusting his arm into the lion's mouth. In this
struggle, Sultan Chorem, Rajah Ranidas, and others, came up and slew the
lion, the Rajaput captain, who was tutor to the lately baptized princes,
having first received thirty-two wounds in defence of the king; who took
him into his own palanquin, and with his own hands wiped away the blood
and bound up his wounds, making him an omrah of 3000 horse, in
recompence of his valorous loyalty.

[Footnote 244: The lion of these early travellers in India was almost
certainly the tyger.--E.]

This month of January 1611, the king was providing more forces for the
Deccan war, although the king of that country offered to restore all his
conquests as the price of peace. Azam Khan was appointed general, who
went off at the head of 20,000 horse, with whom went Mohabet Khan,
another great captain, together with a vast treasure. With these forces
went _John Frenchman_ and Charles Charke[245], engaged in the king's
service for these wars.

[Footnote 245: This Charles Charke I have spoken with since in London,
after having served several years in India.--_Purch._]

The 9th January, 1611, I departed from Agra for Lahore, to recover some
debts, and carried with me twelve carts laden with indigo, in hopes of a
good price.[246] In seven days journey, I arrived at Delhi, eighty-one
coss from Agra. On the left hand is seen the ruins of old Delhi,[247]
called the Seven Castles and Fifty-two Gates, now only inhabited by
_Gogars_, or cattle herds. A short way from Delhi is a stone bridge of
eleven arches, over a branch of the Jumna, whence a broad way, shaded on
each side with great trees, leads to the tomb of Humaion, grandfather of
the present king. In a large room spread with rich carpets, this tomb is
covered by a pure white sheet, and has over it a rich _semiane_, or
canopy. In front are certain books on small tressels, beside which stand
his sword, turban, and shoes; and at the entrance are the tombs of his
wives and daughters. Beyond this, under a similar shaded road, you come
to the king's house and moholl, now ruinous. The city is two coss in
extent, between gate and gate, being surrounded by a wall which has been
strong, but is now ruinous, as are many goodly houses. Within and around
the city, are the tombs of twenty Patan kings, all very fair and
stately. All the kings of India are here crowned, otherwise they are
held usurpers. Delhi is situated in a fine plain; and about two coss
from thence are the ruins of a hunting seat, or _mole_, built by _Sultan
Bemsa_, a great Indian sovereign. It still contains much curious
stone-work; and above all the rest is seen a stone pillar, which, after
passing through three several stories, rises twenty-four feet above them
all, having on the top a globe, surmounted by a crescent. It is said
that this stone stands as much below in the earth as it rises above, and
is placed below in water, being all one stone. Some say Naserdengady, a
Patan king, wanted to take it up, but was prevented by a multitude of
scorpions. It has inscriptions.[248] In divers parts of India the like
are to be seen.

[Footnote 246: It has not been deemed necessary to retain the itinerary
of this journey, consisting of a long enumeration of the several stages
and distances, the names of which are often unintelligible. Any
circumstances of importance are however retained.--E.]

[Footnote 247: There are said to be four Delhis within five coss. The
_oldest_ was built by _Rase_; who, by advice of his magicians, tried the
ground by driving an iron stake, which came up bloody, having wounded a
snake. This the _ponde_ or magician said was a fortunate sign. The last
of this race was Rase Pethory; who, after seven times taking a Patan
king, was at last by him taken and slain. He began the Patan kingdom of
Delhi. The Patans came from the mountains between Candahar and Cabul.
The _second_ Delhi was built by Togall Shah, a Patan king. The _third_
was of little note. The _fourth_ by Sher-shah-selim, and in it is the
tomb of Humaion.--_Purchas_.]

[Footnote 248: Purchas alleges that these inscriptions are in Greek and
Hebrew and that some affirm it was erected by Alexander the Great--E.]

It is remarkable, that the quarries of India, and especially those near
Futtipoor, are of such a nature that the rock may be cleft like logs,
and sawn like planks of great length and breadth, so as to form the
ceilings of rooms and the roofs of houses. From this monument, which is
two coss from Delhi, there is said to be a subterraneous passage all the
way to Delhi castle. This place is now all in ruins, and abounds in
deer. From Delhi, in nine stages, I reached _Sirinam_, or Sirhind, where
is a fair tank with a pleasure-house in the middle, to which leads a
stone bridge of fifteen arches. From thence is a canal to a royal
garden, at the distance of a coss, with a paved road forty feet broad,
overshaded by trees on both sides. This garden is square, each side a
coss or more in length, enclosed with a brick wall, richly planted with
all kinds of fruits and flowers, and was rented, as I was told, at
40,000 rupees. It is crossed by two main walks forty feet broad, raised
on mounds eight feet high, having water in the middle in stone channels,
and thickly planted on both sides with cypress trees. At the crossing of
these walks is an octagon moholl, with eight chambers for women, and a
fair tank in the middle, over which are other eight rooms, with fair
galleries all round. The whole of this building is of stone, curiously
wrought, with much fine painting, rich carving, and stucco work, and
splendid gilding. On two sides are two other fine tanks, in the midst of
a fair stone _chounter?_ planted round with cypress trees; and at a
little distance is another moholl, but not so curious.

From Sirhind, in five stages, making forty-eight coss, I came to a
_serai_ called Fetipoor, built by the present king Shah Selim, in memory
of the overthrow of his eldest son, Sultan Cussero, on the following
occasion. On some disgust, Shah Selim took up arms in the life of his
father Akbar, and fled into _Purrop_, where he kept the strong castle of
_Alobasse_,[249] but came in and submitted about three months before his
father's death. Akbar had disinherited Selim for his rebellion, giving
the kingdom to Sultan Cussero, Selim's eldest son. But after the death
of Akbar, Selim, by means of his friends, got possession of the castle
and treasure. Cussero fled to Lahore, where he raised about 12,000
horse, all good Mogul soldiers, and getting possession of the suburbs,
was then proclaimed king, while his father was proclaimed in the castle.
After twelve days came Melek Ali the Cutwall against him, beating the
king's drums, though Selim was some twenty coss in the rear; and giving
a brave assault, shouting _God save King Selim_, the prince's soldiers
lost heart and fled, leaving only five attendants with the prince, who
fled and got thirty coss beyond Lahore, in his way to Cabul. But having
to pass a river, and offering gold _mohors_ in payment of his passage,
the boatman grew suspicious, leapt overboard in the middle of the river,
and swam on shore, where he gave notice to the governor of a
neighbouring town. Taking fifty horse with him, the governor came to the
river side, where the boat still floated in the stream; and taking
another boat, went and saluted Cussero by the title of King,
dissemblingly offering his aid and inviting him to his house, where he
made him prisoner, and sent immediate notice to the king, who sent to
fetch him fettered on an elephant. From thence Selim proceeded to Cabul,
punishing such as had joined in the revolt; and on his return with his
son a prisoner, at this place, _Fetipoor_, where the battle was fought,
as some say, he caused the eyes of Cussero to be burnt out with a glass,
while others say he only caused him to be blindfolded with a napkin,
tied behind and sealed with his own seal, which yet remains, and carried
him prisoner to the castle of Agra. Along all the way from Agra to
Cabul, the king ordered trees to be planted on both sides; and in
remembrance of the exploit at this place, he caused it to be named
Fetipoor, or _Heart's Content_, as the city formerly mentioned had been
named by Akbar in memory of his birth.[250]

[Footnote 249: Purrop, or Porub, has been formerly supposed the ancient
kingdom of Porus in the Punjab, and Attobass, here called Alobasse, to
have been Attock Benares--E.]

[Footnote 250: There are several places in India of this name, but that
in the text at this place is not now to be found in our maps, on the
road between Delhi and Lahore.--E.]

From hence I went to Lahore, twenty-nine coss, in three stages, arriving
there on the 4th of February, 1611. The 28th there arrived here a
Persian ambassador from Shah Abbas, by whom I learnt that the way to
Candahar was now clear, having been impassable in consequence of the
war occasioned by Gelole, a Turk, who had tied to Persia with 10,000
Turks, when, having got a jagheer on the frontiers, he endeavoured to
make himself independent, but was overthrown, and lost his head.

§ 6. _Description of Lahore, with other Observations_.

Lahore is one of the greatest cities of the east, being near twenty-four
coss in circuit, round which a great ditch is now digging, the king
having commanded the whole city to be surrounded by a strong wall. In
the time of the Patan empire of Delhi, Lahore was only a village,
Mooltan being then a flourishing city, till Humaion thought proper to
enlarge Lahore, which now, including its suburbs, is about six coss in
extent. The castle or royal town is surrounded by a brick wall, which is
entered by twelve handsome gates, three of which open to the banks of
the river, and the other nine towards the land. The streets are well
paved, and the inhabitants are mostly Banyan handicrafts, all white men
of any note living in the suburbs. The buildings are fair and high of
brick, with much curious carvings about the doors and windows; and most
of the Gentiles have their house doors raised six or seven steps from
the street, and of troublesome ascent, partly for greater security, and
to prevent passengers from seeing into their houses. The castle is built
on the S.E. bank of the _Rauvee_, a river that flows into the Indus, and
down which many barges of sixty tons and upwards navigate to Tatta in
Sindy, after the falling of the rains, being a voyage of about forty
days, passing by Mooltan, Sidpoor, Backar, &c.

The river Rauvee comes from the N.E. and passing the north side of the
city, runs W.S.W. to join the Indus. Within the castle is the king's
palace, which is on the side towards the river, and is entered by the
middle gate on that side, after entering which, you go into the palace
by a strong gate on the left hand, and a musket-shot farther by a
smaller gate, into a large square court, surrounded by _atescanna_, in
which the king's guard keeps watch. Beyond this, and turning again to
the left, you enter by another gate into an inner court, in which the
king holds his _durbar_, or court, all round which are _atescannas_,[251]
in which the great men keep watch, and in the middle of the court is a
high pole on which to hang a light. From thence you go up to a fair stone
_jounter_, or small court, in the middle of which stands a fair
_devoncan_,[252] with two or three retiring rooms, in which the king
usually spends the early part of the night, from eight to eleven o'clock.
On the walls is the king's picture, sitting cross-legged on a chair of
state, on his right hand Sultan Parvis, Sultan Chorem, and Sultan Timor,
his sons; next whom are Shah Morat and Don Shah, his brothers, the three
princes who were baptized being sons of this last. Next to them is the
picture of Eemersee Sheriff, eldest brother to Khan Azam, with those of
many of the principal people of the court. It is worthy likewise of notice,
that in this hall are conspicuously placed the pictures of our Saviour and
the Virgin Mary.

[Footnote 251: This unexplained word probably signifies a corridore, or
covered gallery.--E.]

[Footnote 252: Perhaps a divan, or audience hall.--E.]

From this _devoncan_, or hall of audience, which is pleasantly situated,
overlooking the river, passing a small gate to the west, you enter
another small court, where is another open stone _chounter_ to sit in,
covered with rich _semianes_, or canopies. From hence you enter a
gallery, at the end of which nest the river is a small window, from
which the king looks forth at his _dersanee_, to behold the fights of
wild beasts on a meadow beside the river. On the walls of this gallery
are the pictures of the late Emperor Akbar, the present sovereign, and
all his sons. At the end is a small _devoncan_, where the king usually
sits, and behind it is his bed-chamber, and before it an open paved
court, along the right-hand side of which is a small _moholl_ of two
stories, each containing eight fair chambers for several women, with
galleries and windows looking both to the river and the court. All the
doors of these chambers are made to be fastened on the outside, and not
within. In the gallery, where the king usually sits, there are many
pictures of angels, intermixed with those of banian _dews_, or devils
rather, being of most ugly shapes, with long horns, staring eyes, shaggy
hair, great paws and fangs, long tails, and other circumstances of
horrible deformity, that I wonder the poor women are not frightened at
them.

Returning to the former court, where the _adees_, or guards, keep
watch, you enter by another gate into the new durbar, beyond which are
several apartments, and a great square moholl, sufficient to lodge two
hundred women in state, all having several apartments. From the same
court of guard, passing right on, you enter another small paved court,
and thence into another moholl, the stateliest of all, containing
sixteen separate suites of large apartments, each having a _devoncan_,
or hall, and several chambers, each lady having her tank, and enjoying a
little separate world of pleasures and state to herself, all pleasantly
situated, overlooking the river. Before the moholl appropriated to the
mother of Sultan Cussero, is a high pole for carrying a light, as before
the king, as she brought forth the emperor's first son and heir.

Before this gallery is a fair paved court, with stone gratings and
windows along the water; beneath which is a pleasure garden; and behind
are the king's principal lodgings, most sumptuously decorated, all the
walls and ceilings being laid over with pure gold, and along the sides,
about man's height, a great number of Venetian mirrors, about three feet
asunder, and in threes over each other; and below are many pictures of
the king's ancestors, as Akbar his father, Humaion his grandfather,
Babur his great-grandfather, the first of the race who set foot on
India, together with thirty of his nobles, all clad as calenders or
fakiers. In that disguise Babur and his thirty nobles came to Delhi to
the court of Secunder, then reigning, where Babur was discovered, yet
dismissed under an oath not to attempt any hostilities during the life
of Secunder, which he faithfully performed. On the death of Secunder,
Babur sent his son Humaion against his successor Abram, from whom he
conquered the whole kingdom. There afterwards arose a great captain, of
the displaced royal family in Bengal, who fought a great battle against
Humaion near the Ganges, and having defeated him, continued the pursuit
till he took refuge in the dominions of Persia; where he procured new
forces, under the command of Byram, father to the Khan Khana, and
reconquered all, living afterwards in security. On the death of Humaion,
Akbar was very young, and Byram Khan was left protector of the realm.
When Akbar grew up, and assumed the reins of government, he cast off
Byram, and is said to have made away with him, when on a _roomery_, or
pilgrimage to Mecca. The son of Byram, Khan-khana, or khan of the
khans, in conjunction with his friends and allies, is a great curb on
Shah Selim, being able to bring into the field upwards of 100,000 horse.
Shah Selim affirms himself to be the ninth in lineal male descent from
Tamerlane, or Timur the Great, emperor of the Moguls.[253]

[Footnote 253: We have here left out a farther description of the palace
and other buildings at Lahore, which in fact convey little or no
information.--E.]

The 17th of May came news that the Patan thieves had sacked the city of
Cabul, having come suddenly against it from their mountains with 11,000
foot and 1000 horse, while the governor was absent on other affairs at
Jalalabad, and the garrison so weak that it was only able to defend the
castle. In six hours they plundered the city, and retired with their
booty. For the better keeping these rebels in order, the king has
established twenty-three omrahs between Lahore and Cabul, yet all will
not do, as they often sally from their mountains, robbing caravans and
plundering towns. The 18th of August, there arrived a great caravan from
Persia, by whom we had news of the French king's death, from an Armenian
who had been in the service of Mr Boys.

On the west side of the castle of Lahore is the ferry for crossing over
the Rauvee on the way to Cabul, which is 271 cosses, and thence to
Tartary and Cashgar. Cabul is a large and fair city, the first seat of
the present king's great-grandfather Babur. At forty cosses beyond is
_Gorebond_, or Gourhund, a great city bordering on Usbeck Tartary; and
150 coss from Cabul is _Taul Caun_, a city in _Buddocsha_, or Badakshan
of Bucharia. From Cabul to Cashgar, with the caravan, it is two or three
months journey, Cashgar being a great kingdom under the Tartars. A chief
city of trade in that country is _Yarcan_, whence comes much silk,
porcelain, musk, and rhubarb, with other commodities; all or most of
which come from China, the gate or entrance into which is some two or
three months farther. When the caravan comes to this entrance, it must
remain under tents, sending by licence some ten or fifteen merchants at
once to transact their business, on whose return as many more may be
sent; but on no account can the whole caravan be permitted to enter at
once.

From Lahore to Cashmere, the road goes first, part of the way to Cabul,
to a town called Gojrat, forty-four coss; whence it turns north and
somewhat easterly seventy coss, when it ascends a high mountain called
_Hast-caunk-gaut_, on the top of which is a fine plain, after which is
twelve coss through a goodly country to Cashmere, which is a strong city
on the river Bebut, otherwise called the Ihylum, or Collumma. The
country of Cashmere is a rich and fertile plain among the mountains,
some 150 coss in length, and 50 broad, abounding in fruits, grain, and
saffron, and having beautiful fair women. This country is cold, and
subjected to great frosts and heavy falls of snow, being near to
Cashgar, yet separated by such prodigious mountains that there is no
passage for caravans. Much silk and other goods are however often
brought this way by men, without the aid of animals, and the goods have
in many places to be drawn up or let down over precipices by means of
ropes. On these mountains dwells a small king called Tibbet,[254] who
lately sent one of his daughters to Shah Selim, by way of making
affinity.

[Footnote 254: Little Thibet, a country hardly known in geography, is on
the north-west of Cashmere, beyond the northern chain of the Vindhia
mountains.--E.]

Nicholas Uphet, [or Ufflet] went from Agra to Surat by a different way
from that by which I came, going by the mountains of Narwar, which
extend to near Ahmedabad in Guzerat. Upon these mountains stands the
impregnable castle of _Gur Chitto_, or Chitore, the chief seat of the
_Ranna_, a very powerful rajah, whom neither the Patans, nor Akbar
himself, was ever able to subdue. Owing to all India having been
formerly belonging to the Gentiles, and this prince having always been,
and is still, esteemed in equal reverence as the pope is by the
catholics, those rajahs who have been sent against him have always made
some excuses for not being able to do much injury to his territories,
which extend towards Ahmednagur 150 great cosses, and in breadth 200
cosses towards Oogain, mostly composed of, or inclosed by inaccessible
mountains, well fortified by art in many places. This rajah is able on
occasion to raise 12,000 good horse, and holds many fair towns and
goodly cities.

Ajmeer, the capital of a kingdom or province of that name, west from
Agra, stands on the top of an inaccessible mountain, three coss in
ascent, being quite impregnable. The city at the foot of the hill is not
great, but is well built and surrounded by a stone wall and ditch. It is
chiefly famous for the tomb of Haji Mundee, a saint much venerated by
the Moguls, to which, as formerly mentioned, Akbar made a _roomery_, or
pilgrimage on foot, from Agra, to obtain a son. Before coming to this
tomb, you have to pass through three fair courts; the first, covering
near an acre of ground, all paved with black and white marble, in which
many of Mahomet's cursed kindred are interred. In this court is a fair
tank all lined with stone. The second court is paved like the former,
but richer, and is twice as large as the Exchange at London, having in
the middle a curious candlestick with many lights. The third court is
entered by a brazen gate of curious workmanship, and is the fairest of
all, especially near the door of the sepulchre, where the pavement is
curiously laid in party-coloured stones. The door is large, and all
inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and the pavement about the tomb is all
mosaic of different-coloured marbles. The tomb itself is splendidly
adorned with mother-of-pearl and gold, having an epitaph in Persian. At
a little distance stands his seat in an obscure corner, where he used to
sit foretelling future events, and which is highly venerated. On the
east side are three other fair courts with each a fair tank; and on the
north and west are several handsome houses, inhabited by _sidèes_, or
Mahometan priests. No person is allowed to enter any of these places
except bare-footed.

Beyond Ajmeer to the west and south-west, are Meerat Joudpoor and
Jalour, which last is a castle on the top of a steep mountain, three
coss in ascent, by a fair stone causeway,[255] broad enough for two men.
At the end of the first coss is a gate and court of guard, where the
causeway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At the end of the second
coss is a double gate strongly fortified; and at the third coss is the
castle, which is entered by three successive gates. The first is very
strongly plated with iron; the second not so strong, with places above
for throwing down melted lead or boiling oil; and the third is thickly
beset with iron spikes. Between each of these gates are spacious places
of arms, and at the inner gate is a strong portcullis. A bow-shot within
the castle is a splendid pagoda, built by the founders of the castle,
ancestors of Gidney Khan, who were Gentiles. He turned Mahometan, and
deprived his elder brother of this castle by the following stratagem:
Having invited him and his women to a banquet, which his brother
requited by a similar entertainment, he substituted chosen soldiers well
armed instead of women, sending them two and two in a _dowle_,[256] who,
getting in by this device, gained possession of the gates, and held the
place for the Great Mogul, to whom it now appertains, being one of the
strongest situated forts in the world.

[Footnote 255: This is probably a stair.--E.]

[Footnote 256: A dowle, dowly, or dooly, is a chair or cage, in which
their women are carried on men's shoulders.--_Purch._]

About half a coss within the gate is a goodly square tank, cut out of
the solid rock, said to be fifty fathoms deep, and full of excellent
water. A little farther on is a goodly plain, shaded with many fine
trees, beyond which, on a small conical hill, is the sepulchre of King
_Hasswaard_, who was a great soldier in his life, and has been since
venerated as a great saint by the people in these parts. Near this place
is said to be kept a huge snake, twenty-five feet long, and as thick as
the body of a man, which the people will not hurt. This castle, which is
eight coss in circuit, is considered as the gate or frontier of Guzerat.
Beyond it is Beelmahl, the ancient wall of which is still to be seen,
near twenty-four coss in circuit, containing many fine tanks going to
ruin. From thence to Ahmedabad or Amadaver, by Rhadunpoor, is a deep
sandy country.

Ahmedabad is a goodly city on a fine river, the Mohindry, inclosed with
strong walls and fair gates, with many beautiful towers. The castle is
large and strong, in which resides the son of Azam Khan, who is viceroy
in these parts. The streets are large and well paved, and the buildings
are comparable to those of any town in Asia. It has great trade; for
almost every ten days there go from hence 200 _coaches_[257] richly
laden with merchandize for Cambay. The merchants here are rich, and the
artisans very expert in carvings, paintings, inlaid works, and
embroidery in gold and silver. At an hour's warning this place has 6000
horse in readiness: The gates are continually and strictly guarded, no
person being allowed to enter without a licence, or to depart without a
pass. These precautions are owing to the neighbourhood of Badur, whose
strong-hold is only fifty coss to the east, where nature, with some aid
from art, has fortified him against all the power of the Moguls, and
whence some four years ago, proclaiming liberty and laws of good
fellowship,[258] he sacked Cambaya by a sudden assault of 100,000 men,
drawn together by the hope of plunder, and with whom he retained
possession for fourteen days.

[Footnote 257: Perhaps camels ought to be substituted for coaches; or at
least _carts_ drawn by bullocks.--E.]

[Footnote 258: This is very singular, to find _liberty and equality_ in
the mouths of Indian despots and slaves.--E.]

Between Ahmedabad and _Trage_, there is a rajah in the mountains, who is
able to bring 17,000 horse and foot into the field, his people, called
_Collees_ or _Quuliees_, inhabiting a desert wilderness, which preserves
him from being conquered. On the right hand is another rajah, able to
raise 10,000 horse, who holds an impregnable castle in a desert plain.
His country was subject to the government of Gidney Khan, but he has
stood on his defence for seven years, refusing to pay tribute. This
rajah is reported to have a race of horses superior to all others in the
east, and said to be swifter than those of Arabia, and able to continue
at reasonable speed a whole day without once stopping; of which he is
said to have a stud of 100 mares. From _Jalore_ to the city of
Ahmedabad, the whole way is through a sandy and woody country, full of
thievish beastly men, and savage beasts, as lions, tygers, &c. About
thirty coss round Ahmedabad, indigo is made, called _cickell_, from a
town of that name four coss from Ahmedabad, but this is not so good as
that of Biana.

Cambaya is thirty-eight coss from Ahmedabad, by a road through sands and
woods, much infested by thieves. Cambay is on the coast of a gulf of the
same name, encompassed by a strong brick wall, having high and handsome
houses, forming straight paved streets, each of which has a gate at
either end. It has an excellent bazar, abounding in cloth of all kinds,
and valuable drugs, and is so much frequented by the Portuguese, that
there are often 200 frigates or grabs riding there. The gulf or bay is
eight coss over, and is exceedingly dangerous to navigate on account of
the great _bore_, which drowns many, so that it requires skilful pilots
well acquainted with the tides. At neap tides is the least danger.
Thieves also, when you are over the channel, are not a little dangerous,
forcing merchants, if not the better provided, to quit their goods, or
by long dispute betraying them to the fury of the tide, which comes
with such swiftness that it is ten to one if any escape. Cambay is
infested with an infinite number of monkies, which are continually
leaping from house to house, doing much mischief and untiling the
houses, so that people in the streets are in danger of being felled by
the falling stones.

Five coss from Cambay is _Jumbosier_, now much ruined, and thence
eighteen coss to Broach, a woody and dangerous journey, in which are
many peacocks. Within four coss of Broach is a great mine of agates.
Broach is a fair castle, seated on a river twice as broad as the Thames,
called the _Nerbuddah_, the mouth of which is twelve coss from thence.
Here are made rich _baffatas_, much surpassing Holland cloth in
fineness, which cost fifty rupees the _book_, each of fourteen English
yards, not three quarters broad. Hence to _Variaw_, twenty coss, is a
goodly country, fertile, and full of villages, abounding in wild date
trees, which are usually plentiful by the sea-side in most places, from
which they draw a liquor called _Tarrie, Sure_, or _Toddic_, as also
from a wild cocoa-tree called _Tarrie_. Hence to Surat is three coss,
being the close of the itinerary of Nicolas Ufflet.

The city of Agra has not been in repute above 50 years,[259] having only
been a village till the reign of Akbar, who removed his residence to
this place from Futtipoor, as already mentioned, for want of good water.
It is now a large city, and populous beyond measure, so that it is very
difficult to pass through the streets, which are mostly narrow and
dirty, save only the great Bazar and a few others, which are large and
handsome. The city is somewhat in the form of a crescent, on the
convexity of a bend of the Jumna, being about five coss in length on the
land side, and as much along the banks of the river, on which are many
goodly houses of the nobles, overlooking the Jumna, which runs with a
swift current from N.W. to S.E. to join the Ganges. On the banks of the
river stands the castle, one of the fairest and most admirable buildings
in all the East, some three or four miles in circuit, inclosed by a fine
and strong wall of squared stones, around which is a fair ditch with
draw-bridges. The walls are built with bulwarks or towers somewhat
defensible, having a counterscarp without, some fifteen yards broad.
Within are two other strong walls with gates.

[Footnote 259: This of course is to be understood as referring back from
1611, when Finch was there. We have here omitted a long uninteresting
and confused account of many parts of India, which could only have
swelled our pages, without conveying any useful information.--E.]

There are four gales to the castle. One to the north, leading to a
rampart having many large cannon. Another westwards, leading to the
Bazar, called the _Cichery_ gate, within which is the judgment-seat of
the _casi_, or chief judge in all matters of law; and beside this gate
are two or three _murderers_, or very large pieces of brass cannon, one
of which is fifteen feet long and three feet diameter in the bore. Over
against the judgment-seat of the _casi_, is the _Cichery_, or court of
rolls, where the grand vizier sits about three hours every morning,
through whose hands pass all matters respecting rents, grants, lands,
firmans, debts, &c. Beyond these two gates, you pass a third leading
into a fair street, with houses and _munition_ along both sides; and at
the end of this street, being a quarter of a mile long, you come to the
third gate, which leads to the king's _durbar_. This gate is always
chained, all men alighting here except the king and his children. This
gate is called _Akbar drowage_; close within which many hundred dancing
girls and singers attend day and night, to be ever ready when the king
or any of his women please to send for them, to sing and dance in the
moholls, all of them having stipends from the king according to their
respective unworthy worth.

The fourth gate is to the river, called the _Dersane_, leading to a fair
court extending along the river, where the king looks out every morning
at sun-rising, which he salutes, and then his nobles resort to their
_tessilam_. Right under the place where he looks out, is a kind of
scaffold on which the nobles stand, but the _addees_ and others wait in
the court below. Here likewise the king comes every day at noon to see
the _tamashan_, or fighting with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, and
killing of deer by leopards. This is the custom every day of the week
except Sunday,[260] on which there is no fighting. Tuesdays are
peculiarly the days of blood both for fighting beasts and killing men;
as on that day the king sits in judgment, and sees it put in execution.
Within the third gate, formerly mentioned, you enter a spacious court,
with _atescannas_ all arched round, like shops or open stalls, in which
the king's captains, according to their several degrees keep their
seventh day _chockees_.[261] A little farther on you enter through a
rail into an inner court, into which none are admitted except the king's
_addees_, and men of some quality, under pain of a hearty thwacking from
the porter's cudgels, which they lay on load without respect of persons.

[Footnote 260: Probably Friday is here meant, being the Sabbath of the
Mahometans.--E.]

[Footnote 261: Mr Finch perpetually forgets that his readers in England
were not acquainted with the language of India, and leaves these eastern
terms unexplained; in which he has been inconveniently copied by most
subsequent travellers in the East. _Chockees_ in the text, probably
means turns of duty on guard.--E.]

Being entered, you approach the king's _durbar_, or royal seat, before
which is a small court inclosed with rails, and covered over head with
rich _semianes_, or awnings, to keep away the sun. Here aloft in a
gallery sits the king in his chair of state, accompanied by his sons and
chief vizier, who go up by a short ladder from the court, none other
being allowed to go up unless called, except two _punkaws_ to fan him,
and right before him is a third _punkaw_ on a scaffold, who makes havock
of the poor flies with a horse's tail. On the wall behind the king, on
his right hand, is a picture of our Saviour, and on his left, of the
Virgin. On the farther side of the court of presence hang golden bells,
by ringing which, if any one be oppressed, and is refused justice by the
king's officers, he is called in and the matter discussed before the
king. But let them be sure their cause is good, lest they be punished
for presuming to trouble the king. The king comes to his durbar every
day between three and four o'clock, when thousands resort to shew their
duty, every one taking place according to his rank. He remains here till
the evening, hearing various matters, receiving news or letters, which
are read by his viziers, granting suits, and so forth: All which time
the royal drum continually beats, and many instruments of music are
sounded from a gallery on the opposite building. His elephants and
horses in the mean time are led past, in brave order, doing their
_tessilam_, or obeisance, and are examined by proper officers to see
that they are properly cared for, and in a thriving condition.

Some add[262] that Agra has no walls, and is only surrounded by a dry
ditch, beyond which are extensive suburbs, the city and suburbs being
seven miles long and three broad. The houses of the nobility and
merchants are built of brick and stone, with flat roofs, but those of
the common people have only mud walls and thatched roofs, owing to which
there are often terrible fires. The city has six gates. The river
_Jumna_ is broader than the Thames at London, and has many boats and
barges, some of them of 100 tons burden; but these cannot return against
the stream. From Agra to Lahore, a distance of 600 miles, the road is
set on both sides with mulberry trees.

[Footnote 262: At this place, Purchas remarks, "that this addition is
from a written book, entitled, A Discourse of Agra and the Four
principal Ways to it. I know not by what author, unless it be Nicholas
Ufflet."--_Purch._]

The tomb of the late emperor Akbar is three coss from Agra, on the road
to Lahore, in the middle of a large and beautiful garden, surrounded
with brick walls, near two miles in circuit. It is to have four gates,
only one of which is yet in hand, each of which, if answerable to their
foundations, will be able to receive a great prince with a reasonable
train. On the way-side is a spacious _moholl_, intended by the king for
his father's women to remain and end their days, deploring for their
deceased lord, each enjoying the lands they formerly held, the chief
having the pay or rents of 5000 horse. In the centre of this garden is
the tomb, a square of about three quarters of a mile in circuit. The
first inclosure is a curious rail, to which you ascend by six steps into
a small square garden, divided into quarters, having fine tanks; the
whole garden being planted with a variety of sweet-smelling flowers and
shrubs. Adjoining to this is the tomb, likewise square, all of hewn
stone, with spacious galleries on each side, having a small beautiful
turret at each corner, arched over head, and covered with fine marble.
Between corner and corner are four other turrets at equal distances.
Here, within a golden coffin, reposes the body of the late monarch, who
sometimes thought the world too small for him. It is nothing near
finished, after ten years labour, although there are continually
employed on the mausoleum and other buildings, as the moholl and gates,
more than 3000 men. The stone is brought from an excellent quarry near
Futtipoor, formerly mentioned, and may be cut like timber by means of
saws, so that planks for ceilings are made from it, almost of any size.


SECTION VII.

_Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in_ 1607, _to Bantam and the
Moluccas_.[263]

INTRODUCTION.

Captain David Middleton in the Consent, appears to have been intended to
accompany the fleet under Captain Keeling. But, setting out on the 12th
March, 1607, from Tilbury Hope, while Captain Keeling did not reach the
Downs till the 1st April, Middleton either missed the other ships at the
appointed rendezvous, or purposely went on alone. The latter is more
probable, as Purchas observes that the _Consent kept no concent with her
consorts_. By the title in Purchas, we learn that the Consent was a
vessel of 115 tons burden. This short narrative appears to have been
written by some person on board, but his name is not mentioned. It has
evidently suffered the pruning knife of Purchas, as it commences
abruptly at Saldanha bay, and breaks off in a similar manner at Bantam.
Yet, in the present version, it has been a little farther curtailed, by
omitting several uninteresting circumstances of weather and other
log-book notices.--E.

[Footnote 263: Purch. Pilgr. I. 226. Astl. I. 332.]

       *       *       *       *       *

We anchored in Saldanha roads on the 16th July, 1607, with all our men
in good health; only that Peter Lambert fell from the top-mast head the
day before, of which he died. The 21st, the captain and master went to
Penguin island, three leagues from the road. This island does not exceed
three miles long by two in breadth; yet, in my opinion, no island in the
world is more frequented by seals and fowls than this, which abounds
with penguins, wild-geese, ducks, pelicans, and various other fowls. You
may drive 500 penguins together in a flock, and the seals are in
thousands together on the shore. Having well refreshed our men, and
bought some cattle, we weighed anchor about four in the morning of the
29th July, and came out of the roads with very little wind, all our men
in perfect health, yet loth to depart without the company of our other
two ships. But all our business being ended, and being quite uncertain
as to their arrival,[264] we made no farther stay, and directed our
course for the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar.

[Footnote 264: The other two ships under Keeling did not arrive at
Saldanha bay till the 17th December, five months afterwards.--E.]

The 30th was calm all day, till three in the afternoon, when we had a
fresh gale at S.W. with which we passed the Cape of Good Hope by ten at
night. The 1st August we were off Cape Aguillas; and on the 27th we saw
the island of Madagascar, some six leagues off. In the afternoon of the
30th we anchored in the bay of St Augustine, in six and a half fathoms
on coarse gravel. In consequence of a great ledge of rocks off the mouth
of the bay, we fell to _room-wards_, [leeward,] of the road, and had to
get in upon a tack, having seven, six and a half, and five fathoms all
the way, and on coming to anchor had the ledge and two islands to
windward of us.

The 31st, our captain and Mr Davis went in the longboat to view the
islands, and I myself as we went sounded close by the ledge, and had six
fathoms. One of the islands is very small, as it were a mere bank of
sand with nothing on it. The other is about a mile long, and half a mile
broad, and has nothing upon it but some small store of wood. The 1st
September, we weighed from our first anchorage, the ground being foul,
so that our cable broke, and we lost an anchor in weighing, and came
within two miles of the mouth of the river, where we anchored in five
and a half fathoms fast ground, about three leagues from oar former
anchorage. We got here plenty of sheep and beeves for little money, and
having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor on the 7th, taking to
sea with us four goats, three sheep, and a heifer. We had an observation
three miles from the island, before the bay of St Augustine, which we
made to be in lat. 23° 48' S.[265]

[Footnote 265: The tropic of Capricorn runs through the bay of St
Augustine, being 23° 30' S. rather nearer the south point of the bay; so
that the latitude in the text must err at least 16' in excess.--E.]

The 12th November in the morning we saw an island, which we found to be
_Engano_, or the Isle of Deceit, and came to its north side. This island
is about five leagues in length, trending E. by S. and W. by N. the
easter end is the highest, and the wester is full of trees. It is in
lat. 5° 30' S. and the variation is 4° 13'. Having the wind at W.N.W. we
steered away for the main of Sumatra E. by S. and E.S.E. with a pleasant
gale but much rain, and next day had sight of Sumatra about four leagues
from us. We anchored on the 14th in Bantam roads about four p.m. when we
found all the merchants in good health, and all things in good order.
Next day our captain went on shore to speak with Mr Towerson, respecting
the business of the ship, and it was agreed to send ashore the lead and
iron we brought with us. This being effected, and having fitted our ship
in good order, and taken in our merchants and goods for the Moluccas, we
took leave of the factory, and set sail for these islands on the 6th
December.

"In the beginning of January, 1608, they arrived at the Moluccas. The
rest of that month and the whole of February, was spent in compliments
between them and the Spaniards and the Moluccan princes: the Spaniards
not daring to allow them to trade without leave from their camp-master;
and as he was embroiled with the Hollanders, he refused, unless they
would aid him, or at least accompany their ships for shew of service
against the Hollanders; which Captain Middleton refused, as contrary to
his commission and instructions. In the mean time, they traded privately
with the natives by night, and were jovial with the Spaniards by day,
who both gave and received hearty welcome. In the beginning of March
they had leave to trade, but this licence was revoked again in a few
days, and they were commanded to be gone. Thus they spent their time
till the 14th March, when they weighed anchor and set sail, having some
little trade by the way. This part of the journal is long, and I have
omitted it, as also in some other parts where I thought it might be
tedious."[266]

[Footnote 266: This paragraph is by Purchas, by whom it is placed as
here in the text.--E.]

The 23d March, we entered the Straits of _Bangaya_,[267] where the
captain proposed to seek for water. While uncertain where to seek it,
there came off a praw from the island, by which we learnt that good
water might be had on the east shore, where we anchored in 60 fathoms in
a most cruel current. Our long-boat was then sent for water, conducted
by the Indian who came in the praw, from whom our people procured some
fresh fish at a cheap rate in exchange for china dishes. In the morning
of the 24th we went for another boat-load of water; and this morning by
daybreak the natives came off to us in above 100 praws, carrying men,
women, and children, and brought us great quantities of fish, both dried
and fresh, which they sold very cheap. They brought us also hogs, both
great and small, with plenty of poultry, which they sold very reasonably
for coarse white cloth and china dishes; likewise plantains, _cassathoe_
roots, and various kinds of fruit. The natives remained on board the
whole day in such numbers, that we could sometimes hardly get from one
part of the deck to another for them. In the afternoon the King of
_Bottone_, or Booton, sent some plantains to our captain, and a kind of
liquor for drinking called _Irea-pote_, in return for which the captain
sent back a rich painted calico. About ten at night we weighed anchor,
in doing which we broke the flukes of both our starboard anchors, for
which reason we had to man our long-boat, and tow the ship all night
against the current, which otherwise would have carried us farther to
leewards than we could have made up again in three days, unless we had
got a fresh gale of wind, so strong is the current at this place.

[Footnote 267: From circumstances in the sequel, these Straits of
Bangaya appear to have been between the island of Booton, in about lat.
5° S. and long. 123° 20' E., and the south-east leg or peninsula of the
island of Celebes.--E.]

The 19th April the King of Booton sent one of his brothers again on
board,[268] to know if he might come to see the ship, of which he was
very desirous, having often heard of Englishmen, but had never seen any;
on which our captain sent him word that he should think himself much
honoured by a visit. The king came immediately off in his _caracol_,
rowed by at least an hundred oars or paddles, having in her besides
about 400 armed men, and six pieces of brass cannon; being attended by
five other caracols, which had at the least 1000 armed men in them. On
coming up, our captain sent our surgeon, Francis Kelly, as an hostage
for the king's safety; when he came on board, and was kindly welcomed
by our captain, who invited him to partake of a banquet of sweetmeats,
which he readily accepted. Captain Middleton then made enquiry as to
what commodities the king had for sale in his dominions. He made answer,
that they had pearls, tortoise-shell, and some cloth of their own
manufacture, which we supposed might be of striped cotton. The king said
farther, as we were unacquainted with the place, he would send a pilot
to conduct us. Captain Middleton then requested to see some of the
pearls; but he said he had not brought any with him, meaning only a
jaunt of pleasure, but if we would come to Booton, which was only a day
and night's sail from thence, we should see great store of pearls, and
such other things as he had for sale. The captain and factor,
considering that this was very little out of the way to Bantam, thought
best to agree to this offer, and presented the king with a musket, a
sword, and a pintado, thanking him for his kindness. The king replied,
that he had not now any thing worth giving, but promised to repay these
civilities before we left Booton, giving at the same time two pieces of
their country cloth.

[Footnote 268: Something has probably been here omitted by Purchas, as
we hear nothing of their transactions between the 24th March and 19th
April.--E.]

About three p.m. the king took his leave, promising to send a pilot in
all speed to carry us to the town of Booton, and by the time we weighed
anchor the pilot came on board. At night the king sent one of his
caracols to us, to see if we wanted any thing, and to accompany us to
Booton; sending at the same time a goat to the captain. We stood for
Booton with a small gale, which at night died away, so that we had to
drop anchor in 22 fathoms, not willing to drift to leeward with the
current; and next morning we again weighed and stood for Booton.

The 22d, about ten a.m. our purser came on board, having been sent on
shore the night before, and brought with him some cocks and hens. He
told us that the Indians had carried him to a king, who was glad to see
him, having never before seen any Englishmen.[269] At his first coming
to the king's house, he was carousing and drinking with his nobles, all
round where he sat being hung with human heads, whom he had recently
slain in war. After some little stay, the purser took his leave, and lay
all night on board the caracol. This night we anchored in 20 fathoms,
in a strait or passage not half a mile wide. The 23d, in the morning,
we again weighed, and, having very little wind, our long-boat towed us
through the straits, and as the tide was with us we went a-head a-main;
so that by eleven o'clock a.m. we were in sight of the town of Booton,
and came to anchor in 25 fathoms, about a mile and a half from the town,
where we waited for the king to come on board, but he came not that
night. We sent, however, our boat on shore, and bought fresh fish for
our company.

[Footnote 269: There is some strange obscurity in the text about this
new king, called in the margin by Purchas the king of _Cobina_.--E.]

The king came up under our stern about one p.m. of the 24th, having with
him some forty caracols, and rowed round us very gallantly, hoisting his
colours and pendants; after which they rowed back to the town, and our
captain saluted them with a volley of small arms and all his great guns.
He then caused man our long-boat, and went ashore to the town of Booton,
accompanied by Mr Siddal and others. The king saluted our captain on
landing, both with small arms and ordnance, saying that his heart was
now contented, as he had seen the English nation, promising to shew our
captain all the kindness in his power. The captain humbly thanked him,
and took his leave for the present, coming again on board.

Next morning, the 25th April, we weighed anchor and stood farther into
the road, anchoring again in 27 fathoms within half a mile of the shore.
This morning there came on board a Javan _nakhada,_ or ship-master, who
had a junk in the roads laden with cloves, which he had brought from
Amboina, with whom Mr Siddal our factor talked, as the Javan offered to
sell all his cloves to our captain.

This day the king invited our captain to dine with him, begging him to
excuse the homely fashion of their country. The meat was served up in
great wooden chargers, closely covered up with cloths, and the king with
our captain and Mr Siddal dined together, where we had great cheer, our
drink being _Irea-pote_, which was sweet-tasted and very pleasant, the
king being very merry. After dinner we had some talk about the cloves
which we proposed to purchase; and the king promised to come next day on
board himself or to send some of his attendants, to examine our cloth.
The captain then gave the king great thanks for his kindness, and went
on board.

The 26th, the king's uncle came off to see our ship, and was kindly
entertained by the captain. The king's brother came afterwards on
board, and remained to dinner with the captain, and after took leave. We
expected the king, but he came not that day, sending his son and the
pilot to view our cloth, which they liked very well. The king and his
son came on board on the 27th, and dined with the captain, who gave them
good cheer; and the king being very merry, wished to see some of our
people dance, which several of them did before him, when he was much
pleased both with our dancing and music. At night the king's uncle sent
our captain four fat hogs.

The 28th, the king of another island near Booton came in his caracol,
accompanied by his wife, to view our ship, but could not be prevailed on
to come aboard. Our ship being now laden with cloves bought of the
Javans, our captain bought some slaves from the king; and while we were
very busy this night, one of them stole out from the cabin and leapt
into the sea to swim ashore, so that we never heard of him more. Next
morning the captain sent Augustine Spalding, our _Jurabossa,_ to inform
the king of the slave having made his escape, who presently gave him
another.

May 3d, we proceeded for Bantam, saluting the town of Booton at our
departure with three guns. The 3d, we had sight of the Straits of
Celebes, for which we made all sail, but could not get into them that
night. The 23d May, we anchored in the road of Bantam, where we did not
find a single Christian ship, and only four junks from China, having
taffaties, damasks, satins, and various other commodities. Having
finished all our business here, the captain and merchants took leave on
the 15th July, 1608, when we presently made sail from the road of
Bantam, bound home for our native England.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Note_.--At this place Purchas observes, "To avoid tiring the readers,
the rest of this voyage homewards is omitted; instead of which we have
set down a table of the journal of this ship from the Lizard to Bantam,
as set forth by John Davis."--On this paragraph of Purchas, the editor
of Astley's Collection remarks, I. 335. c. "But we meet with no such
table in Purchas, neither is any reason assigned why it is omitted, so
that many may believe these copies of Purchas imperfect. This Davis was
probably the same who went with Sir Edward Michelburne, and who
published some nautical directions, as already observed."

It is singular that the editor of Astley's Collection, with Purchas his
Pilgrims before him, and perfectly aware of the Directions by John Davis
"For ready sailing to the East Indies, digested into a plain Method,
upon Experience of Five Voyages thither and Home again," should not have
discovered or conjectured, that the promised table is actually published
by Purchas in the first volume of his Pilgrims, p. 444--455.--E.


SECTION VIII.

_Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1608, _by Captain
Alexander Sharpey_.[270]

INTRODUCTION.

The relation of this fourth voyage fitted out by the English East India
Company, and of various circumstances arising out of it, as given by
Purchas, consists of four different narratives, to which the editor of
Astley's Collection adds a fifth, here adopted from him. The following
are the remarks in Astley, respecting this voyage and its several
narratives.

[Footnote 270: Purch. Pilgr. I. 228, Astley, I. 336.]

In this voyage there were employed two good ships; the Ascension
admiral, commanded by Captain Alexander Sharpey, general of the
adventure; and the Union vice-admiral, under the command of Captain
Richard Rowles, lieutenant-general. As these vessels separated at the
Cape of Good Hope, and the Ascension was cast away in the bay of
Cambaya, they may be considered as separate voyages, of which we have
distinct relations.

There are two accounts extant of the voyage of the Ascension; one
written by Captain Robert Coverte, and the other by Thomas Jones. There
was a third, written by Henry Moris at Bantam, from the mouth of William
Nichols, one of the sailors belonging to the Ascension; but as the
voyage part was the same in substance as that given by Jones, Purchas
omitted that part, and only inserted the journey of Nichols by land
from Surat to Masulipatam; which requires to be inserted, although his
remarks on the road to Masulipatam, and his voyage from thence to
Bantam, are comprised in very few words.

The relation of Captain Coverte is not inserted in the Pilgrims of
Purchas, who omitted it, because, as he tells us, it was already in
print. Its title runs thus: A true and almost incredible Report of an
Englishman, that, being cast away in the good Ship called the Ascension,
in Cambaya, the furthest Part of the East Indies, travelled by Land
through many unknown Kingdoms and great Cities. With a particular
Description of all these Kingdoms, Cities, and People. As also a
Relation of their Commodities and Manner of Traffic, &c. With the
Discovery of a great Empire, called the _Great Mogul_, a Prince not till
now known to the English Nation. By Captain Coverte. London, printed by
William Hall, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer, 1612.

The circumstance of this narrative having been before printed, is a
very insufficient reason for its omission, since Purchas inserted many
others which were before in print, and few tracts had a better title for
insertion, than this of Coverte. _De Bry_, however, knew its value, and
gave a translation of it with cuts, in his _Ind. Orient._ part xi. p.
11. but divided into chapters, the original being in one continued
narrative. It is true that Purchas has given an extract from it in his
_Pilgrimage_, book V. chap. vii. sect. 5. a work on general geography
entirely different from his _Pilgrims_, or Collection of Voyages and
Travels; but this is very imperfect, and only refers to his land
journey.

This voyage of Coverte contains sixty-eight pages in quarto, black
letter, besides the dedication and title, which occupy four pages more.
It is dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of
England; but there is nothing in the dedication worth notice, except
that he says, after the wreck of the Ascension, and getting on shore
with seventy-four others, he was the only one among them who would
venture upon so _desperate an undertaking_ as to travel home by land. He
likewise asserts that every thing he relates is true, protesting that he
speaks of nothing but what he had seen and suffered.

In this place, we shall only abstract the author's voyage to Cambaya;
and, instead of his journey home through India, Persia, and Turkey,
[which will be inserted among the Travels,[271]] shall give the account
of Jones of his own return from Cambaya by sea to England. This voyage
lays claim to two discoveries, that of the Moguls country, as appears in
the tide, though Captain Hawkins had got the start of him there; and the
discovery of the Bed Sea by the Ascension, as mentioned in the title of
the relation by Jones in Purchas.--_Astley_.

[Footnote 271: This promise is not however performed in Astley's
Collection. In the Pilgrims, I. 235, Purchas has inserted the
peregrination of Mr Joseph Salbank through India, Persia, part of
Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, in 1609, written to Sir Thomas
Smith; and tells us in a sidenote, that Robert Coverte was his companion
in the journey all the way through India and Persia, to Bagdat. We meant
to have inserted these peregrinations as a substitute for those of
Coverte, but found the names of places so inexplicably corrupted, as to
render the whole entirely useless.--E.]

In Astley's Collection, copying from Purchas, a brief account of the
same voyage is given, as written by Thomas Jones, who seems to have been
carpenter or boatswain of the Ascension, and whose narrative differs in
some particulars from that of Coverte, though they agree in general.
Instead of augmenting our pages by the insertion of this additional
narrative, we have only remarked in notes the material circumstances in
which they differ. Neither can be supposed very accurate in dates, as
both would probably lose their journals when shipwrecked near Surat.

We have likewise added, in supplement to the narrative of Coverte, such
additional circumstances as are supplied by Jones, after the loss of the
ship.--E.


§ 1. _Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte_.[272]


We weighed anchor from Woolwich on the 14th of March, 1608, and came to
the Downs over against Deal, three miles from Sandwich, where we
remained till the 25th, when we sailed for Plymouth. Leaving that place
with a fair gale on the 31st, we arrived at the _Salvages_, 500 leagues
from thence, on the 10th of April, and came next morning in sight of the
Grand Canary. Casting anchor there at midnight, we fired a gun for a
boat to come off: But the Spaniards, fearing we were part of a squadron
of twelve Hollanders, expected in these seas, instead of sending any
one on board, sent into the country for a body of 150 horse and foot to
defend the town; neither were their fears abated till two of our factors
went ashore, and acquainted them that we were two English ships in want
of some necessaries. Next morning we fired another gun, when the
governor sent off a boat to know what we wanted. Having acquainted him,
he made answer, that it was not in his power to relieve our wants,
unless we came into the roads. Yet, having examined our factors upon
oath, they had a warrant for a boat at their pleasure, to go between the
shore and the ships with whatever was wanted. What we most wondered at,
was the behaviour of two ships then in the roads, known by their colours
to be English, the people of which had not the kindness to apprize us of
the customs of the _subtile currish_ Spaniards. It is the custom here,
when any foreign ship comes into the roads, that no person of the same
nation even, or any other, must go on board without leave from the
governor and council.

[Footnote 272: Astley, I. 336.--In Astley's Collection, this person is
named captain; but it does not appear wherefore he had this title.--E.]

During five days that we remained here, some of the Spaniards came on
board every day, and eat and drank with us in an insatiable manner. The
general also made a present to the governor of two cheeses, a gammon of
bacon, and five or six barrels of pickled oysters, which he accepted
very thankfully, and sent in return two or three goats and sheep, and
plenty of onions. We there took in fresh water, Canary wine, marmalade
of quinces at twelve-pence a pound, little barrels of _suckets_, or
sweetmeats, at three shillings a barrel, oranges, lemons, _pame
citrons_, and excellent white bread baked with aniseeds, called
_nuns-bread_.

We set sail on the 18th April in the morning, with a fair wind, which
fell calm in three hours, which obliged us to hover till the 21st, when
a brisk gale sprung up, with which we reached Mayo, one of the Cape Verd
islands, in the afternoon of the 27th, 300 leagues from the Canaries,
where we came to anchor, determining to take in water at Bonavista; but
finding the water not clear, and two or three miles inland, we took the
less, but had other good commodities. At our arrival we were told by two
negroes, that we might have as many goats as we pleased for nothing; and
accordingly we got about 200 for both ships. They told us also, that
there were only twelve men on the island, and that there was plenty of
white salt _growing out of the ground_,[273] so that we might have
loaded both ships. It was excellent white salt, as clear as any that I
ever saw in England. Eight leagues from Mayo is the island of St Jago.

[Footnote 273: This must be understood as formed naturally by
evaporation, owing to the heat of the sun, in some places where the
sea-water stagnates after storms or high tide.--E.]

We left Mayo on the 4th May at six in the morning, and passed the
equinoctial line at the same hour on the 20th.[274] The 14th July, we
came to Saldanha bay, having all our men in health except two, who were
a little touched, with the scurvy, but soon recovered on shore. That day
we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope, 15 or 16 leagues from hence. We
refreshed ourselves excellently at Saldanha bay, where we took in about
400 cattle, as oxen, steers, sheep, and lambs; with fowls, plenty of
fish of various kinds, and fresh water. At Penguin island, five or six
leagues from the land, there are abundance of the birds of that name,
and infinite numbers of seals. With these latter animals we filled our
boat twice, and made train-oil for our lamps. From this island we took
off six fat sheep, left there by the Hollanders for a pinnace which we
met 200 leagues from the Cape, and left six bullocks in their stead. On
our first arrival at Saldanha bay, we set up our pinnace, which we
launched on the 5th September, and in six or eight days after she was
rigged and fit for sea.

[Footnote 274: Jones observes, that after passing the line, they fell in
with the _trade-wind_, which blows continually between S.E. and S.E. by
E. the farther one goes to the southwards, finding it still more
easterly, all the way between the line and the tropic of Capricorn. This
almost intolerable obstacle to the outward-bound India voyage, was
afterwards found easy to be avoided, by keeping a course to the
westward, near the coast of Brazil.

Jones likewise mentions, that on the 11th June, when in lat. 26° S. they
overtook a carak, called the Nave Palma, bound for India; which was
afterwards lost on the coast of Sofala, within twelve leagues of
Mozambique.--E.]

The natives of the country about Saldanha bay are a very beastly people,
especially in their feeding; for I have seen them eat the guts and
garbage, dung and all. They even eat the seals which we had cast into
the river, after they had lain fourteen days, being then full of
maggots, and stinking most intolerably. We saw here several signs of
wild beasts, some so fierce, that when we found their dens, we durst
neither enter nor come near them. The natives brought down to us
ostrich eggs, some of the shells being empty, with a small hole at one
end; also feathers of the same bird, and porcupine quills, which they
bartered for our commodities, being especially desirous of iron,
esteeming old pieces of that metal far beyond gold or silver.

Early on the 20th September,[275] we came out of the bay and set sail;
and that night, being very dark and windy, we lost sight of the Union
and our pinnace, called the _Good Hope_. The Union put out her ensign
about five o'clock p.m. for what reason we never knew, and lay too all
that night. We proceeded next day, and having various changes of wind,
with frequent calms, we came on the 27th October to the latitude of 26°
S. nearly in the parallel of St Lawrence. Continuing our course with
similar weather, we descried two or three small islands on the 22d
November in the morning, and that afternoon came to another off a very
high land, called Comoro.[276] Sending our boat ashore on the 24th, the
people met five or six of the natives, from whom they bought plantains.
The 25th, by the aid of our boat towing the ship between two islands, as
the wind would not serve, we came to anchor in the evening near the
shore of Comoro, in between 17 and 20 fathoms water.

[Footnote 275: Jones says the 25th, and that the subsequent storm, on
the 26th, in which they lost sight of the Union and the pinnace, was so
violent as to split their fore-course.--E.]

[Footnote 276: According to Jones, they wished to have passed to the
south of Madagascar, making what is now called the outer and usual
passage, but could not, and were forced to take the channel of
Mozambique.--E.]

The boat was sent ashore on the 26th with a present for the king, in
charge of our factor, Mr Jordan, consisting of two knives, a sash or
turban, a looking-glass and a comb, the whole about 15s. value. The king
received these things very scornfully, and gave them to one of his
attendants, hardly deigning them a look: Yet he told Mr Jordan, that if
our general would come ashore, he might have any thing the country
afforded, and he bowed to him very courteously on taking leave. It
appears the king had examined the present afterwards, and been better
pleased with it, for he sent off a bullock to our general in the
afternoon, when the messenger seemed highly gratified by receiving two
penny knives. Next day, the general went ashore with twelve attendants,
carrying a small banquet as a present to the king, consisting of a box
of marmalade, a barrel of suckets, and some wine. These were all tasted
by the English in the king's presence, who touched nothing, but his
nobles both eat and drank. The general had some discourse with the king,
by means of an interpreter, concerning our wants; and understood that he
had some dealings with the Portuguese, which language the king could
speak a little. The king had determined on the 28th to have gone aboard
the Ascension, but we were told by the interpreter, that his council and
the common people would not allow him.

I went ashore on the 29th with the master, Mr Tindall and Mr Jordan, and
all the trumpeters. We were kindly received at the water-side by the
interpreter, who conducted us to the king, who was then near his
residence, and bowed very courteously on our approach. His guard
consisted of six or eight men, with sharp knives a foot long, and as
broad as hatchets, who went next his person. Besides these, several
persons went before and many behind, for his defence. The natives seem
very civil, kind, and honest; for one of our sailors having left his
sword, one of the natives found it and brought it to the king, who,
perceiving that it belonged to one of the English, told him he should be
assuredly put to death, if he had come by it otherwise than he declared.
Next day, on going ashore, the interpreter returned the sword, and told
us what the king had said on the occasion.

The natives likewise have much urbanity among themselves, as we observed
them, in the mornings when they met, shaking hands and conversing, as if
in friendly salutation. Their manners are very modest, and both men and
women are straight, well-limbed, and comely. Their religion is
Mahometism, and they go almost naked, having only turbans on their
heads, and a piece of cloth round their middles. The women have a piece
of cloth before, covering their breasts and reaching to the waist, with
another piece from thence to a little below their knees, having a kind
of apron of sedges hanging down from a girdle, very becomingly. They go
all barefooted, except the king, who wears sandals. His dress was as
follows: A white net cap on his head; a scarlet vest with sleeves, but
open before; a piece of cloth round his middle; and another which hung
from his shoulders to the ground.

When at the town, the natives brought us cocoa-nuts for sale, of various
sizes, some as big as a man's head, each having within a quantity of
liquor proportioned to its size, and as much kernel as would suffice for
a man's dinner. They brought us also goats, hens, chickens, lemons,
rice, milk, fish, and the like, which we bought very cheap for
commodities; as two hens for a penny knife; lemons, cocoa-nuts, and
oranges for nails, broken pikes, and pieces of old iron. Fresh water is
scarce, being procured from holes made in the sands, which they lade out
in cocoa-nut shells as fast as it springs, and so drink. They brought
some of it to us, which we could not drink, it looked so thick and
muddy.

We sailed from Comoro on the 29th November, and on the 10th December, at
three a.m. we suddenly descried a low land, about a league a-head,
having high trees growing close to the shore. We took this at first to
be the island of Zanjibar, till one of the natives told us it was
Pemba.[277] We immediately stood off till day-break, when we again made
sail for the shore, along which we veered in search of a harbour or
anchoring place, and sent Mr Elmore in the boat to look out for a
convenient watering-place. On landing, some of the inhabitants demanded
in Portuguese who we were; and being told we were English, they asked
again what we had to do there, as the island belonged to the King of
Portugal? Answer was made that we knew not this, and only wanted a
supply of water. The ship came next day to anchor, near two or three
broken islands, close by Pemba, in lat. 5° 20' S. The 12th, Mr Jordan
went ashore, and conversed with some of the people in Portuguese, but
they seemed not the same who had been seen before, as they said the king
of the island was a Malabar. Mr Jordan told them, though the ship was
English, that he was a Portuguese merchant, and the goods were belonging
to Portugal. They then said he should have every thing he wanted, and
sent a Moor to shew them the watering-place, which was a small hole at
the bottom of a hill, more like a ditch than a well. Having filled their
borachios, or goat-skins, they carried the Moor aboard, and going again
next day for water, set him ashore. The report he made of his good
usage, brought down another Moor who could speak a little Portuguese,
and said he was one of the king's gentlemen.

[Footnote 277: Jones says they overshot Zanjibar by the fault of their
master, so that all their misfortunes seem attributable to his
ignorance.--E.]

This man went also on board and was well treated, and on landing next
day, he promised to bring hens, cocoa-nuts, and oranges, which he did. I
went this day on shore along with the master, Mr Revet, and some others,
and dined on shore. When we had done dinner, there came two head men and
a Moor slave to the watering-place, who asked if the chief men belonging
to the ship were ashore, and where they were. Edward Churchman told them
that the master and one of the merchants were ashore, and he would bring
us to them if they pleased. At our meeting they saluted us after the
Portuguese fashion, and told us that we were welcome, and that every
thing in the island was at our command: But all these sugared words were
only a cloak to their treacherous designs. We asked who the chief person
among them was, and were told he was the king's brother; who immediately
produced a plate of silver, on which were engraven the names of all the
villages and houses in the island, telling us that he was governor of
all these. On asking if there were any Portuguese on the island, they
said no, for they were all banished, because they would have
refreshments there by force, and endeavoured to make slaves of the
people; wherefore they had made war upon them ever since their first
appearance.

In the mean time our pinnace joined us, having been sent to another part
of the island for cattle according to appointment, but the people had
postponed supplying them, till they could find an opportunity of
executing their intended treachery. The people of the pinnace told us,
they had been informed that fifteen sail of Hollanders had lately taken
Mozambique, and put all the Portuguese to the sword. At this news, which
came from Zanjibar, the head Moors seemed overjoyed, being another
subtle contrivance to lead us on to our ruin. On the approach of night,
we entreated them to go on board with us, which they declined, but
promised they would next day. Accordingly, he who called himself the
king's brother came with two others on board, having Thomas Cave,
Gabriel Brooke, and Lawrence Pigot, our surgeon, as their pledges. They
were handsomely entertained, and next morning our general gave the chief
two goats and a cartridge of gunpowder, with some trifles to the two
others. Messrs Revet, Jordan, Glascock, and I, went ashore with them for
the pledges, and on landing went unadvisedly along with them to some
houses, where we found the pledges guarded by some fifty or sixty men,
armed with bows and arrows, swords, bucklers, and darts; yet were they
delivered to us. We then returned to the pinnace, accompanied by the
king's brother, most of the Moors following us, and six or seven of them
going up to the pinnace to examine it, after which they returned to the
rest. We went all into the boat, and the king's brother readily came
along with us, and was courteously entertained as usual. Towards night
the master offered him a knife, which he scornfully refused, and
immediately went ashore in an almadia.

The long-boat went ashore very early of the 14th for water, and when the
casks were filled the ship was seen with her sails set down to dry; but
the natives believing she was going away, the companion of the king's
brother came and asked our boatswain if it were so. The boatswain, as
well as he could by signs, made him understand that it was only to dry
the sails. While thus talking, our pinnace was observed coming ashore
well armed, on which the natives went away. Had not the pinnace made her
appearance so very opportunely, I believe they intended at this time to
have cut off our men, and seized the long-boat, for two or more of the
rogues were seen lurking about the watering-place, as if waiting for the
signal of attack. When our pinnace came on shore, and the men were
standing near on the sands under arms, the master sent Nicholas White to
the town, to tell the islanders that our merchants were landed, and as
White was passing a house full of people, he observed six Portuguese in
long branched or flowered damask gowns, lined with blue taffeta, under
which they wore white calico breeches. Presently after, the attendant on
the king's brother came and told Mr Revet that the native merchants were
weary, and requested therefore that the English would come up to look at
the cattle. Now White saw only one bullock and no more. Mr Revet desired
to be excused, and pressed him to send down the bullock, saying, there
were enough of goods in the boat to pay for it; with which answer he
went away.

The king's brother was then on the sands, and gave orders to a negro to
gather cocoa-nuts to send to our general, and desired Edward Churchman
to go and fetch them, who went accordingly, but was never seen or heard
of more.[278] Finding that the English refused to land, and stood on
their guard, the word was given for assault, and a horn was sounded,
upon which our men at the watering-place were immediately assaulted.
John Harrington, the boat-swain's mate, was slain, and Robert Backer, Mr
Ellanor's man, was sore wounded in eight or ten places, and had
certainly been killed, but that a musket or two were fired from the
boat, by which it would seem that some of them were hurt, as they
retired crying out. Bucker, though weak and faint, made a shift to get
to the boat, and two or three other men, who were at the watering-place,
got safe into the boat.

[Footnote 278: Jones says he was informed afterwards by a Portuguese,
that Churchman afterwards died at Mombaza. He tells us likewise, that
the Portuguese of Mombaza intended to have manned a Dutch hulk which had
wintered there, on purpose to take the Ascension; but learning her force
they laid that design aside, and endeavoured to circumvent them by means
of the natives of Pemba, who are very cowardly, and dare not venture on
any enterprize, unless instigated by the Portuguese.--E.]

In the morning of the 26th, the boat and pinnace went ashore well armed
to fetch in our _davy,_ which is a piece of timber by which the anchor
is hauled up; and a little beyond it, they found the body of Harrington
stark naked, which they buried in an island near Pemba. The natives of
this island seemed well disposed towards us; for, at our first coming,
they made signs to us, as if warning us to take care of having our
throats cut, which we then paid no attention to.[279]

[Footnote 279: This circumstance is not easily understood, unless by the
natives are here meant negroes, as distinguished from the Moors, who
endeavoured to murder the English, probably at the instigation of the
Portuguese.--E.]

We set sail that same day from Pemba, being the 20th December, and by
midnight our ship got aground on the shoals of Melinda, or Pemba, which
we were not aware of, but got off again, by backing our sails, as the
wind was very moderate. Next morning we pursued and took three small
boats, called _pangaias_, which had their planks very slightly connected
together, while another boat was endeavouring to come off from the land
to give them notice to avoid us. In these boats there were above forty
persons, six or eight of whom being comparatively pale and fair, much
differing from the Moors, we thought to have been Portuguese; but being
asked, they shewed their backs all over with written characters; and
when we still insisted they were Portuguese, they said the Portuguese
were not circumcised as they were.[280] As we could not be satisfied of
their not being Portuguese, some of our mariners spoke to them about the
murder of our men, which seemed to put them in fear, and they talked
with each other in their own language, which made us suspect they were
meditating some desperate attempt. For this reason, I remained watchful
on the poop of our ship, looking carefully after our swords, which lay
naked in the master's cabin, which they too seemed to have their eyes
upon. They seemed likewise to notice the place where I and Mr Glascock
had laid our swords, and anxiously waiting for the place being clear.
They even beckoned several times for me to come down upon the spar-deck,
which I refused, lest they might have taken that opportunity to seize
our weapons, which would have enabled them to do much more mischief than
they afterwards did.

[Footnote 280: These men were probably tawny Moors, or Arabs of pure
descent; whereas many of the Mahometans along the eastern shore of
Africa; and in its islands, are of mixed blood, partly negro,--E.]

Our master, Philip de Grove, came soon afterwards on the spar-deck, and
asking for their pilot, took him down into his cabin to shew him his
plat or chart, which he examined very attentively; but on leaving the
others to go with the master, he spoke something to them in the Moors
language which we did not understand, but which we afterwards supposed
was warning them to be on their guard to assault us as soon as he gave
the signal. It was reported that the pilot had a concealed knife, for
which he was searched; but he very adroitly contrived to shift it, and
therewith stabbed our master in the belly, and then cried out. This
probably was the signal for the rest, for they immediately began the
attack on our people on the spar-deck. The general, with Messrs Glascock
and Tindal, and one or two more, happened to be there at the time, and
had the good fortune to kill four or five of the _white_ rogues, and
made such havoc among the rest that at length they slew near forty of
them, and brought the rest under subjection. A little before this, our
master had proposed to the general to buy from them some _garavances,_
or pease, the ordinary food of the country, if they had any for sale,
and then to set them at liberty with their boats and goods. To this the
general had agreed, and the master, as before mentioned, had called the
Moorish pilot, to see if he had any skill in charts. But as they had
treacherously attacked us, we certainly could do no otherwise now than
slay them in our own defence. Five or six of them, however, leapt
overboard, and recovered a _pangaia_ by their astonishing swiftness in
swimming, and escaped on shore, as they swam to windward faster than our
pinnace could row.

In this skirmish only three of our men were hurt, namely, Mr Glascock,
Mr Tindal, and our master.[281] The first had two wounds, one of which
was very deep in the back. When they commenced the attack, Mr Tindal had
no weapon in his hand, and one of them aimed to stab him in the breast;
but as he turned suddenly round, he received the wound on his arm. They
all recovered perfectly.

[Footnote 281: According to Jones, he personally slew the Moorish pilot
in this affray. One of the persons wounded on this occasion was the
chaplain, but his name is not mentioned. Great lamentation was made by
the Moors on the coast of Africa for their loss in this affair, as Jones
was told afterwards by the Portuguese, as some of them, probably those
mentioned as _white rogues_ by Coverte, were of the blood royal.--E.]

The 19th of January, 1609, we espied many islands, which the Portuguese
call Almirante,[282] being nine in number, and all without inhabitants,
as the Portuguese affirm. Next morning we sent our pinnace to one of
them in search of fresh water, which could not be found, but our people
saw many land tortoises, and brought six on board. We then went to
another of these islands, where we came to anchor in twelve or thirteen
fathoms in a tolerably good birth, and here we refreshed ourselves with
water, cocoa-nuts, fish, palmitos, and turtle-doves,[283] which last
were in great plenty. The 1st of February we set sail with a fair wind,
and passed the line on the 19th, having previously on the 15th come
within _ken_ of the land on the coast of Melinda. We came to anchor next
day on the coast of the continent, in 12 fathoms, about two leagues from
shore, and sent our pinnace to seek refreshments; but they were unable
to land, and the natives could not be induced to adventure within
hearing, wherefore our ship departed in the afternoon. About this time,
William Acton, one of the ship boys, confessed being guilty of a foul
and detestable crime;[284] and being tried and found guilty by a jury,
was condemned and executed on the morning of the 3rd March.

[Footnote 282: Called by Jones the Desolate Islands, because not
inhabited.--E.]

[Footnote 283: Jones says these turtle-doves were so tame that one man
might have taken twenty dozen in a day with his hands.--E.]

[Footnote 284: In the last paragraph but one of his book, Mr Coverte
explains the nature of this crime: "Philip de Grove, our master, was a
Fleming, and an arch villain, for this boy confessed to myself that he
was a detestable sodomite. Hence, had not the mercy of God been great,
it was a wonder our ship did not sink in the ocean."--For any thing that
appears, the boy was put to death to save the master.--Astl. I. 342. c.

In Jones's Narrative no notice is taken of this crime and
punishment.--E.]

The 21st betimes, we espied an island in lat. 12° 17' N. with four rocks
or hills about three leagues from it. We had beaten up a whole day and
night to get to this island; but finding it barren and unpeopled, we
passed on, and got sight of three other islands that same day about
sun-set, in lat. 12° 29' N. Two were about a league asunder, and we
found the third to be Socotora, which is in lat. 12° 24' N. We arrived
here the 29th March, and came to anchor next day in a fine bay. As the
islanders lighted a fire on seeing us, we sent the skiff on shore, but
the people fled in all haste, having possibly been injured by some who
had passed that way. Finding no prospect of any relief here, our men
returned on board, when we again made sail to find the chief harbour.

Standing out to sea next day, we met a ship from Guzerat, laden with
cotton, calico, and pintados or chintz, and bound for Acheen.[285] As
they told us it was a place of great trade, we went there along with
her, but we found it quite otherwise, being merely a garrison town with
many soldiers. There is a castle at the entrance cut out of the main
land, and surrounded by the sea, having thirty-two pieces of ordnance,
and there were fifty in the town. Arriving there the 10th April, the
people of the Guzerat ship landed, and told the governor that an English
ship had come to trade there. The governor sent his admiral to invite
our general, who went very unadvisedly on shore, where he and his
attendants were received with much courtesy, three or four horses
waiting for his use, and was brought in great pomp to the governor.
Finding our general but a simple man, the governor put him into a house
with a _chiaus,_ or keeper, and a strong guard of janissaries, and kept
him and his attendants prisoners for six weeks, I being of the number.
The governor then obliged him to send aboard for iron, tin, and cloth,
to the value of 2500 dollars, pretending that he meant to purchase the
goods; but when once on shore, he seized them under pretence of customs.
Seeing he could get no more, he sent the general aboard on the 27th May,
but detained two of our merchants as pledges for payment of 2000
dollars, which he said was for anchorage: but as we all declared against
submitting to pay this arbitrary exaction, the governor sent our two
merchants to the Pacha at Sanaa, about eight days journey up the
country.

[Footnote 285: Jones says she belonged to Diu, but told the English she
was from Surat, and gave them an account of the arrival of Captain
Hawkins at that place.--E.]

The 28th of May, we were joined by our pinnace, the Good Hope, the
master of which, John Luffkin, had been knocked in the head with a
mallet by Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driver, master's
mate,[286] together with Andrew Evans and Edward Hilles. Being asked the
reason for this murder, they could only allege being refused some _aqua
vitae_ and _rosa solis_, which Luffkin wished to preserve for the crew
in case of sickness. A jury was called on the 31st May, when the
murderers were convicted; of whom Driver and Clarke were hanged in the
pinnace. The other two met their deserts, for Hilles was eaten by
canibals,[287] and Evans rotted where he lay.

[Footnote 286: Jones calls Clarke master's-mate, and Driver gunner.--E.]

[Footnote 287: Hilles was left at Madagascar, where perhaps he might be
eaten.--Astl. 343. c.]

The 3d June, we departed from Aden and sailed into the Red Sea through
the Straits of Mecca.[288] This strait is about a league in breadth, and
three leagues in length, with an island in the middle, and 18 fathoms
water close to the island. Within the straits there is a shoal some two
leagues off shore, which it is necessary to keep clear from. From the
straits it is about six leagues to Mokha, where is a good road and fair
ground for vessels to ride in 14 fathoms. This port is never without
shipping, being a place of great trade, and frequented by caravans from
Sanaa, Mecca, Cairo, and Alexandria. There is good vent here for tin,
iron, lead, cloth, sword-blades, and all kinds of English commodities.
It has a great _bazar_, or market, every day in the week; and has plenty
of apricots, quinces, dates, grapes, peaches, lemons, and plantains,
which I much wondered at, as the inhabitants told me they had no rain
for seven years before, and yet there was abundance of good corn to be
had at 18d. a bushel. There is such abundance of cattle, sheep, and
goats, that we got an ox for three dollars, and a goat for half a
dollar. Of dolphins, mow-fish, basse, mullets, and other good fish,
there was such plenty, that we could buy as much for 3_d_. as would
suffice ten men for a meal. The town is under the government of the
Turks, who punish the Arabians severely for any offence, having gallies
for that purpose, otherwise they would be unable to keep them in awe and
under subjection.


[Footnote 288: In the original it is Mockoo, and on the margin Moha, but
these are not the Straits of Mokha, but of Mecca--Astl. I. 348 b.

The proper name of the entrance into the Red Sea is Bab-al-Mondub,
usually called Babelmandel, signifying the gates of lamentation, owing
to the dangers of the navigation outwards to India.--E.]

We departed from Mokha on the 18th July, repassing the straits, where we
lost two anchors. From thence we sailed to Socotora, and about the 5th
August cast anchor opposite the town of _Saiob_, or _Sawb_, where the
king resides. One of our merchants went ashore, desiring leave to
purchase water, goats, and other provisions, which he refused, alleging
that the women were much afraid of us; but if we would remove to another
anchorage about five leagues off, we might have every thing his country
afforded. We accordingly went there, where we bought water, goats,
aloes, dragon's blood, &c. We set sail from Socotora on the 18th.[289]
[August?], and on the 28th came to Moa,[290] where one of the natives
told us we might have a pilot for 20 dollars to bring us to the road of
Surat, but our wilful master refused, saying that he had no need of a
pilot.

[Footnote 289: This date is inexplicable, but was probably the 18th of
August; the month being omitted by the editor of Astley's Collection, in
the hurry of abbreviation.--E.]

[Footnote 290: Jones says they fell in with the coast of Diu about eight
leagues to the eastward of that place, and steering seven leagues more
along the coast, came to anchor at a head-land, where they sent the
skiff ashore, and bought sheep and other things, and were here offered a
pilot to Surat for seven dollars. Fifteen leagues east from Diu would
bring them to near Wagnagur, almost directly west from Surat river, on
the opposite coast of the Gulf of Cambay. _Moa_ was probably a village
on the coast.--E.]

The 29th [August?] we proceeded, thinking to hit the channel for the bar
of Surat, getting first from ten fathoms into seven, and afterwards into
six and a half. We now tacked westwards, and deepened our water to
fifteen fathoms; but the next tack brought us into five. When some of
the company asked the master where he proposed going? he answered, the
vessel _must go over the height_. The ship immediately struck, which I
told him of. On hearing this he cried out, who dares to say the ship has
struck and had scarcely spoken these words when she struck again with
such violence that the rudder broke off and was lost.[291] We then came
to anchor, and rode there for two days; after which our skiff was split
in pieces, so that we now only had our long-boat to help us in our
utmost need. But our people made a shift to get the pieces of the skiff
into the ship, which our carpenter contrived to bind together with
waldings, so that, in the extremity of our distress, she brought sixteen
people on shore.

[Footnote 291: According to Jones they attempted the shoals of Surat
river at the last quarter of the ebb; whereas if they had taken the
first quarter of the flood tide, they would have had sufficient water to
carry them clear over the shoals.--E.]

The 2d September, about six p.m. the ship again struck and began to
founder, having presently two feet water in the well. We plied our pumps
till eleven; but the water increased so fast that we could continue no
longer on board, and took to our boats. About £10,000 in money lay
between the main-mast and steerage, of which the general desired the
people to take what they would; and I think they took among them about
£3000; some having £50, some £40, and others more or less. We now
quitted our ill-fated and ill-managed ship, without taking a morsel of
meat or a single drop of drink along with us; putting off for the shore,
which lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, between midnight and one
in the morning. We sailed and rowed all night and next day till five or
six in the evening, without any sustenance, when we reached a small
island on the bar. But just then, a sudden squall of wind broke the
middle thwart of our long-boat, in which were fifty-five persons. But we
saved our mast, and when the gust ceased we got over the bar into the
river of _Gundewee.[292]

[Footnote 292: Gundavee, a small river, on which is a town of the same
name, five leagues south from the river of Surat.--E.]

When the people of the country saw so many men in two boats, they beat
their drums and ran to arms, taking us for Portuguese coming to plunder
some of their towns. Observing their alarm, and having a native of
Guzerat among us, we set him on shore to undeceive the inhabitants; and
as soon as they knew who we were, they directed us to the city of
Gundavee, of which a great man was governor, who seemed sorry for our
misfortunes, and gave us a kind welcome; and here ended our unfortunate
voyage.


§2. _Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the same
unfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones._[293]

Thus was our tall ship lost, to the great detriment of the worshipful
company, and the utter ruin of all us poor mariners, our voyage being
altogether overthrown, with the loss of all the treasure and goods both
of the merchants and all of us, who were now far from our native
country. We took to our boats on the night of the 5th September, it
being almost miraculous that in two so small boats so many men should be
saved, being at the least eighteen leagues from the shore.[294] We
remained at sea in our boats till about four p.m. of the 6th, when we
discovered land, which we made towards by all the means in our power,
endeavouring to get into the river of Surat. But Providence, which had
already saved us from the shipwreck, would not now suffer us to fall
into the hands of our enemies the Portuguese, who then lay off the bar
of Surat with five frigates to take us and our boats, as they had
intelligence of the intended coming of our ill-fated ship; for, contrary
to our wish and intention, we fell in with the river of Gundavee, about
five leagues to the southward of the bar of Surat, where we were kindly
entertained by the governor of the town. We here learnt that our pinnace
had come into the same river, and had been taken possession of by the
Portugueze, but all her men got ashore, and were gone by land to Surat.

[Footnote 293: Purch. Pilgr. I.228. Astl. I.344. We have here given only
so much of the narrative of Jones as supplies additional circumstances
after the end of that by Coverte.--E.]

[Footnote 294: This surely is a gross error, as they could hardly exceed
the distance of a league or two from shore, though the shore is said in
the former narrative to have been twenty leagues from where the ship was
lost.--E.]

The governor of this town of Gundavee is a Banian, and one of those
people who observe the law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sin to
eat of any thing that hath life, but live on that which the earth
naturally produces. They likewise hold the cow in great honour and
reverence, and also observe the ancient custom of burning their dead.
It has also been an ancient custom among them, for the women to burn
themselves alive along with the bodies of their deceased husbands; but
of late years they have learnt more wisdom, and do not use this custom
so commonly; yet those women who do not, have their hair cut out, and
are ever afterwards held as dishonoured, for refusing to accompany their
husbands into the other world.

On the 7th of September, we left Gundavee to travel by land to Surat,
which might be some thirty or forty miles distant, and we arrived there
on the 9th, where we were met by William Finch, who kept the English
factory at that place. Captain Hawkins had gone up to Agra, which is
about thirty days journey up into the interior country from Surat, and
at which place the King, or Emperor of the Moguls, resides. Our general,
Captain Alexander Sharpey, remained at Surat with his company till the
end of September, when he and the rest of our people went from Surat to
Agra, intending to go by land through Persia in the way to England. But
I, holding this to be no fit course for me, determined to try some other
method of endeavouring to get home. While I was in much uncertainty how
to proceed, it pleased God of his infinite goodness to send a father of
the order of St Paul, who was a Portuguese, who came from Cambaya to
Surat by land, and with whom I became acquainted. He offered, if I would
commit myself to his guidance, to procure me a passage home, or at least
to Portugal, and which promise he most faithfully performed.

In company with this father, myself and three more of our company left
Surat on the 7th of October: these were Richard Mellis, who died
afterwards in the carak during our voyage to Europe, John Elmor, who was
master of the pinnace Good Hope, and one Robert Fox. We arrived at the
strong town and fortress of Daman, where I again saw our pinnace, the
Good Hope, which we built at Saldanha Bay, near the Cape of _Bona
Esperanza_. From Daman we went to Chaul, and thence to Goa, where we
arrived on the 18th November, 1609.

We embarked on the 9th January, 1610, in a carak called _Our Lady of
Pity_, being admiral of a fleet of four sail bound for Lisbon, and
immediately sailed. The 28th, we crossed the equinoctial line on the
eastern coast of Africa.[295] The 21st March, we fell in with the land
in lat. 33° 30' S. about five leagues east of Cape Aguillas, where we
lay with contrary winds till the second of April, when we had a terrible
storm at W.S.W. so that we were forced to bear up six hours before the
sea,[296] and then it pleased God to send us fair weather. The 4th
April, we again fell in with the land in lat. 34° 40' S. We continued
driving about in sight of land with contrary winds, having twice sight
of the Cape of Good Hope, yet could not possibly get beyond it, till the
19th April, when, by the blessing of God, we doubled the Cape to our no
small comfort, being almost in despair, and feared we must have wintered
at Mosambique, which is usual with the Portuguese. The 27th April, we
crossed the tropic of Capricorn, and came to anchor at St Helena on the
9th May, in lat. 15° S. We remained here watering till the 15th, when we
weighed anchor, and crossed the equator on the 2d June.

[Footnote 295: In Purchas it is called the coast of India, an obvious
error.--E.]

[Footnote 296: The meaning of this is not clear. Perhaps they had to
drive with the storm, being unable to ply to windward.--E.]

We crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 26th June, having the wind at
N.E. which the Portuguese call the general wind. By the judgment of our
pilot in the carak, we passed the Western Islands, or Azores, on the
16th July, being in latitude forty degrees and odd minutes, but we saw
no land after leaving St Helena, till the 3d of August, when we got
sight of the coast of Portugal not above two leagues from the rock of
Lisbon, to our no small comfort, for which we gave thanks to God. We
came that same day to anchor in the road of Caskalles [_Cascais_]; and
the same day I got ashore in a boat, and so escaped from the hands of
the Portuguese. I remained secretly in Lisbon till the 13th of that same
month, when I embarked in a ship belonging to London, commanded by one
Mr Steed, and bound for that place. We weighed anchor that day from the
Bay of _Wayers_, where a boat full of Portuguese meant to have taken the
ship and carried us all on shore, having intelligence of our intended
departure; but by putting out to sea we escaped the danger, and, God be
praised, arrived at our long-desired home on the 17th September, 1610,
having been two years and six months absent from England.

§3. _Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols_.[297]


At Bramport, or Boorhanpoor, most of our company departed from the
general, Captain Sharpey, who was unable to provide for them, except
some who were sick and were obliged to remain. Some went to one place,
and some to another, and some back again to Surat. I told my companions,
being one of those who were willing to take the best course we could,
that I would travel, God willing, to Masulipatam, where I had learnt at
Surat that there was a factory of the Hollanders. Not being able to
prevail on any Christian to accompany me, I made enquiry at Boorhanpoor
if there were any persons going thence for Masulipatam, and found one,
but it was such a company as few Englishmen would have ventured to
travel with, as it contained three Jews; but necessity has no law. After
agreeing to travel with them, I thought if I had any money, the dogs
would cut my throat, wherefore I made away with all my money, and
attired myself in a Turkish habit, and set off along with these dogs
without a penny in my purse.

[Footnote 297: Purch. Pilgr. I. 232.--William Nichols, according to
Purchas, was a mariner in the Ascension, who travelled by land from
Boorhanpoor to Masulipatam. His account of the unfortunate voyage was
written at Bantam, 12th September, 1612, by Henry Moris; but being the
same in substance with those already given, Purchas has only retained
the following brief narrative of the route of Nichols to Masulipatam and
Bantam.--E.]

Travelling along with them for four months, I had nothing to eat but
what the Jews gave me; and many times they refused to give me any food,
so that I was reduced to the necessity of eating such food as they gave
their camels, and was glad to get even that, for which I had often to
make interest with the camel-keepers. In this miserable case I travelled
with these dogs four months. Sometimes they would say to each other,
"Come, let us cut the throat of this dog, and then open his belly, for
he has certainly swallowed his gold." Two of them would have cut my
throat, but the third was an honest dog, and would not consent.

So at length, with many a weary days journey, and many a hungry belly,
after long and dangerous travel, we came safe to Masulipatam, where I
immediately quitted these cruel dogs, and betook myself to the Dutch
factory, where the chief used me very kindly, and gave me clothes and
meat and drink for five months, before any shipping came there. At last
there came to Masulipatam three ships belonging to the Hollanders, one
called the _Hay_, and another the _Sun_; the third was a frigate which
they had taken in the Straits of Malacca. The Sun and the frigate being
bound for Bantam, I entreated the master of the Sun to allow me to work
my passage to Bantam, when he told me very kindly, he would not only
grant me a passage for my work, but would give me wages, for which I
gave him my hearty thanks, and so went on board. We set sail not long
after from Masulipatam, and arrived safe at Bantam on Thursday the 6th
September, 1610, when I immediately went with a joyful heart to the
English house.

In my travel overland with the three Jews, I passed through the
following fair towns, of which only I remember the names, not being able
to read or write. First, from Bramport [Boorhanpoor] we came to
_Jevaport_, _Huidare_, and _Goulcaude_,[298] and so to _Masulipatania_.

[Footnote 298: These names are strangely corrupted, and the places on
that route which most nearly resemble them are, Jalnapoor, Oudigur, or
Oudgir, and Golconda, near Hydrabad.--E.]


SECTION IX.

_Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort of the.
Ascension._[299]

INTRODUCTION.

"In Purchas this is entitled, 'The unhappy Voyage of the Vice-Admiral,
the Union, outward bound, till she arrived at Priaman, reported by a
Letter which Mr Samuel Bradshaw sent from Priaman, by Humphry Bidulph,
the 11th March, 1610, written by _the said_ Henry Moris at Bantam,
September the 14th, 1610.' This account given by Moris, the same who
wrote the brief account of the journey of Nichols, relating the voyage
of the Union no farther than to Priaman, appears to have been only
transcribed by him from the letter of Mr Bradshaw, one of the factors;
yet in the preamble to the voyage, Moris says that he had the account
from the report of others, without any mention of the letter from
Bradshaw. What concerns the return of the Union from Priaman, and her
being cast away on the coast of France, contained in the second
subdivision of this section, is extracted from two letters, and a kind
of postscript by Purchas, which follow this narrative by
Moris."--_Astley_.

[Footnote 299: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 202 Astl. I. 348.]

§ 1. _Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from the
Ascension, to Acheen and Priaman._

You have already had an account of the voyage of the two ships, the
Ascension and Union, from England to the Cape of Good Hope, but of the
proceedings of the Union after her separation you have not heard;
therefore I have thought proper to make some relation thereof, as well
as of the other, as I have heard from the report of other men, and thus
it was:

The Union and Ascension were separated by a storm in doubling the Cape,
during which storm the Union sprung her main-mast, and they were obliged
to fish it in the midst of the storm, owing to which they lost company
with the admiral; and as the storm continued, and they were hopeless of
recovering the company either of the Ascension or pinnace by continuing
off the Cape, they shaped their course for the Bay of St Augustine in
Madagascar. Being arrived there, they went ashore, and remained twenty
days, where they procured good refreshing, being always in hopes of the
coming of the Ascension and pinnace, but were disappointed. Then making
sail from thence, they directed their course for the island of Zanjibar,
in hopes to meet the general there. On their arrival they went ashore,
and were at first kindly received; but when they went ashore again, the
natives lay in ambush, and sallied out upon them as soon as they landed,
killed presently the purser and one mariner, and took one of the
merchants prisoner; yet the rest had the good fortune to get off the
boat and came on board. The names of those who were slain, were Richard
Kenu, purser; I have forgotten the mariner's name, but the merchant, who
was taken prisoner, was Richard Wickham.

The Union put now to sea about the month of February, 1609, having the
wind at N.E. and north, which was directly contrary for their intended
voyage to Socotora. After having been long at sea, and made little or
nothing of their way, the men being very much troubled with the scurvy,
the captain thought proper to bear up for the north part of the island
of Madagascar, meaning to go into the Bay of Antongil; but they came
upon the western side of the island, where they proposed to endeavour
the recovery of their almost lost men, and to spend the adverse monsoon.
On this side of the island, they came into an exceedingly extensive bay,
which they afterwards understood was called by the natives,
_Canquomorra_,[300] the country round being very fertile and beautiful.
The first view of this place gave much pleasure to all their men, and
they soon had conference with the natives, who at the first proffered
great kindness, but afterwards treated them very ill.

[Footnote 300: In the margin Purchas gives Boamora as a synonimous name
of this bay. Vohemaro, or Boamora, is a province or district at the
northern end of Madagascar, in which there are several large bays, but
none having any name resembling that in the text. The Bay of Vohemaro is
on the east side of the island, in lat. 13° 30' S.--E.]

As all the merchants had been sundry times on shore visiting the king,
who treated them kindly, and came aboard again as safe as if they had
been in England, the captain, attended by Mr Richard Reve, chief
merchant, Jeffrey Castel, and three others, adventured to go ashore to
the king. Samuel Bradshaw had been often before employed about business
with the king; but it pleased God at this time that the captain had
other business for him, and so made him remain on board, which was a
happy turn for him: For no sooner was the captain and his attendants on
shore, than they were betrayed and made prisoners by the natives; but by
the kind providence of the Almighty, the boats escaped, and came
presently off to the ship, informing us of all that had happened.

No sooner was this doleful news communicated, than we saw such
prodigious numbers of praws and large boats coming out of the river, as
were quite wonderful. The master gave immediate orders to the gunner to
get the ordnance in readiness, which was done with all speed. The vast
fleet of the infidels came rowing up to our ship, as if they would have
immediately boarded her; but by the diligence and skill of the gunner
and his mates, sinking some half dozen of the boats, they were soon
forced to retire like sheep chased by the wolf, faster than they had
come on. But before our ordnance made such slaughter among them, they
came up with so bold and determined a countenance, and were in such
numbers, that we verily thought they would have carried us, for the
fight continued at the least two hours, before the effect of our
ordnance made them retire, and then he was the happiest fellow that
could get fastest off, and we continued to send our shot after them as
far as our guns could reach.

We remained after this in the bay for fourteen days, being in hopes of
recovering our lost captain and men, in which time we lost seven more
men by a sudden disease, which daunted us more than the malice of the
infidels; those who died were among those who fought most lustily with
the cannon against the savages, yet in two days were they all thrown
overboard. These crosses coming upon us, and having no hopes to recover
our captain and the others, we thought it folly to remain any longer at
this place, and therefore we made haste away. Not being thoroughly
supplied with water, we thought good to stop a little time at another
place not far off; but before we could dispatch this business, the
savages made another attempt with a great multitude of boats, some of
them even large vessels, and so thick of men that it was wonderful; but
they liked their former reception so ill, that they did not care for
coming near a second time, and went all ashore, and placed themselves so
as to have a view of the ship. Perceiving their intended purpose, and
fearing some mischief in the night, we weighed, and stood in towards the
shore where the savages sat, and gave them a whole broadside as a
farewell, which fell thick among them, making visibly several lanes
through the crowd, on which they all ran out of sight as fast as
possible.

We then stood out to sea, leaving fourteen of our men behind us, seven
treacherously taken prisoners by the savages, and seven that died of
sickness. We then directed our course for Socotora; but by some
negligence, by not luffing up in time, the wind took us short, so that
we could not fetch that island, but fell over upon the coast of Arabia.
This was about the 4th June, and as the winter monsoon was come, we
durst not attempt going to Cambaya, neither could we find any place upon
that coast to winter in. Wherefore, after being in sight of the coast
four days, and several times in danger of getting on shore, we thought
it improper to waste time any longer, and determined to consult how we
might best promote the advantage of the voyage. The master therefore
held a council of all the principal people in the ship, who were best
conversant in these affairs, when it was unanimously concluded to go for
Acheen, being in hopes to meet there with some of the Guzerat people, to
whom we might dispose of our English commodities.

We accordingly directed our course towards Acheen, where we arrived on
the 27th July. Within seven days we had admittance to the king, to whom
a present was made, which it was necessary to make somewhat large,
because the Hollanders endeavoured to cross our trade, aspiring to
engross the whole trade of India, to the exclusion of all others.
Wherefore, after Mr Bradshaw had waited upon the king, he began to trade
with the Guzerat merchants who were at Acheen, bartering our English
cloth and lead for black and white baftas, which are Guzerat cloths in
much request in those parts. We then went to Priaman, where in a short
space we had trade to our full content; and though fortune had hitherto
crossed us during all the voyage, we had now a fair opportunity to turn
our voyage to sufficient profit. We staid here till we had fully loaded
our ship with pepper, which might indeed have been done much sooner, had
there not been a mutiny among the people, as the sailors would only do
as they themselves pleased. At length they were pacified with fair
words, and the business of the ship completed.

Griffin Maurice, the master, died here, and Mr Bradshaw sent Humphry
Bidulph to Bantam, with Silvester Smith to bear him company, to carry
such remainder of the goods as they could not find a market for at
Priaman and Tecu. Mr Bidulph sailed for Bantam in a Chinese hulk, and Mr
Bradshaw set sail with the Union, fully laden with pepper, for England.

§ 2. _Return of the Union from Priaman towards England._[301]

Respecting the disastrous return of the Union from Priaman, instead of a
narrative, Purchas gives us only two letters, which relate the miserable
condition in which she arrived on the coast of France, and a short
supplementary account, probably written by Purchas himself, which here
follow.

[Footnote 301: Purch. Pilg. I. 234. Astl. I. 349.]

_Laus Deo,[302] in Morlaix, the 1st of March, 1611_.

Brother Hide,

This day has come to hand a letter from _Odwen_,[303] [Audierne,]
written by one Bagget, an Irishman, resident at that place, giving us
most lamentable news of the ship Union of London, which is ashore upon
the coast about two leagues from Audierne: which, when the men of that
town perceived, they sent two boats to her, and found she was a ship
from the East Indies, richly laden with pepper and other goods, having
only four men in her alive, one of whom is an Indian, other three lying
dead in the ship, whose bodies the four living men had not been able to
throw overboard, through extreme feebleness; indeed they were hardly
able to speak. The people in the two boats have brought the ship into
the road of Audierne, and they of that town have unloaded most of her
goods. The Irishman has directed his letter to some English merchants in
this place, desiring them to repair thither with all expedition, to see
the proper ordering of the ship and goods, as belonging to the East
India Company.

[Footnote 302: This seems to have been the name of a ship, and Mr
Bernard Cooper appears to have been an English merchant or ship-master,
then on business with this vessel at Morlaix.--E.]

[Footnote 303: This certainly is _Audierne_, on the southern shore of
the peninsula of Britanny, called _Olde-yearne_ in the subsequent
letter.--E.]

This letter is confirmed by another in French, written by the bailiff of
Quimper to a person in this town, which I have seen. Wherefore we have
thought it right to send three several copies of the Irishman's letter,
by three different barks, that the merchants may be duly advertised, and
may give orders to look after their ship and goods; for it is to be
doubted that the rude people will endeavour to make a wreck of her. I
think it therefore not amiss, that they send to the court of France, to
procure the king's authority, as I fear there may be much trouble about
the matter. In the mean time, I and George Robbins will ride down to see
in what state all things are, and to do the best we can for the interest
of the company, till they send some one with a procuration in good and
ample form for conducting the business, as in their discretion may seem
fitting. The ship is reported to be of three or four hundred tons, and
has three decks; but I doubt we shall find her sadly rifled before we
get there. The importunate writing, both of the Irishman and the bailiff
of Quimper, has induced us to take this journey; which we do the rather
in consideration of the company, presuming that they will consider our
charges, as we have both solicited friends, and procured money in this
place, that we may satisfy those who have exerted themselves in saving
the ship and goods, if that should be necessary. Yet I would wish the
company to send some person in all expedition by way of Rouen, with
additional provision of money; as you know that this is no place of
regular exchange, where money can be had at all times. I had rather have
given fifty pounds than taken this journey at the present time, because
I have much goods upon my hands, as I partly wrote you in my last. The
name of the master of the Union is Edmund White, his mate's name is
Thomas Duckmanton, and the other man is Thomas Smith, besides the Indian
formerly mentioned. They are in a most piteous condition, and in great
want of money, neither can they have any command of their goods.
Therefore let the company send men of good experience to conduct this
business, and do you lose no time in making this known to the company.
Thus, being in haste to take horse, I commit you to the Lord's
protection, resting your assured friend always to command,

BERNARD COUPER

To Mr Thomas Hide, Merchant in London.

_Second Letter respecting the Union at Audierne_.

The 8th day of February, I came over the Pole-head of Bourdeaux, and the
11th I lost my foremast, bolt-sprit, and rudder, and put into Audierne
that night for repair. The 13th the Frenchman brought the ship Union of
London upon the rocks. The 14th I went in my boat aboard the Union, by
which time the Frenchmen had been four days in possession of her. I then
brought on shore Samuel Smith, Thomas Duttonton, and Edmund White the
master. The 15th I got William Bagget, my merchant, to write a letter to
Morlaix; and the 18th the letter was sent off, when I paid two crowns
for its carriage. The Indian died on the 20th, and I buried him. The
20th the master died, and I buried him also. The 22d Mr Roberts and Mr
Couper came, and then went back to Morlaix on the 26th. Again the 4th of
March, William Coarey, the host of Mr Couper and Mr Roberts.[304] The
5th, I and Mr Coarey went in my boat to the Union. At low water I went
into her hold, and brought away a sample of the worst pepper. The 6th I
left Audierne, and came to Morlaix on the 8th. The 17th Mr Hide came to
Morlaix. The 21st I sailed from Morlaix, and got to the Isle of Wight on
the 22d at night. The 24th I came to Southampton, and the 28th I arrived
in London.

Your loving friend,

WILLIAM WOTTON.

[Footnote 304: This sentence is left unintelligible by Purchas; Coarey
probably came at this time to Audierne. Roberts is probably the person
named Robbins by Couper in the former letter.--E.]

After the spoil of the Bretons, they saved almost 200 tons of pepper,
some benzoin, and some China silks, which had been purchased at Tecu in
Sumatra. The Union, after her unfortunate voyage outward-bound, as
already briefly related, loaded with pepper at Acheen, Priaman,
Passeman, and Tecu, at which last place they bought some silk out of a
Chinese junk. On their return voyage, they met Sir Henry Middleton,
having then thirty-six men on board in reasonable good health, and they
delivered some chests of silver to Sir Henry. They afterwards became
very sickly, missed the island of St Helena, and most of their men died
on this side of Cape Verd. Ten Englishmen and four Guzerats were taken
out of them by a bark belonging to Bristol, and a Scot. The
circumstances respecting their landing at Audierne, and other matters
there, are before set down in the two preceding letters.

After the pepper and other goods were taken out of the ship, she was
inspected by Mr Simonson, a skilful ship-wright, sent thither on purpose
to save her if it could be done, but she was found utterly
unserviceable. All the ordnance, anchors, and other furniture, were
brought away, and the hull was abandoned. Of seventy-five men that went
in her from England outward-bound, only nine got home alive. These were
Thomas Duckmanton, the master's mate, Mr Bullock, the surgeon, Robert
Wilson of Deptford, Jacob Peterson, and five other Englishmen, besides
three or four Guzerats.[305]

[Footnote 305: All these must have been brought home in the Bristol
vessel and the Scots ships, except Duckmanton, and perhaps Smith. But
Purchas seems to have forgot that Mr Bradshaw and Humphry Bidulph were
left alive in India.--E.]


SECTION X.

_Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, under the
Command of Captain David Middleton_[306]

INTRODUCTION.

This narrative is said by Purchas to have been extracted from a letter
written by Captain David Middleton to the Company, and was probably
abbreviated by Purchas, who certainly is not happy on such occasions.
This commander is probably the same person who commanded the Consent in
a former voyage; and is said by the editor of Astley's Collection, to
have been brother to Sir Henry Middleton, who commanded in the sixth
voyage. One ship only, the Expedition belonging to London, appears to
have been employed in this fifth voyage.

[Footnote 306: Purch. Pilgr. I. 238. Astl. I. 851.]

§ 1. _Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda_.

We set sail from the Downs the 24th April, 1609, in the Expedition of
London, and had sight of Fuerteventura and Lançerota the 19th May; and
with the winds sometimes fair, sometimes foul, we arrived at Saldanha
bay the 10th August. Making all haste to wood and water, we again sailed
the 18th August, and arrived at Bantam on the 7th December, missing
Captain Keeling very narrowly, who must have passed us in the night, or
we must surely have seen him. I made all possible dispatch, both by day
and night, to get the iron ashore, and would not even stop to set up our
pinnace. I left Mr Hemsworth in the factory, and was under the necessity
of giving a great many more gifts than would otherwise have been
requisite, had the country been in the same state as formerly.[307] As
Mr Hemsworth was a stranger, unacquainted with any one in the factory, I
left Edward Neetles and three more of our people with him. Taking with
me such commodities as I thought most vendible in the places to which I
proposed going, I took leave of Mr Hemsworth on the 18th December, he
being very unwilling to remain behind; but I recommended to him to be of
good courage, as it was necessary I should take Mr Spalding with me, as
he knew the language, and had no proper person to leave in charge of the
factory except himself. I told him, if he were sent for by the governor
of Bantam, he must tell him plainly that I had left express orders not
to yield to his former unreasonable demands; but, in case of extremity,
to let the governor take what he pleased, but on no account to deliver
him any thing.

[Footnote 307: Purchas observes here in a side-note, that, by
alterations in the state, the debts due to the English factory at Bantam
had become almost desperate, and the governor would not allow them, as
formerly, to imprison their debtors and distrain. He also exacted most
unreasonable sums for rent of the factory; although the ground had been
formerly given, and the houses had been built at the expence of the
company.]

I set sail that evening, the 18th December, 1609, for the Moluccas, as I
proposed, and with a favourable wind. The 27th of that month we passed
the straits of _Desolam_,[308] after which we were becalmed for ten
days, which was no small grief to me, in much heat under the line,
being doubtful of the western monsoon failing me, which would have
entirely disappointed my intended voyage to the Moluccas. The 8th
January, 1610, we came before the town of Booton, and sent on shore to
enquire the news. Finding very few people in the town, and the king
being gone to the wars, I did not anchor, but went through the straits
the same day. Next day we saw a great fleet of caracols, which we
imagined to belong to the King of Booton, which it actually did. When we
drew near, the king sent a small praw to enquire what we were. I sent
him word who I was, and being becalmed and in want of water, I requested
to know if there were any to be had near. So the people pointed out to
me a place where I might have abundance of water, to which I went. The
king and all his caracols came sailing after me, and cast anchor near
our ship; after which the king sent a messenger on board to welcome me
in his name, and desired me to send Mr Spalding to him along with the
messenger, to let him know the news.

[Footnote 308: The passage between the Salayr islands and the
south-western peninsula of Celebes, is probably here meant: Yet that
passage is in lat. 6° S. while the text speaks of being under the line.
No other supposition, however, can agree with the circumstance of
falling in next day with the fleet of Booton.--E.]


The king likewise sent me word, that he wished I would remain all night
at anchor, as he proposed coming next morning aboard to visit me and see
the ship. As it remained calm, we continued at anchor, and next day on
the king coming aboard, I made a banquet for him and his nobles, making
the king a present worthy of his dignity and friendship. A gale of wind
springing up, we prepared to make sail, on which the king wept, saying,
I might think him a dissembler, as he had no goods for me; but that four
months before his house was burnt down, in which he had provided for me
somewhat of every thing, as nutmegs, cloves, and mace, with a large
quantity of sanders wood, of which he had a whole housefull, as likewise
a great warehouse full of his country cloth, which was very vendible in
all the islands thereabout. All this great loss, he said, had not
formerly grieved him so much as now, when I told him I had got the ship
fitted out expressly to come and buy his commodities. He said farther,
that he saw I had kept my promise; and swore by the head of Mahomet he
would have so done likewise, had not God laid that scourge of fire upon
him, by which several of his wives and other women were burnt. He was
now, he said, engaged from home in war with all his forces, the event of
which could not be foreseen, and could not therefore spare any of his
people to make any provision for me; as, if we had not come, he had by
this time been in the field against another king who was his enemy. He
pointed out the town belonging to the king with whom he was at war, and
requested me to fire against it as I went past: I answered that I was a
stranger, and had no cause of quarrel with that king, and it would be
improper for me to make myself enemies; but if the other king should
come while I was there, and offer any injury to him or his subjects, I
would do my best to send them away. The king was quite satisfied with
this, and took his leave, and we presently made sail.

The 24th January we arrived at the island of _Bangaia_,[309] whence the
king and most of the people were fled for fear of some enemy, though I
could not learn the truth. There was a Hollander there, who told me that
the king had fled for fear of the King of Macassar, who, he thought,
wanted to force him to become a Mahometan, as he was an idolater. But I
rather think they had fled for fear of the Hollanders, who intended to
have built a fort here, but desisted on seeing that the people fled.
This single Hollander bore such sway, that none of those who remained in
the island dared to displease him. He had two houses full of the young
women of the island for his own use, taking as many women as he pleased,
and had many slaves, both men and women. He is a pleasant companion, and
will dance and sing from morn to night, almost naked like the natives.
He has won the hearts of the people, along with whom he will often drink
for two whole days. He lives here alone, and will not submit to be
commanded by any other Hollander. Being over against Amboyna, when the
governor of that place wants to speak with him, he must send two of his
merchants to remain as hostages till his return. He collects the duties
for the King of Ternate in all the islands hereabout, serving himself in
the first place, and sending to the king what he pleases to spare.

[Footnote 309: From the sequel, Bangaia seems to have been near Amboyna,
on the south-west of Ceram.--E.]

We had here abundance of good refreshments for our people, who were
now, thank God, in better state than when we left England, not having
hitherto one sick man on board. I had my long-boat sheathed at this
place, for fear of the worms destroying her bottom, as we now towed her
always astern. We sailed from Bengaia on the 29th of January, and on
getting out to sea, found the wind right in our teeth in the way we
wanted to go; so that striving all we could to get to windward, we found
the current set so strong against us along with the wind, carrying us
directly south, so that we lost fifteen leagues in two days. I then
found myself constrained to change my purposed voyage for the Moluccas,
and bore up the helm for Banda, to which we could go with a flowing
sheet.

§ 2. _Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade at
Pulo-way, and many Perils._

We got sight of the islands of Banda on the 5th February, and made all
sail to get near before night. When near, I sent my skiff to procure
intelligence from some of the natives, who sent me word that the
Hollanders would not allow any ship to come into the roads, but would
take all our goods, if they were such as they needed, and pay for them
at their own pleasure. They said, likewise, that when any junks happened
to come there with vendible commodities, they were not permitted to have
any intercourse with the people; but were brought to the back of the
Dutch castle, within musket-shot of their cannon, no one being allowed
to set foot on shore, under penalty of being shot. There were, as was
said, fifteen great junks detained under the guns at this time. We had
little hope, therefore, of making any profit of our voyage here, seeing
that they dealt so with all that came into the roads, whence they
banished Captain Keeling, not permitting him even to gather in his
debts, for which they gave him bills receivable at Bantam, as I hope
your worships have been informed by him at large. Yet for all this, I
stood into the roads, displaying my flag and ensign, and having a
pendant at each yard-arm, as gallantly as we could. While we were
standing in, a pinnace of about thirty tons came to meet us, sent by the
governor of the castle, as believing we had been one of their own ships;
but immediately on hailing us stood back into the roads, so that we
could have no speech of her.

As soon as I got athwart _Lantor_, I saluted the town with my guns, and
came to anchor within shot of their ships; when presently a boat came
aboard from the Dutch governor, desiring me to bring my ship into the
roads, and to come ashore and shew my commission. My answer was, that I
was only new come, and that I did not think it proper to shew my
commission to their governor, or to make any person acquainted with the
nature of my business. They then asked me whether my ship was a man of
war or a merchant-man. To which I made answer, that I should pay for
whatever I had. They then threatened me, on which I answered, "Here I
am, and am resolved to abide at anchor. You may do as you please, and I
hope I shall defend myself as I ought." The Dutch messengers then
returned to the castle in a rage; and they were no sooner gone, than a
great number of the inhabitants of Lantor and the neighbouring country
came on board. From them I learnt the state of the country, which was
now in friendship with the Dutch, or rather under subjection; and that
they would willingly trade with me, if I could procure permission from
the Hollanders. They told me at the same time, that the inhabitants of
Pulo-way and Pulo-tronu were at war with the Dutch. Knowing well that it
is good to fish in troubled waters, and discovering that a native of
Pulo-way was among the people now in my ship, I took him aside and had
some private conversation with him. Giving some money, I desired him to
make known to the people of his island, that I would give them money or
commodities for all their spice; and that, although the Hollanders and
me were likely to be enemies, I would contrive to get their spice one
way or other.

There came another boat from the Dutch vice-admiral, accompanied by the
former boat from the castle, bringing a second message from the
governor, expressly commanding me to come into the roads. Being our
dinner time, I detained the messengers to dine with me, and then told
them that I should ride where I was; for, as our nations were friends in
Europe, it would look ill for us to be enemies among the heathens. They
then told me roundly they would bring me away by force. To which I again
made answer, that I should certainly ride where I was till I experienced
the inconvenience of the place, for they told me it was foul ground,
and then I should come to occupy the best ground in their roads; for
neither of our princes gave any such authority to their subjects, but
that those of the other may ride or go as they please. They then said
the country was theirs. "So much the better then," said I; "for as our
countries are in friendship, I may the more boldly ride where I am."
Upon this they went away much displeased.

In the evening I proposed to have landed some ordnance on the side of a
hill which commanded the place where I rode at anchor, that I might the
better be able to defend myself if the Hollanders should molest me; but
on sending out some of my people to examine the bottom round about the
ship, it was found to be all foul with rocks, wherefore I gave up the
project of landing cannon. Next morning I sent Mr Spalding, and some
others of my principal people, in the skiff; with a letter for the
governor, desiring them not to add a syllable to what I had written, and
to bring me off an answer as soon as possible. In this letter, after
offering to supply the governor with any thing he might want, and
deprecating hostilities between the subjects of friendly powers, I
offered to shew my commission on equal terms, if he would meet me on the
water, each in a boat equally manned, or in any other equally secure
manner. I then requested to be considered as an Indian for my money, and
that I was willing to purchase spice from him. Finally, as he was at
enmity with the inhabitants of Pulo-way and Pulo-tronu,[310] I desired
to know if I might have the spice of these islands without his
hindrance.

[Footnote 310: At this place in the original, this island is called
Pulo-ron, which is probably the right name.--E.]

The governor would send me no answer in writing. My people learnt that
the Dutch had here three large ships of 1000 tons each, and three
pinnaces of 30 tons; and that they proposed to lay one of their large
ships, the Great Sun, which was unserviceable, on board of my ship to
set me on fire, having put thirty barrels of powder into her for that
express purpose, and had sworn sundry persons to bring her against me,
and make her fast with chains, all the boats belonging to the ships and
the castle attending to bring them off when she should be set on fire.
The Great Horn, likewise, was to be brought out against me, and
anchored within musket-shot to batter us, and their frigates or pinnaces
were to come round about us, to keep warm work on all sides. Seeing them
busied in warping out the Sun, my folks came and told me what
preparations were going on. I therefore thought it now expedient to go
on shore to the governor, to see what he would say to myself, before we
should try the fate of battle. So, taking my commission along with me, I
went on shore at the castle, and was met at my landing by the governor,
and all the principal men belonging to the castle and the ships. I was
led through a guard of 300 musketeers, who gave me three vollies,
besides which, seven pieces of cannon were fired to welcome me. After
this I was conducted to the governor's chamber, where chairs were set
for him and me, and forms for all the others.

After many compliments on both sides, I addressed the governor to the
following effect: Understanding from my people whom I had sent ashore,
that they considered me as a pirate, having no commission, I had come
myself to satisfy them to the contrary, having brought my commission, to
make manifest that I had a regular commission under the great seal of
the king, my master. This I shewed to them, reading the first line, and
then wrapped it up again. They then desired to see it all. On which I
declared that this was more than I could answer for, and having already
exhibited the great seal of England, and my name contained in the
commission, they should see no more while I had life. We now motioned to
return on board, but they requested me to stay yet awhile. So there
passed words between us, some sweet and some sharp: But at length they
became more mild, and called for a cup of wine; after which we all rose
up and went to walk about the castle, the offices in which were very
neat, and well furnished with arms and ammunition.

Taking a favourable opportunity, I resolved to try what money might do,
which often makes wise men blind, that so I might procure my loading by
means of large bribes. I offered to give a thousand pounds, so that I
might be sure of my loading, and besides to give the chain I wore about
my neck, to any one who could procure me this, and offered to give a
higher price than they paid for the spice. Having set this matter
afloat, and knowing that my ship rode in a dangerous place, I told the
governor that, now he was satisfied I was not a man of war, I would
bring my ship into their roads. He and his officers then said, that I
should find them ready to shew me all the friendship in their power.
Being now late, I took my leave to go on board, on which the governor
caused all the ordnance of the castle to be fired off; and as I passed
the ships, they and the pinnaces fired their guns till I got to my own
ship.

Next day, the 8th February, I brought my ship into the road, coming to
anchor between the Dutch ships and the castle; and saluted them with all
my ordnance, which was returned by the castle, and all the ships and
pinnaces. Immediately after coming to anchor, the governor and all the
principal people belonging to the castle and the ships came aboard to
visit me, and staid to dinner; but I could neither prevail by arguments
or gifts to get leave to purchase a single pound of spice, the governor
plainly telling me he durst not permit me under pain of losing his head.
Seeing no good could be done by remaining, I determined to take in water
and try my fortune elsewhere; but on sending ashore for water, they made
my people be accompanied by a Dutch-man, lest we might have any
conference with the natives. Having procured water, I sent Mr Spalding
ashore to acquaint the governor that I was going away, for I thought it
wrong for me to leave the ship. The governor marvelled much where I
could go, as the wind was westerly, but Mr Spalding said he knew not.

While I was warping from the roads till I could get sea-room for setting
sail, the governor sent three _pinnaces_ to accompany me, and one came
in a boat with a message, saying, that the governor commanded me not to
go near any of these islands. To this I answered, that I was not under
his command, and was bound for Pulo-way as quickly as I could, and he
might send his ships, if he pleased, to drive me away if they could, for
I would soon make his _frigates_[311] leave me. Observing the governor
go on board one of the frigates, and that the Dutch ships were likewise
preparing for sea, and bending their sails, I ordered my people to
prepare for action. I called them together that I might know their
minds, plainly telling them, if they would stand by me, that I meant to
trade at these islands, let the Hollanders do what they would; and I
promised them, if any were maimed, he should have a maintenance during
his life, which, God willing, I should see performed; and farther, if
they would fight manfully, that I would give freely among them every
thing in the ship that was mine own. So, with one consent, they all
agreed to try what strength the Hollanders might send against me. Seeing
us making all things ready for action, the Dutch aboard the pinnaces
seemed to think it might be little to their profit to guard us any
longer, and therefore bore up for their harbour. While we were warping
out, the Dutch governor, and lieutenant-governor of the castle, and
their admiral, were twice on board the pinnaces, but what they did there
I know not.

[Footnote 311: On former occasions we have conjectured that by frigates,
in these older days, very small vessels were intended; and in the
present passage frigates and pinnaces are distinctly used as synonimous
terms.--E.]

It fell calm, what wind there was being westerly, and a great current
set to the E.N.E. which drove us at a great rate. So I sent Mr Spalding
in the boat, with my purser's-mate and five more, giving him money, and
desired him to inform the people of Pulo-way, that we had parted in
enmity from the Hollanders, and that if they would sell me their spice,
I would give them money for it, and would have come myself, but wished
first to get the ship to some place where she might ride in safety, and
would then come to them, either in the ship or in a pinnace which I had
aboard, ready to set up. While my boat was absent, two praws came from
Lantor, to enquire wherefore I had gone away? I told them I was forced
away by the current; but desired them to tell the people of Lantor, that
I would give them money or goods for their spice, if they would sell to
me in preference to the Hollanders, who came to reduce their country to
slavery. One of them said he would go first to Pulo-way to see my
people, and would then deliver my message to those of Lantor.

When Mr Spalding came ashore, the people of Pulo-way flocked about him,
and made him welcome, but would fix no price with him till I should
come, offering to deliver spice on account till my arrival. I desired Mr
Spalding to hire me a pilot, if possible, to bring my ship near; so the
people of the country hired two, to whom they gave twenty rials, saying
that I must give as much. Mr Spalding sent them aboard, and desired me
at the same time to send him more money and cloth, which I did that
night. We now bore up the helm for _Ceram_, and came to a place called
_Gelagula_, a reasonably good road, some thirty leagues from Banda. As
soon as possible we took a house, and brought the materials of our
pinnace ashore to set her up. Labouring hard to get her fitted, I called
her the Hopewell. The 27th March, 1610, we had all things in readiness
for going to Pulo-way, and arrived there the night of the 31st, but
could lade no spice till I had made agreement with the natives, who
asked many duties and great gifts. In fine, I agreed to pay the same as
had been paid by Captain Keeling. The chiefs had what they looked for,
as every one must have something, and unknown to the rest, so that one
can never have done giving, as they never cease begging, and it was not
convenient to deny them any reasonable request, especially as I was
situated.

After we had agreed, the Hopewell was loaded with mace, or filled
rather; for she was only nine tons burden, and could carry very little
of that commodity. So, after sending away the Hopewell, I hired a large
praw, which I proposed to build upon, which we loaded with nutmegs, and
sent to the ship, where she was built higher, so as to be of 25 tons
burden; but she made only one voyage, and then we heard no tidings of
her in three months. The Hopewell making two voyages, and hearing no
news of the praw, I verily thought she had sunk; for I came in company
with her myself in the Hopewell, and had so great a storm that I gave
her up as lost, having twelve of my stoutest men in her. It was no small
grief to me to see the season thus wear away, and could not get my
loading to the ship, neither durst I bring over my ship to Pulo-way, as
there was no safe anchorage for her. I made enquiry for some other
vessel, and heard of a junk belonging to Lantor, but she was old and lay
near the Dutch ships; yet I went and bought her, and got such help as I
could to trim her.

The want of my twelve men in the praw put me to much trouble, as they
would have shortened our labour much: For most of our men were laid up
with sore legs, and whenever any one was reasonable well, he had to go
in the Hopewell, in the room of another poor lame fellow, some being
three several times well and down again. I was thus driven to my wits
end, not knowing which way to turn me, being every hour in danger that
the Hollanders would come and take the island. By intelligence at sundry
times, I learnt that they endeavoured by various contrivances to get me
made away with, offering large bribes for rogues to kill me, by poison
or otherwise; but, God be praised, I had some friends on the island, who
gave me secret warnings, and put me on my guard against such
_men-slaves_, who would do me some mischief, and came for the purpose.

I prevailed on the islanders to combine and fit out their caracols, to
keep the Dutch pinnaces from coming to assail us, after which the
pinnaces durst not stir; and the islanders often landed secretly on
Nera, and cut off sundry of the Hollanders, so that they durst not stir
from the castle, except in numerous parties, well armed. The islanders
even built a fort on the side of a hill, whence they fired into the
castle, and troubled the Hollanders much. By this we were secured
against the Dutch pinnaces coming out, to attempt intercepting our
intercourse with Pulo-way. I made nine voyages myself in our small
pinnace, and could never spare above seven seamen to go in her, leaving
five at Pulo-way, all the rest being sick or lame with sore legs. This
was a most villainous country, every article of food being excessively
dear, and only sometimes to be had, which troubled us exceedingly; and
we were so continually vexed with violent rains, that we thought to have
all perished. I was forced to fetch away the junk I bought at Lantor
unfitted for sea, as the Dutch, on seeing men at work upon her, sent out
one of their ships to batter her to pieces. So that night I got the help
of two tonies to launch her, having to carry her a great way on rollers,
which we did under night, and got her out of sight before day. We
brought her to Pulo-way, where we had to buy sails and every thing else
for her, she being only a bare hulk; so I set the native carpenters to
work upon her, who did her little good, as it was afterwards found. I
likewise sent orders by the Hopewell to the ship, to send some rigging,
and that Mr Davis should come to carry her over.

On this occasion the Hopewell did not appear again for three weeks, so
that we were doubtful of some mischance; and it might have been long
before they at the ship could have hired any one to bring us word, as
the Hollanders have often used them very ill for carrying provisions to
the Bandanese. The weather being tolerably good, and having our skiff at
Pulo-way, I resolved to go over to the ship in her myself; for I could
not hire men to carry over the junk, if I would have loaded her with
silver, and I had not a man with me sound enough to stand on his legs;
so I hired three natives, and put to sea in the skiff. When out of sight
of Pulo-way, it came on to blow a heavy storm, so that I had to scud
before the wind and sea to save our lives; yet, thank God, we got sight
of Ceram, and kept her right afore the sea, but clean from the place
where our ship lay, and on nearing the shore the sea did break so aloft,
that we had no hope of getting safe on shore. Night being at hand, we
strove all we could to keep the sea till day; but as the storm
increased, we had no remedy for our lives but attempting to get through
the surf over a ledge of rocks. This we did, but durst not leave the
boat, lest we had been dashed in pieces on the rocks. Next morning we
got her on shore, being brim-full of water, and every thing we had
washed out.

Immediately afterwards, the blacks came and told us we must go to sea
again instantly, if we valued our lives, for we had landed in the
country of the _canibals_, who, if they saw us, would come and eat us.
They said, nothing could ransom us from them if once taken, and
especially because we were Christians, they would roast us alive, in
revenge for the wrongs the Portuguese had done them. Our blacks added,
if we would not put immediately to sea, they would go and hide
themselves, being sure the canibals would be at the water-side as soon
as it was light. On hearing this, and seeing by the moonlight that the
sea was more calm, the wind having dulled, we pushed off, and having the
tide in our favour, we got quickly a-head, so that by day-light we were
beyond the watches of the canibals; and keeping close to the shore, we
espied the hull of a bark, on nearing which we knew it to be the
_Diligence_.[312] Coming up to her, I found two Englishmen on board, who
told me they had come there to anchor the same night we had the storm in
the skiff, and anchoring at this place, their cable broke and she drove
on shore, Mr Herniman having gone to the town to get people to assist in
weighing her. The sandy beach was covered with people who came to
pillage her, and I advised the two Englishmen to fire a shot now and
then, which scared them from coming nearer. On coming to the town, Mr
Herniman was gone by land to our ship. I offered money to the governor
to help to save the bark, when he said he would raise the country in two
or three days for that purpose; but I told him, if it came to blow she
would be lost in an hour. One of the Pulo-way people being there,
plainly told me that the governor only waited to have her bilged, that
he might have the planks to build a praw for himself.

[Footnote 312: This afterwards appears to have been the praw, formerly
mentioned, so named after being raised upon for carrying spice from
Pulo-way to Ceram; but this circumstance is left here unexplained,
possibly by the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating, by which he
leaves matters often obscure, sometimes unintelligible.--E.]

Finding no help could be had except from the ship, which was twelve
miles off by land, I hired guides to follow Mr Herniman, taking one of
my own men to bear me company. Half-way we came to a large river, which
it was necessary to swim across, and as my man could not swim, I sent
him back with my clothes, except a scarlet _mandilion_,[313] which one
of my guides engaged to carry over for me. He told me the river was full
of alligators, and if I saw any I must fight with him, or he would kill
me, and for that purpose my guide carried a knife in his mouth. Being
very weary, as I had not slept for two nights, I took the water before
the Indians, knowing they would be over before me. The river being very
broad, and the stream swift, occasioned by late great rains, the Indians
would have had me return when half way, to which I would not consent.
While swimming, the Indian who carried my mandilion touched my side with
a cane he carried in his hand; suspecting this had been an alligator, I
immediately dived, when the current got such hold of me that I was
carried out to sea, which threw me on the beach, and bruised me so on
the back and shoulder that I could not get a-land, till the Indian came
and gave me hold of one end of his cane, and pulled me out almost
drowned, as every surf drove me against the beach and washed me out
again. I praised God, and got on board, where my company was amazed to
see me. So that night I sent all that were able to crawl to save the
bark, which they did with much toil and small help of the natives; _the
country_ not permitting any one to assist in saving her,[314] expecting
us to forsake her, that they might enjoy the spoil.

[Footnote 313: This word is explained by lexicographers as a loose
garment, a sleeveless jacket, or a soldiers coat.--E.]

[Footnote 314: It will be seen in other voyages, that the Malays, who
are widely diffused over the Indian archipelago, often live under a kind
of aristocratical republican government; even where they are subjected
to kings, partaking much of the feudal semblance. This observation
seemed necessary as an attempt to explain the meaning in the text of
_the country_ not permitting, &c.--E.]

The Hopewell arrived next morning laden with spice, having been
a-missing, as mentioned before. She had been driven thirty leagues to
the east of Banda in a cruel storm, which gave them much ado to get
again to windward. I returned to Pulo-way in the pinnace, which I again
loaded without delay; and Mr Davis was taking in his loading in the
junk, and making all the dispatch he could with his poor lame crew, the
best part of my crew being long absent in the Diligence. We presently
unladed her, and I that night set sail in her myself,[315] to see if I
could come before Mr Davis came from thence, for I was told the junk was
very leaky, and I wished to have her accompanied by the Hopewell,
whatsoever might befall; as she had not a nail in her, but such as we
had driven, and as we had none of ourselves, we caused the simple native
smiths to make some iron pins, for they can make no nails,[316] and
bestowed these in the most needful places. While striving in the
Hopewell to reach Pulo-way, I was put past it in a mighty storm by the
current; for the more the wind, the current is always the stronger:
being put to leeward, and long before we could fetch the ship, and fain
to take shelter on the Ceram shore, or else be blown away. After many
trips, and still falling to leeward of the ship, I desired Mr Davis to
look out for some harbour for our ship, to which we might come over
direct from Pulo-way, without being obliged to ply to windward with our
craft when deeply laden, which was effected.

[Footnote 315: This paragraph is utterly inexplicable, at least with any
certainty, the abbreviation by Purchas having reduced it almost to
absolute nonsense. Conjectural amendment being inadmissible, the subject
is of so little moment as not to warrant any commentary.--E.]

[Footnote 316: Even to the present times, the boasted empire of China is
unable to make a head to a nail. All their smiths can do for a
substitute, is to bend the head of a small piece of iron like the letter
_z_, which flattened, but not welded, serves as a substitute for the
nail-head. Every chest of tea affords numerous examples of this clumsy
_qui pro quo_.--E.]

In my long stay from Pulo-way and Banda on this occasion, the islanders
had intelligence that our ship had weighed; and they were persuaded I
had gone away for fear of the Hollanders. Upon this the islanders would
not deal with my people whom I had left among them, neither even would
they sell them provisions. They even began to rail at them and abuse
them, saying that I had gone away with the ship, as the Hollanders did
formerly, and would come back with a fleet, as they had done, and take
their country from them. In this disposition of mind towards us, they
had come to a determination to seize our house, and to send all our
people prisoners to the top of a high rock, the consent only of the
sabandar being a-wanting for taking possession of our goods, though some
even began to take our goods forcibly. On the arrival of the sabandar,
Mr Spalding waited upon him, and remonstrated upon the unjust conduct of
the islanders in taking away our goods, craving his protection. The
sabandar then said, that the islanders were resolved we should not do as
the Hollanders had done, and were therefore resolved to make all the
English prisoners; for the ship was gone, and our intentions seemed bad
towards them. All that Mr Spalding could say, they would not be
persuaded but that I was gone away in the ship, and that my people were
left behind at Pulo-way for a sinister purpose.

Next day, the islanders met in council in their church, [_mosque_;] and
while deliberating upon the seizure of our goods, and the imprisonment
of Mr Spalding and our men, news were brought them that I was in sight
in the Hopewell, on which they broke up their council. At my landing, Mr
Spalding told me of the hard usage he had received, and the fear he was
in. When I got to our house, the chief man of all the islands sat before
the door, waiting my arrival, and told me plainly, if I had not then
come myself, they would have taken our goods and made our people
prisoners. I then explained to them the reason of removing the ship;
adding, that it was no wonder the Hollanders had built a castle to
defend themselves, when I received such hard and unjust usage from them,
who was in friendship with them, had left my men among them with such
commodities as the country required, had made the Hollanders my enemies
because they were their enemies, and had done every thing in my power to
serve them. They answered, that I must not blame them for being jealous
of all Christians, as the Portuguese and Hollanders had done exactly
like me for many years, but were now obviously determined to enslave
their country.

Friendship and confidence being completely restored, I bought spice from
them, and had soon enough to load my ship, which I dispatched in the
Hopewell to where the Expedition now rode. Having still a considerable
overplus of stock, I thought I could not do better service to your
worships, than by laying out your money in farther purchases. I
therefore loaded thirty tons more in a junk, and bought another junk of
forty tons and spice to load her. But as she was not yet launched, I
left Mr Spalding in charge of her loading, leaving Mr Chapman, a very
honest and sufficient man, as master of this junk, with twelve persons
to navigate her. I then took my leave of all the chiefs in a friendly
manner, giving them various presents as farewell tokens, entreating them
to give Mr Spalding such assistance as he might require, as after my
departure he would have to rely on them.

Leaving Mr Chapman as master of the new junk, I was obliged to take
charge of the Hopewell myself, and set sail the 7th September, 1610,
from Pulo-way, having the junk Middleton in company, having remained
longer in this country than any Englishman had done hitherto. I arrived
at the ship on the 10th, which I now found was not fully laden, as seven
tons of nutmegs that had come last from Pulo-way were spoiled and had to
be thrown away. I laded her therefore from the Hopewell and the junk;
and now turned off the Hopewell, which had done good service. She was
only of half-inch plank, which we had never had leisure to sheath, and
was so worm-eaten, that the pump had to be in constant use.

§ 3. _Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and Voyage
Home._

When the ship was fully laden, we set sail from Keeling bay for Bantam,
having never a top-sail overhead, as the top-sails had been blown from
the yards while Mr Davis was removing the ship from her original station
to another bay, seven leagues more to the westward. As the junk went
better than we, I wrote a letter by her to Bantam, desiring her crew to
make all speed there, yet I hoped to overtake her when I could get up
new top-sails, on which we were busy at work. Having completed our
top-sails, I overtook the junk on the 16th September, when we found it
could not now keep us company, unless we took in our top-sails. I
directed them therefore to carry such sail in the junk as she was able
to bear, and to follow me to Bantam, as my remaining with them could
serve no good purpose, and I had much to do at Bantam to trim the ship
for her voyage home. So we took leave of them and bore away for Bantam.
I arrived there on the 9th October, where I found Mr Hensworth and
Edward Neetles had both died shortly after my sailing for the spice
islands; so that all the goods I had left were still there, not a yard
of cloth being sold to the Chinese.

Having dispatched my affairs at Bantam, I appointed Richard Wooddies as
chief of our factory, with whom I left directions for Mr Spalding, when
God should send him to Bantam, to consider of a voyage to Succadania in
Borneo for diamonds. I set sail on the 16th November, and having a good
passage to Saldanha bay, I got there on the 21st January, 1611. I found
that my brother Sir Henry Middleton had been there, arriving the 24th
July, and departing the 10th August, 1610. I there found a copy of a
letter my brother had sent home by a Hollander the day after he came to
the road; which, if your worships have not received, you may see that
they will detain all your worships letters. I took in water at Saldanha
bay, and made all the dispatch I could for England.

Thus have I certified your worships of all matters in an ample manner,
as seemed my duty. I have on board 100 tons, six _cathayes_, one
quartern, and two pounds of nutmegs; and 622 suckets of mace, which are
thirty-six tons, fifteen cathayes, one quartern, and twenty-one pounds.
I left in the junk with Mr Herniman twenty-four tons, seven cathayes,
two quarterns, eight pounds. All this cost me 25,071-1/4 rials; of which
sum I have disbursed 500 rials of my own, for spice, which lies mostly
on the _orlop_; and being in bond to your worships, it shall there
remain till I know your worships pleasure whether I shall enjoy it.


SECTION XI

_Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, under the
Command of Sir Henry Middleton._[317]

INTRODUCTION.

This is one of the most curious of all the early voyages of the English
to India, particularly on account of the transactions of Sir Henry in
the Red Sea. According to the title of the voyage in the Pilgrims, the
narrative was written by Sir Henry himself, probably an abstract of his
journal. It breaks off abruptly, and leaves the fate of the voyage
entirely unexplained, which will be found in some measure supplied by
the subsequent narrative of Downton.

[Footnote 317: Purch. Pilgr. I. 247. Astl. I. 360.]

From the title given by Purchas to the narrative, it appears that there
were three ships employed in this voyage: The _Trades-increase_ of 1000
tons, admiral, commanded by Sir Henry Middleton, general of the
expedition; the _Pepper-corn_ of 250 tons, vice-admiral, commanded by
Captain Nicholas Downton; and the _Darling_ of 90 tons. Besides these,
the bark _Samuel_ of 180 tons accompanied as a victualler to Cape
Verd.--E.

§ 1. _Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron at
Mokha._


We came to anchor in the roads of Cape Verd on the 1st May, 1610, under
an island, where we found a Frenchman of Dieppe, who was setting up a
pinnace. Next day, I set all the carpenters of the fleet to work on my
mainmast; and having taken off the fishes, they found it so sore wrung
about three feet above the upper-deck, that it was half through, so that
it must have gone by the board if we had met with any foul weather. I
sent one of my carpenters a-land on the main to search for trees, who
returned that night, saying he had seen some that would answer. The
third we began to unload the Samuel, and sent the carpenters on shore to
cut down trees, having leave of the alcaide, who came on board to dine
with me, and to whom I gave a piece of Rouen cloth which I bought of the
Frenchman, and some other trifles. The fifteenth, the mast being
repaired, and all our water-casks full, we stowed our boats at night,
and prepared to be gone next morning. Cape Verd is the best place I know
of for our outward-bound ships; not being out of the way, the road being
good and fit for the dispatch of any kind of business, and fresh fish to
be had in great plenty. In a council with Captain Downton and the
masters, it was agreed that our best course to steer for the line from
hence was S.S.W. for sixty leagues, then S.S.E. till near the line, and
then easterly. We dismissed the Samuel to return home, and held on our
way.

We came into Saldanha roads the 24th July, and saluted the Dutch admiral
with five guns, which he returned. There were also two other Holland
ships there, which came to make train-oil of seals,[318] and which had
made 300 pipes. This day I went a-land, and found the names of Captain
Keeling and others, homewards-bound in January, 1610; also my brother
David's name, outward-bound, 9th August, 1609, and likewise a letter
buried under ground, according to agreement between him and me in
England, but it was so consumed with damp as to be altogether illegible.
The 26th, we set up a tent for our sick men, and got them all ashore to
air our ships. From this till we departed, nothing happened worth
writing.

[Footnote 318: In a letter which I had from Mr Femell, written from
Saldanha bay, he mentions two French ships in like employment, which he
suspected lay in wait for distressed ships coming from India.--_Purch_.]

The 6th September, in lat. 23° 30' S. wind southerly, a pleasant gale.
This day, after dinner, we saw land, and before night, came to anchor in
the bay of St Augustine, where we found the Union distressed for want of
provisions.[319] The 7th, I went ashore in my pinnace to endeavour to
get fresh victuals for the people, but could not; we got however wood
and water. The 10th, we steered along the coast with a fresh gale at
S.E. reckoning to have made twenty-six leagues that day, but we only
went twenty-two, owing to a current setting south. The 11th, we steered
along the land, having still a great current against us. The 20th, at
noon, our latitude was 11° 10', the variation being 12° 40' This
afternoon we saw land, being the islands of _Queriba_,[320] which are
dangerous low islands, environed with rocks and shoals.

[Footnote 319: See the narrative of her voyage in sect. ix. of this
chapter.]

[Footnote 320: Querimba, an island and river of that name on the Cafre
coast, in lat. 12° 30' S. There is an island called Oibo, a little way
to the north, and another named Goat's island, a little-way south of
Querimba; all three being probably the _islands_ of Queriba in the
text.--E.]

The 16th October, early in the morning, we saw the _Duas Irmanas_, or
Two Sisters, bearing N. by W. the wind at S.W. and the 18th, we came to
anchor in a sandy bay in the island of Socotora, in lat. 12° 25' N.[321]
In the evening we caught many fish with the sein. The 21st, we
endeavoured to get into the road of Tamarin, the chief town of the
island, but from contrary winds were unable to get there till the 25th.
The latitude of Tamarin is 12° 30' [13° 37'] S. This town stands at the
foot of high rugged hills, and the road is all open between E. by N. and
W.N.W. We anchored in ten fathoms on good ground. I sent Mr Femell
ashore well accompanied, with a present to the king of a cloth vest, a
piece of plate, and a sword-blade, when he promised all possible
kindness. The 26th, I went ashore, accompanied by the chief merchants
and a strong guard, and being conducted to the king's house, he
entertained me courteously. I enquired of him concerning the trade of
the Red Sea, which he highly commended, saying, the people of Aden and
Mokha were good, and would be glad to trade with us. He said farther,
that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at high prices, and came
so light to Tamarin as to require much ballast. This news gave me good
content. I asked leave to set up my pinnace on his island, but he would
not allow it in this road, as if I staid long at Tamarin it might deter
all others from coming there; but if I chose to return to the former
port, I might set up the pinnace at that place. On enquiring for aloes,
he said he had sent away all his aloes to his father, who resides at
Kushem, near Cape Fartak, being king of that part of Arabia Felix. I
asked leave to wood and water. He gave me free leave to take water, but
said, if I would have any wood, I must pay very dear for it. He
confirmed the loss of the Ascension and her pinnace, which was no small
grief to me. He urged me much to go to the Red Sea, but advised me not
to attempt trade at Fartak, as he thought his father would not allow me.
I and all my people dined with the king, and then went aboard.

[Footnote 321: The latitude in the text is very erroneous; the most
southerly part of Socotora being in 13° 6' N.]

The 7th November, while steering along the coast of Arabia, we saw a
high land about ten o'clock, rising like _Abba-del-curia_, and capable
of being seen a great way off, which we imagined to be the high land of
Aden. In the evening, we came to anchor before the town in twenty
fathoms on sandy ground. Aden stands in a vale at the foot of a
mountain, and makes a fair appearance. It is surrounded by a stone wall,
and has forts and bulwarks in many places; but how these are furnished I
know not. The 8th, there came off a small boat in which were three
Arabs, who said they were sent by the lieutenant of the town to enquire
of what nation we were; sending us word we were welcome if English, and
that Captain Sharpey had been there the year before, and had gone thence
to Mokha, where he sold all his goods. I asked the name of the pacha,
and whether he was a good man. They answered his name was Jaffer Pacha;
that the former pacha was a very bad man, this rather better, but all
the Turks were bad. Asking what sort of place Mokha was for trade, they
told me there was one man in Mokha who would purchase all my goods. I
sent John Williams ashore, one of my factors, who could speak Arabic,
who was kindly entertained.

The morning of the 9th, I sent my pinnace ashore to procure a pilot for
Mokha, and in the mean time weighed anchor and got under sail. The
pinnace returned without a pilot, saying, they would not let us have any
unless we left three of our chief merchants in pledge, and that they
entreated me to leave one ship, and they would buy all her goods. Being
desirous of trade, I agreed to leave the Pepper-corn, and did what we
could to regain the road, but were carried to leeward by the current, so
we came to anchor to the south of the town. I then sent Mr Fowler and
John Williams ashore, to tell them I was to leave one ship with them to
trade, and begged they would let me have a pilot They seemed glad that
one of the ships was to remain, and promised me a pilot next day. Seeing
no hope of a pilot on the 12th, and having dispatched our business with
the Pepper-corn, I sailed about noon with the Trades-increase and
Darling for Mokha.

The 14th, we saw the head-land going into the Red Sea, rising like an
island, and about eleven, we were athwart the entrance, being only three
miles broad.[322] On the north side is a rugged land like an island, and
on the other side is a low flat island, called _Babelmandd_,[323] on the
south side of which island there appeared to be a broad strait or
entrance. After passing through the strait, we saw a village in a sandy
bay on the north shore, to which place I sent my pinnace to get a pilot.
It soon returned with two Arabs, who pretended to be very skilful. Our
depth in the straits was from eight to eleven fathoms, and the distance
from Aden to the straits is thirty leagues. About four o'clock p.m. we
had sight of the town of Mokha; and about five, while luffing with a
strong wind, we split our main-top-sail, and putting abroad our mizen,
it split likewise. At this time our pilots got our ship aground on a
sand bank, the wind blowing hard, and the sea somewhat high, so that we
much feared her getting safe off again.

[Footnote 322: This must have been the N.E. passage, between the island
of Prin and the promontory on the coast of Arabia. The other passage is
much broader.--E.]

[Footnote 323: The name of the island is _Prin, Bab-al-Mondub_,
signifying the gate of lamentation, is the Arabian name of the straits
leading into the Red Sea.--E,]

§ 2. _Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and at
Aden_.

That same night, a boat came off to us from the town, in which was a
proper man of a Turk, sent by the governor to enquire who we were, and
what was our business. I answered that we were English merchants, who
came in search of trade. To this he replied, that we were heartily
welcome, and should not fail in what we wanted; and that Alexander
Sharpey had sold all his goods there, and we might do the like. He made
light of the grounding of our ship, saying it was quite customary for
the great ships of India to get there aground, and yet none of them ever
suffered any harm by it. He then hastened on shore to acquaint the aga
what we were, and promised to return in the morning with boats to
lighten our ship. This man, as I afterwards understood, was what they
call _lord of the sea_;[324] his office is to board all ships that come
to Mokha, to see lighters sent to discharge the ships, and to take care
that they do not defraud the customs; for all which he has certain
fees, which constitute his salary.

[Footnote 324: In Arabic, _Amir-al-Bahar_.--Astl. I. 363. a.]

Early in the morning of the 14th, the lord of the sea returned with
three or four other Turks in his company, two of whom spoke Italian.
They brought me a small present from the aga, with hearty welcome to his
port, saying, we should have as good and free trade as we had in
_Stamboul_, [Constantinople,] Aleppo, or any other part of the Turkish
dominions, with many other compliments, and offers of every thing that
the country could afford. They brought three or four, lighters, into
which we put any thing that first came to hand to lighten the ship. Mr
Femell went ashore in one of these before I was aware, carrying with him
every thing he had in the ship. We sent our money, elephants teeth, and
all our shot, aboard the Darling; and in the evening carried out our
anchors into deep water, trying to heave off our ship, but could not.
The 15th we sent more goods ashore, and some on board the Darling, and
about five p.m. on heaving the capstan, our ship went off the bank to
all our comforts. I had this day a letter from Mr Femell, telling me he
hod received kind entertainment from the aga, and had agreed to pay five
per cent custom for all we should sell, and all that was not sold to be
returned custom-free. Likewise the aga sent me a letter under his hand
and seal, offering himself and every thing in his country at my
disposal, with many other compliments.

The 19th two boats came off for iron to Mr Femell, which I caused to be
sent; but wrote to him, not to send for any more goods till those he had
already were sold. In answer, Mr Femell wrote, that I must come ashore
according to the custom of the country, if I minded to have trade,
otherwise they could not be persuaded but we were men of war. The aga
likewise sent his interpreter to entreat me to come ashore, if I were a
merchant and friend to the Great Turk, and hoped for trade; alledging,
that Captain Sharpey, and all Indian captains, did so. The 20th, I went
ashore, and was received at the water-side by several of the chief men,
accompanied with music, and brought in great state to the aga's house,
where all the chief men of the town were assembled. I was received with
much kindness, was seated close to the aga, all the rest standing, and
many compliments paid me. I delivered his majesty's letter for the
pacha, and a present, which I requested might be sent up to the pacha
with all speed. I likewise gave the aga a present, with which he seemed
much pleased, assuring me I should have free trade, and if any of the
townspeople offended me or my men, he would punish them severely. He
then made me stand up, and one of his chief men put upon me a vest of
crimson silk and silver, saying, this was the Grand Seignor's
protection, and I need fear no ill. After some compliments, I took my
leave, and was mounted on a gallant horse with rich furniture, a great
man leading my horse, and was conducted in my new coat, accompanied by
music, to the English factory, where I staid dinner. Meaning to go
aboard in the evening, I was much entreated to remain, which I yielded
to, being forced also for some days following by bad weather.

Every day I had some small present sent me by the aga, with compliments
from him, enquiring if I were in want of any thing. On the 28th, he sent
twice complimentary messages, desiring me to be merry, as when their
fast was over, now almost expired, he would take me along with him to
his gardens and other places of pleasure. This afternoon Mr Pemberton
came ashore for cocoa-nuts, and wishing afterwards to return on board,
the Turks would not allow him, saying it was too late, and he might go
as early next morning as he pleased. I sent to entreat permission for
him to go, but it was refused. All this time we suspected no harm, only
thinking the officer was rather too strict in his conduct on this
occasion, which we thought had been without orders, and of which I meant
next day to complain to the aga. After sun-set, I ordered stools to be
set for us at the door, where Mr Femell, Mr Pemberton, and I, sat to
take the fresh air, having no suspicions that any evil was intended us.
About eight o'clock, a janissary brought some message for me from the
aga; and as we could not understand him, I sent my man to call one of my
people who could speak Turkish. While this man was interpreting the
aga's message, which was merely complimentary, my own man came to us in
great consternation, saying we were betrayed, for the Turks and my
people were by the ears at the back of the house.

The Turk who sat beside us rose up immediately, and desired my man to
shew him where the quarrel was, several of my folks following to see
what was the matter. I immediately ran after them, calling as loud as I
was able for them to turn back and defend our house; but while
speaking, I was struck on the head by one behind me with such violence,
that I fell down and remained senseless till they had bound my hands
behind me so tightly, that the pain restored my senses. As soon as they
saw me move, they set me on my feet, and led me between two of them to
the house of the aga, where I found several of my people in a similar
situation with myself. On the way the soldiers pillaged me of all the
money I had about me, and took from me three gold rings, one of which
was my seal, another was set with seven diamonds, which were of
considerable value, and the third was a _gimmall_ ring. When all of us
that escaped alive in this treacherous and bloody massacre were brought
together, they began to put us in irons, I and seven more being chained
together by the neck, others by their feet, and others again by the
hands. This being done they all left us, except two soldiers appointed
to keep guard over us. These soldiers had compassion upon us, and eased
us of the bands which tied our hands behind; for most of us were so
tightly bound that the blood was ready to start from our finger-ends.

After my hands were thus eased, being much distressed both for myself
and the rest, and in great anxiety for the ships, which I believed the
faithless Turks would leave no villainy unattempted to get possession
of, we began to converse together as to what could be the reason of this
infamous usage. I demanded if any of them could tell how the affray
began, and if any of our people were slain. I was informed by those of
our company who were in the fray, and had escaped, that Francis Slanny,
John Lanslot, and six more were slain, and that fourteen of those now in
custody along with me were sore wounded. They said that our house was
surrounded by soldiers, who, when I was knocked down, attacked our
company with merciless cruelty, against those who had no weapons to
defend themselves.

Having thus succeeded in the first act of their treachery, they now
aimed to gain possession of our ships and goods. For about ten o'clock
that same night, they manned three large boats with about 150 armed men,
in order to take the Darling, which rode somewhat nearer the shore than
our large ship. The boats put off from the shore together, and that they
might be mistaken for Christians, the Turks took off their turbans, and
all boarded the Darling, most of them getting upon her deck. This attack
was so sudden, that three men belonging to the Darling were slain before
they could get down below: The rest took to their close quarters, and
stood on their defence. At this time, the _Emir al Bahar_, who commanded
on this enterprize, called to his soldiers to _cut the tables in the
house._[325] The soldiers misunderstanding him, many of them leapt into
the boats and cut the boat ropes, so that they drifted away. By this
time our men had got hold of their weapons and manned their close
quarters, the Turks standing thick in the waste, hallooing and clanging
their swords upon the deck. One of our company threw a large barrel of
powder among them, and after it a fire-brand, which took instant effect,
and scorched several of them. The rest retired to the quarter-deck and
poop, as they thought for greater safety, where they were entertained
with musket-shot and another train of powder, which put them in such
fear that they leapt into the sea, many of them clinging to the ship's
side and desiring quarter, which was not granted, as our men killed all
they could find, and the rest were drowned. One man only was saved, who
hid himself till the fury was over, when he yielded and was received to
mercy. Thus God, of his goodness and mercy, delivered our ship and men
out of the hands of our enemies, for which blessed be his holy name for
ever more. _Amen._

[Footnote 325: This seems unintelligible nonsense, from what follows, it
would appear that the order was to _cut the cables in the hose,_ that
the ship might drift a-shore.--E.]

On the return of the boats to Mokha, they reported that the ship was
taken, for which there were great rejoicings. The aga sent off the boats
again, with orders to bring the ship close to the shore; but on getting
out to where she rode, they found her under sail and standing off, on
which they returned, and told the aga that the ship had escaped and was
gone, and they now believed the Emir-al-bahar and his soldiers were
taken prisoners, which was no pleasing news to him. Before day, he sent
his interpreter to tell me that my small ship was taken, which I
believed. At day-break, I was sent for to come before the aga, and went
accordingly with my seven yoke-fellows, all fastened with me by the neck
to the same chain. With a frowning countenance, he asked how I durst be
so bold as to enter their port of Mokha, so near their holy city of
Mecca? I answered, that he already knew the reason of my coming, and
that I had not landed till earnestly entreated by him, with many
promises of kind usage. He then said it was not lawful for any Christian
to come so near their holy city, of which Mokha was as one of the gates,
and that the pacha had express orders from the Great Turk to captivate
all Christians who came into these seas, even if they had the imperial
pass. I told him the fault was his own, for not having told me so at
first, but deluding us with fair promises.

He now gave me a letter to read from Captain Downton, dated long before
at Aden, saying, that two of his merchants and his purser had been
detained on shore,[326] and that they could not get them released,
without landing merchandize, and paying 1500 Venetian chequins for
anchorage. After I had read the letter, the aga desired to know its
purport, which I told him. He then informed me that the ship, since the
writing of that letter, had been cast away on a rock, and all her goods
and men lost. He then commanded me to write a letter to the people in my
large ship to know how many Turks were detained in the small one. I said
that was needless, as he had already sent me word the small ship was
taken. To this he replied, that she was once taken, but the large ship
had rescued her. He then ordered me to write a letter, commanding all
the people of the large ship to come ashore, and to deliver the large
ship and her goods into his hands, when he would give us the small ship
to carry us home. I said it would be folly to write any such thing, as
those who were aboard and at liberty would not be such fools as to
forsake their ship and goods, and come ashore to be slaves, merely for
my writing them. He said he was sure if I wrote such a letter, they
durst not disobey me. When I told him plainly I would write no such
letter, he urged me again, threatening to cut off my head if I refused.
I bade him do so, in which he would give me pleasure, being weary of my
life. He then asked what money we had in the ship, and what store of
victuals and water? I said we had but little money, being only for
purchasing victuals, not merchandize, and that we had enough of victuals
and water for two years, which he would not believe.

[Footnote 326: Besides these, twenty more were treacherously betrayed at
Aden, having leave given them to go onshore for business.--_Purch_.]

I was now taken out of my chain and collar, having a large pair of
fetters put upon my legs, with manacles on my wrists; and being
separated from the rest of my company, I was bestowed all that day in a
dirty dog-kennel under a stair; but at night, at the entreaty of
Shermall, consul of the Banians, I was taken to a better room, and
allowed to have one of my men along with me who spoke Turkish; yet my
bed was the hard ground, a stone my pillow, and my company to keep me
awake were grief of heart and a multitude of rats. About midnight came
the lieutenant of the aga with the _trugman_,[327] entreating me to
write a letter on board to enquire how many Turks they had prisoners,
and what were their names; but in no case to write any thing of the loss
of our men, and the hard usage we had met with; but to say we were
detained in the aga's house till orders came from the pacha, and that we
wanted for nothing. This letter I wrote exactly as they wished; but
commanded them to look well to their ships and boats, and by no means to
let any of their men come ashore. Taking this letter with them, they
examined two or three of my men apart as to its meaning.

[Footnote 327: Or interpreter, now commonly called dragoman, druggeman,
or trucheman, all of which are corruptions from the Arabic
_tarijmán_.--Astl. I. 366. a.]

They could not at first get any one who would venture on board, so that
my first letter was not sent. But at length a person, who was born at
Tunis, in Barbary, and spoke good Italian, undertook to carry a letter,
providing I would write to use him well. I wrote again as they desired,
which was taken on board and answered, saying, that all the Turks were
slain or drowned, save one, named _Russwan_, a common soldier; in this
answer they expressed their satisfaction to hear that I was alive; as
Russwan told them he believed I and all the rest were slain. We
continued in this misery till the 15th December, never hearing any thing
from the ships nor they from us. The aga came several times to me,
sometimes with threats and sometimes soothing, to have me write for all
my people to come ashore and deliver up the ships; but I always answered
him as before. He was in hopes our ships would be forced, for want of
water and provisions, to surrender to him, knowing they could not have a
wind to get out of the straits till May, and would by no means believe
me that they were provided for two years.

In the mean time they in the ships were at their wits end, hearing
nothing from us ashore, and not knowing well what to do. They rode very
insecurely in an open anchorage, the wind blowing continually hard at
S.S.E. inclosed all round with shoals, and their water beginning to
fail, as we had started fifty tons in our large ship to lighten her when
we got aground. While in this perplexity, an honest true-hearted sailor,
named John Chambers, offered to go ashore and see what was become of us,
putting his life and liberty at stake, rather than see the people so
much at a loss. He effected this on the 15th December, being set ashore
upon a small island with a flag of truce, a little to windward of the
town, having one of our Indians along with him as an interpreter. On
being carried before the aga, who asked him how he durst come on shore
without leave, he said he came with a flag of truce, and was only a
messenger, which was permitted among enemies. Being asked what message
he had to deliver, he said a letter for his general, and likewise, if
allowed, to see and enquire how we all did. He and the Indian were
strictly examined as to the store of provisions and water on board, when
both answered as I had done, that there was enough of both for two
years.

Chambers was then brought to my dark cell, and could not for some time
see me on coming out of the light. He delivered me the letter with
watery eyes, on seeing me so fettered, both hands and feet being in
irons. When he had told me how he came ashore, I told him I hardly
thought they would let him off again; as, not many days before, a man
who brought a letter for me from the Pepper-corn was detained a
prisoner, being neither allowed to return nor to go aboard the ships in
the roads. His answer was, that before leaving the ship he had made up
his mind to submit to the same hard fate as I did, if they were so
villainous as to detain him who was only a messenger. The 16th I wrote
an answer, and delivered it to Chambers, and, contrary to my
expectation, they let him and the Indian return, with leave to come
again next day if they had occasion. Next day accordingly, Chambers
returned alone, for the Indian was so terrified that he durst not
venture again. My man sent me various things by Chambers, but the aga
was my receiver, thinking them too good for me.

While daily expecting orders from the pacha to put us to death, or to
make us perpetual prisoners or slaves, on the 20th December an aga came
down from Zenan, who was captain, or chief of the _chiauses_, with
orders to bring us all up there. Being desirous to see me and my
company, three chairs were brought into my prison, on which Regib aga,
Ismael aga, the messenger, and Jaffer aga, seated themselves. Regib aga
began by asking, how I dared to come into that country so near their
holy city, without a pass from the Turkish emperor? I answered, that the
king my master was in peace and amity with the Grand Turk, and that by
the treaty between them, trade was allowed to us in all his dominions,
of which this being a part, we needed no pass. He then said, that this
place being the door, as it were, of their holy city, was not lawful for
any Christians to enter; and then asked me if I did not know the grand
signior had a long sword? I answered, we were not taken by the sword,
but by treachery; and if I and my people were aboard, I would not care
for the length of his sword, nor for all their swords. He then said,
this was proudly spoken; and, as formerly, desired I would write,
commanding all my people to come ashore, and surrender themselves and
ships to the pacha, to which I answered as formerly. Ismael aga now
broke off this idle discourse, by telling me, he came from the pacha
with express orders to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and
therefore advised me to send aboard for warm clothing, as we should find
it very cold in the mountains. I requested him that my poor men might be
sent aboard ship, and that only I and a few more should go up to Zenan.
He said, it was not in his power to remedy this, as the pacha had
ordered all to go; but Regib aga said I should have my wish, and that I
and five more should go to Zenan, the rest remaining where they were
till farther orders from the pacha. This same day, the 20th December,
Captain Downton came in the Pepper-corn to Mokha roads from Aden; and
learning this, I wrote him a letter, giving him my opinion of what was
best for him to do, he being commander in my absence.

§ 3. _Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of
Yemen, or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and
Occurrences till his Return to Mokha_.

The 22d December, our irons were all taken off our legs, except the
carpenters and smiths, who were detained at Mokha to set up our pinnace,
and some sick men who were unable to travel. I and thirty-four of my
people were destined to go up to Zenan, the chief city of the
kingdom,[328] where the pacha resided. About four p.m. of the 22d we
left Mokha, myself and Mr Femell being on horseback, and all the rest of
my people upon asses. About ten at night, when ten or twelve miles from
Mokha, Mr Pemberton slipped away. We missed him immediately, but said
not a word, aiding his escape with our prayers to God to speed him safe
aboard. About one hour after midnight, we came to an inn or town, called
_Mowssie_, when we were counted, but Pemberton was not missed. We
remained here till four in the afternoon of the 23d, when, at our coming
out to depart, we were again counted, and one was now found wanting. The
aga asked me how many of us left Mokha, on which I answered,
thirty-four, as I thought, but I was not certain. He insisted there
certainly were thirty-five, and that one was now missing; on which I
said that was more than I knew.

[Footnote 328: Zenan, or Sanaa, is a city in the interior of Yemen, or
Yaman, in lat. 16° 45' N. and long. 46° E. from Greenwich; being about
250 miles N.N.E. from Mokha, and about 150 miles N.N.W. from the nearest
coast of the Indian ocean, situated on one of the very few rivers that
are to be found in Arabia.--E.]

I ought to have mentioned, that, while a prisoner at Mokha, I found much
kindness from one Hamet aga, who sent me various presents, encouraging
me to be of good comfort, as my cause was good. He sent a supply of
bread for me and my people on the journey, and gave me letters for the
kiahya of the pacha. The consul likewise of the Banians came every day
to visit me, and never empty handed; and Tookehar was our great friend
all the time we were prisoners, sending every day to each man, fifty-one
in all, two cakes of white bread, and a quantity of dates or plantains.
He went away from Mokha for Zenan two days before us, promising me to
use his beat endeavours with the pacha for our good; and I believe he
did what he said, for I was told by several persons at Zenan, that he
laboured hard in our business, both with the pacha and the kiahya, which
latter was a very discreet person, and governed the kingdom.

On Christmas day we arrived at the city of _Tyes_, four days journey
from Mokha, where we were marshalled two and two together, as they do at
_Stambol_[329] with captives taken in the wars, our aga riding in
triumph, as a great conqueror. We were met a mile out of town by the
chief men of the place on horseback, multitudes of people standing all
the way gazing and wondering at us; and this was done at all the cities
and towns through which we passed. A youth belonging to Mr Pemberton
fell sick at this town, and had to be left in charge of the governor,
being unable to travel.

[Footnote 329: Stambola, Stamboli, Stamboul, vulgar names in the east
for Constantinople, is a correction and corruption of [Greek] which the
Greeks used to say when going to Constantinople, i.e. _to the city_, by
way of especial eminence above all other cities.--_Purch_.]

I kept no journal all the way from Tyes to Zenan; but this I well
remember, that it was exceedingly cold all that part of the journey, our
lodging being the cold ground, and every morning the ground was covered
with hoar frost. I would not believe at Mokha when I was told how cold
was the upper country, but experience taught me, when too late, to wish
I had come better provided. I bought fur gowns for most of my men, who
were slenderly clothed, otherwise I think they would have starved. Zenan
is, as I judge, about 180 miles N.N.W. from Mokha.[330] It is in lat.
16° 15', as I observed by an instrument I made there. We were fifteen
days between Mokha and Zenan. The 5th of January, 1611, two hours before
day, we came within two miles of Zenan, where we had to sit on the bare
ground till day-light, and were much pinched by the cold, and so
benumbed that we could hardly stand. Every morning the ground was
covered with hoar frost, and in Zenan we have had ice an inch thick in
one night, which I could not have believed unless I had seen it.

[Footnote 330: See a former note, in which its geographical relation to
Mokha is given on the authority of our latest and best maps.--E.]

About a mile from the town, we were met by the _subasha_, or sheriff,
with at least 200 shot, accompanied by drums and trumpets. We were now
drawn up in single file, or one behind the other, at some distance, to
make the greater shew, our men having their gowns taken from them, and
being forced to march on foot in their thin and ragged suits. The
soldiers led the way, after whom went our men one by one, our trumpeters
being next before me, and commanded by the aga to sound, but I forbade
them. After our trumpeters, came Mr Femell and I on horseback; and
lastly, came the aga riding in triumph, with a richly caparisoned spare
horse led before him. In this order we were led through the heart of the
city to the castle, all the way being so thronged with people that we
could hardly get through them. At the first gate there was a good guard
of armed soldiers; at the second were two great pieces of cannon on
carriages. After passing this gate, we came into a spacious court yard,
twice as long as the Exchange at London. The soldiers discharged their
pieces at this gate, and placed themselves, among many others there
before them, on the two sides, leaving a lane for us to walk through. Mr
Femell and I alighted at this gate, and placed ourselves on one side
along with our men, but he and I were soon ordered to attend upon the
pacha, it being their _divan_ day, or meeting of the council. At the
upper end of the court-yard, we went up a stair of some twelve steps, at
the top of which two great men came and held me by the wrists, which
they griped very hard, and led me in this manner to the pacha, who was
seated in a long spacious gallery, many great men standing on each side
of him, and others stood on each side all along this gallery, making a
good shew, the floor being all covered with Turkey carpets.

When I came within two yards of the pacha, we were commanded to stop.
The pacha then, with a frowning and angry countenance, demanded of what
country I was, and what brought me into these parts? I answered, that I
was an Englishman and a merchant, a friend to the grand signior, and
came to seek trade. He then said, it was not lawful for any Christian to
come into that country, and he had already given warning to Captain
Sharpey for no more of our nation to come hither. I told him Captain
Sharpey was cast away on the coast of India, and did not get to England
to tell us so; which, if we had known, we had never put ourselves to the
trouble we were now in; that Regib aga had imposed upon us, saying, we
were welcome into the country, and that we should have as free trade as
in any part of Turkey, with many other fair promises; and, contrary to
his word, had assaulted us with armed soldiers, had murdered several of
my men, and made me and others prisoners. He said Regib aga was no more
than his slave, and had no power to pass his word to me without his
leave, and that what had befallen me and my people was by his orders to
Regib aga; he having such orders from the grand signior so to chastise
all Christians that dared to come into these parts. I told him we had
already received great harm, and if it pleased him to let us return to
our ships, what we had suffered would be a sufficient warning for our
nation never to return again into his country. He answered, that he
would not allow us to depart, but that I should write to the ambassador
of our nation at Constantinople, and he would write to the grand
signior, to know his pleasure as to what was to be done with us, or
whether he chose to permit us to trade or no.

The pacha then dismissed me, desiring me to go to the lodging that was
appointed for me, taking four or five of my people with me at my choice.
These men and I were conveyed to the jailor's house, while all the rest
were committed to the common prison, where they were all heavily ironed.
At the time when I was taken before the pacha, one of our youths
fainted, thinking I was led away to be beheaded, and that his turn would
soon follow. He sickened immediately, and died shortly after. The 6th, I
was sent for to breakfast with the kiabya, or lieutenant-general of the
kingdom, and after breakfast, I gave him a particular account of the
vile treachery that had been practised against me by Regib aga. He
desired me to be of good cheer, not thinking of what was past, which
could not be remedied, as he hoped all would go well in the end, for
which his best endeavours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall,
the Banian at Mokha, had made this man my friend. The 7th, I was sent
for again by the kiabya to his garden, where he feasted Mr Femell and
me, telling me that I and my people should be soon set at liberty, and
sent back to Mokha, where all my wrongs should be redressed, as he was
resolved to stand my friend. This declaration was made before many of
the principal persons, both Turks and Arabs, his only inducement being
for God's sake, as he pretended, but I well knew it was in hopes of a
reward. The letter of Hamet aga to this man did us much good.

At this time there came to Zenan a Moor of Cairo, who was an old
acquaintance of the pacha, and had lent him large sums at his first
coming from Constantinople very poor. This man was our next neighbour in
Mokha at the time when we were betrayed, and had a ship in the road of
Mokha, bound for India, which he feared our ships would have taken in
revenge of our injuries, but as she was allowed peaceably to depart, he
became our great friend. He wrote a letter in our behalf to the pacha,
blaming him for using us so ill, and saying he would destroy the trade
of the country by such conduct. On coming now to the pacha, he repeated
what he had written and much more, urging him to return me all my goods,
and to send me and my people away contented. His influence prevailed
much; as when the pacha sent for us, it was his intention to have put me
to death, and to make slaves of all the rest. Of all this I was informed
by Shermall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present when the letter was
read, and at the conference between the pacha and him. This Hamet Waddy
is a very rich Arabian merchant, residing in Zenan, and is called the
pacha's merchant: He was much our friend, in persuading the pacha to use
us kindly and permit us to depart.

The 8th January, I represented to the pacha, that at my coming away,
from Mokha, I had ordered the commanders of my ships to forbear
hostilities for twenty-five days, and afterwards to use their
discretion, unless they heard farther from me. And as the time was
almost expired, I requested he would enable me to write them some
encouraging news, to stay them from doing injury to Mokha. The 11th, I
was sent for to the kiahya, who told me my business was ended
satisfactorily, and that the only delay now was in waiting for the rest
of my people coming from Aden, immediately after which we should be sent
to Mokha. The 17th, Mr Fowler and eighteen more of the company of the
Pepper-corn arrived at Zenan from Aden, and were carried before the
pacha, who asked them the same question he had done me. Afterwards, Mr
Fowler, John Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, and
all the rest to the common prison with my other men, where they were all
put in irons. Their only allowance from the pacha was brown bread and
water, and they had all died of hunger if I had not relieved them.

The 25th, I was sent for to the kiahya's garden, where we spent some
hours in conference. He told me I was to accompany him to the pacha, and
advised me to sooth him with fair words. The chief cause of this man
being our friend was, that I had promised him 1500 sequins after we were
delivered, which I had done through Shermall, the consul of the Banians,
after a long negotiation. Mr Femell and I were brought to the pacha's
garden, where we found him in a kiosk, or summer-house, sitting in a
chair, the kiabya standing at his right hand, and five or six others
behind him. The pacha asked me how I did, desiring me to be of good
cheer, as I and my people should soon be sent to Mokha, where I and
twenty-nine more were to remain till all the India ships were come in,
and the winds settled westerly, and then I and all my company should be
allowed to embark and proceed on our voyage to India. I requested that
he would not detain so many of us; but he answered, "Thirty have I said,
and thirty shall remain." I then asked if our goods should be returned.
He answered no, for they were all put to the account of the grand
signior. I asked if all my people should be allowed to depart at the
time appointed. To which he answered, that not one should be detained,
not even if I had a Turkish slave, and I might depend on his word.

Having given him thanks for his kindness, as counselled by the kiahya,
he began to excuse himself; and to praise his own clemency, saying, it
was happy for us we had fallen into his hands, as if it had been in the
time of any of his predecessors, we had all suffered death for presuming
to come so near their holy city. He said, what had been done was by
order of the grand signior, proceeding upon the complaints of the pachas
of Cairo and Swaken, and the sharif of Mecca, who represented that, when
the Ascension and her pinnace were in the Red Sea, they had bought up
all the choice goods of India, by which the Turkish customs were much
diminished; and, if allowed to continue, it would ruin the trade of the
Red Sea. Wherefore the grand signior had given orders, if any more
Englishmen or other Christians came into these parts, to confiscate
their ships and goods, and to kill or reduce to slavery all their men
they could get hold of.

In the mean time many of our people fell sick, and became weak through
grief, cold, bad air, bad diet, wretched lodging, and heavy irons. I
never ceased urging the kiahya, till he procured their liberations from
the loathsome prison; so that on the 11th February they were freed from
their irons, and had a house in the town to live in, with liberty to
walk about. Next day the kiahya sent me six bullocks for my men, so that
in a few days, with wholesome food and exercise, they recovered their
former health and strength. The kiahya informed me, that Regib aga had
written to the pacha to send us all down to Aden, to be there taken on
board his ships; by which means his town of Mokha, and the India ships
in passing the _bab_[331] would be freed from the danger of suffering
any harm from our ships. This advice had nearly prevailed with the
pacha, but was counteracted for our good by the kiahya.

[Footnote 331: This is the gate or straits of Bab-al-Mondub, or Babel
Mandel, as corruptly called by Europeans.--Astl I. 372. a,]

Early in the morning of the 17th February, I and Mr Femell and others
were sent for by the kiahya, and told that we were all to depart next
morning for Mokha. After breakfast, he took us to the pacha to take
leave. After again extolling his clemency and magnifying the power of
the grand signior, he strictly enjoined me to come no more into those
seas; saying, that no Christian or Lutheran should be allowed to come
thither, even if they had the grand signior's pass. I requested, if any
of our nation came there before I could give advice to England, that
they might be permitted to depart quietly, and not betrayed as I had
been: but this he positively refused to comply with. I then entreated
him to write to Regib aga, to execute all that the pacha had promised
me; for, being my mortal enemy, he would otherwise wrong me and my
people. He answered with great pride, "Is not my word sufficient to
overturn a city? If Kegib wrong you, I will pull his skin over his ears,
and give you his head. Is he not my slave?" I then asked him for an
answer to his majesty's letter, but he would give me none. On my
departure, I told the kiahya that I had no weapon, and therefore desired
leave to buy a sword, that I might not ride down like a prisoner. He
acquainted the pacha with my request, who sent me one of his cast
swords. The kiahya also gave me this morning an hundred pieces of gold
of forty maydens, having before given me fifty. The 18th, I paid all
the dues of the prison, and went to breakfast with the kiahya, where I
received my dispatch, and a letter for the governor of Aden, to deliver
the boat belonging to the Pepper-corn, I requested also his letter to
the governor of Tyes, to restore Mr Pemberton's boy who was left sick
there, and who, I had been informed, was forced to turn Mahometan. He
wrote a letter and sealed it, but I know not its purport. I now took
leave of the kiahya, and departed for Mokha; I, Mr Femell, and Mr
Fowler, being mounted on horses, and alt the rest on asses or camels. We
had two _chiautes_ to conduct us on the way, one a-horseback and the
other a-foot.

The city of Zenan is somewhat larger than Bristol,[332] and is well
built of stone and lime, having many churches or mosques. It is
surrounded by a mud wall, with numerous battlements and towers. On the
west side there is a great deal of spare ground enclosed within the
walls, where the principal people have their gardens, orchards, and
kiosks, or pleasure-houses. It stands in a barren stony valley, enclosed
among high hills at no great distance, on one of which to the north,
which overlooks the town, there is a small castle to keep off the
mountaineers, who used from thence to offend the city. Its only water is
from wells, which have to be dug to a great depth. Wood is very scarce
and dear, being brought from a distance. The castle is at the east side
of the city, and is enclosed with mudwalls, having many turrets, in
which they place their watch every night, who keep such a continual
hallooing to each other all night long, that one unaccustomed to the
noise, can hardly sleep. The pacha and some other principal men dwell
within the castle. The house of the keeper of the prison, in which I was
confined, adjoins the wall, at the foot of which is a spacious yard,
where a great number of people, mostly women and children, are kept as
pledges, to prevent their husbands, parents, and relations from
rebelling. The boys while young run about loose in the yard, but when
they come to any size, they are put in irons, and confined in a strong
tower. The women and children dwell in little huts in the yard built on
purpose, the children going mostly naked, unless when the weather is
very cold, and then they have sheep-skin coats.

[Footnote 332: This is a most improper mode of description, as it is now
impossible to say what size Bristol was then.--E.]

The first night of our journey we arrived at _Siam_, a small town, with
a cattle, on the side of a hill, sixteen miles from Zenan, the country
about being very barren. The 19th we came to _Surage_, a small village
eighteen miles from Siam, in a very barren country. The people are very
poor, and go almost naked, except a cloth round their middles reaching
to their knees. The 20th, _Damare_, or _Dhamar_, a town built of stone
and lime, but in five separate parts, like so many distinct villages. It
stands in a spacious plain or valley, abounding in water, and producing
plenty of grain and other provisions. This town is twenty miles from
Surage, and we remained here two days by order of Abdallah Chelabi, the
Kiabys, who was governor of this province. The 22d we came to _Ermin_, a
small village, about fifteen miles. The 23d, _Nakhil Sammar_, a common
inn for travellers, called _Sensors_ by the Turks. There are many of
these sensors between Mokha and Zenan, being built at the cost of the
grand signior for the relief of travellers. This sensor stands in the
middle of a very steep hill, called Nakhil Sammar, on the top of which
is a great castle, in which the governor of the province resides, who is
an Arabian; these craggy mountainous countries being mostly governed by
Arabians, as the inhabitants of the mountains cannot brook the proud and
insolent government of the Turks. No Turk may pass this way, either to
or from Zenan, without a passport from the governor of the province from
which they come. This sensor is about fourteen miles from Ermin.

The 24th we came to _Mohader_, a small village at the foot of the great
hill, thirteen miles from Nakhil Sammar. Our chiaus had a warrant from
the pacha to take up asses for our men, and accordingly did so at this
place over night; but next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in the
way, and took back their asses, neither of our chiauses daring to give
them one uncivil word. The 25th we came to _Rabattamaine_, a sensor,
with a few small cottages and shops, on the side of a hill, sixteen
miles. Here grow poppies, of which they make opium, but it is not good.
The 26th we came to a _coughe_[333] house, called _Merfadine_, in the
middle of a plain, sixteen miles. The 27th, _Tayes,_ a city half as big
as Zenan, surrounded by a mud wall. We staid here two days, in which
time I did all I could to recover Mr Pemberton's boy, whom Hamet aga the
governor had forced to become Mahometan, and would on no account part
with him. Walter Talbot, who spoke the Turkish language, was allowed to
converse with him in a chamber among other boys. He told Talbot that he
was no Turk, but had been deluded by them, saying that I and all my
people were put to death at Zenan, and that he must change his religion
if he would save his life, but he refused: yet they carried him to a
bagnio, where he was circumcised by force. Finding the aga would not
deliver the boy, I gave him the kiahya's letter, desiring him to be
given up if not turned; so he was refused. This city stands in a valley
under very high hills, on the top of one of which is a fair strong
castle. All kinds of provisions are here plentiful and cheap, and in the
neighbourhood some indigo is made, but I could not learn what quantity
or quality. This city is very populous, as indeed are all the cities and
districts we passed through.

[Footnote 333: It should rather be _Kahwah_ house, signifying a house
where they sell coffee.--Astl. I. 373. c.]

The 1st March we came to _Eufras,_ sixteen miles through a mountainous
and stony country. This is a small town on the side of a hill, to which
many people resort from afar about the 5th of January, where they do
some foolish ceremonies at the grave of one of their saints who is
buried here, after which they all go on pilgrimage to Mecca. The
governor of this town, though a Turk, used me very civilly on my going
up to Zenan; and, on the present occasion, sent a person six miles to
meet us at a place where two roads meet, to bring us to this town, where
he used us kindly. The 2d we lodged at a sensor called _Assambine,_
eleven miles, where were only a few poor cottages. The 3d to another
sensor called _Accomoth,_ in a barren common, with a few cottages,
thirteen miles. The 4th to _Mousa,_[334] seventeen miles, through a
barren plain with few inhabitants. Mousa is a small unwalled town, but
very populous, standing in a moderately fertile plain, in which some
indigo is made. We departed from Mousa at midnight, and rested two or
three hours at a church, or _coughe_ house,[335] called _Dabully_, built
by a Dabull merchant Our stop was to avoid coming to Mokha before
day.[336]

[Footnote 334: Probably the same place called _Mowssi_ on the journey
inland.--E.]

[Footnote 335: It is not easy to reconcile this synonime of a _coughe_
house or church, with the explanation formerly given, that _coughe_
house means coffee-house; perhaps we ought to read in the text, a church
or mosque, and a coughe or coffee-house.--E.]

[Footnote 336: The preceding journal gives fourteen stages, the
estimated length of two of which are omitted. The amount of the twelve
stages, of which the lengths are inserted, is 185 miles; and, adding
thirty for the two others as the average, the whole estimated distance
will be 215 miles. In these old times, the estimated or computed mile
seems to have been about one and a half of our present statute mile,
which would make the entire distance 322 statute miles; and allowing one
quarter far deflexion and mountain road, reduces the inland distance of
Zenau from Mokha to 242 miles, nearly the same already mentioned in a
note, on the authority of our best modern maps.--E.]

We got there about eight in the morning, and were met a mile without the
town by our carpenters and smiths, and some others who had remained at
Mokha, all of whom had their irons taken off the day before, and were
now at liberty to walk abroad. The first question I asked was, what was
become of Mr Pemberton; when they told me, to my great satisfaction,
that he contrived to get hold of a canoe, in which he got aboard. From
the end of the town all the way to the aga's house, the people were very
thick to see us pass, and welcomed us back to Mokha. On coming before
the aga, I delivered the letters I brought from Zenan. He now received
me in his original dissembled shew of kindness, bidding me welcome, and
saying he was glad of my safe return, and sorry and ashamed for what was
past, praying me to pardon him, as he had done nothing but as commanded
by his master the pacha, and I might now assure myself of his
friendship, and that all the commands of the pacha should be punctually
obeyed. I soothed him with fair speech, but believed nothing of his
promises. He called for breakfast, and made Mr Femell, Mr Fowler, and me
sit down by him, desiring us to eat and be merry, for now we had eaten
bread and salt with him, we need have no fear of harm.

After breakfast the aga appointed us a large fair house near the sea, in
which we abode two days; but we were afterwards removed to a large
strong house standing by itself in the court yard of a mosque in the
middle of the town, where we were guarded by a captain and his company
appointed for the charge. He watched himself all day, and at night our
house was surrounded by his soldiers Mokha it a third part less than
Tayes, situated close to the sea, in a salt barren sandy soil, and
unwalled. The house of the governor is close to the sea, and beside it
is a quay, or jetty; which advances a good way into the water, at which
all boats from any ship are enjoined to land, lest they should defraud
the customs. Close to the quay is a platform or battery, on which are
about twelve brass cannon; and at the west end of the town is a fort
with a similar number of ordnance. At our first coming, this fort was in
ruins; but it had been since pulled down and new built. The Darling came
into the roads this afternoon, and brought me news of the welfare of the
rest, to my no small comfort after so many troubles.

The 6th March, Nakhada Malek Ambar, captain of a great ship of Dabul,
came ashore, accompanied by a great number of merchants, all of them
being carried round the town in a kind of triumph, and were afterwards
feasted by the aga. I likewise was sent for to this feast, and
entertained with much seeming love and friendship. In presence of the
whole company, the aga sent for the _Koran_, which he kissed, and
voluntarily swore and protested that he had no ill will to me, but
wished me all good, and would do every thing in his power to do me
pleasure, being much grieved for the past, and his heart entirely free
of malice or hatred. I returned him thanks, seemingly much satisfied
with his protestations, though I gave no credit to them, but was forced
to endure what I could not remedy, till God should please to provide
better.

The 7th, the aga made a great feast at his garden-house for the Dabul
merchants, to which I and Mr Femell were invited. The 8th we were all
sent for by the aga, when thirty were selected to remain along with me
a-land, and the rest, to the number of thirty-six, were sent on board
the Darling. The 9th I had escaped, if I had not been more careful for
those who had then been left behind than for myself. This day the
Darling departed to the other ships in an excellent road called _Assab_,
on the coast of Habash or Abyssinia, which they had found out during my
absence, where they, were safe in all winds that blow in these seas, and
where they had plenty of wood and water merely for the trouble of
fetching. The water was indeed a little brackish, but it satisfied them
who had been long in want on that necessary. The people of this country
are as black as the Guinea negroes; those on the sea-coast being
Mahometans, but those of the inland country are Christians, and subjects
to Prester John. They go almost naked, having only a cloth round their
waists and down to their knees. At the first coming of our people they
were much afraid; but after becoming acquainted, and a mutual peace
being sworn between them, they supplied our ships with beeves, sheep,
and goats, for money, at a reasonable rate; and, as they afterwards
desired calico rather than money, I furnished them with it from Mokha,
after which our ships got refreshments much cheaper in truck than
formerly for money, dealing faithfully and kindly with our people,
though the Turks sought to make them inimical by means of barks, which
pass to and fro. The king of this country on the sea-coast, who resides
at a town on the coast called _Rahayta_, about forty miles south from
_Assab_, nearer the _bab_, sent some of his principal people with
presents to the commanders of our ships, who returned the compliment by
sending him some presents by messengers of their own. He entertained
these messengers very courteously, promising every thing his country
afforded. The vulgar speech of this people is quite different from
Arabic, but the better sort speak and write Arabic, in which language
their law of Mahomet is written.

§ 4. _Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forces
them to make Satisfaction._

April 1st, 1611, the Darling departed from Mokha for Assab, having
permission of the aga to come over every ten days to see how I did. This
unlooked-for kindness gave no hopes of being able to work my freedom.
Between and the fourth there came in two great ships of Dabul, which,
with the one here before, belonged to the governor of Dabul, who is a
Persian, and a great merchant, having many slaves. Of these, Malek Ambar
is one, who is in high credit with him, and had the management of all
the goods in the three ships. Ambar is a negro, born in _Habash_, and
perhaps cost his master fifteen or twenty dollars; but now never goes
out of doors without great troops of followers, like some great
lord.[337]

[Footnote 337: We have here omitted the enumeration of many merchant
ships that arrived from various places, and of a caravan of merchants
from Damascus, Sues, and Mecca, to make purchases from these ships of
India commodities.--E.]

The 11th, the aga and all the chief men of the town rode out at
day-break to make merry at his garden-house, which gave me a fair
opportunity of putting in practice what I had long projected, for Hamet
aga and others had told me the pacha would not perform his promise
unless for fear. I wrote, therefore, to Mr Pemberton, saying that I
meant this day to make my escape on board, and that I would have myself
conveyed to the boat in an empty cask; and desired, therefore, that he
would send the boat in all speed manned with choice hands, and that he
would send me some wine and spirits to make my keepers drunk, all which
he punctually performed. Before I told Mr Femell of my intentions, I
made him swear to be secret, and not to endeavour to persuade me from my
intentions. I then gave him notice of what I meant to do, and that, if
he and others would walk down to a certain place at the sea-side, I
would not fail to take him and the rest in. I also told him that the
carpenters were appointed to embark themselves at another place, where a
boat lay on the beach, south from the town, with a mast and sail ready
for the purpose, but were not to push off till they saw the Darling's
boat away from the jetty.

All things fell out well for my purpose. The _subasha_, who was our
guardian, and left in town only to look after me, fell to hard drinking
at a _rack_ house. The boat being come, and my keepers all drunk, the
subasha came home to our house about noon. I then sent away the
carpenters, two and two only together to avoid suspicion, as if to walk,
with orders to shift for themselves in the appointed boat. Mr Femell,
and those others I was to take in to leeward of the town, I ordered
likewise to walk by twos at the shore, and to wait my coming for them.
Having given all these directions, I was put into my cask and safely
carried to the boat, on which I gave immediate orders to bear up to
leewards, where I took in Mr Fowler and ten more of our people. Mr
Femell and others, being too late of coming out of town, were taken
before they could get to the boat. Having got safe on board the Darling,
we espied the boat with the carpenters coming towards us, in which four
escaped, but a fifth was too long of coming to the boat, and, attempting
to swim on board, was drowned.

About two hours after coming on board, a letter from Mr Femell was
brought me by two Arabs in a canoe, stating, that by the command of the
aga, he and the others who remained ashore had been chained by the
necks, and threatened with death; but had been released by the
intercession of Nokhada Malek Ambar and Nokhada Mahomet of Cananore, and
others, and permitted to remain in our former house, but under a strong
guard. These _Nokhadas_, or ship captains, acted this friendly part not
from love to us, but for fear of their ships in the roads, which were
now at my disposal. I answered Mr Femell, and sent word to the aga, that
if he did not send me all my people and every thing belonging to my
ships, which he detained contrary to the orders of the pacha, that I
would burn all the ships in the roads, and would batter the town about
his ears. I like-wise sent word to the Nokhadas, not to send any boat on
board their ships without first coming to acquaint me of their business,
nor to carry any thing ashore from their ships without my leave.

After my escape there was no small bustle and disturbance in the town;
the aga not knowing how to answer to the pacha; the subasha at his wits
end; and the Emir-al-Bahr in little better case; all afraid of losing
their heads. One of our porters, who had assisted in carrying me in the
cask, took sanctuary in a mosque, and would not come out till assured of
pardon. The Nokhadas and merchants, who before scorned to speak with any
of us, being now afraid of losing their ships and goods, sent presents
of victuals and refreshments to Mr Femell and the rest. At night I sent
the boat well manned to carry news to Assab of my escape, with
directions for our ships to come over with all speed; and I placed the
Darling in such a situation as to command all the ships in the roads of
Mokha.

The 12th, Mahomet, the Nokhada of Cananore, came off, saying that the
aga was very sorry for my departure, which I knew to be true, as he was
determined to have set me and all my people at liberty to my full
content in a few days, which I believed to be false. As for the things
belonging to our ships which were on shore, he would deliver them, but
could not send off my people without farther orders from the pacha, for
which he asked fifteen days respite, after which, if I had not my men,
they desired no favour. I insisted to have my pinnace at the same time,
of which he said he should inform the aga. I yielded to his request of
a peace of fifteen days, on promise of having my men and pinnace within
the time; but durst not demand restitution or satisfaction for my goods,
till such time as I had all my men aboard. The Darling's cables,
anchors, pitch, tar, and other things were sent off, and few days passed
but I had some present or other of refreshments from the aga and the
Dabul merchants and others, who would scarcely speak to me when I was
ashore in trouble, but were now fain to flatter me. Early this morning,
a boat from the shore went aboard the innermost ship, on which I made
the gunner fire two shots at her, which caused them to come to me; and I
threatened to hang them if they did so any more, so they never durst
attempt the like again.

The 13th, the Increase and Pepper-corn came to anchor towards night in
sight of the roads, the lee-tide being against them, and got into the
roads next day, when I went on board the Increase, where I was received
very joyfully by all my company. The 18th there came a ship of Diu into
the roads, belonging to Shermall the sabander, laden with India goods,
which I embargoed, both people and goods, causing her to come to anchor
close beside my ship; but next day, at the request of Shermall, I
allowed all the people to go ashore, except a few to look after the
ship. The 26th, Mahomet came off, saying the aga refused to deliver up
the pinnace and my men, unless I gave a writing under my hand, confirmed
by four or five more of our chief officers, and sanctioned by our oaths,
containing a perfect peace with the Turks and Indians, and not to meddle
in this sea or elsewhere in revenge of any thing that had passed, nor to
demand satisfaction or restitution for the goods taken from me. I told
him I was astonished he should thus come daily with new demands, as he
had this day promised to bring my men and pinnace, which I looked to
have performed; and for better security, he and all with him should
remain as hostages till I had them, and desired, therefore, that he
would write to this effect to the aga. Mahomet said that he had acted
quite voluntarily in all this business, and would be laughed at for his
forwardness if he should write as I desired, and therefore, whatever
might betide, he would on no account write to the aga, but promised, if
I gave him such a writing as he proposed, he would bring off my people
before night.

Finding him inflexible, I thought best to give him something that might
carry the name of what he desired, so I caused draw up a writing in
English, signed by myself and five more, containing nothing else than a
brief narrative of the treacherous misusage we had from the Turks; and I
sent advice to Mr Femell how he was to interpret it to them. When
Mahomet desired me to swear, I positively refused, saying my word should
be found truer than the oath of a Turk. Mahomet went now ashore with
this writing, leaving some of the better sort of his company in pledge,
whom he desired me to hang if he brought not off my people that night.
In fact, he returned a little before night with Mr Femell and nine more;
Mr Femell and other two having received vests of small value. Another
rest was sent for me, which they said came from the pacha, and the
Nokhada would have me put it on. I refused it, telling him I scorned to
wear any thing that came from so unconscionable a dog, by whose order I
had received so many injuries. He now departed, taking with him the Turk
who was made prisoner in the attempt upon the Darling, who had remained
till now in the Increase.

The 27th, according to promise, Mahomet brought off my pinnace, and
asked me if all that was promised was not now performed. I told him no;
for I had not yet all my company, as they still kept my boy at _Tayes_,
whom they had forcibly circumcised, and that I was determined to have
him before I would release the ships. The 1st June I wrote to the pacha
in Italian, demanding restitution of my goods, and satisfaction for the
damages I had received; and was answered, my letter was not understood
for want of an interpreter. I therefore again embargoed the ship of Diu,
declaring, that no more goods should be landed from her, till the pacha
had satisfied me to the value of 70,000 dollars, which I had lost and
was damnified by him. The 2d, came aboard my interpreter at Zenan, Ally
Hoskins, with a message from the pacha, desiring me not to take any
violent courses here, but to seek justice at Constantinople. He told me
likewise he had brought with him the boy from Tayes. I answered, I would
by no means release the ship till I had restitution of my goods, and
satisfaction for my damages to the amount already specified.

The 3d, the aga requested peace for twelve days, till the pacha were
informed of my demands. The 4th, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, a Banian, and
others, came on board, and desired me to make out an account of the
particulars of my losses, that it might be considered of ashore. I did
so in writing; and sent word by them to the aga, that if he did not
presently make me restitution and satisfaction, I would batter the town
about his ears, would take all the goods from the Diu ship into my own,
and burn all the ships; all which I could do without breach of covenant,
as the time of the agreed truce was expired, and they had not performed
their part of the agreement. The 8th, I sent Mr Pemberton to Assab to
purchase fresh provisions, as we had many sick in our ships, and I was
fearful of taking provisions at Mokha, being warned by my friends to
beware of poison.

The 19th, Shermall, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, and many others came on
board, bringing Mr Pemberton's boy. After compliments, Shermall began
with a long preamble of love and favour, for which he hoped I would now
requite him; for the pacha had enjoined him to give me satisfaction, or
to have his throat cut and his goods seized, which he declared to be
truth. After a long debate, it was concluded that all our lead and iron
was to be restored, and I was to receive 18,000 dollars in full for
satisfaction, to be paid in fifteen days. Whereupon a peace was
concluded between us and them, from the port of Mokha to Cananore,
conditioning that the pacha gave me a writing under his hand and seal,
confirming this peace between his nation and ours for the time
specified. The 2d July we received the last payment, the sabander
Shermall coming himself. On this occasion I cleared all accounts with
him, as well for money borrowed while I was prisoner as disbursed since.
He then demanded the 1500 chequins I had promised the kiahya, but this I
peremptorily refused to pay, as the kiahya had not performed his promise
to me. The 3d, Tocorsi and Ally Hoskins came again and bought some
vermilion, for which I gave them credit, on their promise to pay me at
Assab in fifteen days, and also to bring me over some supply of grain,
together with a writing from the pacha in confirmation of the peace
agreed upon. In the afternoon we warped out of the road of Mokha, and
set sail that night for Assab, but did not arrive there till the morning
of the 5th.

The 6th I went ashore, and caused all the wells to be emptied and
cleaned out, for fear of poison; having been often told at Mokha, that
the Turks had practised with the people of Assab to poison the wells.
The 13th, the king of this country hearing of my escape from Mokha, sent
me a complimentary letter and a present. The 17th, a vessel came over
from Mokha, in which was Tocorsi and another Banian, bringing with them
the provisions I had desired them to buy for us, and the money they owed
me; but as for the writing confirming the peace, they made excuse that
the pacha was so much occupied in war that he could not get it attended
to; which was a manifest warning that they would give no quarter to our
nation. Wherefore, on the 24th, we sailed from Assab, plying to windward
as far as Kamaran, to wait the arrival of a large ship, which comes
yearly from Sues to Mokha richly laden, hoping by her means to be amply
revenged for all the losses and disgraces I had incurred from the Turks;
and I the more anxiously wished to meet with her, as I understood the
two traitors, Jaffer pacha and Regib aga, had both great adventures in
that ship. From the 24th therefore to 31st July we plyed to windward for
this purpose, sailing by day and anchoring all night, in which period we
narrowly escaped many dangers, being in want of a pilot, being many
times in imminent danger of running aground, to the hazard and loss of
all, had not God preserved us. But the ship of Sues escaped us in the
night, as we found on our return towards the south.

§ 5. _Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there_.

We set sail from the neighbourhood of Mokha in the morning of the 9th
August, 1611, and in the evening cast anchor three leagues short of the
straits of Bab-al-Mondub. The 10th, the Darling and Release[338] went
out by the western passage, which they found to be three leagues over,
from the main land of _Habesh_ to the island _Bab-Mandel_, [Prin.] One
third of the way over from the island they had no ground at forty
fathoms, the channel being quite clear and free from danger, though the
Turks and Indians reported it was full of rocks and shoals, and not
navigable for ships. We in the Increase, accompanied by the
Pepper-corn, went out by the eastern narrow channel at which we came in,
which does not exceed a mile and half between the island and the Arabian
shore, of which a considerable distance from the main is encumbered with
shoals. We all met outside of the straits in the afternoon, in nineteen
fathoms water, about four miles from the Arabian shore. From the 12th to
the 27th, we were much pestered with contrary winds, calms, and a strong
adverse current, setting to the S.W. at the rate of four miles an hour.
The 27th, we had a favouring gale to carry us off, and by six p.m. had
sight of _Mount Felix_, [Baba Feluk,] a head-land to the west of _Cape
Guardafui_. The 30th, we came to anchor in the road of _Delisha_, on the
northern coast of Socotora. We found there a great ship of Diu and two
smaller, bound for the Red Sea, but taken short by the change of the
monsoon. The captain of the great ship with several others came aboard
me, and assured me our people at Surat were well, being in daily
expectation of ships from India, and that Captain Hawkins was at the
court of the Great Mogul, where he was made a great lord, and had a high
allowance from the king. They said likewise, that the king had given
Captain Sharpey money to build a ship, which was nearly ready for
launching at Surat. This and many other things he told me seemed too
good news to be true.

[Footnote 338: This must be the pinnace which was set up at Mokha, so
named in memory of their release from that place.--E.]

As the monsoon was far spent, I requested the _nokhada_ of Diu to aid me
with his boats and people in procuring water and ballast, which he and
the others willingly did, offering me all the water in their ship, and
employing their people to bring me more from the shore, so anxious were
they to get me away. It was long before I could bargain with the king
for his aloes, but at last I got it, paying higher than Captain Keeling
had done; for I think the Indians were in hand with him for it, which
made him enhance the price. I left letters with the king, which he
promised to deliver to the first English ship that came there. Having
finished all my business, I had much ado to get a simple fellow from the
ship of Diu to pilot me on the coast of India, who pretended to be a
good coaster. We set sail from Delisha on the 3d September, with a
favourable wind, which brought us by the 26th into the road of Surat,
where we came to anchor in seven fathoms near three India ships. A mile
from us rode at anchor seven sail of Portuguese frigates or men of war,
there being thirteen more of them within the river of Surat.[339]

[Footnote 339: These twenty Portuguese frigates, as then called, were
only barks, grabs, or praws of the country, armed with small guns.--E.]

Long before our arrival, the Portuguese had intelligence that we were in
the Red Sea, and bound for Surat, so that these frigates were sent
purposely to prevent us from trading at Surat, or any other place on
that coast. Don Francisco de Soto-major was captain-major of this
flotilla, being what is called captain-major of the north, and reaped
great profit from granting _cartasses_, or passports, to all ships and
barks trading on that coast, all being confiscated that presumed to
navigate without his licence. I discharged my pilots that night, paying
them well, and sent by them a letter to such Englishmen as might be in
Surat, as I could not learn how many or who were there resident.

The 29th, came a small Portuguese frigate from the admiral of the
_armada_, as they term it, in which was one Portuguese and his boy,
bringing me a letter from the captain-major, in answer to one I wrote
him the day before. He expressed his satisfaction to hear that I
belonged to a king in friendship with his sovereign, and that he and his
people would be ready to do me every service, provided I brought a
letter or order from the King of Spain, or the Viceroy of India,
allowing me to trade in these parts; if otherwise, he must guard the
port committed to his charge, in which the king his master had a
factory. I answered by word of mouth, by the Portuguese messenger, that
I neither had letters from the King of Spain nor the viceroy, of which I
had no need, being sent by the King of England, with letters and rich
presents for the Great Mogul, and to establish the trade already begun
in these parts. As for the Portuguese factory there, I meant not to harm
it, as both it and our factory might continue to trade, and I saw no
reason they had to oppose us, as the country was free for all nations,
the Mogul and his subjects not being under vassalage to the Portuguese.
I therefore desired him to tell his captain, that I expected he would,
in a friendly manner, permit any English who were at Surat to come on
board to confer with me, and hoped he would not reduce me to the
necessity of using force, as I was resolved to have intercourse with
them by one means or the other.

I went that day in the Darling to examine the bar, but seeing we could
not possibly go over the bar without a pilot, I returned in the evening
to the road. On going aboard the Increase, I found a letter from Surat,
written by Nicholas Bangham, formerly a joiner in the Hector. He
informed me that we had no factory in Surat, to which place he had been
sent by Captain Hawkins to recover some debts owing there, and had
likewise letters for me from Captain Hawkins, but durst not send them
aboard for fear of the Portuguese. He said nothing as to what had become
of our factory and goods; wherefore I wrote to him to send me Captain
Hawkins' letters, and information of all other particulars of our
affairs in that country.

The third October, Khojah Nassan, governor of Surat, and the governor's
brother of Cambaya, sent me a Mogul messenger with a present of
refreshments, offering to do me all the service in their power; saying,
they wished to trade with us, but could see no way of doing so while the
Portuguese armada rode there, and therefore advised me to go for
Gogo,[340] a far better place, where our ships could ride nearer the
shore, and where the Portuguese armada could not hinder our landing.
That place likewise was nearer Cambay, where there were more merchants
and greater store of merchandise for our purpose than at Surat. I told
this messenger, that till I knew what was become of our countrymen and
goods formerly left in the country, I could not determine how to
proceed, and desired him therefore to be a means that some one of our
people might come aboard to confer with me, and that I might have a
pilot to conduct me to Gogo, and then I would quickly resolve them what
I was to do. I dismissed this messenger and his interpreter with small
presents. The 5th, the interpreter, who was a bramin, or priest of the
Banians, came off with a letter from Bangham, and the letter from
Captain Hawkins, dated from Agra in April last, giving an account of the
fickleness of the Mogul, who had given a firman to the Portuguese, by
which our trade, formerly granted, was disallowed.

[Footnote 340: Gogo is a sea-port of Guzerat, on the west coast of the
Gulf of Cambay, in lat. 22° 43' N.]

There were likewise two letters of a later date from Thomas Fitch, at
Lahore, giving the same account of the inconstancy of the Great Mogul,
and advising me on no account to land any goods, or to hope for trade.

On reading these letters, I grew hopeless of any trade here, yet
resolved to try all I possibly could before I would depart. I understood
by Bangham's letter, that Captain Sharpey, John Jordayne, and others,
were coming from Cambaya to Surat to go along with me: and although I
could have no trade, I yet resolved to do all I could to get them on
board. The Indian ships that rode beside me had given over their voyage
southwards for this monsoon, and the bramin desired me to allow them to
be carried into the river. This I would by no means grant; desiring him
to tell the governor and owners, that their ships should be detained
till I had all the English from Cambaya and Surat on board. If I had
permitted them to be gone, I should have lost all means of sending to or
hearing from our people ashore, as the Portuguese used their endeavours
to intercept all letters and messengers.

The 22d, the Portuguese laid an ambush to intercept some of my men that
were sent on shore, and, on seeing an advantage, broke out upon them in
great numbers, confusedly running towards my men and boats. They
discharged their shot at us, and we at them, both such of my men as were
on shore, and those also in my _frigate_,[341] which rowed close to the
land. All my men retired in safety to my boats and frigate, and the
Portuguese retired, with some hurt, behind the sand hills, out of shot,
and so, in worse case than they came, returned to their frigates. There
were of them seven ensigns, and might be about three hundred men. At the
time when these came upon us by land, five of their largest frigates,
which rode a little way off to the northward, came up towards us, firing
at us, but far out of shot. Returning with our boats and frigate to the
ships, I consulted with Captain Downton and others what course to take,
and it was thought best to bring the smaller ships out to where the
Increase lay. The 8th November, Nicholas Bangham came from Surat with
some refreshments, and news that Mocreb Khan was soon expected. This day
the son of the Portuguese viceroy came into the river with 100 frigates,
most of them being merchant grabs bound for Cambaya. At night, I caused
our ships that rode in shore to come out and anchor beside me, lest the
Portuguese might attempt any thing against them.

[Footnote 341: This frigate could only be the pinnace called the
Release.--E.]

The 9th November, Khojah Nassan came to the shore, and I went to him
with my frigate and boats to confer with him. He promised in two or
three days at farthest to return, and bring goods with him for trade. I
told him we had been here long, and could get no refreshment of victuals
for our money, and desired therefore that he would give orders to the
country people to bring me some, which he promised. The 18th, I had a
letter from Bangham, saying, there were little or no hopes of any trade.
All things considered I determined now to go away, and wrote therefore
to Nicholas Bangham to come on board; but Khojah Nassan would not permit
him, and he at length stole privately out of town, and got on board.
Upon this, Khojah Nassan and Mocreb Khan sent me letters by _Jaddaw_, a
broker, both promising speedily to visit me. Though I hardly believed
them, yet I determined to spend a few days longer to see the event. At
this time the Portuguese made another attempt to entrap our men on
shore, for they did not dare to attack us at sea. They laid another
ambush among the sand hills with a great number of men, not far from our
landing-place, whence they attacked our people, but they all got safe
into our boat. In the mean time, our people in the ships let fly at
them, and they took to their heels to their lurking place behind the
hills, leaving one of their men on the strand mortally wounded in the
head, whom our people brought aboard.

The 24th, Jaddaw came again aboard, saying that Mocreb Khan was coming,
and would be with me before night. After dinner I went close in shore
with my frigate, where I found Khojah Nassan, who sent me word Mocreb
Khan would be there presently; having provided a suitable present, I
went ashore well accompanied, where I found Mocreb Khan and Khojah
Nassan waiting for me with many attendants. We embraced at meeting, and
our ships fired some cannon to salute Mocreb Khan, which he seemed to
take in good part. Having delivered my present, we sat down on carpets
spread on the ground, and had some conference. Being near sun-set, I
invited Mocreb to go on board and stay all night, which he agreed to,
taking with him his son, the son of Khojah Nassan, and several of his
chief followers, but Khojah Nassan would not go. I gave him the best
entertainment I could, setting before him such dainties as I could
provide on a sudden, of which he and those with him eat heartily. I now
conceived good hopes of trade, as all this country was under his
command, as he promised every thing I asked, even to give us any place
or harbour I pleased to name, and leave to fortify ourselves there. It
growing late, I left him to his rest.

Next morning, the 25th, Mocreb Khan busied himself in buying knives,
glasses, and any toys he could find among the people. I shewed him the
whole ship aloft and below; and any thing that pleased him he got away
for nothing; besides many toys that struck his fancy belonging to the
company, which I bought and gave him. On returning to my cabin, he would
see all my trunks, chests, and lockers opened, and whatever was in them
that took his liking, I gave him for nothing. Dinner being ready, he
dined with me, and went afterwards on board the other ships, where he
behaved as in mine.

The 30th and 31st, I sent Mr Fowler, Mr Jordayne, and other merchants to
look at the goods, after which they returned with _Mustrels_, or
invoices and prices, on which we set down what we would give for each,
desiring them to do the like with ours. But they put me off from day to
day, concluding nothing, and would neither abate in their prices, nor
make any offer for our goods. Having sold all our sword-blades to Mocreb
Khan at a moderate rate, as taking all one with another, he returned all
the worst, above half of them, and no word when the others were to be
paid. They then removed all their goods to Surat, and made a
proclamation under great penalties, that no victuals or other thing
should be brought to us. The 8th December, Mocreb Khan and his crew came
to the strand with about forty packs of their goods, partly his and
Khojah Nassan's, and partly belonging to the sabander and other
merchants. I went immediately ashore with a good guard of shot and
halberts, and fell to business, and we soon agreed for all our lead,
quicksilver, and vermilion, and for their goods in return. The business
was mostly conducted by Khojah Nassan, no one daring to buy and sell
with us without his leave.

The 9th, in the morning, we began to land our lead, and to receive some
of their goods in return, and were in good forwardness to make prices
for the rest, when a letter came to Mocreb Khan from his king, which
dashed all his mirth and stopt our proceedings for the present. He
seemed quite cheerful and pleasant before receiving this letter; but
immediately on perusing it he became very sad. After sitting a good
while musing, he suddenly rose and went away, neither looking at nor
speaking to me, though I sat close beside him. But before he took horse
he sent for me, praying me to excuse his sudden departure, having
earnest business; but that he should leave Khojah Nassan to receive and
deliver the goods bargained for, and to agree for more. We heard shortly
after, that he was deposed from the government of Cambay, and Khojah
Nassan from that of Surat, others being appointed in their places.
Mocreb Khan was now nothing more than customer of Surat.

The 10th December, the new governor of Surat and Hassan Ally came aboard
the Pepper-corn to see the ships; and I afterwards took them aboard the
Trades-increase. At this time our factors were ashore to see the lead
weighed, which was now nearly all ready to be sent on shore. They
entreated Khojah Nassan to go hand in hand with them in this affair, as
it would take a long while in doing. The factors wanted to weigh with
our English weights, which he would by no means agree to, the weigher of
Surat being there with the weights of the town, which he insisted should
be used. Seeing no other remedy they gave way, and began to use the
country beam; but after some few draughts, they desired to understand
the beam before they proceeded; and on trial found a vast difference
between their beam and ours, no less than ten or eleven maunds on five
pigs of lead, every maund being thirty-three pounds English. Seeing he
could not have the lead at any weight he pleased, Khojah Nassan began to
cavil, saying he would have half money and half goods for his
commodities, railing and storming like a madman, calling for the carmen
to drive away his goods, and that he would not have any of our lead or
other goods.

While I was in the Trades-increase with the governor and sabander, one
of the factors came off and told me how Khojah Nassan was going on. I
advised with such of my officers as were then about me what was best to
be done, and we concluded to keep these men who were aboard as pledges,
and if we could get hold of Khojah Nassan to keep him and set these men
free. Wherefore, I detained the governor and sabander, telling them how
Khojah Nassan had dealt with me, going about to delude me as formerly,
and therefore I had no other remedy but to keep them as pledges for the
performance of the bargain. The governor advised me to go ashore and
fetch the man, which I did; and giving the governor a good present, I
let him depart.

The 19th, Hassan Ally the sabander came on board, shewing me two letters
from the viceroy at Goa, one to himself and the other to the
captain-major of the Portuguese armada. I opened and perused them both.
That to the captain-major thanked him for his special good service
against the English, in making their captain and his people to swim to
the boats for their safety, in which he had done the part of a valiant
captain and faithful soldier, which would redound to his great honour,
and, to gratify him for his service on this occasion, he bestowed upon
him certain frigates lately taken from the Malabars. The viceroy added,
that he had sent his son in the command of the northern fleet, who,
being young, he prayed the captain-major to aid him with his counsel.
Thus were the viceroy and I abused by the false reports of a lying
braggart. The letter to the sabander thanked him for refusing to allow
the English to trade at Surat, willing him to continue the same conduct,
which would do great service to the King of Portugal, and for which he
should be rewarded. This day came sundry carts laden with provisions
from Surat, bought there for us by Nicholas Bangham.

The 24th, accounts on both sides being cleared, and business finished,
the pledges on either side were released. They now promised to deal with
us for the rest of our commodities, but after waiting till the 26th,
they did nothing worth notice. The 27th a Jew came on board, bringing me
a letter from Masulipatam, dated 8th September, from Peter Floris, a
Dantzicker, employed by the company, shewing his setting out in
February, his speedy and safe passage, and his arrival at Masulipatam in
the beginning of September.

The 2d January, 1612, I wrote to Captain Hawkins, and sent to him
Captain Sharpey, Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Gred, to set his mind on some
better course than he seemed to be in when he wrote me on the 28th
December; also desiring them to buy some indigo and other commodities,
if they could be had at reasonable rates.

The 26th, Captain Hawkins and Captain Sharpey with the rest, came
towards where we lay, leaving their carriages five miles from the
water-side. I landed with 200 armed men and went to meet them, about
three miles off, to guard them and their goods from the Portuguese, who
I doubted might attempt to intercept them, and brought them all in
safety aboard without seeing any thing of the Portuguese. The 27th I
sent John Williams, one of our factors, to Surat on business. Some days
before, Mocreb Khan sent for Mr Jourdayne, desiring his compliments to
me, and that he was now going out of town for two or three days, to meet
a great commander who was coming from the Deccan wars; but that on his
return he would be as good as his word, in regard to the establishment
of our factory. He came back on the 27th, when he again sent for Mr
Jourdayne, whom he asked with an angry countenance what he did in Surat,
and wherefore the English were not all gone? His answer was, that he
staid on his word and promise to have a factory allowed us. He angrily
answered, we should have no factory there, and that the long stay of the
English ships had hindered him in his customs to the tune of a million
of _Manuveys,_[342] and commanded him therefore, in the king's name, to
be gone with all speed, as there were neither factory nor trade to be
had there by us. John Williams returned this morning, and two carts came
from Surat with provisions. The 29th I sent for the factors to hasten
away from Surat, as I meant to set sail.

[Footnote 342: This seems an error for _mamudies,_ the Surat currency in
the former narratives of Hawkins and others.--E.]

§ 6. _Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, and
Proceedings there._

The morning of the 9th February, 1612, we warped the Trades-increase
over the sands from the road of _Swally,_ which, if we had not done this
tide, we had lost the whole spring. This road is in the latitude of 20°
57', and the variation is 16° 30'.[343] The morning of the 11th we
sailed for Surat road, and anchored there in the afternoon beside a new
ship belonging to Surat, just launched and come out of the river, and
bound for the Red Sea. Surat road is in lat. 20° 40'.[344] We weighed
anchor on the 12th, and anchored two leagues south from the road beside
a ship of Calicut bound for Surat, out of which I took a pilot for
Dabul. We sailed again on the 13th, and at six in the evening of the
16th we arrived in the road of Dabul, in lat. 17° 42', [17° 45'] N.

[Footnote 343: Swally road, a little way north from the mouth of the
Taptee, or Surat river, is in lat. 21° 7' N. long. 72° 49' E. We have no
account in the original of having removed there, but that probably is
owing to the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating.--E.]

[Footnote 344: The parallel of 21° N. runs through Surat roads, while
the latitude in the text falls far to the south of Surat river. The
difference of latitude assigned by Sir Henry between Swally roads and
Surat roads, supposing that of the preceding note for Swally accurate,
which we believe is the case, as taken upon the authority of the latest
and best map of India, Arrowsmith's, would place the best anchoring
ground of Surat roads in 20° 50', which likewise is much too far
south.--E.]

The 17th I sent ashore the Malabar pilot, with a letter I had got when
at Mokha from Malek Ambar to the governor, desiring him to use me well,
and to trade with me if I came to that place. In the afternoon, both the
governor and Malek Ambar sent me a small present of refreshments, with
many compliments, offering me every thing the country afforded, and to
deal with me for my commodities if I chose to send on shore for that
purpose. I accordingly sent two of my merchants with a good present, who
were kindly welcomed and well entertained while there. The 18th, 19th,
and 20th, were spent in the sale of goods, boats going every day between
the ship and the shore, the particulars of which I refer to the
merchants accounts, as not fit to be here expressed. By the 23d we had
delivered all the goods bargained for, and had no farther hope of sales
at this place.

The 24th I called a council of my principal officers and merchants, to
consider what was best for us to do; whether to proceed for Priaman,
Bantam, and the Spice islands, or to return to the Red Sea to meet the
ships of India, and, as they would not deal with us at their own doors,
after we had come so far with commodities only vendible there, I thought
we should do ourselves some right, and them no wrong, to cause them to
barter with us, we taking their indigos and other goods at what they
were worth, and giving ours in return. All were of this opinion for the
following reasons: 1st, The putting off our English goods, and getting
others in their place fit for our country; 2d, to take some revenge of
the great wrongs suffered from the Turks; 3d, to save a ship, with her
goods and men, which we heard were bound there, by letters received from
Masulipatam, and which we thought could not possibly escape being
betrayed as we had been.

Having concluded to return to the Red Sea, we were employed till the
27th in getting fresh water aboard, and taking back our red-lead, which
we had sold and delivered at Dabul, but they disliked. In the evening we
saw a sail in the offing, which some Malabar vessels beside us said was
a Portuguese ship of Cochin bound for Chaul; on which I sent the
Pepper-corn, Darling, and Release, to bring her in, which they did on
the 28th. Finding my people in the Release had pillaged the Portuguese
vessel, I took every thing away from them, and gave them back to the
owners. Her lading was mostly cocoa-nuts, and I took some small matter
out of her.

Continuing our voyage for the Red Sea, we got sight of the island of
Socotora on the 24th of March, and at four p.m. the point of Delisha
bore S.S.W. six leagues distant. From noon of the 24th till noon of the
25th, we steered N.W. by W. and W.N.W. and W. all night, thinking by
day-light to have been near the westermost part of the island; but we
found we had gone little a-head, although we had a fair wind, owing to a
strong current against us. The 27th, in the morning, we had sight of
Abdal Curia, and before night espied Guar-da-fui.

The 2d April, Mr Pemberton came aboard me, telling me he had been at
Socotora, where the king shewed him a writing left there by Captain John
Saris, who was general of three ships from India, stating the time he
left England, his places of refreshment, the time of his arrival at
Socotora, and his having proceeded for the Red Sea in quest of trade;
mentioning likewise his having perused the writing left by me,
containing many reasons for not going there; but, having the pass of the
Grand Signior, he hoped to meet better entertainment than I had. On this
unexpected news, I called a council to deliberate on what we had best
do; when we quickly resolved to proceed as we had formerly determined,
having now no other way left, as we could not return again till the next
westerly monsoon, which would not be till the middle of May. I therefore
left Captain Downton in the Pepper-corn to remain till the 5th off the
mouth, keeping the port of Aden shut up; while I went with the
Trades-increase and Darling to keep the two passages of the straits of
Bab-al-Mondub.

The 4th, about ten a.m. we anchored within the island in eight fathoms.
Presently after there came a boat from shore with a Turk and three or
four Arabian soldiers, the Turk being chief of the place under the aga
of Mokha. He offered, if I had any letter to send, he would dispatch it
by a foot-post, who would bring back an answer in three days. I wrote,
therefore, to Captain Saris, giving him an account of the cause of my
coming, and what I proposed to do.

The 6th came a _Jalba_ belonging to Zeyla, a place without the Bab, on
the African coast, bound for Mokha, laden with mats. I bought from her
twelve sheep, and permitted her to depart. The 7th, before day, came in
a ship of Basanor, which I obliged to anchor beside me. Richard Wickam,
one of Captain Saris's merchants, came this morning with letters to me
from Captain Saris, the contents of which I omit to write. I sent back
an answer by a Turk that came in his company, but detained Wickam, lest
they might have made him prisoner at Mokha, as I had embargoed the India
ships. The 8th came in a ship of Diu, bound for Mokha, which I stopped
and brought to anchor beside me, being the same I detained last year in
Mokha roads. This day we rummaged these two ships, taking out of them
such goods as suited our purpose, which were brought on board my ship.
The 9th came in a small bark of _Shahr,_[345] laden with coarse
olibanum, some of which we bought and paid for in ryals to their
contentment.

[Footnote 345: Called Shaher in Purchas, and by others Xaer and Xael
after the Portuguese orthography. It is dependent upon Kushen or
Kasbin.--Astl. I. 388. d.]

The 14th we were joined by Captain Saris with his three ships. After
mutual salutes, Captain Saris, Captain Towerson, and Mr Cox, their chief
merchant, came aboard of me, and we spent all that day in friendly
communication; and acquainting Captain Saris that I was much in want of
cables, he engaged to supply me. The 15th I went aboard the Clove, where
I and those that came with me were kindly entertained. Captain Saris
shewed me the pass from the Grand Signior, and we had a long
conversation, he believing that he would have had much good trade at
Mokha if I had not come, which my experience found otherwise. At last
we agreed, and set it down in writing interchangeably, that he was to
have a third part of all that was taken, paying for the same as I did,
leaving the subsequent disposal of the ships to me, who had sustained
the injury. From this to the 23d, many ships came in at the _bab_ from
different ports of India, as Surat, Diu, Calicut, Cannanor, Acheen, and
other ports; and this last day came in the _Rhemy_ of Surat, belonging
to the queen mother of the Great Mogul, laden with India commodities,
and bound for Jiddah, the port of Mecca.[346] In this ship were 1500
persons, mostly pilgrims, going to Mecca. The 24th I weighed anchor from
the _bab,_ together with all the ships I had detained, and went for the
road of Assab. About five p.m. we came to anchor with all the fleet off
Crab island in twelve fathoms; and next morning stood in for the bay of
Assab, where at one p.m. we anchored in seven and a half fathoms. The
27th we brought good store of indigo out of the ships of Surat and Diu.
The Clove being in sight, plying off and on and not seeing us, I caused
a shot to be fired, which they hearing, answered with another, and
presently bore up for the road.....

[Footnote 346: It has been thought quite needless to enumerate the
different ships mentioned in Purchas, amounting in all to sixteen sail
of various sorts and sizes.--E.]

       *       *       *       *       *

_Note._ The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton breaks off here abruptly,
for which no reason is assigned by Purchas. The omission will, however,
be found supplied in the subsequent report of the same voyage by Captain
Downton, and in the Journal of the Eighth Voyage of the India Company
commanded by Captain John Saris.--Ed.


SECTION XII.

_Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain of the
Pepper-corn_.[347]

INTRODUCTION.

Captain Nicholas Downton was what was then called lieutenant-general
under Sir Henry Middleton, in the _sixth_ voyage set forth by the
English East India Company. We once meant only to have given an extract
from this journal, to supply the deficiency in the latter part of the
former narrative by Sir Henry Middleton; but on a careful examination,
we have found its information so superior to most of the early relations
of voyages, that we even regret it had been before garbled or
abbreviated by Purchas, who tells us, that this article consists only of
certain extracts from the journal of Captain Downton. Some uninteresting
details have however been omitted.--E.

[Footnote 347: Purch. Pilg. I. 274. Astl. I. 390.]

§ 1. _Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both
inclusive_.

The 22d July, 1611, we got sight of the _Table_ and point of Saldanha,
bearing east, twelve leagues distant; but owing to calms and contrary
winds, it was the 24th before we got moored in the road. We there found
three ships belonging to Holland; one of which, bound for Bantam, was
commanded by Peter Bat, general of thirteen sail outward-bound, but
having spent his main-mast and lost company of his fleet, put in here to
refresh his sick men. The other two were homeward-bound, having made
train-oil of seals at Penguin island.

Saldanha bay is some fourteen leagues N.N.E. from the Cape of Good
Hope,[348] and ten leagues N. by W. from Cape _Falso_, which is eastward
of the former; and both of which capes may be seen from the said bay.
These two capes are divided by another great bay, False bay, the
distance between the two bays being about three leagues of low marshy
land, extending north and south, and on either side environed by
mountains.

[Footnote 348: Although these hydrographical notices of the environs of
Saldanha bay and the Cape of Good Hope are by no means perfectly
accurate, probably vitiated in the abbreviation of Purchas, they
distinctly shew, that the bay named Saldanha by our early voyagers, was
that now called Table bay: This latter is twelve or thirteen leagues
from the Cape, nearly as in the text, while that now called Saldanha bay
is twenty-seven leagues distant. The near neighbourhood of False bay is
incontestible evidence of the fact, being only three leagues distant;
while our modern Saldanha bay is more than twenty leagues from False bay
as the crow flies.--E.]

In former time, Saldanha bay was very comfortable to our navigators,
both outward and homeward-bound, yielding them abundance of cattle and
sheep, by which their weak and sick men in former voyages were easily
recovered and made strong. These used to be brought down by the savage
inhabitants, and sold for mere trifles, as an ox for a piece of
hoop-iron fourteen inches long, and a sheep for a much shorter piece. It
is now quite otherwise; but, from my ignorance of the language of the
natives, I have not been able to ascertain the cause. Whether it may
have proceeded from the too great _liberality_ of the Dutch, spoiling
the trade, which indeed they are apt to do in all places where they
come, as they only consider their present occasions; or whether it may
have been that the cattle formerly brought down in such abundance were
plunder taken from each other in wars then raging, which made them
greedy of iron to make heads for their lances and darts, which now by
peace or reconciliation they have little need of. However this may have
been, all our bribes or contrivances should only procure at this time
four old lean cows, for which they would not take iron in payment, but
thin pieces of copper six inches square. We got likewise six or seven
sheep, for pieces of copper three inches square, cut out of a kettle. Of
this copper they made rings, six or eight of which made very bright they
wear on their arms.

These people are the filthiest I have ever seen or heard of; for,
besides other uncleanness, which most people clear off by washing, this
people, on the contrary, augment their natural filth, anointing their
bodies with a nasty substance, which I suppose to be the juice of herbs,
but seems on their bodies like cow-dung; and with which the wool of
their heads is so baked, as to seem a scurf of green herbs. For
apparel, they wear the tail of a cat, or some other small beast,
hanging before them, and a cloak of sheep-skin, which hangs down to the
middle of their thighs, turning it according to the weather, sometimes
the drest side, and sometimes the hair next the body; for their sheep
have hair instead of wool, and are party coloured like calves. Their
principal people wear about the bend of their arms a thin flat ring of
ivory, and on their wrists six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of copper,
kept bright and smooth. They are decorated also with other toys, as
bracelets of blue glass, beads, or shells, given them for ostrich
egg-shells or porcupine quills by the Dutchmen. They wear also a most
filthy and abominable thing about their necks, being the nasty guts of
their slaughtered cattle, making them smell more offensively than a
butcher's shambles. They carry in their hands a small dart or javelin,
with a small iron head, and a few ostrich feathers to drive away flies.
They have also bows and arrows, but generally when they come down to us,
they leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are a well-made
people, and very swift of foot, and their habitations seem to be
moveable, so as to shift about to the best pastures for their cattle in
the valleys among the mountains, which far up in the country were at
this time covered with snow, but those near the sea, though very lofty,
were quite clear.

We saw various animals, as fallow-deer, antilopes, porcupines, baboons,
land-tortoises, snakes, and adders. The Dutchmen told us also of lions,
but we saw none. There are fowls also in abundance, as wild geese,
ducks, pelicans, _passea_, flamingos, crows having a white band on their
necks, small green birds, and various others unknown to us. Also
penguins, gulls, pintados spotted with black and white, alcatrasses,
which are grey with black pinions, shags or cormorants at the island in
great abundance, and another like a moor-hen. Fishes likewise of various
kinds, as great numbers of small whales, great abundance of seals at the
island, and with the sein we took many fishes like mullets as large as
trouts, smelts, thorn-backs, and dogs; and plenty of limpets and muscles
on the rocks. This place has a most wholesome air, and has plenty of
water both to serve navigators, and for travellers in the country, as
numerous small streams descend every where from the mountains.

This being the spring season at this place, it repented me that I had
not brought out many kinds of garden seeds, which might have been useful
afterwards for the relief of many Christians coming here for
refreshments. Also planting acorns might in time be useful, as trees
grow here more quickly than in our cold country.

Having finished our business of laying in a stock of water, and somewhat
relieved those of our men who were sick and weak, with what fresh
provisions we could procure, which indeed consisted principally of
muscles, we prepared to set sail, which we did at four in the morning of
the 13th of August. We descried the island of Madagascar on the 6th
September, in lat. 23° 38' S. and anchored that evening in the bay of St
Augustine in twelve fathoms. We here found the Union of London,
vice-admiral of the _fourth_ voyage, her people being much distressed
for provisions to carry them home. They related to our general their
having unfortunately lost company of their admiral and pinnace, between
Saldanha and the Cape of Good Hope, of which they had never heard since,
and various other unfortunate circumstances of their outward-bound
voyage.[349] Our general supplied them plentifully with provisions, and
also restored union among the ship's company, Mr Samuel Bradshaw being
much disliked by the factious master and his adherents, for his sober,
discreet, and provident management of the company's business.

[Footnote 349: It is unnecessary to repeat these circumstances, having
been already related; and need only be mentioned, that the bay in
Madagascar, where the captain and others were betrayed, is here called
Jungomar, or Vinganora, and is said to have been at the north-west
corner of Madagascar. In modern maps, the bay of Vingora is placed on
the west side of Madagascar, its mouth being in lat. 13° 41' S. and E.
long. 49° 28'.--E.]

At this place I particularly remarked two singular kinds of trees. One
of these yields from its leaves and boughs a yellow sap of so fat a
nature, that when fire is put to it standing quite green, the fire
blazes up immediately over all the leaves and branches. Its wood is
white and soft. The other kind has white wood with a small brown heart,
but nearly as hard as _lignum vitae_. The trees which we of the
Pepper-corn cut for fire-wood, hung all full of green fruit called
_Tamerim_, [tamarinds,] as large as an English bean-cod, having a very
sour taste, and reckoned good against the scurvy. The men of our
admiral, having more leisure than ours, gathered some of this fruit for
their own use. We saw likewise here abundance of a plant, hardly to be
distinguished from the _sempervivum_ of Socotora, whence the Socotrine
aloes is made; but I know not if the savage natives of this island have
any knowledge of its use. The natives, for what reason I know not, came
not near us, so that we got not here any beef or mutton, though oxen
used to be had here for a dollar a-piece. But we were told the
disorderly fellows of the Union had improvidently given whatever the
savages asked, so that scarcely any are now to be had even for ten
shillings each. Though savage, the people of this island are not
ignorant in ordering their men in battle array, as was experienced by
the Union at Jungomar: But in all parts of the island, it is necessary
for the Christians to be very much on their guard, for the natives are
very treacherous.

We left St Augustine bay on the 9th September, leaving the Union still
there. The 29th, the wind being E.S.E. and the current, as I judged,
setting S.W. we were entangled with a lee-shore, which we called the
Carribas,[350] being several small islands with sundry ledges of rocks
among them, only to be discovered by the breaking of the waves upon
them. These are between 10° and 11° S. lat. and we spent six days before
we could get disengaged from among them, the wind all that time being
E.N.E. or E.S.E. still forcing us to leewards, though using every effort
by towing and otherwise to get off. The great danger arose from the
strength of the current, and the want of any place where we could
anchor; as, although we had ground near the rocks, it was very deep and
foul. There are several of these islands, mostly full of trees. Every
night after dark, we could see fires on shore made by the natives, but
we had no inclination to go ashore to speak with them. When it pleased
God that we got clear of this danger, we found the current to our
amazement carry us to the northwards, as much more in our estimation as
we made our ship's way; so that when we judged by the log we had gone
fifteen leagues, we had actually made thirty leagues.

[Footnote 350: The Karribas islands on the coast of Zanjibar, between
Cape Del Gada and Quiloa bay.--E.]

The 9th October we lost the current, except it might then set to the
eastwards, but which we could not ascertain. The 10th, 11th, and 12th,
we lost ground daily, caused by the current. The 17th at sunrise, we
descried two islands, which we judged to be the _Duas Hermanas_, or Two
Sisters, bearing from each other W. by S. and E. by N. about seven and a
half leagues from the west point of Socotora. Having the west point of
that island from us N.N.E. three and a half leagues distant, we had
twenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-six fathoms. After getting to
anchor near a town called _Gallanza_, the general informed me that the
people of the island had confirmed what he already much feared, that the
easterly monsoon was already come, and all our hopes of getting to
Cambaya were frustrated for nine months; but of this we expected to be
better informed by the king of the island at Tamarin, where he resides.
The 20th, we got to anchor at a point six leagues short of Tamarin, and
five leagues from the point of Gallanzoe; but weighing next day with a
small promising breeze, we were forced back by the current again athwart
the town of Gallanza, and had to cast anchor far out in a great depth.
The 22d being full moon, it was high water about nine p.m. and I judged
that it flowed between ten and eleven feet, the flood-tide setting to
the northward, close by the shore.

The 25th, about 11 a.m. we anchored in eight fathoms, a mile from shore,
right over against the town of Tamarin, where the king's house is north
from the castle, on the top of the hill above the town. At anchoring, we
saluted the king with nine guns, and the general sent Mr Femell ashore
handsomely attended in the pinnace, with a fine crimson awning, to
present the king a fair gilt cup of ten ounces weight, a sword-blade,
and three yards of _stammel_ [red] broad-cloth. The king was ready at
the shore to receive him, in an orange-tawny tent, attended by the
principal of his people, being Arabs, and a guard of small shot. He
thankfully received the present, promised water free, and any thing else
the island afforded at reasonable price; but they had suffered a two
years drought, and consequently had little to spare. He had no aloes for
sale, having sent the whole produce to the Red Sea. He informed Mr
Femell, that the Ascension and her pinnace came there in February, and
went in company with a Guzerat ship to the Red Sea, whence both returned
to Socotora and took in water, departing for Cambaya. That his own
frigate being afterwards at Basseen, near Damaun, in India, was informed
by the Portuguese, that the Ascension and pinnace were both lost, but
the men saved, having come too soon upon the coast, before the bad
weather of winter was over. After a conference of more than an hour, the
king sent the general a present of twelve goats.

This king of Socotora was named _Muley Amor ebn Sayd_, being only
viceroy under his father, who is King of Fartak, in Arabia, not far from
Aden, and comes into the sea at _Camricam._.[351] He said his father was
at war with the Turks of Aden in his own defence, for which reason he
refused to give us a letter for the governor of Aden, as it would do us
harm. The people in Socotora on which the king depends are Arabs, the
original natives of the island being kept under a most servile slavery.
The merchandise of this island consists of _Aloes Socotarina_, of which
they do not make above a ton yearly; a small quantity of _Sanguis
draconis_, some of which our factors bought at twelve-pence a pound;
dates, which serve them instead of bread, and which the king sells at
five dollars the hundred [_weight_?] Bulls and cows we bought at twelve
dollars a-piece; goats for a dollar; sheep half a dollar; hens half a
dollar; all exceedingly small conformable with the dry rocky barrenness
of the island; wood cost twelve-pence for a man's burden; every thing in
short was very dear. I know of nothing else the island produces, except
rocks and stones, the whole country being very dry and bare.

[Footnote 351: We cannot tell what to make of this remark in the text.
Purchas, who has probably omitted something in the text, puts in the
margin, _King of Fartak, or Canacaym_; which does not in the least
elucidate the obscurity, unless we suppose Canacaym an error for
Carasem, the same with Kassin, or rather Kushem, to which Fartak now
belongs.--_Astl._ I. 395. b.]

§ 2. _Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous
Proceedings of both Places_.

After saluting the king, we took our departure from Socotora for Aden,
taking our course along the north side of _Abdal Kuria_[352] for Cape
_Guar-da-fui_, which is the eastermost point of _Abax_ [Habesh, or
Abyssinia], and is about thirty-four leagues west from the western
point of Socotora; from which the eastern point of Abdal Kuria is
fourteen leagues off. Abdal Kuria is a long narrow rugged island, about
five leagues in extent from east to west, on which the King of Socotora
keeps a few people to tend a flock of goats. About three leagues north
from the middle of Abdal Kuria, are two great rocks near each other, and
some half a mile long, which are rendered entirely white by the dung of
birds. From the west of Abdal Kuria to Cape Guar-da-fui, the distance is
fifteen leagues. The 31st October, being athwart the west end of
Socotora, we left, to the north, a white rock called _Saboyna_, four
leagues N.W. by W. from the point of Socotora. The first November, at
sunrise, we were abreast the middle of Abdal Kuria, leaving it two and a
half leagues to larboard, and the two white rocks half a league to
starboard. At one p.m. we descried Cape Guar-da-fui, but it was night
before we came near and passed it, so that we could not fix its true
position. On the morning of the second we were abreast a high mountain,
nine leagues west from Cape Guar-da-fui, between which point and another
high point five leagues W. by S. by the compass, there is a low sandy
point stretching one league and a quarter to sea; and about three
leagues more westerly, we anchored and went ashore with all our boats to
cut wood, of which we were in great want. From some of the inhabitants
we learnt that the last mount, or high point, which we passed was called
_Feluk_, or _Foelix_, by the Portuguese; but as soon as these people
knew us to be Christians, they fled from us.

[Footnote 352: In Purchas named Abba del Curia, by some called Abdel
Curia: Perhaps its name ought to be Abdal Kuria, or Adal Kuri, as
written by Captain Hamilton.--_Astl._ I. 395. c.]

The third, in the afternoon, having laid in a stock of wood, we set
sail, standing west towards the Red Sea. At ten a.m. on the 5th, we
descried the coast of Arabia Felix, bearing from us N.N.W. and N. by E.
the nearest land about twelve leagues distant. At noon I found the lat.
13° 28' N. At sun-set we were still about twelve leagues from land,
which seemed mountainous in the interior, all very high, without any
appearance of trees or grass, or any other fruitfulness. We now directed
our course W. by S. as the coast lay, expecting soon to see Aden, as on
falling in with the land I reckoned we were not more than twenty-four
leagues eastward of that place; but, while I reckoned the course of the
ships across the gulf, N.W. by N. we found that we had made little more
than bare north, owing to the current, so that on falling in with the
land we were little less than sixty leagues short of Aden. We continued
our course with a good breeze all day, but shortened sail during the
night, not to overshoot Aden, having for the most part twenty-five,
twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms water. At sun-set on the
7th, we suddenly got sight of Aden, which stands at the foot of a barren
mountain, where one could scarcely have expected to find a town; but it
has been placed here for strength, being very defensible, and not to be
easily won, if the defendants are men of resolution, and are provided
with victuals and ammunition. To seaward, though in a manner dry at low
water, there stands a high rock, rather larger than the Tower of London,
which is very steep, and not easily ascended by an enemy, having but one
narrow passage to go up by means of steps, where four resolute men may
withstand a multitude. This rock is walled, flanked, and furnished with
cannon, and seems to me capable of commanding both the town and road;
yet any ship may anchor in nine fathoms beyond reach of its guns. The
anchorage under its command is in nine fathoms downwards. At a little
distance, northwards of the former rock, is another of small compass,
quite low, and almost even with the water, on which likewise there is a
fort well furnished with ordnance. I could not learn what garrison is
usually kept at Aden, but as occasion requires it has reinforcements
from other towns in the interior. It is supplied with provisions partly
from the low adjoining country, and partly by means of barks from
Barbara, on the opposite coast of _Abexin_,[353] whence they bring
cattle, grain, and other provisions, with myrrh and frankincence. Aden
is in lat. 12° 35' N. the variation being 12° 40'.[354] The tide, by
estimation, flows between six and seven feet at the change of the moon.
The mountain, at the foot of which this city is built, is a peninsula
jutting out to seaward, joined to the main by a narrow neck of sandy
ground, beyond which a large extent of marsh-like ground stretches
towards the interior mountains, which may be some sixteen or twenty
miles from the town.

[Footnote 353: Abyssinia, as Downton always names this north-east coast
of Africa, but which ought rather to be called the coast of Adel or
Zeyla, Abyssinia being, properly speaking, confined to the interior
mountainous country at the head of the Nile. The south-west coast of the
Red Sea indeed, from Swaken south-east to the Straits of Bab-al-Mondub,
is generally called the coast of Habash, or Abyssinia, although its
ports are all occupied by Turks or Arabs.--E.]

[Footnote 354: The latitude of Aden is in 12° 45' N. and its longitude
nearly 45° E. from Greenwich.--E.]

At our first anchoring, the governor sent an Arab in a canoe to view our
ships, but though called to, he refused to come aboard. Next morning the
same Arab came aboard our admiral from the _Mir_,[355] or governor, to
know what we were, and to say that we were welcome to land, if friends.
Our general sent ashore a present for the governor, being an engraved
musket made in the Turkish fashion, and a choice sword-blade, under the
charge of John Williams and Mr Walter, our linguists, accompanied by
other factors. They were not admitted into the town, but were
entertained without the gates near the shore, seemingly with much
kindness, pretending great respect for our nation, yet they spoke not a
word about trading with us, but said they every day expected the arrival
of 30,000 soldiers, which to us seemed strange that so barren a country
could find provisions for so great a multitude. Being told that our
general only wished a pilot to carry his ships to Mokha, the chief said
he was only deputy to the governor, who was out of town, but would
return next day, when an answer should be given. In the mean time the
chief sent to our general two _Barbara_ sheep, having broad rumps and
small tails, with some plantains and other fruits. The 9th our general
sent again ashore for a pilot, but got only fair words, as the _mir_ or
governor was not yet returned. Without sending any pilot, the chief
requested our general would not remain for trade at that place with all
his ships, but that one only might be left there for their supply. He
desired likewise to know the price of several of our commodities, with
pretensions that they could supply indigo, olibanum, myrrh, and various
other things. Before this answer came back, our ships had been driven by
the current so far beyond the point to the west of Aden, that we could
not get again eastwards in sight of the town, and had to anchor abreast
of a bay to the south-west.

[Footnote 355: Mir is a contraction of Amir or Emir, much used by the
Persians. From Amir comes our Admiral, first used by the Europeans
during the crusades.--Astl. I. 396. c.

The origin of Admiral is probably from _Amir-al-bahr_, lord of the sea,
or sea-commander; corrupted in Spanish into _Almirante_, and changed in
French and English into Admiral.--E.]

We saw several people fishing in the bay, and many _people of
fashion_[356] on the hill. On this the general went ashore to enquire
when the current would change, so that we might get back. The
deputy-governor seemed very angry, pretending that our coming was not
with any good intent, but merely to discover their strength, insomuch
that John Williams was in doubt they would have detained him: but the
governor, who was now present, seemed not so rigorous, dissembling with
fair words, and promised to give a pilot for Mokha, yet desired that one
of our ships might stay for their supply; saying, that by the misconduct
of former governors, the town had lost its trade, which he now wished to
restore, and hoped we would make a beginning. He added, that if our
ships all departed without trade, he would be blamed by the pacha, his
superior officer, who would impute our departure to his ill usage. The
12th the general sent John Williams again ashore for the promised pilot;
when the governor said the pilot's wife would not allow him to go,
unless we left four of our principal persons behind as pledges for his
safe return, which bred in us a general suspicion of their evil
intentions: yet the general, in performance of his promise, determined
to leave me behind in the Pepper-corn, but directed me not to carry any
goods on shore, as they would not trust us with one of their _rascal
people_ except on such disgraceful terms, he thought fit not to trust
them with any of our goods. Wherefore, if they wanted any, as they
pretended, they were to purchase and pay for them on board; and in case
of suspecting any unfair dealings, we were to exchange pledges. If they
refused to deal on these principles, I was to follow the general to
Mokha. That same afternoon, the general departed with his own ship and
the Darling towards Mokha.

[Footnote 356: Probably Turks, distinguished from the half-naked Arabs
by their dress.--E.]

We laboured hard on the 13th November, by means of long warps, to get up
to Aden against wind and current, and actually got abreast the
fishing-cove. This day the _mir_ or governor of Aden sent a message on
board, desiring to speak with our merchants, to know if we meant to
trade. Accordingly Mr Fowler and John Williams, together with the
purser, who had other business, went ashore; and having informed the
_mir_ in what manner they were directed to trade, he detained all
three, pretending he did so that he might procure payment for anchorage
and other duties, for which he demanded 1500 gold _Venetianoes_, each
worth a dollar and half, or 6_s_. 9_d_. I continued unprofitably before
Aden till the 16th December, in continual danger of shipwreck if any
storm had happened, and always fed with promises of trade, but no
performance, and our three officers continuing in confinement.

Being informed by my boatswain that he was much in want of small cordage
for many purposes, and that he wished he and others might go ashore to
lay some on the strand by the town wall, I sent to ask permission from
the governor, with assurance of their safely. This was immediately
granted with the utmost readiness and complacency, desiring that they
might use the most convenient place for their purpose, and offering the
use of a house in which to secure their things during the night Yet
after all these fair promises, every man who went ashore was seized,
stript of their money and every thing they had, and put in irons. My
pinnace was lost, all the ropes taken away, together with the implements
for laying it over again. Thus there were now prisoners, two merchants,
the purser, a man to wait upon them, a prating apothecary, my surgeon,
master-caulker, boatswain, one of his mates, two quarter-masters, the
cooper, carpenter, gunner's mate, cockswain, and five of his crew, in
all twenty persons.

Monday, 16th December, I weighed anchor from the southermost road of
Aden, and directed my course through the straits for Mokha. The 20th I
came to the road of Mokha, where I saw the Trades-increase riding alone,
but no appearance of the Darling. The Trades-increase was about four
miles from shore, riding with two anchors ahead, on account of the
vehemence of the weather. On coming near, the people of the
Trades-increase lowered their flag, as a signal of bad news, by which I
suspected some misfortune had befallen our general. When I had anchored,
Mr Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came aboard, when he
began with a heavy heart to unfold by degrees all that had happened
since we parted at Aden.[357]

[Footnote 357: The incidents that happened at Mokha having been already
related in the preceding section, we here omit a long account of them by
Downton.--E.]

The 21st I sent ashore a letter to the general, informing him of the
misfortunes that had befallen me at Aden. In answer, he gave me a brief
account of the treachery that had been practised upon himself, and
requested me, if I could get to sea, to go to Aden and remain there till
I heard what became of him and the others on shore. The 22d the general
and all his company set out on their journey for Zenan, attended by a
strong guard of soldiers to prevent their escape. The carpenters,
however, were detained at Mokha, where they wrought in chains on our
pinnace for the pacha; likewise several wounded men, who were unable for
the journey, remained still in chains at Mokha. That same evening,
though the Turks guarded our men very narrowly, Mr Pemberton slipt aside
among the bushes, and made for the sea-side, where he chanced upon a
canoe with a paddle, in which he put off, committing himself to the
danger of the sea, rather than trust to the mercy of the Turks. Through
the fatigue of his long journey, he was forced to give over rowing by
the morning; but it pleased God that the canoe was noticed from the
Trades-increase, and picked up by her pinnace, which brought Mr
Pemberton on board, hardly able to speak through faintness. The 27th,
the Darling, which had been sent to seek me at Aden, returned to the
road of Mokha, having lost an anchor and cable.

On the 2d January, 1611, I departed with all the three ships from Mokha
roads, intending to ply up for Bab-al-Mondub, for three reasons: First,
to ease our ground tackle, which was much decayed through long riding at
anchor in boisterous weather; second, to seek some place where we could
procure water, for which we were now much distressed; and, lastly, to
stop the passage of all the Indian ships entering the Red Sea, by which
to constrain the Turks to release our general with the people and goods.
We stood over in the first place for the Abyssinian coast, where we left
the Darling to look for her anchor and cable, while with the other two
ships we plied to windward, and came to anchor in the evening on the
Arabian coast, about three leagues to windward of Mokha, and about four
miles off shore, in eight fathoms water. The 3d we set sail with the
ebb-tide, working to windward; but in the afternoon I spent my two
topsails, and before we got other two to the yard we were half-seas over
towards the Abyssinian coast, and anchored in sixteen fathoms. Towards
morning the wind increased, with dark cloudy weather and a rough sea,
when we lost sight of the Trades-increase, at which time she had broke
an anchor and drove, and let fall another anchor, which not holding, she
drifted into six fathoms, when they were forced to cut their cable, and
stand off into deeper water. The 4th, when preparing to weigh anchor, I
saw the Trades-increase standing over for Mokha, while Mr Pemberton in
the Darling was riding in a good road, to which I would gladly have
gone, but not knowing what need our great ship might have of my
carpenters, her own being prisoners at Mokha, I stood after her, and
carrying too much sail in rigorous weather, we split both our new
topsails, which had been sewed with rotten twine, as indeed most of our
sails were. Owing to this, it was night before I got into Mokha road,
where I learnt the Trades-increase had lost two anchors, on which I sent
my carpenters aboard to stock some others for her.

From that to the 18th we continued in Mokha roads with little ease, and
to the material injury of our cables. From the 6th to the 11th canoes
came every day from the town with letters from the carpenters,
containing a variety of forged news communicated by the aga, who
permitted them to send off chiefly for the sake of wine and beer, with
which they gratified the Turks; and were sometimes allowed to send off
some little fresh provisions. The 12th the Darling came into the road,
saluting me with three guns in token of good news. Mr Pemberton came
immediately aboard, and told me, to my great comfort, that he had found
an easy road and a good watering place, and had recovered his cable and
anchor. The 18th some persons came off to us from Mokha, bringing us two
bullocks, two goats, a few hens and eggs, and some fruit, but no news of
our general. That afternoon we set sail for the good road on the
Abyssinian coast, and anchored at night three leagues short of it, under
an island which we named _Crab island_, owing to the great abundance of
crabs we found there. The 19th we weighed again, and anchored under
another island, smaller than the former; and on the 20th we stood
farther into the bay, anchoring in eight fathoms, half a mile from
shore, right opposite the watering place.

I sent George Jeff ashore in the pinnace to find out the river, and
to endeavour to speak with the natives. Immediately on landing, about an
hundred of the natives presented themselves, armed with lances, and one
bolder than the rest came forwards, and even desired to be carried on
board. He there informed me, by means of an interpreter, that the Turks
had sent over to them, saying how they had betrayed and slain many of
our men, and wishing them to do the like to as many as they could lay
hold of. This young man was said to be a person of consideration, and
was very kind to us all the time we lay in this bay. He remained all
night in the Trades-increase, where he was kindly used to his entire
content. The 21st, with all the boats, I went a-land with most of our
men, setting some to dig wells, some to fetch ballast, others to fill
water from a small well we found ready dug, and the rest under arms to
guard those who wrought. Soon after our landing, there came to me the
priest of the natives, with the father and brothers of our friendly
youth, who had not yet left us. They received him very joyfully on his
landing, and presented me with a goat, promising to bring us some more
goats next day for sale. I remained ashore all night with a strong
guard, to see that no harm were done to our water; and next day set the
people to work as before: For, considering the ill usage the general had
met with at Mokha from the Turks, and having no assurance of the honesty
of this people, I was suspicions of what evil the Turks might intend, or
might persuade this people to, against us, even by putting poison into
our water; therefore, I trusted no one farther than I could avoid. This
day was very boisterous, and none of the natives came near us all day. I
continued this night likewise on shore, setting a strong guard to keep
watch.

The 23d, the same people who had been with us before came down, and were
followed by others driving several goats to sell, as they had promised.
I entertained them kindly, making the purser buy their goats, and they
departed in the evening well satisfied, promising to bring us more
daily, which they faithfully performed. This day we completed all our
ships in water. From the 24th to the 29th inclusive, the natives brought
us goats and sheep every day, of which we bought as many as we could
use, paying them to their satisfaction.

The 29th, having the wind at N.N.W. we set sail, being determined to ply
up to the _bab_ with all our three ships, to stop all the Indian ships
that should come this year to the Red Sea, for the purpose formerly
mentioned; but when abreast of Crab island it fell calm, on which we
came to anchor, and I went on shore with a large party of men to cut
wood for fuel. In the afternoon we saw two _Jelbas_ coming over from
Mokha, one of which brought me a letter from the general, dated 15th
January, giving an account of his safe arrival at Zenan with all his
company, except Richard Phillips, Mr Pemberton's boy, who was left sick
at Tayes. This letter, having being kept till the 17th, mentioned the
safe arrival of Mr Fowler and the rest of my company at Zenan. The
general likewise informed me, that God had raised him a friend in the
midst of his enemies, being the _Raha_,[358] who is next in dignity to
the pacha. This letter made me alter my purpose of stopping the India
ships, lest it might prove injurious to the general and his companions
in captivity, as also to our countrymen trading in the Mediterranean.

[Footnote 358: Probably a typographical error for _Kaha_, called _Cahya_
in the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, and meaning the _Kiahya_.--E.]

The 7th February, the Trades-increase returned to me in the road of
Assab, Mr Thornton bringing me another letter from the general, desiring
me yet to forbear revenging our manifold wrongs, as he and his company
expected to begin their journey back to Mokha in five days. The 2d
March, a boat from Mokha brought me a letter from the general, stating
that his journey was delayed, and desiring me to forbear taking revenge.
The 5th, I sent the Darling over to Mokha, on which day our general and
his company arrived there. Mr Pemberton found in the road of Mokha a
great ship belonging to Dabul, called the Mahomet. The 11th, fearing
some accident had befallen the Darling, owing to her long absence, I set
sail with the other two ships, meaning to have gone over to Mokha; but
before I reached Crab island, we saw the Darling coming over, on which
we stood back to Assab. In the evening, Mr Pemberton came to me with
twenty-two of the betrayed people of the Trades-increase, and fourteen
of my people belonging to the Pepper-corn. He likewise brought me a
letter from the general, giving me assurance of his enlargement as soon
as the India ships were all arrived, and the wind came round to the
westwards.

The 18th, I stood over to Mokha in the Pepper-corn, and arrived there on
the 19th. Before I had anchored, I had a letter from the general,
giving me to understand that the presence of my ship alarmed the
Dabullians and displeased the aga, wherefore he wished me to go back to
Assab. I immediately sent George Jeff ashore with two letters, by one of
which I gave a brief account of our wants, and my opinion that the Turks
only fed him with false hopes to serve their own purposes. In the other,
written purposely that he might shew it to the aga, I stated, that so
long as he was detained a prisoner, he had no power to command us who
were free, and could not therefore keep us from the road of Mokha, or
from doing whatever we saw meet for ourselves. To these the general
wrote me the following answer:

Captain Downton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do me
and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than is
cause, for I have had and still have my full share. And whereas you
allege, you are loth to depart this road without me, I am more loth to
stay behind, if there were any remedy. I made a forced agreement with
the pacha at Zenan, that our ships were to absent themselves from this
road, till all the India ships were come in; and then, at the first
coming of the westerly wind, I and all my company were to be set free.
If they fail to perform with me, then I would have you shew your
endeavours. In the mean time you must have patience, as well as myself.
I would be loth the agreement should be first broken on our side,
without any cause given by them.

For the provision that should have been sent in the _jelba_, it was my
fault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the aga. After your
departure to-morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in hand
with the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be above
three days absent from you. I have promised the ships shall not come
into the roads till the westerly winds be come, which will be a month
hence at the farthest; in the mean time you shall hear from me by
_jelbas_ or boats, which I will send of purpose. I doubt not but there
will be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreement
was made with the pacha and not with Regib aga. If I doubted any new
stratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away by this time. I
have had, and still have means for my escape, were it not to leave my
people in danger of their lives: Doubt not, if they perform not with
me, when the westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. I
had laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Mr Femell,
but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether the
Turks will perform or no, and he makes no doubt but to be sent aboard
with the first of the westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us.
You may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side with all your
ships, till God send us that long-wished-for westerly wind, unless you
get a _slatch_ of wind to carry one of your ships to the _bab_, to see
if all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sorts
of provisions waste apace in the ships; which, God sending me aboard, I
hope quickly to renew.

The 27th March I sent over the Darling to Mokha, at the general's
request, and she returned on the 6th April to Assab road, to deliver the
victuals and other provisions, which had so long been detained by the
Turks, and brought me a very kind letter from the general. The 21st, the
King of _Rahayta_ sent me a present of a fat cow and a slave, by a
kinsman of his, who staid all night in the Trades-increase. At various
times the Budwees[359] brought us abundant supplies of bullocks, goats,
and sheep, which they sold to us for cloth, preferring that to money:
But by the beginning of May, our cloth fit for their use being all gone,
we could only purchase with money, after which our supply became scanty.
The 11th May, our general happily effected his escape from Mokha aboard
the Darling, with fifteen more of his people.[360]

[Footnote 359: Badwis, or Bedouins; the nomadic Mahometan tribes on the
African coast of the Red Sea, are here meant--E.]

[Footnote 360: The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton in the preceding
section, giving a sufficiently ample account of the incidents in the
voyage, till the return of the ships to Mokha, it has not been thought
necessary to continue the relation of Downton so far as regards the
intermediate transactions, for which we refer to the account of the
voyage already given by Sir Henry Middleton. But as his narrative breaks
off abruptly soon after the return to the Red Sea, we resume that of
Downton in the subsequent subdivisions.--E.]

§ 3. _Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit._

The 1st April, 1612, on our return from India toward the Red Sea, we
were by estimation eighteen leagues short of Aden. It was now ordered by
the general, that I was to remain before or near the town of Aden, to
enforce any Indian ships that should arrive there to proceed into the
Red Sea, for which I received a commission, or written instructions,
from the general, who was with all expedition to proceed with the
Trades-increase to the _bab_, or gate of the Red Sea, both for the
safety of the company's ship, of which we had intelligence from
Masulipatam, that she was following our track into the mouths of the
wolves, from whom by God's mercy we had escaped, and there to take
revenge of the Turks and the subjects of the Great Mogul, for the wrongs
done to us, our king, and our country. The 2d we found the Darling at
anchor some eight leagues eastward of Aden, having got before us by
reason of our having lingered four days for her. She had completed her
business at Socotora, and had departed thence before we past it, going
by Saboyna, Abdal Curia, and Mount Feluk, where we lingered for her. She
brought from Socotora a letter left with the king, written by Captain
John Saris, general of the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, ships belonging to
our India company, signifying that he was gone into the Red Sea,
notwithstanding the letter of Sir Henry Middleton, giving an account of
the villanies there done to us. The general immediately departed toward
the _bab_, with the Trades-increase and Darling, leaving me in the
Pepper-corn at anchor, about eight leagues east from Aden.

Early in the morning of the 3d we set sail to the southwards, the better
to discover, and so all day we kept to windward of Aden. We soon
descried three sail bound for Aden, but they stood away from us, and we
could not get near them, as it blew hard. At night we did not come to
anchor, but lay to, to try the current by our drift, which I found to be
three leagues in ten hours. The morning of the 4th I came to anchor a
league or four miles from Aden, in twelve fathoms. Seeing a ship
approaching, we set sail very early in the morning of the 12th to
intercept her; and at day-light saw her at anchor about three miles
south of us. We immediately made sail towards her, which she perceiving,
got under weigh for Aden. Between nine and ten, by firing a shot, she
struck her top-sails, and sent her boat to us, saying she belonged to
the Zamorin, or King of Calicut, whence they had been forty days. The
_nakhada_, or commander of this ship, was Abraham Abba Zeinda,[361] and
her cargo, according to their information, consisted of _tamarisk_,[362]
three tons; rice, 2300 quintals; _jagara_, or brown sugar, forty bahars;
cardamoms, seven bahars; dried ginger, four and a half quintals; pepper,
one and a half ton; cotton, thirty-one bales, each containing five or
six maunds. Her crew and passengers consisted of seventy-five persons,
of whom twenty were appointed to bale out water and for other purposes
below, eight for the helm, four for top and yard and other business
aloft, and twenty boys for dressing the provisions, all the rest being
merchants and pilgrims. Her burden was 140 tons. Having carefully
examined them, and finding they belonged to a place which had never
wronged our nation, I only took out two tons of water, with their own
permission, and dismissed them, giving them strict injunctions not to go
to Aden, or I would sink their ship. So they made sail, standing farther
out from the land, but going to leewards, we were forced to stand off
and on all day and night, lest in the night she might slip into Aden.

[Footnote 361: Perhaps rather Ibrahim Abu Zeynda, or Sinda.--Astl. I.
421. b.]

[Footnote 362: Probably turmeric.--E.]

Every ship we saw, before we could come to speak them, had advice sent
by the governor of Aden to inform them of us. When the Calicut ship was
under our command, the governor sent off a boat, manned with Arabs,
having on board two Turkish soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly
been instruments of Abdal Rahman[363] aga, to bind and torture our men
whom they had betrayed. On seeing our men, whom they had used so ill,
they were in great doubt what usage they might now receive, as their
guilty conscience told them they merited no good treatment at our hands.
They brought some fruit to sell, and, I suppose, came as spies to see
what we were doing. At the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they
would fain have put off their boat again, but I would not permit them,
causing them to be reminded of their former behaviour to our men, when
in their hands; and when I thought them sufficiently terrified, I
ordered them to be told, that they should now see how far our nation
differed from the cruelty of Turks, who had most barbarously and
injuriously used our men, without giving any cause of offence, whom they
had betrayed by fair promises, yet I should now dismiss them without
harm. They immediately departed, making many fair promises of sending us
refreshments. They accordingly sent off next day a boat loaded with
fish; but we were too far off for them to reach us, as we were obliged
to put the Calicut ship to leeward towards the Red Sea.

[Footnote 363: In Purchas called _Abdraheman_; perhaps the name was Abd
Arrahman.--Astl. I. 421. c.]

The morning of the 14th, the wind at east, we descried another ship of
like burden with the former bound for Aden, which, about ten o'clock,
a.m. we forced to come to anchor. I learnt that she was from _Pormean_,
a town not far from _Kuts Nagone_,[364] a place tributary to the Great
Mogul, who had despised our king, and abused our nation. The _nakhada_
of this ship was a Banian; and being fearful, if any other ship should
approach Aden, I must either leave the one or the other, I therefore
made haste to search her by my own people. With great labour, before
darkness overtook us, we had out of her six packs of coarse _dutties_,
of six _corges_ a pack; other thirty-six bales, containing thirty-six
_corges_ of coarse _dutties_; one small bale of _candekins-mill_, or
small pieces of blue calico; with about thirty or more white _bastas_,
and a little butter and lamp oil. So far as we could discover for that
night, the rest of her lading consisted of packs of cotton-wool, as we
term it, which we proposed to examine farther next day.

[Footnote 364: According to the editor of Astley's Collection, I. 421.
d. Kuts Nagone is a place in the peninsula of Guzerat, not far from the
western cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no such
places are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only name
similar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whence
Kuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur.--E.]

This day Moharim aga, who was now _mir_, or governor of Aden, sent me a
present of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by the
messenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends and
nation at this place last year, had occasioned my present approach, to
do my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance and
injury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour from
them, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for, as they
cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect no
favour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having received
what was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered the
things to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of fresh
fish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat part
of what he brought, for fear of poison.

The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between us
and the shore, which, being detained by the pinnace, proved to be a
jelba belonging to _Shaher_, bound homewards with grain and other
commodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrims
from Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nine
and a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th I
stopt two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian or
African coast, called _Bandar Zeada_; one laden only with mats, and the
other having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them,
and dismissed them.

The 8th May we plied towards the _bab_ under easy sail, with a pleasant
wind at N.E. by E. At ten a.m. we descried land on the African coast,
looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main.
From thence we steered N.W. towards the _bab_, which, by estimation, was
then about ten leagues distant; and near four p.m. we descried the
straits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At day-light
next morning we made sail towards the _bab_. On entering the strait we
descried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struck
my top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to take
possession. The pinnace returned with the _Nakhada_ and _Malim_, whom I
examined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging to
a place called _Larree_,[365] situated at the mouth of the great river
of Sindi. I luft up along with this ship into a bay, on the east side of
the straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent my
merchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers packs
and fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter,
and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As this
vessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water,
I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve our
purposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowed
her to proceed for Mokha.

[Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, the
most north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinde
river.--E.]

About three p.m. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land of
the straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, her
main-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship,
we knew her, by her masts and tops, to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; and
knowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command over
him, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visit
our general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stood
with the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struck
to leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night, now
approaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her,
she proved to be fro