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Title: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 14
Author: Kerr, Robert, 1755-1813
Language: English
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Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS,
VOL. XIV.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS OF VOL. XIV.
PART III.--BOOK II.
An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World,
performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years
1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.
General Introduction
CHAP.
I. From our departure from England to leaving the Society Isles the
first time.
SECT.
I. Passage from Deptford to the Cape of Good Hope, with an Account of
several Incidents that happened by the Way, and Transactions there.
II. Departure from the Cape of Good Hope, in search of a Southern
Continent.
III. Sequel of the Search for a Southern Continent, between the
Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand; with an Account of
the Separation of the two Ships, and the Arrival of the Resolution in
Dusky Bay.
IV. Transactions in Dusky Bay, with an Account of several Interviews
with the Inhabitants.
V. Directions for sailing in and out of Dusky Bay, with an Account of
the adjacent Country, its Produce, and Inhabitants: Astronomical and
Nautical Observations.
VI. Passage from Dusky Bay to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account
of some Water Spouts, and of our joining the Adventure.
VII. Captain Furneaux's Narrative, from the Time the two Ships were
separated, to their joining again in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with
some Account of Van Diemen's Land.
VIII. Transactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with some Remarks on
the Inhabitants.
IX. Route from New Zealand to Otaheite, with an Account of some low
Islands, supposed to be the same that were seen by M. de Bougainville.
X. Arrival of the Ships at Otaheite, with an Account of the critical
Situation they were in, and of several Incidents that happened while
they lay in Oaiti-piha Bay.
XI. An Account of several Visits to and from Otoo; of Goats being left
on the Island; and many other Particulars which happened while the
Ships lay in Matavai Bay.
XII. An Account of the Reception we met with at Huaheine, with the
Incidents that happened while the Ships lay there; and of Omai, one of
the Natives, coming away in the Adventure,
XIII. Arrival at, and Departure of the Ships from, Ulietea: With an
Account of what happened there, and of Oedidee, one of the Natives,
coming away in the Resolution.
XIV. An Account of a Spanish Ship visiting Otaheite; the present State
of the Islands; with some Observations on the Diseases and Customs of
the Inhabitants; and some Mistakes concerning the Women corrected.
CHAP.
II. From our Departure from the Society Isles, to our Return to and leaving
them the second Time.
SECT.
I. Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Islands, with an Account of
the Discovery of Hervey's Island, and the Incidents that happened at
Middleburg.
II. The Arrival of the Ships at Amsterdam; a Description of a Place of
Worship; and an Account of the Incidents which happened while we
remained at that Island.
III. A Description of the Islands and their Produce; with the
Cultivation, Houses, Canoes, Navigation, Manufactures, Weapons,
Customs, Government, Religion, and Language of the Inhabitants.
IV. Passage from Amsterdam to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account
of an Interview with the Inhabitants, and the final Separation of the
two Ships.
V. Transactions at Queen Charlotte's Sound; with an Account of the
Inhabitants being Cannibals; and various other Incidents.--Departure
from the Sound, and our Endeavours to find the Adventure; with some
Description of the Coast.
VI. Route of the Ship from New Zealand in Search of a Continent; with
an Account of the various Obstructions met with from the Ice, and the
Methods pursued to explore the Southern Pacific Ocean.
VII. Sequel of the Passage from New Zealand to Easter Island, and
Transactions there, with an Account of an Expedition to discover the
Inland Part of the Country, and a Description of some of the
surprising gigantic Statues found in the Island.
VIII. A Description of the Island, and its Produce, Situation, and
Inhabitants; their Manners, and Customs; Conjectures concerning their
Government, Religion, and other Subjects; with a more particular
Account of the gigantic Statues.
IX. The Passage from Easter Island to the Marquesas Islands.
Transactions and Incidents which happened while the Ship lay in Madre
de Dios, or Resolution Bay, in the Island of St Christina.
X. Departure from the Marquesas; a Description of the Situation,
Extent, Figure, and Appearance of the several Islands; with some
Account of the Inhabitants, their Customs, Dress, Habitations, Food,
Weapons, and Canoes.
XI. A Description of several Islands discovered, or seen in the
Passage from the Marquesas to Otaheite; with an Account of a Naval
Review.
XII. Some Account of a Visit from Otoo, Towha, and several other
Chiefs; also of a Robbery committed by one of the Natives, and its
Consequences, with general Observations on the Subject.
XIII. Preparations to leave the Island. Another Naval Review, and
various other Incidents; with some Account of the Island, its Naval
Force, and Number of Inhabitants.
XIV. The Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Huaheine; with an
Account of an Expedition into the Island, and several other Incidents
which happened while she lay there.
XV. Arrival at Ulietea; with an Account of the Reception we met with
there, and the several Incidents which happened during our Stay. A
Report of two Ships being at Huaheine. Preparations to leave the
island, and the Regret the Inhabitants shewed on the Occasion. The
Character of Oedidee; with some general Observations on the Islands.
CHAP.
III. From Ulietea to New Zealand.
SECT.
I. Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Isles, with a Description of
several Islands that were discovered, and the Incidents which happened
in that Track.
II. Reception at Anamocka; a Robbery and its Consequences, with a
Variety of other Incidents. Departure from the Island. A sailing Canoe
described. Some Observations on the Navigation of these Islanders. A
Description of the Island, and of those in the Neighbourhood, with
some Account of the Inhabitants, and nautical Remarks.
III. The Passage from the Friendly Isles to the New Hebrides, with an
Account of the Discovery of Turtle Island, and a Variety of Incidents
which happened, both before and after the Ship arrived in Port
Sandwich, in the Island of Mallicollo. A Description of the Port, the
adjacent Country, its Inhabitants, and many other Particulars.
IV. An Account of the Discovery of several Islands, and an Interview
and Skirmish with the Inhabitants upon one of them. The Arrival of the
Ship at Tanna, and the Reception we met with there.
V. An Intercourse established with the Natives; some Account of the
Island, and a Variety of Incidents that happened during our Stay at
it.
VI. Departure from Tanna; with some Account of its Inhabitants,
their Manners and Arts.
VII. The survey of the Islands continued, and a more particular
Description of them.
VIII. An Account of the Discovery of New Caledonia, and the Incidents
that happened while the Ship lay in Balade.
IX. A Description of the Country and its Inhabitants; their Manners,
Customs, and Arts.
X. Proceedings on the Coast of New Caledonia, with Geographical and
Nautical Observations.
XI. Sequel of the Passage from New Caledonia to New Zealand, with an
Account of the Discovery of Norfolk Island; and the Incidents that
happened while the Ship lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound.
CHAP.
IV. From leaving New Zealand to our Return to England.
SECT.
I. The Run from New Zealand to Terra del Fuego, with the Range from
Cape Deseada to Christmas Sound, and Description of that Part of the
Coast.
II. Transactions in Christmas Sound, with an Account of the Country
and its Inhabitants.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART III. BOOK II.
AN ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE TOWARDS THE SOUTH POLE, AND ROUND THE WORLD;
PERFORMED IN HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND ADVENTURE, IN THE YEARS
1772, 3, 4, AND 5: WRITTEN BY JAMES COOK, COMMANDER OF THE RESOLUTION.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
Whether the unexplored part of the Southern Hemisphere be only an immense
mass of water, or contain another continent, as speculative geography
seemed to suggest, was a question which had long engaged the attention, not
only of learned men, but of most of the maritime powers of Europe.
To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a matter so curious and
important, was his majesty's principal motive in directing this voyage to
be undertaken, the history of which is now submitted to the public.[1]
But, in order to give the reader a clear idea of what has been done in it,
and to enable him to judge more accurately, how far the great object that
was proposed, has been obtained, it will be necessary to prefix a short
account of the several voyages which have been made on discoveries to the
Southern Hemisphere, prior to that which I had lately the honour to
conduct, and which I am now going to relate.
The first who crossed the vast Pacific Ocean, was Ferdinand Magalhaens, a
Portuguese, who, in the service of Spain, sailed from Seville, with five
ships, on the 10th of April, 1519. He discovered the straits which bear his
name; and having passed through them, on the 27th of November, 1520,
entered the South Pacific Ocean.
In this sea he discovered two uninhabited islands, whose situations are not
well known. He afterwards crossed the Line; discovered the Ladrone Islands;
and then proceeded to the Phillipines, in one of which he was killed in a
skirmish with the natives.
His ship, called the Victory, was the first that circumnavigated the globe;
and the only one of his squadron that surmounted the dangers and distresses
which attended this heroic enterprise.[2]
The Spaniards, after Magalhaens had shewed them the way, made several
voyages from America to the westward, previous to that of Alvaro Mendana De
Neyra, in 1595, which is the first that can be traced step by step. For the
antecedent expeditions are not handed down to us with much precision.
We know, however, in general, that, in them, New Guinea, the islands called
Solomon's, and several others, were discovered.
Geographers differ greatly concerning the situation of the Solomon Islands.
The most probable opinion is, that they are the cluster which comprises
what has since been called New Britain, New Ireland, &c.[3]
On the 9th of April, 1595, Mendana, with intention to settle these islands,
sailed from Callao, with four ships; and his discoveries in his route to
the west, were the Marquesas, in the latitude of 10° S.; the island of St
Bernardo, which I take to be the same that Commodore Byron calls the Island
of Danger; after that, Solitary Island, in the latitude of 10° 40' S.,
longitude 178° W.; and, lastly, Santa Cruz, which is undoubtedly the same
that Captain Carteret calls Egmont Island.
In this last island, Mendana, with many of his companions, died; and the
shattered remains of the squadron were conducted to Manilla, by Pedro
Fernandes de Quiros, the chief pilot.
This same Quiros was the first sent out, with the sole view of discovering
a southern continent, and, indeed, he seems to have been the first who had
any idea of the existence of one.
He sailed from Callao the 21st of December, 1605, as pilot of the fleet,
commanded by Luis Paz de Torres, consisting of two ships and a tender; and
steering to the W.S.W., on the 26th of January, 1606. being then, by their
reckoning, a thousand Spanish leagues from the coast of America, they
discovered a small low island in latitude 26° S. Two days after, they
discovered another that was high, with a plain on the top. This is probably
the same that Captain Carteret calls Pitcairn's Island.
After leaving these islands, Quiros seems to have directed his course to
W.N.W. and N.W. to 10° or 11° S. latitude, and then westward, till he
arrived at the Bay of St Philip and Jago, in the Island of Tierra del
Espirito Santo. In this route be discovered several islands; probably some
of those that have been seen by later navigators.
On leaving the bay of St Philip and St Jago, the two ships were separated.
Quiros, with the Capitana, stood to the north, and returned to New Spain,
after having suffered greatly for want of provisions and water. Torres,
with the Almiranta and the tender, steered to the west, and seems to have
been the first who sailed between New Holland and New Guinea.[4]
The next attempt to make discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, was
conducted by Le Maire and Schouten. They sailed from the Texel, on the 14th
of June, 1615, with the ships Concord and Horn. The latter was burnt by
accident in Port Desire. With the other they discovered the straits that
bear the name of Le Maire, and were the first who ever entered the Pacific
Ocean, by the way of Cape Horn.
They discovered the island of Dogs, in latitude 15° 15' S., longitude 136°
30' W.; Sondre Grondt in 15° S. latitude, and 143° 10' W. longitude;
Waterland in 14° 46' S., and 144° 10' W.; and twenty-five leagues westward
of this, Fly Island, in latitude 15° 20'; Traitor's and Coco's Islands, in
latitude 15° 43' S., longitude 173° 13' W.; two degrees more to the
westward, the isle of Hope; and in the latitude of 14° 56' S., longitude
179° 30' E., Horn Island.
They next coasted the north side of New Britain and New Guinea, and arrived
at Batavia in October, 1616.[5]
Except some discoveries on the western and northern coasts of New Holland,
no important voyage to the Pacific Ocean was undertaken till 1642, when
Captain Tasman sailed from Batavia, with two ships belonging to the Dutch
East India Company, and discovered Van Diemen's Land; a small part of the
western coast of New Zealand; the Friendly Isles; and those called Prince
William's.[6]
Thus far I have thought it best not to interrupt the progress of discovery
in the South Pacific Ocean, otherwise I should before have mentioned, that
Sir Richard Hawkins in 1594, being about fifty leagues to the eastward of
the river Plate, was driven by a storm to the eastward of his intended
course, and when the weather grew moderate, steering towards the Straits of
Magalhaens, he unexpectedly fell in with land, about sixty leagues of which
he coasted, and has very particularly described. This he named Hawkins's
Maiden Land, in honour of his royal mistress, Queen Elizabeth, and says it
lies some threescore leagues from the nearest part of South America.
This land was afterwards discovered to be two large islands, by Captain
John Strong, of the Farewell, from London, who, in 1689, passed through the
strait which divides the eastern from the western of those islands. To this
strait he gave the name of Falkland's Sound, in honour of his patron Lord
Falkland; and the name has since been extended, through inadvertency, to
the two islands it separates.
Having mentioned these islands, I will add, that future navigators will
mis-spend their time, if they look for Pepy's Island in 47° S.; it being
now certain, that Pepy's Island is no other than these islands of
Falkland.[7]
In April, 1675, Anthony la Roche, an English merchant, in his return from
the South Pacific Ocean, where he had been on a trading voyage, being
carried by the winds and currents, far to the east of Strait Le Maire, fell
in with a coast, which may possibly be the same with that which I visited
during this voyage, and have called the Island of Georgia.
Leaving this land, and sailing to the north, La Roche, in the latitude of
45° S., discovered a large island, with a good port towards the eastern
part, where he found wood, water, and fish.
In 1699, that celebrated astronomer, Dr Edmund Halley, was appointed to the
command of his majesty's ship the Paramour Pink, on an expedition for
improving the knowledge of the longitude, and of the variation of the
compass; and for discovering the unknown lands supposed to lie in the
southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. In this voyage he determined the
longitude of several places; and, after his return, constructed his
variation-chart, and proposed a method of observing the longitude at sea,
by means of the appulses and occultations of the fixed stars. But, though
he so successfully attended to the two first articles of his instructions,
he did not find any unknown southern land.[8]
The Dutch, in 1721, fitted out three ships to make discoveries in the South
Pacific Ocean, under the command of Admiral Roggewein. He left the Texel on
the 21st of August, and arriving in that ocean, by going round Cape Horn,
discovered Easter Island, probably seen before, though not visited, by
Davies;[9] then between 14° 41' and 15° 47' S. latitude, and between the
longitude of 142° and 150° W., fell in with several other islands, which I
take to be some of those seen by the late English navigators. He next
discovered two islands in latitude 15° S., longitude 170° W., which he
called Baumen's Islands; and, lastly, Single Island, in latitude 13° 41'
S., longitude 171° 30' W. These three islands are, undoubtedly, the same
that Bougainville calls the Isles of Navigators.[10]
In 1738, the French East India Company sent Lozier Bouvet with two ships,
the Eagle and Mary, to make discoveries in the South Atlantic Ocean. He
sailed from Port L'Orient on the 19th of July in that year; touched at the
island of St Catherine; and from thence shaped his course towards the
south-east.
On the 1st of January, 1739, he discovered land, or what he judged to be
land, in latitude 54° S., longitude 11° E. It will appear in the course of
the following narrative, that we made several attempts to find this land
without success. It is, therefore, very probable, that what Bouvet saw was
nothing more than a large ice-island. From hence he stood to the east, in
51° of latitude to 35° of E. longitude: After which the two ships
separated, one going to the island of Mauritius, and the other returning to
France.[11]
After this voyage of Bouvet, the spirit of discovery ceased, till his
present majesty formed a design of making discoveries, and exploring the
southern hemisphere; and, in the year 1764, directed it to be put in
execution.
Accordingly Commodore Byron, having under his command the Dolphin and
Tamer, sailed from the Downs on the 21st of June the same year; and having
visited the Falkland Islands, passed through the Straits of Magalhaens into
the Pacific Ocean, where he discovered the islands of Disappointment,
George's, Prince of Wales's, the isles of Danger, York Island, and Byron
Island.
He returned to England the 9th of May, 1766, and, in the month of August
following, the Dolphin was again sent out under the command of Captain
Wallis, with the Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret.
They proceeded together, till they came to the west end of the Straits of
Magalhaens, and the Great South Sea in sight, where they were separated.
Captain Wallis directed his course more westerly than any navigator had
done before him in so high a latitude; but met with no land till he got
within the tropic, where he discovered the islands of Whitsunday, Queen
Charlotte, Egmont, Duke of Gloucester, Duke of Cumberland, Maitea,
Otaheite, Eimeo, Tapamanou, How, Scilly, Boscawen, Keppel, and Wallis; and
returned to England in May, 1768.
His companion Captain Carteret kept a different route, in which he
discovered the islands of Osnaburg, Gloucester, Queen Charlotte's Isles,
Carteret's, Gower's, and the strait between New Britain and New Ireland;
and returned to England in March, 1769.
In November, 1766, Commodore Bougainville sailed from France in the frigate
La Boudeuse, with the store-ship L'Etoile. After spending some time on the
coast of Brazil, and at Falkland's Islands, he got into the Pacific Sea by
the Straits of Magalhaens, in January, 1768.
In this ocean he discovered the Four Facardines, the isle of Lanciers, and
Harp Island, which I take to be the same that I afterwards named Lagoon,
Thrum Cap, and Bow Island. About twenty leagues farther to the west he
discovered four other islands; afterwards fell in with Maitea, Otaheite,
isles of Navigators, and Forlorn Hope, which to him were new discoveries.
He then passed through between the Hebrides, discovered the Shoal of Diana,
and some others, the land of Cape Deliverance, several islands more to the
north, passed the north of New Ireland, touched at Batavia, and arrived in
France in March, 1769.
This year was rendered remarkable by the transit of the planet Venus over
the sun's disk, a phenomenon of great importance to astronomy; and which
every-where engaged the attention of the learned in that science.
In the beginning of the 1768, the Royal Society presented a memorial to his
majesty, setting forth the advantages to be derived from accurate
observations of this transit in different parts of the world; particularly
from a set of such observations made in a southern latitude, between the
140th and 130th degrees of longitude, west from the Royal Observatory at
Greenwich; and that vessels, properly equipped, would be necessary to
convey the observers to their destined stations; but that the society were
in no condition to defray the expence of such an undertaking.
In consequence of this memorial, the Admiralty were directed by his majesty
to provide proper vessels for this purpose. Accordingly, the Endeavour
bark, which had been built for the coal-trade, was purchased and fitted out
for the southern voyage, and I was honoured with the command of her. The
Royal Society, soon after, appointed me, in conjunction with Mr Charles
Green the astronomer, to make the requisite observations on the transit.
It was at first intended to perform this great, and now a principal
business of our voyage, either at the Marquesas, or else at one of those
islands which Tasman had called Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Middleburg, now
better known under the name of the Friendly Islands. But while the
Endeavour was getting ready for the expedition, Captain Wallis returned
from his voyage round the world, in the course of which he had discovered
several islands in the South Sea; and, amongst others, Otaheite. This
island was preferred to any of those before mentioned, on account of the
conveniences it afforded; because its place had been well ascertained, and
found to be extremely well suited to our purpose.
I was therefore ordered to proceed directly to Otaheite; and after
astronomical observations should be completed, to prosecute the design of
making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, by proceeding to the south
as far as the latitude of 40°; then, if I found no land, to proceed to the
west between 40° and 35°, till I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to
explore; and thence to return to England by such route as I should think
proper.
In the prosecution of these instructions, I sailed from Deptford the 30th
July, 1768; from Plymouth the 26th of August, touched at Madeira, Rio de
Janeiro, and Straits Le Maire, and entered the South Pacific Ocean by Cape
Horn in January the following year.
I endeavoured to make a direct course to Otaheite, and in part succeeded;
but I made no discovery till I got within the tropic, where I fell in with
Lagoon Island, Two Groups, Bird Island, Chain Island; and on the 13th of
April arrived at Otaheite, where I remained three months, during which time
the observations on the transit were made.
I then left it; discovered and visited the Society Isles and Oheteroa;
thence proceeded to the south till I arrived in the latitude of 40° 22',
longitude 147° 29' W.; and, on the 6th of October, fell in with the east
side of New Zealand.
I continued exploring the coast of this country till the 31st of March,
1770, when I quitted it, and proceeded to New Holland; and having surveyed
the eastern coast of that vast country, which part had not before been
visited, I passed between its northern extremity and New Guinea, landed on
the latter, touched at the island of Savu, Batavia, the Cape of Good Hope,
and St Helena,[12] and arrived in England on the 12th of July, 1771.
In this voyage I was accompanied by Mr Banks and Dr Solander; the first a
gentleman of ample fortune; the other an accomplished disciple of Linnæus,
and one of the librarians of the British Museum; both of them distinguished
in the learned world, for their extensive and accurate knowledge of natural
history. These gentlemen, animated by the love of science, and by a desire
to pursue their enquiries in the remote regions I was preparing to visit,
desired permission to make a voyage with me. The Admiralty readily complied
with a request that promised such advantage to the republic of letters.
They accordingly embarked with me, and participated in all the dangers and
sufferings of our tedious and fatiguing navigation.
The voyages of Messrs de Surville, Kerguelen, and Marion, of which some
account is given in the following work, did not come to my knowledge time
enough to afford me any advantage; and as they have not been communicated
to the world in a public way, I can say little about them, or about two
other voyages, which, I am told, have been made by the Spaniards; one to
Easter Island in the year 1769, and the other to Otaheite in 1775.[13]
Before I begin my narrative of the expedition entrusted to my care, it will
be necessary to add here some account of its equipment, and of some other
matters equally interesting, connected with my subject.
Soon after my return home in the Endeavour, it was resolved to equip two
ships, to complete the discovery of the Southern Hemisphere. The nature of
this voyage required ships of a particular construction, and the Endeavour
being gone to Falkland's Isles as a store-ship, the Navy-board was directed
to purchase two such ships as were most suitable for this service.
At this time various opinions were espoused by different people, touching
the size and kind of vessels most proper for such a voyage. Some were for
having large ships, and proposed those of forty guns, or East India
Company's ships. Others preferred large good sailing frigates, or three-
decked ships, employed in the Jamaica trade, fitted with round-houses. But
of all that was said and offered to the Admiralty's consideration on this
subject, as far as has come to my knowledge, what, in my opinion, was most
to the purpose, was suggested by the Navy-board.
As the kind of ships most proper to be employed on discoveries, is a very
interesting consideration to the adventurers in such undertakings, it may
possibly be of use to those, who, in future, may be so employed, to give
here the purport of the sentiments of the Navy-board thereon, with whom,
after the experience of two voyages of three years each, I perfectly agree.
The success of such undertakings as making discoveries in distant parts of
the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted
to what ought to be the first considerations, namely, the preservation of
the adventurers and ships; and this will ever chiefly depend on the kind,
the size, and the properties of the ships chosen for the service.
These primary considerations will not admit of any other that may interfere
with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore, in choosing the
ships, should any of the most advantageous properties be wanting, and the
necessary room in them, be in any degree diminished, for less important
purposes, such a step would be laying a foundation for rendering the
undertaking abortive in the first instance.
As the greatest danger to be apprehended and provided against, on a voyage
of discovery, especially to the most distant parts of the globe, is that of
the ship's being liable to be run a-ground on an unknown, desert, or
perhaps savage coast; so no consideration should be set in competition with
that of her being of a construction of the safest kind, in which the
officers may, with the least hazard, venture upon a strange coast. A ship
of this kind must not be of a great draught of water, yet of a sufficient
burden and capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and
necessaries for her complement of men, and for the time requisite to
perform the voyage.
She must also be of a construction that will bear to take the ground; and
of a size, which in case of necessity, may be safely and conveniently laid
on shore, to repair any accidental damage or defect. These properties are
not to be found in ships of war of forty guns, nor in frigates, nor in East
India Company's ships, nor in large three-decked West India ships, nor
indeed in any other but North-country-built ships, or such as are built for
the coal-trade, which are peculiarly adapted to this purpose.
In such a vessel an able sea-officer will be most venturesome, and better
enabled to fulfil his instructions, than he possibly can (or indeed than
would be prudent for him to attempt) in one of any other _sort_ or _size_.
Upon the whole, I am firmly of opinion, that no ships are so proper for
discoveries in distant unknown parts, as those constructed as was the
Endeavour, in which I performed my former voyage. For no ships of any other
kind can contain stores and provisions sufficient (in proportion to the
necessary number of men,) considering the length of time it will be
necessary they should last. And, even if another kind of ships could stow a
sufficiency, yet on arriving at the parts for discovery, they would still,
from the nature of their construction and size, be _less fit_ for the
purpose.
Hence, it may be concluded, so little progress had been hitherto made in
discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere. For all ships which attempted it
before the Endeavour, were unfit for it; although the officers employed in
them had done the utmost in their power.
It was upon this consideration that the Endeavour was chosen for that
voyage. It was to those properties in her that those on board owed their
preservation; and hence we were enabled to prosecute discoveries in those
seas so much longer than any other ship ever did, or could do. And,
although discovery was not the first object of that voyage, I could venture
to traverse a far greater space of sea, til then unnavigated; to discover
greater tracts of country in high and low south latitudes, and to persevere
longer in exploring and surveying more correctly the extensive coasts of
those new-discovered countries, than any former navigator perhaps had done
during one voyage.
In short, these properties in the ships, with perseverance and resolution
in their commanders, will enable them to execute their orders; to go beyond
former discoverers; and continue to Britain the reputation of taking the
lead of nations, in exploring the globe.
These considerations concurring with Lord Sandwich's opinion on the same
subject, the Admiralty determined to have two such ships as are here
recommended. Accordingly two were purchased of Captain William Hammond of
Hull. They were both built at Whitby, by the same person who built the
Endeavour, being about fourteen or sixteen months old at the time they were
purchased, and were, in my opinion, as well adapted to the intended
service, as if they had been built for the purpose. The largest of the two
was four hundred and sixty-two tons burden. She was named Resolution, and
sent to Deptford to be equipped. The other was three hundred and thirty-six
tons burden. She was named Adventure, and sent to be equipped at Woolwich.
It was at first proposed to sheathe them with copper; but on considering
that copper corrodes the iron-work, especially about the rudder, this
intention was laid aside, and the old method of sheathing and fitting
pursued, as being the most secure; for although it is usual to make the
rudder-bands of the same composition, it is not, however, so durable as
iron, nor would it, I am well assured, last out such a voyage as the
Resolution performed.[14]
Therefore, till a remedy is found to prevent the effect of copper upon
iron-work, it would not be advisable to use it on a voyage of this kind,
as, the principal fastenings of the ship being iron, they may be destroyed.
On the 28th of November, 1771, I was appointed to the command of the
Resolution; and Tobias Furneaux (who had been second lieutenant with
Captain Wallis) was promoted, on this occasion, to the command of the
Adventure.
_Our Complements of Officers and Men were fixed, as in the following
Table._
RESOLUTION
_Officers and Men, Officers Names_
Captain (1) James Cook.
Lieutenants (3) Rob. P. Cooper, Charles Clerke, Richd. Pickersgill.
Master (1) Joseph Gilbert.
Boatswain (1) James Gray.
Carpenter (1) James Wallis.
Gunner (1) Robert Anderson.
Surgeon (1) James Patten.
Master's mates (3)
Midshipmen (6)
Surgeon's mates (2)
Captain's clerk (1)
Master at arms (1)
Corporal (1)
Armourer (1)
Ditto mate (1)
Sail-maker (1)
Boatswain's mate (3)
Carpenter's ditto (3)
Gunner's ditto (2)
Carpenter's crews (4)
Cook (1)
Ditto mate (1)
Quarter-masters (6)
Able seamen (45)
Marines
Lieutenant (1) John Edgecumbe.
Serjeant (1)
Corporals (2)
Drummer (1)
Privates (15)
Total, 112
ADVENTURE
_Officers and Men, Officers Names_
Captain (1) Tobias Furneaux.
Lieutenants (3) Joseph Shank, Arthur Kempe.
Master (1) Peter Fannin.
Boatswain (1) Edward Johns.
Carpenter (1) William Offord.
Gunner (1) Andrew Gloag.
Surgeon (1) Thos. Andrews.
Master's mate (2)
Midshipmen (4)
Surgeon's mates (2)
Captain's clerk (1)
Master at arms (1)
Ditto Mate (1)
Sail-maker (1)
Ditto Mate (1)
Boatswain's mate (1)
Carpenter's ditto (2)
Gunner's ditto (2)
Carpenter's crews (1)
Cook (4)
Ditto mate (1)
Quarter-masters (4)
Able seamen (33)
Marines
Lieutenant (1) James Scott.
Serjeant (1)
Corporals (1)
Drummer (1)
Privates (8)
Total, 81
I had all the reason in the world to be perfectly satisfied with the choice
of the officers. The second and third lieutenants, the lieutenant of
marines, two of the warrant officers, and several of the petty officers,
had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known
abilities; and all of them, on every occasion, shewed their zeal for the
service in which they were employed, during the whole voyage.
In the equipping of these ships, they were not confined to ordinary
establishments, but were fitted in the most complete manner, and supplied
with every extra article that was suggested to be necessary.
Lord Sandwich paid an extraordinary attention to this equipment, by
visiting the ships from time to time, to satisfy himself that the whole was
completed to his wish, and to the satisfaction of those who were to embark
in them.
Nor were the Navy and Victualling Boards wanting in providing them with the
very best of stores and provisions, and whatever else was necessary for so
long a voyage.--Some alterations were adopted in the species of provisions
usually made use of in the navy. That is, we were supplied with wheat in
lieu of so much oatmeal, and sugar in lieu of so much oil; and when
completed, each ship had two years and a half provisions on board, of all
species.
We had besides many extra articles, such as _malt, sour krout, salted
cabbage, portable broth, saloup, mustard, marmalade of carrots, and
inspissated juice of wort and beer_. Some of these articles had before
been found to be highly antiscorbutic; and others were now sent out on
trial, or by way of experiment;--the inspissated juice of beer and wort,
and marmalade of carrots especially. As several of these antiscorbutic
articles are not generally known, a more particular account of them may not
be amiss.
Of _malt_ is made _sweet wort_, which is given to such persons as
have got the scurvy, or whose habit of body threatens them with it, from
one to five or six pints a-day, as the surgeon sees necessary.
_Sour krout_ is cabbage cut small, to which is put a little salt,
juniper berries, and anniseeds; it is then fermented, and afterwards close
packed in casks; in which state it will keep good a long time. This is a
wholesome vegetable food, and a great antiscorbutic. The allowance to each
man is two pounds a week, but I increased or diminished their allowance as
I thought proper.
_Salted cabbage_ is cabbage cut to pieces, and salted down in casks,
which will preserve it a long time.
_Portable broth_ is so well known, that it needs no description. We
were supplied with it both for the sick and well, and it was exceedingly
beneficial.
_Saloup_ and _rob of lemons_ and _oranges_ were for the sick
and scorbutic only, and wholly under the surgeon's care.
_Marmalade of carrots_ is the juice of yellow carrots, inspissated
till it is of the thickness of fluid honey, or treacle, which last it
resembles both in taste and colour. It was recommended by Baron Storsch, of
Berlin, as a very great antiscorbutic; but we did not find that it had much
of this quality.
For the _inspissated juice of wort_ and _beer_ we were indebted
to Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners of the victualling office.
This gentleman, some years ago, considered that if the juice of malt,
either as beer or wort, was inspissated by evaporation, it was probable
this inspissated juice would keep good at sea; and, if so, a supply of beer
might be had, at any time, by mixing it with water. Mr Pelham made several
experiments, which succeeded so well, that the commissioners caused thirty-
one half barrels of this juice to be prepared, and sent out with our ships
for trial; nineteen on board the Resolution, and the remainder on board the
Adventure. The success of the experiments will be mentioned in the
narrative, in the order as they were made.
The frame of a small vessel, twenty tons burthen, was properly prepared,
and put on board each of the ships to be set up (if found necessary) to
serve as tenders upon any emergency, or to transport the crew, in case the
ship was lost.
We were also well provided with fishing-nets, lines, and hooks of every
kind for catching of fish.--And, in order to enable us to procure
refreshments, in such inhabited parts of the world as we might touch at,
where money was of no value, the Admiralty caused to be put on board both
the ships, several articles of merchandize; as well to trade with the
natives for provisions, as to make them presents to gain their friendship
and esteem.
Their lordships also caused a number of medals to be struck, the one side
representing his majesty, and the other the two ships. These medals were to
be given to the natives of new-discovered countries, and left there as
testimonies of our being the first discoverers.
Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was put on board; to
be given to the seamen whenever it was thought necessary. In short, nothing
was wanting that could tend to promote the success of the undertaking, or
contribute to the conveniences and health of those who embarked in it.
The Admiralty shewed no less attention to science in general, by engaging
Mr William Hodges, a landscape painter, to embark in this voyage, in order
to make drawings and paintings of such places in the countries we should
touch at, as might be proper to give a more perfect, idea thereof, than
could be formed from written descriptions only.
And it being thought of public utility, that some person skilled in natural
history, should be engaged to accompany me in this voyage, the parliament
granted an ample sum for the purpose, and Mr John Reinhold Forster, with
his son, were pitched upon for this employment.[15]
The Board of Longitude agreed with Mr William Wales and Mr William Bayley,
to make astronomical observations; the former on board the Resolution, and
the latter on board the Adventure. The great improvements which astronomy
and navigation have met with from the many interesting observations they
have made, would have done honour to any person whose reputation for
mathematical knowledge was not so well known as theirs.
The same Board furnished them with the best instruments, for making both
astronomical and nautical observations and experiments; and likewise with
four time-pieces, or watch machines; three made by Mr Arnold, and one made
by Mr Kendal on Mr Harrison's principles. A particular account of the going
of these watches, as also the astronomical and nautical observations made
by the astronomers, has been before the public, by order of the Board of
Longitude, under the inspection of Mr Wales.[16]
Besides the obligation I was under to this gentleman for communicating to
me the observations he made, from time to time, during the voyage, I have
since been indebted to him for the perusal of his journal, with leave to
take from it whatever I thought might contribute to the improvement of this
work.
For the convenience of the generality of readers, I have reduced the time
from the nautical to the civil computation, so that whenever the terms A.M.
and P.M. are used, the former signifies the forenoon, and the latter the
afternoon of the same day.
In all the courses, bearings, &c., the variation of the compass is allowed,
unless the contrary is expressed. And now it may be necessary to say, that,
as I am on the point of sailing on a third expedition, I leave this account
of my last voyage in the hands of some friends, who, in my absence, have
kindly accepted the office of correcting the press for me; who are pleased
to think that what I have here to relate is better to be given in my own
words, than in the words of another person; especially as it is a work
designed for information, and not merely for amusement; in which, it is
their opinion, that candour and fidelity will counter-balance the want of
ornament.[17]
I shall therefore conclude this introductory discourse with desiring the
reader to excuse the inaccuracies of style, which doubtless he will
frequently meet with in the following narrative; and that, when such occur,
he will recollect that it is the production of a man, who has not had the
advantage of much school education, but who has been constantly at sea from
his youth; and though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has
passed through all the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice
boy in the coal trade, to a post-captain in the royal navy, he has had no
opportunity of cultivating letters. After this account of myself, the
public must not expect from me the elegance of a fine writer, or the
plausibility of a professed book-maker; but will, I hope, consider me as a
plain man, zealously exerting himself in the service of his country, and
determined to give the best account he is able of his proceedings.[18]
JAMES COOK.
_Plymouth Sound, July 7, 1776._
[1] It is scarcely conceivable, that any men of science in the end of
the 18th century, should have insisted on mathematical reasons for the
supposition of a southern counterpoise; and therefore, as is mentioned
by Mr Wales, in his introduction to the account of the astronomical
observations made during this voyage, it must be held, that the
opinion which induced his majesty to order the voyage, for the purpose
of discovering a continent or large islands towards the South Pole,
was founded on mere probability. That there is no necessity for such
an existence, is very certain, for the preservation of the earth's
motion on its axis can be readily accounted for without it; yet,
reasoning from analogy, and considering the successful experiment of
Columbus, there seemed sufficient grounds, independent of the alleged
discoveries of Bouvet and others, to expect that some lands might be
found there. After this, it required little additional excitement of
fancy to believe, that if there, and if found, they might be no less
important to the discoverers, than America was judged to be to the
Spaniards. Men are not easily cured of their prejudices, when the
foundations on which they are built, derive validity from the hope of
interest. It is impossible to tell what kind and degree of advantages,
certain sanguine specialists anticipated from the Terra Australis.
Excepting the article of the prolongation of life _ad infinitum_, it is
questionable, if the philosopher's stone, when discovered, could have
accomplished more; and even with respect to that, it might have been
imagined, that the soil and climate would so materially differ from
any other before known, as to yield some sovereign elixir or plant of
life-giving efficacy. That it was charitably hoped, they would be no
less serviceable in another particular, of perhaps fully greater
consequence, may be inferred from a passage in Dr Hawkesworth's reply
to Mr Dalrymple, appended to his Account of Cook's First Voyage, &c.,
second edition. "I am very sorry," says he, "for the discontented
state of this good gentleman's mind, and most sincerely wish that a
southern continent may be found, as I am confident _nothing else can
make him happy and good-humoured!_" Mr Dalrymple seems to have set
no bounds to his expectations from the discovery, and accordingly
thought that no bounds ought to be set to the endeavours to accomplish
it. Witness the very whimsical _negative_ and _affirmative_
dedication of his Historical Collection of Voyages, &c. "Not to, &c.
&c., but to the man, who, emulous of Magalhaens and the heroes of
former times, _undeterred_ by difficulties, and _unseduced_
by pleasure, shall persist through every obstacle, and not by chance,
but by virtue and good conduct, _succeed in establishing an
intercourse_ with a southern continent, &c!", A zeal so red-hot as
this, could scarcely be cooled down to any thing like common sense, on
one of the fields of ice encountered by Cook in his second voyage; but
what a pity it is, that it should not be accompanied by as much of the
inventive faculty, as might serve to point out how impossibilities can
be performed, and insuperable obstructions removed! It is but justice
to this gentleman to say, that his willingness to undertake such a
task, was as enthusiastic as his idea of its magnitude and importance.
His industry, besides, in acquiring information in this department of
science, and his liberality in imparting it, were most exemplary. On
the whole, therefore, saving the circumstances of fortune and success,
he may be ranked with any of the heroes of former times!
It would be well to remember, that the Deity is not bound to act
according to our notions of fitness; and that though it may not always
be easiest, yet it is certainly most modest to form our theories from
a survey of his works, rather than the nursery of our own prejudices.
The following observations may be of utility to some readers. The
motion of the earth about its axis is uniform, and quite unaffected by
the irregularities on its surface or of its density. This is a fact to
be admitted, not an opinion to be proved. But in point of reasoning,
it is quite demonstrable, that the highest mountain on the surface of
the earth, bears no larger a proportion to the magnitude of the earth,
than a grain of sand does to that of one of our largest globes, and
can have no more effect on its motion: Besides, as is noticed by Mr
Wales, every body will be _in equilibrio_, however irregular, when it
is suspended or revolves on a line passing through its centre of
gravity, and will not have either its rest or motion disturbed by any
irregularities lying in the direction of that line, which may be
safely supposed the case with our earth. The simple addition of any
fluid matter to a body so circumstanced, will not cause any
aberration, as it will distribute itself in the parts nearest to the
centre of gravity, without regard to the centre of the body, which may
or may not be the same. The principal tracts of both land and sea may
be held to extend from the North towards the South Pole, and are
accordingly in the direction of the earth's axis. Obviously,
therefore, there is no necessity for a southern continent to answer as
a counterpoise; and it is even conceivable that the matter in the
regions of the South Pole, is specifically lighter than that of any
other part, in perfect consistency with what is known of the earth's
motion. The reasons of a different kind from what have now been
mentioned, for the existence of southern lands, fall to be elsewhere
considered.--E.
[2] An account of the voyage performed by Magalhaens, is given in vol.
x. of this collection. The discoveries made by that enterprising man
in the South Pacific Ocean, were far from being very important; but
the expedition in which he unfortunately lost his life, will ever be
memorable in the pages of history, as the first circumnavigation of the
world.--E.
[3] Mr Dalrymple has collected together the few existing notices of
Spanish voyages of discovery, betwixt the times of those performed by
Magalhaens and Mendana. Though by no means considerable in bulk, they
are too numerous to be detailed in this place. It is very probable,
that the Spanish government continued from mere habit to reserve the
more perfect memorials, after all the views of policy which first
occasioned their being withheld from the public, had been abandoned.
The affairs of that ill-fated kingdom have been long very unfavourable
to the investigations, which certainly unimportant curiosity might
prompt on the subject--E.
[4] Two relations have been given of Mendana's voyage; one by Quiros
above-mentioned, in a letter to Don Antonio Morga, lieutenant-general
of the Phillipines, when Quiros landed at Manila, which was inserted
in a work published at Mexico in 1609; and the other contained in
Thevenot's French collection, being, as Mr Dalrymple has remarked, a
transcript from Figueroa's history of Garcia Hurtado de Mendoça, and
of less authority. The discoveries of Quiros, real and supposed, have
attracted very peculiar notice, and deservedly so. Almost every
collection specifies them. That which the president de Brosses has
given on the authority of several Spanish works, has been generally
followed. Mr Dalrymple is earnest in securing to this _immortal_
name, the honour of discovering the southern continent. It is most
certain that he did discover something in the Pacific Ocean, but it
never yet has been shewn, that this something any way corresponds with
the wonderful description he thought proper to give of it, in his
memorial to the Spanish king. "Its longitude," says he, (we copy from
Mr Dalrymple's translation) "is as much as that of all Europe, Asia-
Minor, and to the Caspian Sea, and Persia, with all the islands of the
Mediterranean and Ocean, which are in its limits embraced, including
England and Ireland. That _unknown_ part is a quarter of the
whole globe, and so capacious, that it may contain in it double the
kingdoms and provinces of all those your majesty is at present Lord
of: And that without adjoining to Turks or Moors, or others of the
nations which are accustomed to disquiet and disturb their
neighbours!" This was a discoverer after our own heart, worth a dozen
or two of Ansons, Byrons, and Cooks! Amongst his real discoveries must
be particularly regarded the Tierra del Espirito Santo above-
mentioned, which was visited by Bougainville in 1768, and called by
him the New Cyclades, a name since supplanted by that which Cook gave,
the New Hebrides.--E.
[5] See our account of this voyage in vol. x. It was perhaps more
fruitful in discoveries of islands, than any preceding expedition, and
was remarkable, besides, for the small loss of lives during its
continuance, viz. only three men. The interesting enough discovery of
the Strait which bears the name of Le Maire, would have been
sufficient to signalize the spirited undertaking of that merchant. Nor
can it be any thing to _his_ discredit, considering his
circumstances and profession, that he had his golden dreams about a
southern counterpoise. Technical habits might readily suggest to him
the propriety of an exact balance.--E.
[6] A note has been given in vol. xiii. respecting Tasman's voyage.
His discoveries were undoubtedly of some importance, and deserve
particular notice in a collection; as such, an opportunity, it is
expected, will occur for effecting it, either entire from Valentyn's
relation, or in abstract from various authorities.--E.
[7] See what has been said on this subject in our account of Byron's
voyage, vol. xii. p. 47.--E.
[8] The results of Dr Halley's voyage were communicated to the Royal
Society of London, and constitute part, certainly an interesting part,
of their published papers. If is rather to be wondered at, that Cook
has not made mention of some other voyages of discovery about this
period, especially Dampier's, of which, as well as of some more, the
reader will find an account in our 10th volume.--E.
[9] See Waifer's description of the Isthmus of Darien.
[10] See our relation of Commodore Roggewein's voyage in the 11th vol.
of this Collection.--E.
[11] It seems impossible to doubt for a moment, the validity of Cook's
evidence against Bouvet's alleged discovery of land, above alluded to.
In the present day, there is nothing like a whisper insinuated to its
disparagement; and accordingly the name of Bouvet is never mentioned
as a discoverer. The reader need scarcely be reminded of the position
which our accounts of the following voyage occupy in this Collection,
viz. the 12th and 13th volumes.--E.
[12] Footnote in the 1st ed. In the account given of St Helena in the
narrative of my former voyage, I find two mistakes. Its inhabitants
are far from exercising a wanton cruelty over their slaves, and they
have had wheel-carriages and porters' knots for many years.
[13] A satisfactory account of Surville's Voyage is given in
Berenger's Collection, vol. vi. published at Paris, 1790, of which, if
our limits allow it, we may furnish the reader with an abstract. It is
remarkable, as being partly planned by the celebrated Law of
Lauriston. A relation of Kerguelen's voyage, which was made in 1771,
2, and 3, was published at Paris in 1781, and, according to the Bib.
Univ. des Voy. is become scarce. The writer is quite ignorant of its
value. Marion was killed by the savages of New Zealand; after his
death, the voyage was carried on by M. Ducleneur, under whom the
principal observations were made in the South Sea. The account of this
voyage was published at Paris in 1783. The reader will easily believe,
therefore, that Captain Cook could not have profited by any of these
three expeditions.--E.
[14] Till the discovery of what has been denominated Galvanism, it was
difficult, if not impossible, to explain the circumstance alluded to
in the text, that copper corrodes the iron work of vessels. Now, it is
thought there is no mystery in the matter. But, in truth, we have only
been enabled by more certain observation to classify the fact with
several others of a like nature, and all perhaps equally inexplicable.
The application of new names to old things, will scarcely pass with
any philosopher, for a discovery. On the other hand, it is certain,
that the invention of means by which new powers are produced, is
justly entitled to that distinction. It is impossible to withhold this
praise from Galvani and some of his followers.--E.
[15] Both of these gentlemen published works respecting this second
voyage of Cook, to which we shall have occasion to refer in the notes.
That of the former is entitled, "Observations made during a Voyage
round the World, on Physical Geography, Natural History, and Ethic
Philosophy, &c.," and was published at London in 1778, 4to.; that of
the latter is, properly speaking, a full relation of the voyage, and
appeared in two volumes 4to., at London, the year before. There is
good reason for saying. that no account of this voyage can be held
complete, that is not materially aided by these two productions,
which, with sundry imperfections, and perhaps _vices_, have very
great merit, and are highly interesting. They are accordingly, as well
as the work of Mr Wales, freely used for the purpose of this
collection.--E.
[16] Many readers may desire to know what kind of instruments Captain
Cook alludes to above. The following list is taken from Mr Wales's
work, which, from the nature of it, has been rarely looked into by any
but scientific men.
1. A portable observatory. 2. An astronomical clock, made by Mr
Shelton. 3. An assistant clock, made by Mr Monk. 4. A transit
instrument, made by Mr Bird. 5. An astronomical quadrant, by the same
excellent artist. 6. A reflecting telescope, of two feet focal length,
by ditto. 7. An achromatic refracting telescope, of three and a half
feet, and triple object glass, made by Mr Dollond. 8. A Hadley's
sextant, by ditto. 9. Another, by Mr Ramsden. 10. An azimuth compass,
by Mr Adams. 11. A pair of globes, by ditto. 12. A dipping needle, by
Mr Nairne. I3. A marine barometer, by ditto. 14. A wind gage, invented
by Dr Lind of Edinburgh, and made by Mr Nairne. 15. Two portable
barometers, made by Mr Burton. 16. Six thermometers, by ditto. 17. A
theodolite, with a level, and a Gunter's chain, by ditto. 18. An
apparatus for trying the heat of the sea-water at different depths.
19. Two time-keepers, one made by Mr Larcum Kendal, on Mr Harrison's
principles, and the other by Mr John Arnold.
Mr Wales has particularly described some of these instruments, and the
mode of using them. He has, besides, given a very interesting, though
short history of the application of astronomical instruments to
navigation, a summary of which, with some additional remarks, could
scarcely fail to be valued by any reader concerned for the promotion
of useful science. This, accordingly, it is purposed to insert
whenever a proper opportunity occurs. It might seem rather a hindrance
in this place.--E.
[17] The opinion stated in the memoir of Cook, in the Biographia
Britannica, as to his appearance in the character of an author,
perfectly concurs with what the writer has elsewhere said on the
subject; and it may deserve a place here, as a commendatory testimony,
which the modesty of Cook, it is probable, would scarcely have allowed
himself to expect. It is inserted, besides, with greater propriety, as
specifying one of the friends alluded to, of whom, in the capacity of
editor of Cook's third voyage, we shall have another opportunity of
speaking with the esteem due to his literary character, and his most
praise-worthy exertions in the service of both Cook and his family.
"Captain Cook was justly regarded as sufficiently qualified to relate
his own story. His journal only required to be divided into chapters,
and perhaps to be amended by a few verbal corrections. It is not
speaking extravagantly to say, that, in point of composition, his
history of his voyage reflects upon him no small degree of credit. His
style is natural, clear, and manly; being well adapted to the subject
and to his own character: and it is possible, that a pen of more
studied elegance would not have given any additional advantage to the
narration. It was not till some time after Captain Cook's leaving
England, that the work was published; but, in the meanwhile, the
superintendance of it was undertaken by his learned and valuable
friend, Dr Douglas, whose late promotion to the mitre hath afforded
pleasure to every literary man of every denomination." One cannot help
regretting, that Cook never returned to meet with the congratulations
of a highly-satisfied public, not invidiously disposed, it may readily
be imagined, and certainly having no occasion, to see any necessity
for the requested indulgences with which he concludes this
introduction.--E.
[18] Is it not both likely and somewhat allowable, that Cook should
speak of the _fine writer_ and _professed book-maker_, with
a feeling of disgust or irritation; more especially when he could not
but well remember, that his own simple personality had been made the
substratum for the flippant flourish of the one character, and the
unseemly protuberances of the other?--E.
CHAPTER I.[1]
FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM ENGLAND TO LEAVING THE SOCIETY ISLES THE FIRST
TIME.
SECTION I.
_Passage from Deptford to the Cape of Good Hope, with an Account of
several Incidents that happened by the Way, and Transactions there._
I sailed from Deptford, April 9th, 1772, but got no farther than Woolwich,
where I was detained by easterly winds till the 23d, when the ship fell
down to Long Reach, and the next day was joined by the Adventure. Here both
ships received on board their powder, guns, gunners' stores, and marines.
On the 10th of May we left Long Reach, with orders to touch at Plymouth;
but in plying down the river, the Resolution was found to be very crank,
which made it necessary to put into Sheerness in order to remove this evil,
by making some alteration in her upper works. These the officers of the
yard were ordered to take in hand immediately; and Lord Sandwich and Sir
Hugh Palliser came down to see them executed in such a manner as might
effectually answer the purpose intended.
On the 22d of June the ship was again completed for sea, when I sailed from
Sheerness; and on the 3d of July joined the Adventure in Plymouth Sound.
The evening before, we met, off the Sound, Lord Sandwich, in the Augusta
yacht, (who was on his return from visiting the several dock-yards,) with
the Glory frigate and Hazard sloop. We saluted his lordship with seventeen
guns; and soon after he and Sir Hugh Palliser gave us the last mark of the
very great attention they had paid to this equipment, by coming on board,
to satisfy themselves that every thing was done to my wish, and that the
ship was found to answer to my satisfaction.
At Plymouth I received my instructions, dated the 25th of June, directing
me to take under my command the Adventure; to make the best of my way to
the island of Madeira, there to take in a supply of wine, and then proceed
to the Cape of Good Hope, where I was to refresh the ships' companies, and
to take on board such provisions and necessaries as I might stand in need
of. After leaving the Cape of Good Hope, I was to proceed to the southward,
and endeavour to fall in with Cape Circumcision, which was said by Monsieur
Bouvet to lie in the latitude of 54° S. and in about 11° 20' E. longitude
from Greenwich. If I discovered this cape, I was to satisfy myself whether
it was a part of the continent which had so much engaged the attention of
geographers and former navigators, or a part of an island. If it proved to
be the former, I was to employ myself diligently in exploring as great an
extent of it as I could, and to make such notations thereon, and
observations of every kind, as might be useful either to navigation or
commerce, or tend to the promotion of natural knowledge. I was also
directed to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the
inhabitants, if there were any, and endeavour, by all proper means, to
cultivate a friendship and alliance with them; making them presents of such
things as they might value; inviting them to traffic, and shewing them
every kind of civility and regard. I was to continue to employ myself on
this service, and making discoveries either to the eastward or westward, as
my situation might render most eligible; keeping in as high a latitude as I
could, and prosecuting my discoveries as near to the South Pole as
possible, so long as the condition of the ships, the health of their crews,
and the state of their provisions, would admit of; taking care to reserve
as much of the latter as would enable me to reach some known port, where I
was to procure a sufficiency to bring me home to England. But if Cape
Circumcision should prove to be part of an island only, or if I should not
be able to find the said Cape, I was in the first case to make the
necessary survey of the island, and then to stand on to the southward, so
long as I judged there was a likelihood of falling in with the continent,
which I was also to do in the latter case, and then to proceed to the
eastward in further search of the said continent, as well as to make
discoveries of such islands as might be situated in that unexplored part of
the southern hemisphere; keeping in high latitudes, and prosecuting my
discoveries, as above mentioned, as near the pole as possible until I had
circumnavigated the globe; after which I was to proceed to the Cape of Good
Hope, and from thence to Spithead.
In the prosecution of these discoveries, wherever the season of the year
rendered it unsafe for me to continue in high latitudes, I was to retire to
some known place to the northward, to refresh my people, and refit the
ships; and to return again to the southward as soon as the season of the
year would admit of it. In all unforeseen cases, I was authorised to
proceed according to my own discretion; and in case the Resolution should
be lost or disabled, I was to prosecute the voyage on board the Adventure.
I gave a copy of these instructions to Captain Furneaux, with an order
directing him to carry them into execution; and, in case he was separated
from me, appointed the island of Madeira for the first place of rendezvous;
Port Praya in the island of St Jago for the second; Cape of Good Hope for
the third; and New Zealand for the fourth.
During our stay at Plymouth, Messrs Wales and Bayley, the two astronomers,
made observations on Drake's Island, in order to ascertain the latitude,
longitude, and true time for putting the time-pieces and watches in motion.
The latitude was found to be 50° 21' 30" N., and the longitude 4° 20' W. of
Greenwich, which, in this voyage, is every where to be understood as the
first meridian, and from which the longitude is reckoned east and west to
180° each way. On the 10th of July the watches were set a-going in the
presence of the two astronomers, Captain Furneaux, the first lieutenants of
the ships, and myself, and put on board. The two on board the Adventure
were made by Mr Arnold, and also one of those on board the Resolution; but
the other was made by Mr Kendal, upon the same principle, in every respect,
as Mr Harrison's time-piece. The commander, first lieutenant, and
astronomer, on board each, of the ships, kept each of them keys of the
boxes which contained the watches, and were always to be present at the
winding them up, and comparing the one with the other; or some other
officer, if at any time, through indisposition, or absence upon any other
necessary duties, any of them could not conveniently attend. The same day,
according to the custom of the navy, the companies of both ships were paid
two months wages in advance, and, as a further encouragement for their
going this extraordinary voyage, they were also paid the wages due to them
to the 28th of the preceding May. This enabled them to provide necessaries
for the voyage.
On the 13th, at six o'clock in the morning, I sailed from Plymouth Sound,
with the Adventure in company; and on the evening of the 29th anchored in
Funchiale Road, in the island of Madeira. The next morning I saluted the
garrison with eleven guns; which compliment was immediately returned. Soon
after I went on shore, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, the two Mr
Forsters, and Mr Wales. At our landing, we were received by a gentleman
from the vice-consul, Mr Sills, who conducted us to the house of Mr
Loughnans, the most considerable English merchant in the place. This
gentleman not only obtained leave for Mr Forster to search the island for
plants, but procured us every other thing we wanted, and insisted on our
accommodating ourselves at his house during our stay.
The town of Funchiale, which is the capital of the island, is situated
about the middle of the south side, in the bottom of the bay of the same
name, in latitude 32° 33' 34" N., longitude 17° 12-7/8" W. The longitude
was deduced from lunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the
town by Mr Kendal's watch, which made the longitude 17° 10' 14" W. During
our stay here, the crews of both ships were supplied with fresh beef and
onions; and a quantity of the latter was distributed amongst them for a
sea-store.
Having got on board a supply of water, wine, and other necessaries, we left
Madeira on the 1st of August, and stood to the southward with a fine gale
at N.E. On the 4th we passed Palma, one of the Canary isles. It is of a
height to be seen twelve or fourteen leagues, and lies in the latitude 28°
38' N., longitude 17° 58' W. The next day we saw the isle of Ferro, and
passed it at the distance of fourteen leagues. I judged it to lie in the
latitude of 27° 42' N. and longitude 18° 9' W.[2]
I now made three puncheons of beer of the inspissated juice of malt. The
proportion I made use of was about ten of water to one of juice. Fifteen of
the nineteen half barrels of the inspissated juice which we had on board,
were produced from wort that was hopped before inspissated. The other four
were made of beer that had been both hopped and fermented before
inspissated. This last requires no other preparation to make it fit for
use, than to mix it with cold water, from one part in eight to one part in
twelve of water, (or in such other proportion as might be liked,) then stop
it down, and in a few days it will be brisk and drinkable. But the other
sort, after being mixed with water in the same manner, will require to be
fermented with yeast, in the usual way of making beer; at least it was so
thought. However, experience taught us that this will not always be
necessary: For by the heat of the weather, and the agitation of the ship,
both sorts were at this time in the highest state of fermentation, and had
hitherto evaded all our endeavours to stop it. If this juice could be kept
from fermenting, it certainly would be a most valuable article at sea.[3]
On finding that our stock of water would not last as to the Cape of Good
Hope, without putting the people to a scanty allowance, I resolved to stop
at St Jago for a supply. On the 9th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we
made the island of Bonavista, bearing S.W. The next day, we passed the isle
of Mayo on our right; and the same evening anchored in Port Praya in the
island of St Jago, in eighteen fathom water. The east point of the bay bore
E.; the west point S.W. 1/2 S.; and the fort N.W. I immediately dispatched
an officer to ask leave to water, and purchase refreshments, which was
granted. On the return of the officer, I saluted the fort with eleven guns,
on a promise of its being returned with an equal number. But by a mistake,
as they pretended, the salute was returned with only nine; for which the
governor made an excuse the next day. The 14th, in the evening, having
completed our water, and got on board a supply of refreshments, such as
hogs, goats, fowls, and fruit, we put to sea, and proceeded on our voyage.
Port Praya is a small bay, situated about the middle of the south side of
the island of St Jago, in the latitude of 14° 53' 30" N. longitude 23° 30'
W. It may be known, especially in coming from the east, by the southernmost
hill on the island, which is round, and peaked at top; and lies a little
way inland, in the direction of west from the port. This mark is the more
necessary, as there is a small cove about a league to the eastward, with a
sandy beach in the bottom of it, a valley, and cocoa-nut trees behind,
which strangers may mistake for Port Praya, as we ourselves did. The two
points which form the entrance of Port Praya Bay are rather low, and in the
direction of W.S.W. and E.N.E. half a league from each other. Close to the
west point are sunken rocks, on which the sea continually breaks. The bay
lies in N.W. near half a league; and the depth of water is from fourteen to
four fathoms. Large ships ought not to anchor in less than eight, in which
depth the south end of the Green Island (a small island lying under the
west shore) will bear W. You water at a well that is behind the beach at
the head of the bay. The water is tolerable, but scarce; and bad getting
off, on account of a great surf on the beach. The refreshments to be got
here, are bullocks, hogs, goats, sheep, poultry, and fruits. The goats are
of the antelope kind, so extraordinarily lean, that hardly any thing can
equal them; and the bullocks, hogs, and sheep, are not much better.
Bullocks must be purchased with money; the price is twelve Spanish dollars
a-head, weighing between 250 and 300 pounds. Other articles may be got from
the natives in exchange for old clothes, &c. But the sale of bullocks is
confined to a company of merchants; to whom this privilege is granted, and
who keep an agent residing upon the spot.[4] The fort above mentioned seems
wholly designed for the protection of the bay, and is well situated for
that purpose, being built on an elevation, which rises directly from the
sea on the right, at the head of the bay.
We had no sooner got clear of Port Praya, than we got a fresh gale at
N.N.E. which blew in squalls, attended with showers of rain. But the next
day the wind and showers abated, and veered to the S. It was, however,
variable and unsettled for several days, accompanied with dark gloomy
weather, and showers of rain.[5]
On the 19th, in the afternoon, one of the carpenter's mates fell overboard,
and was drowned. He was over the side, fitting in one of the scuttles, from
whence it is supposed he had fallen; for he was not seen till the very
instant he sunk under the ship's stern, when our endeavours to save him
were too late. This loss was sensibly felt during the voyage, as he was a
sober man and a good workman. About noon the next day, the rain poured down
upon us, not in drops but in streams. The wind, at the same time, was
variable and squally, which obliged the people to attend the decks, so that
few in the ships escaped a good soaking. We, however, benefited by it, as
it gave us an opportunity of filling all our empty water-casks. This heavy
rain at last brought on a dead calm, which continued twenty-four hours,
when it was succeeded by a breeze from S.W. Betwixt this point and S. it
continued for several days; and blew at times in squalls, attended with
rain and hot sultry weather. The mercury in the thermometers at noon, kept
generally from 79 to 82.[6]
On the 27th, spoke with Captain Furneaux, who informed us that one of his
petty officers was dead. At this time _we_ had not one sick on board,
although we had every thing of this kind to fear from the rain we had had,
which is a great promoter of sickness in hot climates. To prevent this, and
agreeable to some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser and from Captain
Campbell, I took every necessary precaution by airing and drying the ship
with fires made betwixt decks, smoaking, &c. and by obliging the people to
air their bedding, wash and dry their clothes, whenever there was an
opportunity. A neglect of these things causeth a disagreeable smell below,
affects the air, and seldom fails to bring on sickness, but more especially
in hot and wet weather.
We now began to see some of those birds which are said never to fly far
from land; that is, man-of-war and tropic birds, gannets, &c. No land,
however, that we knew of, could be nearer than eighty leagues.
On the 3Oth at noon, being in the latitude of 2° 35' N., longitude 7° 30'
W., and the wind having veered to the east of south, we tacked and
stretched to the S.W. In the latitude of 0° 52' N., longitude 9° 25' W., we
had one calm day, which gave us an opportunity of trying the current in a
boat. We found it set to the north one-third of a mile an hour. We had
reason to expect this from the difference we frequently found between the
observed latitude, and that given by the log; and Mr Kendal's watch shewed
us that it set to the east also. This was fully confirmed by the lunar
observations; when it appeared that we were 3° 0' more to the east than the
common reckoning. At the time of trying the current, the mercury in the
thermometer in the open air stood at 75-1/2; and when immerged in the
surface of the sea, at 74; but when immerged eighty fathoms deep (where it
remained fifteen minutes) when it came up, the mercury stood at 66.[7] At
the same time we sounded, without out finding the bottom, with a line of
two hundred and fifty fathoms.
The calm was succeeded by a light breeze at S.W., which kept veering by
little and little to the south, and at last to the eastward of south,
attended with clear serene weather. At length, on the 8th of September, we
crossed the Line in the longitude of 8° W.; after which, the ceremony of
ducking, &c., generally practised on this occasion, was not omitted.
The wind now veering more and more to the east, and blowing a gentle top-
gallant gale, in eight days it carried us into the latitude 9° 30' S.,
longitude 18° W. The weather was pleasant; and we daily saw some of those
birds which are looked upon as signs of the vicinity of land; such as
boobies, man of war, tropic birds, and gannets. We supposed they came from
the isle of St Matthew, or Ascension; which isles we must have passed at no
great distance.
On the 27th, in the latitude of 25° 29', longitude 24° 54', we discovered a
sail to the west standing after us. She was a snow; and the colours she
shewed, either a Portuguese or St George's ensign, the distance being too
great to distinguish the one from the other, and I did not choose to wait
to get nearer, or to speak with her.
The wind now began to be variable. It first veered to the north, where it
remained two days with fair weather. Afterwards it came round by the west
to the south, where it remained two days longer, and, after a few hours
calm, sprung up at S.W. But here it remained not long, before it veered to
S.E.E. and to the north of east; blew fresh, and by squalls, with showers
of rain.
With these winds we advanced but slowly; and, without meeting with anything
remarkable till the 11th of October, when, at 6h 24m 12s, by Mr Kendal's
watch, the moon rose about four digits eclipsed, and soon after we prepared
to observe the end of the eclipse, as follows, viz.
h. m. s.
By me at 6 53 51 with a common refractor.
By Mr Forster 6 55 23
By Mr Wales 6 54 57 quadrant telescope.
By Mr Pickersgill 6 55 30 three feet refractor.
By Mr Gilert 6 53 24 naked eye.
By Mr Hervey 6 55 34 quadrant telescope.
---------
Mean 6 54 46-1/2 by the watch.
Watch slow of apparent time 0 3 59
---------
Apparent time 6 58 45-1/2 end of the eclipse.
Ditto 7 25 0 at Greenwich.
---------
Dif. of longitude 0 26 14-1/2 == 6° 33' 30"
The longitude observed by Mr Wales, was
By the [Symbol: Moon] and Aquilae 5° 51' |
By the [Symbol: Moon] and Adebaran 6° 35 |Mean 6° 13' 0"
By Mr Kendal's watch 6° 53 7/8
The next morning, having but little wind, we hoisted a boat out, to try if
there was any current, but found none. From this time to the 16th, we had
the wind between the north and east, a gentle gale. We had for some time
ceased to see any of the birds before-mentioned; and were now accompanied
by albatrosses, pintadoes, sheerwaters, &c., and a small grey peterel, less
than a pigeon. It has a whitish belly, and grey back, with a black stroke
across from the tip of one wing to the tip of the other. These birds
sometimes visited us in great flights. They are, as well as the pintadoes,
southern birds; and are, I believe, never seen within the tropics, or north
of the Line.
On the 17th, we saw a sail to the N.W., standing to the eastward, which
hoisted Dutch colours. She kept us company for two days, but the third we
outsailed her.[8]
On the 21st, at 7h. 30m. 20s. a, m., our longitude, by the mean of two
observed distances of the sun and moon, was 8° 4' 30" E., Mr Kendal's watch
at the same time gave 7° 22'. Our latitude was 35° 20' N. The wind was now
easterly, and continued so till the 23d, when it veered to N. and N.W.
after some hours calm; in which we put a boat in the water, and Mr Forster
shot some albatrosses and other birds, on which we feasted the next day,
and found them exceedingly good. At the same time we saw a seal, or, as
some thought, a sea-lion, which probably might be an inhabitant of one of
the isles of Tristian de Cunhah, being now nearly in their latitude, and
about 5° east of them.
The wind continued but two days at N.W. and S.W.; then veered to the S.E.,
where it remained two days longer; then fixed at N.W., which carried us to
our intended port. As we approached the land, the sea-fowl, which had
accompanied us hitherto, began to leave us; at least they did not come in
such numbers. Nor did we see gannets, or the black bird, commonly called
the Cape Hen, till we were nearly within sight of the Cape. Nor did we
strike sounding till Penguin Island bore N.N.E., distant two or three
leagues, where we had fifty fathom water. Not but that the soundings may
extend farther off. However, I am very sure that they do not extend very
far west from the Cape. For we could not find ground with a line of 210
fathoms, twenty-five leagues west of Table-Bay; the same at thirty-five
leagues, and at sixty-four leagues. I sounded these three times, in order
to find a bank, which, I had been told, lies to the west of the cape; but
how far I never could learn.
I was told before I left England, by some gentlemen who were well enough
acquainted with the navigation between England and the Cape of Good Hope,
that I sailed at an improper season of the year; and that I should meet
with much calm weather, near and under the Line. This probably may be the
case some years. It is, however, not general. On the contrary, we hardly
met with any calms; but a brisk S.W. wind in those very latitudes where the
calms are expected. Nor did we meet with any of those tornadoes, so much
spoken of by other navigators. However, what they have said of the current
setting towards the coast of Guinea, as you approach that shore, is true.
For, from the time of our leaving St Jago, to our arrival into the latitude
of 1-1/2° N., which was eleven days, we were carried by the current 3° of
longitude more east than our reckoning. On the other hand, after we had
crossed the Line, and got the S.E. trade-wind, we always found, by
observation, that the ship outstripped the reckoning, which we judged to be
owing to a current setting between the south and west. But, upon the whole,
the currents in this run seemed to balance each other; for upon our arrival
at the Cape, the difference of longitude by dead reckoning kept from
England, without once being corrected, was only three quarters of a degree
less than that by observation.
At two in the afternoon on the 29th, we made the land of the Cape of Good
Hope. The Table Mountain, which is over the Cape Town, bore E.S.E.,
distance twelve or fourteen leagues. At this time it was a good deal
obscured by clouds, otherwise it might, from its height, have been seen at
a much greater distance. We now crowded all the sail we could, thinking to
get into the bay before dark. But when we found this could not be
accomplished, we shortened sail, and spent the night standing off and on.
Between eight and nine o'clock, the whole sea, within the compass of our
sight, became at once, as it were illuminated; or, what the seamen call,
all on fire. This appearance of the sea, in some degree, is very common;
but the cause is not so generally known. Mr Banks and Dr Solander had
satisfied me that it was occasioned by sea-insects. Mr Forster, however,
seemed not to favour this opinion. I therefore had some buckets of water
drawn up from alongside the ship, which we found full of an innumerable
quantity of small globular insects, about the size of a common pin's-head,
and quite transparent. There was no doubt of their being living animals,
when in their own proper element, though we could not perceive any life in
them: Mr Forster, whose province it is more minutely to describe things of
this nature, was now well satisfied with the cause of the sea's
illumination.[9]
At length day-light came and brought us fair weather; and having stood into
Table Bay, with the Adventure in company, we anchored in five fathom water.
We afterwards moored N.E. and S.W., Green Point on the west point of the
bay, bearing N.W. by W., and the church, in one with the valley between the
Table Mountain and the Sugar-Loaf, or Lion's Head, bearing S.W. by S., and
distant from the landing-place near the fort, one mile.
We had no sooner anchored than we were visited by the captain of the port,
or master-attendant, some other officers belonging to the company, and Mr
Brandt. This last gentleman brought us off such things as could not fail of
being acceptable to persons coming from sea. The purport of the master
attendant's visit was, according to custom, to take an account of the
ships; to enquire into the health of the crews; and, in particular, if the
small-pox was on board; a thing they dread, above all others, at the Cape,
and for these purposes a surgeon is always one of the visitants.
My first step after anchoring, was, to send an officer to wait on Baron
Plettenberg, the governor, to acquaint him with our arrival, and the
reasons which induced me to put in there. To this the officer received a
very polite answer; and, upon his return, we saluted the garrison with
eleven guns, which compliment was returned. Soon after I went on shore
myself, and waited upon the governor, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, and
the two Mr Forsters. He received us, with very great politeness, and
promised me every assistance the place could afford. From him I learned
that two French ships from the Mauritius, about eight months before, had
discovered land, in the latitude of 48° S., and in the meridian of that
island, along which they sailed forty miles, till they came to a bay into
which they were about to enter, when they were driven off and separated in
a hard gale of wind, after having lost some of their boats and people,
which they had sent to sound the bay. One of the ships, viz. the La
Fortune, soon after arrived at the Mauritius, the captain of which was sent
home to France with an account of the discovery. The governor also informed
me, that in March last, two other French ships from the island of
Mauritius, touched at the Cape in their way to the South Pacific Ocean;
where they were going to make discoveries, under the command of M. Marion.
Aotourou, the man M. de Bougainville brought from Otaheite, was to have
returned with M. Marion, had he been living.
After having visited the governor and some other principal persons of the
place, we fixed ourselves at Mr Brandt's, the usual residence of most
officers belonging to English ships. This gentleman spares neither trouble
nor expence to make his house agreeable to those who favour him with their
company, and to accommodate them with every thing they want. With him I
concerted measures for supplying the ships with provisions, and all other
necessaries they wanted; which he set about procuring without delay, while
the seamen on board were employed in overhauling the rigging; and the
carpenters in caulking the ships' sides and decks, &c.
Messrs Wales and Bayley got all their instruments on shore, in order to
make astronomical observations for ascertaining the going of the watches,
and other purposes. The result of some of these observations shewed, that
Mr Kendal's watch had answered beyond all expectation, by pointing out the
longitude of this place to within one minute of time to what it was
observed by Messrs Mason and Dixon in 1761.
Three or four days after us, two Dutch Indiamen arrived here from Holland;
after a passage of between four and five months, in which one lost, by the
scurvy and other putrid diseases, 150 men, and the other 41. They sent, on
their arrival, great numbers to the hospital in very dreadful
circumstances. It is remarkable that one of these ships touched at Port
Praya, and left it a month before we arrived there; and yet we got here
three days before her. The Dutch at the Cape having found their hospital
too small for the reception of their sick, were going to build a new one at
the east part of the town; the foundation of which was laid with great
ceremony while we were there.
By the healthy condition of the crews of both ships at our arrival, I
thought to have made my stay at the Cape very short. But, as the bread we
wanted was unbaked, and the spirit, which I found scarce, to be collected
from different parts out of the country, it was the 18th of November before
we had got every thing on board, and the 22d before we could put to sea.
During this stay the crews of both ships were served every day with fresh
beef or mutton, new-baked bread, and as much greens as they could eat. The
ships were caulked and painted; and, in every respect, put in as good a
condition as when they left England. Some alterations in the officers took
place in the Adventure. Mr Shank the first lieutenant having been in an ill
state of health ever since we sailed from Plymouth, and not finding himself
recover here, desired my leave to quit, in order to return home for the re-
establishment of his health. As his request appeared to be well-founded, I
granted him leave accordingly, and appointed Mr Kemp, first lieutenant in
his room, and Mr Burney, one of my midshipmen, second, in the room of Mr
Kemp.
Mr Forster, whose whole time was taken up in the pursuit of natural history
and botany, met with a Swedish gentleman, one Mr Sparman, who understood
something of these sciences, having studied under Dr Linnæus. He being
willing to embark with us, Mr Forster strongly importuned me to take him on
board, thinking that he would be of great assistance to him in the course
of the voyage. I at last consented, and he embarked with us accordingly, as
an assistant to Mr Forster, who bore his expences on board, and allowed him
a yearly stipend besides.[10]
Mr Hodges employed himself here in drawing a view of the Cape, town, and
parts adjacent, in oil colours, which, was properly packed up with some
others, and left with Mr Brandt, in order to be forwarded to the Admiralty
by the first ship that should sail for England.
[1] The reader is desired to remember, that F. placed at a note refers
to Forster's Observations; G.F. to the younger Forster's Account of
the Voyage; and W. to Mr Wales' works. For notes signed E. the editor,
as formerly, must hold himself responsible. Thus much was thought
advisable to save unnecessary repetition. This opportunity is taken of
stating some circumstances respecting the two former works, of
consequence to the parties concerned, and not uninteresting to the
general reader. We are informed in the preface to G.F.'s work, that
when his father was sent out to accompany Captain Cook as a
naturalist, no particular rules were prescribed for his conduct, as
they who appointed him conceived he would certainly endeavour to
derive the greatest possible advantages to learning from his voyage;
that he was only directed therefore, to exercise all his talents, and
to extend his observations to every remarkable object; and that from
him was expected a philosophical history of the voyage, on a plan
which the learned world had not hitherto seen executed. His father,
accordingly, he says, having performed the voyage, and collected his
observations, in conformity to such opinion and expectations,
proceeded, on his return home, to accomplish the remaining task
allotted to him--writing the history of the voyage. It was first
proposed, we are told, that a single narrative should be composed from
his and Cook's papers, the important observations of each being
inserted, and ascertained by appropriate marks. Forster, in
consequence, received a part of Cook's journal, and drew up several
sheets as a specimen; but this plan was soon desisted from, as it was
thought more expedient that the two journals should be kept separate.
In fartherance, then, of this design, it is said, an agreement was
drawn up on the 13th of April, 1776, between Captain Cook and Mr
Forster, in the presence, and with the signature, of the Earl of
Sandwich, which specified the particular parts of the relations to be
prepared by each, and confirmed to both, jointly, the gift of the
valuable plates engraved at the expence of the Admiralty, and
generously bestowed on these two gentlemen in equal shares. Mr F. soon
afterwards presented a second specimen of his narrative to the Earl of
Sandwich, but was surprised to find that it was quite disapproved of,
though at last he was convinced that, as the word "narrative" had been
omitted in the above-mentioned agreement, he was not entitled to
compose a connected account of the voyage. He was, moreover, informed,
that if he chose to preserve his claim to half of the profits arising
from the plates, he must conform to the letter of that agreement. In
this he acquiesced for the benefit of his family; and accordingly,
though he had understood it was intended he should write the history
of the voyage, he found himself confined to the publication of his
unconnected philosophical observations. G. Forster adds, it hurt him
much to see the chief intent of his father's mission defeated, and the
public disappointed in their expectations of a philosophical recital
of facts; however, as he himself had been appointed his father's
assistant, and was bound by no such agreement as that which restrained
him, he thought it incumbent to attempt such a narrative as a duty to
the public, and in justice to the ample materials he had collected
during the voyage. "I was bound," he concludes, "by no agreement
whatever; and that to which my father had signed, did not make him
answerable for my actions, nor, in the most distant manner, preclude
his giving me assistance. Therefore, in every important circumstance I
had leave to consult his journals, and have been enabled to draw up my
narrative with the most scrupulous attention to historical truth."
Such is the defence which Mr G. Forster sets up in behalf of a
conduct, which it is certain was very differently construed by the
patrons of the expedition, whose indignant opinions were so far
regarded by the public, as to render the residence of both father and
son in England no longer pleasant or respectable. They left it and
went to the continent; though it is likely they were the more induced
to do so by certain family difficulties, and the ill effects of the
father's turbulent temper, which speedily lost him the friends his
uncommon abilities and erudition had procured. The reader who desires
information respecting these two singular men, and the sentiments
entertained in general as to their improper conduct in the matter of
the publication, may turn to the Supplement to the Encyclopaedia
Britannica. It is, however, but justice to inform him, that the
account there given, bears decisive indications of party bias in more
senses than one; and that the strongest assertions it contains as to
the share which Forster the father had in the publication, are not
supported on evidence sufficient for the conviction of any
unprejudiced mind. The writer of that article, as of several others in
that very valuable publication, appears to have given up his
imagination to the prevailing terrors of the times, and to have
become, at last, almost incapable of discriminating betwixt personal
delinquency and epidemic immorality--the misfortunes incident to
individuals in every age or country, and the evils arising out of the
erroneous creeds and systems of a particular time and place. A single
quotation from the article now alluded to, may be conducive to the
reader's favourable acceptance of that portion of the Forsters'
labours from which it is proposed to supply many of the succeeding
notes. "An account of the voyage was published in English and German,
by George Forster; and the language, which is correct and elegant, was
undoubtedly his; but those who knew both him and his father, are
satisfied that the matter proceeded from the joint stock of their
observations and reflections. Several parts of the work, and
particularly the elaborate investigations relative to the languages
spoken by the natives of the South Sea Islands, and the speculations
concerning their successive migrations, are thought to be strongly
impressed with the genius of the elder Forster." Before concluding
this note, it may be proper to say, that Mr Wales conceiving Mr G.
Forster had made some misrepresentations of certain facts, wrote some
remarks upon his book, to which Mr F. replied. This is said on the
authority of the Biog. Brit. for the writer himself has never seen
either of the productions alluded to. That work very candidly admits,
that the Forsters' books contain much curious and useful information.
It is probable, then, that the readers in general will concur with the
writer in discarding entirely all consideration of moral conduct as to
the agreement, and availing themselves of whatever of utility or
amusement the publication in question can afford.--E.
[2] The same day we observed several flying fishes, pursued by bonitos
and dolphins, rising out of the water in order to escape from them.
They were flying in all directions, and not against the wind only, as
Mr Kalm seems to think. Neither did they confine themselves to a
strait-lined course, but frequently were seen to describe a curve.
When they met the top of a wave as they skimmed along the surface of
the ocean, they passed through, and continued their flight beyond it.
From this time, till we left the torrid zone, we were almost daily
amused with the view of immense shoals of these fishes, and now and
then caught one upon our decks, when it had unfortunately taken its
flight too far, and was spent by its too great elevation above the
surface of the sea."--G.F.
[3] "About this time, the captain ordered the ship to be fumigated
with gunpowder and vinegar, having taken notice that all our books and
utensils became covered with mould, and all our iron and steel, though
ever so little exposed, began to rust. Nothing is more probable than
that the vapours, which now filled the air, contained some saline
particles, since moisture alone does not appear to produce such an
effect."--G.F.
There can be no doubt that the atmospherical air is capable of
sustaining marine salt in a state of solution, and of bearing it off
to great distances on land, where it serves important purposes in
animal and vegetable economy. The reader will be pleased with some
remarks on the subject in Robison's Account of Black's Lectures. The
air in the vessel, then, it will be readily imagined will contain it,
and hence, as it is known that it is gradually decomposed by iron, the
rust that was observed. The process of corroding the iron, &c. as it
is commonly called, would be much accelerated by moisture, as the
muriatic acid acts most powerfully on bodies capable of decomposing
water; and it is no less certain, that the heat of a tropical climate
would aid the operation. But it is difficult to explain how any
benefit could be derived from the fumigation said to be practised by
Cook on this occasion, otherwise than by producing dry warm air.
Indeed, many persons will imagine that the circumstances required
nothing more than free ventilation, and the occasional use of fires to
destroy moisture. Mr Forster takes particular notice of what is
mentioned in the text about the fermentation of the inspissated juice
of malt, or, as he calls it, essence of beer; and he says, that, by
the advice of his father, a vessel strongly fumigated with sulphur was
filled with it, and prevented the fermentation for a few days. He does
not explain on what principle, and perhaps was not acquainted with it.
The fact is, that sulphuric acid, which is produced by the burning of
sulphur, has the power of checking, or altogether destroying, the
fermentation of substances. In the present case, it seems, enough of
it had not been produced to answer the purpose effectually. Some other
acids have the same power. Hence the desideratum mentioned in the text
is easily supplied. The juice, it may be thought, will be changed by
the addition of a strong acid, and rendered unserviceable. There can
be no doubt, however, that when it is required for the purpose of
making beer, &c. means could be used to neutralize the acid that had
been added to it, without materially, or at all, affecting the juice
itself.--E.
[4] "When we made application to this indolent Don, by the governor's
direction, to be supplied with cattle, he indeed promised to furnish
us with as many as we wanted, but we never got more than a single lean
bullock. The company perfectly tyrannizes over the inhabitants, and
sells them wretched merchandize at exorbitant prices."--G.F.
This gentleman says there are very few white people in the Cape Verd
Islands; that he did not see more than five or six at St Jago,
including the governor, commandant, and company's agent; and that in
some of the islands even the governors and priests are taken from
among the blacks. He draws a moving picture of the wretched condition
of these forlorn islanders, under the indolent and yet oppressive
government of the court of Lisbon. Mr G.F. be it known, was peculiarly
sharp-sighted in discovering, and vehement in inveighing against,
every impolitic violation of human liberty. In the judgments of some
persons, he had imbibed too readily the intoxicating beverage of
revolutionary France. Many strong heads, it is certain, were not proof
against its effects.--E.
[5] "Before leaving Port Praya, Captain Cook invited the governor-
general and the commandant to dinner, and we staid on board in order
to act as interpreters on this occasion. The captain sent them his own
boat; but when it came on shore the governor begged to be excused,
because he was always affected with sickness on board any vessel,
whether at sea or in harbour. The commandant promised to come, but
having at first neglected to ask the governor's leave, the latter
retired to take his _siesta_, (or afternoon's repose,) and no one
ventured to disturb him."--G.F.
[6] "The heavy rains entirely soaked the plumage of a poor swallow,
which had accompanied us for several days past; it was obliged,
therefore, to settle on the railing of the quarter-deck, and suffered
itself to be caught. From the history of this bird, which was of the
common species, we may deduce the circumstances that bring solitary
land-birds a great way out to sea. It seems to be probable, that they
begin with following a ship, from the time she leaves the land; that
they are soon lost in the great ocean, and are thus obliged to
continue close to the ship, as the only solid mass in this immense
fluid expanse. If two or more ships are in company, it is also easy to
account for the expression of _meeting with_ land-birds at a great
distance from land, because they may happen to follow some other ship
from the shore, than that which carries the observer; thus they may
escape observation for a day or two, or perhaps longer, and when
noticed, are supposed to be _met with_ at sea. However, great storms
are sometimes known to have driven single birds, nay, vast flocks, out
to sea, which are obliged to seek for rest on board of ships at
considerable distances from any land. Captain Cook very obligingly
communicated to me a fact which confirms the above assertion. "Being
on board of a ship between Norway and England, he met with a violent
storm, during which a flight of several hundred birds covered the
whole rigging of the ship. Among numbers of small birds he observed
several hawks, which lived very luxuriously by preying on those poor
defenceless creatures."--G.F.
To record incidents such as these, will not seem unimportant or
injudicious to any one who knows the philosophical value of facts in
the formation of just theories.--E.
[7] "This morning, 5th September, I let down a thermometer, suspended
in the middle of a strong wooden case, of such a construction as to
let the water pass freely through it in its descent, but which shut
close the instant it began to be drawn up. By this means the
thermometer was brought up in a body of water of the same heat with
that it had been let down to. The results were as above."--W.
This opportunity may be used for introducing the following table and
remarks, which are certainly deserving attention. "To ascertain the
degree of _warmth_ of the sea-water, at a certain depth, several
experiments were made by us. The thermometer made use of, was of
Fahrenheit's construction, made by Mr Ramsden, and furnished with an
ivory scale; it was, on these occasions, always put into a cylindrical
tin case, which had at each end a valve, admitting the water as long
as the instrument was going down, and shutting while it was hauling up
again. The annexed table will at once shew the result of the
experiments.
| Degrees of Fahrenheit's | |Stay of |Time in|
| Thermometer. | |the |hauling|
|--------------------------| |Thermo- |the |
| |On the | |Depth |meter |Thermo-|
| In the |Surface |At a |in |in the |meter |
| Air. |of the |certain |Fathoms. |Deep. |up. |
Date |Latitude | |Sea. |Depth. | | | |
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
1772
Sept. 5 00°52'N. 75° 74° 66° 85 F. 30' 27-1/2'
Sept.27. 24°44'S. 72-1/2 70° 68° 80 F. 15' 7'
Oct. 12. 34°48'S. 60° 59° 58° 100 F. 2O' 6'
Dec. 15. 55°00'S. 30-1/2° 30° 34° 100 F. 17' 5-1/2'
Dec. 23. 55°26'S 33° 32° 34-1/2° 100 F. 16' 6-1/2'
1773
Jan. 13. 61°00'S. 37° 33-1/2° 32° 100 F. 20' 7'
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
From this table it appears, that under the Line and near the tropics,
the water is cooler at a great depth than at its surface. In high
latitudes, the air is cooler sometimes, sometimes very near upon a
par, and sometimes warmer than the sea-water at the depth of about 100
fathoms, according as the preceding changes of the temperature of the
air, or the direction and violence of the wind happen to fall out. For
it is to be observed, that these experiments were always made when we
had a calm, or at least very little wind; because in a gale of wind,
we could not have been able to make them in a boat. Another probable
cause of the difference in the temperature of the sea-water in the
same high latitude, undoubtedly must be sought in the ice; in a sea
covered with high and extensive ice islands, the water should be
colder than in a sea which is at a great distance from any ice."--F.
This table is evidently too confined, and made up of too few elements,
to justify almost any general inferences. The subject is certainly a
curious one, and merits full investigation, but presents very
considerable difficulties, as many circumstances, which are likely to
modify the result, may escape notice during the experiments. It has
been said, that as water is most dense at from 37 to 39 Fahrenheit,
this may be presumed to be the mean temperature at the bottom of the
sea; but such hypothetical deductions are, perhaps, entitled to little
confidence. It may however be safely enough presumed, that the
temperature of the sea is kept tolerably uniform on the well-known
principle of statics, that the heavier columns of any fluid displace
those that are lighter. The waters of the ocean, perhaps, are the
great agent by which the average temperature of our globe is preserved
almost entirely invariable. We shall have an opportunity, in the
account of another voyage, to make some remarks on this subject, and
to notice more exact experiments than those just now mentioned.--E.
[8] "On this day, we had an alarm that one of our crew was overboard,
upon which we immediately put about, but seeing nothing, the names of
all persons on board the vessel were called over, and none found
missing, to our great satisfaction. Our friends on board the
Adventure, whom we visited a few days after, told us they had indeed
suspected by our manoeuvre, the accident which we had apprehended, but
that looking out on the sea, Captain Furneaux had plainly observed a
sea-lion, that had been the cause of this false alarm."--G.F.
[9] Mr G.F. concludes his description of this well-known appearance in
the following very just remark: "There was a singularity, and a
grandeur in the display of this phenomenon, which could not fail of
giving occupation to the mind, and striking it with a reverential awe,
due to Omnipotence. The ocean covered to a great extent, with myriads
of animalcules; these little beings, organized, alive, endowed with
locomotive power, a quality of shining whenever they please, and
illuminating every body with which they come in contact, and of laying
aside their luminous appearance at pleasure; all these ideas crowded
upon us, and bade us admire the Creator, even in his minutest works."
However florid the language of this gentleman on the subject, his
account and opinions are strongly enforced by the recent discoveries
of the French naturalists related by Mr Peron, to which we shall
probably call the reader's attention hereafter.--E.
[10] Mr G.F. speaks with much more enthusiasm, as one might have
expected, of Dr Sparrman, extolling his talents and activity in the
course of science, but lamenting, at the same time, that this voyage,
on which he now set out, yielded much less matter for observation than
his ardent mind had anticipated. That gentleman's labours at the Cape,
it seems, however, especially in botany, were very successful; he and
Dr Thunberg having, it is said, gathered above a thousand species
entirely unknown before.--E.
SECTION II.
_Departure from the Cape of Good Hope, in search of a Southern
Continent._
Having at length finished my business at the Cape, and taken leave of the
governor and some others of the chief officers, who, with very obliging
readiness, had given me all the assistance I could desire, on the 22d of
November we repaired on board; and at three o'clock in the afternoon
weighed, and came to sail with the wind at N. by W. As soon as the anchor
was up, we saluted the port with fifteen guns, which was immediately
returned; and after making a few trips, got out of the bay by seven
o'clock, at which time the town bore S.E. distant four miles. After this we
stood to the westward all night, in order to get clear of the land, having
the wind at N.N.W. and N.W., blowing in squalls attended with rain, which
obliged us to reef our topsails. The sea was again illuminated for some
time, in the same manner as it was the night before we arrived in Table
Bay.
Having got clear of the land, I directed my course for Cape Circumcision.
The wind continued at N.W. a moderate gale, until the 24th, when it veered
round to the eastward. On the noon of this day, we were in the latitude of
35° 25' S., and 29' west of the Cape; and had abundance of albatrosses
about us, several of which were caught with hook and line; and were very
well relished by many of the people, notwithstanding they were at this time
served with fresh mutton. Judging that we should soon come into cold
weather, I ordered slops to be served to such as were in want; and gave to
each man the fearnought jacket and trowsers allowed them by the Admiralty.
The wind continued easterly for two days, and blew a moderate gale, which
brought us into the latitude of 39° 4', and 2° of longitude west of the
Cape, thermometer 52-1/2[1] The wind now came to W. and S.W.; and on the
29th fixed at W.N.W., and increased to a storm, which continued, with some
few intervals of moderate weather, till the 6th of December, when we were
in the latitude of 48° 41' S., and longitude 18° 24' E. This gale, which
was attended with rain and hail, blew at times with such violence that we
could carry no sails; by which means we were driven far to the eastward of
our intended course, and no hopes were left me of reaching Cape
Circumcision. But the greatest misfortune that attended us, was the loss of
great part of our live stock, which we had brought from the Cape, and which
consisted of sheep, hogs, and geese. Indeed this sudden transition from
warm, mild weather, to extreme cold and wet, made every man in the ship
feel its effects. For by this time the mercury in the thermometer had
fallen to 38; whereas at the Cape it was generally at 67 and upwards. I now
made some addition to the people's allowance of spirit, by giving them a
dram whenever I thought it necessary, and ordered Captain Furneaux to do
the same. The night proved clear and serene, and the only one that was so
since we left the Cape; and the next morning the rising sun gave us such
flattering hopes of a fine day, that we were induced to let all the reefs
out of the top-sails, and to get top-gallant yards across, in order to make
the most of a fresh gale at north. Our hopes, however, soon vanished; for
before eight o'clock, the serenity of the sky was changed into a thick
haze, accompanied with rain. The gale increasing obliged us to hand the
main-sail, close-reef our top-sails, and to strike top-gallant yards. The
barometer at this time was unusually low, which foreboded an approaching
storm, and this happened accordingly. For, by one o'clock p. m. the wind,
which was at N.W., blew with such strength as obliged us to take in all our
sails, to strike top-gallant-masts, and to get the spritsail-yard in. And I
thought proper to wear, and lie-to, under a mizzen-stay-sail, with the
ships' heads to the N.E. as they would bow the sea, which ran prodigiously
high, better on this tack.
At eight o'clock next morning, being the 8th, we wore, and lay on the other
tack; the gale was a little abated, but the sea ran too high to make sail,
any more than the fore-top-mast-stay-sail. In the evening, being in the
latitude of 49° 40 S., and 1-1/2° E. of the Cape, we saw two penguins and
some sea or rock-weed, which occasioned us to sound, without finding ground
at 100 fathoms. At eight p. m. we wore, and lay with our heads to the N.E.
till three in the morning of the 9th, then wore again to the southward, the
wind blowing in squalls attended with showers of snow. At eight, being
something more moderate, I made the Adventure signal to make sail; and soon
after made sail ourselves under the courses and close-reefed top-sails. In
the evening, took in the top-sails and main-sail, and brought-to under
fore-sail and mizzen; thermometer at 36°. The wind still at N.W. blew a
fresh gale, accompanied with a very high sea. In the night had a pretty
smart frost with snow.[2]
In the morning of the 10th we made sail under courses and top-sails close-
reefed; and made the signal for the Adventure to make sail and lead. At
eight o'clock saw an island of ice to the westward of us, being then in the
latitude of 56° 40' S. and longitude 2° 0' E. of the Cape of Good Hope.
Soon after the wind moderated, and we let all the reefs out of the top-
sails, got the spritsail-yard out, and top-gallant-mast up. The weather
coming hazy, I called the Adventure by signal under my stern, which was no
sooner done, than the haze increased so much with snow and sleet, that we
did not see an island of ice, which we were steering directly for, till we
were less than a mile from it. I judged it to be about 50 feet high, and
half a mile in circuit. It was flat at top, and its sides rose in a
perpendicular direction, against which the sea broke exceedingly high.
Captain Furneaux at first took this ice for land, and hauled off from it,
until called back by signal. As the weather was foggy, it was necessary to
proceed with caution. We therefore reefed our top-sails, and at the same
time sounded, but found no ground with 150 fathoms. We kept on to the
southward with the wind at north till night, which we spent in making short
trips, first one way and then another, under an easy sail; thermometer
these 24 hours from 36-1/2 to 31.
At day-light in the morning of the 11th, we made sail to the southward with
the wind at west, having a fresh gale, attended with sleet and snow. At
noon we were in the latitude of 51° 50' S., and longitude 21° 3' E., where
we saw some white birds about the size of pigeons, with blackish bills and
feet. I never saw any such before; and Mr Forster had no knowledge of them.
I believe them to be of the peterel tribe, and natives of these icy
seas.[3] At this time we passed between two ice islands, which lay at a
little distance from each other.
In the night the wind veered to N.W. which enabled us to steer S.W. On the
12th we had still thick hazy weather, with sleet and snow; so that we were
obliged to proceed with great caution on account of the ice islands. Six of
these we passed this day; some of them near two miles in circuit, and sixty
feet high. And yet, such was the force and height of the waves, that the
sea broke quite over them. This exhibited a view which for a few moments
was pleasing to the eye; but when we reflected on the danger, the mind was
filled with horror. For were a ship to get against the weather-side of one
of these islands when the sea runs high, she would be dashed to pieces in a
moment. Upon our getting among the ice islands, the albatrosses left us;
that is, we saw but one now and then. Nor did our other companions, the
pintadoes, sheerwaters, small grey birds, fulmars, &c., appear in such
numbers; on the other hand, penguins began to make their appearance. Two of
these birds were seen to-day.
The wind in the night veered to west, and at last fixed at S.W., a fresh
gale, with sleet and snow, which froze on our sails and rigging as it fell,
so that they were all hung with icicles. We kept on to the southward,
passed no less than eighteen ice islands, and saw more penguins. At noon on
the 13th, we were in the latitude of 54° S., which is the latitude of Cape
Circumcision, discovered by M. Bouvet in 1739; but we were ten degrees of
longitude east of it; that is, near 118 leagues in this latitude. We stood
on to the S.S.E. till eight o'clock in the evening, the weather still
continuing thick and hazy, with sleet and snow. From noon till this time,
twenty ice islands, of various extent, both for height and circuit,
presented themselves to our view. At eight o'clock we sounded, but found no
ground with 150 fathom of line.
We now tacked and made a trip to the northward till midnight, when we stood
again to the southward; and at half an hour past six o'clock in the morning
of the 14th, we were stopped by an immense field of low ice; to which we
could see no end, either to the east, west, or south. In different parts of
this field were islands or hills of ice, like those we found floating in
the sea; and some on board thought they saw land also over the ice, bearing
S.W. by S. I even thought so myself; but changed my opinion upon more
narrowly examining these ice hills, and the various appearances they made
when seen through the haze. For at this time it was both hazy and cloudy in
the horizon; so that a distant object could not be seen distinct.[4] Being
now in the latitude of 54° 50' S. and longitude 21° 34' E., and having the
wind at N.W. we bore away along the edge of the ice, steering S.S.E. and
S.E., according to the direction of the north side of it, where we saw many
whales, penguins, some white birds, pintadoes, &c.
At eight o'clock we brought-to under a point of the ice, where we had
smooth water: and I sent on board for Captain Furneaux. After we had fixed
on rendezvouses in case of separation, and some other matters for the
better keeping company, he returned on board, and we made sail again along
the ice. Some pieces we took up along-side, which yielded fresh water. At
noon we had a good observation, and found ourselves in latitude 54° 55' S.
We continued a south-east course along the edge of the ice, till one
o'clock, when we came to a point round which we hauled S.S.W., the sea
appearing to be clear of ice in that direction. But after running four
leagues upon this course, with the ice on our starboard side, we found
ourselves quite imbayed; the ice extending from N.N.E. round by the west
and south, to east, in one compact body. The weather was indifferently
clear; and yet we could see no end to it. At five o'clock we hauled up
east, wind at north, a gentle gale, in order to clear the ice. The extreme
east point of it, at eight o'clock, bore E. by S., over which appeared a
clear sea. We however spent the night in making short boards, under an easy
sail. Thermometer, these 24 hours, from 32 to 30.
Next day, the 15th, we had the wind at N.W., a small gale, thick foggy
weather, with much snow; thermometer from 32 to 27; so that our sails and
rigging were all hung with icicles. The fog was so thick at times, that we
could not see the length of the ship; and we had much difficulty to avoid
the many islands of ice that surrounded us. About noon, having but little
wind, we hoisted out a boat to try the current, which we found set S.E.
near 3/4 of a mile an hour. At the same time, a thermometer, which in the
open air was at 32°, in the surface of the sea was at 30°; and, after being
immerged 100 fathoms deep for about fifteen or twenty minutes, came up at
34°, which is only 2° above freezing.[5] Our latitude at this time was 55°
8'.
The thick fog continued till two o'clock in the afternoon of the next day,
when it cleared away a little, and we made sail to the southward, wind
still at N.W. a gentle gale. We had not run long to the southward before we
fell in with the main field of ice extending from S.S.W. to E. We now bore
away to east along the edge of it; but at night hauled off north, with the
wind at W.N.W., a gentle gale, attended with snow.
At four in the morning on the 17th, stood again to the south; but was again
obliged to bear up on account of the ice, along the side of which we
steered betwixt E. and S.S.W., hauling into every bay or opening, in hopes
of finding a passage to the south. But we found every where the ice closed.
We had a gentle gale at N.W. with showers of snow. At noon we were, by
observation, in the latitude of 55° 16' S. In the evening the weather was
clear and serene. In the course of this day we saw many whales, one seal,
penguins, some of the white birds, another sort of peterel, which is brown
and white, and not much unlike a pintado; and some other sorts already
known. We found the skirts of the loose ice to be more broken than usual;
and it extended some distance beyond the main field, insomuch that we
sailed amongst it the most part of the day; and the high ice islands
without us were innumerable. At eight o'clock we sounded, but found no
ground with 250 fathoms of line. After this we hauled close upon a wind to
the northward, as we could see the field of ice extend as far as N.E. But
this happened not to be the northern point; for at eleven o'clock we were
obliged to tack to avoid it.
At two o'clock the next morning we stood again to the northward, with the
wind at N.W. by W., thinking to weather the ice upon this tack; on which we
stood but two hours, before we found ourselves quite imbayed, being then in
latitude 55° 8', longitude 24° 3'. The wind veering more to the north, we
tacked and stood to the westward under all the sail we could carry, having
a fresh breeze and clear weather, which last was of short duration. For at
six o'clock it became hazy, and soon after there was thick fog; the wind
veered to the N.E., freshened and brought with it snow and sleet, which
froze on the rigging as it fell. We were now enabled to get clear of the
field of ice: but at the same time we were carried in amongst the ice
islands, in a manner equally dangerous, and which with much difficulty we
kept clear of.
Dangerous as it is to sail among these floating rocks (if I may be allowed
to call them so) in a thick fog, this, however, is preferable to being
entangled with immense fields of ice under the same circumstances. The
great danger to be apprehended in this latter case, is the getting fast in
the ice; a situation which would be exceedingly alarming. I had two men on
board that had been in the Greenland trade; the one of them in a ship that
lay nine weeks, and the other in one that lay six weeks, fast in this kind
of ice, which they called packed ice. What they called field ice is
thicker; and the whole field, be it ever so large, consists of one piece.
Whereas this which I call field-ice, from its immense extent, consists of
many pieces of various sizes, both in thickness and surface, from thirty or
forty feet square to three or four, packed close together, and in places
heaped one upon another. This, I am of opinion, would be found too hard for
a ship's side, that is not properly armed against it. How long it may have
lain, or will lie here, is a point not easily determined. Such ice is found
in the Greenland seas all the summer long; and I think it cannot be colder
there in the summer, than it is here. Be this as it may, we certainly had
no thaw; on the contrary, the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer kept
generally below the freezing point, although it was the middle of summer.
It is a general opinion, that the ice I have been speaking of, is formed in
bays and rivers. Under this supposition we were led to believe that land
was not far distant; and that it even lay to the southward behind the ice,
which alone hindered us from approaching to it. Therefore, as we had now
sailed above thirty leagues along the edge of the ice, without finding a
passage to the south, I determined to run thirty or forty leagues to the
east, afterwards endeavour to get to the southward, and, if I met with no
land, or other impediment, to get behind the ice, and put the matter out of
all manner of dispute. With this view, we kept standing to the N.W., with
the wind at N.E. and N., thick foggy weather, with sleet and snow, till six
in the evening, when the wind veered to N.W., and we tacked and stood to
the eastward, meeting with many islands of ice of different magnitudes, and
some loose pieces: The thermometer from 30 to 34; weather very hazy, with
sleet and snow, and more sensibly colder than the thermometer seemed to
point out, insomuch that the whole crew complained. In order to enable them
to support this weather the better, I caused the sleeves of their jackets
(which were so short as to expose their arms) to be lengthened with baize;
and had a cap made for each man of the same stuff, together with canvas;
which proved of great service to them.
Some of our people appearing to have symptoms of the scurvy, the surgeons
began to give them fresh wort every day, made from the malt we had on board
for that purpose. One man in particular was highly scorbutic; and yet he
had been taking the rob of lemon and orange for some time, without being
benefited thereby. On the other hand, Captain Furneaux told me, that he had
two men, who, though far gone in this disease, were now in a manner
entirely cured by it.[6]
We continued standing to the eastward till eight o'clock in the morning of
the 21st; when, being in the latitude of 53° 50', and longitude 29° 24' E.,
we hauled to the south, with the wind at west, a fresh gale and hazy, with
snow. In the evening the wind fell and the weather cleared up, so as that
we could see a few leagues round us; being in the latitude of 54° 43' S.
longitude 29° 30' E.
At ten o'clock, seeing many islands of ice a-head, and the weather coming
on foggy, with snow, we wore and stood to the northward, till three in the
morning, when we stood again to the south. At eight, the weather cleared
up, and the wind came to W.S.W., with which we made all the sail we could
to the south; having never less than ten or twelve islands of ice in sight.
Next day we had the wind at S.W. and S.S.W., a gentle gale, with now and
then showers of snow and hail. In the morning, being in the latitude of 55°
20' S., and longitude 31° 30' E., we hoisted out a boat to see if there was
any current, but found none. Mr Forster, who went in the boat, shot some of
the small grey birds before-mentioned, which were of the peterel tribe, and
about the size of a small pigeon. Their back, and upper side of their
wings, their feet and bills, are of a blue-grey colour. Their bellies, and
under side of their wings are white, a little tinged with blue. The upper
side of their quill feathers is a dark-blue tinged with black. A streak is
formed by feathers nearly of this colour, along the upper parts of the
wings, and crossing the back a little above the tail. The end of the tail
feathers is also of the same colour. Their bills are much broader than any
I have seen of the same tribe; and their tongues are remarkably broad.
These blue peterels, as I shall call them, are seen no where but in the
southern hemisphere, from about the latitude of 28°, and upwards.
Thermometer at 33° in the open air, and 32° in the sea at the surface, and
at 34-1/2 when drawn, and 6-1/2 minutes in drawing up from 100 fathoms
below it, where it had been sixteen minutes.
On the 24th, the wind blew from N.W. to N.E., a gentle gale, fair and
cloudy. At noon we were by observation, in the latitude of 56° 31' S, and
longitude 31° 19' E., the thermometer at 35. And being near an island of
ice, which was about fifty feet high, and 400 fathoms in circuit, I sent
the master in the jolly-boat to see if any water run from it. He soon
returned with an account that there was not one drop, or any other
appearance of thaw. In the evening we sailed through several floats, or
fields of loose ice, lying in the direction of S.E. and N.W.; at the same
time we had continually several islands of the same composition in sight.
On the 25th, the wind veering round from the N.E., by the east to south, it
blew a gentle gale; with which we stood to the W.S.W, and at noon were in
the latitude of 57° 50' S., and longitude 29° 32' E. The weather was fair
and cloudy; the air sharp and cold, attended with a hard frost. And,
although this was the middle of summer with us, I much question if the day
was colder in any part of England. The wind continued at south, blew a
fresh gale, fair and cloudy weather, till near noon the next day, when we
had clear sun-shine, and found ourselves, by observation, in the latitude
of 58° 31' S., longitude 26° 57' E.
In the course of the last twenty-four hours we passed through several
fields of broken loose ice. They were in general narrow, but of a
considerable length, in the direction of N.W. and S.E. The ice was so close
in one, that it would hardly admit the ship through it. The pieces were
flat, from four to six or eight inches thick, and appeared of that sort of
ice which is generally formed in bays or rivers. Others again were
different; the pieces forming various honey-combed branches, exactly like
coral rocks, and exhibiting such a variety of figures as can hardly be
conceived.
We supposed this ice to have broke from the main field we had lately left;
and which I was determined to get to the south of, or behind, if possible,
in order to satisfy myself whether or not it joined to any land, as had
been conjectured. With this view I kept on to the westward, with a gentle
gale at south, and S.S.W., and soon after six o'clock in the evening, we
saw some penguins, which occasioned us to sound; but we found no ground
with 150 fathoms.
In the morning of the 27th, we saw more loose ice, but not many islands;
and those we did see were but small. The day being calm and pleasant, and
the sea smooth, we hoisted out a boat, from which Mr Forster shot a penguin
and some peterels. These penguins differ not from those seen in other parts
of the world, except in some minute particulars distinguishable only by
naturalists. Some of the peterels were of the blue sort, but differed from
those before-mentioned, in not having a broad bill; and the ends of their
tail feathers were tipped with white instead of dark-blue. But whether
these were only the distinctions betwixt the male and female, was a matter
disputed by our naturalists. We were now in the latitude of 58° 19' S.,
longitude 24° 39' E., and took the opportunity of the calm, to sound; but
found no ground with a line of 220 fathoms. The calm continued till six in
the evening, when it was succeeded by a light breeze from the east, which
afterwards increased to a fresh gale.
In the morning of the 28th I made the signal to the Adventure to spread
four miles on my starboard beam; and in this position we continued sailing
W.S.W., until four o'clock in the afternoon, when the hazy weather,
attended with snow showers, made it necessary for us to join. Soon after we
reefed our top-sails, being surrounded on all sides with islands of ice. In
the morning of the 29th we let them out again, and set top-gallant-sails;
still continuing our course to the westward, and meeting with several
penguins. At noon we were by observation in the latitude of 59° 12',
longitude 19° 1' E., which is 3° more to the west than we were when we
first fell in with the field of ice; so that it is pretty clear that it
joined to no land, as we conjectured.
Having come to a resolution to run as far west as the meridian of Cape
Circumcision, provided we met with no impediment, as the distance was not
more than eighty leagues, the wind favourable, and the sea seemed to be
pretty clear of ice, I sent on board for Captain Furneaux, to make him
acquainted therewith, and after dinner he returned to his ship. At one
o'clock we steered for an island of ice, thinking if there were any loose
ice round it, to take some on board, and convert it into fresh water. At
four we brought-to, close under the lee of the island, where we did not
find what we wanted, but saw upon it eighty-six penguins. This piece of ice
was about half a mile in circuit, and one hundred feet high and upwards,
for we lay for some minutes with every sail becalmed under it. The side on
which the penguins were, rose sloping from the sea, so as to admit them to
creep up it.
It is a received opinion, that penguins never go far from land, and that
the sight of them is a sure indication of its vicinity. The opinion may
hold good where there are no ice islands; but where such are, these birds,
as well as many others which usually keep near the shores, finding a
roosting-place upon these islands, may be brought by them a great distance
from any land. It will, however, be said, that they must go on shore to
breed, that probably the females were there, and that these are only the
males which we saw. Be this as it may, I shall continue to take notice of
these birds whenever we see them, and leave every one to judge for himself.
We continued our course to the westward, with a gentle gale at E.N.E., the
weather being sometimes tolerably clear, and at other times thick and hazy,
with snow. The thermometer for a few days past was from 31 to 36. At nine
o'clock the next morning, being the 30th, we shot one of the white birds,
upon which we lowered a boat into the water to take it up, and by that
means killed a penguin which weighed eleven pounds and a half. The white
bird was of the peterel tribe; the bill, which is rather short, is of a
colour between black and dark blue, and their legs and feet are blue. I
believe them to be the same sort of birds that Bouvet mentions to have seen
when he was off Cape Circumcision.
We continued our westerly course till eight o'clock in the evening, when we
steered N.W., the point on which I reckoned the above-mentioned cape to
bear. At midnight we fell in with loose ice, which soon after obliged us to
tack, and stretch to the southward. At half an hour past two o'clock in the
morning of the 31st, we stood for it again, thinking to take some on board,
but this was found impracticable; for the wind, which had been at N.E, now
veered to S.E., and increasing to a fresh gale, brought with it such a sea
as made it very dangerous for the ships to remain among the ice. The danger
was yet farther increased by discovering an immense field to the north,
extending from N.E. by E. to S.W. by W. farther than the eye could reach.
As we were not above two or three miles from this, and surrounded by loose
ice, there was no time to deliberate. We presently wore; got our tacks on
board; hauled to the south, and soon got clear; but not before we had
received several hard knocks from the loose pieces, which were of the
largest sort, and among which we saw a seal. In the afternoon the wind
increased in such a manner, as to oblige us to hand the top-sails, and
strike top-gallant-yards. At eight o'clock we tacked and stood to the east
till midnight; when being in the latitude of 60° 21' S., longitude 13° 32'
E, we stood again to the west.
Next day, towards noon, the gale abated, so that we could carry close-
reefed top-sails. But the weather continued thick and hazy, with sleet and
snow, which froze on the rigging as it fell, and ornamented the whole with
icicles; the mercury in the thermometer being generally below the freezing
point. This weather continued till near noon the next day; at which time we
were in the latitude of 59° 12' S.; longitude 9° 45' E.; and here we saw
some penguins.
The wind had now veered to the west, and was so moderate, that we could
bear two reefs out of the top-sails. In the afternoon, we were favoured
with a sight of the moon, whose face we had seen but once since we left the
Cape of Good Hope. By this a judgment may be formed of the sort of weather
we had since we left that place. We did not fail to seize the opportunity
to make several observations of the sun and moon. The longitude deduced
from it was 9° 34' 30" E. Mr Kendal's watch, at the same time, giving 10°
6' E., and the latitude was 58° 53' 30" S.
This longitude is nearly the same that is assigned to Cape Circumcision;
and at the going down of the sun we were about ninety-five leagues to the
south of the latitude it is said to lie in. At this time the weather was so
clear, that we might have seen land at fourteen or fifteen leagues
distance. It is, therefore very probable, that what Bouvet took for land,
was nothing but mountains of ice, surrounded by loose or field-ice. We
ourselves were undoubtedly deceived by the ice-hills, the day we first fell
in with the field-ice. Nor was it an improbable conjecture, that that ice
joined to land. The probability was however now greatly lessened, if not
entirely set aside; for the space between the northern edge of the ice,
along which we sailed, and our route to the west, when south of it, no
where exceeded 100 leagues, and in some places not 60. The clear weather
continued no longer than three o'clock the next morning, when it was
succeeded by a thick fog, sleet, and snow. The wind also veered to N.E. and
blew a fresh gale, with which we stood to S.E. It increased in such a
manner, that before noon we were brought under close-reefed top-sails. The
wind continued to veer to the north, at last fixed at N.W., and was
attended with intervals of clear weather.
Our course was E. 1/4 N., till noon the next day, when we were in the
latitude of 59° 2' S., and nearly under the same meridian as we were when
we fell in with the last field of ice, five days before; so that had it
remained in the same situation, we must now have been in the middle of it,
whereas we did not so much as see any. We cannot suppose that so large a
float of ice as this was, could be destroyed in so short a time. It
therefore must have drifted to the northward: and this makes it probable
that there is no land under this meridian, between the latitude of 55° and
59°, where we had supposed some to lie, as mentioned above.
As we were now only sailing over a part of the sea where we had been
before, I directed the course E.S.E. in order to get more to the south. We
had the advantage of a fresh gale, and the disadvantage of a thick fog;
much snow and sleet, which, as usual, froze on our rigging as it fell; so
that every rope was covered with the finest transparent ice I ever saw.
This afforded an agreeable sight enough to the eye, but conveyed to the
mind an idea of coldness, much greater than it really was; for the weather
was rather milder then it had been for some time past, and the sea less
encumbered with ice. But the worst was, the ice so clogged the rigging,
sails, and blocks, as to make them exceedingly bad to handle. Our people,
however, surmounted those difficulties with a steady perseverance, and
withstood this intense cold much better than I expected.
We continued to steer to the E.S.E. with a fresh gale at N.W. attended with
snow and sleet, till the 8th, when we were in the latitude of 61° 12' S.,
longitude 31° 47' E. In the afternoon we passed more ice islands than we
had seen for several days. Indeed they were now so familiar to us, that
they were often passed unnoticed; but more generally unseen on account of
the thick weather. At nine o'clock in the evening, we came to one, which
had a quantity of loose ice about it. As the wind was moderate, and the
weather tolerably fair, we shortened sail, and stood on and off, with a
view of taking some on board on the return of light. But at four o'clock in
the morning, finding ourselves to leeward of this ice, we bore down to an
island to leeward of us; there being about it some loose ice, part of which
we saw break off. There we brought-to; hoisted out three boats; and in
about five or six hours, took up as much ice as yielded fifteen tons of
good fresh water. The pieces we took up were hard, and solid as a rock;
some of them were so large, that we were obliged to break them with pick-
axes before they could be taken into the boats.
The salt water which adhered to the ice, was so trifling as not to be
tasted, and, after it had lain on deck for a short time, entirely drained
off; and the water which the ice yielded, was perfectly sweet and well-
tasted. Part of the ice we broke in pieces, and put into casks; some we
melted in the coppers, and filled up the casks with the water; and some we
kept on deck for present use. The melting and stowing away the ice is a
little tedious, and takes up some time; otherwise this is the most
expeditious way of watering I ever met with.[7]
Having got on board this supply of water, and the Adventure about two-
thirds as much (of which we stood in great need,) as we had once broke the
ice, I did not doubt of getting more whenever we were in want. I therefore
without hesitation directed our course more to the south, with a gentle
gale at N.W., attended, as usual, with snow showers. In the morning of the
11th, being then in the latitude of 62° 44' S., longitude 37° E., the
variation of the compass was 24° 10' W., and the following morning in the
latitude of 64° 12' S., longitude 38° 14' E., by the mean of three
compasses, it was no more than 23° 52' W. In this situation we saw some
penguins; and being near an island of ice from which several pieces had
broken, we hoisted out two boats, and took on board as much as filled all
our empty casks, and the Adventure did the same. While this was doing, Mr
Forster shot an albatross, whose plumage was of a colour between brown and
dark-grey, the head and upper side of the wings rather inclining to black,
and it had white eye-brows. We began to see these birds about the time of
our first falling in with the ice islands; and some have accompanied us
ever since. These, and the dark-brown sort with a yellow bill, were the
only albatrosses that had not now forsaken us.
At four o'clock p.m. we hoisted in the boats, and made sail to the S.E.,
with a gentle breeze at S. by W., attended with showers of snow.
On the 13th, at two o'clock a. m. it fell calm. Of this we took the
opportunity to hoist out a boat, to try the current, which we found to set
N.W. near one-third of a mile an hour. At the time of trying the current, a
Fahrenheit's thermometer was immerged in the sea 100 fathoms below its
surface, where it remained twenty minutes. When it came up, the mercury
stood at 32, which is the freezing point. Some little time after, being
exposed to the surface of the sea, it rose to 33-1/2, and in the open air
to 36. The calm continued till five o'clock in the evening, when it was
succeeded by a light breeze from the S. and S.E., with which we stood to
the N.E. with all our sails set.
Though the weather continued fair, the sky, as usual, was clouded. However,
at nine o'clock the next morning, it was clear; and we were enabled to
observe several distances between the sun and moon. The mean result of
which gave 39° 30' 30" E. longitude. Mr Kendal's watch at the same time
gave 38° 27' 45" which is 1° 2' 45" W. of the observations; whereas, on the
3d instant, it was half a degree E. of them.
In the evening I found the variation by the
mean of azimuths taken with Gregory's
compass to be 28° 14' 0"
By the mean of six azimuths by one of Dr
Knight's 28 32 0
And by another of Dr Knight's 28 34 0
Our latitude at this time was 63° 57', longitude 39° 38-1/2"
The succeeding morning, the 15th, being then in latitude 63° 33' S., the
longitude was observed by the following persons, viz.
Myself, being the mean of six distances of
the sun and moon 40° 1' 45" E.
Mr Wales, ditto 39 29 45
Ditto, ditto 39 56 45
Lieutenant Clerke, ditto 39 38 0
Mr Gilbert, ditto 39 48 45
Mr Smith, ditto 39 18 15
----------
Mean 39 42 12
Mr Kendal's watch made 38 41 30
which is nearly the same difference as the day before. But Mr Wales and I
took each of us six distances of the sun and moon, with the telescopes
fixed to our sextants, which brought out the longitude nearly the same as
the watch.
The results were as follows:--By Mr Wales, 38° 35' 30", and by me, 38° 36'
45".
It is impossible for me to say whether these or the former are the nearest
to the truth; nor can I assign any probable reason for so great a
disagreement. We certainly can observe with greater accuracy through the
telescope, than with the common sight, when the ship is sufficiently
steady. The use of the telescope is found difficult at first, but a little
practice will make it familiar. By the assistance of the watch, we shall be
able to discover the greatest error this method of observing the longitude
at sea is liable to; which at the greatest does not exceed a degree and a
half, and in general will be found to be much less. Such is the improvement
navigation has received by the astronomers and mathematical instrument-
makers of this age; by the former from the valuable tables they have
communicated to the public, under the direction of the Board of Longitude,
and contained in the astronomical ephemeris; and by the latter, from the
great accuracy they observe in making instruments, without which the tables
would, in a great measure, lose their effect. The preceding observations
were made by four different sextants, of different workmen. Mine was by Mr
Bird; one of Mr Wales's by Mr Dollond; the other and Mr Clerke's by Mr
Ramsden; as also Mr Gilbert's and Smith's, who observed with the same
instrument.
Five tolerably fine days had now succeeded one another. This, besides
giving us an opportunity to make the preceding observations, was very
serviceable to us on many other accounts, and came at a very seasonable
time. For, having on board a good quantity of fresh water, or ice, which
was the same thing, the people were enabled to wash and dry their clothes
and linen; a care that can never be enough attended to in all long voyages.
The winds during this time blew in gentle gales, and the weather was mild.
Yet the mercury in the thermometer never rose above 36; and was frequently
as low as the freezing point.
In the afternoon having but little wind, I brought-to under an island of
ice, and sent a boat to take up some. In the evening the wind freshened at
east, and was attended with snow showers and thick hazy weather, which
continued great part of the 16th. As we met with little ice, I stood to the
south, close hauled; and at six o'clock in the evening, being in the
latitude of 64° 56' S., longitude 39° 35' E. I found the variation by
Gregory's compass to be 26° 41' W. At this time the motion of the ship was
so great that I could by no means observe with any of Dr Knight's
compasses.
As the wind remained invariably fixed at E. and E. by S., I continued to
stand to the south; and on the 17th, between eleven and twelve o'clock, we
crossed the Antarctic Circle in the longitude of 39° 35' E., for at noon we
were by observation in the latitude of 66° 36' 30" S. The weather was now
become tolerably clear, so that we could see several leagues round us; and
yet we had only seen one island of ice since the morning. But about four
p.m. as we were steering to the south, we observed the whole sea in a
manner covered with ice, from the direction of S.E., round by the S. to W.
In this space, thirty-eight ice islands, great and small, were seen,
besides loose ice in abundance, so that we were obliged to luff for one
piece, and bear up for another, and as we continued to advance to the
south, it increased in such a manner, that at three quarters past six
o'clock, being then in the latitude of 67° 15' S., we could proceed no
farther; the ice being entirely closed to the south, in the whole extent
from E. to W.S.W., without the least appearance of any opening. This
immense field was composed of different kinds of ice; such as high hills,
loose or broken pieces packed close together, and what, I think,
Greenlandmen call field-ice. A float of this kind of ice lay to the S.E. of
us, of such extent, that I could see no end to it from the mast-head. It
was sixteen or eighteen feet high at least; and appeared of a pretty equal
height and surface. Here we saw many whales playing about the ice, and for
two days before had seen several flocks of the brown and white pintadoes,
which we named Antarctic peterels, because they seem to be natives of that
region. They are, undoubtedly, of the peterel tribe; are in every respect
shaped like the pintadoes, differing only from them in colour. The head and
fore-part of the body of these are brown; and the hind-part of the body,
tail, and the ends of the wings, are white. The white peterel also appeared
in greater numbers than before; some few dark-grey albatrosses, and our
constant companion the blue peterel. But the common pintadoes had quite
disappeared, as well as many other sorts, which are common in lower
latitudes.
[1] "In the midst of this heavy gale, I tried Dr Lind's wind-gage, and
the water in it was depressed by the force of the wind 45/100 of an
inch." W. According to the same authority, it was equally depressed on
the 30th, and on the 1st December, it sunk 4/10 of an inch in the
squalls. Mr G.F. relates an interesting enough alarm that occurred
during this stormy weather. "A petty officer in the forepart of the
vessel, awaking suddenly, heard a noise of water streaming through his
birth, and breaking itself against his own and his mess-mates' chests;
he leaped out of his bed, and found himself to the middle of his leg
in water. He instantly acquainted the officer of the quarter-deck with
the dreadful circumstances, and in a few moments almost every person
was in motion; the pumps were employed, and the officers encouraged
the seamen with an alarming gentleness, to persevere in their work;
notwithstanding which the water seemed to gain upon us; every soul was
filled with terror, increased by the darkness of the night. The chain-
pumps were now cleared, and our sailors laboured at them with great
alacrity; at last one of them luckily discovered that the water came
in through a scuttle (or window) in the boatswain's store-room, which
not having been secured against the tempestuous southern ocean, had
been staved in by the force of the waves. It was immediately
repaired," &c. Incidents of this kind are not often related by a
commander, but they are useful to a reader by diversifying the records
of bearings, courses, &c. &c.--E.
[2] "At half past ten in the evening, some water which had been
spilled on the deck was frozen, and in the morning we passed the first
island of ice. It was not very high, was smooth on the top and sides,
and not rugged like those I have seen in the north seas." W.--Mr
Forster in his observations has entered into a very important
discussion respecting the formation of the ice islands, but it is
vastly too long for insertion in this place. Few readers, however, it
is likely, will object to see it elsewhere.--E.
[3] "They constantly appeared about the icy masses, and may be looked
upon as sure forerunners of ice. Their colour induced us to call them
the snowy peterels."--G.F.
[4] "We had already had several false alarms from the fallacious
conformation of fog-banks, or that of islands of ice half hid in snow
storms, and our consort the Adventure had repeatedly made the signals
for seeing land, deceived by such appearances: but now, the
imagination warmed with the idea of M. Bouvet's discovery, one of our
lieutenants, after having repeatedly been up to the mast-head, (about
six o'clock in the morning on the 14th,) acquainted the captain that
he plainly saw the land. This news brought us all upon deck: We saw an
immense field of flat ice before us, broken into many small pieces on
the edges, a vast number of islands of ice of all shapes and sizes
rose beyond it as far as the eye could reach, and some of the most
distant considerably raised by the hazy vapours which lay on the
horizon, had indeed some appearance of mountains. Several of our
officers persisted in the opinion that they had seen land here, till
Captain Cook, about two years and two months afterwards, (in February
1775,) on his course from Cape Horn towards the Cape of Good Hope,
sailed over the same spot, where they had supposed it to lie, and
found neither land nor even ice there at that time."--G.F.
[5] "While we were doing this, so thick a fog came on, that it was
with the utmost difficulty, and after some considerable time, that we
found the ships again."--W.
"Their situation in a small four-oared boat, on an immense ocean, far
from any habitable shore, surrounded with ice, and utterly destitute
of provisions, was truly terrifying and horrible in its consequences.
They rowed about for some time, making vain efforts to be heard, but
all was silent about them, and they could not see the length of their
boat. They were the more unfortunate, as they had neither mast nor
sail, and only two oars. In this dreadful suspence they determined to
lie still, hoping that, provided they preserved their place, the
sloops would not drive out of sight, as it was calm. At last they
heard the jingling of a bell at a distance; this sound was heavenly
music to their ears; they immediately rowed towards it, and by
continual hailing, were at last answered from the Adventure, and
hurried on board, overjoyed to have escaped the danger of perishing by
slow degrees, through the inclemencies of weather and through famine.
Having been on board some time, they fired a gun, and being within
hail of the Resolution, returned on board of that sloop to their own
damp beds and mouldering cabins, upon which they now set a double
value: after so perilous an expedition."--G.F.
[6] "The encomiums on the efficacy of malt cannot be exaggerated, and
this useful remedy ought never to be forgotten on board of ships bound
on long voyages; nor can we bestow too much care to prevent its
becoming damp and mouldy, by which means its salutary qualities are
impaired, as we experienced during the latter part of our voyage."--
G.F.
[7] "That water melted from the ice usually found floating in the sea
is fresh and good, is no new discovery. The Hudson's Bay ships have
long made use of it; and I have mentioned it, from my own experience,
in the account of a voyage to Hudson's Bay." _See Phil. Trans. vol.
60_.--W. This is a solitary but most unexceptionable evidence. Mr
Forster, in the article before alluded to, has not failed to point out
much more.--E.
SECTION III.
_Sequel of the Search for a Southern Continent, between the Meridian of
the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand; with an Account of the Separation of
the two Ships, and the Arrival of the Resolution in Dusky Bay._
After meeting with this ice, I did not think it was at all prudent to
persevere in getting farther to the south; especially as the summer was
already half spent, and it would have taken up some time to have got round
the ice, even supposing it to have been practicable; which, however, is
doubtful. I therefore came to a resolution to proceed directly in search of
the land lately discovered by the French. And, as the winds still continued
at E. by S., I was obliged to return to the north, over some part of the
sea I had already made myself acquainted with, and, for that reason, wished
to have avoided. But this was not to be done, as our course made good, was
little better than north. In the night the wind increased to a strong gale,
attended with sleet and snow, and obliged us to double-reef our top-sails.
About noon the next day the gale abated, so that we could bear all our
reefs out; but the wind still remained in its old quarter.
In the evening, being in the latitude of 64° 12' S., longitude 40° 15' E.,
a bird, called by us in my former voyage Port Egmont Hen, (on account of
the great plenty of them at Port Egmont in Falkland Isles,) came hovering
several times over the ship, and then left us in the direction of N.E. They
are a short thick bird, about the size of a large crow, of a dark-brown or
chocolate colour, with a whitish streak under each wing, in the shape of a
half-moon. I have been told that these birds are found in great plenty at
the Fero Isles, North of Scotland; and that they never go far from land.
Certain it is, I never before saw them above forty leagues off; but I do
not remember ever seeing fewer than two together; whereas here was but one,
which, with the islands of ice, may have come a good way from land.
At nine o'clock, the wind veering to E.N.E., we tacked and stood to the
S.S.E, but at four in the morning of the 20th, it returned back to its old
point, and we resumed our northerly course. One of the above birds was seen
this morning, probably the same we saw the night before, as our situation
was not much altered. As the day advanced, the gale increased, attended
with thick hazy weather, sleet, and snow, and at last obliged us to close-
reef our top-sails, and strike top-gallant-yards. But in the evening the
wind abated so as to admit us to carry whole top-sails, and top-gallant-
yards aloft. Hazy weather, with snow and sleet continued.
In the afternoon of the 21st, being in the latitude of 62° 24' S.,
longitude 42° 19' E., we saw a white albatross with black tipped wings, and
a pintado bird. The wind was now at S. and S.W., a fresh gale. With this we
steered N.E., against a very high sea, which did not indicate the vicinity
of land in that quarter; and yet it was there we were to expect it. The
next day we had intervals of fair weather, the wind was moderate, and we
carried our studding-sails.[1] In the morning of the 23d, we were in
latitude of 60° 27' S., longitude 45° 33' E. Snow showers continued, and
the weather was so cold, that the water in our water-vessels on deck had
been frozen for several preceding nights.
Having clear weather at intervals, I spread the ships a-breast four miles
from each other, in order the better to discover any thing that might lie
in our way. We continued to sail in this manner till six o'clock in the
evening, when hazy weather and snow showers made it necessary for us to
join.
We kept our course to N.E. till eight o'clock in the morning of the 25th,
when the wind having veered round to N.E. by E., by the W. and N. we
tacked, and stood to N.W. The wind was fresh, and yet we made but little
way against a high northerly sea. We now began to see some of that sort of
peterels so well known to sailors by the name of sheerwaters, latitude 58°
10', longitude 50° 54' E. In the afternoon the wind veered to the southward
of east; and at eight o'clock in the evening, it increased to a storm,
attended with thick hazy weather, sleet and snow.
During night we went under our fore-sail and main-top-sail close-reefed: At
day-light the next morning, added to them the fore and mizen top-sails. At
four o'clock it fell calm; but a prodigious high sea from the N.E., and a
complication of the worst of weather, viz. snow, sleet, and rain,
continued, together with the calm, till nine o'clock in the evening. Then
the weather cleared up, and we got a breeze at S.E. by S. With this we
steered N. by E. till eight o'clock the next morning, being the 27th, when
I spread the ships, and steered N.N.E., all sails set, having a fresh
breeze at S. by W., and clear weather.
At noon we were by observation, in the latitude of 56° 28' S., and, about
three o'clock in the afternoon, the sun and moon appearing at intervals,
their distances were observed by the following persons; and the longitude
resulting therefrom was,
By Mr Wales, (the mean of two sets) 50° 59' East.
Lieutenant Clerke 51 11
Mr Gilbert 50 14
Mr Smith 50 50
Mr Kendal's watch 50 50
At six o'clock in the evening, being in latitude 56° 9' S., I now made
signal to the Adventure to come under my stern; and at eight o'clock the
next morning sent her to look out on my starboard beam, having at this time
a fresh gale at west and pretty clear weather. But this was not of long
duration; for, at two in the afternoon, the sky became cloudy and hazy, the
wind increased to a fresh gale, blew in squalls attended with snow, sleet,
and drizzling rain. I now made signal to the Adventure to come under my
stern, and took another reef in each top-sail. At eight o'clock I hauled up
the main-sail, and run all night under the foresail, and two top-sails; our
course being N.N.E. and N.E. by N., with a strong gale at N.W.
The 29th, at noon, we observed in latitude 52° 29' S., the weather being
fair and tolerably clear. But in the afternoon, it again became very thick
and hazy with rain; and the gale increased in such a manner as to oblige us
to strike top-gallant yards, close-reef and hand the top-sails. We spent
part of the night, which was very dark and stormy, in making a tack to the
S.W., and in the morning of the 30th, stood again to the N.E., wind at N.W.
and N., a very fresh gale; which split several of our small sails. This day
no ice was seen, probably owing to the thick hazy weather. At eight o'clock
in the evening we tacked and stood to the westward, under our courses; but
as the sea run high, we made our course no better than S.S W.
At four o'clock the next morning, the gale had a little abated; and the
wind had backed to W. by S. We again stood to the northward, under courses
and double-reefed top-sails, having a very high sea from the N.N.W., which
gave us but little hopes of finding the land we were in search of. At noon
we were in the latitude of 50° 56' S., longitude 56° 48' E., and presently
after we saw two islands of ice. One of these we passed very near, and
found that it was breaking or falling to pieces, by the cracking noise it
made; which was equal to the report of a four-pounder. There was a good
deal of loose ice about it; and had the weather been favourable, I should
have brought-to, and taken some up. After passing this, we saw no more,
till we returned again to the south.
Hazy gloomy weather continued, and the wind remained invariably fixed at
N.W., so that we could make our course no better than N.E. by N., and this
course we held till four o'clock in the afternoon of the first of February.
Being then in the latitude of 48° 30', and longitude 58° 7' E., nearly in
the meridian of the island of Mauritius, and where we were to expect to
find the land said to be discovered by the French, of which at this time we
saw not the least signs, we bore away east.
I now made the signal to the Adventure to keep at the distance of four
miles on my starboard beam. At half an hour past six, Captain Furneaux made
the signal to speak with me; and upon his coming under my stern, he
informed me that he had just seen a large float of sea or rock weed, and
about it several birds (divers.) These were certainly signs of the vicinity
of land; but whether it lay to the east or west, was not possible for us to
know. My intention was to have got into this latitude four or five degrees
of longitude to the west of the meridian we were in, and then to have
carried on my researches to the east. But the west and north-west winds we
had had the five preceding days, prevented me from putting this in
execution.
The continual high sea we had lately had from the N.E., N., N.W. and W.,
left me no reason to believe that land of any extent lay to the West. We
therefore continued to steer to the east, only lying-to a few hours in the
night, and in the morning resumed our course again, four miles north and
south from each other; the hazy weather not permitting us to spread
farther. We passed two or three small pieces of rock weed, and saw two or
three birds known by the name of egg-birds; but saw no other signs of land.
At noon we observed in latitude 48° 36' S., longitude 59° 35' E. As we
could only see a few miles farther to the south, and as it was not
impossible that there might be land not far off in that direction, I gave
orders to steer S. 1/2 E., and made the signal for the Adventure to follow,
she being by this movement thrown a-stern: The weather continuing hazy till
half an hour past six o'clock in the evening, when it cleared up so as to
enable us to see about five leagues round us.
Being now in the latitude of 49° 13' S., without having the least signs of
land, I wore and stood again to the eastward, and soon after spoke with
Captain Furneaux. He told me that he thought the land was to the N.W. of
us,; as he had, at one time, observed the sea to be smooth when the wind
blew in that direction. Athough this was not conformable to the remarks
_we_ had made on the sea, I resolved to clear up the point, if the wind
would admit of my getting to the west in any reasonable time.
At eight o'clock in the morning of the 3d, being in the latitude of 48° 56'
S. longitude 60° 47' E., and upwards of 8° to the east of the meridian of
the Mauritius, I began to despair of finding land to the east; and as the
wind had now veered to the north, resolved to search for it to the west. I
accordingly tacked and stood to the west with a fresh gale. This increased
in such a manner, that, before night, we were reduced to our two courses;
and, at last, obliged to lie-to under the fore-sails, having a prodigious
high sea from W.N.W., notwithstanding the height of the gale was from N. by
W. At three o'clock the next morning, the gale abating, we made sail, and
continued to ply to the west till ten o'clock in the morning of the 6th.
At this time, being in the latitude of 48° 6' S., longitude 58° 22' E., the
wind seemingly fixed at W.N.W., and seeing no signs of meeting with land, I
gave over plying, and bore away east a little southerly: Being satisfied,
that if there is any land hereabout, it can only be an isle of no great
extent. And it was just as probable I might have found it to the E. as to
the W.
While we were plying about here we took every opportunity to observe the
variation of the compass, and found it to be from 27° 50' to 30° 26' W.
Probably the mean of the two extremes, viz. 29° 4', is the nearest the
truth, as it nearly agrees with the variation observed on board the
Adventure. In making these observations, we found that, when the sun was on
the larboard side of the ship, the variation was the least; and when on the
starboard side, the greatest. This was not the first time we had made this
observation, without being able to account for it. At four o'clock in the
morning of the 7th, I made the Adventure's signal to keep at the distance
of four miles on my starboard beam; and continued to steer E.S.E. This
being a fine day, I had all our men's bedding and clothes spread on deck to
air; and the ship cleaned and smoked betwixt decks. At noon I steered a
point more to the south, being then in the latitude of 45° 49' S.,
longitude 61° 48' E. At six o'clock in the evening, I called in the
Adventure; and at the same time took several azimuths, which gave the
variation 31° 28'.W. These observations could not be taken with the
greatest accuracy, on account of the rolling of the ship, occasioned by a
very high westerly swell.
The preceding evening, three Port Egmont hens were seen; this morning
another appeared. In the evening, and several times in the night, penguins
were heard; and, at daylight in the morning of the 8th, several of these
were seen; and divers of two sorts, seemingly such as are usually met with
on the coast of England. This occasioned us to sound, but we found no
ground with a line of 210 fathoms. Our latitude now was 49° 53' S., and
longitude 63° 39' E. This was at eight o'clock. By this time the wind had
veered round by the N.E. to E., blew a brisk gale, and was attended with
hazy weather, which soon after turned to a thick fog; and, at the same
tine, the wind shifted to N.E.
I continued to keep the wind on the larboard tack, and to fire a gun every
hour till noon; when I made the signal to tack, and tacked accordingly.
But, as neither this signal, nor any of the former, was answered by the
Adventure, we had but too much reason to think that a separation had taken
place; though we were at a loss to tell how it had been effected. I had
directed Captain Furneaux, in case he was separated from me, to cruise
three days in the place where he last saw me. I therefore continued making
short boards, and firing half-hour guns, till the 9th in the afternoon,
when, the weather having cleared up, we could see several leagues round us,
and found that the Adventure was not within the limits of our horizon. At
this time we were about two or three leagues to the eastward of the
situation we were in when we last saw her; and were standing to the
westward with a very strong gale at N.N.W., accompanied with a great sea
from the same direction. This, together, with an increase of wind, obliged
us to lie-to till eight o'clock the next morning, during which time we saw
nothing of the Adventure, notwithstanding the weather was pretty clear, and
we had kept firing guns, and burning false fires, all night. I therefore
gave over looking for her, made sail, and steered S.E., with a very fresh
gale at W. by N., accompanied with a high sea from the same direction.
While we were beating about here; we frequently saw penguins and divers,
which made us conjecture the land was not far off; but in what direction it
was not possible for us to tell. As we advanced to the south, we lost the
penguins, and most of the divers; and, as usual, met with abundance of
albatrosses, blue peterels, sheer-waters, &c.
The 11th, at noon, and in the latitude of 51° 15' S., longitude 67° 20' E.,
we again met with penguins: and saw an egg bird, which we also look upon to
be a sign of the vicinity of land. I continued to steer to the S.E., with a
fresh gale in the north-west quarter, attended with a long hollow swell,
and frequent showers of rain, hail, and snow. The 12th, in the morning,
being in the latitude of 52° 32' S., longitude 69° 47' E., the variation
was 31° 38' W. In the evening, in the latitude of 53° 7' S., longitude 70°
50' E., it was 32° 33'; and, the next morning, in the latitude of 53° 37'
S., longitude 72° 10', it was 33° 8' W. Thus far we had continually a great
number of penguins about the ship, which seemed to be different from those
we had seen near the ice; being smaller, with reddish bills and brownish
heads. The meeting with so many of these birds, gave us some hopes of
finding land, and occasioned various conjectures about its situation. The
great westerly swell, which still continued, made it improbable that land
of any considerable extent lay to the west. Nor was it very probable that
any lay to the north; as we were only about 160 leagues to the south of
Tasman's track in 1642; and I conjectured that Captain Furneaux would
explore this place; which accordingly happened. In the evening we saw a
Port Egmont hen, which flew away in the direction of N.E. by E., and the
next morning a seal was seen; but no penguins. In the evening, being in the
latitude of 55° 49' S., longitude 75° 52' E., the variation was 34° 48' W.,
and, in the evening of the 15th, in latitude 57° 2' S., longitude 79° 56'
E., it was 38° W. Five seals were seen this day, and a few penguins; which
occasioned us to sound, without finding any bottom, with a line of 150
fathoms.
At day-light in the morning of the 16th, we saw an island of ice to the
northward; for which we steered, in order to take some on board; but the
wind shifting to that direction, hindered us from putting this in
execution. At this time we were in the latitude of 57° 8' S., longitude 80°
59' E., and had two islands of ice in sight. This morning we saw one
penguin, which appeared to be of the same sort which we had formerly seen
near the ice. But we had now been so often deceived by these birds, that we
could no longer look upon them, nor indeed upon any other oceanic birds,
which frequent high latitudes, as sure signs of the vicinity of land.
The wind continued not long at north, but veered to E. by N.E., and blew a
gentle gale, with which we stood to the southward; having frequent showers
of sleet and snow. But, in the night, we had fair weather, and a clear
serene sky; and, between midnight and three o'clock in the morning, lights
were seen in the heavens, similar to those in the northern hemisphere,
known by the name of Aurora Borealis, or Northern Lights; but I never heard
of the Aurora Australia been seen before. The officer of the watch observed
that it sometimes broke out in spiral rays, and in a circular form; then
its light was very strong, and its appearance beautiful. He could not
perceive it had any particular direction; for it appeared, at various
times, in different parts of the heavens, and diffused its light throughout
the whole atmosphere.[2]
At nine in the morning, we bore down to an island of ice which we reached
by noon. It was full half a mile in circuit, and two hundred feet high at
least, though very little loose ice about it. But while we were considering
whether or no we should hoist out our boats to take some up, a great
quantity broke from the island. Upon this we hoisted out our boats, and
went to work to get some on board. The pieces of ice, both great and small,
which broke from the island, I observed, drifted fast to the westward; that
is, they left the island in that direction, and were, in a few hours,
spread over a large space of sea. This, I have no doubt, was caused by a
current setting in that direction. For the wind could have but little
effect upon the ice; especially as there was a large hollow swell from the
west. This circumstance greatly retarded our taking up ice. We, however,
made a shift to get on board about nine or ten tons before eight o'clock,
when we hoisted in the boats and made sail to the east, inclining to the
south, with a fresh gale at south; which, soon after, veered to S.S.W. and
S.W., with fair but cloudy weather. This course brought us among many ice
isles; so that it was necessary to proceed with great caution. In the night
the mercury in the thermometer fell two degrees below the freezing point;
and the water in the scuttle casks on deck was frozen. As I have not taken
notice of the thermometer of late, I shall now observe, that, as we
advanced to the north, the mercury gradually rose to 45, and fell again, as
we advanced to the south, to what is above-mentioned; nor did it rise, in
the middle of the day, to above 34 or 35.
In the morning of the 18th, being in the latitude of 57° 54' S., longitude
83° 14' E., the variation was 39° 33' W. In the evening, in latitude 58° 2'
S., longitude 84° 35' E., it was only 37° 8' W., which induced me to
believe it was decreasing. But in the evening of the 20th, in the latitude
of 58° 47' S., longitude 90° 56' E., I took nine azimuths, with Dr Knight's
compass, which gave the variation 40° 7', and nine others, with Gregory's,
which gave 40° 15' W.
This day, at noon, being nearly in the latitude and longitude just
mentioned, we thought we saw land to the S.W. The appearance was so strong
that we doubted not it was there in reality, and tacked to work up to it
accordingly; having a light breeze at south, and clear weather. We were,
however, soon undeceived, by finding that it was only clouds; which, in the
evening, entirely disappeared, and left us a clear horizon, so that we
could see a considerable way round us; in which space nothing was to be
seen but ice islands.
In the night the Aurora Australis made a very brilliant and luminous
appearance. It was seen first in the east, a little above the horizon; and,
in a short time, spread over the whole heavens.
The 21st, in the morning, having little wind and a smooth sea, two
favourable circumstances for taking up ice, I steered for the largest ice
island before us, which we reached by noon. At this time, we were in the
latitude of 59° S., longitude 92° 30' E.; having about two hours before
seen three or four penguins. Finding here a good quantity of loose ice, I
ordered two boats out, and sent them to take some on board. While this was
doing, the island, which was not less than half a mile in circuit, and
three or four hundred feet high above the surface of the sea, turned nearly
bottom up. Its height, by this circumstance, was neither increased nor
diminished apparently. As soon as we had got on board as much ice as we
could dispose of, we hoisted in the boats, and made sail to the S.E., with
a gentle breeze at N. by E., attended with showers of snow, and dark gloomy
weather. At this time we had but few ice islands in sight, but, the next
day, seldom less than twenty or thirty were seen at once.
The wind gradually veered to the east; and, at last, fixing at E. by S.,
blew a fresh gale. With this we stood to the south, till eight o'clock in
the evening of the 23d; at which time we were in the latitude of 61° 52'
S., longitude 95° 2' E. We now tacked and spent the night, which was
exceedingly stormy, thick, and hazy, with sleet and snow, in making short
boards. Surrounded on every side with danger, it was natural for us to wish
for day-light. This, when it came, served only to increase our
apprehensions, by exhibiting to our view those huge mountains of ice, which
in the night we had passed without seeing.
These unfavourable circumstances, together with dark nights, at this
advanced season of the year, quite discouraged me from putting in execution
a resolution I had taken of crossing the Antarctic Circle once more.
Accordingly, at four o'clock in the morning, we stood to the north, with a
very hard gale at E.S.E., accompanied with snow and sleet, and a very high
sea from the same point, which made great destruction among the ice
islands. This circumstance, far from being of any advantage to us, greatly
increased the number of pieces we had to avoid. The large pieces which
break from the ice islands, are much more dangerous than the islands
themselves. The latter are so high out of water, that we can generally see
them, unless the weather be very thick and dark, before we are very near
them. Whereas the others cannot be seen in the night, till they are under
the ship's bows. These dangers were, however, now become so familiar to us,
that the apprehensions they caused were never of long duration; and were,
in some measure, compensated both by the seasonable supplies of fresh water
these ice islands afforded us, (without which we must have been greatly
distressed,) and also by their very romantic appearance, greatly heightened
by the foaming and dashing of the waves into the curious holes and caverns
which are formed in many of them; the whole exhibiting a view which at once
filled the mind with admiration and horror, and can only be described by
the hand of an able painter.[3]
Towards the evening the gale abated, and in the night we had two or three
hours calm. This was succeeded by a light breeze at west, with which we
steered east, under all the sail we could set, meeting with many ice
islands.
This night we saw a Port Egmont hen; and next morning, being the 25th,
another. We had lately seen but few birds; and those were albatrosses,
sheer-waters, and blue peterels. It is remarkable that we did not see one
of either the white or Antarctic peterels, since we came last amongst the
ice. Notwithstanding the wind kept at W. and N.W. all day, we had a very
high sea from the east, by which we concluded that no land could be near in
that direction. In the evening, being in the latitude 60° 51', longitude
95° 41' E., the variation was 43° 6' W., and the next morning, being the
26th, having advanced about a degree and a half more to the east, it was
41° 30', both being determined by several azimuths.
We had fair weather all the afternoon, but the wind was unsettled, veering
round by the north to the east. With this we stood to the S.E. and E., till
three o'clock in the afternoon; when, being in the latitude of 61° 21' S.,
longitude 97° 7', we tacked and stood to the northward and eastward as the
wind kept veering to the south. This, in the evening, increased to a strong
gale, blew in squalls, attended with snow and sleet, and thick hazy
weather, which soon brought us under our close-reefed top-sails.
Between eight in the morning of the 26th, and noon the next day, we fell in
among several islands of ice; from whence such vast quantities had broken
as to cover the sea all round us, and render sailing rather dangerous.
However, by noon, we were clear of it all. In the evening the wind abated,
and veered to S.W. but the weather did not clear up till the next morning,
when we were able to carry all our sails, and met with but very few islands
of ice to impede us. Probably the late gale had destroyed a great number of
them. Such a very large hollow sea had continued to accompany the wind as
it veered from E. to S.W. that I was certain no land of considerable extent
could lie within 100 or 150 leagues of our situation between these two
points.
The mean height of the thermometer at noon, for some days past, was at
about 35, which is something higher than it usually was in the same
latitude about a month or five weeks before, consequently the air was
something warmer. While the weather was really _warm_, the gales were
not only stronger, but more frequent, with almost continual misty, dirty,
wet weather. The very animals we had on board felt its effects. A sow
having in the morning farrowed nine pigs, every one of them was killed by
the cold before four o'clock in the afternoon, notwithstanding all the care
we could take of them. From the same cause, myself as well as several of my
people, had fingers and toes chilblained. Such is the summer weather we
enjoyed!
The wind continued unsettled, veering from the south to the west, and blew
a fresh gale till the evening. Then it fell little wind, and soon after a
breeze sprung up at north, which quickly veered to N.E. and N.E. by E.,
attended with a thick fog, snow, sleet, and rain. With this wind and
weather we kept on to the S.E., till four o'clock in the afternoon of the
next day, being the first of March, when it fell calm, which continued for
near twenty-four hours. We were now in the latitude of 60° 36' S.,
longitude 107° 54', and had a prodigious high swell from the S.W., and, at
the same time, another from the S. or S.S.E. The dashing of the one wave
against the other, made the ship both roll and pitch exceedingly; but at
length the N.W. swell prevailed. The calm continued till noon the next day,
when it was succeeded by a gentle breeze from S.E., which afterwards
increased and veered to S.W. With this we steered N.E. by E., and E. by N.,
under all the sail we could set.
In the afternoon of the 3d, being in latitude 60° 13', longitude 110° 18',
the variation was 39° 4' W. But the observations, by which this was
determined, were none of the best, being obliged to make use of such as we
could get, during the very few and short intervals when the sun appeared. A
few penguins were seen this day, but not so many islands of ice as usual.
The weather was also milder, though very changeable; thermometer from 36 to
38. We continued to have a N.W. swell, although the wind was unsettled,
veering to N.W. by the W. and N., attended with hazy sleet and drizzling
rain.
We prosecuted our course to the east, inclining to the south, till three
o'clock in the afternoon of the 4th, when, (being in the latitude of 60°
37', longitude 113° 24') the wind shifting at once to S.W. and S.W. by S.,
I gave orders to steer E. by N. 1/2 N. But in the night we steered E. 1/2
S. in order to have the wind, which was at S.S.W., more upon the beam, the
better to enable us to stand back, in case we fell in with any danger in
the dark. For we had not so much time to spare to allow us to lie-to.
In the morning of the 5th, we steered E. by N., under all the sail we could
set, passing one ice island and many small pieces, and at nine o'clock the
wind, which of late had not remained long upon any one point, shifted all
at once to east, and blew a gentle gale. With this, we stood to the north,
at which time we were in the latitude of 60° 44' S., and longitude 116° 50'
E. The latitude was determined by the meridian altitude of the sun, which
appeared, now and then, for a few minutes, till three in the afternoon.
Indeed the sky was, in general, so cloudy, and the weather so thick and
hazy, that we had very little benefit of sun or moon; very seldom seeing
the face of either the one or the other. And yet, even under these
circumstances, the weather, for some days past, could not be called very
cold. It, however, had not the least pretension to be called summer
weather, according to my ideas of summer in the northern hemisphere, as far
as 60° of latitude, which is nearly as far north as I have been.
In the evening we had three islands of ice in sight, all of them large;
especially one, which was larger than any we had yet seen. The side opposed
to us seemed to be a mile in extent; if so, it could not be less than three
in circuit. As we passed it in the night, a continual cracking was heard,
occasioned, no doubt, by pieces breaking from it.[4] For, in the morning of
the 6th, the sea, for some distance round it, was covered with large and
small pieces; and the island itself did not appear so large as it had done
the evening before. It could not be less than 100 feet high; yet such was
the impetuous force and height of the waves which were broken against it,
by meeting with such a sudden resistance, that they rose considerably
higher. In the evening we were in latitude of 59° 58' S., longitude 118°
39' E. The 7th, the wind was variable in the N.E. and S.E. quarters,
attended with snow and sleet till the evening. Then the weather became
fair, the sky cleared up, and the night was remarkably pleasant, as well as
the morning of the next day; which, for the brightness of the sky, and
serenity and mildness of the weather, gave place to none we had seen since
we left the Cape of Good Hope. It was such as is little known in this sea;
and to make it still more agreeable, we had not one island of ice in sight.
The mercury in the thermometer rose to 40. Mr Wales and the master made
some observations of the moon and stars, which satisfied us, that, when our
latitude was 59° 44', our longitude was 121° 9'. At three o'clock in the
afternoon, the calm was succeeded by a breeze at S.E. The sky, at the same
time, was suddenly obscured, and seemed to presage an approaching storm,
which accordingly happened. For, in the evening, the wind shifted to south,
blew in squalls, attended with sleet and rain, and a prodigious high sea.
Having nothing to take care of but ourselves, we kept two or three points
from the wind, and run at a good rate to the E.N.E. under our two courses,
and close-reefed topsails.
The gale continued till the evening of the 10th. Then it abated; the wind
shifted to the westward; and we had fair weather, and but little wind,
during the night; attended with a sharp frost. The next morning, being in
the latitude of 57° 56', longitude 130°, the wind shifted to N.E., and blew
a fresh gale, with which we stood S.E., having frequent showers of snow and
sleet, and a long hollow swell from S.S.E. and S.E. by S. This swell did
not go down till two days after the wind which raised it had not only
ceased to blow, but had shifted, and blown fresh at opposite points, good
part of the time. Whoever attentively considers this, must conclude, that
there can be no land to the south, but what must be at a great distance.
Notwithstanding so little was to be expected in that quarter, we continued
to stand to the south till three o'clock in the morning of the 12th, when
we were stopped by a calm; being then in the latitude of 58° 56' S.,
longitude 131° 26' E. After a few hours calm, a breeze sprung up at west,
with which we steered east. The S.S.E. swell having gone down, was
succeeded by another from N.W. by W. The weather continued mild all this
day, and the mercury rose to 39-1/2. In the evening it fell calm, and
continued so till three o'clock in the morning of the 13th, when we got the
wind at E. and S.E., a fresh breeze attended with snow and sleet. In the
afternoon it became fair, and the wind veered round to the S. and S.S.W. In
the evening, being in the latitude of 58° 59', longitude 134°, the weather
was so clear in the horizon, that we could see many leagues round us. We
had but little wind during the night, some showers of snow, and a very
sharp frost. As the day broke, the wind freshened at S.E. and S.S.E.; and
soon after, the sky cleared up, and the weather became clear and serene;
but the air continued cold, and the mercury in the thermometer rose only
one degree above the freezing point.
The clear weather gave Mr Wales an opportunity to get some observations of
the sun and moon. Their results reduced to noon, when the latitude was 58°
22' S., gave us 136° 22' E. longitude. Mr Kendal's watch at the same time
gave 134° 42'; and that of Mr Arnold the same. This was the first and only
time they pointed out the same longitude since we left England. The
greatest difference, however, between them, since we left the Cape, had not
much exceeded two degrees.
The moderate, and I might almost say, pleasant weather, we had, at times,
for the last two or three days, made me wish I had been a few degrees of
latitude farther south; and even tempted me to incline our course that way.
But we soon had weather which convinced us that we were full far enough;
and that the time was approaching, when these seas were not to be navigated
without enduring intense cold; which, by the bye, we were pretty well used
to. In the afternoon, the serenity of the sky was presently obscured: The
wind veered round by the S.W. to W., and blew in hard squalls, attended
with thick and heavy showers of hail and snow, which continually covered
our decks, sails, and rigging, till five o'clock in the evening of the
15th. At this time, the wind abated, and shifted to S.E.; the sky cleared
up; and the evening was so serene and clear, that we could see many leagues
round us; the horizon being the only boundary to our sight.
We were now in the latitude of 59° 17' S., longitude 140° 12' E., and had
such a large hollow swell from W.S.W., as assured us that we had left no
land behind us in that direction. I was also well assured that no land lay
to the south on this side 60° of latitude. We had a smart frost during the
night, which was curiously illuminated with the southern lights.
At ten o'clock in the morning of the 16th, (which was as soon as the sun
appeared,) in the latitude of 58° 51' S., our longitude was 144° 10' E.
This good weather was, as usual, of short duration. In the afternoon of
this day, we had again thick snow showers; but, at intervals, it was
tolerably clear; and, in the evening being in the latitude of 58° 58' S.,
longitude 144° 37' E., I found the variation by several azimuths to be 31'
E.
I was not a little pleased with being able to determine, with so much
precision, this point of the Line, in which the compass has no variation.
For I look upon half a degree as next to nothing; so that the intersection
of the latitude and longitude just mentioned, may be reckoned the point
without any sensible error. At any rate, the Line can only pass a very
small matter west of it.
I continued to steer to the east, inclining to the south, with a fresh gale
at S.W., till five o'clock the next morning, when, being in the latitude of
59° 7' S., longitude 146° 53' E., I bore away N.E., and, at noon, north,
having come to a resolution to quit the high southern latitudes, and to
proceed to New Zealand to look for the Adventure, and to refresh my people.
I had also some thoughts, and even a desire to visit the east coast of Van
Diemen's Land, in order to satisfy myself if it joined the coast of New
South Wales.
In the night of the 17th, the wind shifted to N.W., and blew in squalls,
attended with thick hazy weather and rain. This continued all the 18th, in
the evening of which day, being in the latitude of 56° 15' S., longitude
150°, the sky cleared up, and we found the variation by several azimuths to
be 13° 30' E. Soon after, we hauled up, with the log, a piece of rock-weed,
which was in a state of decay, and covered with barnacles. In the night the
southern lights were very bright.
The next morning we saw a seal; and towards noon, some penguins, and more
rock-weed, being at this time in the latitude of 55° 1', longitude 152° 1'
E. In the latitude of 54° 4', we also saw a Port Egmont hen, and some weed.
Navigators have generally looked upon all these to be certain signs of the
vicinity of land; I cannot, however, support this opinion. At this time we
knew of no land, nor is it even probable that there is any, nearer than New
Holland, or Van Diemen's Land, from which we were distant 260 leagues. We
had, at the same time, several porpoises playing about us; into one of
which Mr Cooper struck a harpoon; but as the ship was running seven knots,
it broke its hold, after towing it some minutes, and before we could deaden
the ship's way.
As the wind, which continued between the north and the west, would not
permit me to touch at Van Diemen's Land, I shaped my course to New Zealand;
and, being under no apprehensions of meeting with any danger, I was not
backward in carrying sail, as well by night as day, having the advantage of
a very strong gale, which was attended with hazy rainy weather, and a very
large swell from the W. and W.S.W. We continued to meet with, now and then,
a seal, Port Egmont hens, and sea-weed.
On the morning of the 22d, the wind shifted to south, and brought with it
fair weather. At noon, we found ourselves in the latitude of 49° 55',
longitude 159° 28', having a very large swell out of the S.W. For the three
days past, the mercury in the thermometer had risen to 46, and the weather
was quite mild. Seven or eight degrees of latitude had made a surprising
difference in the temperature of the air, which we felt with an agreeable
satisfaction.
We continued to advance to the N.E. at a good rate, having a brisk gale
between the S. and E.; meeting with seals, Port Egmont hens, egg birds,
sea-weed, &c. and having constantly a very large swell from the S.W. At ten
o'clock in the morning of the 25th, the land of New Zealand was seen from
the mast-head; and at noon, from the deck; extending from N.E. by E. to E.,
distant ten leagues. As I intended to put into Dusky Bay, or any other port
I could find, on the southern part of _Tavai Poenammoo_, we steered in
for the land, under all the sail we could carry, having the advantage of a
fresh gale at W., and tolerably clear weather. This last was not of long
duration; for, at half an hour after four o'clock, the land, which was not
above four miles distant, was in a manner wholly obscured in a thick haze.
At this time, we were before the entrance of a bay, which I had mistaken
for Dusky Bay, being deceived by some islands that lay in the mouth of it.
Fearing to run, in thick weather, into a place to which we were all
strangers, and seeing some breakers and broken ground a-head, I tacked in
twenty-five fathom water, and stood out to sea with the wind at N.W. This
bay lies on the S.E. side of Cape West, and may be known by a white cliff
on one of the isles which lies in the entrance of the bay. This part of the
coast I did not see, but at a great distance, in my former voyage; and we
now saw it under so many disadvantageous circumstances, that the less I say
about it, the fewer mistakes I shall make. We stood out to sea, under
close-reefed top-sails and courses, till eleven o'clock at night; when we
wore and stood to the northward, having a very high and irregular sea. At
five o'clock next morning, the gale abated, and we bore up for the land; at
eight o'clock, the West Cape bore E. by N. 1/2 N., for which we steered,
and entered Dusky Bay about noon. In the entrance of it, we found 44
fathoms water, a sandy bottom, the West Cape bearing S.S.E., and Five
Fingers Point, or the north point of the bay, north. Here we had a great
swell rolling in from the S.W. The depth of water decreased to 40 fathoms,
afterwards we had no ground with 60. We were, however, too far advanced to
return; and therefore stood on, not doubting but that we should find
anchorage. For in this bay we were all strangers; in my former voyage,
having done no more than discover and name it.
After running about two leagues up the bay, and passing several of the
isles which lay in it, I brought-to, and hoisted out two boats; one of
which I sent away with an officer round a point on the larboard hand to
look for anchorage. This he found, and signified the same by signal. We
then followed with the ship, and anchored in 50 fathoms water, so near the
shore as to reach it with an hawser. This was on Friday the 26th of March,
at three in the afternoon, after having been 117 days at sea; in which time
we had sailed 3600 leagues, without having once sight of land.
After such a long continuance at sea, in a high southern latitude, it is
but reasonable to think that many of my people must be ill of the scurvy.
The contrary, however, happened. Mention hath already been made of sweet
wort being given to such as were scorbutic. This had so far the desired
effect, that we had only one man on board that could be called very ill of
this disease; occasioned chiefly, by a bad habit of body, and a
complication of other disorders. We did not attribute the general good
state of health in the crew, wholly to the sweet wort, but to the frequent
airing and sweetening the ship by fires, &c. We must also allow portable
broth, and sour krout, to have had some share in it. This last can never be
enough recommended.
My first care, after the ship was moored, was to send a boat and people a-
fishing; in the mean time, some of the gentlemen killed a seal, (out of
many that were upon a rock,) which made us a fresh meal.
[1] "The two time-keepers being put on each side of the great cabin, I
put a thermometer by each, and before a fire was kept in the cabin, I
never saw them differ more than half a degree; but since there has
been a fire, I have constantly found that thermometer highest, which
happened to be on the weather-side, sometimes by three degrees,
whereas one would naturally have expected it to have been just the
contrary."--W.
The rapidity of the current of moist air would be no doubt greater on
the other side, and therefore, as moisture occasions cold, would lower
the thermometer on that side. On the weather-side, on the contrary,
the air would be less quickly changed, and of course preserve greater
uniformity of temperature. This explanation, however, depends on a
certain supposition as to the form of the cabin, and its kind of
communication with the external air.--E.
[2] "The natural state of the heavens, except in the south-east
quarter, and for about ten degrees of altitude all round the horizon,
was a whitish haze, through which stars of the third magnitude were
just discernible. All round, the horizon was covered with thick
clouds, out of which arose many streams of a pale reddish light, that
ascended towards the zenith. These streams had not that motion which
they are sometimes seen to have in England; but were perfectly steady,
except a small tremulous motion which some of them had near their
edges.
"19th.--In the night the southern lights were very bright at times,
and the colours much more various and vivid than they were on
Wednesday night, their motion also was greater, so that on the whole
they were extremely beautiful.
"20th.--At nine o'clock in the evening, the southern light sprung up
very bright about the east point of the horizon, in a single steady
pillar, of a pale reddish light. Its direction was not directly towards
the zenith, but gradually deflected towards the south, and grew
fainter as it ascended, so as to vanish about south-east, and at
forty-five degrees of altitude.
"15th March.--The southern lights very bright at times, and exceeding
beautiful; their colours being vivid, and their motion quick and
curious.
"18th.--A little after nine o'clock in the evening it was very clear,
and the southern lights were exceeding bright and beautiful, and
appeared of a semi-circular or rainbow-like form, whose two
extremities were nearly in the east and west points of the horizon.
This bow, when it first made its appearance, passed a considerable way
to the north of the zenith; but rose by degrees, turning, as it were,
on its diameter, and passing through the zenith, settled at length
towards the southern horizon. These lights were at one time so bright,
that we could discern our shadows on the deck."--W.
It was thought proper to bring together all these similar remarks of
so accurate and faithful an observer. There is reason to believe that
the southern lights had never been seen by any navigator before this
voyage of Cook's.--E.
[3] "The shapes of these large frozen masses, were frequently
singularly ruinous, and so far picturesque enough; among them we
passed one of a great size, with a hollow in the middle, resembling a
grotto or cavern, which was pierced through, and admitted the light
from the other side. Some had the appearance of a spire or steeple;
and many others gave full scope to our imagination, which compared
them to several known objects, by that means attempting to overcome
the tediousness of our cruise, which the sight of birds, porpoises,
seals, and whales, now too familiar to our eyes, could not prevent
from falling heavily upon us."--G.F.
[4] "One island of ice, which we passed in the afternoon, was near a
mile and a half long, and very high. It was calm most part of the
night, so that we found ourselves very near it in the morning, but
observed that several very large pieces had broke off from it. Many
great reports, like thunder, were heard in the night, which I conceive
were occasioned by these pieces breaking off."--W.
SECTION IV.
_Transactions in Dusky Bay, with an Account of several Interviews with
the Inhabitants._
As I did not like the place we had anchored in, I sent Lieutenant
Pickersgill over to the S.E. side of the bay, to search for a better; and I
went myself to the other side, for the same purpose, where I met with an
exceedingly snug harbour, but nothing else worthy of notice. Mr Pickersgill
reported, upon his return, that he had found a good harbour, with every
conveniency. As I liked the situation of this, better than the other of my
own finding, I determined to go there in the morning. The fishing-boat was
very successful; returning with fish sufficient for all hands for supper;
and, in a few hours in the morning, caught as many as served for dinner.
This gave us certain hopes of being plentifully supplied with this article.
Nor did the shores and woods appear less destitute of wild fowl; so that we
hoped to enjoy with ease, what, in our situation, might be called the
luxuries of life. This determined me to stay some time in this bay, in
order to examine it thoroughly; as no one had ever landed before, on any of
the southern parts of this country.
On the 27th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we got under sail with a light
breeze at S.W., and working over to Pickersgill harbour, entered it by a
channel scarcely twice the width of the ship; and in a small creek, moored
head and stern, so near the shore as to reach it with a brow or stage,
which nature had in a manner prepared for us in a large tree, whose end or
top reached our gunwale. Wood, for fuel and other purposes, was here so
convenient, that our yards were locked in the branches of the trees; and,
about 100 yards from our stern, was a fine stream of freshwater. Thus
situated, we began to clear places in the woods, in order to set up the
astronomer's observatory, the forge to repair our iron-work, tents for the
sail-makers and coopers to repair the sails and casks in; to land our empty
casks, to fill water, and to cut down wood for fuel; all of which were
absolutely necessary occupations. We also began to brew beer from the
branches or leaves of a tree, which much resembles the American black-
spruce. From the knowledge I had of this tree, and the similarity it bore
to the spruce, I judged that, with the addition of inspissated juice of
wort and molasses, it would make a very wholesome beer, and supply the want
of vegetables, which this place did not afford; and the event proved that I
was not mistaken.
Now I have mentioned the inspissated juice of wort, it will not be amiss,
in this place, to inform the reader, that I had made several trials of it
since I left the Cape of Good Hope, and found it to answer in a cold
climate, beyond all expectation. The juice, diluted in warm water, in the
proportion of twelve parts water to one part juice, made a very good and
well-tasted small-beer. Some juice which I had of Mr Pelham's own
preparing, would bear sixteen parts water. By making use of warm-water,
(which I think ought always to be done,) and keeping it in a warm place, if
the weather be cold, no difficulty will be found in fermenting it. A little
grounds of either small or strong-beer, will answer as well as yeast.
The few sheep and goats we had left were not likely to fare quite so well
as ourselves; there being no grass here, but what was coarse and harsh. It
was, however not so bad, but that we expected they would devour it with
great greediness, and were the more surprised to find that they would not
taste it; nor did they seem over-fond of the leaves of more tender plants.
Upon examination, we found their teeth loose; and that many of them had
every other symptom of an inveterate sea-scurvy. Out of four ewes and two
rams which I brought from the Cape, with an intent to put ashore in this
country, I had only been able to preserve one of each; and even these were
in so bad a state, that it was doubtful if they could recover,
notwithstanding all the care possible had been taken of them.
Some of the officers, on the 28th, went up the bay in a small boat on a
shooting party; but, discovering inhabitants, they returned before noon, to
acquaint me therewith; for hitherto we had not seen the least vestige of
any. They had but just got aboard, when a canoe appeared off a point about
a mile from us, and soon after, returned behind the point out of sight,
probably owing to a shower of rain which then fell; for it was no sooner
over, than the canoe again appeared, and came within musket-shot of the
ship. There were in it seven or eight people. They remained looking at us
for some time, and then returned; all the signs of friendship we could make
did not prevail on them to come nearer. After dinner I took two boats and
went in search of them, in the cove where they were first seen, accompanied
by several of the officers and gentlemen. We found the canoe (at least
a-canoe) hauled upon the shore near to two small huts, where were several
fire-places, some fishing-nets, a few fish lying on the shore, and some in
the canoe. But we saw no people; they probably had retired into the woods.
After a short stay, and leaving in the canoe some medals, looking-glasses,
beads, &c. we embarked and rowed to the head of the cove, where we found
nothing remarkable. In turning back we put ashore at the same place as
before; but still saw no people. However, they could not be far off, as we
smelled the smoke of fire, though we did not see it. But I did not care to
search farther, or to force an interview which they seemed to avoid; well
knowing that the way to obtain this, was to leave the time and place to
themselves. It did not appear that any thing I had left had been touched;
however, I now added a hatchet, and, with the night, returned on board.
On the 29th, were showers till the afternoon; when a party of the officers
made an excursion up the bay; and Mr Forster and his party were out
botanizing. Both parties returned in the evening without meeting with any
thing worthy of notice; and the two following days, every one was confined
to the ship on account of rainy stormy weather.
In the afternoon of the 1st of April, accompanied by several of the
gentlemen, I went to see if any of the articles I had left for the Indians
were taken away. We found every thing remaining in the canoe; nor did it
appear that any body had been there since. After shooting some birds, one
of which was a duck, with a blue-grey plumage and soft bill, we, in the
evening, returned on board.
The 2d, being a pleasant morning, Lieutenants Clerke and Edgecumbe, and the
two Mr Forsters, went in a boat up the bay to search for the productions of
nature; and myself, Lieutenant Pickersgill, and Mr Hodges, went to take a
view of the N.W. side. In our way, we touched at the seal-rock, and killed
three seals, one of which afforded us much sport. After passing several
isles, we at length came to the most northern and western arms of the bay;
the same as is formed by the land of Five Fingers Point. In the bottom of
this arm or cove, we found many ducks, wood-hens, and other wild fowl, some
of which we killed, and returned on board at ten o'clock in the evening;
where the other party had arrived several hours before us, after having had
but indifferent sport. They took with them a black dog we had got at the
Cape, who, at the first musket they fired, ran into the woods, from whence
he would not return. The three following days were rainy; so that no
excursions were made.
Early in the morning on the 6th, a shooting party, made up of the officers,
went to Goose Cove, the place where I was the 2d; and myself, accompanied
by the two Mr Forsters, and Mr Hodges, set out to continue the survey of
the bay. My attention was directed to the north side, where I discovered a
fine capacious cove, in the bottom of which is a fresh-water river; on the
west side several beautiful small cascades; and the shores are so steep
that a ship might lie near enough to convey the water into her by a hose.
In this cove we shot fourteen ducks, besides other birds, which occasioned
my calling it Duck Cove.
As we returned in the evening, we had a short interview with three of the
natives, one man and two women. They were the first that discovered
themselves on the N.E. point of Indian Island, named so on this occasion.
We should have passed without seeing them, had not the man hallooed to us.
He stood with his club in his hand upon the point of a rock, and behind
him, at the skirts of the wood, stood the two women, with each of them a
spear. The man could not help discovering great signs of fear when we
approached the rock with our boat. He however stood firm; nor did he move
to take up some things we threw him ashore. At length I landed, went up and
embraced him; and presented him with such articles as I had about me, which
at once dissipated his fears. Presently after, we were joined by the two
women, the gentlemen that were with me, and some of the seamen. After this,
we spent about half an hour in chit-chat, little understood on either side,
in which the youngest of the two women bore by far the greatest share. This
occasioned one of the seamen to say, that women did not want tongue in any
part of the world. We presented them with fish and fowl which we had in our
boat; but these they threw into the boat again, giving us to understand
that such things they wanted not. Night approaching, obliged us to take
leave of them; when the youngest of the two women, whose volubility of
tongue exceeded every thing I ever met with, gave us a dance; but the man
viewed us with great attention. Some hours after we got on board, the other
party returned, having had but indifferent sport.
Next morning, I made the natives another visit, accompanied by Mr Forster
and Mr Hodges, carrying with me various articles which I presented them
with, and which they received with a great deal of indifference, except
hatchets and spike-nails; these they most esteemed. This interview was at
the same place as last night; and now we saw the whole family, it consisted
of the man, his two wives (as we supposed), the young woman before
mentioned, a boy about fourteen years old, and three small children, the
youngest of which was at the breast. They were all well-looking, except one
woman, who had a large wen on her upper-lip, which made her disagreeable;
and she seemed, on that account, to be in a great measure neglected by the
man. They conducted us to their habitation, which was but a little way
within the skirts of the wood, and consisted of two mean huts made of the
bark of trees. Their canoe, which was a small double one, just large enough
to transport the whole family from place to place, lay in a small creek
near the huts. During our stay, Mr Hodges made drawings of most of them;
this occasioned them to give him the name of _Toe-toe_, which word, we
suppose signifies marking or painting. When we took leave, the chief
presented me with a piece of cloth or garment of their own manufacturing,
and some other trifles. I at first thought it was meant as a return for the
presents I had made him; but he soon undeceived me, by expressing a desire
for one of our boat cloaks. I took the hint, and ordered one to be made for
him of red baise, as soon as I got aboard; where rainy weather detained me
the following day.
The 9th, being fair weather, we paid the natives another visit, and made
known our approach by hallooing to them; but they neither answered us, nor
met us at the shore as usual. The reason of this we soon saw; for we found
them at their habitations, all dressed and dressing, in their very best,
with their hair combed and oiled, tied up upon the crowns of their heads,
and stuck with white feathers. Some wore a fillet of feathers round their
heads; and all of them had bunches of white feathers stuck in their ears:
Thus dressed, and all standing, they received us with great courtesy. I
presented the chief with the cloak I had got made for him, with which he
seemed so well pleased, that he took his pattapattou from his girdle and
gave it me. After a short stay, we took leave; and having spent the
remainder of the day in continuing my survey of the bay, with the night
returned on board.
Very heavy rains falling on the two following days, no work was done; but
the 12th proved clear and serene, and afforded us an opportunity to dry our
sails and linen; two things very much wanted; not having had fair weather
enough for this purpose since we put into this bay. Mr Forster and his
party also profited by the day in botanizing.
About ten o'clock, the family of the natives paid us a visit. Seeing that
they approached the ship with great caution, I met them in a boat, which I
quitted when I got to them, and went into their canoe. Yet, after all, I
could not prevail on them to put along-side the ship, and at last was
obliged to leave them to follow their own inclination. At length they put
ashore in a little creek hard by us; and afterwards came and sat down on
the shore a-breast of the ship, near enough to speak with us. I now caused
the bagpipes and fife to play, and the drum to beat. The two first they did
not regard; but the latter caused some little attention in them; nothing
however could induce them to come on board. But they entered, with great
familiarity, into conversation (little understood) with such of the
officers and seamen as went to them, paying much greater regard to some
than to others; and these, we had reason to believe, they took for women.
To one man in particular, the young woman shewed an extraordinary fondness
until she discovered his sex, after which she would not suffer him to come
near her. Whether it was that she before took him for one of her own sex,
or that the man, in order to discover himself, had taken some liberties
with her which she thus resented, I know not.
In the afternoon, I took Mr Hodges to a large cascade, which falls from a
high mountain on the south side of the bay, about a league above the place
where we lay. He made a drawing of it on paper, and afterwards painted it
in oil colours; which exhibits, at once, a better description of it than
any I can give. Huge heaps of stones lay at the foot of this cascade, which
had been broken off and brought by the stream from the adjacent mountains.
These stones were of different sorts; none however, according to Mr
Forster's opinion, (whom I believe to be a judge,) containing either
minerals or metals. Nevertheless, I brought away specimens of every sort,
as the whole country, that is, the rocky part of it, seemed to consist of
those stones and no other. This cascade is at the east point of a cove,
lying in S.W. two miles, which I named Cascade Cove. In it is good
anchorage and other necessaries. At the entrance, lies an island, on each
side of which is a passage; that on the east side is much the widest. A
little above the isle, and near the S.E. shore, are two rocks which are
covered at high water. It was in this cove we first saw the natives.
When I returned aboard in the evening, I found our friends, the natives,
had taken up their quarters at about a hundred yards from our watering-
place; a very great mark of the confidence they placed in us. This evening
a shooting party of the officers went over to the north side of the bay,
having with them the small cutter to convey them from place to place.
Next morning, accompanied by Mr Forster, I went in the pinnace to survey
the isles and rocks which lie in the mouth of the bay. I began first with
those which lie on the S.E. side of Anchor Isle. I found here a very snug
cove sheltered from all winds, which we called Luncheon Cove, because here
we dined on cray fish, on the side of a pleasant brook, shaded by the trees
from both wind and sun. After dinner we proceeded, by rowing, out to the
outermost isles, where we saw many seals, fourteen of which we killed and
brought away with us; and might have got many more, if the surf had
permitted us to land with safety on all the rocks. The next morning, I went
out again to continue the survey, accompanied by Mr Forster. I intended to
have landed again on the Seal Isles; but there ran such a high sea that I
could not come near them. With some difficulty we rowed out to sea, and
round the S.W. point of Anchor Isle. It happened very fortunately that
chance directed me to take this course, in which we found the sportsmen's
boat adrift, and laid hold of her the very moment she would have been
dashed against the rocks. I was not long at a loss to guess how she came
there, nor was I under any apprehensions for the gentlemen that had been in
her; and after refreshing ourselves with such as we had to eat and drink,
and securing the boat in a small creek, we proceeded to the place where we
supposed them to be. This we reached about seven or eight o'clock in the
evening, and found them upon a small isle in Goose Cove, where, as it was
low water, we could not come with our boat until the return of the tide. As
this did not happen till three o'clock in the morning, we landed on a naked
beach, not knowing where to find a better place, and, after some time,
having got a fire and broiled some fish, we made a hearty supper, having
for sauce a good appetite. This done, we lay down to sleep, having a stony
beach for a bed, and the canopy of heaven for a covering. At length the
tide permitted us to take off the sportsmen; and with them we embarked, and
proceeded for the place where we had left their boat, which, we soon
reached, having a fresh breeze of wind in our favour, attended with rain.
When we came to the creek which was on the N.W. side of Anchor Isle, we
found there an immense number of blue peterels, some on the wing, others in
the woods in holes in the ground, under the roots of trees and in the
crevices of rocks, where there was no getting them, and where we supposed
their young were deposited. As not one was to be seen in the day, the old
ones were probably, at that time, out at sea searching for food, which in
the evening they bring to their young. The noise they made was like the
croaking of many frogs. They were, I believe, of the broad-bill kind,
which, are not so commonly seen at sea as the others. Here, however, they
are in great numbers, and flying much about in the night, some of our
gentlemen at first took them for bats. After restoring the sportsmen to
their boat, we all proceeded for the ship, which we reached by seven
o'clock in the morning, not a little fatigued with our expedition. I now
learned that our friends the natives returned to their habitation at night;
probably foreseeing that rain was at hand; which sort of weather continued
the whole of this day.
On the morning of the 15th, the weather having cleared up and become fair,
I set out with two boats to continue the survey of the N.W. side of the
bay, accompanied by the two Mr Forsters and several of the officers, whom I
detached in one boat to Goose Cove, where we intended to lodge the night,
while I proceeded in the other, examining the harbours and isles which lay
in my way. In the doing of this, I picked up about a score of wild fowl,
and caught fish sufficient to serve the whole party; and reaching the place
of rendezvous a little before dark, I found all the gentlemen out duck-
shooting. They however soon returned, not overloaded with game. By this
time, the cooks had done their parts, in which little art was required; and
after a hearty repast, on what the day had produced, we lay down to rest;
but took care to rise early the next morning, in order to have the other
bout among the ducks, before we left the cove.
Accordingly, at day-light, we prepared for the attack. Those who had
reconnoitred the place before, chose their stations accordingly; whilst
myself and another remained in the boat, and rowed to the head of the cove
to start the game, which we did so effectually, that, out of some scores of
ducks, we only detained one to ourselves, sending all the rest down to
those stationed below. After this I landed at the head of the cove, and
walked across the narrow isthmus that disjoins it from the sea, or rather
from another cove which runs in from the sea about one mile, and lies open
to the north winds. It, however, had all the appearance of a good harbour
and safe anchorage. At the head is a fine sandy beach, where I found an
immense number of wood hens, and brought away ten couple of them, which
recompensed me for the trouble of crossing the isthmus, through the wet
woods, up to the middle in water. About nine o'clock we all got collected
together, when the success of everyone was known, which was by no means
answerable to our expectations. The morning, indeed, was very unfavourable
for shooting, being rainy the most of the time we were out. After breakfast
we set out on our return to the ship, which we reached by seven o'clock in
the evening, with about seven dozen of wild fowl, and two seals; the most
of them shot while I was rowing about, exploring the harbours and coves
which I found in my way; every place affording something, especially to us,
to whom nothing came amiss.
It rained all the 17th, but the 18th bringing fair and clear weather, in
the evening our friends, the natives before-mentioned, paid us another
visit; and, the next morning, the chief and his daughter were induced to
come on board, while the others went out in the canoe fishing. Before they
came on board I shewed them our goats and sheep that were on shore, which
they viewed for a moment with a kind of stupid insensibility. After this I
conducted them to the brow; but before the chief set his foot upon it to
come into the ship, he took a small green branch in his hand, with which he
struck the ship's side several times, repeating a speech or prayer. When
this was over, he threw the branch into the main chains, and came on board.
This custom and manner of making peace, as it were, is practised by all the
nations in the South Seas that I have seen.
I took them both down into the cabin, where we were to breakfast. They sat
at table with us, but would not taste any of our victuals. The chief wanted
to know where we slept, and indeed to pry into every corner of the cabin,
every part of which he viewed with some surprise. But it was not possible
to fix his attention to any one thing a single moment. The works of art
appeared to him in the same light as those of nature, and were as far
removed beyond his comprehension. What seemed to strike them most was the
number and strength of our decks, and other parts of the ship. The chief,
before he came aboard, presented me with a piece of cloth and a green talc
hatchet; to Mr Forster he also gave a piece or cloth; and the girl gave
another to Mr Hodges. This custom of making presents before they receive
any, is common with the natives of the South Sea isles; but I never saw it
practised in New Zealand before. Of all the various articles I gave my
guest, hatchets and spike-nails were the most valuable in his eyes.
These he never would suffer to go out of his hands after he once laid hold
of them; whereas many other articles he would lay carelessly down any
where, and at last leave them behind him.
As soon as I could get quit of them, they were conducted into the gun-room,
where I left them, and set out with two boats to examine the head of the
bay; myself in one, accompanied by Mr Forster and Mr Hodges, and Lieutenant
Cooper in the other. We proceeded up the south side, and without meeting
with any thing remarkable, got to the head of the bay by sun-set; where we
took up our lodging for the night, at the first place we could land upon;
for the flats hindered us from getting quite to the head.
At day-light in the morning, I took two men in the small boat, and with Mr
Forster went to take a view of the flat land at the head of the bay, near
to where we spent the night. We landed on one side, and ordered the boat to
meet us on the other side; but had not been long on shore before we saw
some ducks, which, by their creeping through the bushes, we got a shot at,
and killed one. The moment we had fired, the natives, whom we had not
discovered before, set up a most hideous noise in two or three places close
by us. We hallooed in our turn; and, at the same time, retired to our boat,
which was full half a mile off. The natives kept up their clamouring noise,
but did not follow us. Indeed we found afterwards that they could not,
because of a branch of the river between us and them, nor did we find their
numbers answerable to the noise they made. As soon as we got to our boat,
and found that there was a river that would admit us, I rowed in, and was
soon after joined by Mr Cooper in the other boat. With this reinforcement I
proceeded up the river, shooting wild ducks, of which there were great
numbers; as we went along, now and then hearing the natives in the woods.
At length two appeared on the banks of the river, a man and a woman; and
the latter kept waving something white in her hand, as a sign of
friendship. Mr Cooper being near them, I called to him to land, as I wanted
to take the advantage of the tide to get as high up as possible, which did
not much exceed half a mile, when I was stopped by the strength of the
stream and great stones which lay in the bed of the river.
On my return, I found that as Mr Cooper did not land when the natives
expected him, they had retired into the woods, but two others now appeared
on the opposite bank. I endeavoured to have an interview with them, but
this I could not effect. For as I approached the shore, they always retired
farther into the woods, which were so thick as to cover them from our
sight. The falling tide obliged me to retire out of the river to the place
where we had spent the night. There we breakfasted, and afterwards
embarked, in order to return on board; but, just as we were going, we saw
two men on the opposite shore, hallooing to us, which induced me to row
over to them. I landed with two others, unarmed; the two natives standing
about 100 yards from the water-side, with each a spear in his hand. When we
three advanced, they retired; but stood when I advanced alone.
It was some little time before I could prevail upon them to lay down their
spears. This, at last, one of them did; and met me with a grass plant in
his hand, one end of which he gave me to hold, while he held the other.
Standing in this manner, he began a speech, not one word of which I
understood, and made some long pauses, waiting, as I thought, for me to
answer; for, when I spoke, he proceeded. As soon as this ceremony was over,
which was not long, we saluted each other. He then took his hahou, or coat,
from off his own back, and put it upon mine; after which peace seemed
firmly established. More people joining us did not in the least alarm them;
on the contrary, they saluted every one as he came up.
I gave to each a hatchet and a knife, having nothing else with me: Perhaps
these were the most valuable things I could give them, at least they were
the most useful. They wanted us to go to their habitation, telling us they
would give us something to eat; and I was sorry that the tide and other
circumstances would not permit me to accept of their invitation. More
people were seen in the skirts of the wood, but none of them joined us:
Probably these were their wives and children. When we took leave they
followed us to our boat; and, seeing the musquets lying across the stern,
they made signs for them to be taken away, which being done, they came
alongside, and assisted us to launch her. At this time it was necessary for
us to look well after them, for they wanted to take away every thing they
could lay their hands upon, except the muskets. These they took care not to
touch, being taught, by the slaughter they had seen us make among the wild-
fowl, to look upon them as instruments of death.
We saw no canoes or other boats with them, two or three logs of wood tied
together served the same purpose, and were indeed sufficient for the
navigation of the river, on the banks of which they lived. There fish and
fowl were in such plenty, that they had no occasion to go far for food; and
they have but few neighbours to disturb them. The whole number at this
place, I believe, does not exceed three families.
It was noon when we took leave of these two men, and proceeded down the
north side of the bay, which I explored in my way, and the isles that lie
in the middle. Night, however, overtook us, and obliged me to leave one arm
unlooked into, and hasten to the ship, which we reached by eight o'clock. I
then learnt that the man and his daughter stayed on board the day before
till noon; and that having understood from our people what things were left
in Cascade Cove, the place where they were first seen, he sent and took
them away. He and his family remained near us till today, when they all
went away, and we saw them no more; which was the more extraordinary, as he
never left us empty-handed. From one or another he did not get less than
nine or ten hatchets, three or four times that number of large spike-nails,
besides many other articles. So far as these things may be counted riches
in New Zealand, he exceeds every man there; being, at this time, possessed
of more hatchets and axes than are in the whole country besides.
In the afternoon of the 21st, I went with a party out to the isles on seal-
hunting. The surf ran so high that we could only land in one place, where
we killed ten. These animals served us for three purposes; the skins we
made use of for our rigging; the fat gave oil for our lamps; and the flesh
we eat. Their haslets are equal to that of a hog, and the flesh of some of
them eats little inferior to beef-steaks. The following day nothing worthy
of notice was done.
In the morning of the 23d, Mr Pickersgill, Mr Gilbert, and two others, went
to the Cascade Cove, in order to ascend one of the mountains, the summit of
which they reached by two o'clock in the afternoon, as we could see by the
fire they made. In the evening they returned on board, and reported that
inland, nothing was to be seen but barren mountains, with huge craggy
precipices, disjoined by valleys, or rather chasms, frightful to behold. On
the southeast side of Cape West, four miles out at sea, they discovered a
ridge of rocks, on which the waves broke very high. I believe these rocks
to be the same we saw the evening we first fell in with the land.
Having five geese left out of those we brought from the Cape of Good Hope,
I went with them next morning to Goose Cove (named so on this account,)
where I left them. I chose this place for two reasons; first, here are no
inhabitants to disturb them; and, secondly, here being the most food, I
make no doubt but that they will breed, and may in time spread over the
whole country, and fully answer my intention in leaving them. We spent the
day shooting in and about the cove, and returned aboard about ten o'clock
in the evening. One of the party shot a white hern, which agreed exactly
with Mr Pennant's description, in his British Zoology, of the white herns
that either now are, or were formerly, in England.
The 20th was the eighth fair day we had had successively; a circumstance, I
believe, very uncommon in this place, especially at this season of the
year. This fair weather gave us an opportunity to complete our wood and
water, to overhaul the rigging, caulk the ship, and put her in a condition
for sea. Fair weather was, however, now at an end; for it began to rain
this evening, and continued without intermission till noon the next day,
when we cast off the shore fasts, hove the ship out of the creek to her
anchor, and steadied her with an hawser to the shore.
On the 27th, hazy weather, with showers of rain. In the morning I set out,
accompanied by Mr Pickersgill and the two Mr Forsters, to explore the arm
or inlet I discovered the day I returned from the head of the bay. After
rowing about two leagues up it, or rather down, I found it to communicate
with the sea, and to afford a better outlet for ships bound to the north
than the one I came in by. After making this discovery, and refreshing
ourselves on broiled fish and wild fowl, we set out for the ship, and got
on board at eleven o'clock at night, leaving two arms we had discovered,
and which ran into the east, unexplored. In this expedition we shot forty-
four birds, sea-pies, ducks, &c., without going one foot out of our way, or
causing any other delay than picking them up.
Having got the tents, and every other article on board on the 28th, we only
now waited for a wind to carry us out of the harbour, and through New
Passage, the way I proposed to go to sea. Every thing being removed from
the shore, I set fire to the top-wood, &c., in order to dry a piece of the
ground we had occupied, which, next morning, I dug up, and sowed with
several sorts of garden seeds. The soil was such as did not promise success
to the planter; it was, however, the best we could find. At two o clock in
the afternoon, we weighed with a light breeze at S.W., and stood up the bay
for the New Passage. Soon after we had got through, between the east end of
Indian Island and the west end of Long Island, it fell calm, which obliged
us to anchor in forty-three fathom water, under the north side of the
latter island.
In the morning of the 30th we weighed again with a light breeze at west,
which, together with all our boats a-head towing, was hardly sufficient to
stem the current. For, after struggling till six o'clock in the evening,
and not getting more than five miles from our last anchoring-place, we
anchored under the north side of Long Island, not more than one hundred
yards from the shore, to which we fastened a hawser.
At day-light next morning, May 1st, we got again under sail, and attempted
to work to windward, having a light breeze down the bay. At first we gained
ground, but at last the breeze died away; when we soon lost more than we
had got, and were obliged to bear up for a cove on the north side of Long
Island, where we anchored in nineteen fathom water, a muddy bottom: In this
cove we found two huts not long since inhabited; and near them two very
large fire-places or ovens, such as they have in the Society Isles. In this
cove we were detained by calms, attended with continual rain, till the 4th
in the afternoon, when, with the assistance of a small breeze at south-
west, we got the length of the reach or passage leading to sea. The breeze
then left us, and we anchored under the east point, before a sandy beach,
in thirty fathoms water; but this anchoring-place hath nothing to recommend
it like the one we came from, which hath every thing in its favour.
In the night we had some very heavy squalls of wind, attended with rain,
hail, and snow, and some thunder. Daylight exhibited to our view all the
hills and mountains covered with snow. At two o'clock in the afternoon, a
light breeze sprung up at S.S.W., which, with the help of our boats,
carried us down the passage to our intended anchor-place, where, at eight
o'clock, we anchored in sixteen fathoms water, and moored with a hawser to
the shore, under the first point on the starboard side as you come in from
sea, from which we were covered by the point.
In the morning of the 6th, I sent Lieutenant Pickersgill, accompanied by
the two Mr Forsters, to explore the second arm which turns in to the east,
myself being confined on board by a cold. At the same time I had every
thing got up from between decks, the decks well cleaned and well aired with
fires; a thing that ought never to be long neglected in wet moist weather.
The fair weather, which had continued all this day, was succeeded in the
night by a storm from north-west, which blew in hard squalls, attended with
rain, and obliged us to strike top-gallant and lower yards, and to carry
out another hawser to the shore. The bad weather continued the whole day
and the succeeding night, after which it fell calm with fair weather.
At seven in the morning, on the 8th, Mr Pickersgill returned, together with
his companions, in no very good plight, having been at the head of the arm
he was sent to explore, which he judged to extend in to the eastward about
eight miles. In it is a good anchoring-place, wood, fresh water, wild fowl,
and fish. At nine o'clock I set out to explore the other inlet, or the one
next the sea; and ordered Mr Gilbert, the master, to go and examine the
passage out to sea, while those on board were getting every thing in
readiness to depart. I proceeded up the inlet till five o'clock in the
afternoon, when bad weather obliged me to return before I had seen the end
of it. As this inlet lay nearly parallel with the sea-coast, I was of
opinion that it might communicate with Doubtful Harbour, or some other
inlet to the northward. Appearances were, however, against this opinion,
and the bad weather hindered me from determining the point, although a few
hours would have done it. I was about ten miles up, and thought I saw the
end of it: I found on the north side three coves, in which, as also on the
south side, between the main and the isles that lie four miles up the
inlet, is good anchorage, wood, water, and what else can be expected, such
as fish and wild fowl: Of the latter, we killed in this excursion, three
dozen. After a very hard row, against both wind and rain, we got on board
about nine o'clock at night, without a dry thread on our backs.
This bad weather continued no longer than till the next morning, when it
became fair, and the sky cleared up. But, as we had not wind to carry us to
sea, we made up two shooting parties; myself, accompanied by the two
Mr. Forsters and some others, went to the area I was in the day before;
and the other party to the coves and isles Mr Gilbert had discovered when
he was out, and where he found many wild fowl. We had a pleasant day, and
the evening brought us all on board; myself and party met with good sport;
but the other party found little.
All the forenoon of the 10th, we had strong gales from the west, attended
with heavy showers of rain, and blowing in such flurries over high land, as
made it unsafe for us to get under sail. The afternoon was more moderate,
and became fair; when myself, Mr Cooper, and some others, went out in the
boats to the rocks, which lie at this entrance of the bay, to kill seals.
The weather was rather unfavourable for this sport, and the sea ran high,
so as to make landing difficult; we, however, killed ten, but could only
wait to bring away five, with which we returned on board.
In the morning of the 11th, while we were getting under sail, I sent a boat
for the other five seals. At nine o'clock we weighed with a light breeze at
south-east, and stood out to sea, taking up the boat in our way. It was
noon before we got clear of the land; at which time we observed in 45° 34'
30" S.; the entrance of the bay bore S.E. by E., and Break-sea Isles (the
outermost isles that lie at the south point of the entrance of the bay,)
bore S.S.E., distant three miles; the southernmost point, or that of Five
Fingers Point, bore south 42° W., and the northernmost land N.N.E. In this
situation we had a prodigious swell from S.W., which broke with great
violence on all the shores that were exposed to it.
SECTION V.
_Directions for sailing in and out of Dusky Bay, with an Account of the
adjacent Country, its Produce, and Inhabitants: Astronomical and Nautical
Observations._
As there are few places where I have been in New Zealand that afford the
necessary refreshments in such plenty as Dusky Bay, a short description of
it, and of the adjacent country, may prove of use to some future
navigators, as well as acceptable to the curious reader. For although this
country be far remote from the present trading part of the world, we can,
by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made in
the present. The reader of this journal must already know that there are
two entrances to this bay. The south entrance is situated on the north side
of Cape West, in latitude 45° 48' S. It is formed by the land of the Cape
to the south, and Five Fingers Point to the north. This point is made
remarkable by several pointed rocks lying off it, which, when viewed from
certain situations, have some resemblance to the five fingers of a man's
hand; from whence it takes its name. The land of this point is still more
remarkable by the little similarity it bears to any other of the lands
adjacent; being a narrow peninsula lying north and south, of a moderate and
equal height, and all covered with wood.
To sail into the bay by this entrance is by no means difficult, as I know
of no danger but what shews itself. The worst that attends it, is the depth
of water, which is too great to admit of anchorage, except in the coves and
harbours, and very near the shores; and even, in many places, this last
cannot be done. The anchoring-places are, however, numerous enough, and
equally safe and commodious. Pickersgill Harbour, where we lay, is not
inferior to any other bay, for two or three ships: It is situated on the
south shore abreast of the west end of Indian island; which island may be
known from the others by its greater proximity to that shore. There is a
passage into the harbour on both sides of the isle, which lies before it.
The most room is on the upper or east side, having regard to a sunken rock,
near the main, abreast this end of the isle: Keep the isle close aboard,
and you will not only avoid the rock, but keep in anchoring-ground. The
next place, on this side, is Cascade Cove, where there is room for a fleet
of ships, and also a passage in on either side of the isle, which lies in
the entrance, taking care to avoid a sunken rock which lies near the south-
east shore, a little above the isle. This rock, as well as the one in
Pickersgill Harbour, may be seen at half-ebb It must be needless to
enumerate all the anchoring-places in this capacious bay.
The north entrance lies in the latitude of 45° 38' S., and five leagues to
the north of Five Fingers Point. To make this entrance plain, it will be
necessary to approach the shore within a few miles, as all the land within
and on each side is of considerable height. Its situation may, however, be
known at a greater distance, as it lies under the first craggy mountains
which rise to the north of the land of Five Fingers Point. The southernmost
of these mountains is remarkable, having at its summit two small hillocks.
When this mountain bears S.S.E. you will be before the entrance, on the
south side of which are several isles. The westernmost and outermost is the
most considerable, both for height and circuit, and this I have called
Break sea Isle, because it effectually covers this entrance from the
violence of the southwest swell, which the other entrance is so much
exposed to. In sailing in you leave this isle as well as all the others to
the south. The best anchorage is in the first or north arm, which is on the
larboard hand going in, either in one of the coves, or behind the isles
that lie under the south-east shore.
The country is exceedingly mountainous, not only about Dusky Bay, but
through all the southern part of this western coast of Tavai Poenammoo. A
prospect more rude and craggy is rarely to be met with, for inland appears
nothing but the summits of mountains of a stupendous height, and consisting
of rocks that are totally barren and naked, except where they are covered
with snow. But the land bordering on the sea-coast, and all the islands,
are thickly clothed with wood, almost down to the water's edge. The trees
are of various kinds, such as are common to other parts of this country,
and are fit for the shipwright, house-carpenter, cabinet-maker, and many
other uses. Except in the river Thames, I have not seen finer timber in all
New Zealand; both here and in that river, the most considerable for size is
the Spruce-tree, as we called it, from the similarity of its foliage to the
American spruce, though the wood is more ponderous, and bears a greater
resemblance to the pitch-pine. Many of these trees are from six to eight
and ten feet in girt, and from sixty to eighty or one hundred feet in
length, large enough to make a main-mast for a fifty-gun ship.
Here are, as well as in all other parts of New Zealand, a great number of
aromatic trees and shrubs, most of the myrtle kind; but amidst all this
variety, we met with none which bore fruit fit to eat.
In many parts the woods are so over-run with supplejacks, that it is
scarcely possible to force one's way amongst them. I have seen several
which were fifty or sixty fathoms long.
The soil is a deep black mould, evidently composed of decayed vegetables,
and so loose that it sinks under you at every step; and this may be the
reason why we meet with so many large trees as we do, blown down by the
wind, even in the thickest part of the woods. All the ground amongst the
trees is covered with moss and fern, of both which there is a great
variety; but except the flax or hemp plant, and a few other plants, there
is very little herbage of any sort, and none that was eatable, that we
found, except about a handful of water-cresses, and about the same quantity
of cellery. What Dusky Bay most abounds with is fish: A boat with six or
eight men, with hooks and lines, caught daily sufficient to serve the whole
ship's company. Of this article the variety is almost equal to the plenty,
and of such kinds as are common to the more northern coast; but some are
superior, and in particular the cole fish, as we called it, which is both
larger and finer flavoured than any I had seen before, and was, in the
opinion of most on board, the highest luxury the sea afforded us. The
shell-fish are, muscles, cockles, scallops, cray-fish, and many other
sorts, all such as are to be found in every other part of the coast. The
only amphibious animals are seals: These are to be found in great numbers
about this bay on the small rocks and isles near the sea coast.
We found here five different kinds of ducks, some of which I do not
recollect to have any where seen before. The largest are as big as a
Muscovy duck, with a very beautiful variegated plumage, on which account we
called it the Painted Duck; both male and female have a large white spot on
each wing; the head and neck of the latter is white, but all the other
feathers as well as those on the head and neck of the drake are of a dark
variegated colour. The second sort have a brown plumage, with bright green
feathers in their wings, and are about the size of an English tame duck.
The third sort is the blue-grey duck, before mentioned, or the whistling
duck, as some called them, from the whistling noise they made. What is most
remarkable in these is, that the end of their beaks is soft, and of a
skinny, or more properly, cartilaginous substance. The fourth sort is
something bigger than a teal, and all black except the drake, which has
some white feathers in his wing. There are but few of this sort, and we saw
them no where but in the river at the head of the bay. The last sort is a
good deal like a teal, and very common, I am told, in England. The other
fowls, whether belonging to the sea and land, are the same that are to be
found in common in other parts of this country, except the blue peterel
before-mentioned, and the water or wood-hens. These last, although they
are numerous enough here, are so scarce in other parts, that I never saw
but one. The reason may be, that, as they cannot fly, they inhabit the
skirts of the woods, and feed on the sea-beach, and are so very tame or
foolish, as to stand and stare at us till we knocked them down with a
stick. The natives may have, in a manner, wholly destroyed them. They are a
sort of rail, about the size and a good deal like a common dunghill hen;
most of them are of a dirty black or dark-brown colour, and eat very well
in a pye or fricassée. Among the small birds I must not omit to
particularize the wattle-bird, poy-bird, and fan-tail, on account of their
singularity, especially as I find they are not mentioned in the narrative
of my former voyage.
The wattle-bird, so called, because it has two wattles under its beak as
large as those of a small dunghill-cock, is larger, particularly in length,
than an English black-bird. Its bill is short and thick, and its feathers
of a dark lead colour; the colour of its wattles is a dull yellow, almost
an orange colour.
The poy-bird is less than the wattle-bird. The feathers of a fine mazarine
blue, except those of its neck, which are of a most beautiful silver-grey,
and two or three short white ones, which are on the pinion joint of the
wing. Under its throat hang two little tufts of curled, snow-white
leathers, called its _poies_, which being the Otaheitean word for
earrings, occasioned our giving that name to the bird, which is not more
remarkable for the beauty of its plumage than for the sweetness of its
note. The flesh is also most delicious, and was the greatest luxury the
woods afforded us.
Of the fan-tail there are different sorts; but the body of the most
remarkable one is scarcely larger than a good filbert, yet it spreads a
tail of most beautiful plumage, full three quarters of a semi-circle, of at
least four or five inches radius.
For three or four days after we arrived in Pickersgill harbour, and as we
were clearing the woods to set up our tents, &c. a four-footed animal was
seen by three or four of our people; but as no two gave the same
description of it, I cannot say of what kind it is. All, however, agreed,
that it was about the size of a cat, with short legs, and of a mouse
colour. One of the seamen, and he who had the best view of it, said it had
a bushy tail, and was the most like a jackall of any animal he knew. The
most probable conjecture is, that it is of a new species. Be this as it
may, we are now certain that this country is not so destitute of quadrupeds
as was once thought.
The most mischievous animals here are the small black sand flies, which are
very numerous, and so troublesome, that they exceed every thing of the kind
I ever met with. Wherever they bite they cause a swelling, and such an
intolerable itching, that it is not possible to refrain from scratching,
which at last brings on ulcers like the small-pox.
The almost continual rains may be reckoned another evil attending this bay;
though perhaps this may only happen at this season of the year.
Nevertheless, the situation of the country, the vast height, and nearness
of the mountains, seem to subject it to much rain at all times. Our people,
who were daily exposed to the rain, felt no ill effects from it; on the
contrary, such as were sick and ailing when we came in, recovered daily,
and the whole crew soon became strong and vigorous, which can only be
attributed to the healthiness of the place, and the fresh provisions it
afforded. The beer certainly contributed not a little. As I have already
observed, we at first made it of a decoction of the spruce leaves; but
finding that this alone made the beer too astringent, we afterwards mixed
with it an equal quantity of the tea plant (a name it obtained in my former
voyage, from our using it as tea then as we also did now,) which partly
destroyed the astringency of the other, and made the beer exceedingly
palatable, and esteemed by every one on board. We brewed it in the same
manner as spruce-beer, and the process is as follows: First, make a strong
decoction of the small branches of the spruce and tea plants, by boiling
them three or four hours, or until the bark will strip with ease from off
the branches; then take them out of the copper, and put in the proper
quantity of molasses, ten gallons of which is sufficient to make a ton, or
two hundred and forty gallons of beer; let this mixture just boil, then pot
it into the casks, and to it add an equal quantity of cold water, more or
less, according to the strength of the decoction, or your taste: When the
whole is milk-warm, put in a little grounds of beer, or yeast, if you have
it, or any thing else that will cause fermentation, and in a few days the
beer will be fit to drink. After the casks have been brewed in two or three
times the beer will generally ferment itself, especially if the weather is
warm. As I had inspissated juice of wort on board, and could not apply it
to a better purpose, we used it together with molasses or sugar, to make
these two articles go farther. For of the former I had but one cask, and of
the latter little to spare for this brewing. Had I known how well this beer
would have succeeded, and the great use it was of to the people, I should
have come better provided. Indeed I was partly discouraged by an experiment
made during my former voyage, which did not succeed then, owing, as I now
believe, to some mismanagement.
Any one, who is in the least acquainted with spruce pines, will find the
tree which I have distinguished by that name. There are three sorts of it;
that which has the smallest leaves and deepest colour, is the sort we
brewed with; but doubtless all three might safely serve that purpose. The
tea-plant is a small tree or shrub, with five white petals, or flower-
leaves, shaped like those of a rose, having smaller ones of the same figure
in the intermediate spaces, and twenty or more filaments or threads. The
tree sometimes grows to a moderate height, and is generally bare on the
lower part, with a number of small branches growing close together towards
the top. The leaves are small and pointed, like those of the myrtle; it
bears a dry roundish seed-case, and grows commonly in dry places near the
shores. The leaves, as I have already observed, were used by many of us as
tea, which has a very agreeable bitter and flavour when they are recent,
but loses some of both when they are dried. When the infusion was made
strong, it proved emetic to some in the same manner as green tea.
The inhabitants of this bay are of the same race of people with those in
the other parts of this country, speak the same language, and observe
nearly the same customs. These indeed seem to have a custom of making
presents before they receive any, in which they come nearer to the
Otaheiteans than the rest of their countrymen. What could induce three or
four families (for I believe there are not more) to separate themselves so
far from the society of the rest of their fellow-creatures, is not easy to
guess. By our meeting with inhabitants in this place, it seems probable
that there are people scattered over all this southern island. But the many
vestiges of them in different parts of this bay, compared with the number
that we actually saw, indicates that they live a wandering life; and, if
one may judge from appearances and circumstances, few as they are, they
live not in perfect amity, one family with another. For, if they did, why
do they not form themselves into some society? a thing not only natural to
man, but observed even by the brute creation.
I shall conclude this account of Dusky Bay with some observations made and
communicated to me by Mr Wales. He found by a great variety of
observations, that the latitude of his observatory at Pickersgill Harbour,
was 45° 47' 26" half south; and, by the mean of several distances of the
moon from the sun, that its longitude was 106° 18' E., which is about half
a degree less than it is laid down in my chart constructed in my former
voyage. He found the variation of the needle or compass, by the mean of
three different needles, to be 13° 49' E, and the dip of the south end 70°
5' three quarters. The times of high water, on the full and change days, he
found to be at 10° 57', and the tide to rise and fall, at the former eight
feet, at the latter five feet eight inches. This difference, in the rise of
the tides between the new and full moon, is a little extraordinary, and was
probably occasioned at this time by some accidental cause, such as winds,
&c., but, be it as it will, I am well assured there was no error in the
observations.
Supposing the longitude of the observatory to be as above, the error of Mr
Kendal's watch, in longitude, will be 1° 48' minus, and that of Mr Arnold's
39° 25'. The former was found to be gaining 6",461 a-day on mean time, and
the latter losing 99",361. Agreeably to these rates the longitude by them
was to be determined, until an opportunity of trying them again.
I must observe, that in finding the longitude by Mr Kendal's watch, we
suppose it to have gone mean time from the Cape of Good Hope. Had its cape
rate been allowed, the error would not have been so great.
SECTION VI.
_Passage from Dusky Bay to Queen Charlottes Sound, with an Account of
some Water Spouts, and of our joining the Adventure._
After leaving Dusky Bay, as hath been already mentioned, I directed my
course along shore for Queen Charlotte's Sound, where I expected to find
the Adventure. In this passage we met with nothing remarkable, or worthy of
notice, till the 17th at four o'clock in the afternoon. Being then about
three leagues to the westward of Cape Stephens; having a gentle gale at
west by south, and clear weather, the wind at once flattened to a calm, the
sky became suddenly obscured by dark dense clouds, and seemed to forebode
much wind. This occasioned as to clew up all our sails, and presently after
six water-spouts were seen. Four rose and spent themselves between us and
the land; that is, to the south-west of us, the fifth was without us, the
sixth first appeared in the south-west, at the distance of two or three
miles at least from us. Its progressive motion was to the north-east, not
in a straight but in a crooked line, and passed within fifty yards of our
stern, without our feeling any of its effects. The diameter of the base of
this spout I judged to be about fifty or sixty feet; that is, the sea
within this space was much agitated, and foamed up to a great height. From
this a tube, or round body, was formed, by which the water or air, or both,
was carried in a spiral stream up to the clouds. Some of our people said
they saw a bird in the one near us, which was whirled round like the fly of
a jack, as it was carried upwards. During the time these spouts lasted, we
had now and then light puffs of wind from all points of the compass, with
some few slight showers of rain, which generally fell in large drops; and
the weather continued thick and hazy for some hours after, with variable
light breezes of wind. At length the wind fixed in its old point, and the
sky resumed its former serenity. Some of these spouts appeared at times to
be stationary; and at other times to have a quick but very unequal
progressive motion, and always in a crooked line, sometimes one way and
sometimes another; so that, once or twice, we observed them to cross one
another. From the ascending motion of the bird, and several other
circumstances, it was very plain to us that these spouts were caused by
whirlwinds, and that the water in them was violently hurried upwards, and
did not descend from the clouds as I have heard some assert. The first
appearance of them is by the violent agitation and rising up of the water;
and, presently after, you see a round column or tube forming from the
clouds above, which apparently descends till it joins the agitated water
below. I say apparently, because I believe it not to be so in reality, but
that the tube is already formed from the agitated water below, and ascends,
though at first it is either too small or too thin to be seen. When the
tube is formed, or becomes visible, its apparent diameter increaseth till
it is pretty large; after that it decreaseth, and at last it breaks or
becomes invisible towards the lower part. Soon after the sea below resumes
its natural state, and the tube is drawn, by little and little, up to the
clouds, where it is dissipated. The same tube would sometimes have a
vertical, and sometimes a crooked or inclined direction. The most rational
account I have read of water-spouts, is in Mr Falconer's Marine Dictionary,
which is chiefly collected from the philosophical writings of the ingenious
Dr Franklin. I have been told that the firing of a gun will dissipate them;
and I am very sorry I did not try the experiment, as we were near enough,
and had a gun ready for the purpose; but as soon as the danger was past, I
thought no more about it, being too attentive in viewing these
extraordinary meteors At the time this happened, the barometer stood at 29,
75, and the thermometer at 56.[1]
In coming from Cape Farewell to Cape Stephens, I had a better view of the
coast than I had when I passed in my former voyage, and observed that about
six leagues to the east of the first-mentioned cape, is a spacious bay,
which is covered from the sea by a low point of land. This is, I believe,
the same that Captain Tasman anchored in on the 18th of December, 1642, and
by him called Murderer's Bay, by reason of some of his men being killed by
the natives. Blind Bay, so named by me in my former voyage, lies to the
S.E. of this, and seems to run a long way inland to the south; the sight,
in this direction, not being bounded by any land. The wind having returned
to the west, as already mentioned, we resumed our course to the east; and
at day-light the next morning (being the 18th,) we appeared off Queen
Charlotte's Sound, where we discovered our consort the Adventure, by the
signals she made to us; an event which every one felt with an agreeable
satisfaction. The fresh westerly wind now died away, and was succeeded by
light airs from the S. and S.W., so that we had to work in with our boats
a-head towing. In the doing of this we discovered a rock, which we did not
see in my former voyage. It lies in the direction of S. by E. 1/2 E.,
distant four miles from the outermost of the Two Brothers, and in a line
with the White Rocks, on with the middle of Long Island. It is just even
with the surface of the sea, and hath deep water all round it. At noon,
Lieutenant Kemp of the Adventure came on board; from whom I learnt that
their ship had been here about six weeks. With the assistance of a light
breeze, our boats, and the tides, we at six o'clock in the evening, got to
an anchor in Ship Cove, near the Adventure, when Captain Furneaux came on
board, and gave me the following account of his proceedings, from the time
we parted to my arrival here.
[1] "This afternoon we had an opportunity of observing, in as complete
a manner as could be wished, one of the most curious, and perhaps the
most extraordinary and powerful, of Nature's productions. The forenoon
had been in general pretty clear, but subject to heavy squalls of
wind, and some flying clouds, which were very black and heavy, and
moved with great velocity from the S.W. towards the N.E., (the
direction of the wind.) About four o'clock in the afternoon it became
calm, and the heavens were almost covered with very black clouds,
particularly towards the W. and N.W., and presently after we saw
several tail-like appearances, descending from the clouds in that
quarter: These appearances were whiter than the clouds they hung from,
which made them very conspicuous, and they increased gradually in
length, until they extended, as near as I could judge, about one-sixth
part of the distance between the clouds and the surface of the sea.
About this time, the water under them began to be violently agitated,
and lifted up with a whirling motion towards the impending part of the
cloud, which, on account of a motion they all had the contrary way to
that the wind had blown, was not directly over it, but a little
towards the south-west. As the water rose, the end of the cloud
descended, and in a little time they joined; after which the water
appeared to me to ascend out of the sea into the cloud, with great
velocity. I think that none of these spouts, as they are usually
called, continued entire more than ten minutes; perhaps not quite so
long. I saw four complete at one time; but there were great numbers
which began to form, and were dispersed by what cause I know not,
before the cloud and water joined. One of them came, I was told,
within thirty or forty yards of the ship, which lay becalmed; but I
was then below looking at the barometer; when I got upon deck, it was
about 100 fathoms from her. It is impossible to say what would have
been the consequences if it had gone over her; but I believe they
would have been very dreadful. At the time when this happened, the
barometer stood at 29,75 inches, and the thermometer at 56°. The whole
of this passed within the space of an hour, or thereabouts; for at
five o'clock a small breeze of wind sprung up in the south-east
quarter, and dispersed every appearance of this kind, although the
black clouds remained until about ten, when the wind veered round to
the W.S.W., and settled there in a moderate steady gale, and the
weather cleared up."--W.
"The nature of water-spouts and their causes, being hitherto very
little known, we were extremely attentive to mark every little
circumstance attendant on this appearance. Their base, where the water
of the sea was violently agitated, and rose in a spiral form in
vapours, was a broad spot, which looked bright and yellowish when
illuminated by the sun. The column was of a cylindrical form, rather
increasing in width towards the upper extremity. These columns moved
forward on the surface of the sea, and the clouds not following them
with equal rapidity, they assumed a bent or incurvated shape, and
frequently appeared crossing each other, evidently proceeding in
different directions; from whence we concluded, that it being calm,
each of these water-spouts caused a wind of its own. At last they
broke one after another, being probably too much distended by the
difference between their motion and that of the clouds. In proportion
as the clouds came nearer to us, the sea appeared more and more
covered with short broken waves, and the wind continually veered all
round the compass without fixing in any point. We soon saw a spot on
the sea, within two hundred fathoms of us, in a violent agitation. The
water, in a space of fifty or sixty fathoms, moved towards the centre,
and there rising into vapour, by the force of the whirling motion,
ascended in a spiral form towards the clouds. Some hailstones fell on
board about this time, and the clouds looked exceedingly black and
louring above us. Directly over the whirl-pool, if I may so call the
agitated spot on the sea, a cloud gradually tapered into a long
slender tube, which seemed to descend to meet the rising spiral, and
soon united with it into a short column of a cylindrical form. We
could distinctly observe the water hurled upwards with the greatest
violence in a spiral, and it appeared that it left a hollow space in
the centre; so that we concluded the water only formed a hollow tube,
instead of a solid column. We were strongly confirmed in this belief
by the colour, which was exactly like any hollow glass-tube. After
some time the last water-spout was incurvated and broke like the
others, with this difference, that its disjunction was attended with a
flash of lightning, but no explosion was heard. Our situation during
all this time was very dangerous and alarming; a phenomenon which
carried so much terrific majesty in it, and connected, as it were, the
sea with the clouds, made our oldest mariners uneasy, and at a loss
how to behave; for most of them, though they had viewed water-spouts
at a distance, yet had never been so beset with them as we were; and
all without exception had heard dreadful accounts of their pernicious
effects, when they happened to break over a ship. We prepared, indeed,
for the worst, by clewing up our top-sails; but it was the general
opinion that our masts and yards must have gone to wreck if we had
been drawn into the vortex. It was hinted that firing a gun had
commonly succeeded in breaking water-spouts, by the strong vibration
it causes in the air; and accordingly a four-pounder was ordered to be
got ready, but our people, being, as usual, very dilatory about it,
the danger was past before we could try the experiment. How far
electricity may be considered as the cause of this phenomenon, we
could not determine with any precision; so much however seems certain,
that it has some connection with it, from the flash of lightning,
which was plainly observed at the bursting of the last column. The
whole time, from their first appearance to the dissolution of the
last, was about three quarters of an hour. It was five o'clock when
the latter happened, and the thermometer then stood at fifty-four
degrees, or two and a half degrees lower, than when they began to make
their appearance. The depth of water we had under us was thirty-six
fathom."--G.F.
The description which Mr F. has given, is very similar to the
preceding. Both these gentlemen seem to concur in opinion with Cook,
in maintaining Dr Franklin's theory. Mr Jones, in his Philosophical
Disquisitions, mentions a circumstance which is no less curious in
itself, than strongly demonstrative that the tube, as it has been
called, is formed from below, and ascends towards the clouds, and not
the contrary, as the appearances would indicate. "In the torrid zone,
(says he,) the water-spout is sometimes attended with an effect which
appears supernatural, and will scarcely find credit in this part of
the world; for who will believe that fish should fall from the sky in
a shower of rain? A gentleman of veracity, who spent many years in the
East Indies, declares to his friends that he has been witness to this
several times; but speaks of it with caution, knowing that it will be
thought incredible by those who are not acquainted with the cause. I
have a servant, a native of the West Indies, who assures me he was
once a witness to this fact himself, when small fish, about two or
three inches long, fell in great numbers during a storm of rain. The
spot where this happened was in the island of Jamaica, within about a
mile of the sea. When water is carried with violence from the sea up
the column of a spout, small fish, which are too weak to escape when
the column is forming, are conveyed up to the clouds, and fall from
them afterwards on land, not far distant from the sea." He had before
related an instance of one that passed over the town of Hatfield, in
Yorkshire, filling the air with the thatch it plucked off from the
houses, and rolling strangely together several sheets of lead on the
corner of the church.--E.
SECTION VII.
_Captain Furneaux's Narrative, from the Time the two Ships were
separated, to their joining again in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with some
Account of Van Diemen's Land._
On the 7th of February, 1773, in the morning, the Resolution being then
about two miles a-head, the wind shifting then to the westward, brought on
a very thick fog; so that we lost sight of her. We soon after heard a gun,
the report of which we imagined to be on the larboard beam; we then hauled
up S.E., and kept firing a four-pounder every half hour, but had no answer,
nor further sight of her; then we kept the course we steered on before the
fog came on. In the evening it began to blow hard, and was at intervals
more clear, but could see nothing of her, which gave us much uneasiness. We
then tacked and stood to the westward, to cruise in the place where we last
saw her, according to agreement, in case of separation; but next day came
on a very heavy gale of wind and thick weather, that obliged us to bring
to, and thereby prevented us reaching the intended spot. However, the wind
coming more moderate, and the fog in some measure clearing away, we cruised
as near the place as we could get, for three days; when giving over all
hopes of joining company again, we bore away for winter quarters, distant
fourteen hundred leagues, through a sea entirely unknown and reduced the
allowance of water to one quart per day.
We kept between the latitude of 52° and 53° S., had much westerly wind,
hard gales, with squalls, snow and sleet, with a long hollow sea from the
S.W., so that we judged there is no land in that quarter. After we reached
the longitude of 95° E., we found the variation decrease very fast.
On the 26th, at night, we saw a meteor of uncommon brightness in the N.N.W.
It directed its course to the S.W., with a very great light in the southern
sky, such as is known to the northward by the name of Aurora Borealis, or
Northern Lights. We saw the light for several nights running; and, what is
remarkable, we saw but one ice island after we parted company with the
Resolution, till our making land, though we were most of the time two or
three degrees to the southward of the latitude we first saw it in. We were
daily attended by great numbers of sea birds, and frequently saw porpoises
curiously spotted white and black.
On the 1st of March we were alarmed with the cry of land by the man at the
mast-head, on the larboard beam; which gave us great joy. We immediately
hauled our wind and stood for it, but to our mortification were
disappointed in a few hours; for, what we took to be land, proved no more
than clouds, which disappeared as we sailed towards them. We then bore
away, and directed our course towards the land laid down in the charts by
the name of Van Diemen's Land, discovered by Tasman in 1642, and laid down
in the latitude 44° S., and longitude 140° E., and supposed to join to New
Holland.
On the 9th of March, having little wind and pleasant weather, about nine a.
m. being then in the latitude of 43° 37' S. longitude, by lunar
observation, 145° 36' E., and by account 143° 10' E. from Greenwich, we saw
the land bearing N.N.E., about eight or nine leagues distance. It appeared
moderately high, and uneven near the sea; the hills farther back formed a
double land, and much higher. There seemed to be several islands, or broken
land, to the N.W., as the shore trenched; but by reason of clouds that hung
over them, we could not be certain whether they did not join to the main.
We hauled immediately up for it, and by noon were within three or four
leagues of it. A point much like the Ramhead off Plymouth, which I take to
be the same that Tasman calls South Cape, bore north four leagues off us.
The land from this cape runs directly to the eastward; about four leagues
along shore are three islands about two miles long, and several rocks,
resembling the Mewstone, (particularly one which we so named,) about four
or five leagues E.S.E 1/2 E. off the above cape, which Tasman has not
mentioned, or laid down in his draughts. After you pass these islands, the
land lies E. by N., and W. by S., by the compass nearly. It is a bold
shore, and seems to afford several bays or anchoring-places, but believe
deep water. From the S.W. cape, which is in the latitude of 43° 39' S., and
longitude 145° 50' E. to the S.E. cape, in the latitude 43° 36' S.,
longitude 147° E., is nearly sixteen leagues, and sounding from forty-eight
to seventy fathoms, sand and broken shells three or four leagues off shore.
Here the country is hilly and full of trees, the shore rocky and difficult
landing, occasioned by the wind blowing here continually from the westward,
which occasions such a surf that the sand cannot lie on the shore. We saw
no inhabitants here.
The morning, on the 10th of March, being calm, the ship then about four
miles from the land, sent the great cutter on shore with the second
lieutenant, to find if there was any harbour or good bay. Soon after, it
beginning to blow very hard, made the signal for the boat to return several
times, but they did not see or hear any thing of it; the ship then three or
four leagues off, that we could not see any thing of the boat, which gave
us great uneasiness, as there was a very great sea. At half-past one p.m.
to our great satisfaction, the boat returned on board safe. They landed,
but with much difficulty, and saw several places where the Indians had
been, and one they lately had left, where they had a fire, with a great
number of pearl escallop shells round it, which shells they brought on
board, with, some burnt sticks and green boughs. There was a path from this
place, through the woods, which in all probability leads to their
habitations; but, by reason of the weather, had not time to pursue it. The
soil seems to be very rich; the country well clothed with wood,
particularly on the lee side of the hills; plenty of water which falls from
the rocks in beautiful cascades, for two or three hundred feet
perpendicular into the sea; but they did not see the least sign of any
place to anchor in with safety. Hoisted in the boat, and made sail for
Frederick Henry Bay. From noon to three p.m. running along shore E. by N.,
at which time we were abreast of the westernmost point of a very deep bay,
called by Tasman, Stormy Bay. From the west to the east point of this bay
there are several small islands, and black rocks, which we called the
Friars. While crossing this bay we had very heavy squalls and thick
weather; at times, when it cleared up, I saw several fires in the bottom of
the bay, which is near two or three leagues deep, and has, I doubt not,
good places for anchoring, but the weather being so bad, did not think it
safe to stand into it. From the Friars the land trenches away about N. by
E. four leagues: We had smooth water, and kept in shore, having regular
soundings from twenty to fifteen fathoms water. At half-past six we hauled
round a high bluff point, the rocks whereof were like so many fluted
pillars, and had ten fathoms water, fine sand, within half a mile of the
shore. At seven, being abreast of a fine bay, and having little wind, we
came-to, with the small bower, in twenty-four fathoms, sandy bottom. Just
after we anchored, being a fine clear evening, had a good observation of
the star Antares and the moon, which gave the longitude of 147° 34' E.,
being in the latitude of 43° 20' S. We first took this bay to be that
which Tasman called Frederick Henry Bay; but afterwards found that his is
laid down five leagues to the northward of this.
At day-break the next morning, I sent the master in shore to sound the bay,
and to find out a watering-place; at eight he returned, having found a most
excellent harbour, clear ground from side to side, from eighteen to five
fathom water all over the bay, gradually decreasing as you go in shore. We
weighed and turned up into the bay; the wind being westerly, and very
little of it, which baffled us much in getting in. At seven o'clock in the
evening, we anchored in seven fathoms water, with a small bower, and moored
with the coasting anchor to the westward, the north point of the bay N.N.E.
1/2 E. (which we take to be Tasman's Head), and the easternmost point
(which we named Penguin Island, from a curious one we caught there) N.E. by
E 3/4 E.; the watering-place W. 1/2 N.; about one mile from the shore on
each side; Maria's Island, which is about five or six leagues off, shut in
with both points; so that you are quite land-locked in a most spacious
harbour.
We lay here five days, which time was employed in wooding and watering
(which is easily got), and over-hauling the rigging. We found the country
very pleasant; the soil a black, rich, though thin one; the sides of the
hills covered with large trees, and very thick, growing to a great height
before they branch off. They are all of the evergreen kind, different from
any I ever saw; the wood is very brittle, and easily split; there is a very
little variety of sorts, having seen but two. The leaves of one are long
and narrow; and the seed (of which I got a few) is in the shape of a
button, and has a very agreeable smell. The leaves of the other are like
the bay, and it has a seed like the white thorn, with an agreeable spicy
taste and smell. Out of the trees we cut down for fire-wood, there issued
some gum, which the surgeon called gum-lac. The trees are mostly burnt or
scorched, near the ground, occasioned by the natives setting fire to the
under-wood, in the most frequented places; and by these means they have
rendered it easy walking. The land birds we saw, are a bird like a raven;
some of the crow kind, black, with the tips of the feathers of the tail and
wings white, their bill long and very sharp; some paroquets; and several
kinds of small birds. The sea-fowl are ducks, teal, and the sheldrake. I
forgot to mention a large white bird, that one of the gentlemen shot, about
the size of a large kite of the eagle kind. As for beasts, we saw but one,
which was an opossom; but we observed the dung of some, which we judged to
be of the deer kind. The fish in the bay are scarce; those we caught were
mostly sharks, dog-fish, and a fish called by the seamen nurses, like the
dog-fish, only full of small white spots; and some small fish not unlike
sprats. The lagoons (which are brackish) abound with trout, and several
other sorts of fish, of which we caught a few with lines, but being much
encumbered with stumps of trees, we could not haul the seine.
While we lay here, we saw several smokes and large fires, about eight or
ten miles in shore to the northward, but did not see any of the natives;
though they frequently come into this bay, as there were several wigwams or
huts, where we found some bags and nets made of grass, in which I imagine
they carry their provisions and other necessaries. In one of them there was
the stone they strike fire with, and tinder made of bark, but of what tree
could not be distinguished. We found in one of their huts, one of their
spears, which was made sharp at one end, I suppose, with a shell or stone.
Those things we brought away, leaving in the room of them medals, gun-
flints, a few nails, and an old empty barrel with the iron hoops on it.
They seem to be quite ignorant of every sort of metal. The boughs, of which
their huts are made, are either broken or split, and tied together with
grass in a circular form, the largest end stuck in the ground, and the
smaller parts meeting in a point at the top, and covered with fern and
bark, so poorly done, that they will hardly keep out a shower of rain. In
the middle is the fire-place, surrounded with heaps of muscle, pearl,
scallop, and cray-fish shells, which I believe to be their chief food,
though we could not find any of them. They lie on the ground, on dried
grass, round the fire; and I believe they have no settled place of
habitation (as their houses seemed built only for a few days), but wander
about in small parties from place to place in search of food, and are
actuated by no other motive. We never found more than three or four huts in
a place, capable of containing three or four persons each only; and what is
remarkable, we never saw the least marks either of canoe or boat, and it is
generally thought they have none; being altogether, from what we could
judge, a very ignorant and wretched set of people, though natives of a
country capable of producing every necessary of life, and a climate the
finest in the world. We found not the least signs of any minerals or
metals.
Having completed our wood and water, we sailed from Adventure Bay,
intending to coast it up along shore, till we should fall in with the land
seen by Captain Cook, and discover whether Van Diemen's Land joins with New
Holland. On the 16th, we passed Maria's Islands, so named by Tassman; they
appear to be the same as the main land. On the 17th, having passed
Shouten's Islands, we hauled in for the main land, and stood along shore at
the distance of two or three leagues off. The country here appears to be
very thickly inhabited, as there was a continual fire along shore as we
sailed. The land hereabouts is much pleasanter, low, and even; but no signs
of a harbour or bay, where a ship might anchor with safety. The weather
being bad, and blowing hard at S.S.E., we could not send a boat on shore to
have any intercourse with the inhabitants. In the latitude of 40° 50' S.,
the land trenches away to the westward, which I believe forms a deep bay,
as we saw from the deck several smokes arising a-back of the islands that
lay before it, when we could not see the least signs of land from the mast
head.
From the latitude of 40° 50' S., to the latitude of 39° 50' S., is nothing
but islands and shoals; the land high, rocky, and barren. On the 19th, in
the latitude of 40° 30' S., observing breakers about half a mile within
shore of us, we sounded, and finding but eight fathoms, immediately hauled
off, deepened our water to fifteen fathoms, then bore away and kept along
shore again. From the latitude of 39° 50' to 39° S., we saw no land, but
had regular soundings from fifteen to thirty fathoms. As we stood on to the
northward, we made land again in about 39°; after which we discontinued our
northerly course, as we found the ground very uneven, and shoal-water some
distance off. I think it a very dangerous shore to fall in with.
The coast, from Adventure Bay to the place where we stood away for New
Zealand, lies in the direction S. 1/2 W., and N. 1/2 E., about seventy-five
leagues; and it is my opinion that there are no straits between New Holland
and Van Diemen's Land, but a very deep bay.--I should have stood farther to
the northward, but the wind blowing strong at S.S.E., and looking likely to
haul round to the eastward, which would have blown right on the land, I
therefore thought it more proper to leave the coast and steer for New
Zealand.
After we left Van Diemen's Land, we had very uncertain weather, with rain
and very heavy gusts of wind. On the 24th, we were surprised with a very
severe squall, that reduced us from top-gallant sails to reefed courses, in
the space of an hour. The sea rising equally quick, we shipped many waves,
one of which stove the large cutter, and drove the small one from her
lashing in the waist; and with much difficulty we saved her from being
washed overboard. This gale lasted twelve hours, after which we had more
moderate weather, intermixed with calms. We frequently hoisted out the
boats to try the currents, and in general found a small drift to the W.S.W.
We shot many birds; and had, upon the whole, good weather; but as we got
near to the land, it came on thick and dirty for several days, till we made
the coast of New Zealand in 40° 30' S., having made twenty-four degrees of
longitude, from Adventure Bay, after a passage of fifteen days.
We had the winds much southerly in this passage, and I was under some
apprehensions of not being able to fetch the straits, which would have
obliged us to steer away for George's Island; I would therefore advise any
who sail to this part, to keep to the southward, particularly in the fall
of the year, when the S. and S.E. winds prevail.
The land, when we first made it, appeared high, and formed a confused
jumble of hills and mountains. We steered along shore to the northward, but
were much retarded in our course by reason of the swell from the N.E. At
noon, on the 3rd of April, Cape Farewell, which is the south point of the
entrance of the west side of the straits, bore E. by N. 1/2 N. by the
compass, three or four leagues distant. About eight o'clock we entered the
straits, and steered N.E. till midnight; then brought-to till day-light,
and had soundings from forty-five to fifty-eight fathoms, sand and broken
shells. At day-light, made sail and steered S.E. by E.; had light airs;
Mount Egmont N.N.E. eleven or twelve leagues, and Point Stephens S.E. 1/2
E. seven leagues. At noon, Mount Egmont N. by E. twelve leagues; Stephens
Island S.E. five leagues. In the afternoon we put the dredge over-board in
sixty-five fathoms; but caught nothing except a few small scallops, two or
three oysters, and broken shells.
Standing to the eastward for Charlotte's Sound, with a light breeze at
N.W., in the morning on the 5th, Stephens Island bearing S.W. by W. four
leagues, we were taken a-back with a strong easterly gale, which obliged us
to haul our wind to the S.E. and work to windward up under Port Jackson.
The course from Stephens Island to Point Jackson, is nearly S.E. by the
compass, eleven leagues distant, depth of water from forty to thirty-two
fathoms, sandy ground. As we stood off and on, we fired several guns, but
saw no signs of any inhabitants. In the afternoon, at half-past two,
o'clock, finding the tide set the ship to the westward, we anchored with
the coasting anchor in thirty-nine fathoms water, muddy ground; Point
Jackson S.E. 1/2 E. three leagues; the east point of an inlet (about four
leagues to the westward of Point Jackson, and which appears to be a good
harbour) S.W. by W. 1/2 W. At eight p.m. the tide slackening, we weighed
and made sail (having while at anchor caught several fish with hook and
line), and found the tide to run to the westward, at the rate of two and a
half knots per hour. Standing to the east, we found no ground at seventy
fathoms, off Point Jackson N.N.W., two leagues. At eight the next morning,
had the sound open; but the wind being down, it obliged us to work up under
the western shore, as the tide sets up strong there, when it runs down in
mid channel. At ten, the tide being done, was obliged to come-to with the
best bower in thirty-eight fathoms, close to some white rocks, Point
Jackson bearing N.W. 1/2 N.; the northernmost of the Brothers E. by S.; and
the middle of Entry Island (which lies on the north side of the straits)
N.E. We made 15° 30' E., variation in the straits. As we sailed up the
sound we saw the tops of high mountains covered with snow, which remains
all the year. When the tide slackened, we weighed and sailed up the sound;
and about five o'clock on the 7th, anchored in Ship Cove, in ten fathoms
water, muddy ground, and moored the best bower to the N.N.E., and small to
S.S.W. In the night, we heard the howling of dogs, and people hallooing on
the east shore.
The two following days were employed in clearing a place on Motuara Island
for erecting our tents for the sick (having then several on board much
afflicted with the scurvy), the sail-makers and coopers. On the top of the
island was a post erected, by the Endeavour's people, with her name and
time of departure on it.
On the 9th, we were visited by three canoes with about sixteen of the
natives; and to induce them to bring us fish and other provisions, we gave
them several things, with which they seemed highly pleased. One of our
young gentlemen seeing something wrapt up in a better manner than common,
had the curiosity to examine what it was; and to his great surprise found
it to be the head of a man lately killed. They were very apprehensive of
its being forced from them; and particularly the man who seemed most
interested in it, whose very flesh crept on his bones, for fear of being
punished by us, as Captain Cook had expressed his great abhorrence of this
unnatural act. They used every method to conceal the head, by shifting it
from one to another; and by signs endeavouring to convince us, that there
was no such thing amongst them, though we had seen it but a few minutes
before. They then took their leave of us, and went on shore.
They frequently mentioned Tupia, which was the name of the native of
George's Island (or Otaheite), brought here by the Endeavour, and who died
at Batavia; and when we told them he was dead, some of them seemed to be
very much concerned, and, as well as we could understand them, wanted to
know whether we killed him, or if he died a natural death. By these
questions, they are the same tribe Captain Cook saw. In the afternoon, they
returned again with fish and fern roots, which they sold for nails and
other trifles; though the nails are what they set the most value on. The
man and woman who had the head, did not come off again. Having a catalogue
of words in their language, we called several things by name, which
surprised them greatly. They wanted it much, and offered a great quantity
of fish for it.
Next morning, they returned again, to the number of fifty or sixty, with
their chief at their head (as we supposed), in five double canoes. They
gave us their implements of war, stone hatchets, and clothes, &c. for nails
and old bottles, which they put a great value on. A number of the head men
came on board us, and it was with some difficulty we got them out of the
ship by fair means; but on the appearance of a musket with a fixed bayonet,
they all went into their canoes very quickly. We were daily visited by more
or less, who brought us fish in great plenty for nails, beads, and other
trifles, and behaved very peaceably.
We settled the astronomer with his instruments, and a sufficient guard, on
a small island, that is joined to Motuara at low water, called the Hippa,
where there was an old fortified town that the natives had forsaken. Their
houses served our people to live in; and, by sinking them about a foot
inside, we made them very comfortable. Having done this, we struck our
tents on the Motuara, and having removed the ship farther into the cove on
the west shore, moored her for the winter. We then erected our tents near
the river or watering-place, and sent ashore all the spars and lumber off
the decks, that they might be caulked; and gave her a winter coat to
preserve the hull and rigging. On the 11th of May, we felt two severe
shocks of an earthquake, but received no kind of damage. On the 17th, we
were surprised by the people firing guns on the Hippa, and having sent the
boat, as soon as she opened the sound, had the pleasure of seeing the
Resolution off the mouth of it. We immediately sent out the boats to tow
her in, it being calm. In the evening she anchored about a mile without us;
and next morning weighed and warped within us. Both ships felt uncommon joy
at our meeting, after an absence of fourteen weeks.[1]
[1] It is, perhaps, unnecessary to state, that the opinion expressed
in this section, as to there being no straits between New Holland and
Diemen's Land, is erroneous. The reader must have previously known
this.--E.
SECTION VIII.
_Transactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with some Remarks on the
Inhabitants._
Knowing that scurvy-grass, celery, and other vegetables, were to be found
in this sound, I went myself the morning after my arrival, at day-break, to
look for some, and returned on board at breakfast with a boat-load. Being
now satisfied, that enough was to be got for the crews of both ships, I
gave orders that they should be boiled, with wheat and portable broth,
every morning for breakfast; and with peas and broth for dinner; knowing
from experience, that these vegetables, thus dressed, are extremely
beneficial, in removing all manner of scorbutic complaints.
I have already mentioned a desire I had of visiting Van Diemen's Land, in
order to inform myself if it made a part of New Holland; and I certainly
should have done this, had the winds proved favourable. But as Captain
Furneaux had now, in a great measure, cleared up that point, I could have
no business there; and therefore came to a resolution to continue our
researches to the east, between the latitudes of 41° and 46°. I acquainted
Captain Furneaux therewith, and ordered him to get his ship in readiness to
put to sea as soon as possible.
In the morning of the 20th, I sent ashore, to the watering-place near the
Adventure's tent, the only ewe and ram remaining, of those which I brought
from the Cape of Good Hope, with an intent to leave them in this country.
Soon after I visited the several gardens Captain Furneaux had caused to be
made and planted with various articles; all of which were in a flourishing
state, and, if attended to by the natives, may prove of great utility to
them. The next day I set some men to work to make a garden on Long Island,
which I planted with garden seeds, roots, &c.
On the 22d in the morning, the ewe and ram, I had with so much care and
trouble brought to this place, were both found dead, occasioned, as was
supposed, by eating some poisonous plant. Thus my hopes of stocking this
country with a breed of sheep, were blasted in a moment. About noon, we
were visited, for the first time since I arrived, by some of the natives,
who dined with us; and it was not a little they devoured. In the evening
they were dismissed with presents.[1]
Early in the morning of the 24th, I sent Mr Gilbert the master to sound
about the rock we had discovered in the entrance of the sound. Myself,
accompanied by Captain Furneaux and Mr Forster, went in a boat to the west
bay on a shooting party. In our way, we met a large canoe in which were
fourteen or fifteen people. One of the first questions they asked was for
Tupia, the person I brought from Otaheite on my former voyage; and they
seemed to express some concern when we told them he was dead. These people
made the same enquiry of Captain Furneaux when he first arrived; and, on my
return to the ship in the evening, I was told that a canoe had been along-
side, the people in which seemed to be strangers, and who also enquired for
Tupia.[2] Late in the evening Mr Gilbert returned, having sounded all round
the rock, which he found to be very small and steep.
Nothing worthy of notice happened till the 29th, when several of the
natives made us a visit, and brought with them a quantity of fish, which
they exchanged for nails, &c. One of these people I took over to Motuara,
and shewed him some potatoes planted there by Mr Fannen, master of the
Adventure. There seemed to be no doubt of their succeeding; and the man was
so well pleased with them, that he, of his own accord, began to hoe the
earth up about the plants. We next took him to the other gardens, and
shewed him the turnips, carrots, and parsnips; roots which, together with
the potatoes, will be of more real use to them than all the other articles
we had planted. It was easy to give them an idea of these roots, by
comparing them with such as they knew.
Two or three families of these people now took up their abode near us,
employing themselves daily in fishing, and supplying us with the fruits of
their labour; the good effects of which we soon felt. For we were, by no
means, such expert fishers as they are; nor were any of our methods of
fishing equal to theirs.
On the 2d of June, the ships being nearly ready to put to sea, I sent on
shore on the east side of the sound, two goats, male and female. The former
was something more than a year old; but the latter was much older. She had
two fine kids, some time before we arrived in Dusky Bay, which were killed
by cold, as hath been already mentioned. Captain Furneaux also put on
shore, in Cannibal Cove, a boar and two breeding sows; so that we have
reason to hope this country will in time be stocked with these animals, if
they are not destroyed by the natives before they become wild; for,
afterwards, they will be in no danger. But as the natives knew nothing of
their being left behind, it may be some time before they are discovered.
In our excursion to the east, we met with the largest seal I had ever seen.
It was swimming on the surface of the water, and suffered us to come near
enough to fire at it; but without effect; for, after a chase of near an
hour, we were obliged to leave it. By the size of this animal, it probably
was a sea-lioness. It certainly bore much resemblance to the drawing in
Lord Anson's voyage; our seeing a sea-lion when we entered this sound, in
my former voyage, increaseth the probability; and I am of opinion, they
have their abode on some of the rocks, which lie in the strait, or off
Admiralty Bay.
On the 3d, I sent a boat with the carpenter over to the east side of the
sound, to cut down some spars which we were in want of. As she was
returning, she was chased by a large double canoe full of people; but with
what intent is not known. Early the next morning, some of our friends
brought us a large supply of fish. One of them agreed to go away with us;
but afterwards, that is, when it came to the point, he changed his mind; as
did some others who had promised to go with the Adventure.
It was even said that some of them offered their children to sale. I
however found that this was a mistake. The report first took its rise on
board the Adventure, where they were utter strangers to their language and
customs. It was very common for these people to bring their children with
them, and present them to us, in expectation that we would make them
presents; this happened to me the preceding morning. A man brought his son,
a boy about nine or ten years of age, and presented him to me. As the
report of selling their children was then current, I thought, at first,
that he wanted me to buy the boy. But at last I found that he wanted me to
give him a white shirt, which I accordingly did. The boy was so fond of his
new dress, that he went all over the ship, presenting himself before every
one that came in his way. This freedom used by him offended Old Will, the
ram goat, who gave him a butt with his horns, and knocked him backward on
the deck. Will would have repeated his blow, had not some of the people
come to the boy's assistance. The misfortune, however, seemed to him
irreparable. The shirt was dirtied, and he was afraid to appear in the
cabin before his father, until brought in by Mr Forster; when he told a
very lamentable story against goury the great dog (for so they call all the
quadrupeds we had aboard), nor could he be reconciled, till his shirt was
washed and dried. This story, though extremely trifling in itself, will
shew how liable we are to mistake these people's meaning, and to ascribe to
them customs they never knew even in thought.
About nine o'clock, a large double canoe, in which were twenty or thirty
people, appeared in sight. Our friends on board seemed much alarmed,
telling us that these were their enemies. Two of them, the one with a
spear, and the other with a stone-hatchet in his hand, mounted the arm-
chests on the poop, and there, in a kind of bravado, bid those enemies
defiance; while the others, who were on board, took to their canoe and went
ashore, probably to secure the women and children.
All I could do, I could not prevail on the two that remained to call these
strangers along-side; on the contrary, they were displeased at my doing it,
and wanted me to fire upon them. The people in the canoe seemed to pay very
little regard to those on board, but kept advancing slowly towards the
ship, and after performing the usual ceremonies, put along-side. After this
the chief was easily prevailed upon to come on board, followed by many
others, and peace was immediately established on all sides. Indeed, it did
not appear to me that these people had any intention to make war upon their
brethren. At least, if they had, they were sensible enough to know, that
this was neither the time nor place for them to commit hostilities.
One of the first questions these strangers asked, was for Tupia; and when I
told them he was dead, one or two expressed their sorrow by a kind of
lamentation, which to me appeared more formal than real. A trade soon
commenced between our people and them. It was not possible to hinder the
former from selling the clothes from off their backs for the merest
trifles, things that were neither useful nor curious. This caused me to
dismiss the strangers sooner than I would have done. When they departed,
they went to Motuara, where, by the help of our glasses, we discovered four
or five canoes, and several people on the shore. This induced me to go over
in my boat, accompanied by Mr Forster and one of the officers. We were well
received by the chief and the whole tribe, which consisted of between
ninety and a hundred persons, men, women, and children, having with them
six canoes, and all their utensils; which made it probable that they were
come to reside in this sound. But this is only conjecture; for it is very
common for them, when they go but a little way, to carry their whole
property with them; every place being alike, if it affords them the
necessary subsistence; so that it can hardly be said they are ever from
home. Thus we may easily account for the emigration of those few families
we found in Dusky Bay.
Living thus dispersed in small parties, knowing no head but the chief of
the family or tribe, whose authority may be very little, they feel many
inconveniences, to which well-regulated societies, united under one head or
any other form of government, are not subject. These form laws and
regulations for their general good; they are not alarmed at the appearance
of every stranger; and, if attacked or invaded by a public enemy, have
strong-holds to retire to, where they can with advantage defend themselves,
their property, and their country. This seems to be the state of most of
the inhabitants of Eahei-nomauwe; whereas those of Tavai-poenammoo, by
living a wandering life in small parties, are destitute of most of these
advantages, which subjects them to perpetual alarms. We generally found
them upon their guard, travelling and working, as it were with their arms
in their hands. Even the women are not exempted from bearing arms, as
appeared by the first interview I had with the family in Dusky Bay; where
each of the two women was armed with a spear, not less than 18 feet in
length.
I was led into these reflections, by not being able to recollect the face
of any one person I had seen here three years ago: Nor did it once appear,
that any one of them had the least knowledge of me, or of any person with
me that was here at that time. It is therefore highly probable that the
greatest part of the people which inhabited this sound in the beginning of
the year 1770, have been since driven out of it, or have, of their own
accord, removed somewhere else. Certain it is, that not one third of the
inhabitants were here now, that were then. Their stronghold on the point of
Motuara hath been long deserted; and we found many forsaken habitations in
all parts of the sound. We are not, however, wholly to infer from this,
that this place hath been once very populous; for each family may, for
their own convenience, when they move from place to place, have more huts
than one or two.
It may be asked, if these people had never seen the Endeavour, nor any of
her crew, how could they become acquainted with the name of Tupia, or have
in their possession (which many of them had) such articles, as they could
only have got from that ship? To this it may be answered, that the name of
Tupia was so popular among them when the Endeavour was here, that it would
be no wonder if, at this time, it was known over great part of New Zealand,
and as familiar to those who never saw him, as to those who did. Had ships,
of any other nation whatever, arrived here, they would have equally
enquired of them for Tupia. By the same way of reasoning, many of the
articles left here by the Endeavour, may be now in possession of those who
never saw her. I got from one of the people, now present, an ear ornament,
made of glass very well formed and polished. The glass they must have got
from the Endeavour.
After passing about an hour on Motuara with these people, and having
distributed among them some presents, and shewed to the chief the gardens
we had made, I returned on board, and spent the remainder of our royal
master's birth-day in festivity; having the company of Captain Furneaux and
all his officers. Double allowance enabled the seamen to share in the
general joy.
Both ships being now ready for sea, I gave Captain Furneaux an account in
writing of the route I intended to take; which was to proceed to the east,
between the latitudes of 41° and 46° S., until I arrived in the longitude
of 140° or 135° W., then, provided no land was discovered; to proceed to
Otaheite; from thence back to this place, by the shortest route; and after
taking in wood and water, to proceed to the south, and explore all the
unknown parts of the sea between the meridian of New Zealand and Cape Horn.
Therefore, in case of separation before we reached Otaheite, I appointed
that island for the place of rendezvous, where he was to wait till the 20th
of August: If not joined by me before that time, he was then to make the
best of his way back to Queen Charlotte's Sound, where he was to wait until
the 20th of November: After which (if not joined by me,) he was to put to
sea, and carry into execution their lordships' instructions.
Some may think it an extraordinary step in me to proceed on discoveries as
far south at 46° degrees of latitude, in the very depth of winter. But
though it most be owned, that winter is by no means favourable for
discoveries, it nevertheless appeared to me necessary that something should
be done in it, in order to lessen the work I was upon; lest I should not be
able to finish the discovery of the southern part of the South Pacific
Ocean the ensuing summer. Besides, if I should discover any land in my
route to the east, I should be ready to begin, with the summer, to explore
it. Setting aside all these considerations, I had little to fear; having
two good ships well provided; and healthy crews. Where then could I spend
my time better? If I did nothing more, I was at least in hopes of being
able to point out to posterity, that these seas may be navigated, and that
it is practicable to go on discoveries; even in the very depth of winter.
During our stay in the sound, I had observed that this second visit made to
this country, had not mended the morals of the natives of either sex. I had
always looked upon the females of New Zealand to be more chaste than the
generality of Indian women. Whatever favours a few of them might have
granted to the people in the Endeavour, it was generally done in a private
manner, and the men did not seem to interest themselves much in it. But
now, I was told, they were the chief promoters of a shameful traffic, and
that for a spike-nail, or any other thing they value, they would oblige the
women to prostitute themselves, whether they would or no; and even without
any regard to that privacy which decency required.[3]
During our stay here, Mr Wales lost no opportunity to observe equal
altitudes of the sun, for obtaining the rates of the watches. The result of
his labours proved, that Mr Kendal's was gaining 9", 5 per day, and Mr
Arnold's losing 94", 15s per day, on mean time.[4]
[1] Mr G.F. represents these people as very like those which had been
seen at Dusky Bay, only much more familiar. At dinner, it is said,
they would not drink either wine or brandy, but took large quantities
of water sweetened with sugar, of which they were very fond. They
shewed extreme covetousness, but were readily induced to lay down what
they had seized on. They seemed to have acquaintance with the value of
iron, and highly prized any thing made of it.--E.
[2] "When they were told that he was dead, they seemed much concerned,
and pronounced some words in a plaintive voice. So much had this man's
superior knowledge, and his ability to converse in their language,
rendered him valuable and beloved, even among a nation in a state of
barbarism. Perhaps with the capacity which Providence had allotted to
him, and which had been cultivated no farther than the simplicity of
his education would permit, he was more adapted to raise the New
Zealanders to a state of civilization similar to that of his own
islands than ourselves, to whom the want of the intermediate links,
which connect their narrow views to our extended sphere of knowledge,
must prove an obstacle in such an undertaking."--G.F.
This is a liberal observation in respect of Tupia, but it is liable to
much objection as a general maxim. Besides the greater number of
impracticable prejudices which attach themselves to imperfectly
cultivated minds when placed in new situations, and which often render
well-meant exertions unavailing, it is certain, that superior
knowledge both affords greater aptitude of accommodation to unusual
circumstances by the speedy discovery it enables the person to make of
the principles on which they depend, and, at the same time,
facilitates the management and direction of them when known, by the
accustomed exercise of the faculties which it implies. Mr F. seems to
have imposed on himself by the gratuitous use of figurative language.
Where there is a want of intermediate links, there is certainly no
connection; but admitting that all mankind is made up of the same
materials, it may be very safely inferred, that the most civilized and
best educated European carries about with him the whole chain, betwixt
the "narrow views" of the New Zealanders and his own "extended sphere
of knowledge." The physical wants of our species are the same in all
regions of the globe, and so are our passions. These are grand
levellers of the proud distinctions, by which some of us exalt
ourselves so much above others; and they have never yet been set aside
or eradicated by any process which human ingenuity has contrived.
Often, indeed, savages excel in the knowledge and dexterous attainment
of the means necessary to supply and gratify them. Our judicious
Shakespeare seems to have been aware of this, when he causes the
brutish Caliban to address Triaculo thus,--
"I'll shew thee the best springs; I'll pluck thee berries; I'll fish
for thee, and get thee wood enough," &c.
Mr F. himself, as we shall soon see, has specified one link large and
strong enough to answer for a chain in holding together British
sailors at least, and New Zealanders, or, indeed, any other savages,
however degenerate and abominable, to the end of the chapter!--E.
[3] "Our crews, who had not conversed with women since our departure
from the Cape, found these ladies very agreeable, and from the manner
in which their advances were received, it appeared very plainly that
chastity was not rigorously observed here, and that the sex were far
from being impregnable. However, their favours did not depend upon
their own inclination, but the men, as absolute masters, were always
to be consulted upon the occasion; if a spike-nail, or a shirt, or a
similar present, had been given for their connivance, the lady was at
liberty to make her lover happy, and to exact, if possible, the
tribute of another present for herself. Some among them, however,
submitted with reluctance to this vile prostitution: and but for the
authority and menaces of the men, would not have complied with the
desires of a set of people, who could, with unconcern, behold their
tears and hear their complaints. Whether the members of a civilized
society, who could act such a brutal part, or the barbarians who could
force their own women to submit to such indignity, deserve the
greatest abhorrence, is a question not easily to be decided.
Encouraged by the lucrative nature of this infamous commerce, the New
Zealanders went through the whole vessel, offering their daughters and
sisters promiscuously to every person's embraces, in exchange for our
iron tools, which they knew could not be purchased at an easier rate.
It does not appear, that their married women were ever suffered to
have this kind of intercourse with our people. Their ideas of female
chastity are, in this respect, so different from ours, that a girl may
favour a number of lovers without any detriment to her character; but
if she marries, conjugal fidelity is exacted from her with the
greatest rigour. It may therefore be alleged, that as the New
Zealanders place no value on the continence of their unmarried women,
the arrival of Europeans among them does not injure their moral
characters in this respect; but we doubt whether they ever debased
themselves so much as to make a trade of their women, before we
created new wants by shewing these iron tools, for the possession of
which they do not hesitate to commit an action, that, in our eyes,
deprives them of the very shadow of sensibility. It is unhappy enough,
that the unavoidable consequence of all our voyages of discovery has
always been the loss of a number of innocent lives; but this heavy
injury done to the little uncivilized communities which Europeans have
visited, is trifling when compared to the irretrievable harm entailed
upon them by corrupting their morals. If these evils were compensated
in some measure by the introduction of some real benefit in these
countries, or by the abolition of some other immoral custom among
their inhabitants, we might at least comfort ourselves, that what they
lost on one hand, they gained on the other; but I fear that hitherto
our intercourse has been wholly disadvantageous to the natives of the
South Seas; and that those communities have been the least injured,
who have always kept aloof from us, and whose jealous disposition did
not suffer our sailors to become too familiar among them, as if they
had perceived in their countenances that levity of disposition, and
that spirit of debauchery, with which they are generally reproached."
A little afterwards, relating a trip over to Long Island, it is said,
"In the afternoon, many of our sailors were allowed to go on shore,
among the natives, where they traded for curiosities, and purchased
the embraces of the ladies, notwithstanding the disgust which their
uncleanliness inspired. Their custom of painting their cheeks with
ochre and oil, was alone sufficient to deter the more sensible from
such intimate connections with them; and if we add to this a certain
stench which announced them even at a distance, and the abundance of
vermin which not only infested their hair, but also crawled on their
clothes, and which they occasionally cracked between their teeth, it
is astonishing that persons should be found, who could gratify an
animal appetite with such loathsome objects, whom a civilized
education and national customs should have taught them to hold in
abhorrence."--G.F.
May this sad picture have the same effect, which the fathers of Sparta
expected from the exhibition of their drunken slaves!--E.
[4] A few miscellaneous observations respecting New Zealand, collected
from Mr G.F.'s work, may be given here with interest to some
readers:--The arrival at New Zealand, was most delightful to men who
had so long suffered the inclemencies and hardships of a navigation in
the southern sea. Every object seen on the land afforded some
agreeable sensation, heightened in no ordinary degree by the contrast
which memory presented. No wonder then, that the description given of
the scenery should be somewhat enthusiastic; besides, for every
obvious reason, one might be inclined to expect, that Mr G. Forster
should exceed even Cook in the warmth of colouring. It is so. He
speaks in evidently poetical feeling of the delightfully fair weather,
the lightly wafting airs, the numerous evergreens mingling with the
various shades of autumnal yellow, the wild notes of the feathered
tribe, &c. This was on getting sight of Dusky Bay. The effects of such
charming panorama were visible on all the crew; "emotions of joy and
satisfaction," he tells us, "were strongly marked in the countenance
of every individual." He is quite aware of the magic at work in his
own mind, when contemplating the picture, and accordingly very
candidly and very justly says, "So apt is mankind, after a long
absence from land, to be prejudiced in favour of the wildest shore,
that we looked upon the country at that time, as one of the most
beautiful which nature, unassisted by art, could produce. Such are the
general ideas of travellers and voyagers long exhausted by distresses;
and with _such_ warmth of imagination they have viewed the rude cliffs
of Juan Fernandez, and the impenetrable forests of Tinian!" So much,
by the bye, as a hint for understanding the works of some other
painters! But all was not mere semblance of good. Several substantial
advantages were enjoyed, abundance of excellent fish and water-fowl,
plenty of wood and water, &c. To a naturalist besides, there was much
to occupy attention and excite curiosity, as a store of animal and
vegetable bodies was perceived, bearing little or no resemblance to
known species. But the dream of pleasure, and the hopes of much
additional science, were not of very long duration. The necessary
occupations of the different artificers, soon involved the people in
very embarrassing intricacies and much bodily labour, occasioned by
the prodigious variety and numbers of climbers, briars, shrubs, and
ferns, interwoven through the forests, and almost totally precluding
access to the interior of the country. From the appearance of these
impediments, and the quantity of rotten trees which had been either
felled by the winds, or brought low from age, it is conjectured, and
plausibly enough, that the forests in the southern parts of New
Zealand had escaped the hand of human industry since the origin of
their existence. But nature, we may often see, is prodigal of life,
and in the very act of dissolving one generation, seems to rejoice in
providing for another that is to succeed it. Thus, we are told, there
sprouted out young trees from the rich mould, to which the old ones
were at last reduced. A deceitful bark, it is added, sometimes still
covered the interior rotten substance, in which a person attempting to
step on it, might sink to the waist. Such were the common
disappointments in this Utopia. The naturalists had to add to them,
the appropriate mortification of seeing numerous trees and shrubs, of
which, as the time of flowering was past, it was impossible to make
any scientific examination, and which, accordingly, only tantalized
them with the idea of the profusion of new vegetables in this
interesting country. A short residence here, especially during wet
gloomy weather, proved that all was not so perfect in this climate as
had been fondly imagined. The land about Dusky Bay, and indeed
throughout most of the southern extremity of this island, was found to
consist of steep rocky mountains, with craggy precipices, either clad
with impenetrable forests, or quite barren, and covered with snow on
the tops. No meadows or lawns were to be seen, and the only spot of
flat land that was found, presented so much wood and briars as to be
useless for either garden ground or pasture, without very considerable
toil. This heartless description is somewhat relieved by a glowing
picture of the scenery about what was called Cascade Cove, which seems
to have arrested the attention of Mr F., and which, he says, could
only have justice done it by the very successful pencil of Mr Hodges.
The soil here was found to be quite like to what had elsewhere been
found, and the rocks and stones consisted of granite, moor-stone, and
brown talcous clay-stone. In one of the excursions to the country, it
was observed, that as they receded from the sea, the mountains became
much higher, and were more steep and barren, and that the trees
dwindled in size, so as to resemble shrubs, circumstances rather the
reverse of what is usually noticed in other countries. The climate of
Dusky Bay is spoken unfavourably of, as its greatest inconvenience,
and to this must be added its being deficient in celery, scurvy-grass,
and other antiscorbutics. But with all its defects, Mr G.F. admits,
that Dusky Bay is one of the finest places in New Zealand, for a crew
to touch at in such a situation as that of his companions. The land
about Cape Traveller appeared low and sandy near the shore, but rising
into high snow-capt mountains interiorly. In one respect, according to
this gentleman, Queen Charlotte's Sound has greatly the advantage of
Dusky Bay, viz. its abounding in salutary vegetables. This it no doubt
owes to the superior mildness of the climate, which is represented as
highly favourable to botanical pursuits. The tea-tree and spruce, as
they were called, were found here in great plenty, as well as at Dusky
Bay; besides several species of plants in flower, which had not been
seen before. The hills consisted chiefly of argillaceous stone,
running in oblique strata, commonly dipping a little towards the
south, of a greenish-grey, or bluish, or yellowish-brown colour,
sometimes containing veins of white quartz, and sometimes a green
talcous or nephritic stone, which, as it was capable of a good polish
from its hardness, the natives used for chissels, &c. Mr F. specifies
several other mineral substances found in this neighbourhood,
particularly argillaceous strata of a rusty colour, which is inferred
to contain iron, and a black compact and ponderous basalt, of which
the natives form their pattoo-pattoos. It is unnecessary to make
remarks on the subjects now mentioned, as they must be resumed in our
account of Cook's third voyage, where we shall have to consider Mr
Anderson's report respecting them and other topics, with greater
attention, than was required for the present imperfect though valuable
notices.--E.
SECTION IX.
_Route from New Zealand to Otaheite, with an Account of some low Islands,
supposed to be the same that were seen by M. de Bougainville._
On the 7th of June, at four in the morning, the wind being more favourable,
we unmoored, and at seven weighed and put to sea, with the Adventure in
company. We had no sooner got out of the sound, than we found the wind at
south, so that we had to ply through the straits. About noon the tide of
ebb setting out in our favour, made our boards advantageous; so that, at
five o'clock in the evening. Cape Palliser, on the island of Eahei-nomauwe,
bore S.S E. 1/2 S., and Cape Koamaroo, or the S.E. point of the sound, N by
W. 3/4 W.; presently after it fell calm, and the tide of flood now making
against us, carried us at a great rate back to the north. A little before
high-water, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the north, which soon
increased to a brisk gale. This, together with the ebb, carried us by eight
o'clock the next morning quite through the strait. Cape Palliser at this
time bore E.N.E., and at noon N. by W. distant seven leagues.[1]
This day at noon, when we attended the winding-up of the watches, the fusee
of Mr Arnold's would not turn round, so that after several unsuccessful
trials we were obliged to let it go down.
After getting clear of the straits, I directed my course S.E. by E., having
a gentle gale, but variable between the north and west. The late S.E. winds
having caused a swell from the same quarter, which did not go down for some
days, we had little hopes of meeting with land in that direction. We
however continued to steer to the S.E., and on the 11th crossed the
meridian of 180°, and got into the west longitude, according to my way of
reckoning.
On the 16th, at seven in the morning, the wind having veered round to S.E.,
we tacked and stretched to N.E., being at this time in the latitude of 47°
7', longitude 173° W. In this situation we had a great swell from N.E.[2]
The wind continued at S.E. and S.S.E., blew fresh at intervals, and was
attended with sometimes fair, and at other times rainy weather, till the
20th, on which day, being in the latitude of 44° 30', longitude 165° 45'
W., the wind shifted to the west, blew a gentle gale, and was attended with
fair weather. With this we steered E. by N., E. by S., and E., till the 23d
at noon, when, being in the latitude of 44° 38' S., longitude 161° 27' W.,
we had a few hours calm. The calm was succeeded by a wind at east, with
which we stood to the north. The wind increased and blew in squalls,
attended with rain, which at last brought us under our courses; and at two
o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, we were obliged to lie-to under
the foresail, having a very hard gale from E.N.E., and a great sea from the
same direction.[3]
At seven o'clock in the morning of the 25th, the gale being more moderate,
we made sail under the courses, and in the afternoon set the top-sails
close-reefed. At midnight, the wind having veered more to the north, we
tacked and stretched to the S.E., being at this time in the latitude of 42°
53' S., longitude 163° 20' W.
We continued to stretch to the S.E., with a fresh gale and fair weather,
till four o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, when we stood again to
the N.E., till midnight between the 27th and 28th. Then we had a few hours
calm, which was succeeded by faint breezes from the west. At this time we
were in the latitude of 42° 32', longitude 161° 15' W. The wind remained
not long at west, before it veered back to the E. by the N., and kept
between the S.E. and N.E., but never blew strong.
On July 2d, being in the latitude of 53° 3', longitude 156° 17' W., we had
again a calm, which brought the wind back to the west; but it was of no
longer continuance than before. For the next day it returned to the E. and
S.E., blew fresh at times, and by squalls, with rain.
On the 7th, being in the latitude of 41° 22', longitude 156° 12' W., we had
two hours calm; in which time Mr Wales went on board the Adventure to
compare the watches, and they were found to agree, allowing for the
difference of their rates of going: A probable, if not a certain proof,
that they had gone well since we had been in this sea.
The calm was succeeded by a wind from the south; between which point and
the N.W., it continued for the six succeeding days, but never blew strong.
It was, however, attended with a great hollow swell from the S.W. and W., a
sure indication that no large land was near in those directions. We now
steered east, inclining to the south, and on the 10th, in the latitude of
43° 39', longitude 144° 43' W., the variation was found, by several
azimuths, to be more than 3° E., but the next morning it was found to be 4°
5' 30", and in the afternoon, 5° 56' E. The same day, at noon, we were in
the latitude of 43° 44', longitude 141° 56' W.
At nine o'clock in the morning of the 12th, the longitude was observed as
follows, viz.
Self 1st set 139° 47' 15"
Ditto, 2d set 140 7 30
Mr Wales 1st set 141 22 15
Mr Wales 2d set 140 10 0
Mr Clerke 140 56 45
Mr Gilbert 140 2 0
--------------
Mean 140 24 17-1/2 West.
This differed from my reckoning only 2° 1/2. The next morning, in the
latitude of 43° 3', longitude 139° 20' W., we had several lunar
observations, which were consonant to those made the day before, allowing
for the ship's run in the time. In the afternoon we had, for a few hours,
variable light airs next to a calm; after which we got a wind from the
N.E., blowing fresh and in squalls, attended with dark gloomy weather, and
some rain.
We stretched to the S.E. till five o'clock in the afternoon on the 14th, at
which time, being in the latitude of 43° 15', longitude 137° 39' W., we
tacked and stood to the north under our courses, having a very hard gale
with heavy squalls, attended with rain, till near noon the next day, when
it ended in a calm. At this time we were in the latitude of 42° 39',
longitude 137° 58' W. In the evening, the calm was succeeded by a breeze
from S.W., which soon after increased to a fresh gale; and fixing at S.S.W,
with it we steered N.E. 1/2 E. in the latitude of 41° 25', longitude 135°
58' W., we saw floating in the sea a billet of wood, which seemed to be
covered with barnacles; so that there was no judging how long it might have
been there, or from whence or how far it had come.
We continued to steer N.E. 1/2 E., before a very strong gale which blew in
squalls, attended with showers of rain and hail, and a very high sea from
the same quarter, till noon, on the 17th. Being then in the latitude of 39°
44', longitude 133° 32' W., which was a degree and a half farther east than
I intended to run; nearly in the middle between my track to the north in
1769, and the return to the south in the same year, and seeing no signs of
land, I steered north-easterly, with a view of exploring that part of the
sea lying between the two tracks just mentioned, down as low as the
latitude of 27°, a space that had not been visited by any preceding
navigator that I knew of.[4]
On the 19th, being in the latitude of 36° 34', longitude 133° 7' W., we
steered N. 1/2 W., having still the advantage of a hard gale at south,
which the next day veered to S.E. and E., blew hard and by squalls,
attended with rain and thick hazy weather. This continued till the evening
of the 21st, when the gale abated, the weather cleared up, and the wind
backed to the S. and S.E.
We were now in the latitude of 32° 30', longitude 133° 40' W., from this
situation we steered N.N.W. till noon the next day, when we steered a point
more to the west; being at this time in the latitude of 31° 6', longitude
134° 12' W. The weather was now so warm, that it was necessary to put on
lighter clothes; the mercury in the thermometer at noon rose to 63. It had
never been lower than 46, and seldom higher than 54, at the same time of
the day, since we left New Zealand.[5]
This day was remarkable by our not seeing a single bird. Not one had passed
since we left the land, without seeing some of the following birds, viz.
albatrosses, sheerwaters, pintadoes, blue peterels, and Port Egmont hens.
But these frequent every part of the Southern Ocean in the higher
latitudes: Not a bird, nor any other thing, was seen that could induce us
to think that we had ever been in the neighbourhood of any land.
The wind kept veering round from the S. by the W. to N.N.W., with which we
stretched north till noon the next day, when, being in the latitude of 29°
22', we tacked and stretched to the westward. The wind soon increased to a
very hard gale, attended with rain, and blew in such heavy squalls as to
split the most of our sails. This weather continued till the morning of the
25th, when the wind became more moderate, and veered to N.W. and W.N.W.,
with which we steered and stretched to N.E., being at that time in the
latitude of 29° 51', longitude 130° 28' W. In the afternoon the sky cleared
up, and the weather became fair and settled. We now met the first tropic
bird we had seen in this sea.
On the 26th, in the afternoon, being in the latitude of 28° 44', we had
several observations of the sun and moon, which gave the longitude 135° 30'
W. My reckoning at the same time was 135° 27', and I had no occasion to
correct it since I left the land. We continued to stretch to the north,
with light breezes from the westward, till noon, the next day, when we were
stopped by a calm; our latitude at this time being 27° 53', longitude 135°
17' W. In the evening, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the N. and
N.W., with which we plied to the N.
On the 29th I sent on board the Adventure to enquire into the state of her
crew, having heard that they were sickly; and this I now found was but too
true. Her cook was dead, and about twenty of her best men were down in the
scurvy and flux. At this time _we_ had only three men on the sick list, and
only one of them attacked with the scurvy. Several more, however, began to
shew symptoms of it, and were accordingly put upon the wort, marmalade of
carrots, rob of lemons and oranges.
I know not how to account for the scurvy raging more in the one ship than
the other, unless it was owing to the crew of the Adventure being more
scorbutic when they arrived in New Zealand than we were, and to their
eating few or no vegetables while they lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound,
partly for want of knowing the right sorts, and partly because it was a new
diet, which alone was sufficient for seamen to reject it. To introduce any
new article of food among seamen, let it be ever so much for their good,
requires both the example and authority of a commander; without both, of
which it will be dropt before the people are sensible of the benefits
resulting from it. Were it necessary, I could name fifty instances in
support of this remark. Many of my people, officers as well seamen, at
first disliked celery, scurvy-grass, &c., being boiled in the peas and
wheat; and some refused to eat it. But, as this had no effect on my
conduct, this obstinate kind of prejudice by little and little wore off;
they began to like it as well as the others; and now, I believe, there was
hardly a man in the ship that did not attribute our being so free from the
scurvy, to the beer and vegetables we made use of at New Zealand. After
this I seldom found it necessary to order any of my people to gather
vegetables, whenever we came where any were to be got, and if scarce, happy
was he who could lay hold on them first. I appointed one of my seamen to be
cook of the Adventure, and wrote to Captain Furneaux, desiring him to make
use of every method in his power to stop the spreading of the disease
amongst his people, and proposing such as I thought might tend towards it.
But I afterwards found all this unnecessary, as every method had been used
they could think of.[6]
The wind continued in the N.W. quarter, and blew fresh at times, attended
with rain; with which we stood to the N.E. On the 1st of August, at noon,
we were in the latitude of 25° 1', longitude 134° 6' W., and had a great
hollow swell from N.W. The situation we were now in, was nearly the same
that Captain Carteret assigns for Pitcairn's Island, discovered by him in
1767. We therefore looked well out for it, but saw nothing. According to
the longitude in which he has placed it, we must have passed about fifteen
leagues to the west of it. But as this was uncertain, I did not think it
prudent, considering the situation of the Adventure's people, to lose any
time in looking for it. A sight of it would, however, have been of use in
verifying, or correcting, not only the longitude of this isle, but of the
others that Captain Carteret discovered in this neighbourhood; his
longitude not being confirmed, I think, by astronomical observations, and
therefore liable to errors, which he could have no method to correct.
As we had now got to the northward of Captain Carteret's tracks, all hopes
of discovering a continent vanished. Islands were all we were to expect to
find, until we returned again to the south. I had now, that is on this and
my former voyage, crossed this ocean in the latitude of 40° and upwards,
without meeting any thing that in the least induced me to think I should
find what I was in search after. On the contrary, every thing conspired to
make me believe there is no southern continent, between the meridian of
America and New Zealand; at least, this passage did not produce any
indubitable signs of any, as will appear by the following remarks. After
leaving the coasts of New Zealand, we daily saw floating on the sea rock-
weed, for the space of 18° of longitude. In my passage to New Zealand in
1769, we also saw this weed, for the space of 12 or 14° of longitude before
we made the land. The weed is undoubtedly the produce of New Zealand;
because the nearer the coast, the greater quantity you see. At the greatest
distance from the coast, we saw it only in small pieces, generally more
rotten, and covered with barnacles, an indubitable sign that it had been
long at sea. Were it not for this, one might be led to conjecture that some
other large land lay in the neighbourhood; for it cannot be a small extent
of coast to produce such a quantity of weed, as to cover so large a space
of sea. It hath been already mentioned, that we were no sooner clear of the
straits, than we met with a large hollow swell from the S.E., which
continued till we arrived in the longitude of 177° W., and latitude 46°.
There we had large billows from the N. and N.E., for five days
successively, and until we got 5° of longitude more to the east, although
the wind, great part of the time, blew from different directions. This was
a strong indication that there was no land between us and my track to the
west in 1769. After this, we had, as is usual in all great oceans, large
billows from every direction in which the wind blew a fresh gale, but more
especially from the S.W. These billows never ceased with the cause that
first put them in motion; a sure indication that we were not near any large
land, and that there is no continent to the south, unless in a very high
latitude. But this was too important a point to be left to opinions and
conjectures. Facts were to determine it, and these could only be obtained
by visiting the southern parts; which was to be the work of the ensuing
summer, agreeable to the plan I had laid down. As the winds continued to
blow from the N.W. and W., we had no other choice but to stand to the
north, inclining more or less every day to the east. In the latitude of 21°
we saw flying-fish, gannets, and egg-birds. On the sixth, I hoisted a boat
out, and sent for Captain Furneaux to dinner, from whom I learnt that his
people were much better, the flux having left them, and the scurvy was at a
stand. Some cyder which he happened to have, and which he gave to the
scorbutic people, contributed not a little to this happy change. The
weather to-day was cloudy, and the wind very unsettled. This seemed to
announce the approach of the so-much-wished-for trade-wind; which, at eight
o'clock in the evening, after two hours calm, and some heavy showers of
rain, we actually got at S.E. We were, at this time, in the latitude of 19°
36' S., longitude 131° 32" W. The not meeting with the S.E. trade-wind
sooner, is no new thing in this sea. As we had now got it, I directed my
course to the W.N.W., as well to keep in the strength of it, as to get to
the north of the islands discovered in my former voyage; that if any other
islands lay in the way, I might have a chance to discover them.[7] During
the day-time we made all the sail we could; but, in the night, either run
an easy sail, or lay-to. We daily saw flying-fish, albacores, dolphins,
&c., but neither by striking, nor with hook and line, could we catch any of
them. This required some art, which none of my people were masters of.
On the 11th at day-break, land was seen to the south. This, upon a nearer
approach, we found to be an island of about two leagues in extent, in the
direction of N.W. and S.E., and clothed with wood, above which the cocoa-
nut trees shewed their lofty heads. I judged it to be one of those isles
discovered by Mr Bougainville. It lies in the latitude of 17° 24',
longitude 141° 39' W., and I called it after the name of the ship,
Resolution Island. The sickly state of the Adventure's crew made it
necessary for me to make the best of my way to Otaheite, where I was sure
of finding refreshments. Consequently I did not wait to examine this
island, which appeared too small to supply our wants, but continued our
course to the west, and at six o'clock in the evening, land was seen from
the mast-head, bearing W. by S. Probably this was another of Bougainville's
discoveries. I named it Doubtful Island, and it lies in the latitude of 17°
20', longitude 141° 38' W. I was sorry I could not spare time to haul to
the north of Mr Bougainville's track; but the getting to a place where we
could procure refreshments, was more an object at this time than
discovery.[8]
During the night we steered W. by N., in order to pass the north of the
island above-mentioned. At day-break the next morning, we discovered land
right a-head, distant about two miles; so that day-light advised us of our
danger but just in time. This proved another of these low or half-drowned
islands, or rather a large coral shoal of about twenty leagues in circuit.
A very small part of it was land, which consisted of little islets ranged
along the north side, and connected by sand-banks and breakers. These
islets were clothed with wood, among which the cocoa-nut trees were only
distinguishable. We ranged the south side of this isle or shoal at the
distance of one or two miles from the coral-bank, against which the sea
broke in a dreadful surf. In the middle is a large lake or inland sea, in
which was a canoe under sail.
This island, which I named after Captain Furneaux, lies in the latitude of
17° 5', longitude 143° 16' W. The situation is nearly the same that is
assigned for one of those discovered by Bougainville. I must here observe,
that amongst these low and half-drowned isles (which are numerous in this
part of the ocean,) Mr Bougainville's discoveries cannot be known to that
degree of accuracy which is necessary to distinguish them from others. We
were obliged to have recourse to his chart for the latitudes and longitudes
of the isles he discovered, as neither the one nor the other is mentioned
in his narrative. Without waiting to examine this island we continued to
steer to the west, all sails set, till six o'clock in the evening, when we
shortened sail to three top-sails, and at nine brought-to.
The next morning at four a.m. we made sail, and at daybreak saw another of
these low islands, situated in the latitude of 17° 4', longitude 144° 30'
W., which obtained the name of Adventure Island. M. de Bougainville very
properly calls this cluster of low overflowed isles the Dangerous
Archipelago. The smoothness of the sea sufficiently convinced us that we
were surrounded by them, and how necessary it was to proceed with the
utmost caution, especially in the night.
At five o'clock p.m. we again saw land, bearing S.W. by S., which we
afterwards found to be Chain Island, discovered in my former voyage. But as
I was not sure of it at this time, and being desirous of avoiding the delay
which lying by in the night occasioned, I hoisted out the cutter, and
manned her with an officer and seven men, with orders to keep as far a-head
of the ships, with a light at her masthead, as a signal could be
distinguished, which she was to make in case she met with any danger. In
this manner we continued to run all night; and, at six o'clock the next
morning, I called her on board, and hoisted her in. For it did not appear
she would be wanted again for this purpose, as we had now a large swell
from the south, a sure sign that we were clear of the low islands;
therefore I steered for Otaheite without being apprehensive of meeting with
any danger.[9]
[1] Great shoals of cetaceous fish, of a perfectly black colour, with
a white spot before the back-fin, passed by us. They were fired at
from our vessel, and one of them being shot through the head, could no
longer plunge under water, but began to beat about furiously on the
surface, and tinged the sea with its blood. It seemed to be about
three yards long, and was slender and blunt-headed, from whence our
sailors called it the Bottle-nose, a name which Dale applies to a very
different fish, the beaked whale, of which the beak or nose resembles
the neck of a bottle."--G.F.
[2] "Beds of sea-weeds frequently were seen floating on the sea, but
we were now too much accustomed to their appearance, to attempt to
draw any conclusions from it. The thermometer, which at our departure
from New Zealand, stood at 51° at eight o'clock in the morning, sunk
in proportion as we came to the southward to 48°, and sometimes to
47°, at the same time of day; but the temperature of the air upon the
whole was extremely variable, and the weather equally unsettled. From
thence it arose, that we daily observed rainbows, or parts of them
about the horizon, especially in the morning. The wind during this
time was likewise very changeable, and veered round the compass in a
direction contrary to the course of the sun, that is, from west round
by the north towards east, and so further on; but it chiefly prevailed
from the easterly quarter, where we least expected it, so that our
situation became tedious, and was made more irksome by frequent fogs,
rains, and heavy swells."--G.F.
[3] According to Sir G.F., it seems that the venereal disease made its
appearance on some of the Adventure's crew, as was intimated by
Captain Furneaux to Captain Cook, during a visit paid to the latter.
In the opinion of Mr F., who is at some pains to investigate the
subject, this disease was indigenous in New Zealand where the sailors
contracted it, and not imported there by Europeans. This opinion is,
no doubt, in confirmation of what the writer has elsewhere stated to
be his own as to the general question respecting the origin of the
disease; but he is bound in candour to admit, that it seems to rest on
rather slender evidence and insufficient reasoning, in the present
instance--so that he is less disposed to avail himself of it. Mr F.
himself is not positive as to the facts on which he founds his
opinion, and consequently is not so as to the opinion. This is to be
inferred from his concluding remarks, which, besides, exhibit so fair
a specimen of just indignation and regret, as may deserve to be
offered to the reader's notice. "If," says he, "in spite of
appearances, our conclusions should prove erroneous, it is another
crime added to the score of civilized nations, which must make their
memory execrated by the unhappy people, whom they have poisoned.
Nothing can in the least atone for the injury they have done to
society, since the price at which their libidinous enjoyments were
purchased, instils another poison into the mind, and destroys the
moral principles, while the disease corrupts and enervates the body. A
race of men, who, amidst all their savage roughness, their fiery
temper, and cruel customs, are brave, generous, hospitable, and
incapable of deceiving, are justly to be pitied, that love, the source
of their sweetest and happiest feelings, is converted into the origin
of the most dreadful scourge of life." In this last paragraph, there
is reason to imagine Mr F. has somewhat overstepped the modesty of
both history and nature--the former, by too high commendation of the
New Zealanders, who, whatever merit they may claim on other grounds,
can scarcely be said, at least if facts are to be trusted, to be
incapable of deceiving; and the latter, in ascribing greater influence
to _love_ among these savages, than perhaps will ever be found
realised in such a condition of our nature. One cannot believe, that
so philosophical an enquirer should impute much efficacy as a source
of happiness to the mere brute passion; and it is equally unlikely
that so acute an observer should discover any thing more refined than
such an appetite in the sexual intercourse among so rude a tribe.
Probably then his language is fully more poetic than becomes the sober
narrator. This, indeed, is nowise uncommon with him, as the reader
perhaps is already convinced. But this very circumstance, it is
obvious, is to his advantage as a writer.--E.
[4] "The uncomfortable season of the year, the many contrary winds,
and the total want of interesting incidents, united to make this run
extremely tedious to us all, and the only point we gained by it, was
the certainty that no great land was situated in the South Sea about
the middle latitudes."--G.F.
[5] "The spirits of all our people were much exhilarated in proportion
as we approached to the tropics, and our sailors diverted themselves
with a variety of plays every evening. The genial mildness of the air
was so welcome to us, after a long absence from it, that we could not
help preferring the warm climates as the best adapted for the abode of
mankind."--G.F.
An observation of this sort, the evident result of experience, is
worth a thousand treatises, in shewing how much man is the creature of
circumstances and situation, and how justly his feelings, and of
consequence his thoughts, are modified by climate and weather. Some
philosophers, and, perhaps, more religionists, have endeavoured to
devise means to render the human mind and character independent of
physical elements. The attempt is just about as rational, and not a
bit less presumptuous, than that of making them free of the Divine
cognizance and authority, to which these elements are subjected. Such
attempts, it seems pretty evident, have been the source of delusive
self-congratulation in all ages of the world, and may be ascribed,
with no very mighty stretch of fancy, to the same busy agent, by whom,
in the earliest stage of our nature, man was tempted with the alluring
hope of becoming "as God." A wiser and more benevolent instructor
would teach him, on the contrary, to acknowledge his dependences and
avoiding forbidden things, to partake with cheerfulness of the
material blessings which surround him. This is genuine confidence in
the Supreme Ruler, though, to be sure, it has little or no charms for
the obstinate stoic, or the conceited pharisee. But "wisdom, it is
certain, will be justified of all who are under its influence."--E.
[6] "The difference between the salubrity of the two vessels probably
arose from the want of fresh air in the Adventure, our sloop being
higher out of the water, so that we could open more scuttles in bad
weather than our consort. Our people likewise made a greater
consumption of sour-krout and wort, and particularly applied the
grains of the latter to all blotches and swelled parts, a regimen
which had been omitted by those in the Adventure."--G.F.
[7] "After many wishes, and long expectation, we this day, (6th
August,) got the S.E. trade-wind. Its manner of coming on was rather
remarkable. About ten o'clock in the morning, a thick haze began to
rise in the eastern quarter, which by noon was become so thick, and
had spread so far, that it was with difficulty we got the sun's
meridian altitude; but the N.W. wind, which we had had for about a
fortnight, during which time the weather was generally fine and
pleasant, still continued to blow. In the afternoon we had some pretty
brisk showers, with which the N.W. wind died away, and it was calm
till eight o'clock in the evening, when a brisk steady gale sprung up
at S.E., and proved permanent."--W.
Mr F. has given some very valuable remarks respecting the trade-winds
but they are too long for this place.--E.
[8] "Our thermometer was now constantly between 70 and 80 degrees in
the morning; but the heat was far from being troublesome, as the fair
weather was accompanied by a strong pleasant trade-wind,"--G.F.
[9] This is a very fit place for the following curious observations on
the formation of the low islands spoken of in the text. "All the low
isles seem to me to be a production of the sea, or rather its
inhabitants, the polype-like animals forming the lithophytes. These
animalcules raise their habitation gradually from a small base, always
spreading more and more, in proportion as the structure grows higher.
The materials are a kind of lime mixed with some animal substance. I
have seen these large structures in all stages, and of various extent.
Near Turtle-Island, we found, at a few miles distance, and to leeward
of it, a considerable large circular reef, over which the sea broke
every where, and no part of it was above water; it included a large
deep lagoon. To the east and north-east of the Society-Isles, are a
great many isles, which, in some parts, are above water; in others,
the elevated parts are connected by reefs, some of which, are dry at
low-water, and others are constantly under water. The elevated parts
consist of a soil formed by a sand of shells and coral rocks, mixed
with a light black mould, produced from putrified vegetables, and the
dung of sea-fowls; and are commonly covered by cocoa-nut trees and
other shrubs, and a few antiscorbutic plants. The lower parts have
only a few shrubs, and the above plants; others still lower, are
washed by the sea at high-water. All these isles are connected, and
include a lagoon in the middle, which is full of the finest fish; and
sometimes there is an opening, admitting a boat, or canoe, in the
reef, but I never saw or heard of an opening that would admit a ship.
The reef, or the first origin of these cells, is formed by the
animalcules inhabiting the lithophytes. They raise their habitation
within a little of the surface of the sea, which gradually throws
shells, weeds, sand, small bits of corals, and other things, on the
tops of these coral rocks, and at last fairly raises them above water;
where the above things continue to be accumulated by the sea, till by
a bird, or by the sea, a few seeds of plants, that commonly grow on
the sea-shore, are thrown up, and begin to vegetate; and by their
annual decay and reproduction from seeds, create a little mould,
yearly accumulated by the mixture from sand, increasing the dry spot
on every side; till another sea happens to carry a cocoa-nut hither,
which preserves its vegetative power a long time in the sea, and
therefore will soon begin to grow on this soil, especially as it
thrives equally in all kinds of soil; and thus may all these low isles
have become covered with the finest cocoa-nut trees. The animalcules
forming these reefs, want to shelter their habitation from the
impetuosity of the winds, and the power and rage of the ocean; but as
within the tropics, the winds blow commonly from one quarter, they, by
instinct, endeavour to stretch only a ledge, within which is a lagoon,
which is certainly entirely screened against the power of both; this,
therefore, might account for the method employed by the animalcules in
building only narrow ledges of coral rocks, to secure in this middle a
calm and sheltered place, and this seems to me to be the most probable
cause of the origin of all the tropical low isles, over the whole
South Sea."--F.
This theory has been pretty generally adopted by scientific men, and
does not seem liable to any valid objection. The astonishment it may
excite, is quite analogous to what is experienced on any discovery of
the important ends to which the instinctive labours of other creatures
are subservient, and is great, merely because of the conceived
magnitude of the object to which it relates. But this affords no
presumption against the truth of the theory; rather indeed, if the
doctrine of final causes be allowed any credit, may be held, as in
some degree, circumstantial evidence in its favour. We shall
elsewhere, it is expected, have occasion to consider the subject with
the attention it deserves.--E.
SECTION X.
_Arrival of the Ships at Otaheite, with an Account of the critical
Situation they were in, and of several Incidents that happened while they
lay in Oaiti-piha Bay._
On the 15th, at five o'clock in the morning, we saw Osnaburg Island, or
Maitea, discovered by Captain Wallis, bearing S. by W. 1/2 W. Soon after I
brought-to, and waited for the Adventure to come up with us, to acquaint
Captain Furneaux that it was my intention to put into Oaiti-piha Bay, near
the south-east end of Otaheite, in order to get what refreshments we could
from that part of the island, before we went down to Matavia. This done, we
made sail, and at six in the evening saw the land bearing west. We
continued to stand on till midnight, when we brought-to, till four o'clock
in the morning, and then made sail in for the land with a fine breeze at
east.[1]
At day-break we found ourselves not more than half a league from the reef.
The breeze now began to fail us, and at last fell to a calm. This made it
necessary to hoist out our boats to tow the ships off; but all their
efforts were not sufficient to keep them from being carried near the reef.
A number of the inhabitants came off in canoes from different parts,
bringing with them a little fish, a few cocoa-nuts, and other fruits, which
they exchanged for nails, beads, &c. The most of them knew me again, and
many enquired for Mr Banks and others who were with me before; but not one
asked for Tupia. As the calm continued, our situation became still more
dangerous. We were, however, not without hopes of getting round the western
point of the reef and into the bay, till about two o'clock in the
afternoon, when we came before an opening or break in the reef, through
which I hoped to get with the ships. But on sending to examine it, I found
there was not a sufficient depth of water; though it caused such an in-
draught of the tide of flood through it, as was very near proving fatal to
the Resolution; for as soon as the ships got into the stream, they were
carried with great impetuosity towards the reef. The moment I perceived
this, I ordered one of the warping machines, which we had in readiness, to
be carried out with about four hundred fathoms of rope; but it had not the
least effect. The horrors of shipwreck now stared us in the face. We were
not more than two cables length from the breakers; and yet we could find no
bottom to anchor, the only probable means we had left to save the ships.
We, however, dropt an anchor; but, before it took hold, and brought us up,
the ship was in less than three fathom water, and struck at every fall of
the sea, which broke close under our stem in a dreadful surf, and
threatened us every moment with shipwreck. The Adventure, very luckily,
brought up close upon our bow without striking.
We presently carried out two kedge-anchors, with hawsers to each; these
found ground a little without the bower, but in what depth we never knew.
By heaving upon them, and cutting away the bower-anchor, we got the ship a-
float, where we lay some time in the greatest anxiety, expecting every
minute that either the kedges would come home, or the hawsers be cut in two
by the rocks. At length the tide ceased to act in the same direction. I
ordered all the boats to try to tow off the Resolution; and when I saw this
was practicable, we hove up the two kedges. At that moment, a light air
came off from the land, which so much assisted the boats, that we soon got
clear of all danger. Then I ordered all the boats to assist the Adventure,
but before they reached her, she was under sail with the land-breeze, and
soon after joined us, leaving behind her three anchors, her coasting cable,
and two hawsers, which were never recovered. Thus we were once more safe at
sea, after narrowly escaping being wrecked on the very island we but a few
days before so ardently wished to be at. The calm, after bringing us into
this dangerous situation, very fortunately continued; for, had the sea-
breeze, as is usual, set in, the Resolution must inevitably have been lost,
and probably the Adventure too.
During the lime we were in this critical situation, a number of the natives
were on board and about the ships. They seemed to be insensible of our
danger, shewing not the least surprise, joy, or fear, when we were
striking, and left us a little before sun-set, quite unconcerned.[2]
We spent the night, which proved squally and rainy, making short boards;
and the next morning, being the 17th, we anchored in Oaiti-piha Bay in
twelve fathoms water about two cables length from the shore; both ships
being by this time crowded with a great number of the natives, who brought
with them cocoa-nuts, plantains, bananoes, apples, yams, and other roots,
which they exchanged for nails and beads. To several, who called themselves
chiefs, I made presents of shirts, axes, and several other articles, and,
in return, they promised to bring me hogs and fowls, a promise they never
did, nor ever intended to perform.
In the afternoon, I landed in company with Captain Furneaux, in order to
view the watering-place, and to sound the disposition of the natives, I
also sent a boat to get some water for present use, having scarcely any
left on board. We found this article as convenient as could be expected,
and the natives to behave with great civility.
Early in the morning, I sent the two launches and the Resolution's cutter,
under the command of Mr Gilbert, to endeavour to recover the anchors we had
left behind us; they returned about noon, with the Resolution's bower
anchor, but could not recover any of the Adventure's. The natives came off
again with fruit, as the day before, but in no great quantity. I also had a
party on shore, trading under the protection of a guard; nothing, however,
was brought to market but fruit and roots, though many hogs were seen (I
was told) about the houses of the natives. The cry was, that they belonged
to Waheatoun the _Earee de hi_, or king, and him we had not yet seen,
nor, I believe, any other chief of note. Many, however, who called
themselves _Earees_, came on board, partly with a view of getting
presents, and partly to pilfer whatever came in their way.
One of this sort of _Earees_ I had, most of the day, in the cabin, and
made presents to him and all his friends, which were not few; at length he
was caught taking things which did not belong to him, and handing them out
of the quarter gallery. Many complaints of the like nature were made to me
against those on deck, which occasioned my turning them all out of the
ship. My cabin guest made good haste to be gone; I was so much exasperated
at his behaviour, that after he had got some distance from the ship, I
fired two muskets over his head, which made him quit the canoe, and take to
the water; I then sent a boat to take up the canoe, but as she came near
the shore, the people from thence began to pelt her with stones. Being in
some pain for her safety, as she was unarmed, I went myself in another boat
to protect her, and ordered a great gun, loaded with ball, to be fired
along the coast, which made them all retire from the shore, and I was
suffered to bring away two canoes without the least shew of opposition. In
one of the canoes was a little boy, who was much frightened, but I soon
dissipated his fears, by giving him beads, and putting him on shore. A few
hours after, we were all good friends again, and the canoes were returned
to the first person who came for them.
It was not till the evening of this day, that any one enquired after Tupia,
and then but two or three. As soon as they learnt the cause of his death,
they were quite satisfied; indeed, it did not appear to me, that it would
have caused a moment's uneasiness in the breast of any one, had his death
been occasioned by any other means than by sickness. As little enquiry was
made after Aotourou, the man who went away with M. de Bougainville. But
they were continually asking for Mr Banks, and several others who were with
me in my former voyage.
These people informed us, that Toutaha, the regent of the greater peninsula
of Otaheite, had been killed in a battle, which was fought between the two
kingdoms about five months before, and that _Otoo_ was the reigning
prince. Tubourai Tamaide, and several more of our principal friends about
Matavai, fell in this battle, as also a great number of common people; but,
at present, a peace subsisted between the two kingdoms.
On the 19th, we had gentle breezes easterly, with some smart showers of
rain. Early in the morning, the boats were again sent to recover the
Adventure's anchors, but returned with the same ill success as the day
before, so that we ceased to look for them any longer, thinking ourselves
very happy in having come off so well, considering the situation we had
been in. In an excursion which Captain Furneaux and I made along the coast,
we met with a chief who entertained us with excellent fish, fruit, &c. In
return for his hospitality, I made him a present of an axe and other
things; and he afterwards accompanied us back to the ships, where he made
but a short stay.
Nothing worthy of note happened on the 20th, till the dusk of the evening,
when one of the natives made off with a musquet belonging to the guard on
shore. I was present when this happened, and sent some of our people after
him, which would have been to little purpose, had not some of the natives,
of their own accord, pursued the thief. They knocked him down, took from
him the musquet, and brought it to us. Fear, on this occasion, certainly
operated more with them than principle. They deserve, however, to be
applauded for this act of justice, for, if they had not given their
immediate assistance, it would hardly have been in my power to have
recovered the musquet, by any gentle means whatever, and by making use of
any other, I was sure to lose more than ten times its value.
The 21st, the wind was at north, a fresh breeze. This morning a chief made
me a visit, and presented me with a quantity of fruit, among which, were a
number of cocoanuts we had drawn the water from, and afterwards thrown,
over board; these he had picked up, and tied in bundles so artfully, that
we did not at first perceive the cheat; when he was told of it, without
betraying the least emotion, and, as if he knew nothing of the matter, he
opened two or three of them himself, signified to us, that he was satisfied
it was so, and then went ashore and sent off a quantity of plantains and
bananoes. Having got on board a supply of water, fruit, and roots, I
determined to sail in the morning to Matavai, as I found it was not likely
that I should get an interview with Waheatoua, without which, it was very
improbable we should get any hogs. Two of the natives, who knew my
intention, slept on board, with a view of going with us to Matavai, but, in
the morning, the wind blew fresh at N.W., and as we could not sail, I sent
the trading party on shore as usual.
In the evening, I was informed that Waheatoua was come into the
neighourhood, and wanted to see me. In consequence of this information, I
determined to wait one day longer, in order to have an interview with this
prince. Accordingly, early the next morning, I set out in company with
Captain Furneaux, Mr Forster, and several of the natives. We met the chief
about a mile from the landing-place, towards which he was advancing to meet
us; but, as soon as he saw us, he stopt, with his numerous train, in the
open air. I found him seated upon a stool, with a circle of people round
him, and knew him at first sight, and he me, having seen each other several
times in 1769. At that time he was but a boy, and went by the name of
Tearee, but, upon the death of his father, Waheatoun, he took upon him that
name.
After the first salutation was over, having seated me on the same stool
with himself, and the other gentlemen on the ground by us, he began to
enquire after several by name who were with me on my former voyage. He next
enquired how long I would stay, and when I told him no longer than next
day, he seemed sorry, asked me to stay some months, and at last came down
to five days, promising, that in that time I should have hogs in plenty;
but, as I had been here already a week, without so much as getting one, I
could not put any faith in this promise; and yet, I believe, if I had
staid, we should have fared much better than at Matavai. The present I made
him consisted of a shirt, a sheet, a broad axe, spike-nails, knives,
looking-glasses, medals, beads, &c.; in return, he ordered a pretty good
hog to be carried to our boat. We staid with him all the morning, during
which time, he never suffered me to go from his side, where he was seated.
I was also seated on the same stool, which was carried from place to place
by one of his attendants, whom he called stool-bearer. At length we took
leave, in order to return on board to dinner, after which, we visited him
again, and made him more presents, and he, in return, gave Captain Furneaux
and me each of us an hog. Some others were got by exchanges at the trading
places; so that we got in the whole, to-day, as much fresh pork as gave the
crews of both the ships a meal; and this in consequence of our having this
interview with the chief.[3]
The 24th, early in the morning, we put to sea with a light land-breeze.
Soon after we were out, we got the wind at west, which blew in squalls,
attended with heavy showers of rain. Many canoes accompanied us out to sea,
with cocoa-nuts and other fruits, and did not leave us till they had
disposed of their cargoes.
The fruits we got here greatly contributed towards the recovery of the
Adventure's sick people; many of them, who had been so ill as not to be
able to move without assistance, were, in this short time so far recovered,
that they could walk about of themselves. When we put in here, the
Resolution had but one scorbutic man on board, and a marine, who had been
long sick, and who died the second day after our arrival, of a complication
of disorders, without the least mixture of the scurvy. I left Lieutenant
Pickersgill, with the cutter, behind the bay, to purchase hogs, as several
had promised to bring some down to-day, and I was not willing to lose them.
On the 25th; about noon, Mr Pickersgill returned with eight hogs, which he
got at Oaiti-piha. He spent the night at Ohedea, and was well entertained
by Ereti, the chief of that district. It was remarkable, that this chief
never once asked after Aotouroo, nor did he take the least notice when Mr
Pickersgill mentioned his name. And yet M. de Bougainville tells us, this
is the very chief who presented Aotourou to him; which makes it the more
extraordinary, that he should neither enquire after him now, nor when he
was with us at Matavai, especially as they believed that we and M. de
Bougainville came from the same country, that is, from _Pretane_, for
so they called our country. They had not the least knowledge of any other
European nation, nor probably will they, unless some of those men should
return who had lately gone from the isle, of which mention shall be made
bye and bye. We told several of them, that M. de Bougainville came from
France, a name they could by no means pronounce; nor could they pronounce
that of Paris much better; so that it is not likely that they will remember
either the one or the other long; whereas _Pretane_ is in every
child's mouth, and will hardly ever be forgotten. It was not till the
evening of this day that we arrived in Matavai bay.
[1] Perhaps few descriptions of natural scenery excel the following,
in real poetic effect:--"It was one of those beautiful mornings which
the poets of all nations have attempted to describe, when we saw the
isle of Otaheite, within two miles before us. The east-wind which had
carried us so far, was entirely vanished, and a faint breeze only
wafted a delicious perfume from the land, and curled the surface of
the sea. The mountains, clothed with forests, rose majestic in various
spiry forms, on which we already perceived the light of the rising
sun: Nearer to the eye a lower range of hills, easier of ascent,
appeared, wooded like the former, and coloured with several pleasing
hues of green, soberly mixed with autumnal browns. At their foot lay
the plain, crowned with its fertile bread-fruit trees, over which rose
innumerable palms, the princes of the grove. Here everything seemed as
yet asleep, the morning scarce dawned, and a peaceful shade still
rested on the landscape. We discovered, however, a number of houses
among the trees, and many canoes hauled up along the sandy beaches.
About half a mile from the shore a ledge of rocks level with the
water, extended parallel to the land, on which the surf broke, leaving
a smooth and secure harbour within. The sun beginning to illuminate
the plain, its inhabitants arose, and enlivened the scene. Having
perceived the large vessels on their coast, several of them hastened
to the beach, launched their canoes, and paddled towards us, who were
highly delighted in watching all their occupations."--G.F.
[2] "The natives on board, seeing us work so hard, assisted us in
manning the capstern, hauling in ropes, and performing all sorts of
labour. If they had had the least spark of a treacherous disposition,
they could not have found a better opportunity of distressing us; but
they approved themselves good-natured, and friendly in this, as on all
other occasions."--G.F.
[3] We tried all possible means to engage the people to sell some of
their hogs to us, and offered hatchets, shirts, and other goods of
value to the Taheitans; but still without success, their constant
answer being, that these animals were the king's (aree's) property.
Instead of acquiescing in this refusal, and acknowledging the kind
disposition of the natives, who furnished us at least with the means
of recovering our strength, and restoring our stock, a proposal was
made to the captains, by some persons in the ships, to sweep away, by
force, a sufficient number of hogs for our use, and afterwards to
return such a quantity of our goods in exchange to the natives, as we
should think adequate to the spoil we had taken. This proposal, which
nothing but the most tyrannical principles, and the meanest
selfishness could have dictated, was received with the contempt and
indignation which it justly deserved."--G.F.
This remark is of an earlier date than what is mentioned in the text,
but, in the whole, is more suitably introduced here. It is to the
praise of Cook, that his decision of character was founded on very
liberal views of morality; and that he possessed independence of soul
to manifest abhorrence of sinister suggestions, at the risk of losing
both the advantage aimed at, and the partiality of those who made
them. An apprehension of giving offence to men who are either esteemed
or felt to be useful, has perhaps occasioned as much iniquitous
conduct where the law of the strongest might be adopted, as ever
resulted from the influence of directly vicious principles. But from
this most mischievous weakness, it was one of the excellencies of that
truly great man to be exempt.--E.
SECTION XI.
_An Account of several Visits to and from Otoo; of Goats being left on
the Island; and many other Particulars which happened while the Ships lay
in Matavai Bay._
Before we got to an anchor, our decks were crowded with the natives; many
of whom I knew, and almost all of them knew me. A great crowd were gotten
together upon the shore; amongst whom was Otoo their king. I was just going
to pay him a visit, when I was told he was _mataow'd_, and gone to
Oparree. I could not conceive the reason of his going off in a fright, as
every one seemed pleased to see me. A chief, whose name was Maritata, was
at this time on board, and advised me to put off my visit till the next
morning, when he would accompany me; which I accordingly did.
After having given directions to pitch tents for the reception of the sick,
coopers, sail-makers, and the guard, I set out on the 26th for Oparree;
accompanied by Captain Furneaux, Mr Forster, and others, Maritata and his
wife. As soon as we landed, we were conducted to Otoo, whom we found seated
on the ground, under the shade of a tree, with an immense crowd around him.
After the first compliments were over, I presented him with such articles
as I guessed were most valuable in his eyes; well knowing that it was my
interest to gain the friendship of this man. I also made presents to
several of his attendants; and, in return, they offered me cloth, which I
refused to accept; telling them that what I had given was for _tiyo_
(friendship). The king enquired for Tupia, and all the gentlemen that were
with me in my former voyage, by name; although I do not remember that he
was personally acquainted with any of us. He promised that I should have
some hogs the next day; but I had much ado to obtain a promise from him to
visit me on board. He said he was, _mataou no to poupoue_, that is,
afraid of the guns. Indeed all his actions shewed him to be a timorous
prince. He was about thirty years of age, six feet high, and a fine,
personable, well-made man as one can see. All his subjects appeared
uncovered before him, his father not excepted. What is meant by uncovering,
is the making bare the head and shoulders, or wearing no sort of clothing
above the breast.
When I returned from Oparree, I found the tents, and the astronomer's
observatories, set up on the same spot where we observed the transit of
Venus in 1769. In the afternoon, I had the sick landed; twenty from the
Adventure, all ill of the scurvy; and one from the Resolution. I also
landed some marines for a guard, and left the command to Lieutenant
Edgecumbe of the marines.
On the 27th, early in the morning, Otoo, attended by a numerous train, paid
me a visit. He first sent into the ship a large quantity of cloth, fruits,
a hog, and two large fish; and, after some persuasion, came aboard himself,
with his sister, a younger brother, and several more of his attendants. To
all of them I made presents; and, after breakfast, took the king, his
sister, and as many more as I had room for, into my boat, and carried them
home to Oparree. I had no sooner landed than I was met by a venerable old
lady, the mother of the late Toutaha. She seized me by both hands, and
burst into a flood of tears, saying, _Toutaha Tiyo no Toutee matty
Toutaha_--(Toutaha, your friend, or the friend of Cook, is dead.) I was
so much affected with her behaviour, that it would have been impossible for
me to have refrained mingling my tears with hers, had not Otoo come and
taken me from her. I, with some difficulty, prevailed on him to let me see
her again, when I gave her an axe and some other things. Captain Furneaux,
who was with me, presented the king with two fine goats, male and female,
which if taken care of, or rather if no care at all is taken of them will
no doubt multiply. After a short stay, we look leave and returned on board.
Very early in the morning on the 28th, I sent Mr Pickersgill, with the
cutter, as far as Ottahourou, to procure hogs. A little after sun-rise, I
had another visit from Otoo, who brought me more cloth, a pig, and some
fruit. His sister, who was with him, and some of his attendants, came on
board; but he and others went to the Adventure with the like present to
Captain Furneaux. It was not long before he returned with Captain Furneaux
on board the Resolution, when I made him a handsome return for the present
he had brought me, and dressed his sister out in the best manner I could.
She, the king's brother, and one or two more, were covered before him to-
day. When Otoo came into the cabin, Ereti and some of his friends were
sitting there. The moment they saw the king enter, they stripped themselves
in great haste, being covered before. Seeing I took notice of it, they said
_Earee, Earee_; giving me to understand that it was on account of Otoo
being present. This was all the respect they paid him; for they never rose
from their seats, nor made him any other obeisance. When the king thought
proper to depart, I carried him again to Oparree in my boat; where I
entertained him and his people with the bagpipes (of which music they are
very fond) and dancing by the seamen. He then ordered some of his people to
dance also, which consisted chiefly of contortions. There were some,
however, who could imitate the seamen pretty well, both in country-dances
and hornpipes. While we were here, I had a present of cloth from the late
Toutaha's mother. This good old lady could not look upon me without
shedding tears; however, she was far more composed than before. When we
took leave, the king promised to visit me again the next day; but said that
I must first come to him. In the evening Mr Pickersgill came back empty,
but with a promise of having some hogs, if he would return in a few days.
Next morning after breakfast, I took a trip to Oparree, to visit Otoo as he
had requested, accompanied by Captain Furneaux and some of the officers. We
made him up a present of such things as he had not seen before. One article
was a broad-sword; at the sight of which he was so intimidated, that I had
much ado to persuade him to accept of it, and to have it buckled upon him;
where it remained but a short time, before he desired leave to take it off,
and send it out of his sight.
Soon after we were conducted to the theatre; where we were entertained with
a dramatic _heuva_, or _play_, in which were both dancing and
comedy. The performers were five men, and one woman, who was no less a
person than the king's sister. The music consisted of three drums only; it
lasted about an hour and a half, or two hours; and, upon the whole, was
well conducted. It was not possible for us to find out the meaning of the
play. Some part seemed adapted to the present time, as my name was
frequently mentioned. Other parts were certainly wholly unconnected with
us. It apparently differed in nothing, that is, in the manner of acting it,
from those we saw at Ulielea in my former voyage. The dancing-dress of the
lady was more elegant than any I saw there, by being decorated with long
tassels, made of feathers, hanging from the waist downward. As soon as all
was over, the king himself desired me to depart; and sent into the boat
different kinds of fruit and fish, ready dressed. With this we returned on
board; and the next morning he sent me more fruit, and several small
parcels of fish.
Nothing farther remarkable happened till ten o'clock in the evening, when
we were alarmed with the cry of murder, and a great noise, on shore, near
the bottom of the bay, at some distance from our encampment. I suspected
that it was occasioned by some of our own people; and immediately armed a
boat, and sent on shore, to know the occasion of this disturbance, and to
bring off such of our people as should be found there. I also sent to the
Adventure, and to the post on shore, to know who were missing; for none
were absent from the Resolution but those who were upon duty. The boat soon
returned with three marines and a seaman. Some others belonging to the
Adventure were also taken; and, being all put under confinement, the next
morning I ordered them to be punished according to their deserts. I did not
find that any mischief was done, and our people would confess nothing. I
believe this disturbance was occasioned by their making too free with the
women. Be this as it will, the natives were so much alarmed, that they fled
from their habitations in the dead of the night, and the alarm spread many
miles along the coast. For when I went to visit Otoo, in the morning, by
appointment, I found him removed, or rather fled, many miles from the place
of his abode. Even there I was obliged to wait some hours, before I could
see him at all; and when I did, he complained of the last night's riot.
As this was intended to be my last visit, I had taken with me a present
suitable to the occasion. Among other things were three Cape sheep, which
he had seen before and asked for; for these people never lose a thing by
not asking for it. He was much pleased with them; though he could be but
little benefited, as they were all weathers; a thing he was made acquainted
with. The presents he got at this interview entirely removed his fears, and
opened his heart so much, that he sent for three hogs; one for me, one for
Captain Furneaux, and one for Mr Forster. This last was small, of which we
complained, calling it _ete, ete_. Presently after a man came into the
circle, and spoke to the king with some warmth, and in a very peremptory
manner; saying something or other about hogs. We at first thought he was
angry with the king for giving us so many, especially as he took the little
pig away with him. The contrary, however, appeared to be the true cause of
his displeasure; for, presently after he was gone, a hog, larger than
either of the other two, was brought us in lieu of the little one. When we
took leave, I acquainted him that I should sail from the island the next
day; at which he seemed much moved, and embraced me several times. We
embarked to return on board, and he, with his numerous train, directed his
march back to Oparree.
The sick being all pretty well recovered, our water-casks repaired, and
water completed, as well as the necessary repairs of the ships, I
determined to put to sea without farther delay. Accordingly, on the 1st of
September, I ordered every thing to be got off from the shore, and the
ships to be unmoored. On this work we were employed the most of the day. In
the afternoon, Mr Pickersgill returned from Attahourou; to which place I
had sent him, two days before, for the hogs he had been promised. My old
friend Pottatou, the chief of that district, his wife, or mistress, (I know
not which,) and some more of his friends, came along with Mr Pickersgill,
in order to visit me. They brought me a present of two hogs and some fish;
and Mr Pickersgill got two more hogs, by exchange, from Oamo; for he went
in the boat as far as Paparra, where he saw old Oberea. She seemed much
altered for the worse, poor, and of little consequence. The first words she
said to Mr Pickersgill were, _Earee mataou ina boa_, Earee is
frightened, you can have no hogs. By this it appeared that she had little
or no property, and was herself subject to the Earee, which I believe was
not the case when I was here before. The wind, which had blown westerly all
day, having shifted at once to the east, we put to sea; and I was obliged
to dismiss my friends sooner than they wished to go; but well satisfied
with the reception they had met with.
Some hours before we got under sail, a young man, whose name was Poreo,
came and desired I would take him with me. I consented, thinking he might
be of service to us on some occasion. Many more offered themselves, but I
refused to take them. This youth asked me for an axe and a spike-nail for
his father, who was then on board. He had them accordingly, and they parted
just as we were getting under sail, more like two strangers than father and
son. This raised a doubt in me whether it was so; which was farther
confirmed, by a canoe, conducted by two men, coming along-side, as we were
standing out of the bay, and demanding the young man in the name of Otoo. I
now saw that the whole was a trick to get something from me; well knowing
that Otoo was not in the neighbourhood, and could know nothing of the
matter. Poreo seemed, however, at first undetermined whether he should go
or stay; but he soon inclined to the former. I told them to return me the
axe and nails, and then he should go, (and so he really should,) but they
said they were on shore, and so departed. Though the youth seemed pretty
well satisfied, he could not refrain from weeping when he viewed the land
astern.[1]
[1] Mr G.F. has been so successful in his Otaheitan delineations, that
though the subject occupied no small space of our preceding volume,
and must again engage our attention, when we treat of Cook's third
voyage, nevertheless we cannot help running the risk of the reader's
impatience by a transcript of some of his sketches. Speaking of the
natives first met with, he says, "The people around us had mild
features, and a pleasing countenance; they were about our size, of a
pale mahogany brown, had fine black hair and eyes, and wore a piece of
cloth round their middle of their own manufacture, and another wrapped
about the head in curious picturesque shapes like a turban. Among them
were several females, pretty enough to attract the attention of
Europeans, who had not seen their own countrywomen for twelve long
months past. These wore a piece of cloth with a hole in the middle,
through which they had passed the head, so that one part of the
garment hung down behind, and the other before, to the knees; a fine
white cloth like a muslin, was passed over this in various elegant
turns round the body, a little below the breast, forming a kind of
tunic, of which one turn sometimes fell gracefully across the
shoulder. If this dress had not entirely that perfect form, so justly
admired in the draperies of the ancient Greek statues, it was however
infinitely superior to our expectations, and much more advantageous to
the human figure, than any modern fashion we had hitherto seen."
"It was not long before some of these good people came aboard. That
peculiar gentleness of disposition, which is their general
characteristic, immediately manifested itself in all their looks and
actions, and gave full employment to those who made the human heart
their study. They expressed several marks of affection in their
countenance, took hold of our hands, leaned on our shoulders, or
embraced us. They admired the whiteness of our bodies, and frequently
pushed aside our clothes from the breast, as if to convince themselves
that we were made like them." According to this gentleman, it was the
women of the "baser sort," who yielded without difficulty to the
solicitations of the sailors. "Some of them," says he, "who came on
board for this purpose, seemed not to be above nine or ten years old,
and had not the least marks of puberty. So early an acquaintance with
the world seems to argue an uncommon degree of voluptuousness, and
cannot fail of affecting the nation in general. The effect, which was
immediately obvious to me, was the low stature of the common class of
people, to which all these prostitutes belonged. Among this whole
order, we saw few persons above the middle size, and many below it; an
observation which confirms what M. de Buffon has very judiciously said
on the subject of early connections of the sexes. Their features were
very irregular, and, in general, very ordinary, except the eyes, which
were always large and full of vivacity; but a natural smile, and a
constant endeavour to please, had so well supplied the want of beauty,
that our sailors were perfectly captivated, and carelessly disposed of
their shirts and clothes, to gratify their mistresses. The simplicity
of their dress, &c. might contribute to this attraction; and the view
of several of these nymphs swimming all nimbly round the sloop, such
as nature had formed them, was perhaps more than sufficient entirety
to subvert the little reason which a mariner might have left to govern
his passions. As trifling circumstances had given occasion to their
taking the water. One of the officers on the quarter-deck intended to
drop a bead into a canoe for a little boy about six years old; by
accident it missed the boat and fell into the sea, but the child
immediately leaped overboard, and diving after it, brought it up
again. To reward his performance, we dropped some more beads to him,
which so tempted a number of men and women, that they amused us with
amazing feats of agility in the water, and not only fetched up several
beads scattered at once, but likewise large nails, which, on account
of their weight, descended quickly to a considerable depth. Some of
them continued a long while under water, and the velocity with which
we saw them go down, the water being perfectly clear, was very
surprising. The frequent ablutions of these people seem to make
swimming familiar to them from their earliest childhood; and, indeed,
their easy position in the water, and the pliancy of their limbs, gave
us reason to look on them almost as amphibious creatures." These
trifling ornaments were most eagerly coveted by all ages and sexes,
and often prized much above any other European goods however useful,
so prevalent and powerful is the love of ornament in our species. "The
methods to obtain them from us were very different, and consequently
not always equally successful. When we distributed a few beads to one
set of people, some young fellows would impudently thrust their hands
in between them, and demand their share, as though it had been their
due; these attempts we always made it our business to discourage by a
flat refusal. It was already become difficult to deny a venerable old
man, who, with a hand not yet palsied by age, vigorously pressed ours,
and with a perfect reliance upon our good-nature, whispered the
petition in our ears. The elderly ladies, in general, made sure of a
prize by a little artful flattery. They commonly enquired for our
names, and then adopted us as their sons, at the same time introducing
to us the several relations, whom we acquired by this means. After a
series of little caresses, the old lady began, _Aima poe-èetee no te
tayo mettua?_ "Have you not a little bead for your kind mother?" Such
a trial of our filial attachment always had its desired effect, as we
could not fail to draw the most favourable conclusions from thence in
regard to the general kind disposition of the whole people: for to
expect a good quality in others, of which we ourselves are not
possessed, is a refinement in manners peculiar to polished nations.
Our other female relations in the bloom of youth, with some share of
beauty, and constant endeavours to please, laid a claim to our
affections by giving themselves the tender name of sisters; and all
the world will agree that this attack was perfectly irresistible." But
it must not be imagined that the fair sisters in this happy island,
any more than elsewhere, were exempt from certain ruder passions, by
which, at times, they seem to vie with the lords of the creation. Mr
F. has preserved a very characteristic trait of such a spirit of
domination in his account of one of the Potatow's wives, which may be
read, but it is to be hoped will not be imitated, by any of our female
friends. "Polatehera," says Mr F. "was so like him in stature and
bulk, (one of the tallest and stoutest men in the island,) that we
unanimously looked upon her as the most extraordinary woman we had
ever seen. Her appearance and her conduct were masculine in the
highest degree, and strongly conveyed the idea of superiority and
command. When the Endeavour bark lay here, she had distinguished
herself by the name of Captain Cook's sister, and one day, being
denied admittance into the fort on Point Venus, had knocked down the
sentry who opposed her, and complained to her adopted brother of the
indignity which had been offered to her." Altogether, however, this
gentleman is the eulogist of the natives and country of Otaheite, and
admits, that he left them with great regret. We shall conclude our
extracts from his description, by the following remarks as to the
language:--"Many of them seeing us desirous of learning their
language, by asking the names of various familiar objects, or
repeating such as we found in the vocabularies of former voyages, took
great pains to teach us, and were much delighted when we could catch
the just pronunciation of a word. For my own part, no language seemed
easier to acquire than this; every harsh and sibilant consonant being
banished from it, and almost every word ending in a vowel. The only
requisite, was a nice ear to distinguish the numerous modifications of
the vowels which must naturally occur in a language confined to few
consonants, and which, once rightly understood, give a great degree of
delicacy to conversation. Amongst several observations, we immediately
found that the O or E with which the greatest part of the names and
words in (the account of) Lieutenant Cook's first voyage, is nothing
else than the article, which many eastern languages affix to the
greater part of their substantives." He applies this observation to
the name of the island which he thinks has been fortunately expressed
by M. Bougainville in French, by Taiti, without the initial vowel
usually given to it in English books.--E.
SECTION XII.
_An Account of the Reception we met with at Huaheine, with the Incidents
that happened while the Ships lay there; and of Omai, one of the Natives,
coming away in the Adventure._
As soon as we were clear of the bay, and our boats in, I directed my course
for the island of Huaheine, where I intended to touch. We made it the next
day, and spent the night, making short boards under the north end of the
island. At day-light, in the morning of the 3d, we made sail for the
harbour of Owharre; in which the Resolution anchored, about nine o'clock,
in twenty-four fathoms water. As the wind blew out of the harbour, I chose
to turn in by the southern channel, it being the widest. The Resolution
turned in very well, but the Adventure, missing stays, got ashore on the
north side of the channel. I had the Resolution's launch in the water
ready, in case of an accident of this kind, and sent her immediately to the
Adventure. By this timely assistance, she was got off again, without
receiving any damage. Several of the natives, by this time, had come off to
us, bringing with them some of the productions of the island; and as soon
as the ships were both in safety, I landed with Captain Furneaux, and was
received by the natives with the utmost cordiality. I distributed some
presents among them; and they presently after brought down hogs, fowls,
dogs, and fruits, which they willingly exchanged for hatchets, nails,
beads, &c. The like trade was soon opened on board the ships; so that we
had a fair prospect of being plentifully supplied with fresh pork and
fowls; and to people in our situation, this was no unwelcome thing. I
learnt that my old friend Oree, chief of the isle, was still living, and
that he was hastening to this part to see me.
Early next morning, Lieutenant Pickersgill sailed with the cutter, on a
trading party, toward the south end of the isle. I also sent another
trading party on shore near the ships, with which I went myself, to see
that it was properly conducted at the first setting out, a very necessary
point to be attended to. Every thing being settled to my mind, I went,
accompanied by Captain Furneaux and Mr Forster, to pay my first visit to
Oree, who, I was told, was waiting for me. We were conducted to the place
by one of the natives; but were not permitted to go out of our boat, till
we had gone through some part of the following ceremony usually performed
at this isle, on such like occasions. The boat in which we were desired to
remain being landed before the chief's house, which stood close to the
shore, five young plaintain trees, which are their emblems of peace, were
brought on board separately, and with some ceremony. Three young pigs, with
their ears ornamented with cocoa-nut fibres, accompanied the first three;
and a dog, the fourth. Each had its particular name and purpose, rather too
mysterious for us to understand. Lastly, the chief sent to me the
inscription engraved on a small piece of pewter, which I left with him in
July 1769. It was in the same bag I had made for it, together with a piece
of counterfeit English coin, and a few beads, put in at the same time;
which shews how well he had taken care of the whole. When they had made an
end of putting into the boat the things just mentioned, our guide, who
still remained with us, desired us to decorate the young plaintain trees
with looking-glasses, nails, medals, beads, &c. &c. This being accordingly
done, we landed with these in our hands, and were conducted towards the
chief, through the multitude; they making a lane, as it were, for us to
pass through. We were made to sit down a few paces short of the chief, and
our plantains were then taken from us, and, one by one, laid before him, as
the others had been laid before us. One was for _Eatoua_ (or God), the
second for the _Earee_ (or king), and the third for _Tiyo_ (or
friendship). This being done, I wanted to go to the king, but was told that
he would come to me; which he accordingly did, fell upon my neck, and
embraced me. This was by no means ceremonious; the tears which trickled
plentifully down his venerable old cheeks, sufficiently bespoke the
language of his heart. The whole ceremony being over, all his friends were
introduced to us, to whom we made presents. Mine to the chief consisted of
the most valuable articles I had; for I regarded this man as a father. In
return he gave me a hog, and a quantity of cloth, promising that all our
wants should be supplied; and it will soon appear how well he kept his
word. At length we took leave, and returned on board; and, some time after,
Mr Pickersgill returned also with fourteen hogs. Many more were got by
exchanges on shore, and along-side the ships; besides fowls and fruit in
abundance.[1]
This good old chief made me a visit early in the morning on the 5th,
together with some of his friends, bringing me a hog and some fruit, for
which I made him a suitable return. He carried his kindness so far, as not
to fail to send me every day, for my table, the very best of ready dressed
fruit and roots, and in great plenty. Lieutenant Pickersgill being again
sent with the two boats, in search of hogs, returned in the evening with
twenty-eight; and about four times that number were purchased on shore, and
along-side the ships.
Next morning the trading party, consisting of only two or three people,
were sent on shore as usual; and, after breakfast, I went to the place
myself, when I learnt that one of the inhabitants had been very troublesome
and insolent. This man being pointed out to me, completely equipped in the
war habit, with a club in each hand, as he seemed bent on mischief, I took
these from him, broke them before his eyes, and, with some difficulty,
forced him to retire from the place. As they told me that he was a chief,
this made me the more suspicious of him, and occasioned me to send for a
guard, which till now I had thought unnecessary. About this time, Mr
Sparrman, having imprudently gone out alone botanizing, was set upon by two
men, who stripped him of every thing he had about him, except his trowsers,
and struck him several times with his own hanger, but happily did him no
harm. As soon as they had accomplished their end, they made off; after
which another of the natives brought a piece of cloth to cover him, and
conducted him to the trading place, where were a great number of the
inhabitants. The very instant Mr Sparrman appeared in the condition I have
just mentioned, they all fled with the utmost precipitation. I at first
conjectured they had stolen something; but we were soon undeceived upon Mr
Sparrman's relating the affair to us. As soon as I could recal a few of the
natives, and had made them sensible that I should take no step to injure
those who were innocent, I went to Oree to complain of this outrage, taking
with us the man who came back with Mr Sparrman, to confirm the complaint.
As soon as the chief heard the whole affair related, he wept aloud, as did
many others. After the first transports of his grief were over, he began to
expostulate with his people, telling them (as far as we could understand)
how well I had treated them, both in this and my former voyage, and how
base it was in them to commit such actions. He then took a very minute
account of the things Mr Sparrman had been robbed of, promised to do all in
his power to recover them, and, rising up, desired me to follow him to my
boat. When the people saw this, being, as I supposed, apprehensive of his
safety, they used every argument to dissuade him from what they, no doubt,
thought a rash step. He hastened into the boat, notwithstanding all they
could do or say. As soon as they saw their beloved chief wholly in my
power, they set up a great outcry. The grief they shewed was inexpressible;
every face was bedewed with tears; they prayed, entreated, nay, attempted
to pull him out of the boat. I even joined my entreaties to theirs; for I
could not bear to see them in such distress. All that could be said, or
done, availed nothing. He insisted on my coming into the boat, which was no
sooner done than he ordered it to be put off. His sister, with a spirit
equal to that of her royal brother, was the only person who did not oppose
his going. As his intention in coming into our boat was to go with us in
search of the robbers, we proceeded accordingly as far as was convenient by
water, then landed, entered the country, and travelled some miles inland,
the chief leading the way, enquiring of every one he saw. At length he
stepped into a house by the road side, ordered some cocoa-nuts for us, and
after we were a little refreshed, wanted to proceed still farther. But this
I opposed, thinking that we might be carried to the very farthest end of
the island, after things, the most of which, before they came into our
hands again, might not be worth the bringing home. The chief used many
arguments to persuade me to proceed, telling me that I might send my boat
round to meet us, or that he would get a canoe to bring us home, if I
thought it too far to travel. But I was resolved to return, and he was
obliged to comply and return with me, when he saw I would follow him no
farther. I only desired he would send somebody for the things; for I found
that the thieves had got so much start of us, that we might follow them to
the remotest parts of the isle, without so much as seeing them. Besides, as
I intended to sail the next morning, this occasioned a great loss to us, by
putting a stop to all manner of trade; for the natives were so much
alarmed, that none came near us, but those that were about the chief. It
therefore became the more necessary for me to return, to restore things to
their former state. When we got back to our boat, we there found Oree's
sister, and several more persons, who had travelled by land to the place.
We immediately stepped into the boat in order to return on board, without
so much as asking the chief to accompany us. He, however, insisted on going
also, and followed us into the boat in spite of the opposition and
entreaties of those about him; his sister followed his example, and the
tears and prayers of her daughter, who was about sixteen or eighteen years
of age, had no weight with her on this occasion. The chief sat at table
with us, and made a hearty dinner; his sister, according to custom, eat
nothing. After dinner, I sufficiently rewarded them for the confidence they
had put in me; and, soon after, carried them both on shore, where some
hundreds of people waited to receive them, many of whom embraced their
chief with tears of joy. All was now joy and peace: The people crowded in,
from every part, with hogs, fowls, and fruit, so that we presently filled
two boats: Oree himself presented me with a large hog and a quantity of
fruit. The hanger (the only thing of value Mr Sparrman had lost) with part
of his coat, were brought us; and we were told, we should have the others
the next day. Some of the officers, who were out on a shooting party, had
some things stolen from them, which were returned in like manner.
Thus ended the troublesome transactions of this day, which I have been the
more particular in relating, because it shews what great confidence this
brave old chief put in us; it also in some degree shews, that friendship is
sacred with them. Oree and I were professed friends in all the forms
customary among them; and he seemed to think that this could not be broken
by the act of any other persons. Indeed this seemed to be the great
argument he made use of to his people, when they opposed his going into my
boat. His words were to this effect:--"Oree (meaning me, for so I was
always called) and I are friends; I have done nothing to forfeit his
friendship; why then should I not go with him?" We, however, may never find
another chief who will act in the same manner, under similar circumstances.
It may be asked, What had he to fear? to which I answer, Nothing. For it
was not my intention to hurt a hair of his head, or to detain him a moment
longer than he desired. But how was he or the people to know this? They
were not ignorant, that if he was once in my power, the whole force of the
island could not take him from me, and that, let my demands for his ransom
have been ever so high, they must have complied with them. Thus far their
fears, both for his and their own safety, were founded in reason.
On the 7th, early in the morning, while the ships were unmooring, I went to
pay my farewell visit to Oree, accompanied by Captain Furneaux and Mr
Forster. We took with us for a present, such things as were not only
valuable, but useful. I also left with him the inscription plate he had
before in keeping, and another small copper-plate, on which were engraved
these words: "Anchored here, his "Britannic Majesty's ships Resolution and
Adventure, September, 1773," together with some medals, all put up in a
bag; of which the chief promised to take care, and to produce to the first
ship or ships that should arrive at the island. He then gave me a hog; and,
after trading for six or eight more, and loading the boat with fruit, we
took leave, when the good old chief embraced me with tears in his eyes. At
this interview nothing was said about the remainder of Mr Sparrman's
clothes. I judged they were not brought in; and for that reason did not
mention them, lest I should give the chief pain about things I did not give
him time to recover; for this was early in the morning.
When we returned to the ships, we found them crowded round with canoes full
of hogs, fowls, and fruit, as at our first arrival. I had not been long on
board, before Oree himself came to inform me, as we understood, that the
robbers were taken, and to desire us to go on shore, either to punish, or
to see them punished; but this could not be done, as the Resolution was
just under sail, and the Adventure already out of the harbour. The chief
stayed on board till we were a full half league out at sea; then took a
most affectionate leave of me; and went away in a canoe, conducted by one
man and himself; all the others having gone long before. I was sorry that
it was not convenient for me to go on shore with him, to see in what manner
these people would have been punished; for I am satisfied, this was what
brought him on board.
During our short stay at the small but fertile isle of Huaheine, we
procured to both ships not less than three hundred hogs, besides fowls and
fruits; and, had we stayed longer, might have got many more: For none of
these articles of refreshment were seemingly diminished, but appeared every
where in as great abundance as ever.[2]
Before we quitted this island, Captain Furneaux agreed to receive on board
his ship a young man named Omai, a native of Ulietea; where he had had some
property, of which he had been dispossessed by the people of Bolabola. I at
first rather wondered that Captain Furneaux would encumber himself with
this man, who, in my opinion, was not a proper sample of the inhabitants of
these happy islands, not having any advantage of birth, or acquired rank;
nor being eminent in shape, figure, or complexion: For their people of the
first rank are much fairer, and usually better behaved, and more
intelligent, than the middling class of people, among whom Omai is to be
ranked. I have, however, since my arrival in England, been convinced of my
error: For excepting his complexion (which is undoubtedly of a deeper hue
than that of the _Earees_, or gentry, who, as in other countries, live
a more luxurious life, and are less exposed to the heat of the sun), I much
doubt whether any other of the natives would have given more general
satisfaction by his behaviour among us. Omai has most certainly a very good
understanding, quick parts, and honest principles; he has a natural good
behaviour, which rendered him acceptable to the best company; and a proper
degree of pride, which taught him to avoid the society of persons of
inferior rank. He has passions of the same kind as other young men, but has
judgment enough not to indulge them in any improper excess. I do not
imagine that he has any dislike to liquor, and if he had fallen into
company where the person who drank the most met with the most approbation,
I have no doubt, but that he would have endeavoured to gain the applause of
those with whom he associated; but, fortunately for him, he perceived that
drinking was very little in use but among inferior people, and as he was
very watchful into the manners and conduct of the persons of rank who
honoured him with their protection, he was sober and modest, and I never
heard that, during the whole time of his stay in England, which was two
years, he ever once was disguised with wine, or ever shewed an inclination
to go beyond the strictest rules of moderation.
Soon after his arrival in London, the Earl of Sandwich, the first Lord of
the Admiralty, introduced him to his majesty at Kew, when he met with a
most gracious reception, and imbibed the strongest impression of duty and
gratitude to that great and amiable prince, which I am persuaded he will
preserve to the latest moment of his life. During his stay among us he was
caressed by many of the principal nobility, and did nothing to forfeit the
esteem of any one of them; but his principal patrons were the Earl of
Sandwich, Mr Banks, and Dr Solander; the former probably thought it a duty
of his office to protect and countenance an inhabitant of that hospitable
country, where the wants and distresses of those in his department had been
alleviated and supplied in the most ample manner; the others, as a
testimony of their gratitude for the generous reception they had met with
during their residence in his country. It is to be observed, that though
Omai lived in the midst of amusements during his residence in England, his
return to his native country was always in his thoughts, and though he was
not impatient to go, he expressed a satisfaction as the time of his return
approached. He embarked with me in the Resolution, when she was fitted out
for another voyage, loaded with presents from his several friends, and full
of gratitude for the kind reception and treatment he had experienced among
us.
[1] "On the walk to Oree's house, Dr Sparrman and I saw great numbers
of hogs, dogs, and fowls. The last roamed about at pleasure through
the woods, and roosted on fruit-trees; the hogs were likewise allowed
to run about, but received regular portions of food, which were
commonly distributed by old women. We observed one of them, in
particular, feeding a little pig with the same fermented bread-fruit
paste, called _mahei_; she held the pig with one hand, and offered it
a tough pork's skin, but as soon as it opened the mouth to snap at it,
she contrived to throw in a handful of the same paste, which the
little animal would not take without this stratagem. The dogs, in
spite of their stupidity, were in high favour with all the women, who
could not have nursed them with a more ridiculous affection, if they
had really been ladies of fashion in Europe. We were witnesses of a
remarkable instance of kindness, when we saw a middle-aged woman,
whose breasts were full of milk, offering them to a little puppy,
which had been trained up to suck them. We were so much surprised at
this sight, that we could not help expressing our dislike of it; but
she smiled at our observation, and added, that she suffered little
pigs to do the same service. Upon enquiry, however, we found that she
had lost her child, and did her the justice amongst ourselves to
acknowledge, that this expedient was very innocent, and formerly
practised in Europe."--G.F.
He might have added, and still is. It is quite usual in this country
to use puppies in order to draw the breasts, when distended with milk,
from the want or inability of a child to suck them. But it is,
perhaps, quite erroneous to ascribe the practice to affection or
kindness, in either Europe or Otaheite.--E.
[2] "The people of this island appeared to be so exactly like the
Taheitians, that we could perceive no difference, nor could we by any
means verify that assertion of former navigators, that the women of
this island were in general fairer, and more handsome; but this may
vary according to circumstances. They were, however, not so
troublesome in begging for beads and other presents, nor so forward to
bestow their favours on the new comers, though at our landing and
putting off, some of the common sort frequently performed an indecent
ceremony, which is described in the accounts of former voyages, but
without any of the preparatory circumstances which Ooratooa practised.
We had likewise much less reason to extol the hospitality of the
inhabitants, their general behaviour being rather more indifferent,
and the Taheitian custom of reciprocal presents almost entirely
unknown. On our walks, we were unmolested, (Mr F. relates also the
assault of Dr Sparrman) but their conduct was bolder and more
unconcerned than that of the Taheitians, and the explosion, as well as
the effects of our fowling-pieces, did not strike them with fear and
astonishment. These differences were certainly owing to the various
treatment which the people of both islands had met with on the part of
Europeans. There were, however, not wanting instances of hospitality
and good-will even here."--G.F.
SECTION XIII.
_Arrival at, and Departure of the Ships from, Ulietea: With an Account of
what happened there, and of Oedidee, one of the Natives, coming away in the
Resolution._
The chief was no sooner gone, than we made sail for Ulietea (where I
intended to stop a few days). Arriving off the harbour of Ohamaneno at the
close of the day, we spent the night making short boards. It was dark, but
we were sufficiently guided by the fishers lights on the reefs and shores
of the isles. The next morning, after making a few trips, we gained the
entrance of the harbour; and, as the wind blew directly out, I sent a boat
to lie in soundings, that we might know when to anchor. As soon as the
signal was made by her, we borrowed close to the south point of the
channel; and, with our sails set, shooting within the boat, we anchored in
seventeen fathoms water. We then carried out anchors and hawsers, to warp
in by; and, as soon as the Resolution was out of the way, the Adventure
came up in like manner, and warped in by the Resolution. The warping in,
and mooring the ships, took up the whole day.
We were no sooner at anchor at the entrance of the harbour, than the
natives crowded round us in their canoes with hogs and fruit. The latter
they exchanged for nails and beads; the former we refused as yet, having
already as many on board as we could manage. Several we were, however,
obliged to take, as many of the principal people brought off little pigs,
pepper, or eavoa-root, and young plantain trees, and handed them into the
ship, or put them into the boats along-side, whether we would or no; for if
we refused to take them on board, they would throw them into the boats. In
this manner, did these good people welcome us to their country.
I had forgot to mention, that Tupia was much enquired after at Huaheine;
but, at this place, every one asked about him, and the occasion of his
death; and, like true philosophers, were perfectly satisfied with the
answers we gave them. Indeed, as we had nothing but the truth to tell, the
story was the same, by whomsoever told.
Next morning we paid a formal visit to Oreo, the chief of this part of the
isle, carrying with us the necessary presents. We went through no sort of
ceremony at landing, but were at once conducted to him. He was seated in
his own house, which stood near the water side, where he and his friends
received us with great cordiality. He expressed much satisfaction at seeing
me again, and desired that we might exchange names, which I accordingly
agreed to. I believe this is the strongest mark of friendship they can show
to a stranger. He enquired after Tupia, and all the gentlemen, by name, who
were with me when I first visited the island. After we had made the chief
and his friends the necessary presents, we went on board with a hog, and
some fruit, received from him in return; and in the afternoon he gave me
another hog, still larger, without asking for the least acknowledgment.
Exchanges for fruit, &c. were mostly carried on alongside the ships. I
attempted to trade for these articles on shore, but did not succeed, as the
most of them were brought in canoes from distant parts, and carried
directly to the ships.
After breakfast, on the 10th, Captain Furneaux and I paid the chief a
visit; and we were entertained by him with such a comedy, or dramatic
_heava_, as is generally acted in these isles. The music consisted of
three drums, the actors were seven men, and one woman, the chief's
daughter. The only entertaining part in the drama, was a theft committed by
a man and his accomplice, in such a masterly manner, as sufficiently
displayed the genius of the people in this vice. The theft is discovered
before the thief has time to carry off his prize; then a scuffle ensues
with those set to guard it, who, though four to two, are beat off the
stage, and the thief and his accomplices bear away their plunder in
triumph. I was very attentive to the whole of this part, being in full
expectation that it would have ended very differently. For I had before
been informed that _Teto_ (that is, the Thief) was to be acted, and
had understood that the theft was to be punished with death, or a good
_tiparahying_ (or beating), a punishment, we are told, they inflict on
such as are guilty of this crime. Be this as it may, strangers are
certainly excluded from the protection of this law; them they rob with
impunity, on every occasion that offers. After the play was over, we
returned on board to dinner; and in the cool of the evening took a walk on
shore, where we learnt from one of the natives, that nine small islands,
two of which were uninhabited, lay to the westward, at no great distance
from hence.[1]
On the 11th, early in the morning, I had a visit from Oreo and his son, a
youth about twelve years of age. The latter brought me a hog and some
fruit; for which I made him a present of an axe, and dressed him in a
shirt, and other things, which made him not a little proud of himself.
Having staid some hours, they went on shore; as I also did soon after, but
to another part. The chief hearing I was on shore, came to the place where
he found the boat, into which he put a hog and a quantity of fruit, without
saying a word to any body, and, with some of his friends, came on board,
and dined with us. After dinner I had a visit from Oo-oorou, the principal
chief of the isle. He was introduced to us by Oreo, and brought with him,
as a present, a large hog, for which I made him a handsome return. Oreo
employed himself in buying hogs for me (for we now began to take of them),
and he made such bargains as I had reason to be satisfied with. At length
they all took leave, after making me promise to visit them next morning;
which I accordingly did, in company with several of the officers and
gentlemen. Oreo ordered an _heava_ to be acted for our entertainment,
in which two very pretty young women were the actresses. This _heava_
was somewhat different from the one I saw before, and not so entertaining.
Oreo, after it was over, accompanied us on board, together with two of his
friends.
The following day was spent much in the same manner; and early in the
morning of the 14th, I sent Mr Pickersgill, with the Resolution's launch,
and Adventure's cutter, to Otaha, to procure an additional supply of
bananoes, and plantains, for a sea-store; for we could get little more of
these articles at Ulietea than were sufficient for present consumption.
Oreo, and some of his friends, paid me a pretty early visit this morning. I
acquainted the chief, that I would dine with him, and desired he would
order two pigs to be dressed after their manner, which he accordingly did,
and, about one o'clock, I, and the officers and gentlemen of both ships,
went to partake of them. When we came to the chiefs house, we found the
cloth laid; that is, green leaves were strewed thick on the floor. Round
them we seated ourselves; presently one of the pigs came over my head souce
upon the leaves, and immediately after the other; both so hot as hardly to
be touched. The table was garnished round with hot bread-fruit and
plantains, and a quantity of cocoa-nuts brought for drink. Each man being
ready, with his knife in his hand, we turned to without ceremony; and it
must be owned, in favour of their cookery, that victuals were never
cleaner, nor better dressed. For, though the pigs were served up whole, and
one weighed between fifty and sixty pounds, and the other about half as
much, yet all the parts were equally well done, and eat much sweeter than
if dressed in any of our methods. The chief and his son, and some other of
his male friends, eat with us, and pieces were handed to others who sat
behind: For we had a vast crowd about us; so that it might be truly said we
dined in public. The chief never failed to drink his glass of Madeira
whenever it came to his turn, not only now, but at all other times when he
dined with us, without ever being once affected by it. As soon as we had
dined, the boat's crew took the remainder; and by them, and those about
them, the whole was consumed. When we rose up, many of the common people
rushed in, to pick up the crumbs which had fallen, and for which they
searched the leaves very narrowly. This leads me to believe, that though
there is plenty of pork at these isles, but little falls to their share.
Some of our gentlemen being present when these pigs were killed and
dressed, observed the chief to divide the entrails, lard, &c. into ten or
twelve equal parts, and serve it out to certain people. Several daily
attended the ships, and assisted the butchers, for the sake of the entrails
of the hogs we killed. Probably little else falls to the share of the
common people. It however must be owned, that they are exceedingly careful
of every kind of provision, and waste nothing that can be eaten by man;
flesh and fish especially.
In the afternoon we were entertained with a play. Plays, indeed, had been
acted almost every day since we had been here, either to entertain
_us_, or for their own amusement, or perhaps both.[2]
Next morning produced some circumstances which fully prove the timorous
disposition of these people. We were surprised to find that none of them
came off to the ships as usual. Two men belonging to the Adventure having
staid on shore all night, contrary to orders, my first conjectures were,
that the natives had stripped them, and were now afraid to come near us,
lest we should take some step to revenge the insult; but in order to be
better satisfied, Captain Furneaux and I went ashore to Oreo's house, which
we found quite empty; he and all his family gone, and the whole
neighbourhood, in a manner, quite deserted. The two men belonging to the
Adventure made their appearance, and informed us that they had been very
civilly treated by the natives, but could give no account of the cause of
their precipitate flight. All that we could learn from the very few that
durst come near us, was, that severals were killed, others wounded by our
guns, pointing out to us where the balls went in and out of the body, &c.
This relation gave me a good deal of uneasiness for the safety of our
people gone to Otaha, fearing that some disturbance had happened at that
island. However, in order to be better informed, I determined, if possible,
to see the chief himself. Accordingly we embarked in our boat, having one
of the natives with us, and rowed along shore to the northward, the way we
were told he was gone. We soon came in sight of the canoe in which he was;
but before we could come up with her he had got on shore. We landed
presently after, and found he was gone still farther. An immense crowd,
however, waited our landing, who entreated me to follow him. One man
offered to carry me on his back; but the whole story appearing rather more
mysterious than ever, and being all unarmed, I did not choose to separate
myself from the boat, but embarked again, and rowed after him. We soon came
before the place where our guide told us he was, and put in the boat
accordingly. It grounded at some distance from the shore, where we were met
by a venerable old lady, wife to the chief. She threw herself into my arms,
and wept bitterly, insomuch that it was not possible to get one plain word
from her. With this old lady in my hand I went ashore, contrary to the
advice of my young man from Otaheite, who was more afraid than any of us,
probably believing every word the people had told us. I found the chief
seated under the shade of a house, before which was a large area, and
surrounded by a vast number of people. As soon as I came to him, he threw
his arms about me, and burst into tears, in which he was accompanied by all
the women, and some of the men, so that the lamentation became general;
astonishment alone kept me from joining with them. It was some time before
I could get a word from any one; at last, all my enquiries gave me no other
information, than that they were alarmed on account of our boats being
absent, thinking that the people in them had deserted from us, and that I
should take some violent means to recover them. For when we assured them
that the boats would return back, they seemed cheerful and satisfied, and
to a man, denied that any one was hurt, either of their own or our people,
and so it afterwards proved. Nor did it appear that there was the least
foundation for these alarms, nor could we ever find out by what means this
general consternation first took its rise. After a stay of about an hour, I
returned on board, three of the natives coming along with us, who
proclaimed the peace as we rowed along shore to all they saw.
Thus matters were again restored to their former footing, and the next
morning they came off to the ships as usual. After breakfast, Captain
Furneaux and I paid the chief a visit; we found him at his own house
perfectly easy, insomuch that he and some of his friends came on board and
dined with us. I was now told that my Otaheitean young man, Poreo, had
taken a resolution to leave me. I have just mentioned _before_, his
being with us when I followed Oreo, and his advising me not to go on shore.
He was so much afraid at that time, that he remained in the boat till he
heard all matters were reconciled; then he came out, and presently after,
met with a young woman, for whom he had contracted a friendship. Having my
powder-horn in keeping, he came and gave it to one of my people who was by
me, and then went away with her, and I saw him no more.
In the afternoon, our boats returned from Otaha, pretty well laden with
plantains, an article we were most in want of. They made the circuit of the
island, conducted by one of the Earees, whose name was Boba, and were
hospitably entertained by the people, who provided them with victuals and
lodging. The first night, they were entertained with a play, the second,
their repose was disturbed by the natives stealing their military chest.
This put them on making reprisals, by which means they recovered the most
of what they had lost.
Having now got on board a large supply of refreshments, I determined to put
to sea the next morning, and made the same known to the chief, who promised
to see me again before we departed. At four o'clock we began to unmoor; and
as soon as it was light, Oreo, his son, and some of his friends, came
aboard. Many canoes also came off with fruit and hogs, the latter they even
begged of us to take from them, calling out _Tiyo boa atoi_.--I am
your friend, take my hog, and give me an axe. But our decks. were already
so full of them, that we could hardly move, having, on board both ships,
between three and four hundred. By the increase of our stock, together with
what we had salted and consumed, I judge that we got at this island 400 or
upwards; many, indeed, were only roasters, others again weighed one hundred
pounds, or upwards, but the general run was from forty to sixty. It is not
easy to say how many we might have got, could we have found room for all
that were offered us.
The chief, and his friends, did not leave me till we were under sail, and
before he went away, pressed me much to know, if I would not return, and
when? Questions which were daily put to me by many of these islanders. My
Otaheitean youth's leaving me proved of no consequence, as many young men
of this island voluntarily offered to come away with us. I thought proper
to take on board one, who was about seventeen or eighteen years of age,
named Oedidee, a native of Bolabola, and a near relation of the great
Opoony, chief of that island. Soon after we were out of the harbour, and
had made sail, we observed a canoe following us, conducted by two men;
whereupon I brought-to, and they presently came alongside, having brought
me a present of roasted fruit and roots from Oreo. I made them a proper
return before I dismissed them, and then set sail to the west, with the
Adventure in company.
[1] "The accounts of the situation and distances of these isles, were
so various and so vague, that we could by no means depend upon them,
for we never met with any man who had visited them; however, they
served to convince us, that the natives of the Society Isles have
sometimes extended their navigation farther than its present limits,
by the knowledge they have of several adjacent countries. Tupaya
(Tupia), the famous man who embarked at Taheitee in the Endeavour, had
enumerated a much more considerable list of names, and had actually
drawn a map of their respective situations and magnitudes, of which
Lieutenant Pickersgill obligingly communicated a copy to me. In this
map we found all the names now mentioned, except two; but if his
drawing had been exact, our ships must have sailed over a number of
the islands which he had laid down. It is therefore very probable,
that the vanity of appearing more intelligent than he really was, had
prompted him to produce this fancied chart of the South Sea, and
perhaps to invent many of the names of islands in it, which amounted
to more than fifty."--G.F.
[2] Some of our readers might be profited, perhaps, by considering the
moral of the following incident, which occurred at this play.--"Among
the spectators we observed several of the prettiest women of this
country; and one of them was remarkable for the whitest complexion we
had ever seen on all these islands. Her colour resembled that of white
wax a little sullied, without having the least appearance of sickness,
which that hue commonly conveys; and her fine black eyes and hair
contrasted so well with it, that she was admired by us all. She
received at first a number of little presents, which were so many
marks of homage paid at the shrine of beauty; but her success, instead
of gratifying, only sharpened her love of trinkets, and she
incessantly importuned every one of us, as long as she suspected we
had a single bead left. One of the gentlemen fortunately happened to
have a little padlock in his hand, which she begged for as soon as she
had perceived it. After denying it for some time, he consented to give
it her, and locked it in her ear, assuring her that was its proper
place. She was pleased for some time; but finding it too heavy,
desired him to unlock it. He flung away the key, giving her to
understand, at the same time, that he had made her the present at her
own desire, and that if she found it encumbered her, she should bear
it as a punishment for importuning us with her petitions. She was
disconsolate upon this refusal, and weeping bitterly, applied to us
all to open the padlock; but if we had been willing, we were not able
to comply with her request, for want of the key. She applied to the
chief, and he as well as his wife, son, and daughter, joined in
praying for the release of her ear: They offered cloth, perfume-wood,
and hogs, but all in vain. At last a small key was found to open the
padlock, which put an end to the poor girl's lamentation, and restored
peace and tranquillity among all her friends. Her adventure had,
however, this good effect, that it cured her, and some of her forward
country-women, of this idle habit of begging."--G.F.
SECTION XIV.
_An Account of a Spanish Ship visiting Otaheite; the present State of the
Islands; with some Observations on the Diseases and Customs of the
Inhabitants; and some Mistakes concerning the Women corrected._
I shall now give some farther account of these islands; for, although I
have been pretty minute in relating the daily transactions, some things,
which are rather interesting, have been omitted.
Soon after our arrival at Otaheite, we were informed that a ship about the
size of the Resolution, had been in at Owhaiurua harbour, near the S.E. end
of the island, where she remained about three weeks; and had been gone
about three months before we arrived. We were told that four of the natives
were gone away with her, whose names were Debedebea, Paoodou, Tanadooee,
and Opahiah. At this time, we conjectured this was a French ship, but, on
our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, we learnt she was a Spaniard, which
had been sent out from America.[1] The Otaheiteans complained of a disease
communicated to them by the people in this ship, which they said affected
the head, throat, and stomach, and at length killed them. They seemed to
dread it much, and were continually enquiring if we had it. This ship they
distinguished by the name of _Pahai no Pep-pe_ (ship of Peppe), and
called the disease _Apa no Pep-pe_, just as they call the venereal
disease _Apa no Pretane_ (English disease), though they, to a man, say
it was brought to the isle by M. de Bougainville; but I have already
observed that they thought M. de Bougainville came from _Pretane_, as
well as every other ship which has touched at the isle.
Were it not for this assertion of the natives, and none of Captain Wallis's
people being affected with the venereal disease, either while they were at
Otaheite, or after they left it, I should have concluded that long before
these islanders were visited by Europeans, this or some disease which is
near akin to it, had existed amongst them. For I have heard them speak of
people dying of a disorder which we interpreted to be the pox before that
period. But, be this as it will, it is now far less common amongst them,
than it was in the year 1769, when I first visited these isles. They say
they can cure it, and so it fully appears, for, notwithstanding most of my
people had made pretty free with the women, very few of them were
afterwards affected with the disorder; and those who were, had it in so
slight a manner, that it is easily removed. But among the natives, whenever
it turns to a pox, they tell us it is incurable. Some of our people pretend
to have seen some of them who had this last disorder in a high degree, but
the surgeon, who made it his business to enquire, could never satisfy
himself in this point. These people are, and were, before Europeans visited
them, very subject to scrophulous diseases, so that a seaman might easily
mistake one disorder for another.[2]
The island of Otaheite, which, in the years 1767 and 1768, as it were,
swarmed with hogs and fowls, was now so ill supplied with these animals,
that hardly any thing could induce the owners to part with them. The few
they had at this time, among them, seemed to be at the disposal of the
kings. For while we lay at Oaitipiha Bay, in the kingdom of Tiarrabou, or
lesser peninsula, every hog or fowl we saw we were told belonged to
Waheatoua; and all we saw in the kingdom of Opoureonu, or the greater
peninsula, belonged to Otoo. During the seventeen days we were at this
island, we got but twenty-four hogs, the half of which came from the two
kings themselves; and, I believe, the other half were sold us by their
permission or order. We were, however, abundantly supplied with all the
fruits the island produces, except bread-fruit, which was not in season
either at this or the other isles. Cocoa-nuts and plantains were what we
got the most of; the latter, together with a few yams and other roots, were
to us a succedaneum for bread. At Otaheite we got great plenty of apples,
and a fruit like a nectarine, called by them _Aheeva_. This fruit was
common to all the isles; but apples we got only at Otaheite, and found them
of infinite use to the scorbutic people. Of all the seeds that have been
brought to those islands by Europeans, none have succeeded but pumpkins;
and these they do not like, which is not to be wondered at.
The scarcity of hogs at Otaheite may be owing to two causes; first, to the
number which have been consumed, and carried off by the shipping which have
touched here of late years; and, secondly, to the frequent wars between the
two kingdoms. We know of two since the year 1767; at present a peace
subsists between them, though they do not seem to entertain much friendship
for each other. I never could learn the cause of the late war, nor who got
the better in the conflict. In the battle, which put an end to the dispute,
many were killed on both sides. On the part of Opoureonu, fell Toutaha, and
several other chiefs, who were mentioned to me by name. Toutaha lies
interred in the family Marai at Oparree; and his mother, and several other
women who were of his household, are now taken care of by Otoo, the
reigning prince--a man who, at first, did not appear to us to much
advantage. I know but little of Waheatoua of Tiarrabou. This prince, who is
not above twenty years of age, appeared with all the gravity of a man of
fifty. His subjects do not uncover before him, or pay him any outward
obeisance as is done to Otoo; nevertheless, they seem to shew him full as
much respect, and he appeared in rather more state. He was attended by a
few middle-aged, or elderly men, who seemed to be his counsellors. This is
what appeared to me to be the then state of Otaheite. The other islands,
that is, Huaheine, Ulietea, and Otaha, were in a more flourishing state
than they were when I was there before. Since that time, they had enjoyed
the blessing of peace; the people seemed to be as happy as any under
heaven; and well they may, for they possess not only the necessaries, but
many of the luxuries of life in the greatest profusion; and my young man
told me that hogs, fowls, and fruits, are in equal plenty at Bola-bola, a
thing which Tupia would never allow. To clear up this seeming
contradiction, I must observe, that the one was prejudiced against, and the
other in favour of, this isle.
The produce of the islands, the manners and customs of the natives, &c.
having been treated at large in the narrative of my former voyage, it will
be unnecessary to take notice of these subjects in this, unless where I can
add new matter, or clear up any mistakes which may have been committed.
As I had some reason to believe, that amongst their religious customs,
human sacrifices were sometimes considered as necessary, I went one day to
a _Marai_ in Matavai, in company with Captain Furneaux; having with
us, as I had upon all other occasions, one of my men who spoke their
language tolerably well, and several of the natives, one of whom appeared
to be an intelligent sensible man. In the _Marai_ was a
_Tupapow_, on which lay a corpse and some viands; so that every thing
promised success to my enquiries. I began with asking questions relating to
the several objects before me, if the plantains, &c. were for the
_Eatua_? If they sacrificed to the _Eatua_, hogs, dogs, fowls,
&c.? To all of which he answered in the affirmative. I then asked, If they
sacrificed men to the _Eatua_? He answered _Taata eno_; that is,
bad men they did, first _Tipperahy_, or beating them till they were
dead. I then asked him, If good men were put to death in this manner? His
answer was No, only _Taata eno_. I asked him if any _Earees_
were? He said, they had hogs to give to the _Eatua_, and again
repeated _Taatu eno_. I next asked, If _Towtows_, that is,
servants or slaves, who had no hogs, dogs, or fowls, but yet were good men,
if they were sacrificed to the _Eatua_? His answer was No, only bad
men. I asked him several more questions, and all his answers seemed to tend
to this one point, that men for certain crimes were condemned to be
sacrificed to the gods, provided they had not wherewithal to redeem
themselves. This, I think, implies, that on some occasions, human
sacrifices are considered as necessary, particularly when they take such
men as have, by the laws of their country, forfeited their lives, and have
nothing to redeem them; and such will generally be found among the lower
class of people.
The man of whom I made these enquiries, as well as some others, took some
pains to explain the whole of this custom to us; but we were not masters
enough of their language to understand them. I have since learnt from Omai,
that they offer human sacrifices to the Supreme Being. According to his
account, what men shall be so sacrificed, depends on the caprice of the
high priest, who, when they are assembled on any solemn occasion, retires
alone into the house of God, and stays there some time. When he comes out,
he informs them, that he has seen and conversed with their great God (the
high priest alone having that privilege), and that he has asked for a human
sacrifice, and tells them that he has desired such a person, naming a man
present, whom, most probably, the priest has an antipathy against. He is
immediately killed, and so falls a victim to the priest's resentment, who,
no doubt (if necessary), has address enough to persuade the people that he
was a bad man. If I except their funeral ceremonies, all the knowledge that
has been obtained of their religion, has been from information: And as
their language is but imperfectly understood, even by those who pretend to
the greatest knowledge of it, very little on this head is yet known with
certainty.[3]
The liquor which they make from the plant called _Ava ava_, is
expressed from the root, and not from the leaves, as mentioned in the
narrative of my former voyage. The manner of preparing this liquor is as
simple as it is disgusting to an European. It is thus: Several people take
some of the root, and chew it till it is soft and pulpy, then they spit it
out into a platter or other vessel, every one into the same; when a
sufficient quantity is chewed, more or less water is put to it, according
as it is to be strong or weak; the juice, thus diluted, is strained through
some fibrous stuff like fine shavings; after which it is fit for drinking,
and this is always done immediately. It has a pepperish taste, drinks flat,
and rather insipid. But, though it is intoxicating I only saw one instance
where it had that effect, as they generally drink it with great moderation,
and but little at a time. Sometimes they chew this root in their mouths,
as Europeans do tobacco, and swallow their spittle; and sometimes I have
seen them eat it wholly.
At Ulietea they cultivate great quantities of this plant. At Otaheite but
very little. I believe there are but few islands in this sea, that do not
produce more or less of it; and the natives apply it to the same use, as
appears by Le Mair's account of Horn Island, in which he speaks of the
natives making a liquor from a plant in the same manner as above mentioned.
Great injustice has been done the women of Otaheite, and the Society isles,
by those who have represented them, without exception, as ready to grant
the last favour to any man who will come up to their price. But this is by
no means the case; the favours of married women, and also the unmarried of
the better sort, are as difficult to be obtained here, as in any other
country whatever. Neither can the charge be understood indiscriminately of
the unmarried of the lower class, for many of these admit of no such
familiarities. That there are prostitutes here, as well as in other
countries, is very true, perhaps more in proportion, and such were those
who came on board the ships to our people, and frequented the post we had
on shore. By seeing these mix indiscriminately with those of a different
turn, even of the first rank, one is at first inclined to think that they
are all disposed the same way, and that the only difference is in the
price. But the truth is, the woman who becomes a prostitute does not seem,
in their opinion, to have committed a crime of so deep a dye as to exclude
her from the esteem and society of the community in general. On the whole,
a stranger who visits England might, with equal justice, draw the
characters of the women there, from those which he might meet with on board
the ships in one of the naval ports, or in the purlieus of Covent-Garden
and Drury-Lane. I must however allow, that they are all completely versed
in the art of coquetry, and that very few of them fix any bounds to their
conversation. It is therefore no wonder that they have obtained the
character of libertines.
To what hath been said of the geography of these isles, in the narrative of
my former voyage, I shall now only add, that we found the latitude of
Oaiti-piha Bay, in Otaheite, to be 17° 43' 26" south, and the longitude 0°
21' 25" 1/2 east from Point Venus; or 149° 13' 24" west from Greenwich. The
difference both of latitude and longitude, between Point Venus and Oaiti-
piha, is greater than I supposed it to be, when I made the circuit of the
island in 1769, by two miles, and 4-3/4 miles respectively. It is therefore
highly probable, that the whole island is of a greater extent than I, at
that time, estimated it to be. The astronomers set up their observatory,
and made their observations on Point Venus, the latitude of which they
found to be 17° 29' 13" south. This differs but two seconds from that which
Mr Green and I found; and its longitude, viz. 149° 34' 49" 1/2 west, for
any thing that is yet known to the contrary, is as exact.
Mr Kendal's watch was found to be gaining on mean time 8" 863 per day,
which is only 0" 142 less than at Queen Charlotte's Sound, consequently its
error in longitude was trifling.
[1] "We heard that about the time mentioned by the natives, Don Juan
de Langara y Huarte, sent out from the port of Callao in Peru, had
visited Otaheite, but what the particulars of that voyage are, has
never transpired."--G.F.
[2] We anticipated such an opinion in a former volume, and cannot
refrain quoting the following observations in support of it.--"The
question, which has been agitated between the French and English
navigators, concerning the first introduction of this evil to
Otaheite, might be decided very favourably for them both, by supposing
the disease to have existed there previous to their arrival. The
argument, that some of Captain Wallis's people received the infection,
does not seem to controvert this supposition, but only proves, that
the women, who prostrated themselves to his men, were free from it;
which was, perhaps, owing to a precaution of the natives, who might be
apprehensive of exposing themselves to the anger of the strangers, by
conferring such a desperate gift upon them. M. de Bougainville, with
the politeness of a well-bred man, doubts whether the disease existed
at Otaheite previous to his arrival or not; the English seaman asserts
his opinion as facts in positive terms. We heard, however, of another
disease of a different nature, whilst we stayed upon the island; and
which they called _o-pay-no-Peppe_, (the sore of Peppe), adding that
it was brought by the ship which they designed by that name, and
which, according to different accounts, had either been two, three, or
four months before us at Otaheite. By the account of the symptoms, it
seemed to be a kind of leprosy. Nothing is more easy than to imagine,
how the strangers (Spaniards) who visited Otaheite in that ship, might
be erroneously charged with introducing that disease. In order to give
rise to a general error of this sort, it is sufficient that it broke
out nearly about the time of their arrival, and that some distant
connections between them and the persons affected could be traced.
This is the more probable, as it is certain, that there are several
sorts of leprous complaints existing among the inhabitants, such as
the elephantiasis, which resembles the yaws; also an eruption over the
whole skin, and, lastly, a monstrous rotting ulcer, of a most
loathsome appearance. However, all these very seldom occur, and
especially the last; for the excellence of their climate, and the
simplicity of their vegetable food, which cannot be too much extolled,
prevent not only these, but almost all dangerous and deadly
disorders."--G.F.
[3] The reader will be abundantly supplied with information respecting
the fact of human sacrifices being used at this island, when he comes
to the account of the third voyage performed by Cook.--E.
CHAPTER II.
FROM OUR DEPARTURE FROM THE SOCIETY ISLES, TO OUR RETURN TO AND LEAVING
THEM THE SECOND TIME.
SECTION I.
_Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Islands, with an Account of the
Discovery of Hervey's Island, and the Incidents that happened at
Middleburg._
After leaving Ulietea, as before mentioned, I steered to the west,
inclining to the south, to get clear of the tracts of former navigators,
and to get into the latitude of the islands of Middleburgh and Amsterdam;
for I intended to run as far west as these islands, and to touch there if I
found it convenient, before I hauled up for New Zealand. I generally lay-to
every night, lest we might pass any land in the dark. Part of the 21st and
22d the wind blew from N.W., attended with thunder, lightning, and rain,
having a large swell from S.S.E. and S., which kept up for several days,--
an indication that no land was near us in that direction.
On the 23d, at ten o'clock in the morning, land was seen from the top-mast
head, and at noon from the deck, extending from S. by W. to S.W. by S. We
hauled up for it with the wind at S.E., and found it to consist of two or
three small islets, connected together by breakers like most of the low
isles in the sea, lying in a triangular form, and about six leagues in
circuit. They were clothed with wood, among which were many cocoa-nut
trees. We saw no people, or signs of inhabitants; and had reason to think
there were none. The situation of this isle, which is in the latitude of
19° 18' S., longitude 158° 54' W., is not very different from that assigned
by Mr Dalrymple to La Dezena. But as this is a point not easily determined,
I named it Hervey's Island, in honour of the Honourable Captain Hervey of
the navy, one of the lords of the Admiralty, and afterwards Earl of
Bristol.
As the landing on this isle, if practicable, would have caused a delay
which I could ill spare at this time, we resumed our course to the west;
and on the 25th we again began to use our sea-biscuits, the fruit which had
served as a succedaneum being all consumed; but our stock of fresh pork
still continued, each man having as much every day as was needful. In our
route to the west we now and then saw men-of-war and tropic birds, and a
small sea-bird, which is seldom seen but near the shores of the isles; we,
therefore, conjectured that we had passed some land at no great distance.
As we advanced to the west, the variation of the compass gradually
increased, so that on the 29th, being in the latitude of 21° 26' S.,
longitude 170° 40' W., it was 10° 45' E.
At two o'clock p.m. on the 1st of October, we made the island of
Middleburg, bearing W.S.W.; at six o'clock it extended from S.W, by W. to
N.W., distant four leagues, at which time another land was seen in the
direction of N.N.W. The wind being at S.S.E., I hauled to the south, in
order to get round the south end of the island before the morning; but at
eight o'clock a small island was seen lying off it, and not knowing but
they might be connected by a reef, the extent of which we must be ignorant
of, I resolved to spend the night where we were. At day-break the next
morning, we bore up for the S.W. side of Middleburg, passing between it and
the little isle above mentioned, where we found a clear channel two miles
broad.[1]
After ranging the S.W. side of the greater isle, to about two-thirds of its
length, at the distance of half a mile from the shore, without seeing the
least prospect of either anchorage or landing-place, we bore away for
Amsterdam, which we had in sight. We had scarcely turned our sails before
we observed the shores of Middleburg to assume another aspect, seeming to
offer both anchorage and landing. Upon this we hauled the wind, and plied
in under the island. In the mean time, two canoes, each conducted by two or
three men, came boldly alongside; and some of them entered the ship without
hesitation. This mark of confidence gave me a good opinion of these
islanders, and determined me to visit them, if possible.[2] After making a
few trips, we found good anchorage, and came to in twenty-five fathoms
water, and gravel bottom, at three cables' length from the shore. The
highest land on the island bore S.E. by E.; the north point N.E. 1/2 E.,
and the west S. by W. 1/2 W., and the island of Amsterdam extending from N.
by W. 1/2 W. to N.W. 1/2 W. We had scarcely got to an anchor before we were
surrounded by a great number of canoes full of people, who had brought with
them cloth, and other curiosities, which they exchanged for nails, &c.
Several came on board; among them was one whom, by the authority he seemed
to have over the others, I found was a chief, and accordingly made him a
present of a hatchet, spike-nails, and several other articles, with which
he was highly pleased. Thus I obtained the friendship of this chief, whose
name was Tioony.[3]
Soon after, a party of us embarked in two boats, in company with Tioony,
who conducted us to a little creek formed by the rocks, right abreast of
the ships, where landing was extremely easy, and the boats secure against
the surf. Here we found an immense crowd of people, who welcomed us on
shore with loud acclamations. Not one of them had so much as a stick, or
any other weapon in their hands; an indubitable sign of their pacific
intentions. They thronged so thick round the boats with cloth, matting, &c.
to exchange for nails, that it was some time before we could get room to
land. They seemed to be more desirous to give than receive; for many who
could not get near the boats, threw into them, over the others heads, whole
bales of cloth, and then retired, without either asking, or waiting for any
thing in return. At length the chief caused them to open to the right and
left, and make room for us to land.[4] He then conducted us up to his
house, which was situated about three hundred yards from the sea, at the
head of a fine lawn, and under the shade of some shaddock trees. The
situation was most delightful. In front was the sea, and the ships at
anchor; behind, and on each side, were plantations, in which were some of
the richest productions of Nature. The floor was laid with mats, on which
we were seated, and the people seated themselves in a circle round us on
the outside. Having the bagpipes with us, I ordered them to be played; and
in return, the chief directed three young women to sing a song, which they
did with a very good grace; and having made each of them a present, this
immediately set all the women in the circle a-singing. Their songs were
musical and harmonious, and nowise harsh or disagreeable.[5] After sitting
here some time, we were, at our own request, conducted into one of the
adjoining plantations, where the chief had another house, into which we
were introduced. Bananoes and cocoa-nuts were set before us to eat, and a
bowl of liquor prepared in our presence of the juice of _Eava_ for us
to drink. Pieces of the root were first offered us to chew; but as we
excused ourselves from assisting in the operation, this was performed by
others. When sufficiently chewed, it was put into a large wooden bowl; then
mixed with water, in the manner already related; and as soon as it was
properly strained for drinking, they made cups, by folding of green leaves,
which held near half a pint, and presented to each of us one of these
filled with the liquor. But I was the only one who tasted it; the manner of
brewing it having quenched the thirst of every one else. The bowl was,
however; soon emptied of its contents, of which both men and women partook.
I observed that they never filled the same cup twice; nor did two persons
drink out of the same; each had a fresh cup and fresh liquor.
This house was situated at one corner of the plantation, and had an area
before it on which we were seated. The whole was planted round with fruit
and other trees, whose spreading branches afforded an agreeable shade, and
whose fragrance diffused a pleasing odour through the air.
Before we had well viewed the plantation it was noon, and we returned on
board to dinner, with the chief in our company. He sat at table but eat
nothing, which, as we had fresh pork roasted, was a little extraordinary.
After dinner we landed again, and were received by the crowd as before; Mr
Forster with his botanical party, and some of the officers and gentlemen,
walked into the country.[6] Captain Furneaux and myself were conducted to
the chief's house, where fruit and some greens, which had been stewed, were
set before us to eat. As we had but just dined, it cannot be supposed we
eat much; but Oedidee, and Omai, the man on board the Adventure, did honour
to the feast. After this we signified our desire of seeing the country.
Tioony very readily assented, and conducted us through several plantations,
which were laid out with great judgment, and inclosed with very neat fences
made of reeds. They were all in very good order, and well planted with
various fruit-trees, roots, &c. The chief took some pains to let us know
the most of them belonged to himself. Near some of the houses, and in the
lanes that divided the plantations, were running about some hogs and very
large fowls, which were the only domestic animals we saw; and these they
did not seem willing to part with. Nor did any one, during the whole day,
offer in exchange any fruit, or roots, worth mentioning, which determined
me to leave this island, and to visit that of Amsterdam.
The evening brought every one on board, highly delighted with the country,
and the very obliging behaviour of the inhabitants, who seemed to vie with
each other in doing what they thought would give us pleasure.[7] The ships
were crowded with people the whole day, trafficking with those on board, in
which the greatest good order was observed; and I was sorry that the season
of the year would not admit of my making a longer stay with them. Early the
nest morning, while the ships were getting under sail, I went on shore with
Captain Furneaux and Mr Forster, to take leave of the chief. He met us at
the landing-place, and would have conducted us to his house, had we not
excused ourselves. We therefore were seated on the grass, where we spent
about half an hour in the midst of a vast crowd of people. After making the
chief a present, consisting of various articles, and an assortment of
garden-seeds, I gave him to understand that we were going away, at which he
seemed not at all moved. He, and two or three more, came into our boat, in
order to accompany us on board; but seeing the Resolution under sail, he
called to a canoe to put alongside, into which he and his friends went, and
returned on shore. While he remained in our boat, he continued to exchange
fish-hooks for nails, and engrossed the trade in a manner wholly to
himself; but, when on shore, I never saw him make the least exchange.
[1] "There appeared to be some low land at the bottom of the hills,
which contained plantations of fine young bananas, whose vivid green
leaves contrasted admirably with the different tints of various
shrubberies, and with the brown colour of the cocoa-palms, which
seemed to be the effect of winter. The light was still so faint, that
we distinguished several fires glimmering in the bushes, but by
degrees we likewise discerned people running along the shore. The
hills which were low, and not so high above the level of the sea as
the Isle of Wight, were agreeably adorned with small clumps of trees
scattered at some distance, and the intermediate ground appeared
covered with herbage, like many parts of England."-G.F.
[2] "We threw a rope into one of these canoes which ran up close to
us, and one of the three people in her came on board, and presented a
root of the intoxicating pepper-tree of the South Sea Islands, touched
our noses with his like the New Zealanders, in sign of friendship, and
then sat down on the deck without speaking a word. The captain
presented him with a nail, upon which he immediately held it over his
own head, and pronounced _fagafetei_, which was probably an expression
of thanksgiving. He was naked to the waist, but from thence to the
knees he had a piece of cloth wrapped about him, which seemed to be
manufactured much like that of Otaheite, but was covered with a brown
colour, and a strong glue, which made it stiff, and fit to resist the
wet. His stature was middle-sized, and his lineaments were mild and
tolerably regular. His colour was much like that of the common
Otaheiteans, that is, of a clear mahogany or chesnut brown; his beard
was cut short or shaven, and his hair was black, in short, frizzled
curls, burnt as it were at the tops. He had three circular spots on
each arm, about the size of a crown-piece, consisting of several
concentric circles of elevated points, which answered to the punctures
of the Otaheiteans, but were blacker; besides these, he had other
black punctures on his body. A small cylinder was fixed through two
holes in the loop of his ear, and his left hand wanted the little
finger. He continued his silence for a considerable while, but some
others, who ventured on board soon after him, were of a more
communicative turn, and after having performed the ceremony of
touching noses, spoke a language which was unintelligible to us at
that time."--G.F.
[3] "They made a great deal of noise about us, every one shewing what
he had to sell, and calling to some one of us, who happened to look
towards them. Their language was not unpleasing, and whatever they
said, was in a singing kind of tone. Many were bold enough to come on
board, without expressing the least hesitation, and one of these
seemed to be a chief, or a man of some quality, and was accordingly
treated with a number of presents, which he severally laid on his
head, when he received them, saying _fagafetei_ every time. Our
English cloth and linen he admired most, and iron wares in the next
degree. His behaviour was very free and unconcerned; for he went down
into the cabin, and wherever we thought fit to conduct him."--G.F.
[4] "The cordial reception which we met with, was such as might have
been expected from a people well acquainted with our good intentions,
and accustomed to the transitory visits of European ships. But these
kind islanders had never seen Europeans among them, and could only
have heard of Tasman, who visited the adjacent island, by imperfect
tradition. Nothing was therefore more conspicuous in their whole
behaviour than an open, generous disposition, free from any mean
distrust. This was confirmed by the appearance of a great number of
women in the crowd, covered from the waist downwards, whose smiles and
looks welcomed us to the shore."--G.F.
[5] "They beat time to the music by snapping the second finger and
thumb, and holding the three remaining fingers upright. Their voices
were very sweet and mellow, and they sung in parts. When they had
gone, they were relieved by others, who sung the same tune, and at
last they joined together in chorus."--G.F.
[6] "The inhabitants seemed to be of a more active and industrious
disposition than those of Otaheite and instead of following us in
great crowds wherever we went, left us entirely by ourselves, unless
we entreated them to accompany us. In that case we could venture to go
with our pockets open, unless we had nails in them, upon which they
set so great a value, that they could not always resist the
temptation. We passed through more than ten adjacent plantations or
gardens, separated by inclosures, communicating with each other by
means of doors. In each of them we commonly met with a house, of which
the inhabitants were absent. Their attention to separate their
property seemed to argue a higher degree of civilization than we had
expected. Their arts, manufactures, and music, were all more
cultivated, complicated, and elegant, than at the Society Isles. But,
in return, the opulence, or rather luxury, of the Otaheiteans seemed
to be much greater. We saw but few hogs and fowls here; and that great
support of life, the bread-tree, appeared to be very scarce. Yams,
therefore, and other roots, together with bananoes, are their
principal article of diet. Their clothing, too, compared to that of
Otaheite, was less plentiful, or at least not converted into such an
article of luxury as at that island. Lastly, their houses, though
neatly constructed, and always placed in a fragrant shrubbery, were
less roomy and convenient."--G.F.
[7] "We were accosted with caresses by old and young, by men and
women. They hugged us very heartily, and frequently kissed our hands,
laying them on their breast, with the most expressive looks of
affection that can be imagined."--G.F.
SECTION II.
_The Arrival of the Ships at Amsterdam; a Description of a Place of
Worship; and an Account of the Incidents which happened while we remained
at that Island._
As soon as I was on board, we made sail down to Amsterdam. The people of
this isle were so little afraid of us, that some met us in three canoes
about midway between the two isles. They used their utmost efforts to get
on board, but without effect, as we did not shorten sail for them, and the
rope which we gave them broke. They then attempted to board the Adventure,
and met with the same disappointment. We ran along the S.W. coast of
Amsterdam at half a mile from shore, on which the sea broke in a great
surf. We had an opportunity, by the help of our glasses, to view the face
of the island, every part of which seemed to be laid out in plantations. We
observed the natives running along the shore, displaying small white flags,
which we took for ensigns of peace, and answered them by hoisting a St
George's ensign. Three men belonging to Middleburg, who, by some means or
other, had been left on board the Adventure, now quitted her, and swam to
the shore; not knowing that we intended to stop at this isle, and having no
inclination, as may be supposed, to go away with us.
As soon as we opened the west side of the isle, we were met by several
canoes, each conducted by three or four men. They came boldly alongside,
presented us with some _Eava_ root, and then came on board without
farther ceremony, inviting us, by all the friendly signs they could make,
to go to their island, and pointing to the place where we should anchor; at
least we so understood them. After a few boards, we anchored in Van
Diemen's Road, in eighteen fathoms water, little more than a cable's length
from the breakers, which line the coast. We carried out the coasting-anchor
and cable to seaward, to keep the ship from tailing on the rocks, in case
of a shift of wind or a calm. This last anchor lay in forty-seven fathoms
water; so steep was the bank on which we anchored. By this time we were
crowded with people; some came off in canoes, and others swam; but, like
those of the other isle, brought nothing with them but cloth, matting, &c.,
for which the seamen only bartered away their clothes. As it was probable
they would soon feel the effects of this kind of traffic, with a view to
put a stop to it, and to obtain the necessary refreshments, I gave orders
that no sort of curiosities should be purchased by any person whatever.
The good effect of this order was found in the morning. For, when the
natives saw we would purchase nothing but eatables, they brought off
bananoes and cocoa-nuts in abundance, some fowls and pigs; all of which
they exchanged for small nails and pieces of cloth: even old rags of any
sort, was enough for a pig, or a fowl.
Matters being thus established, and proper persons appointed to trade under
the direction of the officers, to prevent disputes, after breakfast I
landed, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, Mr Forster, and several of the
officers; having along with us a chief, or person of some note, whose name
was Attago, who had attached himself to me, from the first moment of his
coming on board, which was before we anchored. I know not how he came to
discover that I was the commander; but, certain it is, he was not long on
deck before he singled me out from all the gentlemen, making me a present
of some cloth, and other things he had about him; and as a greater
testimony of friendship, we now exchanged names; a custom which is
practised at Otaheite, and the Society Isles. We were lucky, or rather we
may thank the natives, for having anchored before a narrow creek in the
rocks which line the shore. To this creek we were conducted by my friend
Attago; and there we landed dry on the beach, and within the breakers, in
the face of a vast crowd of people, who received us in the same friendly
manner that those of Middleburg had done.[1]
As soon as we were landed; all the gentlemen set out into the country,
accompanied by some of the natives.[2] But the most of them remained with
Captain Furneaux and me, who amused ourselves some time distributing
presents amongst them; especially to such as Attago pointed out, which were
not many, but who I afterwards found, were of superior rank to himself. At
this time, however, he seemed to be the principal person, and to be obeyed
as such. After we had spent some time on the beach, as we complained of the
heat, Attago immediately conducted and seated us under the shade of a tree,
ordering the people to form a circle round us. This they did, and never
once attempted to push themselves upon us like the Otaheiteans.
After sitting here some time, and distributing some presents to those about
us, we signified our desire to see the country. The chief immediately took
the hint, and conducted us along a lane that led to an open green, on the
one side of which was a house of worship built on a mount that had been
raised by the hand of man, about sixteen or eighteen feet above the common
level. It had an oblong figure, and was inclosed by a wall or parapet of
stone, about three feet in height. From this wall the mount rose with a
gentle slope, and was covered with a green turf. On the top of it stood the
house, which had the same figure as the mount, about twenty feet in length,
and fourteen or sixteen broad. As soon as we came before the place, every
one seated himself on the green, about fifty or sixty yards from the front
of the house. Presently came three elderly men, who seated themselves
between us and it, and began a speech, which I understood to be a prayer,
it being wholly directed to the house. This lasted about ten minutes; and
then the priests, for such I took them to be, came and sat down along with
us, when we made them presents of such things as were about us. Having then
made signs to them that we wanted to view the premises, my friend Attago
immediately got up, and going with us, without showing the least
backwardness, gave us full liberty to examine every part of it.
In the front were two stone steps leading to the top of the wall; from this
the ascent to the house was easy, round which was a fine gravel walk. The
house was built, in all respects, like to their common dwelling-houses;
that is, with posts and rafters, and covered with palm thatch. The eaves
came down within about three feet of the ground, which space was filled up
with strong matting made of palm leaves, as a wall. The floor of the house
was laid with fine gravel; except, in the middle, where there was an oblong
square of blue pebbles, raised about six inches higher than the floor. At
one corner of the house stood an image rudely carved in wood, and on one
side lay another; each about two feet in length. I, who had no intention to
offend either them or their gods, did not so much as touch them, but asked
Attago, as well as I could, if they were _Eatuas_, or gods. Whether he
understood me or no, I cannot say; but he immediately turned them over and
over, in as rough a manner as he would have done any other log of wood,
which convinced me that they were not there as representatives of the
Divinity. I was curious to know if the dead were interred there, and asked
Attago several questions relative thereto; but I was not sure that he
understood me, at least I did not understand the answers he made well
enough to satisfy my enquiries. For the reader must know, that at our first
coming among these people, we hardly could understand a word they said.
Even my Otaheitean youth, and the man on board the Adventure, were equally
at a loss; but more of this by and by. Before we quitted the house we
thought it necessary to make an offering at the altar. Accordingly we laid
down upon the blue pebbles, some medals, nails, and several other things,
which we had no sooner done than my friend Attago took them up, and put
them in his pocket. The stones with which the walls were made that inclosed
this mount, were some of them nine or ten feet by four, and about six
inches thick. It is difficult to conceive how they can cut such stones out
of the coral rocks.
This mount stood in a kind of grove open only on the side which fronted the
high road, and the green on which the people were seated. At this green or
open place, was a junction of five roads, two or three of which appeared to
be very public ones. The groves were composed of several sorts of trees.
Among others was the _Etoa_ tree, as it is called at Otaheite, of
which are made clubs, &c. and a kind of low palm, which is very common in
the northern parts of New Holland.
After we had done examining this place of worship, which in their language
is called _A-fia-tou-ca_, we desired to return; but, instead of
conducting us to the water-side as we expected, they struck into a road
leading into the country. This road, which was about sixteen feet broad,
and as level as a bowling-green, seemed to be a very public one; there
being many other roads from different parts, leading into it, all inclosed
on each side, with neat fences made of reeds, and shaded from the scorching
sun by fruit trees, I thought I was transported into the most fertile
plains in Europe. There was not an inch of waste ground; the roads occupied
no more space than was absolutely necessary; the fences did not take up
above four inches each; and even this was not wholly lost, for in many were
planted some useful trees or plants. It was everywhere the same; change of
place altered not the scene. Nature, assisted by a little art, no where
appears in more splendour than at this isle. In these delightful walks we
met numbers of people; some travelling down to the ships with their burdens
of fruit; others returning back empty. They all gave us the road, by
turning either to the right or left, and sitting down or standing, with
their backs to the fences, till we had passed.
At several of the cross-roads, or at the meeting of two or more roads, were
generally _Afiatoucas_, such as already described; with this
difference, the mounts were pallisadoed round, instead of a stone wall. At
length, after walking several miles, we came to one larger than common;
near to which was a large house belonging to an old chief, in our company.
At this house we were desired to stop, which we accordingly did, and were
treated with fruit, &c.
We were no sooner seated in the house, than the eldest of the priests began
a speech or prayer, which was first directed to the _Afiatouca_, and
then to me, and alternately. When he addressed me, he paused at every
sentence, till I gave a nod of approbation. I, however, did not understand
one single word he said. At times, the old gentleman seemed to be at a loss
what to say, or perhaps his memory failed him; for, every now and then, he
was prompted by one of the other priests who sat by him. Both during this
prayer and the former one, the people were silent, but not attentive. At
this last place we made but a short stay. Our guides conducted us down to
our boat, and we returned with Attago to our ship to dinner. We had no
sooner got on board, than an old gentleman came alongside, who, I
understood from Attago, was some king or great man. He was, accordingly,
ushered on board; when I presented him with such things as he most valued
(being the only method to make him my friend,) and seated him at table to
dinner. We now saw that he was a man of consequence; for Attago would not
sit down and eat before him, but got to the other end of the table; and, as
the old chief was almost blind, he sat there, and eat with his back towards
him. After the old man had eaten a bit of fish, and drank two glasses of
wine, he returned ashore. As soon as Attago had seen him out of the ship,
he came and took his place at table, finished his dinner, and drank two
glasses of wine. When dinner was over, we all went ashore, where we found
the old chief, who presented me with a hog; and he and some others took a
walk with us into the country.
Before we set out, I happened to go down with Attago to the landing-place,
and there found Mr Wales in a laughable, though distressed situation. The
boats which brought us on shore, not being able to get near the landing-
place for want of a sufficient depth of water, he pulled off his shoes and
stockings to walk through, and as soon as he got on dry land, he put them
down betwixt his legs to put on again, but they were instantly snatched
away by a person behind him, who immediately mixed with the crowd. It was
impossible for him to follow the man barefooted over the sharp coral rocks,
which compose the shore, without having his feet cut to pieces. The boat
was put back to the ship, his companions had each made his way through the
crowd, and he left in this condition alone. Attago soon found out the
thief, recovered his shoes and stockings, and set him at liberty. Our route
into the country, was by the first-mentioned _Afiatouca_, before which
we again seated ourselves, but had no prayers, although the old priest was
with us. Our stay here was but short. The old chief, probably thinking that
we might want water on board, conducted us to a plantation hard by, and
shewed us a pool of fresh water, though we had not made the least enquiry
after any. I believe this to be the same that Tasman calls the _washing-
place_ for the king and his nobles.
From hence we were conducted down to the shore of Maria Bay, or north-east
side of the isle; where, in a boat-house, was shewn to us a fine large
double canoe not yet launched. The old chief did not fail to make us
sensible it belonged to himself. Night now approaching, we took leave of
him, and returned on board, being conducted by Attago down to the water-
side.
Mr Forster and his party spent the day in the country botanizing; and
several of the officers were out shooting. All of them were very civilly
treated by the natives. We had also a brisk trade for bananoes, cocoa-nuts,
yams, pigs, and fowls; all of which were procured for nails, and pieces of
cloth. A boat from each ship was employed in trading ashore, and bringing
off their cargoes as soon as they were laden, which was generally in a
short time. By this method we got cheaper, and with less trouble, a good
quantity of fruit, as well as other refreshments, from people who had no
canoes to carry them off to the ships.[3]
Pretty early in the morning on the 5th, my friend brought me a hog and some
fruit; for which I gave him a hatchet, a sheet, and some red cloth.[4] The
pinnace was sent ashore to trade as usual, but soon returned. The officer
informed me that the natives were for taking every thing out of the boat,
and, in other respects, were very troublesome. The day before, they stole
the grapling at the time the boat was riding by it, and carried it off
undiscovered. I now judged it necessary to have a guard on shore, to
protect the boats and people whose business required their being there; and
accordingly sent the marines, under the command of Lieutenant Edgcumbe.
Soon after I went myself, with my friend Attago, Captain Furneaux, and
several of the gentlemen. At landing, we found the chief, who presented me
with a pig. After this, Captain Furneaux and I took a walk into the
country, with Mr Hodges, to make drawings of such places and things as were
most interesting. When this was done, we returned on board to dinner, with
my friend and two other chiefs; one of which sent a hog on board the
Adventure for Captain Furneaux, some hours before, without stipulating for
any return. The only instance of this kind. My friend took care to put me
in mind of the pig the old king gave me in the morning; for which I now
gave a chequed shirt and a piece of red cloth. I had tied them up for him
to carry ashore; but with this he was not satisfied. He wanted to have them
put on him, which was no sooner done, than he went on deck, and shewed
himself to all his countrymen. He had done the same thing in the morning
with the sheet I gave him. In the evening we all went on shore again, where
we found the old king, who took to himself every thing my friend and the
others had got.[5]
The different trading parties were so successful to-day as to procure for
both ships a tolerably good supply of refreshments. In consequence of
which, I, the next morning, gave every one leave to purchase what
curiosities and other things they pleased. After this, it was astonishing
to see with what eagerness every one caught at every thing he saw. It even
went so far as to become the ridicule of the natives, who offered pieces of
sticks and stones to exchange. One waggish boy took a piece of human
excrement on the end of a stick, and held it out to every one he met with.
This day, a man got into the master's cabin, through the outside scuttle,
and took out some books and other things. He was discovered just as he was
getting out into his canoe, and pursued by one of our boats, which obliged
him to quit the canoe and take to the water. The people in the boat made
several attempts to lay hold of him; but he as often dived under the boat,
and at last having unshipped the rudder, which rendered her ungovernable,
by this means he got clear off. Some other very daring thefts were
committed at the landing-place. One fellow took a seaman's jacket out of
the boat, and carried it off, in spite of all that our people in her could
do. Till he was both pursued and fired at by them, he would not part with
it; nor would he have done it then, had not his landing been intercepted by
some of us who were on shore. The rest of the natives, who were very
numerous, took very little notice of the whole transaction; nor were they
the least alarmed when the man was fired at.
My friend Attago having visited me again next morning, as usual, brought
with him a hog, and assisted me in purchasing several more. Afterwards we
went ashore; visited the old king, with whom we staid till noon, then
returned on board to dinner, with Attago, who never once left me. Intending
to sail next morning, I made up a present for the old king, and carried it
on shore in the evening. As soon as I landed, I was told by the officers
who were on shore, that a far greater man than any we had yet seen was come
to pay us a visit. Mr Pickersgill informed me that he had seen him in the
country, and found that he was a man of some consequence, by the
extraordinary respect paid him by the people. Some, when they approached
him, fell on their faces, and put their head between their feet; and no one
durst pass him without permission. Mr Pickersgill, and another of the
gentlemen, took hold of his arms, and conducted him down to the landing-
place, where I found him seated with so much sullen and stupid gravity,
that notwithstanding what had been told me, I really took him for an idiot,
whom the people, from some superstitious notions, were ready to worship. I
saluted and spoke to him; but he neither answered, nor took the least
notice of me; nor did he alter a single feature in his countenance. This
confirmed me in my opinion, and I was just going to leave him, when one of
the natives, an intelligent youth, undertook to undeceive me; which he did
in such a manner as left me no room to doubt that he was the king, or
principal man on the island. Accordingly I made him the present I intended
for the old chief, which consisted of a shirt, an axe, a piece of red
cloth, a looking-glass, some nails, medals, and beads. He received these
things, or rather suffered them to be put upon him, and laid down by him,
without losing a bit of his gravity, speaking one word, or turning his head
either to the right or left; sitting the whole time like a statue; in which
situation I left him to return on board, and he soon after retired. I had
not been long on board before word was brought me, that a quantity of
provisions had come from this chief. A boat was sent to bring it from the
shore; and it consisted of about twenty baskets of roasted bananoes, sour
bread, and yams, and a roasted pig of about twenty pounds weight. Mr
Edgcumbe and his party were just re-embarking, when these were brought to
the water-side, and the bearers said it was a present from the
_Areeke_, that is, the king of the island, to the _Areeke_ of the
ship. After this I was no longer to doubt the dignity of this sullen chief.
Early in the morning of the 7th, while the ships were unmooring, I went
ashore with Captain Furneaux and Mr Forster, in order to make some return
to the king, for his last night's present. We no sooner landed than we
found Attago, of whom we enquired for the king, whose name was Kohaghee-
too-Fallangou. He accordingly undertook to conduct us to him; but, whether
he mistook the man we wanted, or was ignorant where he was, I know not.
Certain it is, that he took us a wrong road, in which he had not gone far
before he stopped, and after some little conversation between him and
another man, we returned back, and presently after the king appeared, with
very few attendants. As soon as Attago saw him coming, he sat down under a
tree, and desired us to do the same. The king seated himself on a rising
ground, about twelve or fifteen yards from us: Here we sat facing one
another for some minutes. I waited for Attago to shew us the way; but
seeing he did not rise, Captain Furneaux and I got up, went and saluted the
king, and sat down by him. We then presented him with a white shirt, (which
we put on his back) a few yards of red cloth, a brass kettle, a saw, two
large spikes, three looking-glasses, a dozen of medals, and some strings of
beads. All this time he sat with the same sullen stupid gravity as the day
before; he even did not seem to see or know what we were about; his arms
appeared immoveable at his sides; he did not so much as raise them when we
put on the shirt. I told him, both by words and signs, that we were going
to leave his island; he scarcely made the least answer to this, or any
other thing we either said or did. We, therefore, got up and took leave;
but I yet remained near him, to observe his actions. Soon after, he entered
into conversation with Attago and an old woman, whom we took to be his
mother. I did not understand any part of the conversation; it however made
him laugh, in spite of his assumed gravity. I say assumed, because it
exceeded every thing of the kind I ever saw; and therefore think it could
not be his real disposition, unless he was an idiot indeed, as these
islanders, like all the others we had lately visited, have a great deal of
levity, and he was in the prime of life. At last he rose up, and retired
with his mother and two or three more.[6]
Attago conducted us to another circle, where were seated the aged chief and
several respectable old persons of both sexes; among whom was the priest,
who was generally in company with this chief. We observed, that this
reverend father could walk very well in a morning, but in the evening was
obliged to be led home by two people. By this we concluded, that the juice
of the pepper-root had the same effect upon him, that wine and other strong
liquors have on Europeans who drink a large portion of them. It is very
certain, that these old people seldom sat down without preparing a bowl of
this liquor, which is done in the same manner as at Ulietea. We however
must do them the justice to believe, that it was meant to treat us;
nevertheless, the greatest part, if not the whole, generally fell to their
share. I was not well prepared to take leave of this chief, having
exhausted almost all our store on the other. However, after rummaging our
pockets, and treasury-bag, which was always carried with me wherever I
went, we made up a tolerable present, both for him and his friends. This
old chief had an air of dignity about him that commanded respect, which the
other had not. He was grave, but not sullen; would crack a joke, talk on
indifferent subjects, and endeavour to understand us and be understood
himself. During this visit, the old priest repeated a short prayer or
speech, the purport of which we did not understand. Indeed he would
frequently, at other times, break out in prayer; but I never saw any
attention paid to him by any one present.[7] After a stay of near two
hours, we took leave, and returned on board, with Attago and two or three
more friends, who staid and breakfasted with us; after which they were
dismissed, loaded with presents.
Attago was very importunate with me to return again to this isle, and to
bring with me cloth, axes, nails, &c. &c. telling me that I should have
hogs, fowls, fruit, and roots, in abundance. He particularly desired me,
more than once, to bring him such a suit of clothes as I had on, which was
my uniform. This good-natured islander was very serviceable to me, on many
occasions, during our short stay. He constantly came on board every morning
soon after it was light, and never quitted us till the evening. He was
always ready, either on board or on shore, to do me all the service in his
power: His fidelity was rewarded at a small expence, and I found my account
in having such a friend.[8]
In heaving in the coasting cable, it parted in the middle of its length,
being chafed by the rocks. By this accident we lost the other half,
together with the anchor, which lay in forty fathoms water, without any
buoy to it. The best bower-cable suffered also by the rocks; by which a
judgment may be formed of this anchorage. At ten o'clock we got under sail;
but as our decks were much encumbered with fruit, &c. we kept plying under
the land till they were cleared.[9] The supplies we got at this isle, were
about one hundred and fifty pigs, twice that number of fowls, as many
bananoes and cocoa-nuts as we could find room for, with a few yams; and had
our stay been longer, we no doubt might have got a great deal more. This in
some degree shews the fertility of the island, of which, together with the
neighbouring one of Middleburg, I shall now give a more particular account.
[1] "A party of the marines were posted on the beach in case of
danger, to protect the captain's clerk, who traded for provisions. The
natives did not express either surprise or dislike at this proceeding,
perhaps, because they were unacquainted with its meaning. They
received us with acclamations of joy as at Ea-oonhe, and desired us to
sit down with them on the rocks along shore, which consisted of coral,
and were covered with shell sand. We purchased several beautiful
parroquets, pigeons, and doves, which they brought to us perfectly
tame; and our young Borabora man, Mahine (or Odeedee), traded with
great eagerness for ornaments made of bright red feathers, which he
assured us had an extraordinary value at Otaheite and the Society
Islands. Here they were commonly pasted to aprons used in their
dances, and made of the fibres of cocoa-nuts, or fixed upon bananoe
leaves, forming rhomboidal frontlets or diadems; and with a degree of
extacy, which gave the greatest weight to his assertion, he shewed us
that a little piece of feather-work, as broad as two or three fingers,
would purchase the largest hog in his island."--G.F.
[2] "We left the beach after the first acquaintance with the natives,
and ascended a few feet into a wild forest consisting of tall trees,
intermixed with shrubberies. This wood, though narrow, being in many
places not above one hundred yards wide, was continued along the shore
of Van Diemen's road, being more or less open in various parts. Beyond
it the whole island was perfectly level. We walked across a piece of
uncultivated land, about five hundred yards wide, which adjoined to
the wood. Part of it appeared to have been planted with yams, but the
rest was full of grass, and had a little swamp in the middle, where
the purple water-hen, or _poula sultane_, resided in great numbers. As
soon as we left this, we entered into a lane about six feet wide,
between two fences of reed, which inclosed extensive plantations on
each side. Here we met many of the natives, who were travelling to the
beach with loads of provisions, and courteously bowed their heads as
they passed by us, in sign of friendship, generally pronouncing some
monosyllable or other, which seemed to correspond to the Otaheitean
_tays_. The inclosures, plantations, and houses, were exactly in the
same style as at Ea-oonhe, and the people had never failed to plant
odoriferous shrubs round their dwellings. The mulberry, of which the
bark is manufactured into cloth, and the bread-tree, were more scarce
than at the Society Isles, and the apple of those islands was entirely
unknown; but the shaddock well supplied its place. The season of
spring, which revived the face of all nature, adorning every plant
with blossoms, and inspiring with joyful songs the feathered tribe,
doubtless contributed in a great measure to make every object pleasing
in our eyes. But the industry and elegance of the natives, which they
displayed in planting every piece of ground to the greatest advantage,
as well as in the neatness and regularity of all their works, demanded
our admiration, whilst it gave us room to suppose, that they enjoyed a
considerable degree of happiness. One of the lanes between the
inclosures, led us to a little grove, which we admired for its
irregularity. An immense casuarina tree far out-topped the rest, and
its branches were loaded with a vast number of blackish creatures,
which we took for crows at a distance, but which proved to be bats
when we came nearer. They clung to the twigs by the hooked claws,
which are at the extremity of their webbed fingers and toes; sometimes
they hung with the head downwards, and sometimes the reverse. We shot
at them, and brought down six or eight at once, besides wounding
several others which held foot on the tree. They were of the kind
which is commonly called the vampyre, and measured from three to four
feet between the expanded wings. A great number of them were disturbed
at our firing, and flew from the tree very heavily, uttering a shrill
piping note; some likewise arrived from remote parts at intervals to
the tree, but the greatest number remained in their position, and
probably go out to feed only by night. As they live chiefly upon
fruit, it is likely that they commit great depredations in the
orchards of the natives, some of whom being present when we fired,
seemed very well pleased with the death of their enemies." "We had
already observed at Otaheite, at the Society Islands, and even at Ea-
oonhe, that wherever we met with a casuarina, a burying-place was at
hand. Therefore, at sight of this venerable tree, which was hung with
ill-omened creatures, we immediately conjectured that it would lead us
to a cemetery or place of worship, and the event shewed that we were
not mistaken. We found a beautiful green lawn, inclosed on all sides
by shady bushes and trees, amongst which casuarinas, pandangs, and
wild sago-palms, appeared with their various tints of green. A row of
Barringtonians, as big as the loftiest oaks, formed one side of it,
and strewed it with their large blushing flowers. At the upper end of
it, there was a rising two or three feet high, set out with coral-
stones cut square. The area above was covered with a green sod, like
the rest of the lawn. Two steps, likewise of coral rock, led up to
this part, in the midst of which a house was situated, exactly like
that which we saw at Ea-oonhe," &c.--G.F.
[3] "We continued our walk through the plantations, and met with very
few inhabitants, they being almost all gone towards the trading-place.
Those we saw passed by us, or continued their occupations without
stopping on our account. Neither curiosity nor distrust and jealousy
excited them to prohibit our farther progress; on the contrary, they
always spoke in a kind tone to us, which sufficiently characterized
their disposition. We looked into many of the houses and found them
empty, but always laid out with mats, and delightfully situated among
odoriferous shrubs. Sometimes they were separated from the plantations
by a little fence, through which a door, like those of Ea-oowhe, gave
admittance, which could be shut on the inside. In that case only the
area, which this fence inclosed around the hut, was planted with the
odoriferous grove, which is so much in request with the natives. A
walk of three miles, brought us to the eastern shore of the island,
where it forms a deep angle, which Tasman called Maria Bay. Where we
fell in with it, the ground sloped imperceptibly into a sandy beach;
but as we walked along towards the north point, we found it rose
perpendicularly, and in some places it was excavated and overhanging.
It consisted, however, entirely of coral, which is a strong proof of
some great change on our globe, as this rock can only be formed under
water. Whether it was left bare by a gradual diminution of the sea, or
perhaps by a more violent revolution which our earth may formerly have
suffered, I shall not venture to determine. So much, however, may be
assumed as a certainty, that if we suppose a gradual diminution of the
sea, at the rate which they pretend to have observed in Sweden (see
Mem. of the Swed. Acad. of Sciences at Stockholm), the emersion of
this island must be of so modern a date, that it is matter of
astonishment how it came to be covered with soil, herbage, and
forests; so well stocked with inhabitants, and so regularly adorned as
we really found it." "After a long walk, during which we missed our
way, and engaged one of the natives to become our guide, we entered a
long narrow lane between two fences, which led us directly to the
Fayetooca, or burying-place, we had left before. Here we found
Captains Cook and Furneaux and Mr Hodges, with a great number of
natives, seated on the fine lawn. They were in conversation with an
old blear-eyed man," &c. "From this place we returned to the sea
shore, where a brisk trade for vegetables, fowls, and hogs was carried
on," &c. "It was near sun-set when we returned on board with our
collection, and found the vessels still surrounded by many canoes, and
the natives swimming about extremely vociferous. Among them were a
considerable number of women, who wantoned in the water like
amphibious creatures, and were easily persuaded to come on board,
perfectly naked, without professing greater chastity than the common
women at Otaheite and the Society Isles," &c.--G.F.
[4] "He was drest in mats, one of which, on account of the coolness of
the morning, he had drawn over his shoulders. He resembled all other
uncivilized people in the circumstance that his attention could not be
fixed to one object for any space of time, and it was difficult to
prevail on him to sit still whilst Mr Hodges drew his portrait. After
breakfast, the captains and my father prepared to return to the shore
with him; but just as he was going out of the cabin, he happened to
see an Otaheitean dog running about the deck; at this sight he could
not conceal his joy, but clapped his hands on his breast, and, turning
to the captain, repeated the word _goorree_ near twenty times. We were
much surprised to hear that he knew the name of an animal which did
not exist in his country, and made him a present of one of each sex,
with which he went on shore in an extacy of joy."--G.F.
[5] "I remained on board all this day to arrange the collection of
plants and birds which we had made on our first excursion, and which
was far from despicable, considering the small size of the island. The
natives continued to crowd about our vessels in a number of canoes,
whilst many were swimming to and from the shore, who were probably not
rich enough to possess a canoe. Among the great numbers who surrounded
us, we observed several whose hair seemed to be burnt at the ends, and
were strewed with a white powder. Upon examination we found that this
powder was nothing else than lime, made of shells or coral, which had
corroded or burnt the hair. The taste of powdering was at its height
in this island. We observed a man who had employed a blue powder, and
many persons of both sexes who wore an orange powder made of
turmerick. St Jerom, who preached against the vanities of the age,
very seriously reprehends a similar custom in the Roman ladies: _'Ne
irrufet crines, et anticipet sibi ignes Gehennæ_!' Thus, by an
admirable similarity of follies, the modes of the former inhabitants
of Europe are in full force among the modern antipodes; and our
insipid beaux, whose only pride is the invention of a new fashion, are
forced to share that slender honour with the uncivilized natives of an
isle in the South Seas,"--G.F.
[6] "Upon enquiry, some of the sportsmen who had met with this man
near Maria Bay, had been repeatedly told, that he was the chief of the
whole island, in the same manner as Cookee (Captain Cook) was chief of
our ships, and that they called him Ko-Haghee-too-Fallango. Whether
this was his name or his title I cannot determine, as we never heard
it mentioned again by the natives; but they all agreed in telling us,
that he was their Areghee, or king. They added, that his name was
Latoo-Ni-pooroo, of which we concluded that the former part (Latoo)
was a title, it being the same which Schooten and La Maire, the Dutch
navigators, in the year 1616, found at the Cocos, Traytors, and Horne
islands, which are situated in this neighbourhood, only a few degrees
to the northward. We were confirmed in this opinion by the great
correspondence of the vocabularies, which these intelligent seamen
have left us, with the language which was spoken at Tonga-Tabboo, and
still more so by the entire similarity in the behaviour and customs of
these islanders."--G.F.
[7] Mr G. Forster agrees with Cook as to the toper-like qualities of
this priest, but speaks of his having great authority among the
people. This merely apparent difference of statement is quite easily
understood, by what one may witness in some other countries, where
respect for the ecclesiastical office is not unfrequently accompanied
with the most thoroughly merited contempt of the self-degraded
hirelings that sustain it. The _three-bottle_ vicar still continues in
England, to obtain the accustomed reverence to his surplice, from the
wondering parishioners, though the companions of his jovial hours have
long ceased to feel the slightest compunctions arising from inward
respect, when they laugh at his heinously red nose, or chorus in his
ribaldry. The islanders of the South Sea are not singular then, in
mentally disjoining official dignity from moral excellence.--E.
[8] "Here, however, as in all other societies of men, we found
exceptions to the general character, and had reason to lament the
behaviour of vicious individuals. Dr Sparrman and myself having left
the beach where the Latoo attracted the attention of all our people,
entered the wood in pursuit of farther discoveries in our branch of
science. The first discharge of my fowling-piece at a bird brought
three natives towards us, with whom we entered into conversation, as
far as our superficial knowledge of their tongue would permit. Soon
after, Dr Sparrman stepped aside into a thicket in search of a
bayonet, which he had lost from the end of his musket. One of the
natives, finding the temptation of the moment irresistible, grasped my
fowling-piece, and struggled to wrest it from me. I called to my
companion, and the two other natives ran away, unwilling to become the
accomplices in this attack. In the struggle, our feet were entangled
in a bush, and we both fell together; but the native, seeing he could
not gain his point, and perhaps dreading the arrival of Dr Sparrman,
got up before me, and took that opportunity of running off. My friend
joined me immediately; and we concluded, that if there was something
treacherous or vicious in the behaviour of this fellow, our separation
was also imprudent, because it had furnished him with an opportunity
to exercise his talents."--G.F.
[9] "We had made such good use of the four months, after our departure
from New Zealand, as to have crossed the South Sea in the middle
latitudes, in the depth of winter, examined a space of more than forty
degrees of longitude between the tropics, and refreshed our people at
Otaheite, the Society Islands, and the Friendly Islands, during one
and thirty days. The season for prosecuting our discoveries in high
southern latitudes advanced, and the savage rocks of New Zealand were
only to give us shelter, whilst we changed our fair-weather rigging,
for such as might resist the storms and vigours of more inhospitable
climates."--G.F.
SECTION III.
_A Description of the Islands and their Produce; with the Cultivation,
Houses, Canoes, Navigation, Manufactures, Weapons, Customs, Government,
Religion, and Language of the Inhabitants._ [1]
These islands were first discovered by Captain Tasman, in January, 1642-3,
and by him called Amsterdam and Middleburg. But the former is called by the
natives Ton-ga-ta-bu, and the latter Ea-oo-wee. They are situated between
the latitude of 21° 29' and 21° 3' south, and between the longitude of 174°
40' and 175° 15' west, deduced from observations made on the spot.
Middleburg, or Eaoowee, which is the southernmost, is about ten leagues in
circuit, and of a height sufficient to be seen twelve leagues. The skirts
of this isle are mostly taken up in the plantations; the S.W. and N.W.
sides especially. The interior parts are but little cultivated, though very
fit for cultivation. However, the want of it added greatly to the beauty of
the isle; for here are, agreeably dispersed, groves of cocoa-nut and other
trees, lawns covered with thick grass, here and there plantations, and
paths leading to every part of the island, in such beautiful disorder, as
greatly enlivens the prospect.[2]
The anchorage, which I named English Road, being the first who anchored
there, is on the N.W. side, in latitude 21° 20' 30" south. The bank is a
coarse sand; it extends two miles from the land, and on it there is from
twenty to forty fathoms water. The small creek before it affords convenient
landing for boats at all times of the tide; which here, as well as at the
other islands, rises about four or five feet, and is high water on the full
and change days about seven o'clock. The island of Tongatabu is shaped
something like an isosceles triangle, the longest sides whereof are seven
leagues each, and the shortest four. It lies nearly in the direction of
E.S.E. and W.N.W.; is nearly all of an equal height, rather low, not
exceeding sixty or eighty feet above the level of the sea. This island, and
also that of Eaoowee, is guarded from the sea by a reef of coral rocks,
extending out from the shore one hundred fathoms more or less. On this reef
the force of the sea is spent before it reaches the land or shore. Indeed,
this is in some measure the situation of all the tropical isles in this sea
that I have seen; and thus nature has effectually secured them from the
encroachments of the sea, though many of them are mere points when compared
to this vast ocean. Van Diemen's Road, where we anchored, is under the
northwest part of the island, between the most northern and western points.
There lies a reef of rocks without it, bearing N.W. by W., over which the
sea breaks continually. The bank does not extend more than three cables
length from the shore; without that, is an unfathomable depth. The loss of
an anchor, and the damage our cables sustained, are sufficient proofs that
the bottom is none of the best.
On the east side of the north point of the island, (as Mr Gilbert, whom I
sent to survey the parts, informed me) is a very snug harbour, of one mile
or more in extent, wherein is seven, eight, and ten fathoms water, with a
clean sandy bottom. The channel, by which he went in and out, lies close to
the point, and has only three fathoms water; but he believes, that farther
to the N.E. is a channel with a much greater depth, which he had not time
to examine. Indeed, it would have taken up far more time than I could spare
to have surveyed these parts minutely; as there lies a number of small
islets and reefs of rocks along the N.E. side of the island, which seemed
to extend to the N.E. farther than the eye could reach. The island of
Amsterdam, or Tongatabu, is wholly laid out in plantations, in which are
planted some of the richest productions of nature, such as bread-fruit,
cocoa-nut trees, plantains, bananoes, shaddocks, yams, and some other
roots, sugar-cane, and a fruit like a nectarine, called by them
_Fighegea_, and at Otaheite _Ahuya_: In short, here are most of
the articles which the Society Islands produce, besides some which they
have not. Mr Forster tells me, that he not only found the same plants here
that are at Otaheite and the neighbouring isles, but several others which
are not to be met with there. And I probably have added to their stock of
vegetables, by leaving with them an assortment of garden seeds, pulse, &c.
Bread-fruit here, as well as at all the other isles, was not in season; nor
was this the time for roots and shaddocks. We got the latter only at
Middleburg.[3]
The produce and cultivation of this isle is the same as at Amsterdam; with
this difference, that a part only of the former is cultivated, whereas the
whole of the latter is. The lanes or roads necessary for travelling, are
laid out in so judicious a manner, as to open a free and easy communication
from one part of the island to the other. Here are no towns or villages;
most of the houses are built in the plantations, with no other order than
what conveniency requires; they are neatly constructed, but do not exceed
those in the other isles. The materials of which they are built are the
same; and some little variation in the disposition of the framing, is all
the difference in their construction. The floor is a little raised, and
covered with thick strong mats; the same sort of matting serves to inclose
them on the windward side, the other being open. They have little areas
before the most of them, which are generally planted round with trees, or
shrubs of ornament, whose fragrancy perfumes the very air in which they
breathe. Their household furniture consists of a few wooden platters,
cocoa-nut shells, and some neat wooden pillows shaped like four-footed
stools or forms. Their common clothing, with the addition of a mat, serves
them for bedding. We got from them two or three earthen vessels, which were
all we saw among them. One was in the shape of a bomb-shell, with two boles
in it, opposite each other; the others were like pipkins, containing about
five or six pints, and had been in use on the fire. I am of opinion they
are the manufacture of some other isle; for, if they were of their own, we
ought to have seen more of them. Nor am I to suppose they came from
Tasman's ships; the time is too long for brittle vessels like these to be
preserved.
We saw no other domestic animals amongst them but hogs and fowls. The
former are of the same sort as at the other isles in this sea; but the
latter are far superior, being as large as any we have in Europe, and their
flesh equally good, if not better. We saw no dogs, and believe they have
none, as they were exceedingly desirous of those we had on board. My friend
Attago was complimented with a dog and a bitch, the one from New Zealand,
the other from Ulietea. The name of a dog with them is _kooree_ or
_gooree_, the same as at New Zealand, which shews that they are not
wholly strangers to them. We saw no rats in these isles, nor any other wild
quadrupeds, except small lizards. The land birds are pigeons, turtle-doves,
parrots, parroquets, owls, bald couts with a blue plumage, a variety of
small birds, and large bats in abundance. The produce of the sea we know
but little of; it is reasonable to suppose, that the same sorts of fish are
found here as at the other isles.[4] Their fishing instruments are the
same; that is, hooks made of mother-of-pearl, gigs with two, three, or more
prongs, and nets made of a very fine thread, with the meshes wrought
exactly like ours. But nothing can be a more demonstrative evidence of
their ingenuity than the construction and make of their canoes, which, in
point of neatness and workmanship, exceed every thing of this kind we saw
in this sea. They are built of several pieces sewed together with bandage,
in so neat a manner, that on the outside it is difficult to see the joints.
All the fastenings are on the inside, and pass through kants or ridges,
which are wrought on the edges and ends of the several boards which compose
the vessel, for that purpose. They are of two kinds, viz. double and
single. The single ones are from twenty to thirty feet long, and about
twenty or twenty-two inches broad in the middle; the stern terminates in a
point, and the head something like the point of a wedge. At each end is a
kind of deck, for about one-third part of the whole length, and open in the
middle. In some the middle of the deck is decorated with a row of white
shells, stuck on little pegs wrought out of the same piece which composes
it. These single canoes have all out-riggers, and are sometimes navigated
with sails, but more generally with paddles, the blades of which are short,
and broadest in the middle. The two vessels which compose the double canoe
are each about sixty or seventy feet long, and four or five broad in the
middle, and each end terminates nearly in a point; so that the body or hull
differs a little in construction from the single canoe, but is put together
exactly in the same manner; these having a rising in the middle round the
open part, in the form of a long trough, which is made of boards, closely
fitted together, and well secured to the body of the vessel. Two such
vessels are fastened to, and parallel to each other, about six or seven
feet asunder, by strong cross beams, secured by bandages to the upper part
of the risings above mentioned. Over these beams, and others which are
supported by stanchions fixed on the bodies of the canoes, is laid a
boarded platform. All the parts which compose the double canoe, are made as
strong and light as the nature of the work will admit, and may be immerged
in water to the very platform, without being in danger of filling. Nor is
it possible, under any circumstance whatever, for them to sink, so long as
they hold together. Thus they are not only vessels of burden, but fit for
distant navigation. They are rigged with one mast, which steps upon the
platform, and can easily be raised or taken down; and are sailed with a
latteen-sail, or triangular one, extended by a long yard, which is a little
bent or crooked. The sail is made of mats; the rope they make use of is
exactly like ours, and some of it is four or five inch. On the platform is
built a little shed or hut, which screens the crew from the sun and
weather, and serves for other purposes. They also carry a moveable fire-
hearth, which is a square, but shallow trough of wood, filled with stones.
The way into the hold of the canoe is from off the platform, down a sort of
uncovered hatchway, in which they stand to bale out the water. I think
these vessels are navigated either end foremost, and that, in changing
tacks, they have only occasion to shift or jib round the sail; but of this
I was not certain, as I had not then seen any under sail, or with the mast
and sail an end, but what were a considerable distance from us.
Their working tools are made of stone, bone, shells, &c. as at the other
islands. When we view the work which is performed with these tools, we are
struck with admiration at the ingenuity and patience of the workman. Their
knowledge of the utility of iron was no more than sufficient to teach them
to prefer nails to beads, and such trifles; some, but very few, would
exchange a pig for a large nail, or a hatchet. Old jackets, shirts, cloth,
and even rags, were in more esteem than the best edge-tool we could give
them; consequently they got but few axes from us but what were given as
presents. But if we include the nails which were given by the officers and
crews of both ships for curiosities, &c. with those given for refreshments,
they cannot have got less than five hundred weight, great and small. The
only piece of iron we saw among them was a small broad awl, which had been
made of a nail.
Both men and women are of a common size with Europeans; and their colour is
that of a lightish copper, and more uniformly so than amongst the
inhabitants of Otaheite and the Society Isles. Some of our gentlemen were
of opinion these were a much handsomer race; others maintained a contrary
opinion, of which number I was one. Be this as it may, they have a good
shape, and regular features, and are active, brisk, and lively. The women,
in particular, are the merriest creatures I ever met with, and will keep
chattering by one's side, without the least invitation, or considering
whether they are understood, provided one does but seem pleased with them.
In general they appeared to be modest; although there was no want of those
of a different stamp; and as we had yet some venereal complaints on board,
I took all possible care to prevent the disorder being communicated to
them. On most occasions they shewed a strong propensity to pilfering; in
which they were full as expert as the Otaheitans.
Their hair in general is black, but more especially that of the women.
Different colours were found among the men, sometimes on the same head,
caused by something they put upon it, which stains it white, red, and blue.
Both sexes wear it short; I saw but two exceptions to this custom, and the
most of them combed it upwards. Many of the boys had it cut very close,
except a single lock on the top of the head, and a small quantity on each
side. The men cut or shave their beards quite close, which operation is
performed with two shells. They have fine eyes, and in general good teeth,
even to an advanced age. The custom of _tattowing_ or puncturing the
skin prevails. The men are _tattowed_ from the middle of the thigh to
above the hips. The women have it only on their arms and fingers; and there
but very slightly.
The dress of both sexes consists of a piece of cloth or matting wrapped
round the waist, and hanging down below the knees. From the waist, upwards,
they are generally naked; and it seemed to be a custom to anoint these
parts every morning. My friend Attago never failed to do it; but whether
out of respect to his friend, or from custom, I will not pretend to say;
though I rather think from the latter, as he was not singular in the
practice.
Their ornaments are amulets, necklaces, and bracelets of bones, shells, and
beads of mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, &c. which are worn by both sexes.
The women also wear on their fingers neat rings made of tortoise-shell, and
pieces in their ears about the size of a small quill; but ear ornaments are
not commonly worn, though all have their ears pierced. They have also a
curious apron made of the outside fibres of the cocoa-nut shell, and
composed of a number of small pieces sewed together in such a manner as to
form stars, half-moons, little squares, &c. It is studded with beads of
shells, and covered with red feathers, so as to have a pleasing effect.
They make the same kind of cloth, and of the same materials, as at
Otaheite; though they have not such a variety, nor do they make any so
fine; but, as they have a method of glazing it, it is more durable, and
will resist rain for some time, which Otaheite cloth will not. Their
colours are black, brown, purple, yellow, and red; all made from
vegetables. They make various sorts of matting; some of a very fine
texture, which is generally used for clothing; and the thick and stronger
sort serves to sleep on, and to make sails for their canoes, &c. Among
other useful utensils, they have various sorts of baskets; some are made of
the same materials as their mats; and others of the twisted fibres of
cocoa-nuts. These are not only durable but beautiful; being generally
composed of different colours, and studded with beads made of shells or
bones. They have many little nick-nacks amongst them; which shews that they
neither want taste to design, nor skill to execute, whatever they take in
hand.
How these people amuse themselves in their leisure hours, I cannot say, as
we are but little acquainted with their diversions. The women frequently
entertained us with songs, in a manner which was agreeable enough. They
accompany the music by snapping their fingers, so as to keep time to it.
Not only their voices, but their music was very harmonious, and they have a
considerable compass in their notes. I saw but two musical instruments
amongst them. One was a large flute made of a piece of bamboo, which they
fill with their noses as at Otaheite; but these have four holes or stops,
whereas those of Otaheite have only two. The other was composed of ten or
eleven small reeds of unequal lengths, bound together side by side, as the
Doric pipe of the ancients is said to have been; and the open ends of the
reeds into which they blow with their mouths, are of equal height, or in a
line. They have also a drum, which, without any impropriety, may be
compared to an hollow log of wood. The one I saw was five feet six inches
long, and thirty inches in girt, and had a slit in it, from the one end to
the other, about three inches wide, by means of which it had been hollowed
out. They beat on the side of this log with two drum-sticks, and produce an
hollow sound, not quite so musical as that of an empty cask.
The common method of saluting one another is by touching or meeting noses,
as is done in New Zealand, and their sign of peace to strangers, is the
displaying a white flag or flags; at least such were displayed to us, when
we first drew near the shore. But the people who came first on board
brought with them some of the pepper plant, and sent it before them into
the ship; a stronger sign of friendship than which one could not wish for.
From their unsuspicious manner of coming on board, and of receiving us at
first on shore, I am of opinion, they are seldom disturbed by either
foreign or domestic troubles. They are, however, not unprovided with very
formidable weapons; such as clubs and spears, made of hard wood, also bows
and arrows. The clubs are from three to five feet in length, and of various
shapes. Their bows and arrows are but indifferent; the former being very
slight, and the latter only made of a slender reed, pointed with hard wood.
Some of their spears have many barbs, and must be very dangerous weapons
where they take effect. On the inside of the bow is a groove, in which is
put the arrow; from which it would seem that they use but one.
They have a singular custom of putting every thing you give them to their
heads, by way of thanks, as we conjectured. This manner of paying a
compliment, is taught them from their very infancy; for when we gave things
to little children, the mother lifted up the child's hand to its head. They
also used this custom in their exchanges with us; whatever we gave them for
their goods, was always applied to the head, just as if it had been given
them for nothing. Sometimes they would look at our goods, and if not
approved, return them back; but whenever they applied them to the head, the
bargain was infallibly struck. When I had made a present to the chief of
any thing curious, I frequently saw it handed from one to another; and
every one, into whose hands it came, put it to the head. Very often the
women would take hold of my hand, kiss it, and lift it to their heads. From
all this it should seem, that this custom, which they call
_fagafatie_, has various significations according as it is applied;
all, however, complimentary.
It must be observed, that the sullen chief or king did not pay me any of
these compliments for the presents I made him.
A still more singular custom prevails in these isles: We observed that the
greater part of the people, both men and women, had lost one, or both their
little fingers.[5] We endeavoured, but in vain, to find out the reason of
this mutilation; for no one would take any pains to inform us. It was
neither peculiar to rank, age, or sex; nor is it done at any certain age,
as I saw those of all ages on whom the amputation had been just made; and,
except some young children, we found few who had both hands perfect. As it
was more common among the aged than the young, some of us were of opinion
that it was occasioned by the death of their parents, or some other near
relation. But Mr Wales one day met with a man, whose hands were both
perfect, of such an advanced age, that it was hardly possible his parents
could be living. They also burn or make incisions in their cheeks, near the
cheek-bone. The reason of this was equally unknown to us. In some, the
wounds were quite fresh; in others, they could only be known by the scars,
or colour of the skin. I saw neither sick nor lame amongst them; all
appeared healthy, strong, and vigorous; a proof of the goodness of the
climate in which they live.
I have frequently mentioned a king, which implies the government being in a
single person, without knowing for certain whether it is so or no. Such an
one was however pointed out to us; and we had no reason to doubt it. From
this, and other circumstances, I am of opinion that the government is much
like that of Otaheite: That is, in a king or great chief, who is here
called Areeke, with other chiefs under him, who are lords of certain
districts, and perhaps sole proprietors, to whom the people seem to pay
great obedience. I also observed a third rank, who had not a little
authority over the common people; my friend Attago was one of these. I am
of opinion that all the land on. _Tongatabu_ is private property, and
that there are here, as at Otaheite, a set of people, who are servants or
slaves, and have no property in land. It is unreasonable to suppose every
thing in common in a country so highly cultivated as this. Interest being
the greatest spring which animates the hand of industry, few would toil in
cultivating and planting the land, if they did not expect to reap the fruit
of their labour: Were it otherwise, the industrious man would be in a worse
state than the idle sluggard. I frequently saw parties of six, eight, or
ten people, bring down to the landing place fruit and other things to
dispose of, where one person, a man or woman, superintended the sale of the
whole; no exchanges were made but with his or her consent; and whatever we
gave in exchange was always given them, which I think plainly shewed them
to be the owners of the goods, and the others no more than servants. Though
benevolent nature has been very bountiful to these isles, it cannot be said
that the inhabitants are wholly exempt from the curse of our forefathers:
Part of their bread must be earned by the sweat of their brows. The high
state of cultivation their lands are in, must have cost them immense
labour. This is now amply rewarded by the great produce, of which every one
seems to partake. No one wants the common necessaries of life; joy and
contentment are painted in every face. Indeed, it can hardly be otherwise;
an easy freedom prevails among all ranks of people; they feel no wants
which they do not enjoy the means of gratifying; and they live in a clime
where the painful extremes of heat and cold are equally unknown. If nature
has been wanting in any thing, it is in the article of fresh water, which
as it is shut up in the bowels of the earth, they are obliged to dig for. A
running stream was not seen, and but one well, at Amsterdam. At Middleburg,
we saw no water but what the natives had in vessels; but as it was sweet
and cool, I had no doubt of its being taken up upon the island; and
probably not far from the spot where I saw it.
So little do we know of their religion, that I hardly dare mention it. The
buildings called _Afiatoucas_, before mentioned, are undoubtedly set
apart for this purpose. Some of our gentlemen were of opinion, that they
were merely burying-places. I can only say, from my own knowledge, that
they are places to which particular persons directed set speeches, which I
understood to be prayers, as hath been already related. Joining my opinion
with that of others, I was inclined to think that they are set apart to be
both temples and burying-places, as at Otaheite, or even in Europe. But I
have no idea of the images being idols; not only from what I saw myself,
but from Mr Wales's informing me that they set one of them up, for him and
others to shoot at.
One circumstance shewed that these _Afiatoucas_ were frequently
resorted to, for one purpose or other--the areas, or open places, before
them, being covered with a green sod, the grass on which was very short.
This did not appear to have been cut, or reduced by the hand of man, but to
have been prevented in its growth, by being often trod, or sat upon.
It cannot be supposed that we could know much, either of their civil or
religious policy, in so short a time as four or five days, especially as we
understood but little of their language: Even the two islanders we had on
board could not at first understand them, and yet as we became the more
acquainted with them, we found their language was nearly the same spoken at
Otaheite and the Society Isles. The difference not being greater than what
we find betwixt the most northern and western parts of England, as will
more fully appear by the vocabulary.[6]
[1] This subject is resumed in the account of Cook's third voyage, to
which we refer for additional information. A few observations,
however, are here given from the works already mentioned, as deserving
the reader's immediate attention.--E.
[2] "Next to the Society Isles, for richness of productions, and
beauty of appearance, we must place that group discovered by the Dutch
navigator Tasman, and not unaptly to be distinguished by the name of
Friendly Isles, from the peaceable kind disposition of their
inhabitants. They are raised so high above the level of the sea, that
they can no longer rank with the low islands; and being destitute of
mountains, they are equally distinct from the high islands. They are
extremely populous, and their uniform surface, therefore, gives the
people an opportunity of carrying cultivation very far; and from one
end to the other, they are intersected by paths and fences, which
divide the plantations. At first, one might be apt to think that this
high cultivation would give the botanist very scanty supplies of
spontaneous plants; but it is the peculiar beauty of these elegant
isles to join the useful to the agreeable in nature, by which means a
variety of different wild species thrive among more that are
cultivated in that pleasing disorder, which is so much admired in the
gardens of this kingdom."--F.
[3] Much of the difference betwixt the Society and Friendly Isles,
seems to depend on the greater abundance of water in the former. This
is noticed very judiciously by Mr G.F., as will be seen in a following
note. His father too was well aware of it. "The Friendly Isles," says
he, "seem to be destitute of springs; for though on some of them, as
Eaoowhe and Anamocka, there are small hills and rising grounds; they
are, however, far from being so high as to attract the clouds, or to
cause, from their perpetual moisture, a continual flood of spring
water. The natives have ponds, some of which are large, wherein they
collect the rain water, but it is sometimes brackish from the vicinity
of the sea." He speaks, it may be added, of a large lagoon of salt
water in Anamocka, about three miles long, full of small isles,
ornamented with clusters of trees, and surrounded by bushes of man-
groves and hills, so as altogether to form a romantic landscape. In
his opinion, the soil is much the same in both clusters.--E.
[4] The following remarks, collected from Mr F.'s work, may prove
useful to the reader:--"In the tropical isles they have but four
species of quadrupeds, two of which are domestic; and the remaining
ones are the vampyre and the common rat. This last inhabits the
Marquesas, Society Isles, Friendly Isles, and the New Hebrides. They
are in incredible numbers at the Society Isles, much scarcer at the
Marquesas and Friendly Isles, and seldom seen at the New Hebrides. The
vampyre is only seen in the more western isles. At the Friendly Isles
they live gregarious by several hundreds, and some of them are seen
flying about the whole day. The Society Isles alone are fortunate
enough to possess both the domestic quadrupeds, the dog and the hog.
New Zealand and the low islands must be content with dogs alone; the
Marquesas, Friendly Isles, and New Hebrides, have only hogs; and
Easter Island and New Caledonia are destitute of both. There is only
one tame species of birds, properly speaking, in the tropical isles of
the South Sea, viz. the common cock and hen; They are numerous at
Easter Island, where they are the only domestic animals; they are
likewise in great plenty at the Society Isles, and Friendly Isles, at
which last they are of a prodigious size: They are also not uncommon
at the Marquesas, Hebrides, and New Caledonia; but the low isles, and
those of the temperate zone, are quite destitute of them. The natives
of the Friendly and Society Isles sometimes catch and tame certain
sorts of parroquets and pigeons, but never have any breeds of them, so
that they can scarcely be reckoned as domestic birds. The South Sea is
rich in fish, and has a great variety of species, most of which are
good eating, many very delicious, and but a few capable of noxious or
fatal effects.--E.
[5] This custom is not peculiar to the inhabitants of the Friendly
Isles. See Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii. p.
253, &c. Of this custom, and of many of the topics mentioned in this
Section, besides others of equal interest, the reader will be supplied
with very ample accounts when he comes to the relation of the 3d
voyage.--E.
[6] It appeared upon the whole, that the customs and language of these
islanders have a great affinity with those of the Otaheitans, and it
would not therefore be very singular to find a coincidence even in
their amusements. The greatest differences between these two tribes,
who must have originated from the same stock, seem to be owing to the
different nature of these islands. The Society Isles are well
furnished with wood, and the tops of these mountains are still covered
with inexhaustible forests. At the Friendly Isles this article is much
scarcer, the surface (at least of those which we have seen) being
almost entirely laid out in plantations. The natural consequence is,
that the houses are lofty and of immense extent in the first group of
islands, but much smaller and less convenient in the last. In one the
canoes are numerous, I may almost say innumerable, and many of a vast
size; and, in the other, very few in number, and much smaller. The
mountains of the Society Isles continually attract the vapours from
the atmosphere, and many rivulets descend from the broken rocks into
the plain, where they wind their serpentine course, and glide smoothly
to the sea. The inhabitants of those islands take advantage of this
gift of bountiful nature, and not only drink of the salutary element,
but likewise bathe so frequently in it, that no impurity can long
adhere to their skin. It is very different with a people who are
absolutely denied this blessing, and who must either content
themselves with putrid stagnant rain water in a few dirty pools, or go
entirely without it. They are obliged to have recourse to expedients
in order to preserve a certain degree of cleanliness, which may
preclude various distempers. They, therefore, cut off their hair, and
shave or clip their beards, which doubtless makes them look more
unlike the Otaheitans than they would otherwise do. Still these
precautions are not sufficient, especially as they have no fluid for
drinking in any quantity. The body is therefore very subject to
leprous complaints, which are perhaps irritated by the use of the
pepper-root water or _awa_. Hence also that burning or blistering on
the cheekbones, which we observed to be so general among this tribe,
that hardly an individual was free from it, and which can only be used
as a remedy against some disorders. The soil of the Society Isles in
the plains and vallies is rich, and the rivulets which intersect it
supply abundance of moisture. All sorts of vegetables, therefore,
thrive with great luxuriance upon it, and require little attendance or
cultivation. This profusion is become the source of that great luxury
among the chiefs, which we do not meet with at Tonga-tabboo. There the
coral rock is covered only with a thin bed of mould, which sparingly
affords nourishment to all sorts of trees; and the most useful of all,
the bread-fruit tree, thrives imperfectly on the island, as it is
destitute of water, except when a genial shower happens to impregnate
and fertilize the ground. The labour of the natives is therefore
greater than that of the Otaheitans, and accounts for the regularity
of the plantations, and the accurate division of property. It is
likewise to this source we must ascribe it, that they have always set
a higher value on their provisions than on their tools, dresses,
ornaments, and weapons, though many of these must have cost them
infinite time and application. They very justly conceive the articles
of food to be their principal riches, of which the loss is absolutely
not to be remedied. If we observed their bodies more slender, and
their muscles harder than those of the Otaheitans, this seems to be
the consequence of a greater and more constant exertion of strength.
Thus, perhaps, they become industrious by force of habit, and when
agriculture does not occupy them, they are actuated to employ their
vacant hours in the fabrication of that variety of tools and
instruments on which they bestow so much time, patience, labour, and
ingenuity. This industrious turn has also led them, in the cultivation
of all their arts, to so much greater perfection than the Otaheitans.
By degrees they have hit upon new inventions, and introduced an active
spirit, and enlivening cheerfulness even into their amusements. Their
happiness of temper they preserve under a political constitution,
which does not appear to be very favourable to liberty; but we need
not go so far from home to wonder at such a phenomenon, when one of
the most enslaved people in all Europe (the French, no doubt, are
intended; this was published in 1777,) are characterised as the
merriest and most facetious of mankind. Still there may be more
sincerity in the cheerfulness of the natives of Tonga-tabboo, for,
exclusive of great and almost servile submission, their king does not
seem to exact any thing from them, which, by depriving them of the
means to satisfy the most indispensable wants of nature, could make
them miserable. Be this as it may, so much seems to be certain, that
their systems of politics and religion, from their similarity with the
Otaheitan, as far as we could judge, must have had one common origin,
perhaps in the mother country, from whence both these colonies issued.
Single dissonant customs and opinions may have acceded to the
primitive ideas, in proportion as various accidents, or human
caprices, have given rise to them. The affinity of their languages is
still more decisive. The greatest part of the necessaries of life,
common to both groups of islands, the parts of the body, in short, the
most obvious and universal ideas, were expressed at the Society and
Friendly Isles, nearly by the same words. We did not find that
sonorousness in the Tonga-tabboo dialect, which is prevalent in that
of Otaheite, because the inhabitants of the former have adopted the F,
K, and S, so that their language is more replete with consonants. This
harshness is compensated, however, by the frequent use of the liquid
letters L, M, N, and of the softer vowels E and I, to which we must
add that kind of singing tone, which they generally retain even in
common conversation."--G.F.
No apology, it is presumed, need be given, for the insertion of so
able a specimen of philosophical discernment, and judicious reasoning.
Few men have exhibited happier talents for this department of
literature, than the younger Forster; and it is perhaps the more
generous to yield him this commendation now, as his merit has hitherto
been almost totally immersed in the celebrity of greater names. His
work is glaringly superior, in perhaps every particular, to the
compilation of Dr Hawkesworth; and the writer for one, would feel
ashamed of himself, if he had not courage to avow his opinion, that it
manifests greater excellencies than Cook's own relation, for which,
indeed, it would be easy to specify many reasons. This comparison, it
may be said, is invidious, the two men being so differently
constituted, as to habits and education, and having such different
objects in view in their undertakings, as to imply legitimate and
specific dissimilarity. Be it so, in the main. But how is justice to
be done them unless by comparison? As navigator and naturalist, they
have few or no common features, and cannot, therefore, be confronted;
but as authors describing the manners and appearances of distant and
singular people, and relating occurrences and transactions common to
both, they have only one sort of character, which will and ought to be
judged of by the public, according to the same standard.--E.
SECTION IV.
_Passage from Amsterdam to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account of an
Interview with the Inhabitants, and the final Separation of the two
Ships ._
About the time we were in a condition to make sail, a canoe, conducted by
four men, came along-side, with one of those drums already mentioned, on
which one man kept continually beating; thinking, no doubt, the music would
charm us. I gave them a piece of cloth and a nail, for the drum; and took
an opportunity to send to my friend Attago some wheat, pease, and beans,
which I had forgot to give him when he had the other seeds. As soon as this
canoe was gone, we made sail to the southward, having a gentle gale at S.E.
by E.; it being my intention to proceed directly to Queen Charlotte's Sound
in New Zealand, there to take in wood and water, and then to go on farther
discoveries to the south and east.
In the afternoon on the 8th, we made the island of Pilstart, bearing S.W.
by W. 1/2 W., distant seven or eight leagues. This island, which was also
discovered by Tasman, is situated in the latitude of 22° 26' south,
longitude 175° 59' west, and lies in the direction of S. 52° west, distant
thirty-two leagues from the south end of Middleburg. It is more conspicuous
in height than circuit; having in it two considerable hills, seemingly
disjoined from each other by a low valley. After a few hours calm the wind
came to S.W.; with which we stretched to the S.E.; but on the 10th, it
veered round by the south to the S.E. and E.S.E. and then we resumed our
course to the S.S.W.
At five o'clock in the morning of the 21st, we made the land of New
Zealand, extending from N.W. by N. to W.S.W.; at noon, Table Cape bore
west, distant eight or ten leagues. I was very desirous of having some
intercourse with the natives of this country as far to the north as
possible; that is, about Poverty or Tolaga Bays, where I apprehended they
were more civilized than at Queen Charlotte's Sound; in order to give them
some hogs, fowls, seeds, roots, &c. which I had provided for the purpose.
The wind veering to the N.W. and north, enabled us to fetch in with the
land a little to the north of Portland, and we stood as near the shore as
we could with safety. We observed several people upon it, but none
attempted to come off to us. Seeing this, we bore away under Portland,
where we lay-to some time, as well to give time for the natives to come
off, as to wait for the Adventure. There were several people on Portland,
but none seemed inclined to come to us; indeed the wind, at this time, blew
rather too fresh for them to make the attempt. Therefore, as soon as the
Adventure was up with us, we made sail for Cape Kidnappers, which we passed
at five o'clock in the morning, and continued our course along-shore till
nine, when, being about three leagues short off Black-head, we saw some
canoes put off from the shore. Upon this I brought to, in order to give
them time to come on board; but ordered the Adventure, by signal, to stand
on, as I was willing to lose as little time as possible.
Those in the first canoe, which came along-side, were fishers, and
exchanged some fish for pieces of cloth and nails. In the next, were two
men, whom, by their dress and behaviour, I took to be chiefs.--These two
were easily prevailed on to come on board, when they were presented with
nails and other articles. They were so fond of nails, as to seize on all
they could find, and with such eagerness, as plainly shewed they were the
most valuable things we could give them. To the principal of these two men
I gave the pigs, fowls, seeds, and roots. I believe, at first, he did not
think I meant to give them to him; for he took but little notice of them,
till he was satisfied they were for himself. Nor was he then in such a
rapture as when I gave him a spike-nail half the length of his arm.
However, at his going away I took notice, that he very well remembered how
many pigs and fowls had been given him, as he took care to have them all
collected together, and kept a watchful eye over them, lest any should be
taken away. He made me a promise not to kill any; and if he keeps his word,
and proper care is taken of them, there were enough to stock the whole
island in due time; being two boars, two sows, four hens, and two cocks;
The seeds were such as are most useful (viz.) wheat, French and kidney
beans, pease, cabbage, turnips, onions, carrots, parsnips, and yams, &c.
With these articles they were dismissed. It was evident these people had
not forgot the Endeavour being on their coast; for the first words they
spoke to us were, _Mataou no te pow pow_ (we are afraid of the guns).
As they could be no strangers to the affair which happened off Cape
Kidnappers in my former voyage, experience had taught them to have some
regard to these instruments of death.
As soon as they were gone, we stretched off to the southward, the wind
having now veered to the W.S.W. In the afternoon it increased to a fresh
gale, and blew in squalls; in one of which we lost our fore-top-gallant
mast, having carried the sail a little too long. The fear of losing the
land induced me to carry as much sail as possible. At seven in the morning,
we tacked and stretched in shore, Cape Turnagain at this time bore about
N.W. 1/2 N. distant six or seven leagues. The Adventure, being a good way
to leeward, we supposed, did not observe the signal, but stood on;
consequently was separated from us. During the night (which was spent in
plying) the wind increased in such a manner as to bring us under our
courses; it also veered to S.W. and S.S.W., and was attended with rain.
At nine in the morning on the 23d, the sky began to clear up, and the gale
to abate, so that we could carry close-reefed top-sails. At eleven o'clock
we were close in with Cape Turnagain, when we tacked and stood off; at noon
the said Cape bore west a little northerly, distant six or seven miles.
Latitude observed 41° 30' south. Soon after, the wind falling almost to a
calm, and flattering ourselves that it would be succeeded by one more
favourable, we got up another top-gallant-mast, rigged top-gallant-yards,
and loosed all the reefs out of the top-sails. The event was not equal to
our wishes. The wind, indeed, came something more favourable, that is at W.
by N., with which we stretched along shore to the southward; but it soon
increased in such a manner, as to undo what we had but just done, and at
last stripped us to our courses, and two close-reefed top-sails under which
sails we continued all night. About day-light, the next morning, the gale
abating, we were again tempted to loose out the reefs, and rig top-gallant-
yards, which proved all lost labour; for, by nine o'clock, we were reduced
to the same sail as before.[1] Soon after, the Adventure joined us; and at
noon Cape Palliser bore west, distant eight or nine leagues. This Cape is
the northern point of Eaheinomauwe. We continued to stretch to the
southward till midnight, when the wind abated and shifted to S.E. Three
hours after, it fell calm, during which we loosed the reefs out, with the
vain hopes that the next wind which came would be favourable. We were
mistaken; the wind only took this short repose, in order to gain strength,
and fall the heavier upon us. For at five o'clock in the morning, being the
25th, a gale sprung up at N.W. with which we stretched to S.W.; Cape
Palliser at this time bore N.N.W., distant eight or nine leagues. The wind
increased in such a manner, as obliged us to take in one reef after
another; and, at last, it came on with such fury, as made it necessary to
take in all our sails with the utmost expedition, and to lie-to under bare
poles. The sea rose in proportion with the wind; so that we had a terrible
gale and a mountainous sea to encounter. Thus after beating up against a
hard gale for two days, and arriving just in sight of our port, we had the
mortification to be driven off from the land by a furious storm. Two
favourable circumstances attended it, which gave us some consolation; it
was fair over head, and we were not apprehensive of a lee-shore.
The storm continued all the day without the least intermission. In the
evening we bore down to look for the Adventure, she being out of sight to
leeward, and after running the distance we supposed her to be off, brought
to again without seeing her; it being so very hazy and thick in the
horizon, that we could not see a mile round us, occasioned by the spray of
the sea being lifted up to a great height by the force of the wind. At
midnight the gale abated; soon after fell little wind; and at last shifted
to S.W., when we wore, set the courses and top-sails close-reefed, and
stood in for the land. Soon after the wind freshened and fixed at south;
but as the Adventure was some distance a-stern, we lay by for her till
eight o'clock, when we both made all sail, and steered N. by W. 1/2 W. for
the Strait. At noon observed in 42° 27' south, Cape Palliser, by judgment,
bore north, distant seventeen leagues. This favourable wind was not of
sufficient duration; in the afternoon it fell by little and little, and at
length to a calm; this at ten o'clock was succeeded by a fresh breeze from
the north, with which we stretched to the westward.
At three o'clock next morning, we were pretty well in with Cape Campbell on
the west side of the Strait, when we tacked, and stretched over for Cape
Palliser, under courses and close-reefed top-sails, having the wind at
N.W., a very strong gale and fair weather. At noon, we tacked and stretched
to S.W., with the last-mentioned Cape bearing west, distant four or five
leagues. In the afternoon, the gale increased in such a manner as brought
us under our courses. We continued to stretch to the S.W. till midnight,
when we wore, and set close-reefed top-sails.
On the 28th, at eight o'clock in the morning, we wore, and stood again to
the S.W. till noon, when we were obliged to lie-to under the fore-sail. At
this time the high land over Cape Campbell bore west, distant ten or twelve
leagues. The Adventure four or five miles to leeward. In the afternoon the
fury of the gale began to abate; when we set the main-sail, close-reefed
main-top-sail, and stood to the windward with the wind at W.N.W. and W. by
N. a strong gale, attended with heavy squalls.
In the morning of the 29th, the wind abated and shifted to S.W. a gentle
gale. Of this we took immediate advantage, set all our sails, and stood for
Cape Palliser, which at noon bore W. by N. 1/2 N., distant about six
leagues. The wind continued between the S.W. and south till five in the
evening, when it fell calm. At this time we were about three leagues from
the Cape. At seven o'clock the calm was succeeded by a gentle breeze from
N.N.E., as fair as we could wish; so that we began to reckon what time we
should reach the Sound the next day; but at nine the wind shifted to its
old quarter N.W., and blew a fresh gale, with which we stretched to the
S.W., under single-reefed topsails and courses, with the Adventure in
company. She was seen until midnight, at which time she was two or three
miles a-stern, and presently after she disappeared; nor was she to be seen
at day-light. We supposed she had tacked and stood to the N.E., by which
manoeuvre we lost sight of her.
We continued to stretch to the westward with the wind at N.N.W., which
increased in such a manner as to bring us under our two courses, after
splitting a new main-topsail. At noon Cape Campbell bore W. by N., distant
seven or eight leagues. At three in the afternoon the gale began to abate,
and to veer more to the north, so that we fetched in with the land, under
the Snowy Mountains, about four or five leagues to windward of the Lookers-
on, where there was the appearance of a large bay, I now regretted the loss
of the Adventure; for had she been with me, I should have given up all
thoughts of going to Queen Charlotte's Sound to wood and water, and have
sought for a place to get these articles farther south, as the wind was now
favourable for ranging along the coast. But our separation made it
necessary for me to repair to the Sound, that being the place of
rendezvous.
As we approached the land, we saw smoke in several places along the shore;
a sure sign that the coast was inhabited. Our soundings were from forty-
seven to twenty-five fathoms; that is, at the distance of three miles from
the shore, forty-seven fathoms; and twenty-five fathoms at the distance of
one mile, where we tacked, and stood to the eastward, under the two courses
and close-reefed top-sails; but the latter we could not carry long before
we were obliged to hand them. We continued to stand to the eastward all
night, in hopes of meeting with the Adventure in the morning.
Seeing nothing of her then, we wore and brought to, under the fore-sail and
mizen-stay-sail, the wind having increased to a perfect storm; but we had
not been long in this situation before it abated, so as to permit us to
carry the two courses, under which we stood to the west; and at noon the
Snowy Mountains bore W.N.W., distant twelve or fourteen leagues. At six
o'clock in the evening the wind quite ceased; but this proved only a
momentary repose; for presently after it began to blow with redoubled fury,
and obliged us to lie-to under the mizen-stay-sail; in which situation we
continued till midnight, when the storm lessened; and two hours after it
fell calm.
On the 1st of November, at four o'clock in the morning, the calm was
succeeded by a breeze from the south. This soon after increased to a fresh
gale, attended with hazy, rainy weather, which gave us hopes that the N.W.
winds were done; for it must be observed, that they were attended with
clear and fair weather. We were not wanting in taking immediate advantage
of this favourable wind, by setting all our sails, and steering for Cape
Campbell, which at noon bore north, distant three or four leagues. At two
o'clock we passed the Cape, and entered the Strait with a brisk gale a-
stern, and so likely to continue that we thought of nothing less than
reaching our port the next morning. Once more we were to be deceived; at
six o'clock, being off Cloudy Bay, our favourable wind was succeeded by one
from the north, which soon after veered to N.W., and increased to a fresh
gale. We spent the night plying; our tacks proved disadvantageous; and we
lost more on the ebb than we gained on the flood. Next morning, we
stretched over for the shore of Eaheinomauwe. At sun-rise the horizon being
extraordinarily clear to leeward, we looked well out for the Adventure; but
as we saw nothing of her, judged she had got into the Sound. As we
approached the above-mentioned shore, we discovered on the east side of
Cape Teerawhitte, a new inlet I had never observed before. Being tired
with beating against the N.W. winds, I resolved to put into this place if I
found it practicable, or to anchor in the bay which lies before it. The
flood being favourable, after making a stretch off, we fetched under the
Cape, and stretched into the bay along the western shore, having from
thirty-five to twelve fathoms, the bottom everywhere good anchorage. At one
o'clock we reached the entrance of the inlet just as the tide of ebb was
making out; the wind being likewise against us, we anchored in twelve
fathoms water, the bottom a fine sand. The easternmost of the Black Rocks,
which lie on the larboard side of the entrance of the inlet, bore N. by E.,
one mile distant; Cape Teerawhitte, or the west point of the bay, west,
distant about two leagues; and the east point of the bay N. by east, four
or five miles.
Soon after we had anchored, several of the natives came off in their
canoes; two from one shore, and one from the other. It required but little
address to get three or four of them on board. These people were
extravagantly fond of nails above every other thing. To one man I gave two
cocks and two hens, which he received with so much indifference, as gave me
little hopes he would take proper care of them.[2]
We had not been at anchor here above two hours, before the wind veered to
N.E., with which we weighed; but the anchor was hardly at the bows before
it shifted to the south. With this we could but just lead out of the bay,
and then bore away for the Sound under all the sail we could set; having
the advantage, or rather disadvantage, of an increasing gale, which already
blew too hard. We hauled up into the Sound just at dark, after making two
boards, in which most of our sails were split; and anchored in eighteen
fathoms water, between the White Rocks and the N.W. shore.
The next morning the gale abated, and was succeeded by a few hours calm;
after that a breeze sprang up at N.W., with which we weighed and ran up
into Ship Cove, where we did not find the Adventure, as was expected.
[1] "The water in Dr Lind's wind-gage was depressed 8-10ths of an inch
at times."--W.
"Though we were situated under the lee of a high and mountainous
coast, yet the waves rose to a vast height, ran prodigiously long, and
were dispersed into vapour as they broke by the violence of the storm.
The whole surface of the sea was by this means rendered hazy, and as
the sun shone out in a cloudless sky, the white foam was perfectly
dazzling. The fury of the wind still increased so as to tear to pieces
the only sail which we had hitherto dared to shew, and we rolled about
at the mercy of the waves, frequently shipping great quantities of
water, which fell with prodigious force on the decks, and broke all
that stood in the way. The continual strain slackened all the rigging
and ropes in the ship, and loosened every thing, insomuch that it
gradually gave way, and presented to our eyes a general scene of
confusion. In one of the deepest rolls the arm-chest on the quarter-
deck was torn out of its place and overset, leaning against the rails
to leeward. A young gentleman, Mr Hood, who happened to be just then
to leeward of it, providentially escaped by bending down when he saw
the chest falling, so as to remain unhurt in the angle which it formed
with the rail. The confusion of the elements did not scare every bird
away from us: From time to time a black shearwater hovered over the
ruffled surface of the sea, and artfully withstood the force of the
tempest, by keeping under the lee of the high tops of the waves. The
aspect of the ocean was at once magnificent and terrific: Now on the
summit of a broad and heavy billow, we overlooked an immeasurable
expanse of sea, furrowed into numberless deep channels: Now, on a
sudden, the wave broke under us, and we plunged into a deep and dreary
valley, whilst a fresh mountain rose to windward with a foaming crest,
and threatened to overwhelm us. The night coming on was not without
new horrors, especially for those who had not been bred up to a
seafaring life. In the captain's cabin, the windows were taken out and
replaced by the dead-lights, to guard against the intrusion of the
waves in wearing the ship. This operation disturbed from its retreat a
scorpion, which had lain concealed in a chink, and was probably
brought on board with fruit from the islands. Our friend Maheine
assured us that it was harmless, but its appearance alone was horrid
enough to fill the mind with apprehensions. In the other cabins the
beds were perfectly soaked in water, whilst the tremendous roar of the
waves, the creaking of the timbers, and the rolling motion, deprived
us of all hopes of repose. To complete this catalogue of horrors, we
heard the voices of sailors from time to time louder than the
blustering winds, or the raging ocean itself, uttering horrible
vollies of curses and oaths."--G.F.
[2] "In their unthinking situation, the first moment they have nothing
ready at hand to satisfy the cravings of appetite, our fowls must fall
the victims to their voracity. If there are any hopes of succeeding in
the introduction of domestic animals in this country, it must be in
the populous bays to the northward, where the inhabitants seem to be
the more civilized, and are already accustomed to cultivate several
roots for their subsistance."--G.F.
SECTION V.
_Transactions at Queen Charlotte's Sound; with an Account of the
Inhabitants being Cannibals; and various other Incidents.--Departure from
the Sound, and our Endeavours to find the Adventure; with some Description
of the Coast._
The first thing we did after mooring the ship, was to unbend all the sails;
there not being one but what wanted repair. Indeed, both our sails and
rigging had sustained much damage in beating off the Strait's mouth.
We had no sooner anchored than we were visited by the natives, several of
whom I remembered to have seen when I was here in the Endeavour,
particularly an old man named Goubiah.[1] In the afternoon, I gave orders
for all the empty water casks to be landed, in order to be repaired,
cleaned, and filled, tents to be set up for the sail-makers, coopers, and
others, whose business made it necessary for them to be on shore. The next
day we began to caulk the ship's sides and decks, to overhaul her rigging,
repair the sails, cut wood for fuel, and set up the smith's forge to repair
the iron-work; all of which were absolutely necessary. We also made some
hauls with the seine, but caught no fish; which deficiency the natives in
some measure, made up, by bringing us a good quantity, and exchanging them
for pieces of Otaheitean cloth, &c.
On the 5th, the most part of our bread being in casks, I ordered some to be
opened, when, to our mortification, we found a good deal of it damaged. To
repair this loss in the best manner we could, all the casks were opened;
the bread was picked, and the copper oven set up, to bake such parcels of
it, as, by that means, could be recovered. Some time this morning, the
natives stole, out of one of the tents, a bag of clothes belonging to one
of the seamen. As soon as I was informed of it, I went to them in an
adjoining cove, demanded the clothes again, and, after some time spent in
friendly application, recovered them. Since we were among thieves, and had
come off so well, I was not sorry for what had happened, as it taught our
people to keep a better lookout for the future.
With these people I saw the youngest of the two sows Captain Furneaux had
put on shore in Cannibal Cove, when we were last here: It was lame of one
of its hind legs; otherwise in good case, and very tame. If we understood
these people right, the boar and other sow were also taken away and
separated, but not killed. We were likewise told, that the two goats I had
put on shore up the Sound, had been killed by that old rascal Goubiah. Thus
all our endeavours to stock this country with useful animals were likely to
be frustrated, by the very people we meant to serve. Our gardens had fared
somewhat better. Every thing in them, except the potatoes, they had left
entirely to nature, who had acted her part so well, that we found most
articles in a flourishing state: A proof that the winter must have been
mild. The potatoes had most of them been dug up; some, however, still
remained, and were growing, though I think it is probable they will never
be got out of the ground.[2]
Next morning I sent over to the cove, where the natives reside, to haul the
seine; and took with me a boar, and a young sow, two cocks, and two hens,
we had brought from the isles. These I gave to the natives, being persuaded
they would take proper care of them, by their keeping Captain Furneaux's
sow near five months; for I am to suppose it was caught soon after we
sailed. We had no better success with the seine than before; nevertheless
we did not return on board quite empty, having purchased a large quantity
from the natives. When we were upon this traffic, they shewed a great
inclination to pick my pockets, and to take away the fish with one hand,
which they had just given me with the other. This evil one of the chiefs
undertook to remove, and with fury in his eyes made a shew of keeping the
people at a proper distance. I applauded his conduct, but at the same time
kept so good a look-out, as to detect him in picking my pocket of an
handkerchief; which I suffered him to put in his bosom before I seemed to
know any thing of the matter, and then told him what I had lost. He seemed
quite ignorant and innocent, till I took it from him; and then he put it
off with a laugh, acting his part with so much address, that it was hardly
possible for me to be angry with him; so that we remained good friends, and
he accompanied me on board to dinner. About that time, we were visited by
several strangers, in four or five canoes, who brought with them fish, and
other articles, which they exchanged for cloth, &c. These newcomers took up
their quarters in a cove near us; but very early the next morning moved off
with six of our small water casks; and with them all the people we found
here on our arrival. This precipitate retreat of these last, we supposed
was owing to the theft the others had committed. They left behind them some
of their dogs, and the boar I had given them the day before, which I now
took back again as I had not another. Our casks were the least loss we felt
by these people leaving us: While they remained, we were generally well
supplied with fish at a small expence.
We had fair weather, with the wind at N.E., on the 9th, which gave us some
hopes of seeing the Adventure; but these hopes vanished in the afternoon,
when the wind shifted to the westward.[3]
The next morning, our friends the natives returned again, and brought with
them a quantity of fish, which they exchanged for two hatchets.
Fair weather on the 12th, enabled us to finish picking, airing, and baking
our biscuit; four thousand two hundred and ninety-two pounds of which we
found totally unfit to eat; and about three thousand pounds more could only
be eaten by people in our situation.[4]
On the 13th, clear and pleasant weather. Early in the morning the natives
brought us a quantity of fish, which they exchanged as usual. But their
greatest branch of trade was the green talc or stone, called by them
Poenammoo, a thing of no great value; nevertheless it was so much sought
after by our people, that there was hardly a thing they would not give for
a piece of it.[5]
The 15th being a pleasant morning, a party of us went over to the East Bay,
and climbed one of the hills which overlooked the eastern part of the
Strait, in order to look for the Adventure. We had a fatiguing walk to
little purpose; for when we came to the summit, we found the eastern
horizon so foggy, that we could not see above two miles. Mr Forster, who
was one of the party, profited by this excursion, in collecting some new
plants. I now began to despair of seeing the Adventure any more; but was
totally at a loss to conceive what was become of her. Till now, I thought
she had put into some port in the Strait, when the wind came to N.W., the
day we anchored in the Cove, and waited to complete her water. This
conjecture was reasonable enough at first, but it was now hardly probable
she could be twelve days in our neighbourhood, without our either hearing
or seeing something of her.
The hill we now mounted is the same that I was upon in 1770, when I had the
second view of the Strait: We then built a tower, with the stones we found
there, which we now saw had been levelled to the ground; no doubt by the
natives, with a view of finding something hid in it. When we returned from
the hill, we found a number of them collected round our boat. After some
exchanges, and making them some presents, we embarked, in order to return
on board; and, in our way, visited others of the inhabitants, by whom we
were kindly received.
Our friends, the natives, employed themselves on the 17th in fishing in our
neighbourhood; and, as fast as they caught the fish, came and disposed of
them to us; insomuch that we had more than we could make use of. From this
day to the 22d nothing remarkable happened, and we were occupied in getting
every thing in readiness to put to sea, being resolved to wait no longer
than the assigned time for the Adventure.
The winds were between the south and west, stormy with rain till the 23d,
when the weather became settled, clear, and pleasant. Very early in the
morning, we were visited by a number of the natives, in four or five
canoes, very few of whom we had seen before. They brought with them various
articles (curiosities), which they exchanged for Otaheitean cloth, &c. At
first, the exchanges were very much in our favour, till an old man, who was
no stranger to us, came and assisted his countrymen with his advice; which,
in a moment, turned the trade above a thousand per cent, against us.[6]
After these people were gone, I took four hogs (that is, three sows and one
boar), two cocks and two hens, which I landed in the bottom of the West
Bay; carrying them a little way into the woods, where we left them with as
much food as would serve them ten or twelve days. This was done with a view
of keeping them in the woods, lest they should come down to the shore in
search of food, and be discovered by the natives; which, however, seemed
not probable, as this place had never been frequented by them; nor were any
traces of them to be seen near it. We also left some cocks and hens in the
woods in Ship Cove; but these will have a chance of falling into the hands
of the natives, whose wandering way of life will hinder them from breeding,
even suppose they should be taken proper care of. Indeed, they took rather
too much care of those which I had already given them, by keeping them
continually confined, for fear of losing them in the woods. The sow pig we
had not seen since the day they had her from me; but we were now told she
was still living, as also the old boar and sow given them by Captain
Furneaux; so that there is reason to hope they may succeed. It will be
unfortunate, indeed, if every method I have taken, to provide this country
with useful animals, should be frustrated. We were likewise told, that the
two goats were still alive, and running about; but I gave more credit to
the first story than this. I should have replaced them, by leaving behind
the only two I had left, but had the misfortune to lose the ram soon after
our arrival here, in a manner we could hardly account for. They were both
put ashore at the tents, where they seemed to thrive very well; at last,
the ram was taken with fits bordering on madness. We were at a loss to tell
whether it was occasioned by any thing he had eaten, or by being stung with
nettles, which were in plenty about the place; but supposed it to be the
latter, and therefore did not take the care of him we ought to have done.
One night, while he was lying by the centinel, he was seized with one of
these fits, and ran headlong into the sea; but soon came out again, and
seemed quite easy. Presently after, he was seized with another fit, and ran
along the beach, with the she-goat after him. Some time after she returned,
but the other was never seen more. Diligent search was made for him in the
woods to no purpose; we therefore supposed he had run into the sea a second
time, and had been drowned. After this accident, it would have been in vain
to leave the she-goat, as she was not with kid; having kidded but a few
days before we arrived, and the kids dead. Thus the reader will see how
every method I have taken to stock this country with sheep and goats has
proved ineffectual.
When I returned on board in the evening, I found our good friends the
natives had brought us a large supply of fish. Some of the officers
visiting them at their habitations, saw, among them, some human thigh-
bones, from which the flesh had been but lately picked. This, and other
circumstances, led us to believe that the people, whom we took for
strangers this morning, were of the same tribe; that they had been out on
some war expedition; and that those things they sold us, were the spoils of
their enemies. Indeed, we had some information of this sort the day before;
for a number of women and children came off to us in a canoe, from whom we
learnt that a party of men were then out, for whose safety they were under
some apprehension; but this report found little credit with us, as we soon
after saw some canoes come in from fishing, which we judged to be them.
Having now got the ship in a condition for sea, and to encounter the
southern latitudes, I ordered the tents to be struck, and every thing to be
got on board.
The boatswain, with a party of men, being in the woods cutting broom, some
of them found a private hut of the natives, in which was deposited most of
the treasure they had received from us, as well as some other articles of
their own. It is very probable some were set to watch this hut; as, soon
after it was discovered, they came and took all away. But missing some
things, they told our people they had stolen them; and in the evening, came
and made their complaint to me, pitching upon one of the party as the
person who had committed the theft. Having ordered this man to be punished
before them, they went away seemingly satisfied; although they did not
recover any of the things they had lost, nor could I by any means find out
what had become of them; though nothing was more certain, than that
something had been stolen by some of the party, if not by the very man the
natives had pitched upon. It was ever a maxim with me, to punish the least
crimes any of my people committed against these uncivilized nations. Their
robbing us with impunity is, by no means, a sufficient reason why we should
treat them in the same manner, a conduct, we see, they themselves cannot
justify: They found themselves injured, and sought for redress in a legal
way. The best method, in my opinion, to preserve a good understanding with
such people, is, first, by shewing them the use of firearms, to convince
them of the superiority they give you over them, and then to be always upon
your guard. When once they are sensible of these things, a regard for their
own safety will deter them from disturbing you, or from being unanimous in
forming any plan to attack you; and strict honesty, and gentle treatment on
your part, will make it their interest not to do it.
Calm or light airs from the north all day on the 23d, hindered us from
putting to sea as intended.[7] In the afternoon, some of the officers went
on shore to amuse themselves among the natives, where they saw the head and
bowels of a youth, who had lately been killed, lying on the beach; and the
heart stuck on a forked stick, which was fixed to the head of one of the
largest canoes. One of the gentlemen bought the head, and brought it on
board, where a piece of the flesh was broiled and eaten by one of the
natives, before all the officers and most of the men. I was on shore at
this time, but soon after returning on board, was informed of the above
circumstances; and found the quarter-deck crowded with the natives, and the
mangled head, or rather part of it, (for the under-jaw and lip were
wanting) lying on the tafferal. The skull had been broken on the left
side, just above the temples; and the remains of the face had all the
appearance of a youth under twenty.[8]
The sight of the head, and the relation of the above circumstances, struck
me with horror, and filled my mind with indignation against these
cannibals. Curiosity, however, got the better of my indignation, especially
when I considered that it would avail but little; and being desirous of
becoming an eye-witness of a fact which many doubted, I ordered a piece of
the flesh to be broiled and brought to the quarter-deck, where one of these
cannibals eat it with surprising avidity. This had such an effect on some
of our people as to make them sick. Oedidee (who came on board with me) was
so affected with the sight as to become perfectly motionless, and seemed as
if metamorphosed into the statue of horror. It is utterly impossible for
art to describe that passion with half the force that it appeared in his
countenance. When roused from this state by some of us, he burst into
tears; continued to weep and scold by turns; told them they were vile men;
and that he neither was, nor would be any longer their friend. He even
would not suffer them to touch him; he used the same language to one of the
gentlemen who cut off the flesh; and refused to accept, or even touch the
knife with which it was done. Such was Oedidee's indignation against the
vile custom; and worthy of imitation by every rational being.
I was not able to find out the reason for their undertaking this
expedition; all I could understand for certain was, that they went from
hence into Admiralty Bay (the next inlet to the west), and there fought
with their enemies, many of whom they killed. They counted to me fifty; a
number which exceeded probability, as they were not more, if so many,
themselves. I think I understood them clearly, that this youth was killed
there; and not brought away prisoner, and afterwards killed. Nor could I
learn that they had brought away any more than this one; which increased
the improbability of their having killed so many. We had also reason to
think that they did not come off without loss; for a young woman was seen,
more than once, to cut herself, as is the custom when they lose a friend or
relation.
That the New Zealanders are cannibals, can now no longer be doubted. The
account given of this in my former voyage, being partly founded on
circumstances, was, as I afterwards understood, discredited by many
persons. Few consider what a savage man is in his natural state, and even
after he is, in some degree, civilized. The New Zealanders are certainly in
some state of civilization; their behaviour to us was manly and mild,
shewing, on all occasions, a readiness to oblige. They have some arts among
them which they execute with great judgment and unwearied patience; they
are far less addicted to thieving than the other islanders of the South
Sea; and I believe those in the same tribe, or such as are at peace one
with another, are strictly honest among themselves. This custom of eating
their enemies slain in battle (for I firmly believe they eat the flesh of
no others) has undoubtedly been handed down to them from the earliest
times; and we know it is not an easy matter to wean a nation from their
ancient customs, let them be ever so inhuman and savage; especially if that
nation has no manner of connexion or commerce with strangers. For it is by
this that the greatest part of the human race has been civilized; an
advantage which the New Zealanders, from their situation, never had. An
intercourse with foreigners would reform their manners, and polish their
savage minds. Or, were they more united under a settled form of government,
they would have fewer enemies, consequently this custom would be less in
use, and might in time be in a manner forgotten. At present, they have but
little idea of treating others as themselves would _wish_ to be
treated, but treat them as they _expect_ to be treated. If I remember
right, one of the arguments they made use of to Tupia, who frequently
expostulated with them against this custom, was, that there could be no
harm in killing and eating the man who would do the same by them if it was
in his power. "For," said they, "can there be any harm in eating our
enemies, whom we have killed in battle? Would not those very enemies have
done the same to us?" I have often seen them listen to Tupia with great
attention; but I never found his arguments have any weight with them, or
that with all his rhetoric, he could persuade any one of them that this
custom was wrong. And when Oedidee, and several of our people, shewed their
abhorrence of it, they only laughed at them.
Among many reasons which I have heard assigned for the prevalence of this
horrid custom, the want of animal food has been one; but how far this is
deducible either from facts or circumstances, I shall leave those to find
out who advanced it. In every part of New Zealand where I have been, fish
was in such plenty, that the natives generally caught as much as served
both themselves and us. They have also plenty of dogs; nor is there any
want of wild fowl, which they know very well how to kill. So that neither
this, nor the want of food of any kind, can, in my opinion, be the reason.
But, whatever it may be, I think it was but too evident, that they have a
great liking for this kind of food.[9]
I must here observe, that Oedidee soon learnt to converse with these
people, as I am persuaded, he would have done with the people of Amsterdam,
had he been a little longer with them; for he did not understand the New
Zealanders, at first, any more, or not so much, as he understood the people
of Amsterdam.
At four o'clock in the morning, on the 24th, we unmoored with an intent to
put to sea; but the wind being at N. and N.E. without, and blowing strong
puffs into the cove, made it necessary for us to lie fast. While we were
unmooring, some of our old friends came on board to take their leave of us,
and afterwards left the cove with all their effects; but those who had been
out on the late expedition remained; and some of the gentlemen having
visited them, found the heart still sticking on the canoe, and the
intestines lying on the beach; but the liver and lungs were now wanting.
Probably they had eaten them, after the carcase was all gone.
On the 25th, early in the morning, we weighed, with a small, breeze out of
the cove, which carried us no farther than between Motuara and Long Island,
where we were obliged to anchor; but presently after a breeze springing up
at north, we weighed again, turned out of the Sound, and stood over for
Cape Teerawhitte.
During our stay in the Sound, we were plentifully supplied with fish,
procured from the natives at a very easy rate; and, besides the vegetables
our own gardens afforded, we found every where plenty of scurvy grass and
cellery, which I caused to be dressed every day for all hands. By this
means, they had been mostly on a fresh diet for the three preceding months;
and at this time, we had neither a sick nor scorbutic man on board. It is
necessary to mention, for the information of others, that we had now some
pork on board, salted at Ulietea, and as good as any I ever eat. The manner
in which we cured it, was this: In the cool of the evening the hogs were
killed, dressed, cut up, the bones cut out, and the flesh salted while it
was yet hot. The next morning we gave it a second salting, packed it into a
cask, and put to it a sufficient quantity of strong pickle. Great care is
to be taken that the meat be well covered with pickle, otherwise it will
soon spoil.
The morning before we sailed, I wrote a memorandum, setting forth the time
we last arrived, the day we sailed, the route I intended to take, and such
other information as I thought necessary for Captain Furneaux, in case he
should put into the Sound; and buried it in a bottle under the root of a
tree in the garden, which is in the bottom of the cove, in such a manner as
must be found by him or any other European who might put into the cove. I,
however, had little reason to hope it would fall into the hands of the
person for whom it was intended, thinking it hardly possible that the
Adventure could be in any port in New Zealand, as we had not heard of her
all this time. Nevertheless I was resolved not to leave the coast without
looking for her, where I thought it most likely for her to be. It was with
this view that I stood over for Cape Teerawhitte, and afterwards ran along-
shore, from point to point, to Cape Palliser, firing guns every half hour;
but all to no effect. At eight o'clock we brought-to for the night, Cape
Palliser bearing S.E. by E. distant three leagues; in which situation we
had fifty fathoms water.
I had now an opportunity of making the following remarks on the coast
between Cape Teerawhitte and Cape Palliser: The bay which lies on the west
side of the last Cape, does not appear to run so far inland to the
northward as I at first thought; the deception being caused by the land in
the bottom of it being low: It is, however, at least five leagues deep, and
full as wide at the entrance. Though it seems to be exposed to southerly
and S.W. winds, it is probable there may be places in the bottom of it
sheltered even from these. The bay or inlet, on the east side of Cape
Teerawhitte, before which we anchored, lies in north, inclining to the
west, and seemed to be sheltered from all winds. The middle cape, or point
of land that disjoins these two bays, rises to a considerable height,
especially inland; for close to the sea is a skirt of low land, off which
lie some pointed rocks, but so near to the shore as to be noways dangerous.
Indeed, the navigation of this side of the Strait seems much safer than the
other, because the tides here are not near so strong. Cape Teerawhitte and
Cape Palliser lie in the direction of N. 69° W., and S. 69° east, from each
other distant ten leagues. The cape which disjoins the two bays above-
mentioned lies within, or north of this direction. All the land near the
coast, between and about these capes, is exceedingly barren; probably owing
to its being so much exposed to the cold southerly winds. From Cape
Teerawhitte to the Two Brothers, which lie off Cape Koamoroo, the course is
nearly N.W. by N. distant sixteen miles. North of Cape Teerawhitte, between
it and Entry Island, is an island lying pretty near the shore. I judged
this to be an island when I saw it in my former voyage, but not being
certain, left it undetermined in my chart of the Strait, which is the
reason of my taking notice of it now, as also of the bays, &c. above-
mentioned.
At day-light in the morning on the 26th, we made sail round Cape Palliser,
firing guns as usual, as we ran along the shore. In this manner we
proceeded till we were three or four leagues to the N.E. of the Cape; when
the wind shifted to N.E., we bore away for Cape Campbell on the other side
of the Strait. Soon after, seeing a smoke ascend, at some distance inland,
away to the N.E, we hauled the wind, and continued to ply till six o'clock
in the evening; which was several hours after the smoke disappeared, and
left us not the least signs of people.
Every one being unanimously of opinion that the Adventure could neither be
stranded on the coast, nor be in any of the harbours thereof, I gave up
looking for her, and all thoughts of seeing her any more during the voyage,
as no rendezvous was absolutely fixed upon after leaving New Zealand.
Nevertheless, this did not discourage me from fully exploring the southern
parts of the Pacific Ocean, in the doing of which I intended to employ the
whole of the ensuing season.
On our quitting the coast, and consequently all hopes of being joined by
our consort, I had the satisfaction to find that not a man was dejected, or
thought the dangers we had yet to go through, were in the least increased
by being alone; but as cheerfully proceeding to the south, or wherever I
might think proper to lead them, as if the Adventure, or even more ships,
had been in our company.[10]
[1] "They expressed great satisfaction at our calling them by their
names, doubtless because it served to persuade them that we were
particularly concerned for their welfare, by retaining them in memory.
The weather was fair and warm, considering the season, but our New
Zealanders were all covered with shaggy cloaks, which are their winter
dresses."--G.F.
[2] "We found almost all the radishes and turnips shot into seed, the
cabbages and carrots very fine, and abundance of onions and parsley in
good order; the pease and beans were almost entirely lost, and seemed
to have been destroyed by rats. The potatoes were likewise all
extirpated; but, from appearances, we guessed this to have been the
work of the natives. The thriving state of our European pot-herbs,
gave us a strong and convincing proof of the mildness of the winter in
this part of New Zealand, where it seems it had never frozen hard
enough to kill these plants, which perish in our winters. The
indigenous plants of this country were not yet so forward; the
deciduous trees and shrubs, in particular, were but just beginning to
look green, and the vivid colour of their fresh leaves well contrasted
with the dark wintery hue of the evergreens. The flag, of which the
natives prepare their hemp, was, however, in flower, together with
some other early species."--G.F.
[3] "The weather, during this time, was as boisterous and inconstant,
as that which had so long kept us out of this harbour. Scarce a day
passed without heavy squalls of wind, which hurried down with
redoubled velocity from the mountains, and strong showers of rain,
which retarded all our occupations. The air was commonly cold and raw,
vegetation made slow advances, and the birds were only found in
vallies sheltered from the chilling southern blast. This kind of
weather, in all likelihood, prevails throughout the winter, and
likewise far into the midst of summer, without a much greater degree
of cold in the former, or of warmth in the latter season. Islands far
remote from any continent, or at least not situated near a cold one,
seem in general to have an uniform temperature of air, owing, perhaps,
to the nature of the ocean, which every where surrounds them. It
appears from the meteorological journals, kept at Port Egmont, on the
Falkland Islands, (inserted in Mr Dalrymple's collection) that the
extremes of the greatest cold, and the greatest heat, observed there
throughout the year, do not exceed thirty degrees on Fahrenheit's
scale. The latitude of that port is 51° 25' S.; and that of Ship Cove,
in Queen Charlotte's Sound, only 41° 5'. This considerable difference
of site will naturally make the climate of New Zealand much milder
than that of Falkland's Islands, but cannot affect the general
hypothesis concerning the temperature of all islands; and the immense
height of the mountains in New Zealand, some of which are covered with
snow throughout the year, doubtless contributes to refrigerate the
air, so as to assimilate it to that of the Falkland's Islands, which
are not so high."--G.F.
[4] "In the morning, the weather being clear again, Dr Sparrman, my
father, and myself, went to the Indian Cove, which we found
uninhabited. A path, made by the natives, led through the forest a
considerable way up the steep mountain, which separates this cove from
Shag Cove. The only motive which could induce the New Zealanders to
make this path, appeared to be the abundance of ferns towards the
summit of the mountain, the roots of that plant being an article of
their diet. The steepest part of the path was cut in steps, paved with
shingle or slate, but beyond that the climbers impeded our progress
considerably. About half way up, the forest ended, and the rest was
covered with various shrubs and ferns, though it appeared to be naked
and barren from the ship. At the summit we met with many plants which
grow in the vallies, and by the sea-side, at Dusky Bay, owing to the
difference of the climate, which is so much more vigorous in that
southern extremity of New Zealand. The whole to the very top consists
of the same talcous clay, which is universal all over the island, and
of a talcous stone, which, when exposed to the sun and air, crumbles
in pieces, and dissolves into lamellae. Its colour is whitish,
greyish, and sometimes tinged with a dirty yellowish-red, perhaps
owing to irony particles. The south side of the mountain is clad in
forests, almost to the summit. The view from hence was very extensive
and pleasing: We looked into East Bay as into a fish-pond, and saw
Cape Tera-wittee beyond the Strait. The mountains in the south arose
to a vast height, and were capt with snow; and the whole prospect on
that side was wild and chaotic."--G.F.
[5] "Our sailors carried on their former amours with the women,
amongst whom there was but one who had tolerable features, and
something soft and humane in her looks. She was regularly given in
marriage by her parents to one of our ship-mates, who was particularly
beloved by this nation, for devoting much of his time to them, and
treating them with those marks of affection, which, even among a
savage race, endear mankind to one another. Togheeree, for so the girl
was called, proved as faithful to her husband as if he had been a New
Zealander, and constantly rejected the addresses of other seamen,
professing herself a married woman, (_tirratane_.) Whatever attachment
the Englishman had to his New Zealand wife, he never attempted to take
her on board, foreseeing that it would be highly inconvenient to lodge
the numerous retinue which crowded in her garments, and weighed down
the hair of her head. He, therefore, visited her on shore, and only
day by day, treating her with plenty of the rotten part of our
biscuit, which we rejected, But which she and all her countrymen
eagerly devoured."--G.F.
[6] "They were more dressed than we had commonly seen any, during this
second stay, at Queen Charlotte's Sound; their hair was tied up, and
their cheeks painted red. All these circumstances conspired to confirm
the account which the women had given us the day before, that their
husbands were gone to fight, as it is usual for them to put on their
best apparel on those occasions. I am much afraid that their unhappy
differences with other tribes, were revived on our account. Our
people, not satisfied with purchasing all the hatchets of stone, &c.
&c. of which the natives of our acquaintance were possessed,
continually enquired for more, and shewed them such large and valuable
pieces of Otaheite cloth, as would not fail to excite their desires.
It is not improbable, that as soon as this appetite prevailed among
the New Zealanders, they would reflect that the shortest way to
gratify it, would be to rob their neighbours of such goods, as the
Europeans coveted. The great store of arms, ornaments, and clothes,
which they produced at this time, seemed to prove, that such a daring
and villainous design had really been put in execution; nor was it to
be supposed that this could have been accomplished without
bloodshed."--G.F.
[7] An instance of the ferocity of manners of this savage nation, was
presented this day. A boy, about six or seven years old, demanded a
piece of broiled penguin, which his mother held in her hands. As she
did not immediately comply with his demand, he took up a large stone
and threw it at her. The woman, incensed at this action, ran to punish
him, but she had scarcely given him a single blow, when her husband
came forward, beat her unmercifully, and dashed her against the
ground, for attempting to correct her unnatural child. Our people, who
were employed in filling water, told my father they had frequently
seen similar instances of cruelty among them, and particularly, that
the boys had actually struck their unhappy mother, whilst the father
looked on lest she should attempt to retaliate. Among all savage
nations the weaker sex is ill-treated, and the law of the strongest is
put in force. Their women are mere drudges, who prepare raiment and
provide dwellings, who cook and frequently collect their food, and are
requited by blows, and all kinds of severity. At New Zealand, it seems
they carry this tyranny to excess, and the males are taught, from
their earliest age, to hold their mothers in contempt, contrary to all
our principles of morality."--G.F.
Mr Forster immediately goes on to relate the remainder of this day's
occurrences, so painfully pregnant in discoveries relative to this
savage people. The reader, it is believed, will think the account in
the text abundantly minute, without any addition. What a fine specimen
to prove the accuracy of Rousseau's delineation of our species, in its
uncontaminated state!--E.
[8] Mr G. Forster informs us, that Mr Pickersgill purchased the head
from the savages for a nail, and that it was afterwards deposited in
the collection of Mr John Hunter. He adds, that some of these people
expressed an ardent desire of repossessing it, signifying, by the most
intelligible gestures, that it was delicious to the taste. This
strongly corroborates what Captain Cook afterwards states, of their
really relishing such kind of food.--E.
[9] This distressing subject has, perhaps, already too much engrossed
the reader's attention and feelings; and, unfortunately, it must again
be brought before him, when we treat of the third voyage of Cook. He
might think then, that at present, he ought to be spared farther
comment on what is so odious; but neither the apprehension, nor the
experience of the unpleasant impressions it produces, is sufficient
reason for declining the consideration of the atrocities of which
human nature is capable. Self-conceit, indeed, may be mortified at the
unavoidable thought of identity of species, which it may seek many
imaginary devices to conceal; and feverish sensibility may be wrought
up to indignant discontent, at the power which placed it amid such
profligacy. But the humble philosopher, on the other hand, will
investigate the causes, without ceasing to deplore the effects, and
will rejoice in the belief, that there are any means by which mankind
may be redeemed from the condemnation which his judgment cannot fail
to award. To him, accordingly, the following observations of Mr G.
Forster are addressed, as preparatory to the farther consideration of
the subject, in which he will afterwards be engaged. "Philosophers,
who have only contemplated mankind in their closets, have strenuously
maintained, that all the assertions of authors, ancient and modern, of
the existence of men-eaters, are not to be credited; and there have
not been wanting persons amongst ourselves who were sceptical enough
to refuse belief to the concurrent testimonies, in the history of
almost all nations, in this particular. But Captain Cook had already,
in his former voyage, received strong proof that the practice of
eating human flesh existed in New Zealand; and as now we have with our
own eyes seen the inhabitants devouring human flesh, all controversy
on that point must be at an end. The opinions of authors on the origin
of this custom, are infinitely various, and have lately been collected
by the very learned canon, Pauw, at Xanten, in his _Recherches
Philosophiques sur les Americains_, vol. i, p. 207. He seems to think
that men were first tempted to devour each other from real want of
food, and cruel necessity. His sentiments are copied by Dr
Hawkesworth, who has disingenuously concealed their author. Many
weighty objections, however, may be made against this hypothesis;
amongst which the following is one of the greatest. There are very few
countries in the world so miserably barren as not to afford their
inhabitants sufficient nourishment, and those, in particular, where
anthropophagi still exist, do not come under that description. The
northern isle of New Zealand, on a coast of near four hundred leagues,
contains scarcely one hundred thousand inhabitants, according to the
most probable guess which can be made; a number inconsiderable for
that vast space of country, even allowing the settlements to be
confined only to the sea-shore. The great abundance of fish, and the
beginnings of agriculture in the Bay of Plenty, and other parts of the
Northern Isle, are more than sufficient to maintain this number,
because they have always had enough to supply strangers with what was
deemed superfluous. It is true, before the dawn of the arts among
them, before the invention of nets, and before the cultivation of
potatoes, the means of subsistence may have been more difficult, but
then the number of inhabitants must likewise have been infinitely
smaller. Single instances are not conclusive in this case, though they
prove how far the wants cf the body may stimulate mankind to
extraordinary actions. In 1772, during a famine which happened
throughout all Germany, a herdsman was taken on the manor of Baron
Boineburg, in Hessia, who had been urged by hunger to kill and devour
a boy, and afterwards to make a practice of it for several months.
From his confession, it appeared, that he looked upon the flesh of
young children as a very delicious food; and the gestures of the New
Zealanders indicated exactly the same thing. An old woman, in the
province of Matogrosso, in Brazil, declared to the Portuguese
governor, M. de Pinto, afterwards ambassador at the British court,
that she had eaten human flesh several times, liked it very much, and
should be very glad to feast upon it again, especially if it was part
of a little boy. But it would be absurd to suppose from such
circumstances, that killing men for the sake of feasting upon them,
has ever been the spirit of a whole nation; because it is utterly
incompatible with the existence of society. Slight causes have ever
produced the most remarkable events among mankind, and the most
trifling quarrels have fired their minds with incredible inveteracy
against each other. Revenge has always been a strong passion among
barbarians, who are less subject to the sway of reason, than civilized
people, and has stimulated them to a degree of madness, which is
capable of all kinds of excesses. The people who first consumed the
body of their enemies, seem to have been bent upon exterminating their
very inanimate remains, from an excess of passion; but, by degrees,
finding the meat wholesome and palatable, it is not to be wondered at
that they should make a practice of eating their enemies as often as
they killed any, since the action of eating human flesh, whatever our
education may teach us to the contrary, is certainly neither unnatural
nor criminal in itself. It can only become dangerous as far as it
steels the mind against that compassionate fellow-feeling, which is
the great basis of society; and for this reason, we find it naturally
banished from every people as soon as civilization has made any
progress among them. But though we are too much polished to be
cannibals, we do not find it unnaturally and savagely cruel to take
the field, and to cut one another's throats by thousands, without a
single motive, besides the ambition of a prince, or the caprice of his
mistress! Is it not from prejudice that we are disgusted with the idea
of eating a dead man, when we feel no remorse in depriving him of
life? If the practice of eating human flesh makes men unfeeling and
brutal, we have instances that civilized people, who would, perhaps,
like some of our sailors, have turned sick at the thought of eating
human flesh, have committed barbarities, without example, amongst
cannibals. A New Zealander, who kills and eats his enemy, is a very
different being from an European, who, for his amusement, tears an
infant from the mother's breast, in cool blood, and throws it on the
earth, to feed his hounds,--an atrocious crime, which Bishop Las Casas
says, he saw committed in America by Spanish soldiers. The New
Zealanders never eat their adversaries unless they are killed in
battle; they never kill their relations for the purpose of eating
them; they do not even eat them if they die of a natural death, and
they take no prisoners with a view to fatten them for their repast;
though these circumstances have been related, with more or less truth,
of the American Indians. It is therefore not improbable, that in
process of time, they will entirely lay aside this custom; and the
introduction of new domestic animals into their country might hasten
that period, since greater affluence would tend to make them more
sociable. Their religion does not seem likely to be an obstacle,
because from what we could judge, they are not remarkably
superstitious, and it is only among very bigotted nations that the
custom of offering human flesh to the gods, has prevailed after
civilization."--These are evidently hasty speculations, and by no
means conclusive, but they point with tolerable clearness to some
principle of human nature adequate, independent of necessity, to
account for the practice, and shew in what manner the investigation
into its nature, causes, and remedy, ought to be carried on.--E.
[10] "The officers and passengers entered upon this second cruise
under several difficulties, which did not exist before. They had now
no livestock to be compared to that which they took from the Cape of
Good Hope; and the little store of provisions, which had supplied
their table with variety in preference to that of the common sailor,
was now so far consumed, that they were nearly upon a level,
especially as the seamen were inured to that way of life, by constant
habit, almost from their infancy; and the others had never experienced
it before. The hope of meeting with new lands was vanished, the topics
of common conversation were exhausted, the cruise to the south could
not present any thing new, but appeared in all its chilling horrors
before us, and the absence of our consort doubled every danger. We had
enjoyed a few agreeable days between the tropics, we had feasted as
well as the produce of various islands would permit, and we had been
entertained with the novelty of many objects among different nations;
but according to the common vicissitudes of fortune, this agreeable
moment was to be replaced by a long period of fogs and frosty weather,
of fasting, and of tedious uniformity. If any thing alleviated the
dreariness of the prospect, with a great part of our shipmates, it was
the hope of completing the circle round the South Pole, in a high
latitude, during the next inhospitable summer, and of returning to
England within the space of eight months. This hope contributed to
animate the spirits of our people during the greatest part of our
continuance in bad weather; but in the end it vanished like a dream,
and the only thought which could make them amends, was the certainty
of passing another season among the happy islands in the torrid
zone."--G.F.
SECTION VI.
_Route of the Ship from New Zealand in Search of a Continent; with an
Account of the various Obstructions met with from the Ice, and the Methods
pursued to explore the Southern Pacific Ocean._
AT eight o'clock in the evening of the 26th, we took our departure from
Cape Palliser, and steered to the south, inclining to the east, having a
favourable gale from the N.W. and S.W. We daily saw some rock-weeds, seals,
Port Egmont hens, albatrosses, pintadoes, and other peterels; and on the 2d
of December, being in the latitude of 48° 23' south, longitude 179° 16'
west, we saw a number of red-billed penguins, which remained about us for
several days. On the 5th, being in the latitude 50° 17' south, longitude
179° 40' east, the variation was 18° 25' east. At half an hour past eight
o'clock the next evening, we reckoned ourselves antipodes to our friends in
London, consequently as far removed from them as possible.[1]
On the 8th, being in the latitude 55° 39', longitude 178° 53' west, we
ceased to see penguins and seals, and concluded that those we had seen,
retired to the southern parts of New Zealand, whenever it was necessary for
them to be at land. We had now a strong gale at N.W., and a great swell
from S.W. This swell we got as soon as the south point of New Zealand came
in that direction; and as we had had no wind from that quarter the six
preceding days, but, on the contrary, it had been at east, north, and N.W.,
I conclude there can be no land to the southward, under the meridian of New
Zealand, but what must lie very far to the south. The two following days we
had very stormy weather, sleet and snow, winds between the north and south-
west.
The 11th the storm abated, and the weather clearing up, we found the
latitude to be 61° 15' south, longitude 173° 4' W. This fine weather was of
short duration; in the evening, the wind increased to a strong gale at S.
W., blew in squalls, attended with thick snow showers, hail, and sleet. The
mercury in the thermometer fell to thirty-two; consequently the weather was
very cold, and seemed to indicate that ice was not far off.[2]
At four o'clock the next morning, being in the latitude of 62° 10' south,
longitude 172° west, we saw the first ice island, 11° 1/2 farther south
than the first ice we saw the preceding year after leaving the Cape of Good
Hope. At the time we saw this ice, we also saw an antarctic peterel, some
grey albatrosses, and our old companions pintadoes and blue peterels. The
wind kept veering from S.W. by the N.W. to N.N.E. for the most part a
fresh gale, attended with a thick haze and snow; on which account we
steered to the S.E. and E., keeping the wind always on the beam, that it
might be in our power to return back nearly on the same track, should our
course have been interrupted by any danger whatever. For some days we had a
great sea from the N.W. and S.W., so that it is not probable there can be
any land near, between these two points.
We fell in with several large islands on the 14th, and about noon, with a
quantity of loose ice, through which we sailed. Latitude 64° 55' south,
longitude 163° 20' west. Grey albatrosses, blue peterels, pintadoes, and
fulmers, were seen. As we advanced to the S.E. by E. with a fresh gale at
west, we found the number of ice islands increase fast upon us. Between
noon and eight in the evening we saw but two; but before four o'clock in
the morning of the 15th, we had passed seventeen, besides a quantity of
loose ice which we ran through. At six o'clock, we were obliged to haul to
the N.E., in order to clear an immense field that lay to the south and S.
E. The ice, in most part of it, lay close packed together; in other places,
there appeared partitions in the field, and a clear sea beyond it. However,
I did not think it safe to venture through, as the wind would not permit us
to return the same way that we must go in. Besides, as it blew strong, and
the weather at times was exceedingly foggy, it was the more necessary for
us to get clear of this loose ice, which is rather more dangerous than the
great islands. It was not such ice as is usually found in bays or rivers
and near shore; but such as breaks off from the islands, and may not
improperly be called parings of the large pieces, or the rubbish or
fragments which fall off when the great islands break loose from the place
where they are formed.[3]
We had not stood long to the N.E. before we found ourselves embayed by the
ice, and were obliged to tack and stretch to the S.W., having the field,
or loose ice, to the south, and many huge islands to the north. After
standing two hours on this tack, the wind very luckily veering to the
westward, we tacked, stretched to the north, and soon got clear of the
loose ice; but not before we had received several hard knocks from the
larger pieces, which, with all our care, we could not avoid. After clearing
one danger we still had another to encounter; the weather remained foggy,
and many large islands lay in our way; so that we had to luff for one, and
bear up for another. One we were very near falling aboard of, and, if it
had happened, this circumstance would never have been related.[4] These
difficulties, together with the improbability of finding land farther
south, and the impossibility of exploring it, on account of the ice, if we
should find any, determined me to get more to the north. At the time we
last tacked, we were in the longitude of 159° 20' W., and in the latitude
of 66° 0' S. Several penguins were seen on some of these islands, and a few
antarctic peterels on the wing.
We continued to stand to the north, with a fresh gale at west, attended
with thick snow showers, till eight o'clock in the evening, when the wind
abated, the sky began to clear up, and at six o'clock in the morning of the
16th it fell calm. Four hours after, it was succeeded by a breeze at N.E.
with which we stretched to the S.E., having thick hazy weather, with snow
showers, and all our rigging coated with ice. In the evening, we attempted
to take some up out of the sea, but were obliged to desist; the sea running
too high, and the pieces being so large, that it was dangerous for the boat
to come near them.
The next morning, being the 17th, we succeeded better; for, falling in with
a quantity of loose ice, we hoisted out two boats; and by noon got on board
as much as we could manage. We then made sail for the east, with a gentle
breeze northerly, attended with snow and sleet, which froze to the rigging
as it fell. At this time we were in the latitude of 64° 41' south,
longitude 155° 44' west. The ice we took up proved to be none of the best,
being chiefly composed of frozen snow; on which account it was porous, and
had imbibed a good deal of salt water; but this drained off, after lying a
while on deck, and the water then yielded was fresh. We continued to
stretch to the east, with a piercing cold northerly wind, attended with a
thick fog, snow, and sleet, that decorated all our rigging with icicles. We
were hourly meeting with some of the large ice islands, which, in these
high latitudes, render navigation so very dangerous: At seven in the
evening, falling in with a cluster of them, we narrowly escaped running
aboard of one, and, with difficulty, wore clear of the others. We stood
back to the west till ten o'clock; at which time the fog cleared away, and
we resumed our course to the east. At noon, the next day, we were in the
latitude of 64° 49' S., longitude 149° 19' W. Some time after, our
longitude, by observed distance of the sun and moon, was 149° 19' W.; by Mr
Kendal's watch 148° 36'; and, by my reckoning, 148° 43', latitude 64° 48'
S.
The clear weather, and the wind veering to N.W., tempted me to steer south;
which course we continued till seven in the morning of the 20th, when the
wind changing to N.E. and the sky becoming clouded, we hauled up S.E. In
the afternoon the wind increased to a strong gale, attended with a thick
fog, snow, sleet, and rain, which constitutes the very worst of weather.
Our rigging, at this time, was so loaded with ice, that we had enough to do
to get our topsails down, to double the reef. At seven o'clock in the
evening, in the longitude of 147° 46', we came, the second time, within the
antarctic or polar circle, continuing our course to the S.E. till six
o'clock the next morning. At that time, being in the latitude of 67° 5' S.,
all at once we got in among a cluster of very large ice islands, and a vast
quantity of loose pieces; and as the fog was exceedingly thick, it was with
the utmost difficulty we wore clear of them. This done, we stood to the
N.W. till noon, when, the fog being somewhat dissipated, we resumed our
course again to the S.E. The ice islands we met with in the morning were
very high and rugged, forming at their tops, many peaks; whereas the most
of those we had seen before, were flat at top, and not so high; though many
of them were between two and three hundred feet in height, and between two
and three miles in circuit, with perpendicular cliffs or sides, astonishing
to behold.[5] Most or our winged companions had now left us; the grey
albatrosses only remained; and, instead of the other birds, we were visited
by a few antarctic peterels.
The 22d we steered E.S.E. with a fresh gale at north, blowing in squalls,
one of which took hold of the mizen top-sail, tore it all to rags, and
rendered it forever after useless. At six o'clock in the morning, the wind
veering towards the west, our course was east northerly. At this time we
were in the latitude of 67° 31', the highest we had yet been in, longitude
142° 54' W.
We continued our course to the E. by N. till noon, the 23d, when being in
the latitude of 67° 12', longitude 138° 0', we steered S.E.; having then
twenty-three ice islands in sight, from off the deck, and twice that number
from the mast-head; and yet we could not see above two or three miles round
us. At four o'clock in the afternoon, in the latitude of 67° 20', longitude
137° 12', we fell in with such a quantity of field, or loose ice, as
covered the sea in the whole extent from south to east, and was so thick
and close as wholly to obstruct our passage. At this time, the wind being
pretty moderate, and the sea smooth, we brought-to, at the outer edge of
the ice, hoisted out two boats, and sent them to take some up. In the mean
time, we laid hold of several large pieces along-side, and got them on
board with our tackle. The taking up ice proved such cold work, that it was
eight o'clock by the time the boats had made two trips, when we hoisted
them in, and made sail to the west, under double-reefed top-sails and
courses, with a strong gale at north, attended with snow and sleet, which
froze to the rigging as it fell, making the ropes like wires, and the sails
like boards or plates of metal. The sheaves also were frozen so fast in the
blocks, that it required our utmost efforts to get a top-sail down and up;
the cold so intense as hardly to be endured; the whole sea, in a manner,
covered with ice; a hard gale, and a thick fog.[6]
Under all these unfavourable circumstances, it was natural for me to think
of returning more to the north; seeing no probability of finding any land
here, nor a possibility of getting farther south. And to have proceeded to
the east in this latitude, must have been wrong, not only on account of the
ice, but because we must have left a vast space of sea to the north
unexplored, a space of 24° of latitude; in which a large tract of land
might have lain. Whether such a supposition was well-grounded, could only
be determined by visiting those parts.
While we were taking up ice, we got two of the antarctic peterels so often
mentioned, by which our conjectures were confirmed of their being of the
peterel tribe. They are about the size of a large pigeon; the feathers of
the head, back, and part of the upper side of the wings, are of a light-
brown; the belly, and under side of the wings white, the tail feathers are
also white, but tipped with brown; at the same time, we got another new
peterel, smaller than the former, and all of a dark-grey plumage. We
remarked that these birds were fuller of feathers than any we had hitherto
seen; such care has nature taken to clothe them suitably to the climate in
which they live. At the same time we saw a few chocolate-coloured
albatrosses; these, as well as the peterels above-mentioned, we no where
saw but among the ice; hence one may with reason conjecture that there is
land to the south. If not, I must ask where these birds breed? A question
which perhaps will never be determined; for hitherto we have found these
lands, if any, quite inaccessible. Besides these birds, we saw a very large
seal, which kept playing about us some time. One of our people who had been
at Greenland, called it a sea-horse; but every one else took it for what I
have said. Since our first falling in with the ice, the mercury in the
thermometer had been from 33 to 31 at noon-day.
On the 24th, the wind abated, veering to the N.W., and the sky cleared up,
in the latitude of 67° 0' longitude 138° 15'. As we advanced to the N.E.
with a gentle gale at N.W., the ice islands increased so fast upon us, that
this day, at noon, we could see near 100 round us, besides an immense
number of small pieces. Perceiving that it was likely to be calm, I got the
ship into as clear a birth as I could, where she drifted along with the
ice, and by taking the advantage of every light air of wind, was kept from
falling aboard any of these floating isles. Here it was we spent Christmas
day, much in the same manner as we did the preceding one. We were fortunate
in having continual day-light, and clear weather, for had it been as foggy
as on some of the preceding days, nothing less than a miracle could have
saved us from being dashed to pieces.[7]
In the morning of the 26th, the whole sea was in a manner covered with ice,
200 large islands, and upwards, being seen within the compass of four or
five miles, which was the limits of our horizon, besides smaller pieces
innumerable. Our latitude at noon was 66° 15', longitude 134° 22'. By
observation we found that the ship had drifted, or gone about 20 miles to
the N.E. or E.N.E.; whereas, by the ice islands, it appeared that she had
gone little or nothing; from which we concluded that the ice drifted nearly
in the same direction, and at the same rate. At four o'clock a breeze
sprung up at W.S.W., and enabled us to steer north, the most probable
course to extricate ourselves from these dangers.
We continued our course to the north with a gentle breeze at west, attended
with clear weather, till four o'clock the next morning, when meeting with a
quantity of loose ice, we brought-to, and took on board as much as filled
all our empty casks, and for several days present expence. This done, we
made sail, and steered N.W. with a gentle breeze at N.E., clear frosty
weather. Our latitude at this time was 65° 53' S., longitude 133° 42' W.;
islands of ice not half so numerous as before.[8]
At four in the morning of the 28th, the wind having veered more to the E.
and S.E., increased to a fresh gale, and was attended with snow showers.
Our course was north till noon the next day. Being then in the latitude of
62° 24', longitude 134° 37', we steered N.W. by N. Some hours after, the
sky cleared up, and the wind abating, veered more to the south.
On the 30th, had little wind westerly; dark gloomy weather; with snow and
sleet at times; several whales seen playing about the ship, but very few
birds; islands of ice in plenty, and a swell from W.N.W.
On the 31st, little wind from the westward, fair and clear weather, which
afforded an opportunity to air the spare sails, and to clean and smoke the
ship between decks. At noon our latitude was 59° 40' S., longitude 135° 11'
W. Our observation to-day gave us reason to conjecture that we had a
southerly current. Indeed, this was no more than what might reasonably be
supposed, to account for such huge masses of ice being brought from the
south. In the afternoon we had a few hours calm, succeeded by a breeze from
the east, which enabled us to resume our N.W. by N. course.[9]
January 1st, the wind remained not long at east, but veered round by the
south to the west; blew fresh, attended with snow showers. In the evening,
being in the latitude of 58° 39' S., we passed two islands of ice, after
which we saw no more till we stood again to the south.
At five o'clock in the morning on the 2d, it fell calm; being at this time
in the latitude of 58° 2', longitude 137° 12'. The calm being succeeded by
a breeze at east, we steered N.W. by W. My reason for steering this course,
was to explore part of the great space of sea between us and our track to
the south.
On the 3d, at noon, being in latitude 56° 46', longitude 139° 45', the
weather became fair, and the wind veered to S.W. About this time we saw a
few small divers (as we call them) of the peterel tribe, which we judged to
be such as are usually seen near land, especially in the bays, and on the
coast of New Zealand. I cannot tell what to think of these birds; had there
been more of them, I should have been ready enough to believe that we were,
at this time, not very far from land, as I never saw one so far from known
land before. Probably these few had been drawn thus far by some shoal of
fish; for such were certainly about us, by the vast number of blue
peterels, albatrosses, and such other birds as are usually seen in the
great ocean; all or most of which left us before night. Two or three pieces
of seaweed were also seen, but these appeared old and decayed.
At eight o'clock in the evening, being in the latitude of 56° S., longitude
140° 31' W., the wind fixing in the western board, obliged us to steer
north-easterly, and laid me under the necessity of leaving unexplored a
space of the sea to the west, containing near 40° of longitude, and half
that of latitude. Had the wind continued favourable, I intended to have run
15 or 20 degrees of longitude more to the west in the latitude we were then
in, and back again to the east in the latitude of 50°. This route would
have so intersected the space above mentioned, as hardly to have left room
for the bare supposition of any land lying there. Indeed, as it was, we
have little reason to believe that there is; but rather the contrary, from
the great hollow swell we had had, for several days, from the W. and N.W.,
though the wind had blown from a contrary direction great part of the time;
which is a great sign we had not been covered by any land between these two
points.
While we were in the high latitudes, many of our people were attacked with
a slight fever, occasioned by colds. It happily yielded to the simplest
remedies; was generally removed in a few days; and, at this time, we had
not above one or two on the sick list.[10]
We proceeded N.E. by N. till the 6th, at noon. Being then in the latitude
of 52° 0' S., longitude 135° 32' W., and about 200 leagues from our track
to Otaheite, in which space it was not probable, all circumstances
considered, there is any extensive land, and it being still less probable
any lay to the west, from the great mountainous billows we had had, and
still continued to have, from that quarter, I therefore steered N.E., with
a fresh gale at W.S.W.
At eight o'clock in the morning, on the 7th, being in the latitude of 50°
49' S., we observed several distances of the sun and moon, which gave the
longitude as follows, viz.
By Mr. Wales, 133° 24' 0" West.
Gilbert, 133 10 0
Clarke, 133 0 0
Smith, 133 37 25
Myself, 133 37 0
-------------
Mean, 133 21 43
By the Watch, 133 44 0 west.
My reckoning, 133 39 0
-------------
Variation of the compass, 6 2 0 East.
thermometer, 50 0 0
The next morning we observed again, and the results were agreeable to the
preceding observations, allowing for the ship's run. I must here take
notice, that our longitude can never be erroneous, while we have so good a
guide as Mr Kendall's watch. This day, at noon, we steered E.N.E. 1/2 E.,
being then in the latitude of 49° 7' S., longitude 131° 2' W.
On the 9th, in latitude 48° 17' S., longitude 127° 10' W., we steered east,
with a fine fresh gale at west, attended with clear pleasant weather, and a
great swell from the same direction as the wind.
In the morning of the 10th, having but little wind, we put a boat in the
water, in which some of the officers went and shot several birds. These
afforded us a fresh meal; they were of the peterel tribe, and such as are
usually seen at any distance from land. Indeed, neither birds, nor any
other thing was to be seen, that could give us the least hopes of finding
any; and, therefore, at noon the next day, being then in the latitude of
47° 51' S., longitude 122° 12' W., and a little more than 200 leagues from
my track to Otaheite in 1769, I altered the course, and steered S.E., with
a fresh gale at S.W. by W. In the evening, when our latitude was 48° 22'
S., longitude 121° 29' W., we found the variation to be 2° 34' E., which is
the least variation we had found without the tropic. In the evening of the
next day, we found it to be 4° 30' E., our latitude, at that time, was 50°
5' S., longitude 119° 1/2 W.
Our course was now more southerly, till the evening of the 13th, when we
were in the latitude of 53° 0' S., longitude 118° 3' W. The wind being then
at N.W. a strong gale with a thick fog and rain, which made it unsafe to
steer large, I hauled up S.W., and continued this course till noon the next
day, when our latitude was 56° 4' S., longitude 122° 1' W. The wind having
veered to the north, and the fog continuing, I hauled to the east, under
courses and close-reefed top-sails. But this sail we could not carry long;
for before eight o'clock in the evening, the wind increased to a perfect
storm, and obliged us to lie-to, under the mizen-stay-sail, till the
morning of the 16th, when the wind having a good deal abated, and veered to
west, we set the courses, reefed top-sails, and stood to the south. Soon
after, the weather cleared up, and, in the evening, we found the latitude
to be 56° 48' S., longitude 119° 8' W.[11] We continued to steer to the
south, inclining to the east, till the 18th, when we stood to the S.W.,
with the wind at S.E., being at this time in the latitude of 61° 9' S.,
longitude 116° 7' W. At ten o'clock in the evening, it fell calm, which
continued till two the next morning, when a breeze sprung up at north,
which soon after increased to a fresh gale, and fixed at N.E. With this we
steered south till noon on the 20th, when, being now in the latitude of 62°
34' S., longitude 116° 24' W., we were again becalmed.
In this situation we had two ice islands in sight, one of which seemed to
be as large as any we had seen. It could not be less than two hundred feet
in height, and terminated in a peak not unlike the cupola of St Paul's
church. At this time we had a great westerly swell, which made it
improbable that any land should lie between us and the meridian of 133°
1/2, which was our longitude, under the latitude we were now in, when we
stood to the north. In all this route we had not seen the least thing that
could induce us to think we were ever in the neighbourhood of any land. We
had, indeed, frequently seen pieces of sea-weed; but this, I am well
assured, is no sign of the vicinity of land; for weed is seen in every part
of the ocean. After a few hours calm, we got a wind from S.E.; but it was
very unsettled, and attended with thick snow-showers; at length it fixed at
S. by E., and we stretched to the east. The wind blew fresh, was piercing
cold, and attended with snow and sleet. On the 22d, being in the latitude
of 62° 5' S., longitude 112° 24' W., we saw an ice island, an antartic
peterel, several blue peterels, and some other known birds; but no one
thing that gave us the least hopes of finding land.
On the 23d, at noon, we were in the latitude of 62° 22' S., longitude 110°
24'. In the afternoon, we passed an ice island. The wind, which blew fresh,
continued to veer to the west; and at eight o'clock the next morning it was
to the north of west, when I steered S. by W. and S.S.W. At this time we
were in the latitude of 63° 20' S., longitude 108° 7' W., and had a great
sea from S.W. We continued this course till noon the next day, the 25th,
when we steered due south. Our latitude, at this time, was 65° 24' S.,
longitude 109° 31' W.; the wind was at north; the weather mild and not
unpleasant; and not a bit of ice in view. This we thought a little
extraordinary, as it was but a month before, and not quite two hundred
leagues to the east, that we were in a manner blocked up with large islands
of ice in this very latitude. Saw a single pintadoe peterel, some blue
peterels, and a few brown albatrosses. In the evening, being under the same
meridian, and in the latitude of 65° 44' S., the variation was 19° 27' E.;
but the next morning, in the latitude of 66° 20' S., longitude the same as
before, it was only 18° 20' E.; probably the mean between the two is the
nearest the truth. At this time, we had nine small islands in sight; and
soon after we came, the third time, within the antartic polar circle, in
the longitude of 109° 31' W. About noon, seeing the appearance of land to
the S.E., we immediately trimmed our sails and stood towards it. Soon after
it disappeared, but we did not give it up till eight o'clock the next
morning, when we were well assured that it was nothing but clouds, or a fog
bank; and then we resumed our course to the south, with a gentle breeze at
N.E., attended with a thick fog, snow, and sleet.
We now began to meet with ice islands more frequently than before; and, in
the latitude of 69° 38' S., longitude 108° 12' W., we fell in with a field
of loose ice. As we began to be in want of water, I hoisted out two boats
and took up as much as yielded about ten tons. This was cold work, but it
was now familiar to us. As soon as we had done, we hoisted in the boats,
and afterwards made short boards over that part of the sea we had in some
measure made ourselves acquainted with. For we had now so thick a fog, that
we could not see two hundred yards round us; and as we knew not the extent
of the loose ice, I durst not steer to the south till we had clear weather.
Thus we spent the night, or rather that part of twenty-four hours which
answered to night; for we had no darkness but what was occasioned by fogs.
At four o'clock in the morning of the 29th, the fog began to clear away;
and the day becoming clear and serene, we again steered to the south with a
gentle gale at N.E. and N.N.E. The variation was found to be 22° 41' E.
This was in the latitude of 69° 45' S., longitude 108° 5' W.; and, in the
afternoon, being in the same longitude, and in the latitude of 70° 23' S.,
it was 24° 31' E. Soon after, the sky became clouded, and the air very
cold. We continued our course to the south, and passed a piece of weed
covered with barnacles, which a brown albatross was picking off. At ten
o'clock, we passed a very large ice island; it was not less than three or
four miles in circuit. Several more being seen a-head, and the weather
becoming foggy, we hauled the wind to the northward; but in less than two
hours, the weather cleared up, and we again stood south.
On the 30th, at four o'clock in the morning, we perceived the clouds, over
the horizon to the south, to be of an unusual snow-white brightness, which
we knew denounced our approach to field-ice. Soon after, it was seen from
the top-mast-head; and at eight o'clock, we were close to its edge. It
extended east and west, far beyond the reach of our sight. In the situation
we were in, just the southern half of our horizon was illuminated, by the
rays of light reflected from the ice, to a considerable height. Ninety-
seven ice hills were distinctly seen within the field, besides those on the
outside; many of them very large, and looking like a ridge of mountains,
rising one above another till they were lost in the clouds. The outer or
northern edge of this immense field, was composed of loose or broken ice
close packed together, so that it was not possible for any thing to enter
it. This was about a mile broad, within which, was solid ice in one
continued compact body. It was rather low and flat (except the hills), but
seemed to increase in height, as you traced it to the south; in which
direction it extended beyond our sight. Such mountains of ice as these, I
believe, were never seen in the Greenland seas, at least, not that I ever
heard or read of, so that we cannot draw a comparison between the ice here
and there.
It must be allowed, that these prodigious ice mountains must add such
additional weight to the ice fields which inclose them, as cannot but make
a great difference between the navigating this icy sea and that of
Greenland.
I will not say it was impossible any where to get farther to the south; but
the attempting it would have been a dangerous and rash enterprise, and
what, I believe, no man in my situation would have thought of. It was,
indeed, _my_ opinion, as well as the opinion of most on board, that
this ice extended quite to the pole, or perhaps joined on some land, to
which it had been fixed from the earliest time; and that it is here, that
is to the south of this parallel, where all the ice we find scattered up
and down to the north, is first formed, and afterwards broken off by gales
of wind, or other causes, and brought to the north by the currents, which
we always found to set in that direction in the high latitudes. As we drew
near this ice some penguins were heard, but none seen; and but few other
birds or any other thing that could induce us to think any land was near.
And yet I think, there must be some to the south behind this ice; but if
there is, it can afford no better retreat for birds, or any other animals,
than the ice itself, with which it must be wholly covered. I, who had
ambition not only to go farther than any one had been before, but as far as
it was possible for man to go, was not sorry at meeting with this
interruption, as it in some measure relieved us, at least shortened the
dangers and hardships inseparable from the navigation of the southern polar
regions. Since, therefore, we could not proceed one inch farther to the
south, no other reason need be assigned for my tacking and standing back to
the north; being at this time in the latitude of 71° 10' S., longitude 106°
54' W.[12]
It was happy for us that the weather was clear when we fell in with this
ice, and that we discovered it so soon as we did; for we had no sooner
tacked than we were involved in a thick fog. The wind was at east, and blew
a fresh breeze, so that we were enabled to return back over that space we
had already made ourselves acquainted with. At noon, the mercury in the
thermometer stood at 32-1/2, and we found the air exceedingly cold. The
thick fog continuing with showers of snow, gave a coat of ice to our
rigging of near an inch thick. In the afternoon of the next day the fog
cleared away at intervals; but the weather was cloudy and gloomy, and the
air excessively cold; however, the sea within our horizon was clear of ice.
We continued to stand to the north, with the wind easterly, till the
afternoon on the first of February, when falling in with some loose ice
which had been broken from an island to windward we hoisted out two boats,
and having taken some on board, resumed our course to the N. and N.E., with
gentle breezes from S.E., attended sometimes with fair weather, and at
other times with snow and sleet. On the 4th we were in the latitude of 65°
42' S., longitude 99° 44'. The next day the wind was very unsettled both in
strength and position, and attended with snow and sleet. At length, on the
6th, after a few hours calm, we got a breeze at south, which soon after
freshened, fixed at W.S.W., and was attended with snow and sleet.
I now came to the resolution to proceed to the north, and to spend the
ensuing winter within the tropic, if I met with no employment before I came
there. I was now well satisfied no continent was to be found in this ocean,
but what must lie so far to the south, as to be wholly inaccessible on
account of ice; and that if one should be found in the southern Atlantic
Ocean, it would be necessary to have the whole summer before us to explore
it. On the other hand, upon a supposition that there is no land there, we
undoubtedly might have reached the Cape of Good Hope by April, and so have
put an end to the expedition, so far as it related to the finding a
continent; which indeed was the first object of the voyage. But for me at
this time to have quitted the southern Pacific Ocean, with a good ship
expressly sent out on discoveries, a healthy crew, and not in want either
of stores or of provisions, would have been betraying not only a want of
perseverance, but of judgment, in supposing the south Pacific Ocean to have
been so well explored, that nothing remained to be done in it. This,
however, was not my opinion; for though I had proved that there was no
continent but what must lie far to the south, there remained nevertheless
room for very large islands in places wholly unexamined; and many of those
which were formerly discovered, are but imperfectly explored, and their
situations as imperfectly known. I was besides of opinion, that my
remaining in this sea some time longer, would be productive of improvements
in navigation and geography, as well as in other sciences. I had several
times communicated my thoughts on this subject to Captain Furneaux; but as
it then wholly depended on what we might meet with to the south, I could
not give it in orders, without running a risk of drawing us from the main
object. Since now nothing had happened to prevent me from, carrying these
views into execution, my intention was first to go in search of the land
said to have been discovered by Juan Fernandez, above a century ago, in
about the latitude of 38°; if I should fail in finding this land, then to
go in search of Easter Island or Davis's Land, whose situation was known
with so little certainty, that the attempts lately made to find it had
miscarried. I next intended to get within the tropic, and then proceed to
the west, touching at, and settling the situations of such islands as we
might meet with till we arrived at Otaheite, where it was necessary I
should stop to look for the Adventure. I had also thoughts of running as
far west as the Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo, discovered by Quiros,
and which M. de Bougainville calls the Great Cyclades. Quiros speaks of
this land as being large, or lying in the neighbourhood of large lands; and
as this was a point which M. de Bougainville had neither confirmed nor
refuted, I thought it was worth clearing up. From this land my design was
to steer to the south, and so back to the east, between the latitudes of
50° and 60°; intending, if possible, to be the length of Cape Horn in
November next, when we should have the best part of the summer before us to
explore the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. Great as this design
appeared to be, I however thought it possible to be executed; and when I
came to communicate it to the officers, I had the satisfaction to find,
that they all heartily concurred in it. I should not do these gentlemen
justice, if I did not take some opportunity to declare, that they always
shewed the utmost readiness to carry into execution, in the most effectual
manner, every measure I thought proper to take. Under such circumstances,
it is hardly necessary to say, that the seamen were always obedient and
alert; and, on this occasion, they were so far from wishing the voyage at
an end, that they, rejoiced at the prospect of its being prolonged another
year, and of soon enjoying the benefits of a milder climate.
I now steered north, inclining to the east, and in the evening we were
overtaken with a furious storm at W.S.W., attended with snow and sleet. It
came so suddenly upon us, that before we could take in our sails, two old
top-sails, which we had bent to the yards, were blown to pieces, and the
other sails much damaged. The gale lasted, without the least intermission,
till the next morning, when it began to abate; it continued, however, to
blow very fresh till noon on the 12th, when it ended in a calm.
At this time we were in the latitude of 50° 14' S., longitude 95° 18' W.
Some birds being about the ship, we took the advantage of the calm to put a
boat in the water, and shot several birds, on which we feasted the next
day. One of these birds was of that sort which has been so often mentioned
in this journal under the name of Port Egmont hens. They are of the gull
kind, about the size of a raven, with a dark-brown plumage, except the
under-side of each wing, where there are some white feathers. The rest of
the birds were albatrosses and sheer-waters.
After a few hours calm, having got a breeze at N.W., we made a stretch to
the S.W. for twenty-four hours; in which route we saw a piece of wood, a
bunch of weed, and a diving peterel. The wind having veered more to the
west, made us tack and stretch to the north till noon on the 14th, at which
time we were in the latitude of 49° 32' S., longitude 95° 11' W. We had now
calms and light breezes, succeeding each other, till the next morning, when
the wind freshened at W.N.W., and was attended with a thick fog and
drizzling rain the three following days, during which time we stretched to
the north, inclining to the east, and crossed my track to Otaheite in 1769.
I did intend to have kept more to the west, but the strong winds from that
direction put it out of my power.
On the 18th, the wind veered to S.W., and blew very fresh, but was attended
with clear weather, which gave us an opportunity to ascertain our longitude
by several lunar observations made by Messrs Wales, Clarke, Gilbert, and
Smith. The mean result of all, was 94° 19' 30" W.; Mr Kendal's watch, at
the same time, gave 94° 46' W.; our latitude was 43° 53' S. The wind
continued not long at S.W. before it veered back to the west and W.N.W.
As we advanced to the north, we felt a most sensible change in the weather.
The 20th, at noon, we were in the latitude of 39° 58' S., longitude 94° 37'
W. The day was clear and pleasant, and I may say, the only summer's day we
had had since we left New Zealand. The mercury in the thermometer rose to
66.
We still continued to steer to the north, as the wind remained in the old
quarter; and the next day, at noon, we were in the latitude 37° 54' S.;
which was the same that Juan Fernandez's discovery is said to lie in. We,
however, had not the least signs of any land lying in our neighbourhood.
The next day at noon, we were in latitude 36° 10' S., longitude 94° 56' W.
Soon after, the wind veered to S.S.E., and enabled us to steer W.S.W.,
which I thought the most probable direction to find the land of which we
were in search; and yet I had no hopes of succeeding, as we had a large
hollow swell from the same point. We however continued this course till the
25th, when the wind having veered again round to the westward, I gave it
up, and stood away to the north, in order to get into the latitude of
Easter Island: our latitude, at this time, was 37° 52', longitude 101° 10'
W.
I was now well assured that the discovery of Juan Fernandez, if any such
was ever made, can be nothing but a small island; there being hardly room
for a large land, as will fully appear by the tracks of Captain Wallis,
Bougainville, of the Endeavour, and this of the Resolution. Whoever wants
to see an account of the discovery in question, will meet with it in Mr
Dalrymple's collection of voyages to the south seas. This gentleman places
it under the meridian of 90°, where I think it cannot be; for M. de
Bougainville seems to have run down under that meridian; and we had now
examined the latitude in which it is said to lie, from the meridian of 94°
to 101°. It is not probable it can lie to the east of 90°; because if it
did, it must have been seen, at one time or other, by ships bound from the
northern to the southern parts of America. Mr Pengré, in a little treatise
concerning the transit of Venus, published in 1768, gives some account of
land having been discovered by the Spaniards in 1714, in the latitude of
38°, and 550 leagues from the coast of Chili, which is in the longitude of
110° or 111° west, and within a degree or two of my track in the Endeavour;
so that this can hardly be its situation. In short, the only probable
situation it can have must be about the meridian of 106° or 108° west; and
then it can only be a small isle, as I have already observed.
I was now taken ill of the bilious cholic, which was so violent as to
confine me to my bed, so that the management of the ship was left to Mr
Cooper the first officer, who conducted her very much to my satisfaction.
It was several days before the most dangerous symptoms of my disorder were
removed; during which time, Mr Patten the surgeon was to me, not only a
skilful physician, but an affectionate nurse; and I should ill deserve the
care he bestowed on me, if I did not make this public acknowledgment. When
I began to recover, a favourite dog belonging to Mr Forster fell a
sacrifice to my tender stomach. We had no other fresh meat on board, and I
could eat of this flesh, as well as broth made of it, when I could taste
nothing else. Thus I received nourishment and strength from food which
would have made most people in Europe sick: So true it is, that necessity
is governed by no law.[13]
On the 28th, in the latitude of 33° 7' S., longitude 102° 33' W., we began
to see flying-fish, egg-birds, and nodies, which are said not to go above
sixty or eighty leagues from land; but of this we have no certainty. No one
yet knows to what distance any of the oceanic birds go to sea; for my own
part, I do not believe there is one in the whole tribe that can be relied
on, in pointing out the vicinity of land.
In the latitude of 30° 30' S., longitude 101° 45' W., we began to see men-
of-war birds. In the latitude of 29° 44', longitude 100° 45' W., we had a
calm for nearly two days together, during which time the heat was
intolerable; but what ought to be remarked, there was a great swell from
the S.W.
On the 6th of March, the calm was succeeded by an easterly wind, with which
we steered N.W. till noon the 8th, when being in the latitude of 27° 4' S.,
longitude 103° 58' W., we steered west; meeting every day with great
numbers of birds, such as men-of-war, tropic, and egg-birds, podies,
sheer-waters, &c. and once we passed several pieces of sponge, and a small
dried leaf not unlike a bay one. Soon after, we saw a sea-snake, in every
respect like those we had before seen at the tropical islands. We also saw
plenty of fish, but we were such bad fishers that we caught only four
albacores, which were very acceptable, to me especially, who was just
recovering from my late illness.
[1] "The remembrance of domestic felicity, and of the sweets of
society, called forth a sigh from every heart which felt the tender
ties of filial or parental affection. We are the first Europeans, and,
I believe, I may add, the first human beings who have reached this
point, where it is probable none will come after us. A common report
prevails, indeed, in England, concerning Sir Francis Drake, who is
said to have visited the antipodes, which the legend expresses by "his
having passed under the middle arch of London bridge:" but this is a
mistake, as his track lay along the coast of America, and probably
originates from his having passed the _periæci_, or the point in 180°
longitude on the same circle of north latitude, on the coast of
California."--G.F.
To the vanity of Englishmen, not always accompanied, it is to be
feared, by political honesty, the expedition of Drake afforded the
highest gratification. Swarms of wits, accordingly, who are never
wanting in any reign, either to eulogize what the government has
sanctioned, or to infuse something of literary immortality into
popular enthusiasm, were in requisition on this extraordinary
occasion, and, as usual, vied with each other in bombast and the
fervour of exaggeration. If one might credit the legends, Sir Francis
accomplished much more than a visit to the antipodes, much more
indeed, than ever man did before or since. Witness an epigram on him
preserved in the Censura Literaria. vol. iii, p. 217:--
Sir Drake, whom well the world's end knew,
Which thou didst compasse round,
And whom both poles of heaven once saw
Which north and south do bound:
The stars above would make thee known,
If men were silent here;
The Sun himselfe cannot forget
His fellow-traveller.
This is evidently a quaint version of the quaint lines said, by
Camden, to have been made by the scholars of Winchester College:--
_Drace, pererrati quem novit terminus orbis,
Quemque simul mundi vidit uterque Polus;
Si taceant homines, facient te sidera notum.
Sol nescit comitis non memor esse sui_.
Abraham Cowley seems to have availed himself of the chief thought here
embodied, in his pointed epigram on the chair formed from the planks
of Drake's vessel, and presented to the university of Oxford. His
metaphysical genius, however, has refined the _point_ with no
small dexterity--the four last lines, more especially, displaying no
small elegance. The reader will not despise them:--
To this great ship, which round the world has run,
And matcht in race the chariot of the sun;
This Pythagorean ship (for it may claim
Without presumption, so deserved a name),
By knowledge once, and transformation now,
In her new shape, this sacred port allow.
Drake and his ship could not have wish'd from fate
An happier station, or more blest estate;
For lo! a seat of endless rest is given
To her in Oxford, and to him in Heaven.
It would be unpardonable to omit, now we are on the subject of Drake's
praises, the verses given in the Biog. Brit. and said to have been
unpublished before:--
Thy glory, Drake, extensive as thy mind,
No time shall tarnish, and no limits bind:
What greater praise! than thus to match the Sun,
Running that race which cannot be outrun.
Wide as the world then compass'd spreads thy fame,
And, with that world, an equal date shall claim.
The reader, it may be presumed, has enough of this subject.--E.
[2] "At noon, on the 10th December, we had reached the latitude of 59°
S., without having met with any ice, though we fell in with it the
preceding year on the 10th December, between the 50th and 51st degree
of south latitude. It is difficult to account for this difference;
perhaps a severe winter preceding our first course from the Cape of
Good Hope, might accumulate more ice that year than the next, which is
the more probable, as we learnt at the Cape that the winter had been
sharper there than usual; perhaps a violent storm might break the
polar ice, and drive it so far to the northward as we found it; and,
perhaps, both these causes might concur with others, to produce this
effect."--G.F.
"It is remarkable, that in different years, seasons, and places of the
sea, we found the ice differently situated. In the year 1772, December
10th, we saw the ice between 50° and 51° of southern latitude. In
1773, on December 12th, we found the first ice in 62° S. In 1775, on
January 27th, we saw the ice in about 60° S. On February 24th, we came
to the same place, where, about twenty-six months before, we had met
with such an impenetrable body of ice, as had obliged us to run to the
east, but where, at this last time, no vestige of it appeared, no more
than at the place where Bouvet had placed his Cape Circumcision, we
having sailed over the whole tract which he suspected to be land; nor
could we be mistaken in its situation, as we had been on the same
parallel for a considerable time; so that it is impossible to have
missed the land, if any had existed, as we had frequent opportunities
to ascertain our latitude."--F.
It is well known, that considerable masses of ice have been met with
as low down as 46° of south latitude; but hitherto no very
satisfactory solution has been given of the phenomenon.--E.
[3] "Our friend Mahine had already expressed his surprise at several
little snow and hail showers on the preceding days, this phenomenon
being utterly unknown in his country. The appearances of "white
stones," which melted in his hand, was altogether miraculous in his
eyes, and though we endeavoured to explain to him that cold was the
cause of their formation, yet I believe his ideas on that subject were
never very clear. A heavy fall of snow surprised him more than what he
had seen before, and after a long consideration of its singular
qualities, he told us he would call it the _white rain_ when be came
back to his country. He did not see the first ice, on account of the
early hour in the morning; but two days after, in about 65° S., he was
struck with astonishment upon seeing one of the largest pieces, and
the day following presented him with an extensive field of ice, which
blocked up our farther progress to the south, and gave him great
pleasure, supposing it to be land, We told him that so far from being
land, it was nothing but fresh water, which we found some difficulty
to convince him of at first, till we shewed him the ice which was
formed in the scuttled cask on the deck. He assured us, however, that
he would, at all events, call this the _white land_, by way of
distinguishing it from all the rest."--G.F.
[4] "About one o'clock, whilst the people were at dinner, we were
alarmed by the sudden appearance of a large island of ice just a-head
of us. It was absolutely impossible either to wear or tack the ship,
on account of its proximity, and our only resource was to keep as near
the wind as possible, and to try to weather the danger. We were in the
most dreadful suspension for a few minutes, and though we fortunately
succeeded, yet the ship passed within her own length to windward of
it,"--G.F.
[5] On a moderate calculation, one may reckon the bulk of immersed ice
to be ten times greater than that which appears above the surface.
This will afford the reader some notion of the prodigious magnitude of
these floating islands; and he will readily comprehend the hazard of
sailing amongst them, when he considers the mischief occasioned by the
collision of a large ship and a small boat.--E.
[6] "About this time many persons were afflicted with violent
rheumatic pains, headaches, swelled glands, and catarrhal fevers,
which some attributed to the use of ice-water."--G.F.
Without any way calling in question, what is so often said of the
injurious effects of sea-water, when long used, it is evidently more
rational, in the present instance, to ascribe these complaints to the
inclemency of the weather.--E.
[7] There is something very peculiarly affecting in the following
observations of Mr. G.F.--"This being Christmas day, the captain,
according to custom, invited the officers and mates to dinner, and one
of the lieutenants entertained the petty officers. The sailors feasted
on a double portion of pudding, regaling themselves with the brandy of
their allowance, which they had saved for this occasion some months
beforehand, being solicitous to get very drunk, though they are
commonly solicitous about nothing else. The sight of an immense number
of icy masses, amongst which we drifted at the mercy of the current,
every moment in danger of being dashed in pieces against them, could
not deter the sailors from indulging in their favourite amusement. As
long as they had brandy left, they would persist to keep Christmas
"like Christians," though the elements had combined together for their
destruction. Their long acquaintance with a sea-faring life had inured
them to all kinds of perils, and their heavy labour, with the
inclemencies of weather, and other hardships, making their muscles
rigid and their nerves obtuse, had communicated insensibility to the
mind. It will easily be conceived, that as they do not feel for
themselves sufficiently to provide for their own safety, they must be
incapable of feeling for others. Subjected to a very strict command,
they also exercise a tyrannical sway over those whom fortune places in
their power. Accustomed to face an enemy, they breathe nothing but
war. By force of habit, even killing is become so much their passion,
that we have seen many instances during our voyage, where they have
expressed a horrid eagerness to fire upon the natives on the slightest
pretences. Their way of life in general, prevents their enjoying
domestic comforts; and gross animal appetites fill the place of purer
affections.
At last, extinct each social feeling, fell
And joyless inhumanity pervades
And petrifies the heart.--
THOMSON.
Though they are members of a civilized society, they may, in some
measure, be looked on as a body of uncivilized men, rough, passionate,
revengeful, but likewise brave, sincere, and true to each other."
In place of inveighing against the illiberality of this statement, or
attempting to dispute its truth, as many persons, from an affectation
of enthusiastic regard for the honour of our tars, or positive
ignorance or contempt of the most incontrovertible obligations of
morality and religion, would incline, it will be vastly more
philosophical to investigate what are the principles of human nature
and the circumstances in their situation, which give rise to such a
character, that if possible some adequate remedy, or check at least,
may be discovered. This is certainly not the place for such a
discussion, as the importance of the subject demands; and the writer
can by no means imagine himself called on to enter upon it. But he
hazards a remark. He would consider British sailors as made up of
precisely the same elements as the rest of men, and that the obvious
peculiarities in which they differ from others, are the result of the
circumstances of their professional situation. It follows, that his
censure falls on the profession itself, rather than on those who are
members of it. But in fact, he conceives that there has been a
culpable neglect on the part of those who at different periods acquire
authority, to the moral condition of this class of men. It is obvious
indeed, that governments in general are little careful about the
characters of their subordinate agents, unless in so far as is
essential to the purposes for which they are employed; and
accordingly, where the base and savage principles of mankind can be
converted into so powerful an instrument, as we know they are in the
present case, we shall find, that scarcely any pains have been taken
to superinduce refinement, or even to favour the salutary operation of
those causes, by which, in the ordinary course of things, society is
gradually emancipated from barbarism. The rough virtues of the seaman
are in their estimation of sufficient excellence, without the
enhancement of moral attainments; and it is questionable, indeed, if a
sort of prejudice may not lurk in the minds of many, that the latter
would be the destruction of the former. Clearly, however, it seems to
be conceived, that there is no adequate inducement to run the risk of
the experiment; and, therefore, some gross immoralities are connived
at, under the plausible title of necessary evils, provided they do not
interfere with the technical duties of the profession. Though it be
admitted, that the reformation of men's manners forms no part of the
office of a politician, yet it may be fairly pleaded, on the other
hand, as vice is in its own nature a debilitating power, independent
altogether of reference to a Supreme Being, that to eradicate it, or
to apply a restraint to its influence, may be no injudicious labour of
his vocation. This, it is presumed, may be attempted in three ways,
(in addition to certain indulgences, which there appears to be an
imperious necessity to admit, with a view of preventing greater
evils,) viz. the improvement of discipline, the increase of knowledge,
and the application of a higher tone of public sentiment. There cannot
be room for a moment's controversy, that to the efficacy of these
three causes, is to be ascribed, the superiority in the appearance, at
least, of the morals and conduct of the present day, above that of
even the preceding half century. Who can deny, e.g, that the odious
vice of drunkenness is much more disreputable now than formerly,
throughout the whole of Europe? It may be said to be almost unknown in
genteel circles; and there seems not the least reason to doubt, that
as improvements in arts and sciences advance, and as education extends
to the lower classes, so as to supply sources of mental enjoyment and
exercise, it will be almost altogether extirpated from society. Let
this and other vices be held as positively dishonourable, because
unfitting for professional duty, and inconsistent with professional
dignity--let them be visited by certain punishment--give free scope to
the emulation of intellect and to the cultivation of proper self-
interest--and vindicate to popular opinion, the claims of this most
useful class, to the character of moral and rational beings, so that
no flattering but injurious unction may be applied to film over the
real turpitude of their offences--then, and then only, may it be
safely asserted, that such descriptions as we have been considering,
are the offspring of prudery or inflamed imagination, and have no
prototype in nature.--E.
[8] "We had scarcely any night during our stay in the frigid zone, so
that I find several articles in my father's journal, written by the
light of the sun, within a few minutes before the hour of midnight.
The sun's stay below the horizon was so short, that we had a very
strong twilight all the time. Mahine was struck with great
astonishment at this phenomenon, and would scarcely believe his
senses. All our endeavours to explain it to him miscarried, and he
assured us he despaired of finding belief among his countrymen, when
he should come back to recount the wonders of petrified rain, and of
perpetual day."--G.F.
[9] "To-day, while we were observing the meridian altitude of the sun,
a shower of snow came from the west, and passed a-head of the ship;
during which, a large island of ice, considerably within the visible
horizon, and directly under the sun, was entirely hid by it; yet the
horizon appeared as distinct, and much the same as it usually does in
dark hazy weather. When the shower was over, I found that it required
the sun to be dipped something more than his whole diameter to bring
his lower limb to the nearest edge of the ice island, which must have
been farther off than the visible horizon, during the shower; and yet
this would have been taken as the real horizon, without any suspicion,
if it had been every where equally obscure. Hence may be inferred the
uncertainty of altitudes taken in foggy, or what seamen, in general,
call hazy weather.--W.
[10] A few days before, according to Mr G.F.'s relation, his father
and twelve other persons were confined to bed with rheumatism; and
though the scurvy had not appeared in any dangerous form, yet a
general languor and sickly look were manifested in almost every face,
and Captain Cook himself was pale and lean, and had lost all
appetite.--E.
[11] "Our situation at present was indeed very dismal, even to those
who preserved the blessing of health; to the sick, whose crippled
limbs were tortured with excessive pain, it was insupportable. The
ocean about us had a furious aspect, and seemed incensed at the
presumption of a few intruding mortals. A gloomy melancholy air loured
on the brows of our shipmates, and a dreadful silence reigned amongst
us. Salt meat, our constant diet, was become loathsome to all, and
even to those who had been bred to a nautical life from their tender
years: The hour of dinner was hateful to us, for the well known smell
of the victuals had no sooner reached our nose, than we found it
impossible to partake of them with a hearty appetite. In short, we
rather vegetated than lived; we withered, and became indifferent to
all that animates the soul at other times. We sacrificed our health,
our feelings, our enjoyments, to the honour of pursuing a track
unattempted before. The crew were as much distressed as the officers,
from another cause. Their biscuit, which had been sorted at New
Zealand, baked over again, and then packed up, was now in the same
decayed state as before. This was owing partly to the revisal, which
had been so rigorous, that many bad biscuit was preserved among those
that were eatable; and partly to the neglect of the casks, which had
not been sufficiently fumigated and dried. Of this rotten bread the
people only received two-thirds of their usual allowance, from
economical principles; but as that portion is hardly sufficient,
supposing it to be all eatable, it was far from being so when nearly
one half of it was rotten. However, they continued in that distressful
situation till this day, when the first mate came to the capstern and
complained most bitterly that he and the people had not wherewith to
satisfy the cravings of the stomach, producing, at the same time, the
rotten and stinking remains of his biscuit. Upon this, the crew were
put to full allowance. The captain seemed to recover again as we
advanced to the southward, but all those who were afflicted with
rheumatisms, continued as much indisposed as ever."--G.F.
[12] "The thermometer here was 32°, and a great many penguins were
heard croaking around us, but could not be seen, on account of the
foggy weather which immediately succeeded. As often as we had hitherto
penetrated to the southward, we had met with no land, but been stopped
sooner or later by a solid ice-field, which extended before us as far
as we could see: At the same time we had always found the winds
moderate and frequently easterly in these high latitudes, in the same
manner as they are said to be in the northern frozen zone. From these
circumstances, my father had been led to suppose, that all the south
pole, to the distance of 20 degrees, more or less, is covered with
solid ice, of which only the extremities are annually broken off by
storms, consumed by the action of the sun, and regenerated in winter.
This opinion is the less exceptionable, since there seems to be no
absolute necessity for the existence of land towards the formation of
ice, and because we have little reason to suppose that there actually
is any land of considerable extent in the frigid zone."--G.F.
"Mr F. has most amply and ably discussed the point in his
observations, controverting unanswerably, as the writer thinks, the
opinion of Buffon and others, as to the existence of southern lands
being necessary for the production of such large masses of ice. The
limits of the present note preclude the insertion, in any satisfactory
shape, of the opposing arguments; but there is ground for anticipating
an opportunity of considering the subject, and some others of an
interesting nature, in a manner more suitable to their importance,
than a mere notice implies. We go on then with the narrative.--E.
[13] Captain Cook, from an excess of delicacy, rarely specifies his
personal sufferings; but one really requires to know something of
them, in order to make a proper estimate of his magnanimous resolution
in fulfilling his instructions, and to entertain a just conception of
the self-denial which such an expedition demanded. We shall be aided
by the following particulars, which, besides, imply the very extensive
distress of the whole crew: "A great number of our people were
afflicted with very severe rheumatic pains, which deprived them of the
use of their limbs; but their spirits were so low, that they had no
fever. Though the use of that excellent prophylactic, the sour krout,
prevented the appearance of the scurvy during all the cold weather,
yet, being made of cabbage, it is not so nutritive that we could live
upon it, without the assistance of biscuit and salt-beef. But the
former of these being rotten, and the other almost consumed by the
salt, it is obvious that no wholesome juices could be secreted from
thence, which might have kept the body strong and vigorous. Under
these difficulties all our patients recovered very slowly, having
nothing to restore their strength; and my father, who had been in
exquisite torments during the greatest part of our southern cruise,
was afflicted with toothaches, swelled cheeks, sore throat, and
universal pain, till the middle of February, when he went on deck
perfectly emaciated. The warm weather, which was beneficial to him,
proved fatal to Captain Cook's constitution. The disappearance of his
bilious complaint during our last push to the south, had not been so
sincere, as to make him recover his appetite. The return to the north,
therefore, brought on a dangerous obstruction, which the captain very
unfortunately slighted, and concealed from every person in the ship,
at the same time endeavouring to get the better of it by taking hardly
any subsistence. This proceeding, instead of removing, increased the
evil, his stomach being already weak enough before. He was afflicted
with violent pains, which in the space of a few days confined him to
his bed, and forced him to have recourse to medicines. He took a
purge, but instead of producing the desired effect, it caused a
violent vomiting, which was assisted immediately by proper emetics.
All attempts, however, to procure a passage through his bowels were
ineffectual; his food and medicines were thrown up, and in a few days
a most dreadful hiccough appeared, which lasted for upwards of twenty
four hours, with such astonishing violence, that his life was entirely
despaired of. Opiates and glysters had no effect, till repeated hot
baths, and plasters of theriaca applied on his stomach, had relieved
his body and intestines. This, however, was not effected till he had
been above a week in the most imminent danger. Next to providence it
was chiefly owing to the skill of our surgeon, Mr Patten, that he
recovered to prosecute the remaining part of our voyage, with the same
spirit with which it had hitherto been carried on. The care and
assiduity with which that worthy man watched him during his whole
illness, cannot be sufficiently extolled, as all our hopes of future
discoveries, as well as union in the ship, depended solely on the
preservation of the captain. The surgeon's extreme attention, however,
had nearly cost him his own life. Having taken no rest for many nights
together, and seldom venturing to sleep an hour by day, he was so much
exhausted, that we trembled for his life, upon which that of almost
every man in the ship, in a great measure, depended. He was taken ill
with a bilious disorder, which was dangerous on account of the extreme
weakness of his stomach, and it is more than probable, that if we had
not speedily fallen in with land, from whence we collected some slight
refreshments, he must have fallen a sacrifice to that rigorous
perseverance and extreme punctuality with which he discharged the
several duties of his profession."--G.F.
SECTION VII.
_Sequel of the Passage from New Zealand to Easter Island, and
Transactions there, with an Account of an Expedition to discover the Inland
Part of the Country, and a Description of some of the surprising gigantic
Statues found in the Island._
At eight o'clock in the morning, on the 11th, land was seen, from the mast-
head, bearing west, and at noon from the deck, extending from W. 3/4 N. to
W. by S., about twelve leagues distant.[1] I made no doubt that this was
Davis's Land, or Easter Island; as its appearance from this situation,
corresponded very well with Wafer's account; and we expected to have seen
the low sandy isle that Davis fell in with, which would have been a
confirmation; but in this we were disappointed. At seven o'clock in the
evening, the island bore from north 62° W., to north 87° W., about five
leagues distant; in which situation, we sounded without finding ground with
a line of an hundred and forty fathoms. Here we spent the night, having
alternately light airs and calms, till ten o'clock the next morning, when a
breeze sprung up at W.S.W. With this we stretched in for the land; and by
the help of our glass, discovered people, and some of those Colossean
statues or idols mentioned in the account of Roggewein's voyage.[2] At four
o'clock p.m. we were half a league S.S.E. and N.N.W. of the N.E. point of
the island; and, on sounding, found thirty-five fathoms, a dark sandy
bottom. I now tacked, and endeavoured to get into what appeared to be a
bay, on the west side of the point or S.E. side of the island; but before
this could be accomplished, night came upon us, and we stood on and off,
under the land, till the next morning; having sounding from seventy-five to
an hundred and ten fathoms, the same bottom as before.
On the 13th, about eight o'clock in the morning, the wind, which had been
variable most part of the night, fixed at S.E., and blew in squalls,
accompanied with rain; but it was not long before the weather became fair.
As the wind now blew right to the S.E. shore, which does not afford that
shelter I at first thought, I resolved to look for anchorage on the west
and N.W. sides of the island. With this view I bore up round the south
point, off which lie two small islets, the one nearest the point high and
peaked, and the other low and flattish. After getting round the point, and
coming before a sandy beach, we found soundings thirty and forty fathoms,
sandy ground, and about one mile from the shore. Here a canoe, conducted by
two men, came off to us. They brought with them a bunch of plantains, which
they sent into the ship by a rope, and then they returned ashore. This gave
us a good opinion of the islanders, and inspired us with hopes of getting
some refreshments, which we were in great want of.
I continued to range along the coast, till we opened the northern point of
the isle, without seeing a better anchoring-place than the one we had
passed. We therefore tacked, and plied back to it; and, in the mean time,
sent away the master in a boat to sound the coast. He returned about five
o'clock in the evening; and soon after we came to an anchor in thirty-six
fathoms water, before the sandy beach above mentioned. As the master drew
near the shore with the boat, one of the natives swam off to her, and
insisted on coming a-board the ship, where he remained two nights and a
day. The first thing he did after coming a-board, was to measure the length
of the ship, by fathoming her from the tafferel to the stern, and as he
counted the fathoms, we observed that he called the numbers by the same
names that they do at Otaheite; nevertheless his language was in a manner
wholly unintelligible to all of us.[3]
Having anchored too near the edge of a bank, a fresh breeze from the land,
about three o'clock the next morning, drove us off it; on which the anchor
was heaved up, and sail made to regain the bank again. While the ship was
plying in, I went ashore, accompanied by some of the gentlemen, to see what
the island was likely to afford us. We landed at the sandy beach, where
some hundreds of the natives were assembled, and who were so impatient to
see us, that many of them swam off to meet the boats. Not one of them had
so much as a stick or weapon of any sort in their hands. After distributing
a few trinkets amongst them, we made signs for something to eat, on which
they brought down a few potatoes, plantains, and sugar canes, and exchanged
them for nails, looking-glasses, and pieces of cloth.[4]
We presently discovered that they were as expert thieves and as tricking in
their exchanges, as any people we had yet met with. It was with some
difficulty we could keep the hats on our heads; but hardly possible to keep
any thing in our pockets, not even what themselves had sold us; for they
would watch every opportunity to snatch it from us, so that we sometimes
bought the same thing two or three times over, and after all did not get
it.
Before I sailed from England, I was informed that a Spanish ship had
visited this isle in 1769. Some signs of it were seen among the people now
about us; one man had a pretty good broad-brimmed European hat on, another
had a grego jacket, and another a red silk handkerchief. They also seemed
to know the use of a musquet, and to stand in much awe of it; but this they
probably learnt from Roggewein, who, if we are to believe the authors of
that voyage, left them sufficient tokens.
Near the place where we landed, were some of those statues before
mentioned, which I shall describe in another place. The country appeared
barren and without wood; there were, nevertheless, several plantations of
potatoes, plantains, and sugar-canes; we also saw some fowls, and found a
well of brackish water. As these were articles we were in want of, and as
the natives seemed not unwilling to part with them, I resolved to stay a
day or two. With this view I repaired on board, and brought the ship to an
anchor in thirty-two fathoms water; the bottom a fine dark sand. Our
station was about a mile from the nearest shore, the south point of a small
bay, in the bottom of which is the sandy beach before mentioned, being
E.S.E., distant one mile and a-half. The two rocky islets lying off the
south point of the island, were just shut behind a point to the north of
them; they bore south 3/4 west, four miles distant; and the other extreme
of the island bore north 25° E., distant about six miles. But the best mark
for this anchoring-place is the beach, because it is the only one on this
side of the island. In the afternoon, we got on board a few casks of water,
and opened a trade with the natives for such things as they had to dispose
of. Some of the gentlemen also made an excursion into the country to see
what it produced; and returned again in the evening, with the loss only of
a hat, which one of the natives snatched off the head of one of the
party.[5]
Early next morning, I sent Lieutenants Pickersgill and Edgecumbe with a
party of men, accompanied by several of the gentlemen, to examine the
country. As I was not sufficiently recovered from my late illness to make
one of the party, I was obliged to content myself with remaining at the
landing-place among the natives. We had, at one time, a pretty brisk trade
with them for potatoes, which we observed they dug up out of an adjoining
plantation; but this traffic, which was very advantageous to us, was soon
put a stop to by the owner (as we supposed) of the plantation coming down,
and driving all the people out of it. By this we concluded, that he had
been robbed of his property, and that they were not less scrupulous of
stealing from one another, than from us, on whom they practised every
little fraud they could think of, and generally with success; for we no
sooner detected them in one, than they found out another. About seven
o'clock in the evening, the party I had sent into the country returned,
after having been over the greatest part of the island.
They left the beach about nine o'clock in the morning, and took a path
which led across to the S.E. side of the island, followed by a great crowd
of the natives, who pressed much upon them. But they had not proceeded far,
before a middle-aged man, punctured from head to foot, and his face painted
with a sort of white pigment, appeared with a spear in his hand, and walked
along-side of them, making signs to his countrymen to keep at a distance,
and not to molest our people. When he had pretty well effected this, he
hoisted a piece of white cloth on his spear, placed himself in the front,
and led the way, with his ensign of peace, as they understood it to be. For
the greatest part of the distance across, the ground had but a barren
appearance, being a dry hard clay, and every where covered with stones; but
notwithstanding this, there were several large tracts planted with
potatoes; and some plantain walks, but they saw no fruit on any of the
trees. Towards the highest part of the south end of the island, the soil,
which was a fine red earth, seemed much better, bore a longer grass, and
was not covered with stones as in the other parts; but here they saw
neither house nor plantation.
On the east side, near the sea, they met with three platforms of stone-
work, or rather the ruins of them. On each had stood four of those large
statues, but they were all fallen down from two of them, and also one from
the third; all except one were broken by the fall, or in some measure
defaced. Mr Wales measured this one, and found it to be fifteen feet in
length, and six feet broad over the shoulders, Each statue had on its head
a large cylindric stone of a red colour, wrought perfectly round. The one
they measured, which was not by far the largest, was fifty-two inches high,
and sixty-six in diameter. In some, the upper corner of the cylinder was
taken off in a sort of concave quarter-round, but in others the cylinder
was entire.
From this place they followed the direction of the coast to the N.E., the
man with the flag still leading the way. For about three miles they found
the country very barren, and in some places stript of the soil to the bare
rock, which seemed to be a poor sort of iron ore. Beyond this, they came to
the most fertile part of the island they saw, it being interspersed with
plantations of potatoes, sugar-canes, and plantain trees, and these not so
much encumbered with stones as those which they had seen before; but they
could find no water except what the natives twice or thrice brought them,
which, though brackish and stinking, was rendered acceptable, by the
extremity of their thirst. They also passed some huts, the owners of which
met them with roasted potatoes and sugar-canes, and, placing themselves a-
head of the foremost party (for they marched in a line in order to have the
benefit of the path), gave one to each man as he passed by. They observed
the same method in distributing the water which they brought; and were
particularly careful that the foremost did not drink too much, lest none
should be left for the hindmost. But at the very time these were relieving
the thirsty and hungry, there were not wanting others who endeavoured to
steal from them the very things which had been given them. At last, to
prevent worse consequences, they were obliged to fire a load of small shot
at one who was so audacious as to snatch from one of the men the bag which
contained every thing they carried with them. The shot hit him on the back,
on which he dropped the bag, ran a little way, and then fell; but he
afterwards got up and walked, and what became of him they knew not, nor
whether he was much wounded. As this affair occasioned some delay, and drew
the natives together, they presently saw the man who had hitherto led the
way and one or two more, coming running towards them; but instead of
stopping when they came up, they continued to run round them, repeating, in
a kind manner, a few words, until our people set forwards again. Then their
old guide hoisted his flag, leading the way as before, and none ever
attempted to steal from them the whole day afterwards. As they passed
along, they observed on a hill a number of people collected together, some
of whom had spears in their hands; but on their being called to by their
countrymen, they dispersed, except a few, amongst whom was one seemingly of
some note. He was a stout well-made man, with a fine open countenance, his
face was painted, his body punctured, and he wore a better _Ha hou_,
or cloth, than the rest. He saluted them as he came up, by stretching out
his arms, with both hands clenched, lifting them over his head, opening
them wide, and then letting them fall gradually down to his sides. To this
man, whom they understood to be chief of the island, their other friend
gave his white flag, and he gave him another, who carried it before them
the remainder of the day.
Towards the eastern end of the island, they met with a well whose water was
perfectly fresh, being considerably above the level of the sea; but it was
dirty, owing to the filthiness or cleanliness (call it which you will) of
the natives, who never go to drink without washing themselves all over as
soon as they have done; and if ever so many of them are together, the first
leaps right into the middle of the hole, drinks, and washes himself without
the least ceremony; after which another takes his place and does the same.
They observed that this side of the island was full of those gigantic
statues so often mentioned; some placed in groupes on platforms of masonry,
others single, fixed only in the earth, and that not deep; and these latter
are, in general, much larger than the others. Having measured one, which
had fallen down, they found it very near twenty-seven feet long, and
upwards of eight feet over the breast or shoulders; and yet this appeared
considerably short of the size of one they saw standing; its shade, a
little past two o'clock, being sufficient to shelter all the party,
consisting of near thirty persons, from the rays of the sun. Here they
stopped to dine; after which they repaired to a hill, from whence they saw
all the east and north shores of the isle, on which they could not see
either bay or creek fit even for a boat to land in; nor the least signs of
fresh water. What the natives brought them here was real salt water; but
they observed that some of them drank pretty plentifully of it, so far will
necessity and custom get the better of nature! On this account they were
obliged to return to the last-mentioned well, where, after having quenched
their thirst, they directed their route across the island towards the ship,
as it was now four o'clock.
In a small hollow, on the highest part of the island, they met with several
such cylinders as are placed on the heads of the statues. Some of these
appeared larger than any they had seen before; but it was now too late to
stop to measure any of them. Mr Wales, from whom I had this information, is
of opinion that there had been a quarry here, whence these stones had
formerly been dug; and that it would have been no difficult matter to roll
them down the hill after they were formed. I think this a very reasonable
conjecture, and have no doubt that it has been so.
On the declivity of the mountain towards the west, they met with another
well, but the water was a very strong mineral, had a thick green scum on
the top, and stunk intolerably. Necessity, however, obliged some to drink
of it; but it soon made them so sick, that they threw it up the same way
that it went down.
In all this excursion, as well as the one made the preceding day, only two
or three shrubs were seen. The leaf and seed of one (called by the natives
_Torromedo_) were not much unlike those of the common vetch; but the
pod was more like that of a tamarind in its size and shape. The seeds have
a disagreeable bitter taste; and the natives, when they saw our people chew
them, made signs to spit them out; from whence it was concluded that they
think them poisonous. The wood is of a reddish colour, and pretty hard and
heavy, but very crooked, small, and short, not exceeding six or seven feet
in height. At the S.W. corner of the island, they found another small
shrub, whose wood was white and brittle, and in some measure, as also its
leaf, resembling the ash. They also saw in several places the Otaheitean
cloth plant, but it was poor and weak, and not above two and a half feet
high at most.
They saw not an animal of any sort, and but very few birds; nor indeed any
thing which can induce ships that are not in the utmost distress, to touch
at this island.
This account of the excursion I had from Mr Pickersgill and Mr Wales, men
on whose veracity I could depend; and therefore I determined to leave the
island the next morning, since nothing was to be obtained that could make
it worth my while to stay longer; for the water which we had sent on board,
was not much better than if it had been taken up out of the sea.[6]
We had a calm till ten o'clock in the morning of the 16th, when a breeze
sprung up at west, accompanied with heavy showers of rain, which lasted
about an hour. The weather then clearing up, we got under sail, stood to
sea, and kept plying to and fro, while an officer was sent on shore with
two boats, to purchase such refreshments as the natives might have brought
down; for I judged this would be the case, as they knew nothing of our
sailing. The event proved that I was not mistaken; for the boats made two
trips before night, when we hoisted them in, and made sail to the N.W.,
with a light breeze at N.N.E.
[1] "The joy which this fortunate event spread on every countenance,
is scarcely to be described. We had been one hundred and three days
out of sight of land; and the rigorous weather to the south, the
fatigues of continual attendance during storms, or amidst dangerous
masses of ice, the sudden changes of climate, and the long continuance
of a noxious diet, all together had emaciated and worn out our crew.
The expectation of a speedy end to their sufferings, and the hope of
finding the land stocked with abundance of fowls and planted with
fruits, according to the accounts of the Dutch navigator, now filled
them with uncommon alacrity and cheerfulness."--G.F.
Captain Cook was much indebted for now falling in with this island, to
the superior means he possessed of ascertaining his longitude. Byron,
Carteret, and Bouganville, all missed it, although they took their
departure from no greater a distance than the islands of Juan
Fernandez. Most of the writers who mention Easter Island, agree pretty
well together as to its latitude, but the Spanish accounts are not less
than thirty leagues erroneous as to its longitude.--E.
[2] See this in vol. XI. p. 95 of this collection; but the description
afterwards given is much more satisfactory.--E.
[3] "He was of the middle size, about five feet eight inches high, and
remarkably hairy on the breast, and all over the body. His colour was
a chesnut brown, his beard strong, but clipped short, and of a black
colour, as was also the hair of his head, which was likewise cut
short. His ears were very long, almost hanging on his shoulders, and
his legs punctured in compartments after a taste which we had observed
no where else. He had only a belt round his middle, from whence a kind
of net-work descended before, too thin to conceal any thing from the
sight. A string was tied about his neck, and a flat bone, something
shaped like a tongue, and about four inches long, was fastened to it,
and hung down on the breast. This he told us, was a porpoise's bone
(eavee toharra) expressing it exactly by the same words which an
Otaheitean would have made use of. Mahine, who had already expressed
his impatience to go ashore, was much pleased to find that the
inhabitants spoke a language so similar to his own, and attempted to
converse with our new visitor several times, but was interrupted by
the questions which many other persons in the ship put to him."--G.F.
[4] "Almost all of them were naked, some having only a belt round the
middle, from whence a small bit of cloth, six or eight inches long, or
a little net, hang down before. A very few of them had a cloak which
reached to the knees, made of cloth, resembling that of Otaheite in
the texture, and stitched or quilted with thread to make it the more
lasting. Most of these cloaks were painted yellow with the turmeric
root."--G.F.
[5] "After staying among the natives for some time on the beach, we
began to walk into the country. The whole ground was covered with
roots and stones of all sizes, which seemed to have been exposed to a
great fire, where they had acquired a black colour and porous
appearance. Two or three shrivelled species of grasses grew up among
these stones, and in a slight degree softened the desolate appearance
of the country. About fifteen yards from the landing place, we saw a
perpendicular wall of square hewn stones, about a foot and a half or
two feet long, and one foot broad. Its greatest height was about seven
or eight feet, but it gradually sloped on both sides, and its length
might be about twenty yards. A remarkable circumstance was the
junction of these stones, which were laid after the most excellent
rules of art, fitting in such a manner as to make a durable piece of
architecture. The stone itself, of which they are cut, is not of great
hardness, being a blackish brown cavernous and brittle stony lava. The
ground rose from the water side upwards; so that another wall,
parallel to the first, about twelve yards from it, and facing the
country, was not above two or three feet high. The whole area between
the two walls was filled up with soil and covered over with grass.
About fifty yards farther to the south, there was another elevated
area, of which the surface was paved with square stones exactly
similar to those which formed the walls. In the midst of this area,
there was a pillar consisting of a single stone, which represented a
human figure to the waist, about twenty feet high, and upwards of five
feet wide. The workmanship of this figure was rude, and spoke the arts
in their infancy. The eyes, nose, and mouth, were scarcely marked on a
lumpish ill-shaped head; and the ears, which were excessively long,
quite in the fashion of the country, were better executed than any
other part, though a European artist would have been ashamed of them.
The neck was clumsy and short, and the shoulders and arms very
slightly represented. On the top of the head a huge round cylinder of
stone was placed upright, being above five feet in diameter and in
height. This cap, which resembled the head-dress of some Egyptian
divinity, consisted of a different stone from the rest of the pillar,
being of a more reddish colour; and had a hole on each side, as if it
had been made round by turning. The cap, together with the head, made
one half of the whole pillar which appeared above ground. We did not
observe that the natives paid any worship to these pillars, yet they
seemed to hold them in some kind of veneration, as they sometimes
expressed a dislike when we walked over the paved area or pedestals,
or examined the stones of which it consisted. A few of the natives
accompanied us farther on into the country, where we had seen some
bushes at a distance, which we hoped would afford us something new.
Our road was intolerably rugged, over heaps of volcanic stones, which
rolled away under our feet, and against which we continually hurt
ourselves. The natives who were accustomed to this desolate ground,
skipped nimbly from stone to stone without the least difficulty. In
our way we saw several black rats running about, which it seems are
common to every island in the South Sea. Being arrived at the
shrubbery which we had in view, we found it was nothing but a small
plantation of the paper mulberry, of which here, as well as at
Otaheite, they make their cloth. Its stems were from two to four feet
high, and planted in rows, among very large rocks, where the rains had
washed a little soil together. In the neighbourhood of these we saw
some bushes of the _hibiscus populneus_, Linn, which is common also in
the Society Isles, where it is one of the numerous plants made use of
to dye yellow; and likewise a _mimosa_, which is the only shrub that
affords the natives sticks for their clubs and patoo-patoos, and wood
sufficient to patch up a canoe. We found the face of the country more
barren and ruinous the farther we advanced. The small number of
inhabitants, who met us at the landing-place, seemed to have been the
bulk of the nation, since we met no other people on our walk; and yet
for these few we did not see above ten or twelve huts, though the view
commanded a great part of the island. One of the sightliest of these
was situated on a little hillock, about half a mile from the sea,
which we ascended. Its construction was such as evinced the poverty
and wretched condition of its owners. The natives told us they passed
the night in these huts; and we easily conceived their situation to be
uncomfortable, especially as we saw so very few of them, that they
must be crammed full, unless the generality of the people lie in the
open air, and leave these wretched dwellings to their chiefs, or make
use of them only in bad weather. Besides these huts, we observed some
heaps of stones piled up into little hillocks, which had one steep
perpendicular side, where a hole went under ground. The space within
could be but very small, and yet it is very probable that these
cavities served to give shelter to the people during night. They may,
however, communicate with natural caverns, which are very common in
the lava currents of volcanic countries. We should have been glad to
have ascertained this circumstance, but the natives always denied us
admittance into these places."--G.F.
[6] "Captain Cook had not been very fortunate in trading with the
people. They seemed indeed to be so destitute as to have no provisions
to spare. A few matted baskets full of sweet potatoes, some sugar-
canes, bunches of bananas, and two or three small fowls ready dressed,
were the whole purchase which he had made for a few iron tools, and
some Otaheite cloth. He had presented the people with beads, but they
always threw them away with contempt, as far as ever they could.
Whatever else they saw about us, they were desirous of possessing,
though they had nothing to give in return.--G.F.
SECTION VIII.
_A Description of the Island, and its Produce, Situation, and
Inhabitants; their Manners and Customs; Conjectures concerning their
Government, Religion, and other Subjects; with a more particular Account of
the gigantic Statues._
I shall now give some farther account of this island, which is undoubtedly
the same that Admiral Roggewein touched at in April 1722; although the
description given of it by the authors of that voyage does by no means
agree with it now. It may also be the same that was seen by Captain Davis
in 1686; for, when seen from the east, it answers very well to Wafer's
description, as I have before observed. In short, if this is not the land,
his discovery cannot lie far from the coast of America, as this latitude
has been well explored from the meridian of 80° to 110°. Captain Carteret
carried it much farther; but his track seems to have been a little too far
south. Had I found fresh water, I intended spending some days in looking
for the low sandy isle Davis fell in with, which would have determined the
point. But as I did not find water, and had a long run to make before I was
assured of getting any, and being in want of refreshments, I declined the
search; as a small delay might have been attended with bad consequences to
the crew, many of them beginning to be more or less affected with the
scurvy.
No nation need contend for the honour of the discovery of this island, as
there can be few places which afford less convenience for shipping than it
does. Here is no safe anchorage, no wood for fuel, nor any fresh water
worth taking on board. Nature has been exceedingly sparing of her favours
to this spot. As every thing must be raised by dint of labour, it cannot be
supposed that the inhabitants plant much more than is sufficient for
themselves; and as they are but few in number, they cannot have much to
spare to supply the wants of visitant strangers. The produce is sweet
potatoes, yams, tara or eddy root, plantains, and sugar-canes, all pretty
good, the potatoes especially, which are the best of the kind I ever
tasted. Gourds they have also, but so very few, that a cocoa-nut shell was
the most valuable thing we could give them. They have a few tame fowls,
such as cocks and hens, small but well tasted. They have also rats, which
it seems they eat; for I saw a man with some dead ones in his hand, and he
seemed unwilling to part with them, giving me to understand they were for
food. Of land-birds there were hardly any, and sea-birds but few; these
were men-of-war, tropic, and egg-birds, noddies, tern, &c. The coast seemed
not to abound with fish, at least we could catch none with hook and line,
and it was but very little we saw among the natives.
Such is the produce of Easter Island, or Davis's Land, which is situated in
latitude 27° 5' 30" S., longitude 109° 46' 20" W. It is about ten or twelve
leagues in circuit, hath a hilly and stony surface, and an iron-bound
shore. The hills are of such a height as to be seen fifteen or sixteen
leagues. Off the south end, are two rocky islets, lying near the shore. The
north and east points of the island rise directly from the sea to a
considerable height; between them and the S.E. side, the shore forms an
open bay, in which I believe the Dutch anchored. We anchored, as hath been
already mentioned, on the west side of the island, three miles to the north
of the south point, with the sandy beach bearing E.S.S. This is a very good
road with easterly winds, but a dangerous one with westerly; as the other
on the S.E. side must be with easterly winds.
For this, and other bad accommodations already mentioned, nothing but
necessity will induce any one to touch at this isle, unless it can be done
without going much out of the way; in which case, touching here may be
advantageous, as the people willingly and readily part with such
refreshments as they have, and at an easy rate. We certainly received great
benefit from the little we got; but few ships can come here without being
in want of water, and this want cannot be here supplied. The little we took
on board, could not be made use of, it being only salt water which had
filtered through a stony beach into a stone well; this the natives had made
for the purpose, a little to the southward of the sandy beach so often
mentioned, and the water ebbed and flowed into it with the tide.
The inhabitants of this island do not seem to exceed six or seven hundred
souls, and above two-thirds of those we saw were males. They either have
but few females amongst them, or else many were restrained from making
their appearance during our stay, for though we saw nothing to induce us to
believe the men were of a jealous disposition, or the women afraid to
appear in public, something of this kind was probably the case.[1]
In colour, features, and language, they bear such an affinity to the people
of the more western isles, that no one will doubt they have had the same
origin. It is extraordinary that the same nation should have spread
themselves over all the isles in this vast ocean, from New Zealand to this
island, which is almost one-fourth part of the circumference of the globe.
Many of them have now no other knowledge of each other, than what is
preserved by antiquated tradition; and they have, by length of time,
become, as it were, different nations, each having adopted some peculiar
custom or habit, &c. Nevertheless, a careful observer will soon see the
affinity each has to the other. In general, the people of this isle are a
slender race. I did not see a man that would measure six feet; so far are
they from being giants, as one of the authors of Roggewein's voyage
asserts. They are brisk and active, have good features, and not
disagreeable countenances; are friendly and hospitable to strangers, but as
much addicted to pilfering as any of their neighbours.
_Tattowing_, or puncturing the skin, is much used here. The men are
marked from head to foot, with figures all nearly alike; only some give
them one direction, and some another, as fancy leads. The women are but
little punctured; red and white paint is an ornament with _them_, as
also with the men; the former is made of turmeric, but what composes the
latter I know not.
Their clothing is a piece or two of quilted cloth, about six feet by four,
or a mat. One piece wrapped round their loins, and another over their
shoulders, make a complete dress. But the men, for the most part, are in a
manner naked, wearing nothing but a slip of cloth betwixt their legs, each
end of which is fastened to a cord or belt they wear round the waist. Their
cloth is made of the same materials as at Otaheite, viz. of the bark of the
cloth-plant; but, as they have but little of it, our Otaheitean cloth, or
indeed any sort of it, came here to a good market.
Their hair in general is black; the women wear it long, and sometimes tied
up on the crown of the head; but the men wear it, and their beards, cropped
short. Their headdress is a round fillet adorned with feathers, and a straw
bonnet something like a Scotch one; the former, I believe, being chiefly
worn by the men, and the latter by the women. Both men and women have very
large holes, or rather slits, in their ears, extending to near three inches
in length. They sometimes turn this slit over the upper part, and then the
ear looks as if the flap was cut off. The chief ear-ornaments are the white
down of feathers, and rings, which they wear in the inside of the hole,
made of some elastic substance, rolled up like a watch-spring. I judged
this was to keep the hole at its utmost extension. I do not remember seeing
them wear any other ornaments, excepting amulets made of bone or shells.[2]
As harmless and friendly as these people seemed to be, they are not without
offensive weapons, such as short wooden clubs and spears; the latter of
which are crooked sticks about six feet long, armed at one end with pieces
of flint. They have also a weapon made of wood, like the _Patoo patoo_
of New Zealand.
Their houses are low miserable huts, constructed by setting sticks upright
in the ground, at six or eight feet distance, then bending them towards
each other, and tying them together at the top, forming thereby a kind of
Gothic arch. The longest sticks are placed in the middle, and shorter ones
each way, and a less distance asunder, by which means the building is
highest and broadest in the middle, and lower and narrower towards each
end. To these are tied others horizontally, and the whole is thatched over
with leaves of sugar-cane. The door-way is in the middle of one side,
formed like a porch, and so low and narrow, as just to admit a man to enter
upon all fours. The largest house I saw was about sixty feet long, eight or
nine feet high in the middle, and three or four at each end; its breadth,
at these parts, was nearly equal to its height. Some have a kind of vaulted
houses built with stone, and partly under ground; but I never was in one of
these.
I saw no household utensils among them, except gourds, and of these but
very few. They were extravagantly fond of cocoa-nut shells, more so than of
any thing we could give them. They dress their victuals in the same manner
as at Otaheite; that is, with hot stones in an oven or hole in the ground.
The straw or tops of sugar-cane, plantain heads, &c. serve them for fuel to
heat the stones. Plantains, which require but little dressing, they roast
under fires of straw, dried grass, &c. and whole races of them are ripened
or roasted in this manner. We frequently saw ten or a dozen, or more, such
fires in one place, and most commonly in the mornings and evenings.
Not more than three or four canoes were seen on the whole island, and these
very mean, and built of many pieces sewed together with small line. They
are about eighteen or twenty feet long, head and stem carved or raised a
little, are very narrow, and fitted with out-riggers. They do not seem
capable of carrying above four persons, and are by no means fit for any
distant navigation. As small and mean as these canoes were, it was a matter
of wonder to us, where they got the wood to build them with; for in one of
them was a board six or eight feet long, fourteen inches broad at one end,
and eight at the other; whereas we did not see a stick on the island that
would have made a board half this size, nor, indeed, was there another
piece in the whole canoe half so big.
There are two ways by which it is possible they may have got this large
wood; it might have been left here by the Spaniards, or it might have been
driven on the shore of the island from some distant land. It is even
possible that there may be some land in the neighbourhood, from whence they
might have got it. We, however, saw no signs of any, nor could we get the
least information on this head from the natives, although we tried every
method we could think of to obtain it. We were almost as unfortunate in our
enquiries for the proper or native name of the island; for, on comparing
notes, I found we had got three different names for it, viz. Tamareki,
Whyhu, and Teapy. Without pretending to say which, or whether any of them
is right, I shall only observe, that the last was obtained by Oedidee, who
understood their language much better than any of us, though even he
understood it but very imperfectly.
It appears by the account of Roggewein's voyage, that these people had no
better vessels than when he first visited them. The want of materials, and
not of genius, seems to be the reason why they have made no improvement in
this art. Some pieces of carving were found amongst them, both well
designed and executed.[3] Their plantations are prettily laid out by line,
but not inclosed by any fence; indeed they have nothing for this purpose
but stones.
I have no doubt that all these plantations are private property, and that
there are here, as at Otaheite, chiefs (which they call _Areekes_) to
whom these plantations belong. But of the power or authority of these
chiefs, or of the government of these people, I confess myself quite
ignorant.
Nor are we better acquainted with their religion. The gigantic statues, so
often mentioned, are not, in my opinion, looked upon as idols by the
present inhabitants, whatever they might have been in the days of the
Dutch; at least I saw nothing that could induce me to think so. On the
contrary, I rather suppose that they are burying-places for certain tribes
or families. I, as well as some others, saw a human skeleton lying in one
of the platforms, just covered with stones. Some of these platforms of
masonry are thirty or forty feet long, twelve or sixteen broad, and from
three to twelve in height; which last in some measure depends on the nature
of the ground; for they are generally at the brink of the bank facing the
sea, so that this face may be ten or twelve feet or more high, and the
other may not be above three or four. They are built, or rather faced, with
hewn stones, of a very large size; and the workmanship is not inferior to
the best plain piece of masonry we have in England. They use no sort of
cement, yet the joints are exceedingly close, and the stones morticed and
tenanted one into another, in a very artful manner. The side-walls are not
perpendicular, but inclining a little inwards, in the same manner that
breast-works, &c. are built in Europe; yet had not all this care, pains,
and sagacity, been able to preserve these curious structures from the
ravages of all-devouring time.
The statues, or at least many of them, are erected on these platforms,
which serve as foundations. They are, as near as we could judge, about half
length, ending in a sort of stump at the bottom, on which they stand. The
workmanship is rude, but not bad; nor are the features of the face ill
formed, the nose and chin in particular; but the ears are long beyond
proportion; and, as to the bodies, there is hardly any thing like a human
figure about them.
I had an opportunity of examining only two or three of these statues, which
are near the landing-place; and they were of a grey stone, seemingly of the
same sort as that with which the platforms were built. But some of the
gentlemen, who travelled over the island, and examined many of them, were
of opinion that the stone of which they were made, was different from any
they saw on the island, and had much the appearance of being factitious. We
could hardly conceive how these islanders, wholly unacquainted with any
mechanical power, could raise such stupendous figures, and afterwards place
the large cylindric stones before mentioned upon their heads. The only
method I can conceive, is by raising the upper end by little and little,
supporting it by stones as it is raised, and building about it till they
got it erect; thus a sort of mount or scaffolding would be made, upon which
they might roll the cylinder, and place it upon the head of the statue, and
then the stones might be removed from about it. But if the stones are
factitious, the statues might have been put together on the place, in their
present position, and the cylinder put on by building a mount round them,
as above mentioned. But, let them have been made and set up by this or any
other method, they must have been a work of immense time, and sufficiently
shew the ingenuity and perseverance of these islanders in the age in which
they were built; for the present inhabitants have most certainly had no
hand in them, as they do not even repair the foundations of those which are
going to decay. They give different names to them, such as Gotomoara,
Marapate, Kanaro, Goway-too-goo, Matta Matta, &c. &c. to which they
sometimes prefix the word Moi, and sometimes annex Areeke. The latter
signifies chief, and the former burying, or sleeping-place, as well as we
could understand.[4]
Besides the monuments of antiquity, which were pretty numerous, and no
where but on or near the sea-coast, there were many little heaps of stones,
piled up in different places along the coast. Two or three of the uppermost
stones in each pile were generally white, perhaps always so, when the pile
is complete. It will hardly be doubted that these piles of stone had a
meaning; probably they might mark the place where people had been buried,
and serve instead of the large statues.
The working-tools of these people are but very mean, and, like those of all
the other islanders we have visited in this ocean, made of stone, bone,
shells, &c. They set but little value on iron or iron tools, which is the
more extraordinary, as they know their use; but the reason may be, their
having but little occasion for them.
[1] "It was impossible for us to guess at the cause of this
disproportion in the number of the different sexes; but as all the
women we saw were very liberal of their favours, I conjectured at that
time, that the married and the modest, who might be supposed to form
the greater part, did not care to come near us, or were forced by the
men to stay at their dwellings in the remote parts of the island.
These few who appeared were the most lascivious of their sex, that
perhaps have ever been noticed in any country, and shame seemed to be
entirely unknown to them."--G.F.
[2] "They were inferior in stature to the natives of the Society and
Friendly Isles, and to those of New Zealand, there being not a single
person amongst them, who might be reckoned tall. Their body was
likewise lean, and their face much thinner than that of any people we
had hitherto seen in the South Sea. Both sexes had thin, but not
savage features, though the little shelter which their barren country
offers against the sunbeams, had contracted their brows sometimes, and
drawn the muscles of their face up towards the eye. Their noses were
not very broad, but rather flat between the eyes; their lips strong,
though not so thick as those of negroes; and their hair black and
curling, but always cut short, so as not to exceed three inches. Their
eyes were dark-brown, and rather small, the white being less clear
than in other nations of the South Seas."--G.F.
[3] "These were human figures made of narrow pieces of wood about
eighteen inches or two feet long, and wrought in a much neater and
more proportionate manner than we could have expected, after seeing
the rude sculpture of the statues. They were made to represent persons
of both sexes; the features were not very pleasing, and the whole
figure was much too long to be natural; however, there was something
characteristic in them, which shewed a taste for the arts. The wood of
which they were made was finely polished, close grained, and of a
dark-brown, like that of the casuarina. Mahine was most pleased with
these carved human figures, the workmanship of which much excelled
those of the _e tees_ in his country, and he purchased several of
them, assuring us they would be greatly valued at Otaheite. As he took
great pains to collect these curiosities, he once met with a figure of
a woman's hand, carved of a yellowish wood, nearly of the natural
size. Upon examination, its fingers were all bent upwards, as they are
in the action of dancing at Otaheite, and its nails were represented
very long, extending at least three-fourths of an inch beyond the
fingers end. The wood of which it was made was the rare perfume wood
of Otaheite, with the chips of which they communicate fragrance to
their oils. We had neither seen this wood growing, nor observed the
custom of wearing long nails at this island, and therefore were at a
loss to conceive how this piece of well-executed carving could be met
with there. Mahine afterwards presented this piece to my father, who
in his turn made a present of it to the British Museum."--G.F.
[4] "The most diligent enquiries on our part, have not been sufficient
to throw clear light on the surprising objects which struck our eyes
in this island. We may, however, attempt to account for these gigantic
monuments, of which great numbers exist in every part; for as they are
so disproportionate to the present strength of the nation, it is most
reasonable to look upon them as the remains of better times. The
nearest calculation we could make, never brought the number of
inhabitants in this island beyond seven hundred, who, destitute of
tools, of shelter and clothing, are obliged to spend all their time in
providing food to support their precarious existence. It is obvious
that they are too much occupied with their wants, to think of forming
statues, which would cost them ages to finish, and require their
united strength to erect. Accordingly, we did not see a single
instrument among them in all our excursions, which could have been of
the least use in masonry or sculpture. We neither met with any
quarries, where they had recently dug the materials, nor with
unfinished statues, which we might have considered as the work of the
present race. It is therefore probable, that these people were
formerly more numerous, more opulent and happy, when they could spare
sufficient time, to flatter the vanity of their princes, by
perpetuating their names by lasting monuments. The remains of
plantations found on the summits of the hub, give strength and support
to this conjecture. It is not in our power to determine by what
various accidents a nation so flourishing, could be reduced in number,
and degraded to its present indigence. But we are well convinced that
many causes may produce this effect, and that the devastation which a
volcano might make, is alone sufficient to heap a load of miseries on
a people confined to so small a space. In fact, this island, which may
perhaps, in remote ages, have been produced by a volcano, since all
its minerals are merely volcanic, has at least in all likelihood been
destroyed by its fire. All kinds of trees and plants, all-domestic
animals, nay a great part of the nation itself, may have perished in
the dreadful convulsion of nature: Hunger and misery must have been
but too powerful enemies to those who escaped the fire. We cannot well
account for these little carved images which we saw among the natives,
and the representation of a dancing woman's hand, which are made of a
kind of wood at present not to be met with upon the island. The only
idea which offers itself is, that they were made long ago, and have
been saved by accident or predilection, at the general catastrophe
which seems to have happened. In numberless circumstances the people
agree with the tribes who inhabit New Zealand, the Friendly and the
Society Islands, and who seem to have had one common origin with them.
Their features are very similar, so that the general character may
easily be distinguished. Their colour a yellowish brown, most like the
hue of the New Zealanders; their art of puncturing, the use of the
mulberry-bark for clothing, the predilection for red paint and red
dresses, the shape and workmanship of their clubs, the mode of
dressing their victuals, all form a strong resemblance to the natives
of these islands. We may add, the simplicity of their languages, that
of Easter Island being a dialect, which, in many respects, resembles
that of New Zealand, especially in the harshness of pronunciation and
the use of gutturals, and yet, in other instances, partakes of that of
Otaheite. The monarchical government likewise strengthens the affinity
between the Easter Islanders and the tropical tribes, its prerogatives
being only varied according to the different degrees of fertility of
the islands, and the opulence or luxury of the people. The statues,
which are erected in honour of their kings, have a great affinity to
the wooden figures called Tea, on the chief's marais or burying-
places, at Otaheite; but we could not possibly consider them as idols.
The disposition of these people is far from being warlike; their
numbers are too inconsiderable and their poverty too general, to
create civil disturbances amongst them. It is equally improbable that
they have foreign wars, since hitherto we know of no island near
enough to admit of an interview between the inhabitants; neither could
we obtain any intelligence from those of Easter Island upon the
subject. This being premised, it is extraordinary that they should
have different kinds of offensive weapons, and especially such as
resemble those of the New Zealanders; and we must add this
circumstance to several others which are inexplicable to us. Upon the
whole, supposing Easter Island to have undergone a late misfortune
from volcanic fires, its inhabitants are more to be pitied than any
less civilized society, being acquainted with a number of
conveniences, comforts, and luxuries of life, which they formerly
possessed, and of which the remembrance must embitter the loss."--G.P.
Forster the father is decided in opinion, as to the revolution that
has undoubtedly occurred in this island, being occasioned by a volcano
and earthquake, and gives a very curious account of a notion prevalent
amongst the Society Isles, and forming indeed part of their
mythological creed, which, if to be credited, affords support to it.
The subject altogether is of a most interesting and important nature,
but cannot possibly be investigated or even specified in an adequate
manner in this place. We hope to do it justice hereafter.--E.
SECTION IX.
_The Passage from Easter Island to the Marquesas Islands. Transactions
and Incidents which happened while the Ship lay in Madre de Dios, or
Resolution Bay, in the Island of St Christina._
After leaving Easter Island, I steered N.W. by N. and N.N.W., with a fine
easterly gale, intending to touch at the Marquesas, if I met with nothing
before I got there. We had not been long at sea, before the bilious
disorder made another attack upon me, but not so violent as the former. I
believe this second visit was owing to exposing and fatiguing myself too
much at Easter Island.
On the 22d, being in the latitude of 19° 20' S., longitude 114° 49' W.,
steered N.W. Since leaving Easter Island, the variation had not been more
than 3° 4', nor less than 2° 32' E.; but on the 26th, at six a.m., in
latitude 15° 7' S., longitude 119° 45' W., it was no more than 1° 1' E.;
after which it began to increase.
On the 29th, being in the latitude of 10° 20', longitude 123° 58' W.,
altered the course to W.N.W., and the next day to west, being then in
latitude 9° 24', which I judged to be the parallel of Marquesas; where, as
I have before observed, I intended to touch, in order to settle their
situation, which I find different in different charts. Having now a steady
settled trade-wind, and pleasant weather, I ordered the forge to be set up,
to repair and make various necessary articles in the iron way; and the
caulkers had already been some time at work caulking the decks, weather-
works, &c.
As we advanced to the west, we found the variation to increase but slowly;
for, on the 3d of April, it was only 4° 40' E., being then in the latitude
of 9° 32', longitude 132° 45', by observation made at the same time.
I continued to steer to the west till the 6th, at four in the afternoon, at
which time, being in the latitude of 9° 20', longitude 138° 14' W., we
discovered an island, bearing west by south, distant about nine leagues.
Two hours after we saw another, bearing S.W. by S., which appeared more
extensive than the former. I hauled up for this island, and ran under an
easy sail all night, having squally unsettled rainy weather, which is not
very uncommon in this sea, when near high land. At six o'clock the next
morning, the first island bore N.W., the second S.W. 1/2 W., and a third W.
I gave orders to steer for the separation between the two last; and soon
after, a fourth was seen, still more to the west. By this time, we were
well assured that these were the Marquesas, discovered by Mendana in 1595.
The first isle was a new discovery, which I named Hood's Island, after the
young gentleman who first saw it, the second was that of Saint Pedro, the
third La Dominica, and the fourth St Christina. We ranged the S.E..coast of
La Dominica, without seeing the least signs of anchorage, till we came to
the channel that divides it from St Christina, through which we passed,
hauled over for the last-mentioned island, and ran along the coast to the
S.W. in search of Mendana's Port. We passed several coves in which there
seemed to be anchorage; but a great surf broke on all the shores. Some
canoes put off from these places, and followed us down the coast.
At length, having come before the port we were in search of, we attempted
to turn into it, the wind being right out; but as it blew in violent
squalls from this high land, one of these took us just after we had put in
stays, payed the ship off again, and before she wore round, she was within
a few yards of being driven against the rocks to leeward. This obliged us
to stand out to sea, and to make a stretch to windward; after which we
stood in again, and without attempting to turn, anchored in the entrance of
the bay in thirty-four fathoms water, a fine sandy bottom. This was no
sooner done, than about thirty or forty of the natives came off to us in
ten or twelve canoes; but it required some address to get them alongside.
At last a hatchet, and some spike-nails, induced the people in one canoe to
come under the quarter-gallery; after which, all the others put alongside,
and having exchanged some breadfruit and fish for small nails, &c. retired
ashore, the sun being already set. We observed a heap of stones on the bow
of each canoe, and every man to have a sling tied round his hand.
Very early next morning, the natives visited us again in much greater
numbers than before; bringing with them bread-fruit, plantains, and one
pig, all of which they exchanged for nails, &c. But in this traffic they
would frequently keep our goods, and make no return, till at last I was
obliged to fire a musket-ball over one man who had several times served us
in this manner; after which they dealt more fairly; and soon after several
of them came on board. At this time we were preparing to warp farther into
the bay, and I was going in a boat, to look for the most convenient place
to moor the ship in. Observing too many of the natives on board, I said to
the officers, "You must look well after these people, or they will
certainly carry off something or other." I had hardly got into the boat,
before I was told they had stolen one of the iron stanchions from the
opposite gang-way, and were making off with it. I ordered them to fire over
the canoe till I could get round in the boat, but not to kill any one. But
the natives made too much noise for me to be heard, and the unhappy thief
was killed at the third shot. Two others in the same canoe leaped
overboard, but got in again just as I came to them. The stanchion they had
thrown over board. One of them, a man grown, sat bailing the blood and
water out of the canoe, in a kind of hysteric laugh; the other, a youth
about fourteen or fifteen years of age, looked on the deceased with a
serious and dejected countenance; we had afterwards reason to believe he
was his son.[1]
At this unhappy accident, all the natives retired with precipitation. I
followed them into the bay, and prevailed upon the people in one canoe to
come alongside the boat, and receive some nails, and other things, which I
gave them; this in some measure allayed their fears. Having taken a view of
the bay, and found that fresh water, which we most wanted, was to be had, I
returned on board, and carried out a kedge-anchor with three hawsers upon
an end, to warp the ship in by, and hove short on the bower. One would have
thought that the natives, by this time, would have been so sensible of the
effect of our fire-arms, as not to have provoked us to fire upon them any
more, but the event proved otherwise; for the boat had no sooner left the
kedge-anchor, than two men in a canoe put off from the shore, took hold of
the buoy rope, and attempted to drag it ashore, little considering what was
fast to it. Lest, after discovering their mistake, they should take away
the buoy, I ordered a musket to be fired at them; the ball fell short, and
they took not the least notice of it; but a second having passed over them,
they let go the buoy, and made for the shore. This was the last shot we had
occasion to fire at any of them, while we lay at this place. It probably
had more effect than killing the man, by shewing them that they were not
safe at any distance; at least we had reason to think so, for they
afterwards stood in great dread of the musket. Nevertheless, they would
very often be exercising their talent of thieving upon us, which I thought
proper to put up with, as our stay was not likely to be long amongst them.
The trouble these people gave us retarded us so long, that, before we were
ready to heave the anchor, the wind began to increase, and blew in squalls
out of the bay, so that we were obliged to lie fast. It was not long before
the natives ventured off to us again. In the first canoe which came, was a
man who seemed to be of some consequence; he advanced slowly, with a pig on
his shoulder, and speaking something which we did not understand. As soon
as he got alongside, I made him a present of a hatchet and several other
articles: In return, he sent in his pig; and was at last prevailed upon to
come himself up to the gang-way, where he made but a short stay. The
reception this man met with, induced the people in all the other canoes to
put alongside; and exchanges were presently reestablished.
Matters being thus settled on board, I went on shore with a party of men,
to see what was to be done there. We were received by the natives with
great courtesy; and, as if nothing had happened, trafficked with them for
some fruit and a few small pigs; and after loading the launch with water,
returned aboard. After dinner I sent the boats ashore for water, under the
protection of a guard; on their landing, the natives all fled but one man,
and he seemed much frightened; afterwards one or two more came down, and
these were all that were seen this afternoon. We could not conceive the
reason of this sudden fright.
Early in the morning of the 9th, the boats were sent as usual for water;
and just as they were coming off, but not before, some of the natives made
their appearance. After breakfast I landed some little time before the
guard, when the natives crowded round me in great numbers; but as soon as
the guard landed, I had enough to do to keep them from running off: At
length their fears vanished, and a trade was opened for fruit and pigs. I
believe the reason of the natives flying from our people the day before,
was their not seeing me at the head of them; for they certainly would have
done the same to-day, had I not been present. About noon, a chief of some
consequence, attended by a great number of people, came down to the
landing-place. I presented him with such articles as I had with me, and, in
return, he gave me some of his ornaments. After these mutual exchanges, a
good understanding seemed to be established between us; so that we got by
exchanges as much fruit as loaded two boats, with which we returned on
board to dinner; but could not prevail on the chief to accompany us.
In the afternoon, the watering and trading parties were sent on shore,
though the latter got but little, as most of the natives had retired into
the country. A party of us went to the other, or southern cove of the bay,
where I procured five pigs, and came to the house which, we were told, did
belong to the man we had killed. He must have been a person of some note,
as there were six pigs in and about his house, which we were told belonged
to his son, who fled on our approach. I wanted much to have seen him, to
make him a present, and, by other kind treatment, to convince him and the
others that it was not from any bad design against the nation, that we had
killed his father. It would have been to little purpose if I had left any
thing in the house, as it certainly would have been taken by others;
especially as I could not sufficiently explain to them my meaning. Strict
honesty was seldom observed when the property of our things came to be
disputed. I saw a striking instance of this in the morning, when I was
going ashore. A man in a canoe offered me a small pig for a six-inch spike,
and another man being employed to convey it, I gave him the spike, which he
kept for himself, and instead of it, gave to the man who owned the pig a
sixpenny nail. Words of course arose, and I waited to see how it would end;
but as the man who had possession of the spike seemed resolved to keep it,
I left them before it was decided. In the evening we returned on board with
what refreshments we had collected, and thought we had made a good day's
work.
On the 10th, early in the morning, some people from more distant parts came
in canoes alongside, and sold us some pigs; so that we had now sufficient
to give the crew a fresh meal. They were, in general, so small, that forty
or fifty were hardly sufficient for this purpose. The trade on shore for
fruit was as brisk as ever. After dinner, I made a little expedition in my
boat along the coast to the south-ward, accompanied by some of the
gentlemen: At the different places we touched at, we collected eighteen
pigs; and I believe, might have got more. The people were exceedingly
obliging wherever we landed, and readily brought down whatever we
desired.[2]
Next morning I went down to the same place where we had been the preceding
evening; but instead of getting pigs, as I expected, found the scene quite
changed. The nails and other things they were mad after but the evening
before, they now despised, and instead of them wanted they did not know
what; so that I was obliged to return, with three or four little pigs,
which cost more than a dozen did the day before. When I got on board, I
found the same change had happened there, as also at the trading place on
shore. The reason was, several of the young gentlemen having landed the
preceding day, had given away in exchange various articles which the people
had not seen before, and which took with them more than nails or more
useful iron tools. But what ruined our market the most, was one of them
giving for a pig a very large quantity of red feathers he had got at
Amsterdam. None of us knew at this time, that this article was in such
estimation here; and, if I had known it, I could not have supported the
trade, in the manner it was begun, one day. Thus was our fine prospect of
getting a plentiful supply of refreshments from these people frustrated;
which will ever be the case so long as every one is allowed to make
exchanges for what he pleases, and in what manner be pleases. When I found
this island was not likely to supply us, on any conditions, with sufficient
refreshments, such as we might expect to find at the Society Isles, nor
very convenient for taking in wood and water, nor for giving the ship the
necessary repairs she wanted, I resolved forthwith to leave it, and proceed
to some other place, where our wants might be effectually relieved. For
after having been nineteen weeks at sea, and living all the time upon salt
diet, we could not but want some refreshments; although I must own, and
that with pleasure, that on our arrival here, it could hardly be said we
had one sick man; and but a few who had the least complaint. This was
undoubtedly owing to the many antiscorbutic articles we had on board, and
to the great attention of the surgeon, who was remarkably careful to apply
them in time.
[1] Mr G.F. represents this unhappy transaction in a somewhat
different manner, affirming that an officer who happened to come on
deck the moment after the second ineffectual shot, and who was totally
ignorant of the nature of the offence committed, snatched up a musket
and fired with such fatal precision. This might be the case unknown to
Captain Cook, whose representation may be considered as perfectly
according with his own immediate understanding of the circumstance,
and not modified, for perhaps valid enough reasons, by subsequent
information. The event, in any view of it that can be taken, is
another melancholy proof of that unprincipled depreciation of human
life, which so strongly characterizes men who are continually risking
it at their own cost. The conduct of Mahine on this event, it seems,
was very striking. He burst into tears, when he saw one man killing
another on so trifling an occasion. "Let his feelings," says Mr G.F.,
"put those civilized Europeans to the blush, who have humanity so
often on their lips, and so seldom in their hearts."--E.
[2] Mr G.F. strongly commends the friendly behaviour and conciliatory
manners of the people. It is unnecessary to quote his words--E.
SECTION X.
_Departure from the Marquesas; a Description of the Situation, Extent,
Figure, and Appearance of the several Islands; with some Account of the
Inhabitants, their Customs, Dress, Habitations, Food, Weapons, and
Canoes._
At three o'clock in the afternoon, we weighed, and stood over from St
Christina for La Dominica, in order to take a view of the west side of that
isle; but as it was dark before we reached it, the night was spent in
plying between the two isles. The next morning we had a full view of the
S.W. point, from which the coast trended N.E.; so that it was not probable
we should find good anchorage on that side, as being exposed to the
easterly winds. We had now but little wind, and that very variable, with
showers of rain. At length we got a breeze at E.N.E. with which we steered
to the south. At five o'clock p.m., Resolution Bay bore E.N.E. 1/2 E.
distant five leagues, and the island Magdalena S.E., about nine leagues
distant. This was the only sight we had of this isle. From hence I steered
S.S.W. 1/2 W. for Otaheite, with a view of falling in with some of those
isles discovered by former navigators, especially those discovered by the
Dutch, whose situations are not well determined. But it will be necessary
to return to the Marquesas; which were, as I have already observed, first
discovered by Mendana, a Spaniard, and from him obtained the general name
they now bear, as well as those of the different isles. The nautical
account of them, in vol. i. p. 61, of Dalrymple's Collection of Voyages to
the South Seas, is deficient in nothing but situation. This was my chief
reason for touching, at them; the settling this point is the more useful,
as it will in a great measure fix the situations of Mendana's other
discoveries.
The Marquesas are five in number, viz. La Magdalena, St Pedro, La Dominica,
Santa Christina, and Hood's Island, which is the northernmost, situated in
latitude 9° 26' S., and N. 13° W., five leagues and a half distant from the
east point of La Dominica, which is the largest of all the isles, extending
east and west six leagues. It hath an unequal breadth, and is about fifteen
or sixteen leagues in circuit. It is full of rugged hills, rising in ridges
directly from the sea; these ridges are disjoined by deep vallies which are
clothed with wood, as are the sides of some of the hills; the aspect,
however, is barren; but it is, nevertheless, inhabited. Latitude 9° 44' 30"
S. St Pedro, which is about three leagues in circuit, and of a good height,
lies south, four leagues and a half from the east end of La Dominica; we
know not if it be inhabited. Nature has not been very bountiful to it. St
Christina lies under the same parallel, three or four leagues more to the
west. This island stretches north and south, is nine miles long in that
direction, and about seven leagues in circuit. A narrow ridge of hills of
considerable height extends the whole length of the island. There are other
ridges, which, rising from the sea, and with an equal ascent, join the main
ridge. These are disjoined by deep narrow vallies, which are fertile,
adorned with fruit and other trees, and watered by fine streams of
excellent water. La Magdalena we only saw at a distance. Its situation must
be nearly in the latitude of 10° 25', longitude 138° 50'. So that these
isles occupy one degree in latitude, and near half a degree in longitude,
viz. from 138° 47' to 139° 13' W., which is the longitude of the west end
of La Dominica.
The port of Madre de Dios, which I named Resolution Bay, is situated near
the middle of the west side of St Christina, and under the highest land in
the island, in latitude 9° 55' 30", longitude 139° 8' 40" W.; and north 15'
W. from the west end of La Dominica. The south point of the bay is a steep
rock of considerable height, terminating at the top in a peaked hill, above
which you will see a path-way leading up a narrow ridge to the summits of
the hills. The north point is not so high, and rises with a more gentle
slope. They are a mile from each other, in the direction of N. by E. and S.
by W. In the bay, which is near three quarters of a mile deep, and has from
thirty-four to twelve fathoms water, with a clean sandy bottom, are two
sandy coves, divided from each other by a rocky point. In each is a rivulet
of excellent water. The northern cove is the most commodious for wooding
and watering. Here is the little water-fall mentioned by Quiros, Mendana's
pilot; but the town, or village, is in the other cove. There are several
other coves, or bays, on this side of the island, and some of them,
especially to the northward, may be mistaken for this; therefore, the best
direction is the bearing of the west end of La Dominica.
The trees, plants, and other productions of these isles, so far as we know,
are nearly the same as at Otaheite and the Society Isles. The refreshments
to be got are hogs, fowls, plantains, yams, and some other roots; likewise
bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, but of these not many. At first these articles
were purchased with nails. Beads, looking-glasses, and such trifles, which
are so highly valued at the Society Isles, are in no esteem here; and even
nails at last lost their value for other articles far less useful.
The inhabitants of these islands collectively, are, without exception, the
finest race of people in this sea. For fine shape and regular features,
they perhaps surpass all other nations. Nevertheless, the affinity of their
language to that spoken in Otaheite and the Society Isles, shews that they
are of the same nation. Oedidee could converse with them tolerably well,
though we could not; but it was easy to see that their language was nearly
the same.
The men are punctured, or curiously _tattowed_, from head to foot. The
figures are various, and seem to be directed more by fancy than custom.
These puncturations make them look dark: But the women, who are but little
punctured, youths and young children, who are not at all, are as fair as
some Europeans. The men are in general tall, that is, about five feet ten
inches, or six feet; but I saw none that were fat and lusty like the
_Earees_ of Otaheite; nor did I see any that could be called meagre.
Their teeth are not so good, nor are their eyes so full and lively as those
of many other nations. Their hair, like ours, is of many colours, except
red, of which I saw none. Some have it long, but the most general custom is
to wear it short, except a bunch on each side of the crown, which they tie
in a knot. They observe different modes in trimming the beard, which is in
general long. Some part it, and tie it in two bunches under the chin,
others plait it, some wear it loose, and others quite short.
Their clothing is the same as at Otaheite, and made of the same materials;
but they have it not in such plenty, nor is it so good. The men, for the
most part, have nothing to cover their nakedness, except the _Marra_,
as it is called at Otaheite; which is a slip of cloth passed round the
waist and betwixt the legs; This simple dress is quite sufficient for the
climate, and answers every purpose modesty requires. The dress of the women
is a piece of cloth wrapped round the loins like a petticoat, which reaches
down below the middle of the leg, and a loose mantle over their shoulders.
Their principal head-dress, and what appears to be their chief ornament, is
a sort of broad fillet, curiously made of the fibres of the husk of cocoa-
nuts. In the front is fixed a mother-o'-pearl shell wrought round to the
size of a tea saucer. Before that is another smaller one, of very fine
tortoise-shell, perforated into curious figures. Also before, and in the
centre of that, is another round piece of mother-o'-pearl, about the size
of half-a-crown; and before this another piece of perforated tortoise-
shell, about the size of a shilling. Besides this decoration in front, some
have it also on each side, but in smaller pieces; and all have fixed to
them, the tail feathers of cocks, or tropic birds, which, when the fillet
is tied on, stand upright; so that the whole together makes a very sightly
ornament. They wear round the neck a kind of ruff or necklace, call it
which you please, made of light wood, the out and upper side covered with
small red pease, which are fixed on with gum. They also wear small bunches
of human hair, fastened to a string, and tied round the legs and arms.
Sometimes, instead of hair, they make use of short feathers; but all the
above-mentioned ornaments are seldom seen on the same person.
I saw only the chief, who came to visit us, completely dressed in this
manner. Their ordinary ornaments are necklaces and amulets made of shells,
&c. I did not see any with ear-rings; and yet all of them had their ears
pierced.
Their dwellings are in the vallies, and on the sides of the hills, near
their plantations. They are built after the same manner as at Otaheite; but
are much meaner, and only covered with the leaves of the bread-tree. The
most of them are built on a square or oblong pavement of stone, raised some
height above the level of the ground. They likewise have such pavements
near their houses, on which they sit to eat and amuse themselves.
In the article of eating, these people are by no means so cleanly as the
Otaheiteans. They are likewise dirty in their cookery. Pork and fowls are
dressed in an oven of hot stones, as at Otaheite; but fruit and roots they
roast on the fire, and after taking off the rind or skin, put them into a
platter or trough, with water, out of which I have seen both men and hogs
eat at the same time. I once saw them make a batter of fruit and roots
diluted with water, in a vessel that was loaded with dirt, and out of which
the hogs had been but that moment eating, without giving it the least
washing, or even washing their hands, which were equally dirty; and when I
expressed a dislike, was laughed at. I know not if all are so. The actions
of a few individuals are not sufficient to fix a custom on a whole nation.
Nor can I say if it is the custom for men and women to have separate
messes. I saw nothing to the contrary: Indeed I saw but few women upon the
whole.
They seemed to have dwellings, or strong-holds, on the summits of the
highest hills. These we only saw by the help of our glasses; for I did not
permit any of our people to go there, as we were not sufficiently
acquainted with the disposition of the natives, which (I believe) is humane
and pacific.
Their weapons are clubs and spears, resembling those of Otaheite, but
somewhat neater. They have also slings, with which they throw stones with
great velocity, and to a great distance, but not with a good aim.
Their canoes are made of wood, and pieces of the bark of a soft tree, which
grows near the sea in great plenty, and is very tough and proper for the
purpose. They are from sixteen to twenty feet long, and about fifteen
inches broad; the head and stern are made of two solid pieces of wood; the
stern rises or curves a little, but in an irregular direction, and ends in
a point; the head projects out horizontally, and is carved into some faint
and very rude resemblance of a human face. They are rowed by paddles, and
some have a sort of lateen sail, made of matting.
Hogs were the only quadrupeds we saw; and cocks and hens the only tame
fowls. However, the woods seemed to abound with small birds of a very
beautiful plumage, and fine notes; but the fear of alarming the natives
hindered us from shooting so many of them as might otherwise have been
done.[1]
[1] Mr G.F. concurs generally with Captain Cook in his account of the
matters spoken of in this section, and is very particular in noticing
the strong and distinct resemblance of the natives of the Marquesas to
those of the Society Islands. What differences he remarked, he thinks
may be specifically ascribed to the nature of the respective
countries, whilst in his judgment the many points of identity imply a
common origin. The reader, it is believed, will hereafter see the most
reasonable grounds, for such an inference.--E.
SECTION XI.
_A Description of several Islands discovered, or seen in the Passage from
the Marquesas to Otaheite; with an Account of a Naval Review._
With a fine easterly wind I steered S.W.--S.W. by W. and W. by S. till the
17th, at ten o'clock in the morning, when land was seen bearing W. 1/2 N.,
which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be a string of low islets
connected together by a reef of coral rocks. We ranged the northwest coast,
at the distance of one mile from shore, to three quarters of its length,
which in the whole is near four leagues, when we came to a creek or inlet
that seemed to open a communication into the lake in the middle of the
isle. As I wanted to obtain some knowledge of the produce of these half-
drowned isles, we brought-to, hoisted out a boat, and sent the master in to
sound; there being no soundings without.
As we ran along the coast, the natives appeared in several places armed
with long spears and clubs; and some were got together on one side of the
creek. When the master returned he reported that there was no passage into
the lake by the creek, which was fifty fathoms wide at the entrance, and
thirty deep; farther in, thirty wide, and twelve deep; that the bottom was
every where rocky, and the sides bounded by a wall of coral rocks. We were
under no necessity to put the ship into such a place as this; but as the
natives had shewn some signs of a friendly disposition, by coming peaceably
to the boat, and taking such things as were given them, I sent two boats
well armed ashore, under the command of Lieutenant Cooper, with a view of
having some intercourse with them, and to give Mr Forster an opportunity of
collecting something in his way. We saw our people land without the least
opposition being made by a few natives who were on the shores. Some little
time after, observing forty or fifty more, all armed, coming to join them,
we stood close in shore, in order to be ready to support our people in case
of an attack. But nothing of this kind happened; and soon after our boats
returned aboard, when Mr Cooper informed me, that, on his landing, only a
few of the natives met him on the beach, but there were many in the skirts
of the woods with spears in their hands. The presents he made them were
received with great coolness, which plainly shewed we were unwelcome
visitors. When their reinforcement arrived he thought proper to embark, as
the day was already far spent, and I had given orders to avoid an attack by
all possible means. When his men got into the boats, some were for pushing
them off, others for detaining them; but at last they suffered them to
depart at their leisure. They brought aboard five dogs, which seemed to be
in plenty there. They saw no fruit but cocoa-nuts, of which, they got, by
exchanges, two dozen. One of our people got a dog for a single plantain,
which led us to conjecture they had none of this fruit.[1]
This island, which is called by the inhabitants Ti-oo-kea, was discovered
and visited by Commodore Byron. It has something of an oval shape, is about
ten leagues in circuit, lying in the direction of E.S.E. and W.N.W., and
situated in the latitude of 14° 27' 30" S., longitude 144° 56' W. The
inhabitants of this island, and perhaps of all the low ones, are of a much
darker colour than those of the higher islands, and seem to be of a more
ferine disposition. This may be owing to their situation. Nature not having
bestowed her favours to these low islands with that profusion she has done
to some of the others, the inhabitants are chiefly beholden to the sea for
their subsistence, consequently are much exposed to the sun and weather;
and by that means become more dark in colour, and more hardy and robust;
for there is no doubt of their being of the same nation. Our people
observed that they were stout, well-made men, and had the figure of a fish
marked on their bodies; a very good emblem of their profession.[2]
On the 18th, at day-break, after having spent the night snaking short
boards, we wore down to another isle we had in sight to the westward, which
we reached by eight o'clock, and ranged the S.E. side at one mile from
shore. We found it to be just such another as that we had left, extending
N.E. and S.W. near four leagues, and from five to three miles broad. It
lies S.W. by W., two leagues distant from the west end of Ti-oo-kea; and
the middle is situated in the latitude of 14° 37' S., longitude 145° 10' W.
These must be the same islands to which Commodore Byron gave the name of
George's Islands. Their situation in longitude, which was determined by
lunar observations made near the shores, and still farther corrected by the
difference of longitude carried by the watch to Otaheite, is 3° 54' more
east than he says they lie. This correction, I apprehend, may be applied to
all the islands he discovered.
After leaving these isles, we steered S.S.W. 1/2 W., and S.W. by S., with a
fine easterly gale, having signs of the vicinity of land, particularly a
smooth sea; and on the 19th, at seven in the morning, land was seen to the
westward, which we bore down to, and reached the S.E. end by nine o'clock.
It proved to be another of these half-over-flowed or drowned islands, which
are so common in this part of the ocean; that is, a number of little isles
ranged in a circular form, connected together by a reef or wall of coral
rock. The sea is in general, every-where, on their outside, unfathomable;
all their interior parts are covered with water, abounding, I have been
told, with fish and turtle, on which the inhabitants subsist, and sometimes
exchange the latter with the high islanders for cloth, &c. These inland
seas would be excellent harbours, were they not shut up from the access of
shipping, which is the case with most of them, if we can believe the report
of the inhabitants of the other isles. Indeed, few of them have been well
searched by Europeans; the little prospect of meeting with fresh water
having generally discouraged every attempt of this kind. I, who have seen a
great many, have not yet seen an inlet into one.[3]
This island is situated in the latitude of 15° 26', longitude 146° 20'. It
is five leagues long in the direction of N.N.E. and S.S.W. and about three
leagues broad. As we drew near the south end, we saw from the mast-head,
another of these low isles bearing S.E., distant about four or five
leagues, but being to windward we could not fetch it. Soon after a third
appeared, bearing S.W. by S., for which we steered; and at two o'clock p.m.
reached the east end, which is situated in latitude 15° 47' S., longitude
146° 30' W. This island extends W.N.W. and E.S.E., and is seven leagues
long in that direction; but its breadth is not above two. It is, in all
respects, like the rest; only here are fewer islets, and less firm land on
the reef which incloses the lake. As we ranged the north coast, at the
distance of half a mile, we saw people, huts, canoes, and places built,
seemingly for drying of fish. They seemed to be the same sort of people as
on Ti-oo-kea, and were armed with long spikes like them. Drawing near the
west end, we discovered another or fourth island, bearing N.N.E. It seemed
to be low, like the others, and lies west from the first isle, distant six
leagues. These four isles I called Palliser's Isles, in honour of my worthy
friend Sir Hugh Palliser, at this time comptroller of the navy.
Not chusing to run farther in the dark, we spent the night making short
boards under the top-sail; and on the 20th, at day-break, hauled round the
west end of the third isle, which was no sooner done than we found a great
swell rolling in from the south; a sure sign that we were clear of these
low islands; and as we saw no more land, I steered S.W. 1/2 S. for
Otaheite, having the advantage of a stout gale at east, attended with
showers of rain. It cannot be determined with any degree of certainty
whether the group of isles we had lately seen, be any of those discovered
by the Dutch navigators, or no; the situation of their discoveries not
being handed down to us with sufficient accuracy. It is, however, necessary
to observe, that this part of the ocean, that is, from the latitude of 20°
down to 14° or 12°, and from the meridian of 138° to 148° or 150° W., is so
strewed with these low isles, that a navigator cannot proceed with too much
caution.
We made the high land of Otaheite on the 21st, and at noon were about
thirteen leagues E. of Point Venus, for which we steered, and got pretty
well in with it by sun set, when we shortened sail; and having spent the
night, which was squally with rain, standing on and off, at eight o'clock
the next morning anchored in Matavai Bay in seven fathoms water. This was
no sooner known to the natives, than many of them made us a visit, and
expressed not a little joy at seeing us again.[4]
As my chief reason for putting in at this place was to give Mr Wales an
opportunity to know the error of the watch by the known longitude, and to
determine anew her rate of going, the first thing we did was to land his
instruments, and to erect tents for the reception of a guard and such other
people as it was necessary to have on shore. Sick we had none; the
refreshments we had got at the Marquesas had removed every complaint of
that kind.
On the 23d, showery weather. Our very good friends the natives supplied us
with fruit and fish sufficient for the whole crew.
On the 24th, Otoo the king, and several other chiefs, with a train of
attendants, paid us a visit, and brought as presents ten or a dozen large
hogs, besides fruits, which made them exceedingly welcome. I was advertised
of the king's coming, and looked upon it as a good omen. Knowing how much
it was my interest to make this man my friend, I met him at the tents, and
conducted him and his friends on board, in my boat, where they staid
dinner; after which they were dismissed with suitable presents, and highly
pleased with the reception they had met with.
Next day we had much thunder, lightning, and rain. This did not hinder the
king from making me another visit, and a present of a large quantity of
refreshments. It hath been already mentioned, that when we were at the
island of Amsterdam we had collected, amongst other curiosities, some red
parrot feathers. When this was known here, all the principal people of both
sexes endeavoured to ingratiate themselves into our favour by bringing us
hogs, fruit, and every other thing the island afforded, in order to obtain
these valuable jewels. Our having these feathers was a fortunate
circumstance, for as they were valuable to the natives, they became so to
us; but more especially as my stock of trade was by this time greatly
exhausted; so that, if it had not been for the feathers, I should have
found it difficult to have supplied the ship with the necessary
refreshments.
When I put in at this island, I intended to stay no longer than till Mr
Wales had made the necessary observations for the purposes already
mentioned, thinking we should meet with no better success than we did the
last time we were here. But the reception we had already met with, and the
few excursions we had made, which did not exceed the plains of Matavai and
Oparree, convinced us of our error. We found at these two places, built and
building, a great number of large canoes, and houses of every kind; people
living in spacious habitations who had not a place to shelter themselves in
eight months before; several large hogs about every house; and every other
sign of a rising state.[5]
Judging from these favourable circumstances that we should not mend
ourselves by removing to another island, I resolved to make a longer stay,
and to begin with the repairs of the ship and stores, &c. Accordingly I
ordered the empty casks and sails to be got ashore to be repaired; the ship
to be caulked, and the rigging to be overhauled; all of which the high
southern latitudes had made indispensably necessary.
In the morning of the 26th, I went down to Oparree, accompanied by some of
the officers and gentlemen, to pay Otoo a visit by appointment. As we drew
near, we observed a number of large canoes in motion; but we were
surprised, when we arrived, to see upwards of three hundred ranged in
order, for some distance, along the shore, all completely equipped and
manned, besides a vast number of armed men upon the shore. So unexpected an
armament collected together in our neighbourhood, in the space of one
night, gave rise to various conjectures. We landed, however, in the midst
of them, and were received by a vast multitude, many of them under arms,
and many not. The cry of the latter was _Tiyo no Otoo_, and that of
the former _Tiyo no Towha_. This chief, we afterwards learnt, was
admiral or commander of the fleet and troops present. The moment we landed
I was met by a chief whose name was Tee, uncle to the king, and one of his
prime ministers, of whom I enquired for Otoo. Presently after we were met
by Towha, who received me with great courtesy. He took me by the one hand,
and Tee by the other; and, without my knowing where they intended to carry
me, dragged me, as it were, through the crowd that was divided into two
parties, both of which professed themselves my friends, by crying out
_Tiyo no Tootee_. One party wanted me to go to Otoo, and the other to
remain with Towha. Coming to the visual place of audience, a mat was spread
for me to sit down upon, and Tee left me to go and bring the king. Towha
was unwilling I should sit down, partly insisting on my going with him;
but, as I knew nothing of this chief, I refused to comply. Presently Tee
returned, and wanted to conduct me to the king, taking hold of my hand for
that purpose. This Towha opposed; so that, between the one party and the
other, I was like to have been torn in pieces; and was obliged to desire
Tee to desist, and to leave me to the admiral and his party, who conducted
me down to the fleet. As soon as we came before the admiral's vessel, we
found two lines of armed men drawn up before her, to keep off the crowd, as
I supposed, and to clear the way for me to go in. But, as I was determined
not to go, I made the water, which was between me and her, an excuse. This
did not answer; for a man immediately squatted himself down at my feet,
offering to carry me; and then I declared I would not go. That very moment
Towha quitted me, without my seeing which way he went, nor would any one
inform me. Turning myself round I saw Tee, who, I believe, had never lost
sight of me. Enquiring of him for the king, he told me he was gone into the
country Mataou, and advised me to go to my boat; which we accordingly did,
as soon as we could get collected together; for Mr Edgcumbe was the only
person that could keep with me, the others being jostled about in the
crowd, in the same manner we had been.
When we got into our boat, we took our time to view this grand fleet. The
vessels of war consisted of an hundred and sixty large double canoes, very
well equipped, manned, and armed. But I am not sure that they had their
full complement of men or rowers; I rather think not. The chiefs, and all
those on the fighting stages, were dressed in their war habits; that is, in
a vast quantity of cloth, turbans, breast-plates, and helmets. Some of the
latter were of such a length as greatly to encumber the wearer. Indeed,
their whole dress seemed to be ill calculated for the day of battle, and to
be designed more for shew than use. Be this as it may, it certainly added
grandeur to the prospect, as they were so complaisant as to shew themselves
to the best advantage. The vessels were decorated with flags, streamers,
&c.; so that the whole made a grand and noble appearance, such as we had
never seen before in this sea, and what no one would have expected. Their
instruments of war were clubs, spears, and stones. The vessels were ranged
close along-side of each other with their heads ashore, and their stern to
the sea; the admiral's vessel being nearly in the centre. Besides the
vessels of war, there were an hundred and seventy sail of smaller double
canoes, all with a little house upon them, and rigged with mast and sail,
which the war canoes had not. These, we judged, were designed for
transports, victuallers, &c.; for in the war-canoes was no sort of
provisions whatever. In these three hundred and thirty vessels, I guessed
there were no less than seven thousand seven hundred and sixty men; a
number which appears incredible, especially as we were told they all
belonged to the districts of Attahourou and Ahopatea. In this computation I
allow to each war canoe forty men, troops and rowers, and to each of the
small canoes eight. Most of the gentlemen who were with me, thought the
number of men belonging to the war canoes exceeded this. It is certain that
the most of them were fitted to row with more paddles than I have allowed
them men; but, at this time, I think they were not complete. Tupia informed
us, when I was first here, that the whole island raised only between six
and seven thousand men; but we now saw two districts only raise that
number; so that he must have taken his account from some old establishment;
or else he only meant _Tatatous_, that is warriors, or men trained
from their infancy to arms, and did not include the rowers, and those
necessary to navigate the other vessels. I should think he only spoke of
this number as the standing troops or militia of the island, and not their
whole force. This point I shall leave to be discussed in another place, and
return to the subject.[6]
After we had well viewed this fleet, I wanted much to have seen the
admiral, to have gone with him on board the war-canoes. We enquired for him
as we rowed past the fleet to no purpose. We put ashore and enquired; but
the noise and crowd was so great that no one attended to what we said. At
last Tee came and whispered us in the ear, that Otoo was gone to Matavai,
advising us to return thither, and not to land where we were. We
accordingly proceeded for the ship; and this intelligence and advice
received from Tee, gave rise to new conjectures. In short, we concluded
that this Towha was some powerful disaffected chief, who was upon the point
of making war against his sovereign; for we could not imagine Otoo had any
other reason for leaving Oparree in the manner he did.
We had not been long gone from Oparree, before the whole fleet was in
motion to the westward, from whence it came. When we got to Matavai, our
friends there told us, that this fleet was part of the armament intended to
go against Eimea, whose chief had thrown off the yoke of Otaheite, and
assumed an independency. We were likewise informed that Otoo neither was
nor had been at Matavai; so that we were still at a loss to know why he
fled from Oparree. This occasioned another trip thither in the afternoon,
where we found him, and now understood that the reason of his not seeing me
in the morning was, that some of his people having stolen a quantity of my
clothes which were on shore washing, he was afraid I should demand
restitution. He repeatedly asked me if I was not angry; and when I assured
him that I was not, and that they might keep what they had got, he was
satisfied. Towha was alarmed, partly on the same account. He thought I was
displeased when I refused to go aboard his vessel; and I was jealous of
seeing such a force in our neighbourhood without being able to know any
thing of its design. Thus, by mistaking one another, I lost the opportunity
of examining more narrowly into part of the naval force of this isle, and
making myself better acquainted with its manoeuvres. Such another
opportunity may never occur; as it was commanded by a brave, sensible, and
intelligent chief, who would have satisfied us in all the questions we had
thought proper to ask; and as the objects were before us, we could not well
have misunderstood each other. It happened unluckily that Oedidee was not
with us in the morning; for Tee, who was the only man we could depend on,
served only to perplex us. Matters being thus cleared up, and mutual
presents having passed between Otoo and me, we took leave and returned on
board.
[1] Mr G.F., who was one of the party that went ashore, gives a sketch
of the people. They were a set of stout men, of a dark-brown colour,
not disagreeable features, with dark curling hair and beards,
perfectly naked, and variously marked on different parts of the body.
They had the New Zealand custom of touching noses as a salutation; and
their language seemed a dialect of the Otaheitean.--E.
[2] The following remarks ought not to be omitted.--"Besides fish and
vegetable food, these people have dogs which live upon fish, and are
reckoned excellent meat by the natives of the Society Islands, to whom
they are known. Thus Providence, in its wise dispensations, made even
those insignificant narrow ledges rich enough in the productions of
nature, to supply a whole race of men with the necessaries of life.
And here we cannot but express our admiration, that the minutest
agents are subservient to the purposes of the Almighty Creator. The
coral is known to be the fabric of a little worm, which enlarges its
house, in proportion as its own bulk increases. This little creature,
which has scarce sensation enough to distinguish it from a plant,
builds up a rocky structure from the bottom of a sea too deep to be
measured by human art, till it readies the surface, and offers a firm
basis for the residence of man! The number of these low islands is
very great, and we are far from being acquainted with them all. In the
whole extent of the Pacific Ocean, between the tropics, they are to be
met with; however, they are remarkably frequent for the space of ten
or fifteen degrees to the eastward of the Society Islands. Quiros,
Schouten, Roggewein, Byron, Wallis, Carteret, Bougainville, and Cook,
have each met with new islands in their different courses; and what is
most remarkable, they have found them inhabited at the distance of two
hundred and forty leagues to the east of Otaheite. Nothing is more
probable than, that on every new track other islands of this kind will
still be met with, and particularly between the 16th and 17th degree
of S. latitude, no navigator having hitherto run down on that parallel
towards the Society Islands. It remains a subject worthy the
investigation of philosophers, to consider from what probable
principles these islands are so extremely numerous, and form so great
an archipelago to windward of the Society Islands, whilst they are
only scattered at considerable distances beyond that group of
mountainous islands? It is true, there is another archipelago of coral
ledges far to the westward, I mean the Friendly Islands; but these are
of a different nature, and appear to be of a much older date; they
occupy more space, and have a greater quantity of soil, on which all
the vegetable productions of the higher lands may be raised."--G.F.
How far the opinions here stated are supported by subsequent
investigation, will be afterwards considered.--E.
[3] "The lagoon within this island was very spacious, and several
canoes sailed about upon it. It appears to me, that the most elevated
and richest spots on the coral ledges, are generally to leeward,
sheltered from the violence of the surf. In this sea, however, there
are seldom such violent storms, as might make these isles
uncomfortable places of abode; and when the weather is fair, it must
be very pleasant sailing on the smooth water in the lagoon, whilst the
ocean without is disagreeably agitated."--G.F.
[4] The following passage both strikingly expresses the satisfaction
experienced on again visiting Otaheite, and affords a lively idea of
its peerless beauty. "Every person on board gazed continually at this
species of tropical islands; and though I was extremely ill of my
bilious disorder, I crawled on deck, and fixed my eyes with great
eagerness upon it, as upon a place where I hoped my pains would cease.
Early in the morning I awoke, and was as much surprised at the beauty
of the prospect, as if I had never beheld it before. It was, indeed,
infinitely more beautiful at present, than it had been eight months
ago, owing to the difference of the season. The forests on the
mountains were all clad in fresh foliage, and glowed in many
variegated hues; and even the lower hills were not entirely destitute
of pleasing spots, and covered with herbage. But the plains, above
all, shone forth in the greatest luxuriance of colours, the brightest
tints of verdure being profusely lavished upon their fertile groves;
in short, the whole called to our mind the description of Calypso's
enchanted island."--G.F.
[5] "The difference between the present opulence of these islanders,
and their situation eight months before, was very astonishing to us.
It was with the utmost difficulty that we had been able to purchase a
few hogs during our first stay, having been obliged to look upon it as
a great favour, when the king or chief parted with one of these
animals. At present our decks were so crowded with them, that we were
obliged to make a hog-stye on shore. We concluded, therefore, that
they were now entirely recovered from the blow which they had received
in their late unfortunate war with the lesser peninsula, and of which
they still felt the bad effects at our visit in August 1773."--G.F.
[6] So much curious information is given in the following passage,
that, long as it is, there are few readers, it is believed, who would
willingly dispense with it. "All our former ideas of the power and
affluence of this island were so greatly surpassed by this magnificent
scene, that we were perfectly left in admiration. We counted no less
than one hundred and fifty-nine war-canoes, from fifty to ninety feet
long betwixt stem and stern. All these were double, that is, two
joined together, side by side, by fifteen or eighteen strong
transverse timbers, which sometimes projected a great way beyond both
the hulls, being from twelve to four-and-twenty feet in length, and
about three feet and a half asunder. When they are so long, they make
a platform fifty, sixty, or seventy feet in length. On the outside of
each canoe there are, in that case, two or three longitudinal spars,
and between the two connected canoes, one spar is fixed to the
transverse beams. The heads and sterns were raised several feet out of
the water, particularly the latter, which stood up like long beaks,
sometimes near twenty feet high, and were cut into various shapes; a
white piece of cloth was commonly fixed between the two beaks of each
double canoe, in lieu of an ensign, and the wind swelled it out like a
sail. Some had likewise a striped cloth, with various red chequers,
which were the marks of the divisions under different commanders. At
the head there was a tall pillar of carved-work, on the top of which
stood the figure of a man, or rather of an urchin, whose face was
commonly shaded by a board like a bonnet, and sometimes painted red
with ochre. These pillars were generally covered with branches of
black feathers, and long streamers of feathers hung from them. The
gunwale of the canoes was commonly two or three feet above the water,
but not always formed in the same manner; for some had flat bottoms,
and sides nearly perpendicular upon them, whilst others were bow-
sided, with a sharp keel. A fighting stage was erected towards the
head of the boat, and rested on pillars from four to six feet high,
generally ornamented with carving. This stage extended beyond the
whole breadth of the double canoe, and was from twenty to twenty-four
feet long, and about eight or ten feet wide. The rowers sat in the
canoe, or under the fighting-stage on the platform, which consisted of
the transverse beams and longitudinal spars; so that wherever these
crossed, there was room for one man in the compartment. The warriors
were stationed on the fighting-stage to the number of fifteen or
twenty. Their dress was the most singular, and at the same time the
most shewy, in the whole fleet. They had three large and ample pieces
of cloth with a hole in the middle, put one above another. The
undermost and largest was white, the next red, and the uppermost and
shortest brown. Their targets or breast-plates were made of wicker-
work, covered with feathers and sharks' teeth, and hardly any of the
warriors were without them. On the contrary, those who wore helmets
were few in number. These helmets were of an enormous size, being near
five feet high. They consisted of a long cylindrical basket of wicker-
work, of which the foremost half was hid by a semi-cylinder of a
closer texture, which became broader towards the top, and there
separated from the basket, so as to come forwards in a curve. This
frontlet, of the length of four feet, was closely covered with the
glossy bluish green feathers of a sort of pigeon, and with an elegant
border of white plumes. A prodigious number of the long tail feathers
of tropic birds diverged from its edges, in a radiant line, resembling
that glory of light with which our painters commonly ornament the
heads of angels and saints. A large turban of cloth was required for
this huge unwieldy machine to rest upon; but as it is intended merely
to strike the beholder with admiration, and can be of no service, the
warriors soon took it off, and placed it on the platform near them.
The principal commanders were moreover distinguished by long round
tails, made of green and yellow feathers, which hung down on the back,
and put us in mind of the Turkish bashaws. Towha, their admiral, wore
five of them, to the ends of which several strings of cocoa-nut tree
were added, with a few red feathers affixed to them. He had no helmet
on, but wore a fine turban, which sat very gracefully on his head. He
was a man seemingly near sixty years of age, but extremely vigorous,
tall, and of a very engaging noble countenance. In each canoe we took
notice of vast bundles of spears, and long clubs or battle-axes placed
upright against the platform; and every warrior had either a club or
spear in his hand. Vast heaps of large stones were likewise piled up
in every canoe, being their only missile weapons. Besides the vessels
of war, there were many smaller canoes without the ranks, most of
which were likewise double, with a roof on the stern, intended for the
reception of the chiefs at night, and as victuallers to the fleet. A
few of them were seen, on which banana-leaves were very conspicuous;
and these the natives told us were to receive the killed, and they
called them _e-vaa no t'Eatua_, "the canoes of the Divinity." "The
immense number of people assembled together was, in fact, more
surprising than the splendour of the whole shew; and we learnt to our
greater surprise, that this fleet was only the naval force of the
single district of Atapooroo, and that all the other districts could
furnish their quota of vessels in proportion to their size. This
account opened our eyes, in regard to the population of the island,
and convinced us in a few moments, that it was much more considerable
than we had hitherto supposed. The result of a most moderate
computation gave us one hundred and twenty thousand persons in the two
peninsulas of Otabeite, and this calculation was afterwards confirmed
to be very low, when we saw the fleet of the smallest district, which
amounted to forty-four war-canoes, besides twenty or thirty of a
smaller size."--G.F.
SECTION XII.
_Some Account of a Visit from Otoo, Towha, and several other Chiefs; also
of a Robbery committed by one of the Natives, and its Consequences, with
general Observations on the Subject._
In the morning of the 27th, I received a present from Towha, consisting of
two large hogs and some fruit, sent by two of his servants, who had orders
not to receive any thing in return; nor would they when offered them. Soon
after I went down to Oparree in my boat, where, having found both this
chief and the king, after a short stay, I brought them on board to dinner,
together with Tarevatoo, the king's younger brother, and Tee. As soon as we
drew near the ship, the admiral, who had never seen one before, began to
express much surprise at so new a sight. He was conducted all over the
ship, every part of which he viewed with great attention. On this occasion
Otoo was the principal show-man; for, by this time, he was well acquainted
with the different parts of the ship. After dinner Towha put a hog on
board, and retired, without my knowing any thing of the matter, or having
made him any return either for this, or the present I had in the morning.
Soon after, the king and his attendants went away also.[1] Otoo not only
seemed to pay this chief much respect, but was desirous I should do the
same; and yet he was jealous of him, but on what account we knew not. It
was but the day before that he frankly told us, Towha was not his friend.
Both these chiefs when on board solicited me to assist them against
Tiarabou, notwithstanding a peace at this time subsisted between the two
kingdoms, and we were told their joint force was to go against Eimea.
Whether this was done with a view of breaking with their neighbours and
allies if I had promised them assistance, or only to sound my disposition,
I know not. Probably they would have been ready enough to have embraced an
opportunity, which would have enabled them to conquer that kingdom, and
annex it to their own, as it formerly was. Be this as it may, I heard no
more of it; indeed, I gave them no encouragement.
Next day we had a present of a hog sent by Waheatoua, king of Tiarabou. For
this, in return, he desired a few red feathers, which were, together with
other things, sent him accordingly. Mr Forster and his party set out for
the mountains, with an intent to stay out all night. I did not go out of
the ship this day.[2]
Early in the morning of the 29th, Otoo, Towha, and several other grandees,
came on board, and brought with them as presents, not only provisions, but
some of the most valuable curiosities of the island. I made them returns,
with which they were well pleased. I likewise took this opportunity to
repay the civilities I had received from Towha.
The night before, one of the natives attempting to steal a water-cask from
the watering-place, was caught in the act, sent on board, and put in irons;
in which situation Otoo and the other chiefs saw him. Having made known his
crime to them, Otoo begged he might be set at liberty. This I refused,
telling him, that since I punished my people, when they committed the least
offence against his, it was but just this man should be punished also; and
as I knew he would not do it, I was resolved to do it myself. Accordingly,
I ordered the man to be carried on shore to the tents, and having followed
myself, with Otoo, Towha, and others, I ordered the guard out, under arms,
and the man to be tied up to a post. Otoo, his sister, and some others,
begged hard for him; Towha said not one word, but was very attentive to
every thing going forward. I expostulated with Otoo on the conduct of this
man, and of his people in general; telling him, that neither I, nor any of
my people, took any thing from them, without first paying for it;
enumerating the articles we gave in exchange for such and such things; and
urging that it was wrong in them to steal from us, who were their friends.
I moreover told him, that the punishing this man would be the means of
saving the lives of others of his people, by deterring them from committing
crimes of this nature, in which some would certainly be shot dead, one time
or another. With these and other arguments, which I believe he pretty well
understood, he seemed satisfied, and only desired the man might not be
_Matterou_ (or killed). I then ordered the crowd, which was very
great, to be kept at a proper distance, and, in the presence of them all,
ordered the fellow two dozen lashes with a cat-o'-nine-tails, which he bore
with great firmness, and was then set at liberty. After this the natives
were going away; but Towha stepped forth, called them back, and harangued
them for near half an hour. His speech consisted of short sentences, very
little of which I understood; but, from what we could gather, he
recapitulated part of what I had said to Otoo; named several advantages
they had received from us; condemned their present conduct, and recommended
a different one for the future. The gracefulness of his action, and the
attention with which he was heard, bespoke him a great orator.
Otoo said not one word. As soon as Towha had ended his speech, I ordered
the marines to go through their exercise, and to load and fire in vollies
with ball; and as they were very quick in their manoeuvres, it is easier to
conceive than to describe the amazement the natives were under the whole
time, especially those who had not seen any thing of the kind before.
This being over, the chiefs took leave, and retired with all their
attendants, scarcely more pleased than frightened at what they had seen. In
the evening Mr Forster and his party returned from the mountains, where he
had spent the night; having found some new plants, and some others which
grew in New Zealand. He saw Huaheine, which lies forty leagues to the
westward; by which a judgment may be formed of the height of the mountains
in Otaheite.[3]
Next morning I had an opportunity to see the people of ten war-canoes go
through part of their paddling exercise. They had put off from the shore
before I was apprised of it; so that I was only present at their landing.
They were properly equipped for war, the warriors with their arms, and
dressed in their war habits, &c. In landing, I observed that the moment the
canoe touched the ground, all the rowers leaped out, and with the
assistance of a few people on the shore, dragged the canoe on dry land to
her proper place; which being done, every one walked off with his paddle,
&c. All this was executed with such expedition, that in five minutes time
after putting ashore, you could not tell that any thing of the kind had
been going forward. I thought these vessels were thinly manned with rowers;
the most being not above thirty, and the least sixteen or eighteen. I
observed the warriors on the stage encouraged the rowers to exert
themselves. Some youths sat high up in the curved stern, above the
steersmen, with white wands in their hands. I know not what they were
placed there for, unless it was to look out and direct, or give notice of
what they saw, as they were elevated above every one else. Tarevatoo, the
king's brother, gave me the first notice of these canoes being at sea; and
knowing that Mr Hodges made drawings of every thing curious, desired of his
own accord that he might be sent for. I being at this time on shore with
Tarevatoo, Mr Hodges was therefore with me, and had an opportunity to
collect some materials for a large drawing or picture of the fleet
assembled at Oparree, which conveys a far better idea of it than can be
expressed by words. Being present when the warriors undressed, I was
surprised at the quantity and weight of cloth they had upon them, not
conceiving how it was possible for them to stand under it in time of
battle. Not a little was wrapped round their heads as a turban, and made
into a cap. This, indeed, might be necessary in preventing a broken head.
Many had, fixed to one of this sort of caps, dried branches of small shrubs
covered over with white feathers, which, however, could only be for
ornament.
On the 1st of May, I had a very great supply of provisions sent and brought
by different chiefs; and the next day received a present from Towha, sent
by his servants, consisting of a hog, and a boat-load of various sorts of
fruits and roots. The like present I also had from Otoo, brought by
Tarevatoo, who stayed dinner; after which I went down to Opparree, paid a
visit to Otoo, and returned on board in the evening.[4]
On the 3d, in looking into the condition of our sea-provisions, we found
that the biscuit was in a state of decay, and that the airing and picking
we had given it at New Zealand, had not been of that service we expected
and intended; so that we were obliged to take it all on shore here, where
it underwent another airing and cleaning, in which a good deal was found
wholly rotten and unfit to be eaten. We could not well account for this
decay in our bread, especially as it was packed in good casks, and stowed
in a dry part of the hold. We judged it was owing to the ice we so
frequently took in when to the southward, which made the hold damp and
cold, and to the great heat which succeeded when to the north. Be it this,
or any other cause, the loss was the same to us; it put us to a scanty
allowance of this article; and we had bad bread to eat too.
On the 4th, nothing worthy of note.
On the 5th, the king and several other great men, paid us a visit, and
brought with them, as usual, some hogs and fruit. In the afternoon, the
botanists set out for the mountains, and returned the following evening,
having made some new discoveries in their way.
On going ashore in the morning of the 7th, I found Otoo at the tents, and
took the opportunity to ask his leave to cut down some trees, for fuel. He
not well understanding me, I took him to some growing near the sea-shore,
where I presently made him comprehend what I wanted, and he as readily gave
his consent. I told him, at the same time, that I should cut down no trees
that bore any fruit. He was pleased with this declaration, and told it
aloud, several times, to the people about us.
In the afternoon, this chief and the whole of the royal family, viz. his
father, brother, and three sisters, paid us a visit on board. This was
properly his father's visit of ceremony. He brought me, as a present, a
complete mourning dress, a curiosity we most valued.[5] In return, I gave
him whatever he desired, which was not a little, and having distributed red
feathers to all the others, conducted them ashore in my boat. Otoo was so
well pleased with the reception he and his friends met with, that he told
me, at parting, I might cut down as many trees as I pleased, and what sort
I pleased.
During the night, between the 7th and 8th, some time in the middle watch,
all our friendly connections received an interruption, through the
negligence of one of the centinels on shore. He having either slept or
quitted his post, gave one of the natives an opportunity to carry off his
musket. The first news I heard of it was from Tee, whom Otoo had sent on
board for that purpose, and to desire that I would go to him, for that he
was _mataoued_. We were not well enough acquainted with their language
to understand all Tee's story; but we understood enough to know that
something had happened which had alarmed the king. In order, therefore, to
be fully informed, I went ashore with Tee and Tarevatoo, who had slept
aboard all night. As soon as we landed, I was informed of the whole by the
serjeant who commanded the party. I found the natives all alarmed, and the
most of them fled. Tarevatoo slipped from me in a moment, and hardly any
remained by me but Tee. With him I went to look for Otoo; and, as we
advanced, I endeavoured to allay the fears of the people, but, at the same
time, insisted on the musket being restored. After travelling some distance
into the country, enquiring of every one we saw for Otoo, Tee stopped all
at once and advised me to return, saying, that Otoo was gone to the
mountains, and he would proceed and tell him that I was still his friend; a
question which had been asked me fifty times by different people, and if I
was angry, &c. Tee also promised that he would use his endeavours to
recover the musket. I was now satisfied it was to no purpose to go farther;
for, although I was alone and unarmed, Otoo's fears were such, that he
durst not see me; and, therefore, I took Tee's advice, and returned aboard.
After this I sent Oedidee to Otoo to let him know that his fears were ill-
grounded; for that I only required the return of the musket, which I knew
was in his power.
Soon after Oedidee was gone, we observed six large canoes coming round
Point Venus. Some people whom I had sent out, to watch the conduct of the
neighbouring inhabitants, informed me they were laden with baggage, fruit,
hogs, &c. There being room for suspecting that some person belonging to
these canoes had committed the theft, I presently came to a resolution to
intercept them; and having put off in a boat for that purpose, gave orders
for another to follow. One of the canoes, which was some distance ahead of
the rest, came directly for the ship. I went alongside this, and found two
or three women in her whom I knew. They told me they were going on board
the ship with something for me; and, on my enquiring of them for Otoo, was
told he was then at the tents. Pleased with this news, I contradicted the
orders I had given for intercepting the other canoes, thinking they might
be coming on board also, as well as this one, which I left within a few
yards of the ship, and rowed ashore to speak with Otoo. But when I landed,
I was told that he had not been there, nor knew they any thing of him. On
my looking behind me, I saw all the canoes making off in the greatest
haste; even the one I had left alongside the ship had evaded going on
board, and was making her escape. Vexed at being thus outwitted, I resolved
to pursue them; and as I passed the ship, gave orders to send another boat
for the same purpose. Five out of six we took, and brought alongside; but
the first, which acted the finesse so well, got clear off. When we got on
board with our prizes, I learnt that the people who had deceived me, used
no endeavours to lay hold of the ship on the side they were up on, but let
their canoe drop past, as if they meant to come under the stern, or on the
other side; and that the moment they were past, they paddled off with all
speed. Thus the canoe, in which were only a few women, was to have amused
us with false stories as they actually did, while the others, in which were
most of the effects, got off.
In one of the canoes we had taken, was a chief, a friend of Mr Forster's,
who had hitherto called himself an _Earee_, and would have been much
offended if any one had called his title in question; also three women, his
wife and daughter, and the mother of the late Toutaha. These, together with
the canoes, I resolved to detain, and to send the chief to Otoo, thinking
he would have weight enough with him to obtain the return of the musket, as
his own property was at stake. He was, however, very unwilling to go on
this embassy, and made various excuses, one of which was his being of too
low a rank for this honourable employment; saying he was no _Earee_,
but a _Manahouna_, and, therefore, was not a fit person to be sent;
that an _Earee_ ought to be sent to speak to an _Earee_; and as
there were no _Earees_ but Otoo and myself, it would be much more
proper for me to go. All his arguments would have availed him little, if
Tee and Oedidee had not at this time come on board, and given a new turn to
the affair, by declaring that the man who stole the musket was from
Tiarabou, and had gone with it to that kingdom, so that it was not in the
power of Otoo to recover it. I very much doubted their veracity, till they
asked me to send a boat to Waheatoua, the king of Tiarabou, and offered to
go themselves in her, and get it. I asked why this could not be done
without my sending a boat? They said, it would not otherwise be given to
them.
This story of theirs, although it did not quite satisfy me, nevertheless
carried with it a probability of truth; for which reason I thought it
better to drop the affair altogether, rather than to punish a nation for a
crime I was not sure any of its members had committed. I therefore suffered
my new ambassador to depart with his two canoes without executing his
commission. The other three canoes belonged to Maritata, a Tiarabou chief,
who had been some days about the tents; and there was good reason to
believe it was one of his people that carried off the musket. I intended to
have detained them; but as Tee and Oedidee both assured me that Maritata
and his people were quite innocent, I suffered them to be taken away also,
and desired Tee to tell Otoo, that I should give myself no farther concern
about the musket, since I was satisfied none of his people had stolen it.
Indeed, I thought it was irrecoverably lost; but, in the dusk of the
evening it was brought to the tents, together with some other things we had
lost, which we knew nothing of, by three men who had pursued the thief, and
taken them from him. I know not if they took this trouble of their own
accord, or by the order of Otoo. I rewarded them, and made no other enquiry
about it. These men, as well as some others present, assured me that it was
one of Maritata's people who had committed this theft; which vexed me that
I had let his canoes so easily slip through my fingers. Here, I believe,
both Tee and Oedidee designedly deceived me.
When the musket and other things were brought in, every one then present,
or who came after, pretended to have had some hand in recovering them, and
claimed a reward accordingly. But there was no one who acted this farce so
well as Nuno, a man of some note, and well known to us when I was here in
1769. This man came, with all the savage fury imaginable in his
countenance, and a large club in his hand, with which he beat about him, in
order to shew us how he alone had killed the thief; when, at the same time,
we all knew that he had not been out of his house the whole time.
Thus ended this troublesome day; and next morning early, Tee, Otoo's
faithful ambassador, came again on board, to acquaint me that Otoo was gone
to Oparree, and desired I would send a person (one of the natives as I
understood), to tell him that I was still his _Tiyo_. I asked him why
he did not do this himself, as I had desired. He made some excuse; but, I
believe the truth was, he had not seen him. In short, I found it was
necessary for me to go myself; for, while we thus spent our time in
messages, we remained without fruit, a stop being put to all exchanges of
this nature; that is, the natives brought nothing to market. Accordingly, a
party of us set out with Tee in our company, and proceeded to the very
utmost limits of Oparree, where, after waiting some considerable time, and
several messages having passed, the king at last made his appearance. After
we were seated under the shade of some trees, as usual, and the first
salutations were over, he desired me to _parou_ (that is, to speak).
Accordingly, I began with blaming him for being frightened and alarmed at
what had happened, since I had always professed myself his friend, and I
was not angry with him or any of his people, but with those of Tiarabou,
who were the thieves. I was then asked, how I came to fire at the canoes?
Chance on this occasion furnished me with a good excuse. I told them, that
they belonged to Maritata, a Tiarabou man, one of whose people had stolen
the musket, and occasioned all this disturbance; and if I had them in my
power I would destroy them, or any other belonging to Tiarabou. This
declaration pleased them, as I expected, from the natural aversion the one
kingdom has to the other. What I said was enforced by presents, which
perhaps had the greatest weight with them. Thus were things once more
restored to their former state; and Otoo promised on his part, that the
next day we should be supplied with fruit, &c. as usual.
We then returned with him to his proper residence at Oparree, and there
took a view of some of his dock-yards (for such they well deserve to be
called) and large canoes; some lately built, and others building; two of
which were the largest I had ever seen in this sea; or indeed any where
else, under that name. This done, we returned on board, with Tee in our
company; who, after he had dined with us, went to inform old Happi, the
king's father, that all matters were again accommodated.
This old chief was at this time in the neighbourhood of Matavai; and it
should seem, from what followed, that he was not pleased with the
conditions; for that same evening all the women, which were not a few, were
sent for out of the ship, and people stationed on different parts of the
shore, to prevent any from coming off; and the next morning no supplies
whatever being brought, on my enquiring into the reason, I was told Happi
was _mataoued_. Chagrined at this disappointment as I was, I forbore
taking any step, from a supposition that Tee had not seen him, or that
Otoo's orders had not yet reached Matavai. A supply of fruit sent us from
Oparree, and some brought us by our friends, served us for the present, and
made us less anxious about it. Thus matters stood till the afternoon, when
Otoo himself came to the tents with a large supply. Thither I went, and
expostulated with him for not permitting the people in our neighbourhood to
bring us fruit as usual, insisting on his giving immediate orders about it;
which he either did or had done before. For presently after, more was
brought us than we could well manage. This was not to be wondered at, for
the people had every thing in readiness to bring, the moment they were
permitted, and I believe thought themselves as much injured by the
restriction as we did.
Otoo desiring to see some of the great guns fire from the ship, I ordered
twelve to be shotted and fired towards the sea. As he had never seen a
cannon fired before, the sight gave him as much pain as pleasure. In the
evening, we entertained him with fire-works, which gave him great
satisfaction.
Thus ended all our differences, on which I beg leave to suggest the
following remarks. I have had occasion before, in this journal, to observe
that these people were continually watching opportunities to rob us. This
their governors either encouraged, or had not power to prevent; but most
probably the former, because the offender was always screened.[6] That they
should commit such daring thefts was the more extraordinary, as they
frequently run the risk of being shot in the attempt; and if the article
that they stole was of any consequence, they knew they should be obliged to
make restitution. The moment a theft of this kind was committed, it spread
like the wind over the whole neighbourhood. They judged of the consequences
from what they had got. If it were a trifle, and such an article as we
usually gave them, little or no notice was taken of it; but if the
contrary, every one took the alarm, and moved off with his moveables in all
haste. The chief then was _mataoued_, giving orders to bring us no
supplies, and flying to some distant part. All this was sometimes done so
suddenly, that we obtained, by these appearances, the first intelligence of
our being robbed. Whether we obliged them to make restitution or no, the
chief must be reconciled before any of the people were permitted to bring
in refreshments. They knew very well we could not do without them, and
therefore they never failed strictly to observe this rule, without ever
considering, that all their war-canoes, on which the strength of their
nation depends, their houses, and even the very fruit they refused to
supply us with, were entirely in our power. It is hard to say how they
would act, were one to destroy any of these things. Except the detaining
some of their canoes for a while, I never touched the least article of
their property. Of the two extremes I always chose that which appeared the
most equitable and mild. A trifling present to the chief always succeeded
to my wish, and very often put things upon a better footing than they had
been before. That they were the first aggressors had very little influence
on my conduct in this respect, because no difference happened but when it
was so. My people very rarely or never broke through the rules I thought it
necessary to prescribe. Had I observed a different conduct, I must have
been a loser by it in the end; and all I could expect, after destroying
some part of their property, would have been the empty honour of obliging
them to make the first overture towards an accommodation. But who knows if
this would have been the event? Three things made them our fast friends.
Their own good-nature and benevolent disposition; gentle treatment on our
part; and the dread of our fire-arms. By our ceasing to observe the second;
the first would have worn out of course; and the too frequent use of the
latter would have excited a spirit of revenge, and perhaps have taught them
that fire-arms were not such terrible things as they had imagined. They
were very sensible of the superiority of their numbers; and no one knows
what an enraged multitude might do.
[1] "Towha paid more attention to the multitude of new objects on
board, to the strength and size of the timbers, masts, and ropes, than
any Otaheitean we had ever seen, and found our tackle so exceedingly
superior to that which is usual in his country, that he expressed a
wish to possess several articles, especially cables and anchors. He
was now dressed like the rest of the people, and naked to the waist,
being in the king's presence. His appearance was so much altered from
what it had been the day before, that I had some difficulty to
recollect him. He appeared now very lusty, and had a most portly
paunch, which it was impossible to discern under the long spacious
robes of war. His hair was of a fine silvery grey; and his countenance
was the most engaging and truly good-natured which I ever beheld in
these islands. The king and he staid and dined with us this day,
eating with a very hearty appetite of all that was set before them.
Otoo had entirely lost his uneasy, distrustful air; he seemed to be at
home, and took a great pleasure in instructing Towha in our manners.
He taught him to make use of the knife and fork, to eat salt to his
meat, and to drink wine. He himself did not refuse to drink a glass of
this generous liquor, and joked with Towha upon its red colour,
telling him it was blood. The honest admiral having tasted our grog,
which is a mixture of brandy and water, desired to taste of the brandy
itself, which he called _e vai no Bretannee_, British water, and drank
off a small glass full, without making a wry face. Both he and his
Otaheitean majesty were extremely cheerful and happy, and appeared to
like our way of living, and our cookery of their own excellent
provisions."--G.F.
[2] Of this day's date we find an incident which very strikingly
illustrates the consequences to the morals of the Otaheiteans,
resulting from their acquaintance with strangers. "That our red
feathers had infused a general and irresistible longing into the minds
of all the people, will appear from the following circumstance. I have
observed, in the former part of this narrative, that the women of the
families of chiefs never admitted the visits of Europeans; and also
that whatever liberties some unmarried girls might with impunity allow
themselves, the married state had always been held sacred and
unspotted at Otaheite. But such was the force of the temptation, that
a chief actually offered his wife to Captain Cook, and the lady, by
her husband's order, attempted to captivate him, by an artful display
of her charms, seemingly in such a careless manner, as many a woman
would be at a loss to imitate. I was sorry, for the sake of human
nature, that this proposal came from a man, whose general character
was in other respects very fair. It was Potatow who could descend to
such meanness, from the high spirit of grandeur which he had formerly
shewn. We expressed great indignation at his conduct, and rebuked him
for his frailty."--G.F.
From this specimen of frailty, may be readily inferred the
dissoluteness of those females, who had neither rank nor marriage to
render chastity a virtue. But, alas! one need not visit the South
Seas, to become acquainted with the possible extent of human
infirmity. A cynic might, without such travel, be tempted to parody
the words of Sir Robert Walpole, and say, that every woman had her
price. The proposition is a harsh one, and the more so as obviously
irrefutable. It does, however, read this most important lesson, that
there is much greater safety in avoiding temptation, than in trusting
to any power of resistance. They, it is to be feared, who are least
sensible of this truth, and who feel most indignant at its being
stated, stand most in need of its salutary influence.--E.
[3] Forster the father met with a serious accident during this
excursion. In descending from the hills, rendered exceedingly slippery
from the recent rains, he had the misfortune to fall, which both
bruised his leg in a very severe manner, and also occasioned a
rupture.--E.
[4] "The number of common women on board our ships considerably
increased, since we had begun to deal in red feathers. Their mirth was
often extravagant and noisy; and sometimes their ideas were so
original as to give great amusement. We had a very weak scorbutic
patient when we arrived at Otaheite; this man being somewhat recovered
by means of fresh vegetable food, and animated by the example of the
crew, wooed one of these girls; about dusk he led her to his birth,
and lighted a candle. She looked her lover in the face, and finding he
had lost an eye, she took him by the hand, and conducted him upon deck
again to a girl that was one-eyed likewise, giving him to understand,
that that person was a fit partner for him, but that for her part she
did not choose to put up with a blind lover."--G.F.
[5] When here before, Captain Cook could not obtain this very singular
article; but, at this time, according to Mr G.F., not less than ten
complete mourning-dresses were purchased by different persons, who
brought them to England. Captain Cook gave one to the British Museum,
and Mr Forster another to the University of Oxford. A sailor sold a
third on his return home for twenty-five guineas, but to whom Mr G.F.
does not mention.--E.
[6] It is still more probable that both reasons concur. The higher
orders, besides, it is certain, were far enough from being disinclined
to exhibit their ingenuity in pilfering. We have seen instances of
this sort before. Mr G.F. relates one of some interest, as presented
in the king's own sister, a woman about twenty-seven years old, and
who possessed great authority over her sex. Her high rank did not
elevate her above some very vulgar propensities, of which,
covetousness, though abundantly conspicuous, was not the most
considerable. The only apology Mr G.F. makes for her, has little
specific excellence to commend it. "In a country," says he, "where the
impulses of nature are followed without restraint, it would be
extraordinary if an exception should be made, and still more so, if it
should be confined to those who are accustomed to have their will in
most other respects. The passions of mankind are similar every where;
the same instincts are active in the slave and the prince;
consequently the history of their effects must ever be the same in
every country." It is both mortifying and consolatory to think, that
the utmost height to which ambition may aspire, will not exempt one
from the polluting agency of "mire and dirt." Death, we see, is not
the only leveller in the world.--E.
SECTION XIII.
_Preparations to leave the Island. Another Naval Review, and various
other Incidents; with some Account of the Island, its Naval Force, and
Number of Inhabitants._
In the morning of the 11th, a very large supply of fruit was brought us
from all parts. Some of it came from Towha, the admiral, sent as usual by
his servants, with orders to receive nothing in return. But he desired I
would go and see him at Attahourou, as he was ill and could not come to me.
As I could not well undertake this journey, I sent Oedidee along with
Towha's servants, with a present suitable to that which I had in so genteel
a manner received from him. As the most essential repairs of the ship were
nearly finished, I resolved to leave Otaheite in a few days; and
accordingly ordered every thing to be got off from the shore, that the
natives might see we were about to depart.
On the 12th, old Oberea, the woman who, when the Dolphin was here in 1767,
was thought to be queen of the island, and whom I had not seen since 1769,
paid us a visit, and brought a present of hogs and fruit. Soon after came
Otoo, with a great retinue, and a large quantity of provisions. I was
pretty liberal in my returns, thinking it might be the last time I should
see these good people, who had so liberally relieved our wants; and in the
evening entertained them with fire-works.
On the 13th, wind easterly, fair weather. Nevertheless we were not ready to
sail, as Otoo had made me promise to see him again; and I had a present to
make him, which I reserved to the last. Oedidee was not yet come back from
Attahourou; various reports arose concerning him: Some said he had returned
to Matavai; others, that he would not return; and some would have it, that
he was at Oparree. In order to know more of the truth, a party of us in the
evening went down to Oparee; where we found him, and likewise Towha, who,
notwithstanding his illness, had resolved to see me before I sailed; and
had got thus far on his journey. He was afflicted with a swelling in his
feet and legs, which had entirely taken away the use of them. As the day
was far spent, we were obliged to shorten our stay; and after seeing Otoo,
we returned with Oedidee on board.
This youth, I found, was desirous of remaining at this isle, having before
told him, as likewise many others, that we should not return. I now
mentioned to him, that he was at liberty to remain here; or to quit us at
Ulietea; or to go with us to England; frankly owning that if he chose the
latter, it was very probable he would never return to his country; in which
case I would take care of him, and he must afterwards look upon me as his
father. He threw his arms about me, and wept much, saying many people
persuaded him to remain at Otaheite. I told him to go ashore and speak to
his friends, and then come to me in the morning. He was well beloved in the
ship; so that every one was persuading him to go with us; telling what
great things he would see in England, and the immense riches (according to
his idea of riches) he would return with. But I thought proper to undeceive
him, as knowing that the only inducement to his going, was the expectation
of returning, and I could see no prospect of an opportunity of that kind
happening, unless a ship should be expressly sent out for that purpose;
which neither I, nor anyone else, had a right to expect. I thought it an
act of the highest injustice to take a person from these isles, under any
promise which was not in my power to perform. At this time indeed it was
quite unnecessary; for many youths voluntarily offered themselves to go,
and even to remain and die in _Pretanee_; as they call our country.
Otoo importuned me much to take one or two to collect red feathers for him
at Amsterdam, willing to risk the chance of their returning. Some of the
gentlemen on board were likewise desirous of taking some as servants; but I
refused every solicitation of this kind, knowing, from experience, they
would be of no use to us in the course of the voyage; and farther my views
were not extended. What had the greatest weight with me was, the thinking
myself bound to see they were afterwards properly taken care of, as they
could not be carried from their native spot without consent.
Next morning early, Oedidee came on board, with a resolution to remain on
the island; but Mr Forster prevailed upon him to go with us to Ulietea.
Soon after, Towha, Potatou, Oamo, Happi, Oberea, and several more of our
friends, came on board with fruit, &c. Towha was hoisted in and placed on a
chair on the quarter-deck; his wife was with him. Amongst the various
articles which I gave this chief, was an English pendant, which pleased him
more than all the rest, especially after he had been instructed in the use
of it.[1]
We had no sooner dispatched our friends, than we saw a number of war-canoes
coming round the point of Oparree. Being desirous of having a nearer view
of them, accompanied by some of the officers and gentlemen, I hastened down
to Oparree, which we reached before all the canoes were landed, and had an
opportunity of seeing in what manner they approached the shore. When they
got before the place where they intended to land, they formed themselves
into divisions, consisting of three or four, or perhaps more, lashed square
and close along-side of each other; and then each division, one after the
other, paddled in for the shore with all their might, and conducted in so
judicious a manner, that they formed and closed a line along, the shore, to
an inch. The rowers were encouraged to exert their strength by their
leaders on the stages, and directed by a man who stood with a wand in his
hand in the forepart of the middlemost vessel. This man, by words and
actions, directed the paddlers when all should paddle, when either the one
side or the other should cease, &c.; for the steering paddles alone were
not sufficient to direct them. All these motions they observed with such
quickness, as clearly shewed them to be expert in their business. After Mr
Hodges had made a drawing of them, as they lay ranged along the shore, we
landed and took a nearer view of them, by going on board several. This
fleet consisted of forty sail, equipped in the same manner as those we had
seen before, belonged to the little district of Tettaha, and were come to
Oparree to be reviewed before the king, as the former fleet had been. There
were attending on his fleet some small double canoes, which they called
_Marais_, having on their fore-part a kind of double bed place laid
over with green leaves, each just sufficient to hold one man. These, they
told us, were to lay their dead upon; their chiefs I suppose they meant,
otherwise their slain must be few. Otoo, who was present, caused at my
request some of their troops to go through their exercise on shore. Two
parties first began with clubs, but this was over almost as soon as begun;
so that I had no time to make my observations upon it. They then went to
single combat, and exhibited the various methods of fighting, with great
alertness; parrying off the blows and pushes which each combatant aimed at
the other, with great dexterity. Their arms were clubs and spears; the
latter they also use as darts. In fighting with the club, all blows
intended to be given the legs, were evaded by leaping over it; and those
intended for the head, by couching a little, and leaping on one side; thus
the blow would fall to the ground. The spear or dart was parried by fixing
the point of a spear in the ground right before them, holding it in an
inclined position, more or less elevated according to the part of the body
they saw their antagonist intending to make a push, or throw his dart at,
and by moving the hand a little to the right or left, either the one or the
other was turned off with great ease. I thought that when one combatant had
parried off the blows, &c. of the other, he did not use the advantage which
seemed to me to accrue. As for instance, after he had parried off a dart,
he still stood on the defensive, and suffered his antagonist to take up
another, when I thought there was time to run him through the body.[2]
These combatants had no superfluous dress upon them; an unnecessary piece
of cloth or two, which they had on when they began, were presently torn off
by the by-standers, and given to some of our gentlemen present. This being
over, the fleet departed; not in any order, but as fast as they could be
got afloat; and we went with Otoo to one of his dock-yards, where the two
large _pahies_ or canoes were building, each of which was an hundred
and eight feet long. They were almost ready to launch, and were intended to
make one joint double _pahie_ or canoe. The king begged of me a
grappling and rope, to which I added an English jack and pendant (with the
use of which he was well acquainted), and desired the _pahie_ might be
called Britannia. This he very readily agreed to; and she was named
accordingly. After this he gave me a hog, and a turtle of about sixty
pounds weight, which was put privately into our boat; the giving it away
not being agreeable to some of the great lords about him, who were thus
deprived of a feast. He likewise would have given me a large shark they had
prisoner in a creek (some of his fins being cut off, so that he could not
make his escape), but the fine pork and fish we had got at this isle, had
spoiled our palates for such food. The king, and Tee, his prime minister,
accompanied us on board to dinner; and after it was over, took a most
affectionate farewell. He hardly ever ceased soliciting me, this day, to
return to Otaheite; and just before he went out of the ship, took a youth
by the hand, and presented him to me, desiring I would keep him on board to
go to Amsterdam to collect red feathers. I told him I could not, since I
knew he would never return; but that if any ship should happen to come from
Britain to this isle, I would either bring or send him red feathers in
abundance. This in some measure satisfied him; but the youth was
exceedingly desirous of going; and if I had not come to a resolution to
carry no one from the isles (except Oedidee if he chose to go), and but
just refused Mr Forster the liberty of taking a boy, I believe I should
have consented. Otoo remained alongside in his canoe till we were under
sail, when we put off, and was saluted with three guns.
Our treatment here was such as had induced one of our gunner's mates to
form a plan to remain at this isle. He knew he could not execute it with
success while we lay in the bay, therefore took the opportunity, as soon as
we were out, the boats in, and sails set, to slip overboard, being a good
swimmer. But he was discovered before he got clear of the ship; and we
presently hoisted a boat out, and took him up. A canoe was observed about
half-way between us and the shore, seemingly coming after us. She was
intended to take him up; but as soon as the people in her saw our boat,
they kept at a distance. This was a pre-concerted plan between the man and
them, which Otoo was acquainted with, and had encouraged. When I considered
this man's situation in life, I did not think him so culpable, nor the
resolution he had taken of staying here so extraordinary, as it may at
first appear. He was an Irishman by birth, and had sailed in the Dutch
service. I picked him up at Batavia on my return from my former voyage, and
he had been with me ever since. I never learnt that he had either friends
or connections, to confine him to any particular part of the world. All
nations were alike to him. Where then could such a man be more happy than
at one of these isles? where, in one of the finest climates in the world,
he could enjoy not only the necessaries, but the luxuries of life, in ease
and plenty. I know not if he might not have obtained my consent, if he had
applied for it in a proper time.[3] As soon as we had got him on board, and
the boat in, I steered for Huaheine, in order to pay a visit to our friends
there. But before we leave Otaheite, it will be necessary to give some
account of the present state of that island; especially as it differs very
much from what it was eight months before.
I have already mentioned the improvements we found in the plains of Oparree
and Matavai. The same was observable in every other part into which we
came. It seemed to us almost incredible, that so many large canoes and
houses could be built in so short a space as eight months. The iron tools
which they had got from the English, and other nations who have lately
touched at the isle, had no doubt greatly accelerated the work; and they
had no want of hands, as I shall soon make appear.
The number of hogs was another thing that excited our wonder. Probably they
were not so scarce when we were here before, as we imagined, and not
chusing to part with any, they had conveyed them out of our sight. Be this
as it may, we now not only got as many as we could consume during our stay,
but some to take to sea with us.
When I was last here, I conceived but an unfavourable opinion of Otoo's
talents. The improvements since made in the island convinced me of my
mistake; and that he must have been a man of good parts. He had indeed some
judicious sensible men about him, who, I believe, had a great share in the
government. In truth, we know not how far his power extended as king, nor
how far he could command the assistance of the other chiefs, or was
controulable by them. It should seem, however, that all had contributed
towards bringing the isle to its present flourishing state. We cannot doubt
that there were divisions amongst the great men of this state, as well as
of most others; or else why did the king tell us, that Towha the admiral,
and Poatatou were not his friends? They were two leading chiefs; and he
must have been jealous of them on account of their great power; for on
every occasion he seemed to court their interest. We had reason to believe
that they raised by far the greatest number of vessels and men, to go
against Eimea, and were to be two of the commanders in the expedition,
which we were told was to take place five days after our departure.
Waheatoua, king of Tiarabou, was to send a fleet to join that of Otoo, to
assist him in reducing to obedience the chief of Eimea. I think, we were
told, that young prince was one of the commanders. One would suppose that
so small an island as Eimea would hardly have attempted to make head
against the united force of these two kingdoms, but have endeavoured to
settle matters by negociation. Yet we heard of no such thing; on the
contrary, every one spoke of nothing but fighting. Towha told us more than
once, that he should die there; which, in some measure, shews that he
thought of it. Oedidee told me the battle would be fought at sea; in which
case the other must have a fleet nearly equal, if not quite, to the one
going against them; which I think was not probable. It was therefore more
likely they would remain ashore upon the defensive; as we were told they
did about five or six years ago, when attacked by the people of Tiarabou,
whom they repulsed. Five general officers were to command in this
expedition; of which number Otoo was one; and if they named them in order
according to the posts they held, Otoo was only the third in command. This
seems probable enough; as being but a young man, he could not have
sufficient experience to command such an expedition, where the greatest
skill and judgment seemed to be necessary. I confess I would willingly have
staid five days longer, had I been sure the expedition would have then
taken place; but it rather seemed that they wanted us to be gone first. We
had been all along told, it would be ten moons before it took place; and it
was not till the evening before we sailed, that Otoo and Towha told us it
was to be in five days after we were gone; as if it were necessary to have
that time to put every thing in order; for, while we lay there, great part
of their time and attention was taken up with us. I had observed that for
several days before we sailed, Otoo and the other chiefs had ceased to
solicit my assistance, as they were continually doing at first, till I
assured Otoo that, if they got their fleet ready in time, I would sail with
them down to Eimea: After this I heard no more of it. They probably had
taken it into consideration, and concluded themselves safer without me;
well knowing it would be in my power to give the victory to whom I pleased;
and that, at the best, I might thwart some favourite custom, or run away
with the spoils. But be their reasons what they might, they certainly
wanted us to be gone, before they undertook any thing. Thus we were
deprived of seeing the whole fleet equipped on this occasion; and perhaps
of being spectators of a sea-fight, and by that means, gaining some
knowledge of their manoeuvres.
I never could learn what number of vessels were to go on this expedition.
We knew of no more than two hundred and ten, besides smaller canoes to
serve as transports, &c. and the fleet of Tiarabou, the strength of which
we never learnt. Nor could I ever learn the number of men necessary to man
this fleet; and whenever I asked the question, the answer was _Warou,
warou, warou te Tata_, that is, many, many, many, men; as if the number
far exceeded their arithmetic. If we allow forty men to each war-canoe, and
four to each of the others, which is thought a moderate computation, the
number will amount to nine thousand. An astonishing number to be raised in
four districts; and one of them, viz. Matavia, did not equip a fourth part
of its fleet. The fleet of Tiarabou is not included in this account; and
many other districts might be arming, which we knew nothing of. I however
believe, that the whole isle did not arm on this occasion; for we saw not
the least preparations making in Oparree. From what we saw and could learn,
I am clearly of opinion that the chief or chiefs of each district
superintended the equipping of the fleet belonging to that district; but
after they are equipped, they must pass in review before the king, and be
approved of by him. By this means he knows the state of the whole, before
they assemble to go on service.
It hath been already observed, that the number of war-canoes belonging to
Attahourou and Ahopata was a hundred and sixty; to Tettaba, forty; and to
Matavia, ten; and that this district did not equip one-fourth part of their
number. If we suppose every district in the island, of which there are
forty-three, to raise and equip the same number of war-canoes as Tettaha,
we shall find, by this estimate, that the whole island can raise and equip
one thousand seven hundred and twenty war-canoes, and sixty-eight thousand
able men; allowing forty men to each canoe. And as these cannot amount to
above one-third part of the number of both sexes, children included, the
whole island cannot contain less than two hundred and four thousand
inhabitants, a number which at first sight exceeded my belief. But when I
came to reflect on the vast swarms which appeared wherever we came, I was
convinced that this estimate was not much, if at all, too great. There
cannot be a greater proof of the riches and fertility of Otaheite (not
forty leagues in circuit) than its supporting such a number of inhabitants.
This island made formerly but one kingdom; how long it has been divided
into two, I cannot pretend to say; but I believe not long. The kings of
Tiarabou are a branch of the family of those of Opoureonu; at present, the
two are nearly related; and, I think, the former is, in some measure,
dependent on the latter. Otoo is styled _Earee de hie_ of the whole
island; and we have been told that Waheatoua, the king of Tiarabou, must
uncover before him, in the same manner as the meanest of his subjects. This
homage is due to Otoo as _Earee de hie_ of the isle, to Tarevatou, his
brother, and his second sister; to the one as heir, and to the other as
heir apparent; his eldest sister being married, is not entitled to this
homage.
The _Eowas_ and _Whannos_, we have sometimes seen covered before
the king; but whether by courtesy, or by virtue of their office, we never
could learn. These men, who are the principal persons about the king, and
form his court, are generally, if not always, his relations; Tee, whom I
have so often mentioned, was one of them. We have been told, that the
_Eowas_, who have the first rank, attend in their turns, a certain
number each day, which occasioned us to call them lords in waiting; but
whether this was really so, I cannot say. We seldom found Tee absent;
indeed his attendance was necessary, as being best able to negociate
matters between us and them, on which service he was always employed; and
he executed it, I have reason to believe, to the satisfaction of both
parties.
It is to be regretted, that we know little more of this government than the
general out-line; for, of its subdivisions, classes, or orders of the
constituent parts, how disposed, or in what manner connected, so as to form
one body politic, we know but little. We are sure, however, that it is of
the feudal kind; and if we may judge from what we have seen, it has
sufficient stability, and is by no means badly constructed.
The _Eowas_ and _Whannos_ always eat with the king; indeed I do
not know if any one is excluded from this privilege but the
_Toutous_. For as to the women, they are out of the question, as they
never eat with the men, let their rank be ever so much elevated.
Notwithstanding this kind of kingly establishment, there was very little
about Otoo's person or court by which a stranger could distinguish the king
from the subject. I seldom saw him dressed in any thing but a common piece
of cloth wrapped round his loins; so that he seemed to avoid all
unnecessary pomp, and even to demean himself more than any other of the
_Earees_. I have seen him work at a paddle, in coming to and going
from the ship, in common with the other paddlers; and even when some of his
_Toutous_ sat looking on. All have free access to him, and speak to
him wherever they see him, without the least ceremony; such is the easy
freedom which every individual of this happy isle enjoys. I have observed
that the chiefs of these isles are more beloved by the bulk of the people,
than feared. May we not from hence conclude, that the government is mild
and equitable?
We have mentioned that Waheatoua or Tiarabou is related to Otoo. The same
may be said of the chiefs of Eimea, Tapamanoo, Huaheine, Ulietea, Otaha,
and Bolabola; for they are all related to the royal family of Otaheite. It
is a maxim with the _Earees_, and others of superior rank, never to
intermarry with the _Toutous_, or others of inferior rank. Probably
this custom is one great inducement to the establishing of the societies
called _Eareeoies_. It is certain that these societies greatly prevent
the increase of the superior classes of people of which they are composed,
and do not at all interfere with the inferiors, or _Toutous_; for I
never heard of one of these being an _Eareeoy_. Nor did I ever hear
that a _Toutou_ could rise in life above the rank in which he was born.
I have occasionally mentioned the extraordinary fondness the people of
Otaheite shewed for red feathers. These they call _Oora_, and they are
as valuable here as jewels are in Europe, especially those which they call
_Ooravine_, and grow on the head of the green paraquet: Indeed, all red
feathers are esteemed, but none equally with these; and they are such good
judges as to know very well how to distinguish one sort from another. Many
of our people attempted to deceive them by dying other feathers; but I
never heard that any one succeeded. These feathers they make up in little
bunches, consisting of eight or ten, and fix them to the end of a small
cord about three or four inches long, which is made of the strong outside
fibres of the cocoa-nut, twisted so hard that it is like a wire, and serves
as a handle to the bunch. Thus prepared, they are used as symbols of the
_Eatuas_, or divinities, in all their religious ceremonies. I have
often seen them hold one of these bunches, and sometimes only two or three
feathers, between the fore finger and thumb, and say a prayer, not one word
of which I could ever understand. Whoever comes to this island, will do
well to provide himself with red feathers, the finest and smallest that are
to be got. He must also have a good stock of axes, and hatchets, spike-
nails, files, knives, looking-glasses, beads, &c. Sheets and shirts are
much sought after, especially by the ladies; as many of our gentlemen found
by experience.
The two goats which Captain Furneaux gave to Otoo when we were last here,
seemed to promise fair for answering the end for which they were put on
shore. The ewe soon after had two female kids, which were now so far grown
as to be nearly ready to propagate; and the old ewe was again with kid. The
people seemed to be very fond of them, and they to like their situation as
well; for they were in excellent condition. From this circumstance we may
hope that, in a few years, they will have some to spare to their
neighbours; and by that means they may in time spread over all the isles in
this ocean. The sheep which we left died soon after, excepting one, which
we understood was yet alive. We have also furnished them with a stock of
cats; no less than twenty having been given away at this isle, besides
those which were left at Ulietea and Huaheine.
[1] "The good old admiral was so ill that he could not stand on his
legs; he was very desirous, however, to come upon deck; we therefore
slung a chair on ropes, and hoisted him up in it, to his great
delight, and to the astonishment of all his countrymen.
Notwithstanding his illness, he told us he was determined to command
the expedition against Eimea, saying it was of little consequence if
they killed an old man, who could no longer be useful. He was very
cheerful under his infirmities, and his way of thinking was nobly
disinterested, and seemed to be animated by true heroism. He took
leave of us with a degree of cordiality and emotion, which touched the
heart, and might have reconciled a misanthrope to the world."--G.F.--
Who does not see in this noble veteran the radical principles which
characterize a British tar? There needs indeed, but a little of the
Roman or Grecian painting, to render him a fit _stage-companion_ for
almost any of the ancient heroes; and who can tell, but that in some
distant æra, when the Otaheitan language shall be read and classical,
the drivelling pedants of the south will blazon his fame, as we now do
that of his elder fraternity? G.F. had his eye directed to such a kind
of comparison betwixt Greeks and Otaheitans, in a passage which the
reader will find in the next note, and which is a fair specimen of
that gentleman's lively and entertaining style.--E.
[2] "The view of the Otaheitan fleet frequently brought to our minds
an idea of the naval force which that nation employed in the first
ages of its existence, and induced us to compare them together. The
Greeks were doubtless better armed, having the use of metals; but it
seemed plain, from the writings of Homer, in spite of poetical
embellishment, that their mode of fighting was irregular, and their
arms simple, like those of Otaheite. The united efforts of Greece
against Troy, in remote antiquity, could not be much more considerable
than the armament of Otoo against the isle of Eimea; and the boasted
_mille carinæ_ were probably not more formidable than a fleet of large
canoes, which require from fifty to an hundred and twenty men, to
paddle them. The navigation of the Greeks, in those days, was not more
extensive than that which is practised by the Otaheitans at present,
being confined to short passages from island to island; and as the
stars at night directed the mariners through the Archipelago at that
time, so they still continue to guide others in the Pacific Ocean. The
Greeks were brave; but the numerous wounds of the Otaheitan chiefs,
are all proofs of their spirit and prowess. It seems to be certain,
that in their battles they rouse themselves into a kind of phrenzy,
and that their bravery is a violent fit of passion. From Homer's
battles, it is evident, that the heroism which produced the wonders he
records, was exactly of the same nature. Let us for a moment be
allowed to carry this comparison still farther. The heroes of Homer
are represented to us as men of supernatural size and force. The
Otaheitan chiefs, compared to the common people, are so much superior
in stature and elegance of form, that they look like a different race.
It requires a more than ordinary quantity of food to satisfy stomachs
of unusual dimensions. Accordingly we find, that the mighty men at the
siege of Troy, and the chiefs of Otaheite, are both famous for eating,
and it appears that pork was a diet no less admired by the Greeks,
than it is by the Otaheitans at this day. Simplicity of manners is
observable in both nations; and their domestic character is
hospitable, affectionate, and humane. There is even a similarity in
their political constitution. The chiefs of districts at Otaheite are
powerful princes, who have not more respect for Otoo than the Greek
heroes had for the "king of men;" and the common people are so little
noticed in the Iliad, that they appear to have had no greater
consequence, than the towtows in the South Seas. In short, I believe
the similitude might be traced in many other instances; but it was my
intention only to hint at it, and not to abuse the patience of my
readers. What I have here said is sufficient to prove, that men in a
similar state of civilization resemble each other more than we are
aware of, even in the most opposite extremes of the world."--G.F.--
This gentleman guards against any more particular deductions from such
resemblance as he has now noticed, by adverting to the havoc made in
history by the modern itch for tracing pedigrees, alluding especially
to the affinity imagined betwixt the Egyptians and Chinese. On such
subjects, it is certain, human ingenuity has been fruitful of
extravagancies, and there is much less risk of absurdity if we abide
by merely general inferences; but, on the other hand, it must be
admitted, that these are often specious pretexts for avoiding the
labours of enquiry, and have very rarely contributed any thing to the
stock of useful knowledge. Besides, they are often as fundamentally
theoretic, as those more specific notions which they are used to
supplant, though far less operative on the minds of those who maintain
them, except indeed, in so far as a conceited indolence is concerned,
of which, it is often difficult to say, whether they are the parent or
the offspring. But at best, your transcendental philosophers are very
like those general admirers of the fair sex, who are ready enough to
pay compliments which cost them just as little as they signify, but
who are too fond of themselves, to squander away on a single
individual, any portion of that affection which they think can be much
better bestowed elsewhere. Whereas, an attachment to some specific
theory, like the ardour of a real lover, excites to active services
and solicitous assiduity; and even when it does not obtain its object,
is deserving of gratitude at least, and rarely fails to be rewarded by
it.--E.
[3] The poor fellow, Mr G.F. informs us, paid a fortnight's
confinement in irons for his frolic, a greater price, perhaps, the
reader will think, than the matter deserved. One shudders to imagine
what would be his anguish at the simple disappointment of his purpose;
but that it is possible might render him less sensible to the weight
of his bonds. That a solitary hopeless wretch, who had not a friend or
relative in any other region of the globe, should form an attachment
to these affectionate islanders, and attempt to settle in the midst of
their proffered enjoyments, was so imperatively natural, that one
cannot help feeling indignation at the mercilessness of an artificial
discipline, which exerted so rigorous a retribution. The advantages of
this penal system must be great and obvious indeed, that can
compensate for such enormous outrage on suffering humanity. G.F. has
allowed himself to reason on this subject, in a way not much
calculated to ease the mind of his reader: a short specimen may
suffice. "The most favourable prospects of future success in England,
which this man might form in idea, could never be so flattering to his
senses, as the lowly hope of living like the meanest Otaheitan. It was
highly probable that immediately on his return home, instead of
indulging in repose those limbs which had been tossed from pole to
pole, he would be placed in another ship, where the same fatigues,
nocturnal watches, and unwholesome food, would still fall to his
share; or though he were allowed to solace himself for a few days,
after a long series of hardships, he must expect to be seized in the
midst of his enjoyments, and to be dragged an unwilling champion to
the defence of his country: to be cut off in the flower of his age, or
to remain miserably crippled with only half his limbs, might be the
alternatives to which he would be reduced." But we forbear the
distressing theme, and would willingly direct the reader's eye and
hopes, to that most beneficent provision for the repose and comfort of
our meritorious sailors, which the wisdom of the legislature, too
tardily it must be confessed, has lately contemplated.--E.
SECTION XIV.
_The Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Huaheine; with an Account of an
Expedition into the Island, and several other Incidents which happened
while she lay there._
At one o'clock in the afternoon, on the 15th, we anchored in the north
entrance of O'Wharre harbour, in the island of Huaheine; hoisted out the
boats, warped into a proper birth, and moored with the bower and kedge
anchor, not quite a cable's length from the shore. While this was doing,
several of the natives made us a visit, amongst whom was old Oree the
chief, who brought a hog and some other articles, which he presented to me,
with the usual ceremony.
Next morning, the natives began to bring us fruit. I returned Oree's visit,
and made my present to him; one article of which was red feathers. Two or
three of these the chief took in his right hand, holding them up between
the finger and thumb, and said a prayer, as I understood, which was little
noticed by any present. Two hogs were soon after put into my boat, and he
and several of his friends came on board and dined with us. After dinner
Oree gave me to understand what articles would be most acceptable to him
and his friends, which were chiefly axes and nails. Accordingly I gave him
what he asked, and desired he would distribute them to the others, which he
did, seemingly to the satisfaction of every one. A youth about ten or
twelve years of age, either his son or grandson, seemed to be the person of
most note, and had the greatest share.
After the distribution was over, they all returned ashore. Mr Forster and
his party being out in the country botanizing, his servant, a feeble man,
was beset by five or six fellows, who would have stripped him, if that
moment one of the party had not come to his assistance; after which they
made off with a hatchet they had got from him.
On the 17th, I went ashore to look for the chief, in order to complain of
the outrage committed as above; but he was not in the neighbourhood. Being
ashore in the afternoon, a person came and told me Oree wanted to see me. I
went with the man, and was conducted to a large house, where the chief and
several other persons of note were assembled in council, as well as I could
understand. After I was seated, and some conversation had passed among
them, Oree made a speech, and was answered by another. I understood no more
of either, than just to know it regarded the robbery committed the day
before. The chief then began to assure me, that neither he, nor any one
present (which were the principal chiefs in the neighbourhood) had any hand
in it; and desired me to kill, with the guns, all those which had. I
assured him, that I was satisfied that neither he nor those present were at
all concerned in the affair; and that I should do with the fellows as he
desired, or any others who were guilty of the like crimes. Having asked
where the fellows were, and desired they would bring them to me, that I
might do with them as he had said, his answer was, they were gone to the
mountains, and he could not get them. Whether this was the case or not, I
will not pretend to say. I knew fair means would never make them deliver
them up; and I had no intention to try others. So the affair dropt, and the
council broke up.
In the evening, some of the gentlemen went to a dramatic entertainment. The
piece represented a girl as running away with us from Otaheite; which was
in some degree true; as a young woman had taken a passage with us down to
Ulietea, and happened now to be present at the representation of her own
adventures; which had such an effect upon her, that it was with great
difficulty our gentlemen could prevail upon her to see the play out, or to
refrain from tears while it was acting. The piece concluded with the
reception she was supposed to meet with from her friends at her return;
which was not a very favourable one. These people can add little extempore
pieces to their entertainments, when they see occasion. Is it not then
reasonable to suppose that it was intended as a satire against this girl,
and to discourage others from following her steps?[1]
In the morning of the 18th, Oree came on board with a present of fruit,
stayed dinner, and in the afternoon desired to see some great guns fired,
shotted, which I complied with. The reason of his making this request was
his hearing, from Oedidee, and our Otaheitean passengers, that we had so
done at their island. The chief would have had us fire at the hills; but I
did not approve of that, lest the shot should fall short and do some
mischief. Besides, the effect was better seen in the water. Some of the
petty officers, who had leave to go into the country for their amusement,
took two of the natives with them to be their guides, and to carry their
bags, containing nails, hatchets, &c. the current cash we traded with here;
which the fellows made off with in the following artful manner: The
gentlemen had with them two muskets for shooting birds. After a shower of
rain, their guides pointed out some for them to shoot. One of the muskets
having missed fire several times, and the other having gone off, the
instant the fellows saw themselves secure from both, they ran away, leaving
the gentlemen gazing after them with so much surprise, that no one had
presence of mind to pursue them.
The 19th, showery morning; fair afternoon, nothing happened worthy of note.
Early in the morning of the 20th, three of the officers set out on a
shooting party, rather contrary to my inclination; as I found the natives,
at least some of them, were continually watching every opportunity to rob
straggling parties, and were daily growing more daring. About three o'clock
in the afternoon, I got intelligence that they were seized and stripped of
every thing they had about them. Upon this I immediately went on shore with
a boat's crew, accompanied by Mr Forster, and took possession of a large
house with all its effects, and two chiefs whom I found in it; but this we
did in such a manner, that they hardly knew what we were about, being
unwilling to alarm the neighbourhood. In this situation I remained till I
heard the officers had got back safe, and had all their things restored to
them: Then I quitted the house; and presently after every thing in it was
carried off. When I got on board I was informed of the whole affair by the
officers themselves. Some little insult on their part, induced the natives
to seize their guns, on which a scuffle ensued, some chiefs interfered,
took the officers out of the crowd, and caused every thing which had been
taken from them to be restored. This was at a place where we had before
been told, that a set of fellows had formed themselves into a gang, with a
resolution to rob every one who should go that way. It should seem from
what followed, that the chief could not prevent this, or put a stop to
these repeated outrages. I did not see him this evening, as he was not come
into the neighbourhood when I went on board; but I learnt from Oedidee that
he came soon after, and was so concerned at what had happened that he wept.
Day-light no sooner broke upon us on the 21st, than we saw upwards of sixty
canoes under sail going out of the harbour, and steering over for Ulietea.
On our enquiring the reason, we were told that the people in them were
_Eareeois_, and were going to visit their brethren in the neighbouring
isles. One may almost compare these men to free-masons; they tell us they
assist each other when need requires; they seem to have customs among them
which they either will not, or cannot explain. Oedidee told us he was one;
Tupia was one; and yet I have not been able to get any tolerable idea of
this set of men, from either of them. Oedidee denies that the children they
have by their mistresses are put to death, as we understood from Tupia and
others. I have had some conversation with Omai on this subject, and find
that he confirms every thing that is said upon it in the narrative of my
former voyage.[2]
Oedidee, who generally slept on shore, came off with a message from Oree,
desiring I would land with twenty-two men, to go with him to chastise the
robbers. The messenger brought with him, by way of assisting his memory,
twenty-two pieces of leaves, a method customary amongst them. On my
receiving this extraordinary message, I went to the chief for better
information; and all I could learn of him was, that these fellows were a
sort of banditti, who had formed themselves into a body, with a resolution
of seizing and robbing our people wherever they found them, and were now
armed for that purpose: For which reason he wanted me to go along with him,
to chastise them. I told him, if I went they would fly to the mountains;
but he said, they were resolved to fight us, and therefore desired I would
destroy both them and their house; but begged I would spare those in the
neighbourhood, as also the canoes and the _Whenooa_. By way of
securing these, he presented me with a pig as a peace-offering for the
_Whenooa_. It was too small to be meant for any thing but a ceremony
of this kind. This sensible old chief could see (what perhaps none of the
others ever thought of) that every thing in the neighbourhood was at our
mercy, and therefore took care to secure them by this method, which I
suppose to be of weight with them. When I returned on board, I considered
of the chiefs request, which upon the whole appeared an extraordinary one.
I however resolved to go, lest these fellows should be (by our refusal)
encouraged to commit greater acts of violence; and, as their proceeding
would soon reach Ulietea, where I intended to go next, the people there
might be induced to treat us in the same manner, or worse, they being more
numerous. Accordingly I landed with forty-eight men, including officers, Mr
Forster, and some other of the gentlemen. The chief joined us with a few
people, and we began to march, in search of the banditti, in good order. As
we proceeded, the chief's party increased like a snow-ball. Oedidee, who
was with us, began to be alarmed, observing that many of the people in our
company were of the very party we were going against, and at last telling
us, that they were only leading us to some place where they could attack us
to advantage. Whether there was any truth in this, or it was only Oedidee's
fears, I will not pretend to say. He, however, was the only person we could
confide in. And we regulated our motions according to the information he
had given us. After marching some miles, we got intelligence that the men
we were going after had fled to the mountains; but I think this was not
till I had declared to the chief I would proceed no farther. For we were
then about crossing a deep valley, bounded on each side by steep rocks,
where a few men with stones only might have made our retreat difficult, if
their intentions were what Oedidee had suggested, and which he still
persisted in. Having come to a resolution to return, we marched back in the
same order as we went, and saw, in several places, people, who had been
following us, coming down from the sides of the hills with their arms in
their hands, which they instantly quitted, and hid in the bushes, when they
saw they were discovered by us. This seemed to prove that there must have
been some foundation for what Oedidee had said; but I cannot believe that
the chief had any such design, whatever the people might have. In our
return we halted at a convenient place to refresh ourselves. I ordered the
people to bring us some cocoa-nuts, which they did immediately. Indeed, by
this time, I believe many of them wished us on board out of the way; for
although no one step was taken that could give them the least alarm, they
certainly were in terror. Two chiefs brought each of them a pig, a dog, and
some young plantain trees, the usual peace-offerings, and with due ceremony
presented them singly to me. Another brought a very large hog, with which
he followed us to the ship. After this we continued our course to the
landing-place, where I caused several vollies to be fired, to convince the
natives that we could support a continual fire. This being done, we all
embarked and went on board; and soon after the chief following, brought
with him a quantity of fruit, and sat down with us to dinner. We had scarce
dined before more fruit was brought us by others, and two hogs; so that we
were likely to make more by this little excursion than by all the presents
we had made them. It certainly gave them some alarm to see so strong a
party of men march into their country; and probably gave them a better
opinion of fire-arms than they had before. For I believe they had but an
indifferent, or rather contemptible, idea of muskets in general, having
never seen any fired but at birds, &c. by such of our people as used to
straggle about the country, the most of them but indifferent marksmen,
losing generally two shots out of three, their pieces often, missing fire,
and being slow in charging. Of all this they had taken great notice, and
concluded, as well they might, that fire-arms were not so terrible things
as they had been taught to believe.
When the chiefs took leave in the evening, they promised to bring us next
day a very large supply of provisions. In the article of fruit they were as
good as their word, but of hogs, which we most wanted, they brought far
less than we expected. Going ashore in the afternoon, I found the chief
just sitting down to dinner. I cannot say what was the occasion of his
dining so late. As soon as he was seated, several people began chewing the
pepper-root; about a pint of the juice of which, without any mixture, was
the first dish, and was dispatched in a moment. A cup of it was presented
to me; but the manner of brewing it was at this time sufficient. Oedidee
was not so nice, but took what I refused. After this the chief washed his
mouth with cocoa-nut water; then he eat of repe, plantain, and mahee, of
each not a little; and, lastly, finished his repast by eating, or rather
drinking, about three pints of _popoie_, which is made of bread-fruit,
plantains, mahee, &c. beat together and diluted with water till it is of
the consistence of a custard. This was at the outside of his house, in the
open air; for at this time a play was acting within, as was done almost
every day in the neighbourhood; but they were such poor performances that I
never attended. I observed that, after the juice had been squeezed out of
the chewed pepper-root for the chief, the fibres were carefully picked up
and taken away by one of his servants. On my asking what he intended to do
with it, I was told he would put water to it, and strain it again. Thus he
would make what I will call small beer.
The 23d, wind easterly, as it had been ever since we left Otaheite. Early
in the morning, we unmoored, and at eight weighed and put to sea. The good
old chief was the last man who went out of the ship. At parting I told him
we should see each other no more; at which he wept, and said, "Let your
sons come, we will treat them well." Oree is a good man, in the utmost
sense of the word; but many of the people are far from being of that
disposition, and seem to take advantage of his old age; Teraderre, his
grandson and heir, being yet but a youth. The gentle treatment the people
of this isle ever met with from me, and the careless and imprudent manner
in which many of our people had rambled about in the country, from a vain
opinion that firearms rendered them invincible, encouraged many at Huaheine
to commit acts of violence, which no man at Otaheite ever durst attempt.
During our stay here we got bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, &c. more than we could
well-consume, but not hogs enough by far to supply our daily expence; and
yet it did not appear that they were scarce in the isle. It must be
allowed, however, that the number we took away, when last here, must have
thinned them greatly, and at the same time stocked the isle with our
articles. Besides, we now wanted a proper assortment of trade; what we had
being nearly exhausted, and the few remaining red feathers being here but
of little value, when compared to the estimation they stand in at Otaheite.
This obliged me to set the smiths to work to make different sorts of iron
tools, nails, &c. in order to enable me to procure refreshments at the
other isles, and to support my credit and influence among the natives.
[1] "Her parents, from whom she had eloped to Otaheite with a favoured
lover some years ago, were still alive, and the force of affection
urged her irresistibly to visit them. She had concealed herself on
board during Otoo's last visit, as he had expressly ordered that no
woman should go with us; but being safe at present, she ventured to
make her appearance. She was dressed in a suit of clothes belonging to
one of the officers, and was so much pleased with her new garments,
that she went ashore in them as soon as she arrived at Huaheine. She
dined with the officers without the least scruple, and laughed at the
prejudices of her country-women with all the good sense of a citizen
of the world. With a proper education she might have shone as a woman
of genius even in Europe; since, without the advantage of a cultivated
understanding, her great vivacity, joined to very polite manners,
already were sufficient to make her company supportable."--G.F.
From some of this gentleman's remarks, as well as what Captain Cook
says, it appears that these islanders have pretty correct notions of
the relative duty of children and parents.--E.
[2] Mr G.F. has entered upon a pretty minute account of this strange
society, and does his best to palliate the enormities of which, there
seems no reason to doubt, its really profligate members are almost
habitually guilty. That gentleman is certainly liberal in his views of
the natives in general, and on the whole appears disposed to give more
credit to human nature than, perhaps, it will be found on the closest
inspection to deserve. Though it may be conceded to him, that criminal
individuals are not more numerous in the Society Islands, than among
other people, yet it is obvious, that the discovery of the universal
prevelancy of vice does not warrant any person to extenuate its
malignity in any particular instances where it occurs.--E.
SECTION XV.
_Arrival at Ulietea; with an Account of the Reception we met with there,
and the several Incidents which happened during our Stay. A Report of two
ships being at Huaheine. Preparations to leave the Island; and the Regret
the Inhabitants shewed on the Occasion. The Character of Oedidee; with some
general Observations on the Islands._
As soon as we were clear of the harbour, we made sail, and stood over for
the South end of Ulietea. Oree took the opportunity to send a man with a
message to Opoony. Being little wind all the latter part of the day, it was
dark before we reached the west side of the isle, where we spent the night.
The same light variable wind continued till ten o'clock next morning, when
the trade-wind at east prevailed, and we ventured to ply up to the harbour,
first sending a boat to lie in anchorage in the entrance. After making a
few trips, we got before the channel, and with all our sails set, and the
head-way the ship had acquired, shut her in as far as she would go; then
dropped the anchor, and took in the sails. This is the method of getting
into most of the harbours which are on the lee-side of these isles; for the
channels, in general, are too narrow to ply in: We were now anchored
between the two points of the reef which form the entrance; each not more
than two-thirds the length of a cable from us, and on which the sea broke
with such height and violence, as to people less acquainted with the place,
would have been terrible. Having all our boats out with anchors and warps
in them, which were presently run out, the ship warped into safety, where
we dropt anchor for the night. While this work was going forward, my old
friend Oree the chief, and several more, came to see us. The chief came not
empty.
Next day we warped the ship into a proper birth, and moored her, so as to
command all the shores around us. In the mean time a party of us went
ashore to pay the chief a visit, and to make the customary present. At our
first entering his house, we were met by four or five old women, weeping
and lamenting, as it were, most bitterly, and at the same time cutting
their heads, with instruments made of shark's teeth, till the blood ran
plentifully down their faces and on their shoulders. What was still worse,
we were obliged to submit to the embraces of these old hags, and by that
means were all besmeared with blood. This ceremony (for it was merely such)
being over, they went out, washed themselves, and immediately after
appeared as cheerful as any of the company. Having made some little stay,
and given my present to the chief and his friends, he put a hog and some
fruit into my boat, and came on board with us to dinner. In the afternoon,
we had a vast number of people and canoes about us, from different parts of
the island. They all took up their quarters in our neighbourhood, where
they remained feasting for some days. We understood the most of them were
_Eareeoies_.
The 26th afforded nothing remarkable, excepting that Mr Forster, in his
botanical excursions, saw a burying-place for dogs, which they called
_Marai no te Oore_. But I think we ought not to look upon this as one
of their customs; because few dogs die a natural death, being generally, if
not always, killed and eaten, or else given as an offering to the gods.
Probably this might be a _Marai_ or altar, where this sort of offering
was made; or it might have been the whim of some person to have buried his
favourite dog in this manner. But be it as it will, I cannot think it is a
general custom in the nation; and, for my own part, I neither saw nor heard
of any such thing before.
Early in the morning of the 27th, Oree, his wife, son, daughter, and
several more of his friends, made us a visit, and brought with them a good
quantity of all manner of refreshments; little having as yet been got from
any body else. They staid dinner; after which a party of us accompanied
them on shore, where we were entertained with a play, called _Mididij
Harramy_, which signifies the _Child is coming_. It concluded with
the representation of a woman in labour, acted by a set of great brawny
fellows, one of whom at last brought forth a strapping boy, about six feet
high, who ran about the stage, dragging after him a large wisp of straw
which hung by a string from his middle. I had an opportunity of seeing this
acted another time, when I observed, that the moment they had got hold of
the fellow who represented the child, they flattened or pressed his nose.
From this I judged, that they do so by their children when born, which may
be the reason why all in general have flat noses. This part of the play,
from its newness, and the ludicrous manner in which it was performed, gave
us, the first time we saw it, some entertainment, and caused a loud laugh,
which might be the reason why they acted it so often afterwards. But this,
like all their other pieces, could entertain us no more than once;
especially as we could gather little from them, for want of knowing more of
their language.[1]
The 28th was spent by me in much the same manner as the preceding day, viz.
in entertaining my friends, and being entertained by them. Mr Forster and
his party in the country botanizing.
Next morning, we found several articles had been stolen, out of our boats
lying at the buoy, about sixty or seventy yards from the ship. As soon as I
was informed of it, I went to the chief to acquaint him therewith. I found
that he not only knew they were stolen, but by whom, and where they were;
and he went immediately with me in my boat in pursuit of them. After
proceeding a good way along shore, towards the south end of the island, the
chief ordered us to land near some houses, where we did not wait long
before all the articles were brought to us, except the pinnace's iron
tiller, which I was told was still farther off. But when I wanted to go
after it, I found the chief unwilling to proceed; and he actually gave me
the slip; and retired into the country. Without him I knew I could do
nothing. The people began to be alarmed when they saw I was for going
farther; by which I concluded that the tiller was out of their reach also.
I therefore sent one of them to the chief to desire him to return. He
returned accordingly; when we sat down, and had some victuals set before
us, thinking perhaps that, as I had not breakfasted, I must be hungry, and
not in a good humour. Thus I was amused, till two hogs were produced, which
they entreated me to accept. This I did, and then their fears vanished; and
I thought myself not ill off, in having gotten two good hogs for a thing
which seemed to be quite out of my reach. Matters being thus settled, we
returned on board, and had the company of the chief and his son to dinner.
After that we all went ashore, where a play was acted for the entertainment
of such as would spend their time in looking at it. Besides these plays,
which the chief caused frequently to be acted, there was a set of strolling
players in the neighbourhood, who performed everyday. But their pieces
seemed to be so much alike, that we soon grew tired of them; especially as
we could not collect any interesting circumstances from them. We, our ship,
and our country, were frequently brought on the stage; but on what account
I know not. It can hardly be doubted, that this was designed as a
compliment to us, and probably not acted but when some of us were present.
I generally appeared at Oree's theatre towards the close of the play, and
twice at the other, in order to give my mite to the actors. The only
actress at Oree's theatre was his daughter, a pretty brown girl, at whose
shrine, on these occasions, many offerings were made by her numerous
votaries. This, I believe, was one great inducement to her father's giving
us these entertainments so often.
Early in the morning of the 30th, I set out with the two boats, accompanied
by the two Mr Forsters; Oedidee, the chief, his wife, son, and daughter,
for an estate which Oedidee called his, situated at the north end of the
island. There I was promised to have hogs and fruit in abundance; but when
we came there, we found that poor Oedidee could not command one single
thing, whatever right he might have to the _Whenooa_, which was now in
possession of his brother, who, soon after we landed, presented to me, with
the usual ceremony, two pigs. I made him a very handsome present in return,
and Oedidee gave him every thing he had left of what he had collected
during the time he was with us.
After this ceremony was over, I ordered one of the pigs to be killed and
dressed for dinner, and attended myself to the whole operation, which was
as follows:--They first strangled the hog, which was done by three men; the
hog being placed on his back, two of them laid a pretty strong stick across
his throat, and pressed with all their might on each end; the third man
held his hind legs, kept him on his back, and plugged up his fundament with
grass, I suppose to prevent any air from passing or repassing that way. In
this manner they held him for about ten minutes before he was quite dead.
In the mean time, some hands were employed in making a fire, to heat the
oven, which was close by. As soon as the hog was quite dead, they laid him
on the fire, and burnt or singed the hair, so that it came off with almost
the same ease as if it had been scalded. As the hair was got off one part,
another was applied to the fire till they had got off the whole, yet not so
clean but that another operation was necessary; which was to carry it to
the sea side, and there give it a good scrubbing with sandy stones, and
sand. This brought off all the scurf, &c. which the fire had left on. After
well washing off the sand and dirt, the carcase was brought again to the
former place, and laid on clean green leaves, in order to be opened. They
first ripped up the skin of the belly, and took out the fat or lard from
between the skin and the flesh, which they laid on a large green leaf. The
belly was then ripped open, and the entrails taken out, and carried away in
a basket, so that I know not what became of them; but am certain they were
not thrown away. The blood was next taken out, and put into a large leaf,
and then the lard, which was put to the other fat. The hog was now washed
clean, both inside and out, with fresh water, and several hot stones put
into his belly, which were shaken in under the breast, and green leaves
crammed in upon them. By this time the oven was sufficiently heated; what
fire remained was taken away, together with some of the hot stones; the
rest made a kind of pavement in the bottom of the hole or oven, and were
covered with leaves, on which the hog was placed on his belly. The lard and
fat, after being washed with water, were put into a vessel, made just then
of the green bark of the plantain tree, together with two or three hot
stones, and placed on one side the hog. A hot stone was put to the blood,
which was tied up in the leaf, and put into the oven; as also bread-fruit
and plantains. Then the whole was covered with green leaves, on which were
laid the remainder of the hot stones; over them were leaves; then any sort
of rubbish they could lay their hands on; finishing the operation by well
covering the whole with earth. While the victuals were baking, a table was
spread with green leaves on the floor, at one end of a large boat-house. At
the close of two hours and ten minutes, the oven was opened, and all the
victuals taken out. Those of the natives who dined with us, sat down by
themselves, at one end of the table, and we at the other. The hog was
placed before us, and the fat and blood before them, on which they chiefly
dined, and said it was _Mamity_, very good victuals; and we not only
said, but thought, the same of the pork. The hog weighed about fifty
pounds. Some parts about the ribs I thought rather overdone, but the more
fleshy parts were excellent; and the skin, which by the way of our dressing
can hardly be eaten, had, by this method, a taste and flavour superior to
any thing I ever met with of the kind. I have now only to add, that during
the whole of the various operations, they exhibited a cleanliness well
worthy of imitation. I have been the more particular in this account,
because I do not remember that any of us had seen the whole process before;
nor is it well described in the narrative of my former voyage.
While dinner was preparing, I took a view of this _Whenooa_ of
Oedidee. It was a small, but a pleasant spot; and the houses were so
disposed as to form a very pretty village, which is very rarely the case at
these isles, Soon after we had dined, we set out for the ship, with the
other pig, and a few races of plantains, which proved to be the sum total
of our great expectations.
In our return to the ship, we put ashore at a place where, in the corner of
a house, we saw four wooden images, each two feet long, standing on a
shelf, having a piece of cloth round their middle, and a kind of turban on
their heads, in which were stuck long feathers of cocks. A person in the
house told us they were _Eatua no te Toutou_, gods of the servants or
slaves. I doubt if this be sufficient to conclude that they pay them divine
worship, and that the servants or slaves are not allowed the same gods as
men of more elevated rank; I never heard that Tupia made any such
distinction, or that they worshipped any visible thing whatever. Besides,
these were the first wooden gods we had seen in any of the isles; and all
the authority we had for their being such, was the bare word of perhaps a
superstitious person, and whom, too, we were liable to misunderstand. It
must be allowed that the people of this isle are in general more
superstitious than at Otaheite. At the first visit I made the chief after
our arrival, he desired I would not suffer any of my people to shoot herons
and wood-peckers; birds as sacred with them as robin-red-breasts, swallows,
&c. are with many old women in England. Tupia, who was a priest, and well
acquainted with their religion, customs, traditions, &c. paid little or no
regard to these birds. I mention this, because some amongst us were of
opinion that these birds are their _Eatuas_, or gods. We indeed fell
into this opinion when I was here in 1769, and into some others still more
absurd, which we had undoubtedly adopted, if Tupia had not undeceived us. A
man of his knowledge and understanding we have not since met with, and
consequently have added nothing to his account of their religion but
superstitious notions.[2]
On the 31st, the people knowing that we should sail soon, began to bring
more fruit on board than usual. Among those who came was a young man who
measured six feet four inches and six-tenths; and his sister, younger, than
him, measured five feet ten inches and a half. A brisk trade for hogs and
fruit continued on the 1st of June. On the 2d, in the afternoon, we got
intelligence that, three days before, two ships had arrived at Huaheine.
The same report said, the one was commanded by Mr Banks, and the other by
Captain Furneaux. The man who brought the account said, he was made drunk
on board one of them, and described the persons of Mr Banks and Captain
Furneaux so well, that I had not the least doubt of the truth, and began to
consider about sending a boat over that very evening with orders to Captain
Furneaux, when a man, a friend of Mr Forster, happened to come on board and
denied the whole, saying it was _wà warre_, a lie. The man from whom
we had the intelligence was now gone, so that we could not confront them,
and there were none else present who knew any thing about it but by report;
so that I laid aside sending over a boat till I should be better informed.
This evening we entertained the people with fire-works, on one of the
little isles near the entrance of the harbour.
I had fixed on the next day for sailing, but the intelligence from Huaheine
put a stop to it. The chief had promised to bring the man on board who
first brought the account; but he was either not to be found, or would not
appear. In the morning, the people were divided in their opinions; but in
the afternoon, all said it was a false report. I had sent Mr Clerke, in the
morning, to the farthest part of the island, to make enquiries there; he
returned without learning any thing satisfactory. In short, the report
appeared now too ill founded to authorize me to send a boat over, or to
wait any longer here; and therefore, early in the morning of the 4th, I got
every thing in readiness to sail. Oree the chief, and his whole family,
came on board, to take their last farewell, accompanied by Oo-oo-rou, the
_Earee di hi_, and Boba, the _Earee_ of Otaha, and several of
their friends. None of them came empty; but Oo-oo-rou brought a pretty
large present, this being his first and only visit. I distributed amongst
them almost every thing I had left. The very hospitable manner in which I
had ever been received by these people, had endeared them to me, and given
them a just title to everything in my power to grant. I questioned them
again about the ships at Huaheine; and they all, to a man, denied that any
were there. During the time these people remained on board, they were
continually importuning me to return. The chief, his wife and daughter, but
especially the two latter, scarcely ever ceased weeping. I will not pretend
to say whether it was real or feigned grief they shewed on this occasion.
Perhaps there was a mixture of both; but were I to abide by my own opinion
only, I should believe it was real. At last, when we were about to weigh,
they took a most affectionate leave. Oree's last request was for me to
return; when he saw he could not obtain that promise, he asked the name of
my _Marai_ (burying-place). As strange a question as this was, I
hesitated not a moment to tell him Stepney; the parish in which I live when
in London. I was made to repeat it several times over till they could
pronounce it; then, Stepney _Marai no Toote_ was echoed through an
hundred mouths at once. I afterwards found the same question had been put
to Mr Forster by a man on shore; but he gave a different, and indeed more
proper answer, by saying, no man, who used the sea, could say where he
should be buried. It is the custom, at these isles, for all the great
families to have burial-places of their own, where their remains are
interred. These go with the estate to the next heir. The _Marai_ at
Oparee in Otaheite, when Tootaha swayed the sceptre, was called _Marai no
Tootaha_; but now it is called _Marai no Otoo_. What greater proof
could we have of these people esteeming us as friends, than their wishing
to remember us, even beyond the period of our lives? They had been
repeatedly told that we should see them no more; they then wanted to know
where we were to mingle with our parent dust. As I could not promise, or
even suppose, that more English ships would be sent to those isles, our
faithful companion Oedidee chose to remain in his native country. But he
left us with a regret fully demonstrative of the esteem he bore to us; nor
could any thing but the fear of never returning, have torn him from us.
When the chief teased me so much about returning, I sometimes gave such
answers as left them hopes. Oedidee would instantly catch at this, take me
on one side, and ask me over again. In short, I have not words to describe
the anguish which appeared in this young man's breast when he went away. He
looked up at the ship, burst into tears, and then sunk down into the canoe.
The maxim, that a prophet has no honour in his own country, was never more
fully verified than in this youth. At Otaheite he might have had any thing
that was in their power to bestow; whereas here he was not in the least
noticed. He was a youth of good parts, and, like most of his countrymen, of
a docile, gentle, and humane disposition, but in a manner wholly ignorant
of their religion, government, manners, customs, and traditions;
consequently no material knowledge could have been gathered from him, had I
brought him away. Indeed, he would have been a better specimen of the
nation, in every respect, than Omai. Just as Oedidee was going out of the
ship, he asked me to _Tatou_ some _Parou_ for him, in order to
shew the commanders of any other ships which might stop here. I complied
with his request, gave him a certificate of the time he had been with us,
and recommended him to the notice of those who might afterwards touch at
the island.
We did not get clear of our friends till eleven o'clock, when we weighed,
and put to sea; but Oedidee did not leave us till we were almost out of the
harbour. He staid, in order to fire some guns; for it being his majesty's
birthday, we fired the salute at going away.
When I first came to these islands, I had some thought of visiting Tupia's
famous Bolabola. But as I had now got on board a plentiful supply of all
manner of refreshments, and the route I had in view allowing me no time to
spare, I laid this design aside, and directed my course to the west; taking
our final leave of these happy isles, on which benevolent Nature has spread
her luxuriant sweets with a lavish hand. The natives, copying the bounty of
Nature, are equally liberal; contributing plentifully and cheerfully to the
wants of navigators. During the six weeks we had remained at them, we had
fresh pork, and all the fruits which were in season, in the utmost
profusion; besides fish at Otaheite, and fowls at the other isles. All
these articles we got in exchange for axes, hatchets, nails, chissels,
cloth, red feathers, beads, knives, scissars, looking-glasses, &c. articles
which will ever be valuable here. I ought not to omit shirts as a very
capital article in making presents; especially with those who have any
connexion with the fair sex. A shirt here is full as necessary as a piece
of gold in England. The ladies at Otaheite, after they had pretty well
stripped their lovers of shirts, found a method of clothing themselves with
their own cloth. It was their custom to go on shore every morning, and to
return on board in the evening, generally clad in rags. This furnished a
pretence to importune the lover for better clothes; and when he had no more
of his own, he was to dress them in new cloth of the country, which they
always left ashore; and appearing again in rags, they must again be
clothed. So that the same suit might pass through twenty different hands,
and be as often sold, bought, and given away.
Before I finish this account of these islands, it is necessary to mention
all I know concerning the government of Ulietea and Otaha. Oree, so often
mentioned, is a native of Bolabola; but is possessed of _Whenooas_ or
lands at Ulietea; which I suppose he, as well as many of his countrymen,
got at the conquest. He resides here as Opoony's lieutenant; seeming to be
vested with regal authority, and to be the supreme magistrate in the
island. Oo-oo-rou, who is the _Earee_ by hereditary right, seems to
have little more left him than the bare title, and his own _Whenooa_
or district, in which I think he is sovereign. I have always seen Oree pay
him the respect due to his rank; and he was pleased when he saw me
distinguish him from others.
Otaha, so far as I can find, is upon the very same footing. Boba and Ota
are the two chiefs; the latter I have not seen; Boba is a stout, well-made
young man; and we were told is, after Opoony's death, to marry his
daughter, by which marriage he will be vested with the same regal authority
as Opoony has now; so that it should seem, though a woman may be vested
with regal dignity, she cannot have regal power. I cannot find that Opoony
has got any thing to himself by the conquest of these isles, any farther
than providing for his nobles, who have seized on best part of the lands.
He seems to have no demand on them for any of the many articles they have
had from us. Oedidee has several times enumerated to me all the axes,
nails, &c. which Opoony is possessed of, which hardly amount to as many as
he had from me when I saw him in 1769. Old as this famous man is, he seems
not to spend his last days in indolence. When we first arrived here, he was
at Maurana; soon after he returned to Bolabola; and we were now told, he
was gone to Tubi.
I shall conclude this account of these islands, with some observations on
the watch which Mr Wales hath communicated to me. At our arrival in Matavai
Bay in Otaheite, the longitude pointed out by the watch was 2° 8' 38" ½ too
far to the west; that is, it had gained, since our leaving Queen
Charlotte's Sound, of its then rate of going, 8' 34" 1/2. This was in about
five months, or rather more, during which time it had passed through the
extremes of cold and heat. It was judged that half this error arose after
we left Easter Island; by which it appeared that it went better in the cold
than in the hot climates.
[1] "The man who acted the part of the woman in labour went through
the gestures which the Greeks were wont to admire in the groves of
Venus-Ariadne, near Amathus, where the same ceremony was acted on the
second day of the month Gorpioeus, in memory of Ariadne, who died in
child-bed. Thus it appears that there is scarcely a practice, though
ever so ridiculous, existing in any corner of the world, that has not
been hit upon by the extravagant fancy of men in some other region. A
tall, stout fellow, dressed in cloth, personated the new-born infant
in such a ludicrous style, that we could not refuse joining in the
plaudits which his countrymen bestowed on him. Anatomists and midwives
would have been surprised to observe, that this overgrown babe had
every necessary character of a child newly born; but the natives were
particularly delighted with his running about the stage, whilst the
rest of the dancers endeavoured to catch him. The ladies were much
pleased with this scene, which, according to the simplicity of their
ideas, had not the least indecency; they looked on, therefore,
unconcernedly, and were not obliged, like some European dames, to peep
through their fans."--G.F.
[2] The two Forsters, particularly the father, a man of great sagacity
and of very acute discernment, paid much attention to this interesting
subject. The information they procured is contained in their
respective works, and is, as might be expected, very similar. From
this it would have been easy to add to the contents of the text. But
this has been avoided, principally because we may perhaps present the
reader with the substance of Forster's observations, in a connected
form, on another occasion. That publication indeed is a treasure of
most curious and important matter, deserving to be more extensively
known, than there is reason to believe it now is.--E.
CHAPTER III.
FROM ULIETEA TO NEW ZEALAND.
SECTION I.
_Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Isles, with a Description of
several Islands that were discovered, and the Incidents which happened in
that Track._
On the 6th, being the day after leaving Ulietea, at eleven o'clock a.m., we
saw land bearing N.W., which, upon a nearer approach, we found to be a low
reef island about four leagues in compass, and of a circular form. It is
composed of several small patches connected together by breakers, the
largest lying on the N.E. part. This is Howe Island, discovered by Captain
Wallis, who, I think, sent his boat to examine it; and, if I have not been
misinformed, found a channel through, within the reef, near the N.W. part.
The inhabitants of Ulietea speak of an uninhabited island about this
situation, called by them Mopeha, to which they go at certain seasons for
turtle. Perhaps, this may be the same; as we saw no signs of inhabitants
upon it. Its latitude is 16° 46' S. longitude 154° 8' W.
From this day to the 16th, we met nothing remarkable, and our course was
west southerly; the winds variable from north round by the east to S.W.,
attended with cloudy, rainy, unsettled weather, and a southerly swell. We
generally brought-to, or stood upon a wind during night; and in the day
made all the sail we could. About half an hour after sun-rise this morning,
land was seen from the top-mast head, bearing N.N.E. We immediately altered
the course, and steering for it, found it to be another reef island,
composed of five or six woody islets, connected together by sand-banks and
breakers inclosing a lake, into which we could see no entrance. We ranged
the west and N.W. coasts, from its southern to its northern-extremity,
which is about two leagues, and so near the shore, that at one time we
could see the rocks under us; yet we found no anchorage, nor saw we any
signs of inhabitants. There were plenty of various kinds of birds, and the
coast seemed to abound with fish. The situation of this isle is not very
distant from that assigned by Mr Dalrymple for La Sagitaria, discovered by
Quiros; but, by the description the discoverer has given of it, it cannot
be the same. For this reason, I looked upon it as a new discovery, and
named it Palmerston Island, in honour of Lord Palmerston, one of the lords
of the Admiralty. It is situated in latitude 18° 4' S. longitude 163° 10'
W.
At four o'clock in the afternoon, we left this isle, and resumed our course
to the W. by S. with a fine steady gale easterly, till noon on the 20th, at
which time, being in latitude 18° 50', longitude 168° 52, we thought we saw
land to S.S.W. and hauled up for it accordingly. But two hours after, we
discovered our mistake, and resumed our course W. by S. Soon after, we saw
land from the mast-head in the same direction; and, as we drew nearer,
found it to be an island, which, at five o'clock, bore west, distant five
leagues. Here we spent the night plying under the topsails; and at day-
break next morning, bore away, steering to the northern point, and ranging
the west coast at the distance of one mile, till near noon. Then perceiving
some people on the shore, and landing seeming to be easy, we brought-to,
and hoisted out two boats, with which I put off to the land, accompanied by
some of the officers and gentlemen. As we drew near the shore, some of the
inhabitants, who were on the rocks, retired to the woods, to meet us, as we
supposed; and we afterwards found our conjectures right. We landed with
ease in a small creek, and took post on a high rock to prevent a surprise.
Here we displayed our colours, and Mr Forster and his party began to
collect plants, &c. The coast was so over-run with woods, bushes, plants,
stones, &c. that we could not see forty yards round us. I took two men, and
with them entered a kind of chasm, which opened a way into the woods. We
had not gone far before we heard the natives approaching; upon which I
called to Mr Forster to retire to the party, as I did likewise. We had no
sooner joined than the islanders appeared at the entrance of a chasm not a
stone's throw from us. We began to speak, and make all the friendly signs
we could think of, to them, which they answered by menaces; and one of two
men, who were advanced before the rest, threw a stone, which struck Mr
Sparrman on the arm. Upon this two muskets were fired, without order, which
made them all retire under cover of the woods; and we saw them no more.
After waiting for some little time, and till we were satisfied nothing was
to be done here, the country being so overrun with bushes, that it was
hardly possible to come to parley with them, we embarked and proceeded down
along shore, in hopes of meeting with better success in another place.
After ranging the coast for some miles, without seeing a living soul, or
any convenient landing-place, we at length came before a small beach, on
which lay four canoes. Here we landed by means of a little creek, formed by
the flat rocks before it, with a view of just looking at the canoes, and to
leave some medals, nails, &c. in them; for not a soul was to be seen. The
situation of this place was to us worse than the former. A flat rock lay
next the sea; behind it a narrow stone beach; this was bounded by a
perpendicular rocky cliff of unequal height, whose top was covered with
shrubs; two deep and narrow chasms in the cliff seemed to open a
communication into the country. In or before one of these lay the four
canoes which we were going to look at; but in the doing of this, I saw we
should be exposed to an attack from the natives, if there were any, without
being in a situation proper for defence. To prevent this, as much as could
be, and to secure a retreat in case of an attack, I ordered the men to be
drawn up upon the rock, from whence they had a view of the heights; and
only myself, and four of the gentlemen, went up to the canoes. We had been
there but a few minutes, before the natives, I cannot say how many, rushed
down the chasm out of the wood upon us. The endeavours we used to bring
them to a parley, were to no purpose; for they came with the ferocity of
wild boars, and threw their darts. Two or three muskets, discharged in the
air did not hinder one of them from advancing still farther, and throwing
another dart, or rather a spear, which passed close over my shoulder. His
courage would have cost him his life, had not my musket missed fire; for I
was not five paces from him when he threw his spear, and had resolved to
shoot him to save myself. I was glad afterwards that it happened as it did.
At this instant, our men on the rock began to fire at others who appeared
on the heights, which abated the ardour of the party we were engaged with,
and gave us time to join our people, when I caused the firing to cease. The
last discharge sent all the islanders to the woods, from whence they did
not return so long as we remained. We did not know that any were hurt. It
was remarkable, that when I joined our party, I tried my musket in the air,
and it went off as well as a piece could do. Seeing no good was to be got
with these people, or at the isle, as having no port, we returned on board,
and having hoisted in the boats, made sail to the W.S.W. I had forgot to
mention in its proper order, that having put ashore a little before we came
to this last place, three or four of us went upon the cliffs, where we
found the country, as before, nothing but coral rocks, all over-run with
bushes, so that it was hardly possible to penetrate into it; and we
embarked again with intent to return directly on board, till we saw the
canoes; being directed to the place by the opinion of some of us, who
thought they heard some people.
The conduct and aspect of these islanders occasioned my naming it Savage
Island. It is situated in the latitude 19° 1' S. longitude 169° 37' W. It
is about eleven leagues in circuit; of a round form, and good height; and
hath deep waters close to its shores. All the sea-coast, and as far inland
as we could see, is wholly covered with trees, shrubs, &c.; amongst which
were some cocoa-nut trees; but what the interior parts may produce we know
not. To judge of the whole garment by the skirts, it cannot produce much;
for so much as we saw of it consisted wholly of coral rocks, all over-run
with woods and bushes. Not a bit of soil was to be seen; the rocks alone
supplying the trees with humidity. If these coral rocks were first formed
in the sea by animals, how came they thrown up to such an height? Has this
island been raised by an earthquake? Or has the sea receded from it? Some
philosophers have attempted to account for the formation of low isles, such
as are in the sea; but I do not know that any thing has been said of high
islands, or such as I have been speaking of. In this island, not only the
loose rocks which cover the surface, but the cliffs which bound the shores,
are of coral stone, which the continual beating of the sea has formed into
a variety of curious caverns, some of them very large: The roof or rock
over them being supported by pillars, which the foaming waves have formed
into a multitude of shapes, and made more curious than the caverns
themselves. In one we saw light was admitted through a hole at the top; in
another place, we observed that the whole roof of one of these caverns had
sunk in, and formed a kind of valley above, which lay considerably below
the circumjacent rocks.
I can say but little of the inhabitants, who, I believe, are not numerous.
They seemed to be stout well-made men, were naked except round the waists,
and some of them had their faces, breasts, and thighs painted black. The
canoes were precisely like those of Amsterdam; with the addition of a
little rising like a gunwale on each side of the open part; and had some
carving about them, which shewed that these people are full as ingenious.
Both these islanders and their canoes agree very well with the description
M. de Bougainville has given of those he saw off the Isle of Navigators,
which lies nearly under the same meridian.
After leaving Savage Island, we continued to steer W.S.W. with a fine
easterly trade-wind, till the 24th in the evening, when, judging ourselves
not far from Rotterdam, we brought-to, and spent the night plying under the
top-sails. At daybreak next morning, we bore away west; and soon after, saw
a string of islands extending from S.S.W. by the west to N.N.W. The wind
being at N.E., we hauled to N.W., with a view of discovering more
distinctly the isles in that quarter; but, presently after, we discovered a
reef of rocks a-head, extending on each bow farther than we could see. As
we could not weather them, it became necessary to tack and bear up to the
south, to look for a passage that way. At noon the southernmost island bore
S.W., distant four miles. North of this isle were three others, all
connected by breakers, which we were not sure did not join to those we had
seen in the morning, as some were observed in the intermediate space. Some
islands were also seen to the west of those four; but Rotterdam was not yet
in sight. Latitude 20° 23' S. longitude 174° 6' W. During the whole
afternoon, we had little wind; so that at sunset, the southernmost isle
bore W.N.W., distant five miles; and some breakers, we had seen to the
south, bore now S.S.W. 1/2 W. Soon after it fell calm, and we were left to
the mercy of a great easterly swell; which, however, happened to have no
great effect upon the ship. The calm continued till four o'clock the next
morning, when it was succeeded by a breeze from the south. At day-light,
perceiving a likelihood of a passage between the islands to the north and
the breakers to the south, we stretched in west, and soon after saw more
islands, both to the S.W. and N.W., but the passage seemed open and clear.
Upon drawing near the islands, we sounded, and found forty-five and forty
fathoms, a clear sandy bottom. I was now quite easy, since it was in our
power to anchor, in case of a calm; or to spend the night, if we found no
passage. Towards noon some canoes came off to us from one of the isles,
having two or three people in each; who advanced boldly alongside, and
exchanged some cocoa-nuts, and shaddocks, for small nails. They pointed out
to us Anamocka, or Rotterdam; an advantage we derived from knowing the
proper names. They likewise gave us the names of some of the other isles,
and invited us much to go to theirs, which they called Cornango. The breeze
freshening, we left them astern, and steered for Anamocka; meeting with a
clear passage, in which we found unequal sounding, from forty to nine
fathoms, depending, I believe, in a great measure, on our distance from the
islands which form it.
As we drew near the south end of Rotterdam, or Anamocka, we were met by a
number of canoes, laden with fruit and roots; but as I did not shorten
sail, we had but little traffic with them. The people in one canoe enquired
for me by name; a proof that these people have an intercourse with those of
Amsterdam. They importuned us much to go towards their coast, letting us
know, as we understood them, that we might anchor there. This was on the
S.W. side of the island, where the coast seemed to be sheltered from the S.
and S.E. winds; but as the day was far spent, I could not attempt to go in
there, as it would have been necessary to have sent first a boat to examine
it. I therefore stood for the north side of the island, where we anchored
about three-fourths of a mile from shore; the extremes of it bearing south,
88° E. to S.W.; a cove with a sandy beach at the bottom of it S. 50° E.
SECTION II.
_Reception at Anamocka; a Robbery and its Consequences, with a Variety of
other Incidents. Departure from the Island. A sailing Canoe described. Some
Observations on the Navigation of these Islanders. A Description of the
Island, and of those in the Neighbourhood, with some Account of the
Inhabitants, and nautical Remarks._
Before we had well got to an anchor, the natives came off from all parts in
canoes, bringing with them yams and shaddocks, which they exchanged for
small nails and old rags. One man taking a vast liking to our lead and
line, got hold of it, and, in spite of all the threats I could make use of,
cut the line with a stone; but a discharge of small shot made him return
it. Early in the morning, I went ashore with Mr Gilbert to look for fresh
water. We landed in the cove above-mentioned, and were received with great
courtesy by the natives. After I had distributed some presents amongst
them, I asked for water, and was conducted to a pond of it that was
brackish, about three-fourths of a mile from the landing-place, which I
supposed to be the same that Tasman watered at. In the mean time, the
people in the boat had laden her with fruit and roots, which the natives
had brought down, and exchanged for nails and beads. On our return to the
ship, I found the same sort of traffic carrying on there. After breakfast,
I went ashore with two boats to trade with the people, accompanied by
several of the gentlemen, and ordered the launch to follow with casks to be
filled with water. The natives assisted us to roll them to and from the
pond; and a nail or a bead was the expence of their labour. Fruits and
roots, especially shaddocks and yams, were brought down in such plenty,
that the two boats were laden, sent off, cleared, and laden a second time,
before noon; by which time also the launch had got a full supply of water,
and the botanical and shooting parties had all come in, except the surgeon,
for whom we could not wait, as the tide was ebbing fast out of the cove;
consequently he was left behind. As there is no getting into the cove with
a boat, from between half-ebb to half-flood, we could get off no water in
the afternoon. However, there is a very good landing-place, without it,
near the southern point, where boats can get ashore at all times of the
tide. Here some of the officers landed after dinner, where they found the
surgeon, who had been robbed of his gun. Having come down to the shore some
time after the boats had put off, he got a canoe to bring him on board;
but, as he was getting into her, a fellow snatched hold of the gun, and ran
off with it. After that no one would carry him to the ship, and they would
have stripped him, as he imagined, had he not presented a tooth-pick case,
which they, no doubt, thought was a little gun. As soon as I heard of this,
I landed at the place above-mentioned, and the few natives who were there
fled at my approach. After landing I went in search of the officers, whom I
found in the cove, where we had been in the morning, with a good many of
the natives about them. No step had been taken to recover the gun, nor did
I think proper to take any; but in this I was wrong. The easy manner of
obtaining this gun, which they now, no doubt, thought secure in their
possession, encouraged them to proceed in these tricks, as will soon
appear. The alarm the natives had caught being soon over, they carried
fruit, &c. to the boats, which got pretty well laden before night, when we
all returned on board.
Early in the morning of the 28th, Lieutenant Clerke, with the master and
fourteen or fifteen men, went on shore in the launch for water. I did
intend to have followed in another boat myself, but rather unluckily
deferred it till after breakfast. The launch was no sooner landed than the
natives gathered about her, behaving in so rude a manner, that the officers
were in some doubt if they should land their casks; but, as they expected
me on shore soon, they ventured, and with difficulty got them filled, and
into the boat again. In the doing of this Mr Clerke's gun was snatched from
him, and carried off; as were also some of the cooper's tools; and several
of the people were stripped of one thing or another. All this was done, as
it were, by stealth; for they laid hold of nothing by main force. I landed
just as the launch was ready to put off; and the natives, who were pretty
numerous on the beach, as soon as they saw me, fled; so that I suspected
something had happened. However, I prevailed on many to stay, and Mr Clerke
came, and informed me of all the preceding circumstances. I quickly came to
a resolution to oblige them to make restitution; and, for this purpose,
ordered all the marines to be armed and sent on shore. Mr Forster and his
party being gone into the country, I ordered two or three guns to be fired
from the ship, in order to alarm him; not knowing how the natives might act
on this occasion. These orders being given, I sent all the boats off but
one, with which I staid, having a good many of the natives about me, who
behaved with their usual courtesy. I made them so sensible of my intention,
that long before the marines came, Mr Clerke's musket was brought; but they
used many excuses to divert me from insisting on the other. At length Mr
Edgcumbe arriving with the marines, this alarmed them so much, that some
fled. The first step I took was to seize on two large double sailing
canoes, which were in the cove. One fellow making resistance, I fired some
small shot at him, and sent him limping off. The natives being now
convinced that I was in earnest, all fled; but on my calling to them, many
returned; and, presently after, the other musket was brought, and laid down
at my feet. That moment, I ordered the canoes to be restored, to shew them
on what account they were detained. The other things we had lost being of
less value, I was the more indifferent about them. By this time the launch
was ashore for another turn of water, and we were permitted to fill the
casks without any one daring to come near us; except one man, who had
befriended us during the whole affair, and seemed to disapprove of the
conduct of his countrymen.
On my returning from the pond to the cove, I found a good many people
collected together, from whom we understood that the man I had fired at was
dead. This story I treated as improbable, and addressed a man, who seemed
of some consequence, for the restitution of a cooper's adze we had lost in
the morning. He immediately sent away two men, as I thought, for it; but I
soon found that we had greatly mistaken each other; for instead of the
adze, they brought the wounded man, stretched out on a board, and laid him
down by me, to all appearance dead. I was much moved at the sight; but soon
saw my mistake, and that he was only wounded in the hand and thigh. I,
therefore, desired he might be carried out of the sun, and sent for the
surgeon to dress his wounds. In the mean time, I addressed several people
for the adze; for as I had now nothing else to do, I determined to have it.
The one I applied the most to, was an elderly woman, who had always a great
deal to say to me, from my first landing; but, on this occasion, she gave
her tongue full scope. I understood but little of her eloquence; and all I
could gather from her arguments was, that it was mean in me to insist on
the return of so trifling a thing. But when she found I was determined, she
and three or four more women went away; and soon after the adze was brought
me, but I saw her no more. This I was sorry for, as I wanted to make her a
present, in return for the part she had taken in all our transactions,
private as well as public. For I was no sooner returned from the pond, the
first time I landed, than this old lady presented to me a girl, giving me
to understand she was at my service. Miss, who probably had received her
instructions, wanted, as a preliminary article, a spike-nail or a shirt,
neither of which I had to give her, and soon made them sensible of my
poverty. I thought, by that means, to have come off with flying colours;
but I was mistaken; for they gave me to understand I might retire with her
on credit. On my declining this proposal, the old lady began to argue with
me; and then abuse me. Though I comprehended little of what she said, her
actions were expressive enough, and shewed that her words were to this
effect, sneering in my face, saying, What sort of a man are you, thus to
refuse the embraces of so fine a young woman? For the girl certainly did
not want beauty; which, however, I could better withstand, than the abuses
of this worthy matron, and therefore hastened into the boat. They wanted me
to take the young lady aboard; but this could not be done, as I had given
strict orders, before I went ashore, to suffer no woman, on any pretence
whatever, to come into the ship, for reasons which I shall mention in
another place.
As soon as the surgeon got ashore, he dressed the man's wounds, and bled
him; and was of opinion that he was in no sort of danger, as the shot had
done little more than penetrate the skin. In the operation, some poultice
being wanting, the surgeon asked for ripe plantains; but they brought
sugar-cane, and having chewed it to a pulp, gave it him to apply to the
wound. This being of a more balsamic nature than the other; proves that
these people have some knowledge of simples. As soon as the man's wounds
were dressed, I made him a present, which his master, or at least the man
who owned the canoe, took, most probably to himself. Matters being thus
settled apparently to the satisfaction of all parties, we repaired on board
to dinner, where I found a good supply of fruit and roots, and, therefore,
gave orders to get every thing in readiness to sail.
I now was informed of a circumstance which was observed on board; several
canoes being at the ship, when the great guns were fired in the morning,
they all retired, but one man, who was bailing the water out of his canoe,
which lay alongside directly under the guns. When the first was fired, he
just looked up, and then, quite unconcerned, continued his work. Nor had
the second gun any other effect upon him. He did not stir till the water
was all out of his canoe, when he paddled leisurely off. This man had,
several times, been observed to take fruit and roots out of other canoes,
and sell them to us. If the owners did not willingly part with them, he
took them by force; by which he obtained the appellation of custom-house
officer. One time, after he had been collecting tribute, he happened to be
lying alongside of a sailing canoe which was on board. One of her people
seeing him look another way, and his attention otherwise engaged, took the
opportunity of stealing somewhat out of his canoe; they then put off, and
set their sail. But the man, perceiving the trick they had played him,
darted after them, and having soon got on board their canoe, beat him who
had taken his things, and not only brought back his own, but many other
articles which he took from them. This man had likewise been observed
making collections on shore at the trading-place. I remembered to have seen
him there; and, on account of his gathering tribute, took him to be a man
of consequence, and was going to make him a present; but some of their
people would not let me, saying he was no _Areeke_ (that is, chief).
He had his hair always powdered with some kind of white dust.
As we had no wind to sail this afternoon, a party of us went ashore in the
evening. We found the natives everywhere courteous and obliging; so that,
had we made a longer stay, it is probable we should have had no more reason
to complain of their conduct. While I was now on shore, I got the names of
twenty islands, which lie between the N.W. and N.E., some of them in sight.
Two of them, which lie most to the west, viz. Amattafoa and Oghao, are
remarkable on account of their great height. In Amattafoa, which is the
westernmost, we judged there was a volcano, by the continual column of
smoke we saw daily ascending from the middle of it.
Both Mr Cooper and myself being on shore at noon, Mr Wales could not wind
up the watch at the usual time; and, as we did not come on board till late
in the afternoon, it was forgotten till it was down. This circumstance was
of no consequence, as Mr Wales had had several altitudes of the sun at this
place, before it went down; and also had opportunities of taking some
after.
At day-break on the 29th, having got under sail with a light breeze at
west, we stood to the north for the two high islands; but the wind,
scanting upon us, carried us in amongst the low isles and shoals; so that,
we had to ply, to clear them. This gave time for a great many canoes to get
up with us. The people in them brought for traffic various articles; some
roots, fruits, and fowls, but of the latter not many. They took in exchange
small nails, and pieces of any kind of cloth. I believe, before they went
away, they stripped the most of our people of the few clothes the ladies at
Otaheite had left them; for the passion for curiosities was as great as
ever. Having got clear of the low isles, we made a stretch to the south,
and did but fetch a little to windward of the south end of Anamocka; so
that we got little by this day's plying. Here we spent the night, making
short boards over that space with which we had made ourselves acquainted
the preceding day.
On the 30th at day-break, stretched out for Amattafoa, with a gentle breeze
at W.S.W. Day no sooner dawned than we saw canoes coming from all parts.
Their traffic was much the same as it had been the day before, or rather
better; for out of one canoe I got two pigs, which were scarce articles
here. At four in the afternoon, we drew near the island of Amattafoa, and
passed between it and Oghao, the channel being two miles broad, safe, and
without soundings. While we were in the passage, we had little wind and
calms. This gave time for a large sailing double canoe, which had been
following us all the day, as well as some others with paddles, to come up
with us. I had now an opportunity to verify a thing I was before in doubt
about, which was, whether or no some of these canoes did not, in changing
tacks, only shift the sail, and so proceed with that end foremost, which
before was the stern. The one we now saw wrought in this manner. The sail
is latteen, extending to a latteen yard above, and to a boom at the foot;
in one word, it is like a whole mizzen, supposing the whole foot to be
extended to a boom. The yard is slung nearly in the middle, or upon an
equipoise. When they change tacks they throw the vessel up in the wind,
ease off the sheet, and bring the heel or tack-end of the yard to the other
end of the boat, and the sheet in like manner; there are notches, or
sockets, at each end of the vessel in which the end of the yard fixes. In
short, they work just as those do at the Ladrone Islands, according to Mr
Walter's description.[1] When they want to sail large, or before the wind,
the yard is taken out of the socket and squared. It most be observed, that
all their sailing vessels are not rigged to sail in the same manner. Some,
and those of the largest size, are rigged, so as to tack about. These have
a short but pretty stout mast, which steps on a kind of roller that is
fixed to the deck near the fore-part. It is made to lean or incline very
much forward; the head is forked; on the two points of which the yard
rests, as on two pivots, by means of two strong cleats of wood secured to
each side of the yard, at about one-third its length from the tack or heel,
which, when under sail, is confined down between the two canoes, by means
of two strong ropes, one to and passing through a hole at the head of each
canoe; for it must be observed, that all the sailing vessels of this sort
are double. The tack being thus fixed, it is plain that, in changing tacks,
the vessels must be put about; the sail and boom on the one tack will be
clear of the mast, and on the other it will lie against it, just as a whole
mizzen. However, I am not sure if they do not sometimes unlace that part of
the sail from the yard which is between the tack and mast-head, and so
shift both sail and boom leeward of the mast. The drawings which Mr Hodges
made of these vessels seem to favour this supposition. The outriggers and
ropes used for shrowds, &c. are all stout and strong. Indeed, the sail,
yard, and boom, are all together of such an enormous weight, that strength
is required.
The summit of Amattafoa was hid in the clouds the whole day, so that we
were not able to determine with certainty whether there was a volcano or
no; but every thing we could see concurred to make us believe there was.
This island is about five leagues in circuit. Oghao is not so much; but
more round and peaked. They lie in the direction of N.N.W. 1/2 W. from
Anamocka, eleven or twelve leagues distant; they are both inhabited, but
neither of them seemed fertile.
We were hardly through the passage before we got a fresh breeze at south.
That moment all the natives made haste to be gone, and we steered to the
west; all sails set. I had some thoughts of touching at Amsterdam, as it
lay not much out of the way; but as the wind was now, we could not fetch
it; and this was the occasion of my laying my design aside altogether.
Let us now return to Anamocka, as it is called by the natives. It is
situated in the latitude of 20° 15' S.; longitude 174° 31' W., and was
first discovered by Tasman, and by him named Rotterdam. It is of a
triangular form, each side whereof is about three and a half or four miles.
A salt-water lake in the middle of it occupies not a little of its surface,
and in a manner cuts off the S.E. angle. Round the island, that is, from
the N.W. to the S., round by the N. and E., lie scattered a number of small
isles, sand-banks, and breakers. We could see no end to their extent to the
N.; and it is not impossible that they reach as far S. as Amsterdam or
Tongatabu. These, together with Middleburg or Eaoowee, and Pylstart, make a
group, containing about three degrees of latitude and two of longitude,
which I have named the Friendly Isles or Archipelago, as a firm alliance
and friendship seems to subsist among their inhabitants, and their
courteous behaviour to strangers entitles them to that appellation; under
which we might, perhaps, extend their group much farther, even down to
Boscawen and Keppell's Isles discovered by Captain Wallis, and lying nearly
under the same meridian, and in the latitude of 15° 53'; for, from the
little account I have had of the people of these two isles they seem to
have the same sort of friendly disposition we observed in our Archipelago.
The inhabitants, productions, &c. of Rotterdam, and the neighbouring isles,
are the same as at Amsterdam. Hogs and fowls are, indeed, much scarcer; of
the former having got but six, and not many of the latter. Yams and
shaddocks were what we got the most of; other fruits were not so plenty.
Not half of the isle is laid out in inclosed plantations as at Amsterdam;
but the parts which are not inclosed, are not less fertile or uncultivated.
There is, however, far more waste land on this isle, in proportion to its
size, than upon the other; and the people seem to be much poorer; that is,
in cloth, matting, ornaments, &c. which constitute a great part of the
riches of the South-Sea islanders.
The people of this isle seem to be more affected with the leprosy, or some
scrophulous disorder, than any I have seen elsewhere. It breaks out in the
face more than any other part of the body. I have seen several whose faces
were ruined by it, and their noses quite gone. In one of my excursions,
happening to peep into a house where one or more of them were, one man only
appeared at the door, or hole, by which I must have entered, and which he
began to stop up, by drawing several parts of a cord across it. But the
intolerable stench which came from his putrid face was alone sufficient to
keep me out, had the entrance been ever so wide. His nose was quite gone,
and his whole face in one continued ulcer; so that the very sight of him
was shocking. As our people had not all got clear of a certain disease they
had contracted at the Society Isles, I took all possible care to prevent
its being communicated to the natives here; and I have reason to believe my
endeavours succeeded.
Having mentioned a house, it may not be amiss to observe, that some here
differ from those I saw at the other isles: being inclosed or walled on
every side, with reeds neatly put together, but not close. The entrance is
by a square hole, about two feet and a half each way. The form of these
houses is an oblong square; the floor or foundation every way shorter than
the eve, which is about four feet from the ground. By this construction,
the rain that falls on the roof, is carried off from the wall, which
otherwise would decay and rot.
We did not distinguish any king or leading chief, or any person who took
upon him the appearance of supreme authority. The man and woman before
mentioned, whom I believed to be man and wife, interested themselves on
several occasions in our affairs; but it was easy to see they had no great
authority. Amongst other things which I gave them as a reward for their
service, was a young dog and bitch, animals which they have not, but are
very fond of, and know very well by name. They have some of the same sort
of earthen pots we saw at Amsterdam; and I am of opinion they are of their
own manufacture, or that of some neighbouring isle.
The road, as I have already mentioned, is on the north side of the isle,
just to the southward of the southernmost cove; for there are two on this
side. The bank is of some extent, and the bottom free from rocks, with
twenty-five and twenty fathoms water, one or two miles from the shore.
Fire-wood is very convenient to be got at, and easy to be shipped off; but
the water is so brackish that it is not worth the trouble of carrying it on
board; unless one is in great distress for want of that article, and can
get no better. There is, however, better, not only on this isle, but on
others in the neighbourhood; for the people brought us some in cocoa-nut
shells which was as good as need be; but probably the springs are too
trifling to water a ship.
I have already observed, that the S.W. side of the island is covered by a
reef or reefs of rocks, and small isles. If there be a sufficient depth of
water between them and the island, as there appeared to be, and a good
bottom, this would be a much securer place for a ship to anchor in, than
that where we had our station.[2]
[1] See Lord Anson's Voyages.
[2] Mr G.F. has given a few particulars respecting the subjects of
this and the preceding sections, in addition to Captain Cook's
account, but they are not important enough to warrant quotation.--E.
SECTION III.
_The Passage from the Friendly Isles to the New Hebrides, with an Account
of the Discovery of Turtle Island, and a Variety of Incidents which
happened, both before and after the Ship arrived in Port Sandwich, in the
Island of Mallicollo. A Description of the Port, the adjacent Country, its
Inhabitants, and many other Particulars._
On the first of July, at sun-rise, Amattafoa was still in sight, bearing
N.E., distant twenty leagues. Continuing our course to the west, we, the
next day at noon, discovered land bearing N.W. by W., for which we steered;
and, upon a nearer approach, found it to be a small island. At four o'clock
it bore from N.W. half W. to N.W. by N., and, at the same time, breakers
were seen from the masthead, extending from W. to S.W. The day being too
far spent to make farther discoveries, we soon after shortened sail, hauled
the wind, and spent the night, making short boards, which, at day-break, we
found had been so advantageous that we were farther from the island than we
expected, and it was eleven o'clock before we reached the N.W. or lee-side,
where anchorage and landing seemed practicable. In order to obtain a
knowledge of the former, I sent the master with a boat to sound, and, in
the mean time, we stood on and off with the ship. At this time four or five
people were seen on the reef, which lies round the isle, and about three
times that number on the shore. As the boat advanced, those on the reef
retired and joined the others; and when the boat landed they all fled to
the woods. It was not long before the boat returned, when the master
informed me that there were no soundings without the reef, over which, in
one place only, he found a boat channel of six feet water. Entering by it,
he rowed in for the shore, thinking to speak with the people, not more than
twenty in number, who were armed with clubs and spears; but the moment he
set his foot on shore, they retired to the woods. He left on the rocks some
medals, nails, and a knife, which they no doubt found, as some were seen
near the place afterwards. This island is not quite a league in length, in
the direction of N.E. and S.W., and not half that in breadth. It is covered
with wood, and surrounded by a reef of coral rocks, which in some places
extend two miles from the shore. It seems to be too small to contain many
inhabitants; and probably the few whom we saw, may have come from some isle
in the neighbourhood to fish for turtle; as many were seen near this reef,
and occasioned that name to be given to the island, which is situated in
latitude 19° 48' south, longitude 178° 21' west.[1]
Seeing breakers to the S.S.W., which I was desirous of knowing the extent
of before night, I left Turtle Isle, and stood for them. At two o'clock we
found they were occasioned by a coral bank, of about four or five leagues
in circuit. By the bearing we had taken, we knew these to be the same
breakers we had seen the preceding evening. Hardly any part of this bank or
reef is above water at the reflux of the waves. The heads of some of the
rocks are to be seen near the edge of the reef, where it is the shoalest;
for in the middle is deep water. In short, this bank wants only a few
little islets to make it exactly like one of the half-drowned isles so
often mentioned. It lies S.W. from Turtle Island, about five or six miles,
and the channel between it and the reef of that isle is three miles over.
Seeing no more shoals or islands, and thinking there might be turtle on
this bank, two boats were properly equipped and sent thither; but returned
without having seen one.
The boats were now hoisted in, and we made sail to the west, with a brisk
gale at east, which continued till the 9th, when we had for a few hours, a
breeze at N.W., attended with squalls of rain. This was succeeded by a
steady fresh gale at S.E., with which we steered N.W., being at this time
in the latitude of 20° 20' S. longitude 176° 8' E.
On the 15th at noon, being in the latitude of 15° 9' south, longitude 171°
16' east, I steered west. The next day the weather was foggy, and the wind
blew in heavy squalls, attended with rain, which in this ocean, within the
tropics, generally indicates the vicinity of some high land. This was
verified at three in the afternoon, when high land was seen bearing S.W.
Upon this we took in the small sails, reefed the top-sails, and hauling up
for it, at half-past five we could see it extend from S.S.W. to N.N.W. half
W. Soon after we tacked and spent the night, which was very stormy, in
plying. Our boards were disadvantageous; for, in the morning, we found we
had lost ground. This, indeed, was no wonder, for having an old suit of
sails bent, the most of them were split to pieces; particularly a fore-top-
sail, which was rendered quite useless. We got others to the yards, and
continued to ply, being desirous of getting round the south ends of the
lands, or at least so far to the south as to be able to judge of their
extent in that direction. For no one doubted that this was the Australia
del Espiritu Santo of Quiros, which M. de Bougainville calls the Great
Cyclades, and that the coast we were now upon was the east side of Aurora
Island, whose longitude is 168° 30' E.
The gale kept increasing till we were reduced to our low sails; so that, on
the 18th, at seven in the morning, I gave over plying, set the top-sails
double-reefed, bore up for, and hauled round the north end of Aurora
Island, and then stretched over for the Isle of Lepers, under close-reefed
topsails and courses, with a very hard gale at N.E.; but we had now the
advantage of a smooth sea, having the Isle of Aurora to windward. At noon
the north end of it bore N.E. 1/2 N., distant four leagues; our latitude,
found by double altitudes, and reduced to this time, was 15° 1' 30" south,
longitude 168° 14' east. At two o'clock p.m. we drew near the middle of the
Isle of Lepers, and tacked about two miles from land; in which situation we
had no soundings with a line of seventy fathoms. We now saw people on the
shore, and many beautiful cascades of water pouring down the neighbouring
hills. The next time we stood for this isle, we came to within half a mile
of it, where we found thirty fathoms a sandy bottom; but a mile off we
found no soundings at seventy fathoms. Here two canoes came off to us, in
one of which were three men, and in the other but one. Though we made all
the signs of friendship, we could not bring them nearer than a stone's
throw; and they made but a short stay before they retired ashore, where we
saw a great number of people assembled in parties, and armed with bows and
arrows. They were of a very dark colour; and, excepting some ornaments at
their breast and arms, seemed to be entirely naked.
As I intended to get to the south, in order to explore the land which might
lie there, we continued to ply between the Isle of Lepers and Aurora; and
on the 19th, at noon, the south end of the last-mentioned isle bore south
24° east, and the north end north, distant twenty miles. Latitude observed
15° 11'. The wind continued to blow strong at S.E., so that what we got by
plying in the day, we lost in the night. On the 20th, at sun-rise, we found
ourselves off the south end of Aurora, on the N.W. side of which, the coast
forms a small bay. In this we made some trips to try for anchorage; but
found no less than eighty fathoms water, the bottom a fine dark sand, at
half a mile from shore. Nevertheless, I am of opinion that, nearer, there
is much less depth, and secure riding; and in the neighbourhood is plenty
of fresh water and wood for fuel. The whole isle, from the sea-shore to the
summits of the hills, seemed to be covered with the latter; and every
valley produced a fine stream of the former.[2] We saw people on the shore,
and some canoes on the coast, but none came off to us. Leaving the bay just
mentioned, we stretched across the channel which divides Aurora from
Whitsuntide Island. At noon we were abreast the north end of this latter,
which bore E.N.E., and observed in 15° 28' 1/2. The isle of Aurora bore
from N. to N.E. 1/2 east, and the Isle of Lepers from N. by W. 1/2 W. to
west. Whitsuntide Isle appeared joined to the land to the S. and S.W. of
it; but in stretching to S.W. we discovered the separation. This was about
four o'clock p.m., and then we tacked and stretched in for the island till
near sun-set, when the wind veering more to the east, made it necessary to
resume our course to the south. We saw people on the shore, smokes in many
parts of the island, and several places which seemed to be cultivated.
About midnight, drawing near the south land, we tacked and stretched to the
north, in order to spend the remainder of the night.
At day-break on the 21st, we found ourselves before the channel that
divides Whitsuntide Island from the south land, which is about two leagues
over. At this time, the land to the southward extended from S. by E. round
to the west, farther than the eye could reach, and on the part nearest to
us, which is of considerable height, we observed two very large columns of
smoke, which, I judged, ascended from volcanoes. We now stood S.S.W., with
a fine breeze at S.E.; and, at ten o'clock, discovered this part of the
land to be an island, which is called by the natives Ambrym. Soon after an
elevated land appeared open off the south end of Ambrym; and after that,
another still higher, on which is a high peaked hill. We judged these lands
to belong to two separate islands. The first came in sight at S.E.; the
second at E. by S., and they appeared to be ten leagues distant. Holding on
our course for the land ahead, at noon it was five miles distant from us,
extending from S.S.E. to N.W. by W., and appeared to be continued. The
islands to the east bore from N.E. by E. to S.E. by E., latitude observed
16° 17' south. As we drew nearer the shore we discovered a creek, which had
the appearance of being a good harbour, formed by a low point or peninsula,
projecting out to the north. On this a number of people were assembled, who
seemed to invite us ashore; probably with no good intent, as the most of
them were armed with bows and arrows. In order to gain room and time to
hoist out and arm our boats, to reconnoitre this place, we tacked and made
a trip off, which occasioned the discovery of another port about a league
more to the south. Having sent two armed boats to sound and look for
anchorage, on their making the signal for the latter, we sailed in S.S.W.,
and anchored in eleven fathoms water, not two cables' length from the S.E.
shore, and a mile within the entrance.
We had no sooner anchored than several of the natives came off in canoes.
They were very cautious at first; but, at last, trusted themselves
alongside, and exchanged, for pieces of cloth, arrows; some of which were
pointed with bone, and dipped in some green gummy substance, which we
naturally supposed was poisonous. Two men having ventured on board, after a
short stay, I sent them away with presents. Others, probably induced by
this, came off by moon-light; but I gave orders to permit none to come
alongside, by which means we got clear of them for the night.
Next morning early, a good many came round us, some in canoes, and others
swimming. I soon prevailed on one to come on board, which be no sooner did,
than he was followed by more than I desired; so that not only our deck, but
rigging, was presently filled with them. I took four into the cabin, and
gave them various articles, which they shewed to those in the canoes, and
seemed much pleased with their reception. While I was thus making friends
with those in the cabin, an accident happened that threw all into
confusion, but in the end, I believe, proved advantageous to us. A fellow
in a canoe having been refused admittance into one of our boats that lay
alongside, bent his bow to shoot a poisoned arrow at the boat-keeper. Some
of his countrymen prevented his doing it that instant, and gave time to
acquaint me with it. I ran instantly on deck, and saw another man
struggling with him; one of those who had been in the cabin, and had leaped
out of the window for this purpose. The other seemed resolved, shook him
off, and directed his bow again to the boat-keeper; but, on my calling to
him, pointed it at me. Having a musquet in my hand loaded with small shot,
I gave him the contents. This staggered him for a moment, but did not
prevent him from holding his bow still in the attitude of shooting. Another
discharge of the same nature made him drop it, and the others, who were in
the canoe, to paddle off with all speed. At this time, some began to shoot
arrows on the other side. A musquet discharged in the air had no effect;
but a four-pound shot over their heads sent them off in the utmost
confusion. Many quitted their canoes and swam on shore; those in the great
cabin leaped out of the windows; and those who were on the deck, and on
different parts of the rigging, all leaped overboard. After this we took no
farther notice of them, but suffered them to come off and pick up their
canoes; and some of them even ventured alongside of the ship. Immediately
after the great gun was fired, we heard the beating of drums on shore;
which was, probably, the signal for the country to assemble in arms. We now
got every thing in readiness to land, to cut some wood, which we were in
want of, and to try to get some refreshments, nothing of this kind having
been seen in any of the canoes.
About nine o'clock, we put off in two boats, and landed in the face of four
or five hundred people, who were assembled on the shore. Though they were
all armed with bows and arrows, clubs and spears, they made not the least
opposition. On the contrary, seeing me advance alone, with nothing but a
green branch in my hand, one of them, who seemed to be a chief, giving his
bow and arrows to another, met me in the water, bearing also a green
branch, which having exchanged for the one I held, he then took me by the
hand, and led me up to the crowd. I immediately distributed presents to
them, and, in the mean time, the marines were drawn up upon the beach. I
then made signs (for we understood not a word of their language) that we
wanted wood; and they made signs to us to cut down the trees. By this time,
a small pig being brought down and presented to me, I gave the bearer a
piece of cloth, with which he seemed well pleased. This made us hope that
we should soon have some more; but we were mistaken. The pig was not
brought to be exchanged for what we had, but on some other account,
probably as a peace-offering. For, all we could say or do, did not prevail
on them to bring down, after this, above half a dozen cocoa-nuts, and a
small quantity of fresh water. They set no value on nails, or any sort of
iron tools; nor indeed on any thing we had. They would, now and then,
exchange an arrow for a piece of cloth; but very seldom would part with a
bow. They were unwilling we should go off the beach, and very desirous we
should return on board. At length, about noon, after sending what wood we
had cut on board, we embarked ourselves; and they all retired, some one way
and some another. Before we had dined, the afternoon was too far spent to
do any thing on shore; and all hands were employed, setting up the rigging,
and repairing some defects in it. But seeing a man bring along the strand a
buoy, which they had taken in the night from the kedge-anchor, I went on
shore for it, accompanied by some of the gentlemen. The moment we landed,
it was put into the boat, by a man who walked off again without speaking
one word. It ought to be observed, that this was the only thing they took,
or even attempted to take from us, by any means whatever. Being landed near
one of their plantations and houses, which were just within the skirts of
the wood, I prevailed on the man to conduct me to them; but, though they
suffered Mr Forster to go with me, they were unwilling any more should
follow. These houses were something like those of the other isles; rather
low, and covered with palm thatch. Some were enclosed, or walled round with
boards; and the entrance to those was by a square hole at one end, which at
this time was shut up, and they were unwilling to open it for us to look
in. There were here about six houses, and some small plantations of roots,
&c., fenced round with reeds as at the Friendly Isles. There were,
likewise, some bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, and plaintain trees; but very little
fruit on any of them. A good many fine yams were piled up upon sticks, or a
kind of raised platform; and about twenty pigs, and a few fowls, were
running about loose. After making these observations, having embarked, we
proceeded to the S.E. point of the harbour, where we again landed and
walked along the bench till we could see the islands to the S.E. already
mentioned. The names of these we now obtained, as well as the name of that
on which we were. This they called Mallicollo;[3] the island that first
appeared over the south end of Ambrym is called Apee; and the other with
the hill upon it Paoom. We found on the beach a fruit like an orange,
called by them Abbimora; but whether it be fit for eating, I cannot say, as
this was decayed.
Proceeding next to the other side of the harbour, we there landed, near a
few houses, at the invitation of some people who came down to the shore;
but we had not been there five minutes before they wanted us to be gone. We
complied, and proceeded up the harbour in order to sound it, and look for
fresh water, of which, as yet, we had seen none, but the very little that
the natives brought, which we knew not where they got. Nor was our search
now attended with success; but this is no proof that there is not any. The
day was too far spent to examine the place well enough to determine this
point. Night having brought us on board, I was informed that no soul had
been off to the ship; so soon was the curiosity of these people satisfied.
As we were coming on board, we heard the sound of a drum, and, I think, of
some other instruments, and saw people dancing; but us soon as they heard
the noise of the oars, or saw us, all was silent.
Being unwilling to lose the benefit of the moon-light nights, which now
happened, at seven a.m. on the 23d, we weighed; and, with a light air of
wind, and the assistance of our boats, proceeded out of the harbour, the
south end of which, at noon, bore W.S.W., distant about two miles.
When the natives saw us under sail, they came off in canoes, making
exchanges with more confidence than before, and giving such extraordinary
proofs of their honesty as surprised us. As the ship, at first, had fresh
way through the water, several of them dropped astern after they had
received our goods, and before they had time to deliver theirs in return.
Instead of taking advantage of this, as our friends at the Society Isles
would have done, they used their utmost efforts to get up with us, and to
deliver what they had already been paid for. One man, in particular,
followed us a considerable time, and did not reach us till it was calm, and
the thing was forgotten. As soon as he came alongside he held up the thing
which several were ready to buy; but he refused to part with it, till he
saw the person to whom he had before sold it, and to him he gave it. The
person, not knowing him again, offered him something in return, which he
refused, and shewed him what he had given him before. Pieces of cloth, and
marble paper, were in most esteem with them; but edge-tools, nails, and
beads, they seemed to disregard. The greatest number of canoes we had
alongside at once did not exceed eight, and not more than four or five
people in each, who would frequently retire to the shore all on a sudden,
before they had disposed of half their things, and then others would come
off.
At the time we came out of the harbour, it was about low water, and great
numbers of people were then on the shoals or reefs which lie along the
shore, looking, as we supposed., for shell and other fish. Thus our being
on their coast, and in one of their ports, did not hinder them from
following the necessary employments. By this time they might be satisfied
we meant them no harm; so that, had we made a longer stay, we might soon
have been upon good terms with this ape-like nation. For, in general, they
are the most ugly, ill-proportioned people I ever saw, and in every respect
different from any we had met with in this sea. They are a very dark-
coloured and rather diminutive race; with long heads, flat faces, and
monkey countenances. Their hair mostly black or brown, is short and curly;
but not quite so soft and woolly as that of a negroe. Their beards are very
strong, crisp, and bushy, and generally black and short. But what most adds
to their deformity, is a belt or cord which they wear round the waist, and
tie so tight over the belly, that the shape of their bodies is not unlike
that of an overgrown pismire. The men go quite naked, except a piece of
cloth or leaf used as a wrapper.[4]
We saw but few women, and they were not less ugly than the men; their
heads, faces, and shoulders, are painted red; they wear a kind of
petticoat; and some of them had something over their shoulders like a bag,
in which they carry their children. None of them came off to the ship, and
they generally kept at a distance when we were on shore. Their ornaments
are ear-rings, made of tortoise-shell and bracelets. A curious one of the
latter, four or five inches broad, wrought with thread or cord, and studded
with shells, is worn by them just above the elbow. Round the right wrist
they wear hogs' tusks, bent circular, and rings made of shells; and round
their left, a round piece of wood, which we judged was to ward off the bow-
string. The bridge of the nose is pierced, in which they wear a piece of
white stone, about an inch and a half long. As signs of friendship they
present a green branch, and sprinkle water with the hand over the head.
Their weapons are clubs, spears, and bows and arrows. The two former are
made of hard or iron-wood. Their bows are about four feet long, made of a
stick split down the middle, and are not circular. The arrows, which are a
sort of reeds, are sometimes armed with a long and sharp point, made of the
hard wood, and sometimes with a very hard point made of bone; and these
points are all covered with a substance which we took for poison. Indeed
the people themselves confirmed our suspicions, by making signs to us not
to touch the point, and giving us to understand that if we were prickled by
them we should die. They are very careful of them themselves, and keep
them, always wrapped up in a quiver. Some of these arrows are formed with
two or three points, each with small prickles on the edges, to prevent the
arrow being drawn out of the wound.
The people of Mallicollo seemed to be a quite different nation from any we
had yet met with, and speak a different language. Of about eighty words,
which Mr Forster collected, hardly one bears any affinity to the language
spoken at any other island or place I had ever been at. The letter R is
used in many of their words; and frequently two or three being joined
together, such words we found difficult to pronounce. I observed that they
could pronounce most of our words with great ease. They express their
admiration by hissing like a goose.
To judge of the country by the little water we saw of it, it must be
fertile; but I believe their fruits are not so good as those of the Society
or Friendly Isles. Their cocoa-nut trees, I am certain, are not; and their
bread-fruit and plantains did not seem much better. But their yams appeared
to be very good. We saw no other animals than those I have already
mentioned. They have not so much as a name for a dog, and consequently have
none, for which reason we left them a dog and a bitch; and there is no
doubt they will be taken care of, as they were very fond of them.[5]
After we had got to sea, we tried what effect one of the poisoned arrows
would have on a dog. Indeed we had tried it in the harbour the very first
night, but we thought the operation was too slight, as it had no effect.
The surgeon now made a deep incision in the dog's thigh, into which he laid
a large portion of the poison, just as it was scraped from the arrows, and
then bound up the wound with a bandage. For several days after we thought
the dog was not so well as it had been before, but whether this was really
so, or only suggested by imagination, I know not. He was afterwards as if
nothing had been done to him, and lived to be brought home to England.
However, I have no doubt of this stuff being of a poisonous quality, as it
could answer no other purpose. The people seemed not unacquainted with the
nature of poison, for when they brought us water on shore, they first
tasted it, and then gave us to understand we might with safety drink it.
This harbour, which is situated on the N.E. side of Mallicollo, not far
from the S.E. end, in latitude 16° 25' 20" S., longitude 167° 57' 23" E., I
named Port Sandwich. It lies in S.W. by S. about one league, and is one-
third of a league broad. A reef of rocks extends out a little way from each
point, but the channel is of a good breadth, and hath in it from forty to
twenty-four fathoms water. In the port, the depth of water is from twenty
to four fathoms; and it is so sheltered that no winds can disturb a ship at
anchor there. Another great advantage is, you can lie so near the shore, as
to cover your people, who may be at work upon it.
[1] Some large single rocks of coral, we are told by Mr G.F., near
fifteen feet above the surface of the water, narrow at the base, and
spreading out at the top, were observed, on standing along the reef of
this island. That gentleman, however, does not venture to assign any
cause for so curious a fact--E.
[2] "On approaching the Isle of Aurora, we observed a fine beach, and
the most luxuriant vegetation that can be conceived. The whole country
was woody; numberless climbers ran up the highest trees, and, forming
garlands and festoons between them, embellished the scene. A neat
plantation fenced with reeds, stood on the slope of the bill; and a
beautiful cascade poured down through the adjacent forest."--G.F.
[3] Or Mallicolla. Some of our people pronounced it Manicolo or
Manicola, and thus it is also writ in Quiros' Memorial, as printed by
Dalrymple, vol. ii. p. 146.
[4] The particular manner of applying the wrapper may be seen in
Wafer's voyage, who mentions this singular custom as existing, though
with some little variation, amongst the Indians of the Isthmus of
Darien. See Wafer's Voyage, p. 140.
Mr G.F. tells us that these people increased their disagreeable
appearance, by painting their faces and breasts with a black colour. A
few of them, he says, had a small cap on the head, made of matted
work. This gentleman speaks highly of the extensive faculties and
quick apprehension of these people, low enough as they must be ranked
in the scale of personal beauty; he admits, however, that their skill
in the arts is inconsiderable, and their civilization very
imperfect.--E.
[5] "The productions of Mallicollo are less remarkable and striking at
first sight than the race of its inhabitants. To judge of their
numbers from the crowd we saw at Port Sandwich, I should conclude,
that they are far from inconsiderable; but considering the great size
of the island, I cannot suppose it to be very populous. Fifty thousand
is, I think, the greatest number we can admit, and these are not
confined to the skirts of the hills, as at Otaheite, but dispersed
over the whole extent of more than six hundred square miles. We ought
to figure their country to ourselves as one extensive forest: They
have only begun to clear and plant a few insulated spots, which are
lost in it, like small islands in the vast Pacific Ocean. Perhaps if
we could ever penetrate through the darkness which involves the
history of this nation, we might find that they have arrived in the
South Sea much later than the natives of the Friendly and Society
Isles. So much at least is certain, that they appear to be of a race
totally distinct from these. Their form, their language, and their
manners, strongly and completely mark the difference. The natives on
some parts of New Guinea and Papua, seem to correspond in many
particulars with what we have observed among the Mallicollese. The
black colour and woolly hair in particular are characteristics common
to both nations. The slender form of the Mallicolese is a character,
as far as I know, peculiar to them and the New Zealanders; but that
nation hath nothing in common with them in all other respects. The
features of these people, though remarkably irregular and ugly, yet
are full of great sprightliness, and express a quick comprehension.
Their lips, and the lower part of their face, are entirely different
from those of African negroes; but the upper part, especially the
nose, is of very similar conformation, and the substance of the hair
is the same. The climate of Mallicollo, and the adjacent islands, is
very warm, but perhaps not at all times so temperate as at Otaheite,
because the extent of land is vastly greater. However, during our
short stay, we experienced no unusual degree of heat, the thermometer
being at 76° and 78°, which is very moderate in the torrid zone."--
G.F.
SECTION IV.
_An Account of the Discovery of several Islands, and an Interview and
Skirmish with the Inhabitants upon one of them. The Arrival of the Ship at
Tanna, and the Reception we met with there._
Soon after we got to sea, we had a breeze at E.S.E. with which we stood
over for Ambrym till three o'clock in the afternoon, when the wind veering
to the E.N.E. we tacked and stretched to the S.E. and weathered the S.E.
end of Mallicolo, off which we discovered three or four small islands, that
before appeared to be connected. At sun-set the point bore S. 77° W.,
distant three leagues, from which the coast seemed to trend away west. At
this time, the isle of Ambrym extended from N. 3° E. to N. 65° E. The isle
of Paoon from N. 76° E. to S. 88° E.; and the isle of Apee from S. 83° E.
to S. 43° E. We stood for this last isle, which we reached by midnight, and
then brought-to till day-break on the 24th, when we made sail to the S.E.,
with a view of plying up to the eastward on the south side of Apee. At sun-
rise we discovered several more islands, extending from the S.E. point of
Apee to the south as far as S.E. by S. The nearest to us we reached by ten
o'clock, and not being able to weather it, we tacked a mile from its shore
in fourteen fathoms water. This island is about four leagues in circuit, is
remarkable by having three high peaked hills upon it, by which it has
obtained that name. In the p.m. the wind veering more to the north, we
resumed our course to the east; and having weathered Threehills, stood for
the group of small isles which lie off the S.E. point of Apee. These I
called Shepherd's Isles, in honour of my worthy friend Dr Shepherd, Plumian
professor of astronomy at Cambridge. Having a fine breeze, I had thoughts
of going through between them; but the channels being narrow, and seeing
broken water in the one we were steering for, I gave up the design, and
bore up, in order to go without, or to the south of them. Before this could
be accomplished, it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of the
current, close to the isles, where we could find no soundings with a line
of an hundred and eighty fathoms. We had now land or islands in every
direction, and were not able to count the number which lay round us. The
mountain on Paoon was seen over the east end of Apee, bearing N.N.W. at
eight o'clock. A breeze at S.E. relieved us from the anxiety the calm had
occasioned; and we spent the night in making short boards.
The night before we came out of Port Sandwich, two reddish fish, about the
size of large bream, and not unlike them, were caught with hook and line.
On these fish most of the officers, and some of the petty officers, dined
the next day. The night following, every one who had eaten of them was
seized with violent pains in the head and bones, attended with a scorching
heat all over the skin, and numbness in the joints. There remained no doubt
that this was occasioned by the fish being of a poisonous nature, and
having communicated its bad effects to all who partook of them, even to the
hogs and dogs. One of the former died about sixteen hours after; it was not
long before one of the latter shared the same fate; and it was a week or
ten days before all the gentlemen recovered. These must have been the same
sort of fish mentioned by Quiros,[1] under the name of pargos, which
poisoned the crews of his ships, so that it was some time before they
recovered; and we should, doubtless, have been in the same situation, had
more of them been eaten.
At day break on the 25th, we made a short stretch to the east of Shepherd's
Isles till after sun-rise, when seeing no more land in that direction, we
tacked and stood for the island we had seen in the south, having a gentle
breeze at S.E. We passed to the east of Threehills, and likewise of a low
isle, which lies on the S.E. side of it, between a remarkable peaked rock
which obtained the name of Monument, and a small island named Twohills, on
account of two peaked hills upon it, disjoined by a low and narrow isthmus.
The channel between this island and the Monument is near a mile broad, and
twenty-four fathoms deep. Except this rock, which is only accessible to
birds, we did not find an island on which people were not seen. At noon, we
observed, in latitude 17° 18' 30"; longitude, made from Port Sandwich, 45'
E. In this situation, the Monument bore N. 16° E. distant two miles;
Twohills bore N. 25° W. distant two miles, and in a line with the S.W. part
of Threehills; and the islands to the south extended from S. 16° 30' E. to
S. 42° W.
Continuing our course to the south, at five p.m. we drew near the southern
lands, which we found to consist of one large island, whose southern and
western extremities extended beyond our sight, and three or four smaller
ones lying off its north side. The two northernmost are much the largest,
have a good height, and lie in the direction of E. by S. and W. by N. from
each other, distant two leagues; I named the one Montagu and the other
Hinchinbrook, and the large island Sandwich, in honour of my noble patron
the Earl of Sandwich. Seeing broken water ahead, between Montagu and
Hinchinbrook isles, we tacked; and soon after it fell calm. The calm
continued till seven o'-clock the next morning, when it was succeeded by a
breeze from the westward. During the calm, having been carried by the
currents and a S.E. swell, four leagues to the W.N.W., we passed
Hinchinbrook Isle, saw the western extremity of Sandwich Island, bearing
S.S.W., about five leagues distant, and at the same time discovered a small
island to the west of this direction. After getting the westerly breeze, I
steered S.E. in order to pass between Montagu Isle and the north end of
Sandwich Island. At noon we were in the middle of the channel, and observed
in latitude 17° 31' S. The distance from one island to the other is about
four or five miles; but the channel is not much above half that breadth,
being contracted by breakers. We had no soundings in it with a line of
forty fathoms.
As we passed Montagu Isle several people came down to the sea-side, and, by
signs, seemed to invite us ashore. Some were also seen on Sandwich Island,
which exhibited a most delightful prospect, being spotted with woods and
lawns, agreeably diversified over the whole surface. It hath a gentle slope
from the hills, which are of a moderate height, down to the sea coast. This
is low, and guarded by a chain of breakers, so that there is no approaching
it at this part. But more to the west, beyond Hinchinbrook Island, there
seemed to run in a bay sheltered from the reigning winds. The examining it
not being so much an object, with me as the getting to the south, in order
to find the southern extremity of the Archipelago, with this view I steered
S.S.E., being the direction of the coast of Sandwich Island. We had but
just got through the passage, before the west wind left us to variable
light airs and calms; so that we were apprehensive of being carried back
again by the currents, or rather of being obliged to return, in order to
avoid being driven on the shoals, as there was no anchorage, a line of an
hundred and sixty fathoms not reaching to the bottom. At length a breeze
springing up at S.W. we stood to S.E., and at sun-set the Monument bore N.
14° 30' W., and Montagu Island N. 28° W. distant three leagues. We judged
we saw the S.E. extremity of Sandwich Island, bearing about S. by E.
We continued to stand S.E. till four a.m. on the 27th, when we tacked to
the west. At sun-rise, having discovered a new land bearing south, and
making in three hills, this occasioned us to tack and stand towards it. At
this time Montagu Isle bore N. 52° W., distant thirteen leagues; at noon it
was nearly in the same direction, and the new land extended from S. 1/2 E.
to S. by W., and the three hills seemed to be connected. Our latitude by
observation, was 18° 1' S., and the longitude, made from Port Sandwich, 1°
23' E. We continued to stand to the S.E., with a gentle breeze at S.W. and
S.S.W. till the 28th at sun-rise, when, the wind veering to the south, we
tacked and stood to the west. The three hills mentioned above, we now saw,
belonging to one island, which extended from S. 35° to 71° W. distant about
ten or twelve leagues.[2]
Retarded by contrary winds, calms, and the currents, that set to N.W., we
were three days in gaining this space; in which time we discovered an
elevated land to the south of this; It first appeared in detached hummocks,
but we judged it to be connected. At length, on the 1st of August, about
ten a.m. we got a fine breeze at E.S.E., which soon after veered to N.E.,
and we steered for the N.W. side of the island. Reaching it about two p.m.,
we ranged the west coast at one mile from shore, on which the inhabitants
appeared in several parts, and by signs invited us to land. We continued to
sound without finding bottom, till we came before a small bay, or bending
of the coast, where, near a mile from shore, we found thirty and twenty-two
fathoms water, a sandy bottom. I had thoughts of anchoring here, but the
wind almost instantly veered to N.W.; which being nearly on shore, I laid
this design aside. Besides, I was unwilling to lose the opportunity that
now offered of getting to the south-east, in order first to explore the
lands which lay there. I therefore continued to range the coast to the
south, at about the same distance from shore; but we soon got out of
soundings. About a league to the south of this bay, which hath about two
miles extent, is another more extensive. Towards the evening, the breeze
began to abate, so that it was sun-set before we got the length of it. I
intended not to stop here, and to stand to the south under an easy sail all
night; but at eight o'clock, as we were steering S.S.E. we saw a light
ahead. Not knowing but it might be on some low detached isle, dangerous to
approach while dark, we hauled the wind, and spent the night standing off
and on, or rather driving to and fro; for we had but very little wind.
At sun-rise on the 2d, we saw no more land than the coast we were upon; but
found that the currents had carried us some miles to the north, and we
attempted, to little purpose, to regain what we had lost. At noon we were
about a league from the coast, which extended from S.S.E. to N.E. Latitude
observed 18° 45' S. In the afternoon, finding the ship to drift not only to
the north, but in shore also, and being yet to the south of the bay we
passed the day before, I had thoughts of getting to an anchor before night,
while we had it in our power to make choice of a place. With this view,
having hoisted out two boats, one of them was sent ahead to tow the ship;
in the other Mr Gilbert went to sound for anchorage. Soon after, the towing
boat was sent to assist him. So much time was spent in sounding this bay,
that the ship drove past, which made it necessary to call the boats on
board to tow her off from the northern point. But this service was
performed by a breeze of wind, which, that moment, sprung up at S.W.; so
that as the boats got on board, we hoisted them in, and then bore up for
the north side of the island, intending once more to try to get round by
the east; Mr Gilbert informed me, that at the south part of the bay, he
found no soundings till close to a steep stone beach, where he landed to
taste a stream of water he saw there, which proved to be salt. Some people
were seen there, but they kept at a distance. Farther down the coast, that
is to the north, he found twenty, twenty-four, and thirty fathoms, three-
fourths of a mile, or a mile, from shore, the bottom a fine dark sand.
On the 3d, at sun-rise, we found ourselves abreast a lofty promontory on
the S.E. side of the island, and about three leagues from it. Having but
little wind, and that from the south, right in our teeth, and being in want
of fire-wood, I sent Lieutenant Clerke with two boats to a small islet
which lies off the promontory, to endeavour to get some. In the mean time
we continued to ply up with the ship; but what we gained by our sails, we
lost by the current. At length towards noon, we got a breeze at E.S.E., and
E., with which we could lie up for the head; and soon after Mr Clerke
returned, having not been able to land, on account of a high surf on the
shore. They met with no people on the isle; but saw a large bat, and some
birds, and caught a water-snake. At six o'clock p.m. we got in with the
land, under the N.W. side of the head, where we anchored in seventeen
fathoms water, the bottom a fine dark sand, half a mile from shore; the
point of the head bearing N. 18° E., distant half a league; the little
islet before-mentioned N.E. by E. 1/2 E., and the N.W. point of the bay N.
32° W. Many people appeared on the shore, and some attempted to swim off to
us; but having occasion to send the boat ahead to sound, they retired as
she drew near them. This, however, gave us a favourable idea of them.
On the 4th, at day-break, I went with two boats to examine the coast, to
look for a proper landing-place, wood, and water. At this time, the natives
began to assemble on the shore, and by signs invited us to land. I went
first to a small beach, which is towards the head, where I found no good
landing, on account of some rocks which every where lined the coast. I,
however, put the boat's bow to the shore, and gave cloth, medals, &c. to
some people who were there. For this treatment they offered to haul the
boats over the breakers to the sandy beach, which I thought a friendly
offer, but had reason afterwards to alter my opinion. When they found I
would not do as they desired, they made signs for us to go down into the
bay, which we accordingly did, and they ran along shore abreast of us,
their number increasing prodigiously. I put in to the shore in two or three
places, but, not liking the situation, did not land. By this time, I
believe, the natives conceived what I wanted, as they directed me round a
rocky point, where, on a fine sandy beach, I stepped out of the boat
without wetting a foot, in the face of a vast multitude, with only a green
branch in my hand, which I had before got from one of them. I took but one
man out of the boat with me, and ordered the other boat to lie-to at a
little distance off. They received me with great courtesy and politeness;
and would retire back from the boat on my making the least motion with my
hand. A man, whom I took to be a chief, seeing this, made them form a
semicircle round the boat's bow, and beat such as attempted to break
through this order. This man I loaded with presents, giving likewise to
others, and asked by signs for fresh water, in hopes of seeing where they
got it. The chief immediately sent a man for some, who ran to a house, and
presently returned with a little in a bamboo; so that I gained but little
information by this. I next asked, by the same means, for something to eat,
and they as readily brought me a yam, and some cocoa-nuts. In short, I was
charmed with their behaviour; and the only thing which could give the least
suspicion was, that most of them were armed with clubs, spears, darts, and
bows and arrows. For this reason I kept my eye continually upon the chief,
and watched his looks as well as his actions. He made many signs to me to
haul the boat up upon the shore, and at last slipped into the crowd, where
I observed him speak to several people, and then return to me, repeating
signs to haul the boat up, and hesitating a good deal before he would
receive some spike-nails, which I then offered him. This made me suspect
something was intended, and immediately I stepped into the boat, telling
them by signs that I should soon return. But they were not for parting so
soon, and now attempted by force, what they could not obtain by gentler
means. The gang-board happened unluckily to be laid out for me to come into
the boat, I say unluckily, for if it had not been out, and if the crew had
been a little quicker in getting the boat off, the natives might not have
had time to put their design in execution, nor would the following
disagreeable scene have happened. As we were putting off the boat, they
laid hold of the gang-board, and unhooked it off the boat's stern. But as
they did not take it away, I thought this had been done by accident, and
ordered the boat in again to take it up. Then they themselves hooked it
over the boat's stern, and attempted to haul her ashore; others, at the
same time, snatched the oars out of the people's hands. On my pointing a
musket at them, they in some measure desisted, but returned in an instant,
seemingly determined to haul the boat ashore. At the head of this party was
the chief; the others, who could not come at the boat, stood behind with
darts, stones, and bows and arrows in hand, ready to support them. Signs
and threats having no effect, our own safety became the only consideration;
and yet I was unwilling to fire on the multitude, and resolved to make the
chief alone fall a victim to his own treachery; but my musket at this
critical moment missed fire. Whatever idea they might have formed of the
arms we held in our hands, they must now have looked upon them as childish
weapons, and began to let us see how much better theirs were, by throwing
stones and darts, and by shooting arrows. This made it absolutely necessary
for me to give orders to fire. The first discharge threw them into
confusion; but a second was hardly sufficient to drive them off the beach;
and after all, they continued to throw stones from behind the trees and
bushes, and, every now and then, to pop out and throw a dart. Four lay, to
all appearance, dead on the shore; but two of them afterwards crawled into
the bushes. Happy it was for these people, that not half our muskets would
go off, otherwise many more must have fallen. We had one man wounded in the
cheek with a dart, the point of which was as thick as my finger, and yet it
entered above two inches, which shews that it must have come with great
force, though indeed we were very near them. An arrow struck Mr Gilbert's
naked breast, who was about thirty yards off; but probably it had struck
something before; for it hardly penetrated the skin. The arrows were
pointed with hard wood.
As soon as we got on board, I ordered the anchor to be weighed, with a view
of anchoring near the landing-place. While this was doing, several people
appeared on the low rock point, displaying two oars we had lost in the
scuffle. I looked on this as a sign of submission, and of their wanting to
give us the oars. I was, nevertheless, prevailed on to fire a four-pound
shot at them, to let them see the effect of our great guns. The ball fell
short, but frightened them so much, that none were seen afterwards; and
they left the oars standing up against the bushes.
It was now calm; but the anchor was hardly at the bow before a breeze
sprung up at north, of which we took the advantage, set our sails, and
plyed out of the bay, as it did not seem capable of supplying our wants
with that conveniency I wished to have. Besides, I always had it in my
power to return to this place, in case I should find none more convenient
farther south.
These islanders seemed to be a different race from those of Mallicollo; and
spoke a different language. They are of the middle size, have a good shape,
and tolerable features. Their colour is very dark, and they paint their
faces, some with black, and others with red pigment. Their hair is very
curly and crisp, and somewhat woolly. I saw a few women, and I thought them
ugly; they wore a kind of petticoat made of palm-leaves, or some plant like
it. But the men, like those of Mallicollo, were in a manner naked; having
only the belt about the waist, and the piece of cloth, or leaf, used as a
wrapper. I saw no canoes with these people, nor were any seen in any part
of this island. They live in houses covered with thatch, and their
plantations are laid out by a line, and fenced round.
At two o'clock in the afternoon, we were clear of the bay, bore up round
the head, and steered S.S.E. for the south end of the island, having a fine
breeze at N.W. On the S.W. side of the head is a pretty deep bay, which
seemed to run in behind the one on the N.W. side. Its shores are low, and
the adjacent lands appeared very fertile. It is exposed to the S.E. winds;
for which reason, until it be better known, the N.W. bay is preferable,
because it is sheltered from the reigning winds; and the winds to which it
is open, viz. from N.W. by N. to E. by N., seldom blow strong. The
promontory, or peninsula, which disjoins these two bays, I named Traitor's
Head, from the treacherous behaviour of its inhabitants. It is the N.E.
point of the island, situated in the latitude 18° 43' S. longitude 169°
'28' E., and terminates in a saddle-hill which is of height sufficient to
be seen sixteen or eighteen leagues. As we advanced to S.S.E., the new
island, we had before discovered, began to appear over the S.E. point of
the one near us, bearing S. 1/2 E., distant ten or twelve leagues. After
leaving this one, we steered for the east end of the other, being directed
by a great light we saw upon it.
At one o'clock the next morning, drawing near the shore, we tacked and
spent the remainder of the night making short boards. At sun-rise we
discovered a high table land (an island) bearing E. by S., and a small low
isle in the direction of N.N.E., which we had passed in the night without
seeing it. Traitor's Head was still in sight, bearing N. 20° W. distant
fifteen leagues, and the island to the south extended from S. 7° W. to S.
87° W. distant three or four miles. We then found that the light we had
seen in the night was occasioned by a volcano, which we observed to throw
up vast quantities of fire and smoke, with a rumbling noise heard at a
great distance. We now made sail for the island; and, presently after,
discovered a small inlet which had the appearance of being a good harbour.
In order to be better informed, I sent away two armed boats, under the
command of Lieutenant Cooper, to sound it; and, in the meanwhile, we stood
on and off with the ship, to be ready to follow, or give them any
assistance they might want. On the east point of the entrance, we observed
a number of people, and several houses and canoes; and when our boats
entered the harbour, they launched some, and followed them, but came not
near. It was not long before Mr Cooper made the signal for anchorage; and
we stood in with the ship. The wind being at west, and our course S.S.W.,
we borrowed close to the west point, and passed over some sunken rocks,
which might have been avoided, by keeping a little more to the east, or
about one-third channel over. The wind left us as soon as we were within
the entrance, and obliged us to drop an anchor in four fathoms water. After
this, the boats were sent again to sound; and, in the meantime, the launch
was hoisted out, in order to carry out anchors to warp in by, as soon as we
should be acquainted with the channel.
While we were thus employed, many of the natives got together in parties,
on several parts of the shore, all armed with bows, spears, &c. Some swam
off to us, others came in canoes. At first they were shy, and kept at the
distance of a stone's throw; they grew insensibly bolder; and, at last,
came under our stern, and made some exchanges. The people in one of the
first canoes, after coming as near as they durst, threw towards us some
cocoa-nuts. I went into a boat and picked them up, giving them in return
some cloth and other articles. This induced others to come under the stern,
and alongside, where their behaviour was insolent and daring. They wanted
to carry off every thing within their reach; they got hold of the fly of
the ensign, and would have torn it from the staff; others attempted to
knock the rings off the rudder; but the greatest trouble they gave us was
to look after the buoys of our anchors, which were no sooner thrown out of
our boats, or let go from the ship, than they got hold of them. A few
muskets fired in the air had no effect; but a four-pounder frightened them
so much, that they quitted their canoes that instant, and took to the
water. But as soon as they found themselves unhurt, they got again into
their canoes, gave us some halloos, flourished their weapons, and returned
once more to the buoys. This put us to the expence of a few musquetoon
shot, which had the desired effect. Although none were hurt, they were
afterwards afraid to come near the buoys; very soon all retired on shore,
and we were permitted to sit down to dinner undisturbed.
During these transactions, a friendly old man in a small canoe made several
trips between us and the shore, bringing off each time a few cocoa-nuts, or
a yam, and taking in exchange whatever we gave him. Another was on the
gangway when the great gun was fired, but I could not prevail on him to
stay there long. Towards the evening, after the ship was moored, I landed
at the head of the harbour, in the S.E. corner, with a strong party of men,
without any opposition being made by a great number of the natives who were
assembled in two parties, the one on our right and the other on the left,
armed with clubs, darts, spears, slings, and stones, bows, and arrows, &c.
After distributing to the old people (for we could distinguish no chief),
and some others, presents of cloth, medals, &c. I ordered two casks to be
filled with water out of a pond about twenty paces behind the landing-
place; giving the natives to understand, that this was one of the articles
we wanted. Besides water, we got from them a few cocoa-nuts, which seemed
to be in plenty on the trees; but they could not be prevailed upon to part
with any of their weapons. These they held in constant readiness, and in
the proper attitudes of offence and defence; so that little was wanting to
make them attack us; at least we thought so, by their pressing so much upon
us, and in spite of our endeavours to keep them off. Our early re-embarking
probably disconcerted their scheme; and after that, they all retired. The
friendly old man before mentioned, was in one of these parties; and we
judged, from his conduct, that his temper was pacific.
[1] Dalrymple's Collection of Voyages, vol. I. p. 140, 141.
[2] "Our ship now probably resembled an hospital; the poisoned
patients were still in a deplorable situation; they continued to have
gripes and acute pains in all their bones: In the day time they were
in a manner giddy, and felt a great heaviness in their heads; at
night, as soon as they were warm in bed, their pains redoubled, and
robbed them actually of sleep. The secretion of _saliva_ was
excessive; the skin peeled off from the whole body, and pimples
appeared on their hands. Those who were less affected with pains, were
much weaker in proportion, and crawled about the decks, emaciated to
mere shadows We had not one lieutenant able to do duty; and as one of
the mates and several of the midshipmen were likewise ill, the watches
were commanded by the gunner and the other mates. The dogs which had
unfortunately fed upon the same fish, were in a still worse condition,
as we could not give them any relief. They groaned and panted most
piteously, drank great quantities of water, and appeared to be
tortured with pain. Those which had eaten of the entrails were vastly
more affected than the rest.--G.F."
According to this gentleman, the crew never felt more severely the
tediousness of confinement to the ship, or were more tired of salt
provisions. Two sharks caught on the 31st afforded them a very
acceptable entertainment, and were greedily devoured. One of these, he
tells us, had in his maw four young turtles, of eighteen inches in
diameter, two large cuttle-fishes, and the feathers and skeleton of a
booby; yet notwithstanding so plentiful a repast, he seemed to be well
disposed for a piece of salt pork with which the hook was baited.--E.
SECTION V.
_An Intercourse established with the Natives; some Account of the Island,
and a Variety of Incidents that happened during our Stay at it._
As we wanted to take in a large quantity both of wood and water, and as,
when I was on shore, I had found it practicable to lay the ship much nearer
the landing-place than she now was, which would greatly facilitate that
work, as well as overawe the natives, and enable us better to cover and
protect the working party on shore; with this view, on the 6th, we went to
work to transport the ship to the place I designed to moor her in. While we
were about this, we observed the natives assembling from all parts, and
forming themselves into two parties, as they did the preceding evening, one
on each side the landing-place, to the amount of some thousands, armed as
before. A canoe, sometimes conducted by one, and at other times by two or
three men, now and then came off, bringing a few cocoa-nuts or plantains.
These they gave us without asking for any return; but I took care they
should always have something. Their chief design seemed to invite us on
shore. One of those who came off was the old man, who had already
ingratiated himself into our favour. I made him understand, by signs, that
they were to lay aside their weapons, took those which were in the canoe,
and threw them overboard, and made him a present of a large piece of cloth.
There was no doubt but he understood me, and made my request known to his
countrymen. For as soon as he landed, we observed him to go first to the
one party, and then to the other; nor was he, ever after, seen by us with
any thing like a weapon in his hand. After this, three fellows came in a
canoe under the stern, one of them brandishing a club, with which he struck
the ship's side, and committed other acts of defiance, but at last offered
to exchange it for a string of beads, and some other trifles. These were
sent down to him by a line; but the moment they were in his possession, he
and his companions paddled off in all haste, without giving the club or any
thing else in return. This was what I expected, and indeed what I was not
sorry for, as I wanted an opportunity to shew the multitude on shore, the
effect of our fire arms, without materially hurting any of them. Having a
fowling-piece loaded with small shot (No. 3) I gave the fellow the
contents; and, when they were above musquet-shot off, I ordered some of the
musquetoons, or wall-pieces, to be fired, which made them leap out of the
canoe, keep under her offside, and swim with her ashore. This transaction
seemed to make little or no impression on the people there. On the
contrary, they began to halloo, and to make sport of it.[1]
After mooring the ship, by four anchors, with her broadside to the landing-
place, hardly musquet-shot off, and placing our artillery in such a manner
as to command the whole harbour, I embarked with the marines, and a party
of seamen, in three boats, and rowed in for the shore. It hath been already
mentioned, that the two divisions of the natives were drawn up on each side
the landing-place. They had left a space between them of about thirty or
forty yards, in which were laid, to the most advantage, a few small bunches
of plantains, a yam, and two or three roots. Between these and the water
were stuck upright in the sand, for what purpose I never could learn, four
small reeds, about two feet from each other, in a line at right angles to
the shore, where they remained for two or three days after. The old man
before-mentioned, and two more, stood by these things, inviting us, by
signs, to land; but I had not forgot the trap I was so near being caught in
at the last island; and this looked something like it. We answered, by
making signs for the two divisions to retire farther back, and give us more
room. The old man seemed to desire them so to do, but no more regard was
paid to him than to us. More were continually joining them, and, except two
or three old men, not one unarmed. In short, every thing conspired to make
us believe they meant to attack us as soon as we should be on shore; the
consequence of which was easily supposed; many of them must have been
killed and wounded, and we should hardly have escaped unhurt; two things I
equally wished to prevent. Since, therefore, they would not give us the
room required, I thought it was better to frighten them into it, than to
oblige them by the deadly effect of our fire-arms. I accordingly ordered a
musquet to be fired over the party on our right, which was by far the
strongest body; but the alarm it gave them was momentary. In an instant
they recovered themselves and began to display their weapons. One fellow
shewed us his backside, in a manner which plainly conveyed his meaning.
After this I ordered three or four more musquets to be fired. This was the
signal for the ship to fire a few great guns, which presently dispersed
them; and then we landed, and marked out the limits, on the right and left,
by a line. Our old friend stood his ground, though deserted by his two
companions, and I rewarded his confidence with a present. The natives came
gradually to us, seemingly in a more friendly manner; some even without
their weapons, but by far the greatest part brought them; and when we made
signs to lay them down, they gave us to understand that we must lay down
ours first. Thus all parties stood armed. The presents I made to the old
people, and to such as seemed to be of consequence, had little effect on
their conduct. They indeed climbed the cocoa-nut trees, and threw us down
the nuts, without requiring any thing for them; but I took care that they
should always have somewhat in return. I observed that many were afraid to
touch what belonged to us; and they seemed to have no notion of exchanging
one thing for another. I took the old man (whose name we now found to be
Paowang) to the woods, and made him understand, I wanted to cut down some
trees to take on board the ship; cutting some down at the same time, which
we put into one of our boats, together with a few small casks of water,
with a view of letting the people see what it was we chiefly wanted.
Paowang very readily gave his consent to cut wood; nor was there any one
who made the least objection. He only desired the cocoa-nut trees might not
be cut down. Matters being thus settled, we embarked and returned on board
to dinner, and, immediately after, they all dispersed. I never learnt that
any one was hurt by our shot, either on this or the preceding day; which
was a very happy circumstance. In the afternoon having landed again, we
loaded the launch with water, and having made three hauls with the seine,
caught upwards of three hundred pounds of mullet and other fish. It was
some time before any of the natives appeared, and not above twenty or
thirty at last, amongst whom was our trusty friend Paowang, who made us a
present of a small pig, which was the only one we got at this isle, or that
was offered to us.
During the night the volcano, which was about four miles to the west of us,
vomited up vast quantities of fire and smoke, as it had also done the night
before; and the flames were seen to rise above the hill which lay between
us and it. At every eruption it made a long rumbling noise like that of
thunder, or the blowing up of large mines. A heavy shower of rain, which
fell at this time, seemed to increase it; and the wind blowing from the
same quarter, the air was loaded with its ashes, which fell so thick that
every thing was covered with the dust. It was a kind of fine sand, or
stone, ground or burnt to powder, and was exceedingly troublesome to the
eyes.
Early in the morning of the 7th, the natives began again to assemble near
the watering-place, armed as usual, but not in such numbers as at first.
After breakfast, we landed, in order to cut wood and fill water. I found
many of the islanders much inclined to be friends with us, especially the
old people; on the other hand, most of the younger were daring and
insolent, and obliged us to keep to our arms. I staid till I saw no
disturbance was like to happen, and then returned to the ship, leaving the
party under the command of Lieutenants Clerke and Edgcumbe. When they came
on board to dinner, they informed me that the people continued to behave in
the same inconsistent manner as in the morning; but more especially one
man, whom Mr Edgcumbe was obliged to fire at, and believed he had struck
with a swan shot. After that the others behaved with more discretion; and
as soon as our people embarked they all retired. While we were sitting at
dinner an old man came on board, looked into many parts of the ship, and
then went ashore again.
In the afternoon, only a few of those who lived in the neighbourhood, with
whom we were now upon a tolerable footing, made their appearance at the
watering-place. Paowang brought us an axe which had been left by our
people, either in the woods or on the beach, and found by some of the
natives. A few other articles were afterwards returned to us, which either
they had stolen, or we had lost by our negligence, so careful were they now
not to offend us in this respect.
Early the next morning, I sent the launch, protected by a party of marines
in another boat, to take in ballast, which was wanted. This work was done
before breakfast; and after it, she was sent for wood and water, and with
her the people employed in this service, under the protection of a
serjeant's guard, which was now thought sufficient, as the natives seemed
to be pretty well reconciled to us. I was told, that they asked our people
to go home with them, on condition they stripped naked as they were. This
shews that they had no design to rob them, whatever other they might
have.[2]
On the 9th, I sent the launch for more ballast, and the guard and wooders
to the usual place. With these I went myself, and found a good many of the
natives collected together, whose behaviour, though armed, was courteous
and obliging; so that there was no longer any occasion to mark out the
limits by a line; they observed them without this precaution. As it was
necessary for Mr Wales's instruments to remain on shore all the middle of
the day, the guard did not return to dinner, as they had done before, till
relieved by others. When I came off, I prevailed on a young man, whose name
was Wha-a-gou, to accompany me. Before dinner I shewed him every part of
the ship; but did not observe that any thing fixed his attention a moment,
or caused in him the least surprise. He had no knowledge of goats, dogs, or
cats, calling them all hogs (_Booga_ or _Boogas_). I made him a
present of a dog and a bitch, as he shewed a liking to that kind of animal.
Soon after he came on board, some of his friends followed in a canoe, and
enquired for him, probably doubtful of his safety. He looked out of the
quarter gallery, and having spoken to them, they went ashore, and quickly
returned with a cock, a little sugar-cane, and a few cocoa-nuts, as a
present to me. Though he sat down with us, he did but just taste our salt
pork, but eat pretty heartily of yam, and drank a glass of wine. After
dinner I made him presents, and then conducted him, ashore.[3]
As soon as we landed, the youth and some of his friends took me by the
hand, with a view, as I understood, to conduct me to their habitations. We
had not gone far, before some of them, for what reason I know not, were
unwilling I should proceed; in consequence of which the whole company
stopped; and, if I was not mistaken, a person was dispatched for something
or other to give me; for I was desired to sit down and wait, which I
accordingly did. During this interval, several of our gentlemen passed us,
at which they shewed great uneasiness, and importuned me so much to order
them back, that I was at last obliged to comply. They were jealous of our
going up the country, or even along the shore of the harbour. While I was
waiting here, our friend Paowang came with a present of fruit and roots,
carried by about twenty men; in order, as I supposed, to make it appear the
greater. One had a small bunch of plantains, another a yam, a third a
cocoa-nut, &c.; but two men might have carried the whole with ease. This
present was in return for something I had given him in the morning;
however, I thought the least I could do now, was to pay the porters.
After I had dispatched Paowang, I returned to Wha-a-gou and his friends,
who were still for detaining me. They seemed to wait with great impatience
for something, and to be unwilling and ashamed to take away the two dogs,
without making me a return. As night was approaching, I pressed to be gone;
with which they complied, and so we parted.
The preceding day, Mr Forster learnt from the people the proper name of the
island, which they call Tanna; and this day I learnt from them the names of
those in the neighbourhood. The one we touched at last is called Erromango;
the small isle, which we discovered the morning we landed here, Immer; the
Table island to the east, discovered at the same time, Erronan or Footoona;
and an island which lies to the S.E. Annattom. All these islands are to be
seen from Tanna.
They gave us to understand, in a manner which I thought admitted of no
doubt, that they eat human flesh, and that circumcision was practised among
them. They began the subject of eating human flesh, of their own accord, by
asking us if we did; otherwise I should never have thought of asking them
such a question. I have heard people argue, that no nation could be
cannibals, if they had other flesh to eat, or did not want food; thus
deriving the custom from necessity. The people of this island can be under
no such necessity; they have fine pork and fowls, and plenty of roots and
fruits. But since we have not actually seen them eat human flesh, it will
admit of doubt with some, whether they are cannibals.[4]
When I got on board, I learnt that, when the launch was on the west side of
the harbour taking in ballast, one of the men employed in this work, had
scalded his fingers in taking a stone up out of some water. This
circumstance produced the discovery of several hot springs, at the foot of
the cliff, and rather below high-water mark.
This day Mr Wales, and two or three of the officers advanced a little, for
the first time, into the island. They met with a small straggling village,
the inhabitants of which treated them with great civility; and the next
morning Mr Forster and his party made another excursion inland. They met
with several fine plantations of plantains, sugar-canes, yams, &C.; and the
natives were courteous and civil. Indeed, by this time, the people,
especially those in our neighbourhood, were so well reconciled to us, that
they shewed not the least dislike at our rambling about in the skirts of
the woods, shooting, &c. In the afternoon some boys having got behind
thickets, and having thrown two or three stones at our people who were
cutting wood, they were fired at by the petty officers present on duty.
Being ashore at that time, I was alarmed at hearing the report of the
musquets, and seeing two or three boys run out of the wood. When I knew the
cause I was much displeased at so wanton an use being made of our fire-
arms, and took measures to prevent it for the future. Wind southerly, with
heavy showers of rain.[5]
During the night, and also all the 11th, the volcano was exceedingly
troublesome, and made a terrible noise, throwing up prodigious columns of
fire and smoke at each explosion, which happened every three or four
minutes; and, at one time, great stones were seen high in the air. Besides
the necessary work of wooding and watering, we struck the main-top-mast to
fix new trestle-trees and back-stays. Mr Forster and his party went up the
hill on the west side of the harbour, where he found three places from
whence smoke of a sulphureous smell issued, through cracks and fissures in
the earth. The ground about these was exceedingly hot, and parched or
burnt, and they seemed to keep pace with the volcano; for, at every
explosion of the latter, the quantity of smoke or steam in these was
greatly increased, and forced out so as to rise in small columns, which we
saw from the ship, and had taken for common fires made by the natives. At
the foot of this hill are the hot-springs before mentioned.
In the afternoon, Mr Forster having begun his botanical researches on the
other side of the harbour, fell in with our friend Paowang's house, where
he saw most of the articles I had given him, hanging on the adjoining trees
and bushes, as if they were not worthy of being under his roof.
On the 12th, some of the officers accompanied Mr Forster to the hot places
he had been at the preceding day. A thermometer placed in a little hole
made in one of them, rose from 80, at which it stood in the open air, to
170. Several other parts of the hill emitted smoke or steam all the day,
and the volcano was unusually furious, insomuch that the air was loaded
with its ashes. The rain which fell at this time was a compound of water,
sand, and earth; so that it properly might be called showers of mire.
Whichever way the wind was, we were plagued with the ashes; unless it blew
very strong indeed from the opposite direction. Notwithstanding the natives
seemed well enough satisfied with the few expeditions we had made in the
neighbourhood, they were unwilling we should extend them farther. As a
proof of this, some undertook to guide the gentlemen when they were in the
country, to a place where they might see the mouth of the volcano. They
very readily embraced the offer; and were conducted down to the harbour,
before they perceived the cheat.[6]
The 13th, wind at N.E., gloomy weather. The only thing worthy of note this
day was, that Paowang being at dinner with us on board, I took the
opportunity to shew him several parts of the ship, and various articles, in
hopes of finding out something which they might value, and be induced to
take from us in exchange for refreshments; for what we got of this kind was
trifling. But he looked on every thing that was shewn him with the utmost
indifference; nor did he take notice of any one thing, except a wooden
sand-box, which he seemed to admire, and turned it two or three times over
in his hand.
Next morning after breakfast, a party of us set out for the country, to try
if we could not get a nearer and better view of the volcano. We went by the
way of one of those hot smoking places before mentioned, and dug a hole in
the hottest part, into which a thermometer of Fahrenheit's construction was
put; and the mercury presently rose to 100°. It remained in the hole two
minutes and a half without either rising or falling. The earth about this
place was a kind of white clay, had a sulphureous smell, and was soft and
wet, the surface only excepted, over which was spread a thin dry crust,
that had upon it some sulphur, and a vitriolic substance, tasting like
alum. The place affected by the heat was not above eight or ten yards
square; and near it were some fig-trees, which spread their branches over
part of it, and seemed to like their situation. We thought that this
extraordinary heat was caused by the steam of boiling water, strongly
impregnated with sulphur. I was told that some of the other places were
larger than this; though we did not go out of the road to look at them, but
proceeded up the hill through a country so covered with trees, shrubs, and
plants, that the bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees, which, seem to have been
planted here by nature, were, in a manner, choaked up. Here and there we
met with a house, some few people, and plantations. These latter we found
in different states, some of long standing, others lately cleared, and some
only clearing, and before any thing had been planted. The clearing of a
piece of ground for plantation, seemed to be a work of much labour,
considering the tools they had to work with, which, though much inferior to
those at the Society Isles, are of the same kind. Their method is, however,
judicious, and as expeditious as it can well be. They lop off the small
branches of the large trees, dig under the roots, and there burn the
branches and small shrubs and plants which they root up. The soil, in some
parts, is a rich black mould; in other parts, it seemed to be composed of
decayed vegetables, and of the ashes the volcano sends forth throughout all
its neighbourhood. Happening to turn out of the common path, we came into a
plantation where we found a man at work, who, either out of good-nature, or
to get us the sooner out of his territories, undertook to be our guide. We
followed him, accordingly, but had not gone far before we came to the
junction of two roads, in one of which stood another man with a sling and a
stone, which he thought proper to lay down when a musquet was pointed at
him. The attitude in which we found him, the ferocity appearing in his
looks, and his behaviour after, convinced us that he meant to defend the
path he stood in. He, in some measure, gained his point, for our guide took
the other road, and we followed, but not without suspecting he was leading
us out of the common way. The other man went with us likewise, counting us
several times over, and hallooing, as we judged, for assistance; for we
were presently joined by two or three more, among whom was a young woman
with a club in her hand. By these people we were conducted to the brow of a
hill, and shewn a road leading down to the harbour, which they wanted us to
take. Not choosing to comply, we returned to that we had left, which we
pursued alone, our guide refusing to go with us. After ascending another
ridge, as thickly covered with wood as those we had come over, we saw yet
other hills between us and the volcano, which seemed as far off as at our
first setting out. This discouraged us from proceeding farther, especially
as we could get no one to be our guide. We therefore came to a resolution
to return; and had but just put this in execution when we met between
twenty and thirty people, whom the fellow before mentioned had collected
together, with a design, as we judged, to oppose our advancing into the
country; but as they saw us returning they suffered us to pass unmolested.
Some of them put us into the right road, accompanied us down the hill, made
us stop by the way, to entertain us with cocoa-nuts, plantains, and sugar-
cane; and what we did not eat on the spot, they brought down the hill with
us. Thus we found these people hospitable, civil, and good-natured, when
not prompted to a contrary conduct by jealousy; a conduct I cannot tell how
to blame them for, especially when I considered the light in which they
must view us. It was impossible for them to know our real design; we enter
their ports without their daring to oppose; we endeavour to land in their
country as friends, and it is well if this succeeds; we land, nevertheless,
and maintain the footing we have got, by the superiority of our fire-arms.
Under such circumstances, what opinion are they to form of us? Is it not as
reasonable for them to think that we are come to invade their country, as
to pay them a friendly visit? Time, and some acquaintance with us, can only
convince them of the latter. These people are yet in a rude state; and, if
we may judge from circumstances and appearances, are frequently at war, not
only with their neighbours, but among themselves; consequently must be
jealous of every new face. I will allow there are some exceptions to this
rule to be found in this sea; but there are few nations who would willingly
suffer visitors like us to advance far into their country.
Before this excursion, some of us had been of opinion that these people
were addicted to an unnatural passion, because they had endeavoured to
entice some of our men into the woods; and, in particular, I was told, that
one who had the care of Mr Forster's plant bag, had been once or twice
attempted. As the carrying of bundles, &c. is the office of the women in
this country, it had occurred to me, and I was not singular in this, that
the natives might mistake him and some others for women. My conjecture was
fully verified this day. For this man, who was one of the party, and
carried the bag as usual, following me down the hill, by the words which I
understood of the conversation of the natives, and by their actions, I was
well assured that they considered him as a female; till, by some means,
they discovered their mistake, on which they cried out, "Erramange!
Erramange!" "It is a man! It is a man!" The thing was so palpable, that
every one was obliged to acknowledge, that they had before mistaken his
sex: and that, after they were undeceived, they seemed not to have the
least notion of what we had suspected. This circumstance will shew how
liable we are to form wrong conjectures of things, among people whose
language we are ignorant of. Had it not been for this discovery, I make no
doubt that these people would have been charged with this vile custom.
In the evening I took a walk with some of the gentlemen into the country on
the other side of the harbour, where we had very different treatment from
what we had met with in the morning. The people we now visited, among whom
was our friend Paowang, being better acquainted with us, shewed a readiness
to oblige us in every thing in their power. We came to the village which
had been visited on the 9th. It consisted of about twenty houses, the most
of which need no other description than comparing them to the roof of a
thatched house in England, taken off the walls and placed on the ground.
Some were open at both ends, others partly closed with reeds, and all were
covered with palm thatch. A few of them were thirty or forty feet long, and
fourteen or sixteen broad. Besides these, they have other mean hovels,
which, I conceived, were only to sleep in. Some of these stood in a
plantation, and I was given to understand, that in one of them lay a dead
corpse. They made signs that described sleep, or death; and circumstances
pointed out the latter. Curious to see all I could, I prevailed on an
elderly man to go with me to the hut, which was separated from the others
by a reed fence, built quite round it at the distance of four or five feet.
The entrance was by a space in the fence, made so low as to admit one to
step over. The two sides and one end of the hut were closed or built up in
the same manner, and with the same materials, as the roof. The other end
had been open, but was now well closed with mats, which I could not prevail
on the man to remove, or suffer me to do it. There hung at this end of the
hut a matted bag or basket, in which was a piece of roasted yam, and some
sort of leaves, all quite fresh. I had a strong desire to see the inside of
the hut but the man was peremptory in refusing this, and even shewed an
unwillingness to permit me to look into the basket. He wore round his neck,
fastened to a string, two or three locks of human hair; and a woman present
had several about her neck. I offered something in exchange for them, but
they gave me to understand they could not part with them, as it was the
hair of the person who lay in the hut. Thus I was led to believe that these
people dispose of their dead in a manner similar to that of Otaheite. The
same custom of wearing the hair is observed by the people of that island,
and also by the New Zealanders. The former make tamau of the hair of their
deceased friends, and the latter make ear-rings and necklaces of their
teeth.
Near most of their large houses were fixed, upright in the ground, the
stems of four cocoa-nut trees, in a square position, about three feet from
each other. Some of our gentlemen who first saw them, were inclined to
believe they were thus placed on a religious account; but I was now
satisfied that it was for no other purpose but to hang cocoa-nuts on to
dry. For when I asked, as well as I could, the use of them, a man took me
to one, loaded with cocoa-nuts from the bottom to the top; and no words
could have informed me better. Their situation is well chosen for this use,
as most of their large houses are built in an open airy place, or where the
wind has a free passage, from whatever direction it blows. Near most, if
not all of them, is a large tree or two, whose spreading branches afford an
agreeable retreat from the scorching sun. This part of the island was well
cultivated, open and airy; the plantations were laid out by line, abounding
wilh plantains, sugar-canes, yams and other roots, and stocked with fruit-
trees. In our walk we met with our old friend Paowang, who, with some
others, accompanied us to the water side, and brought with them, as a
present, a few yams and cocoa-nuts.
On the 15th, having finished wooding and watering, a few hands only were on
shore making brooms, the rest being employed on board setting up the
rigging, and putting the ship in a condition for sea. Mr Forster, in his
botanical excursion this day, shot a pigeon, in the craw of which was a
wild nutmeg. He took some pains to find the tree, but his endeavours were
without success. In the evening a party of us walked to the eastern sea-
shore, in order to take the bearing of Annattom, and Erronan or Footoona.
The horizon proved so hazy that I could see neither; but one of the natives
gave me, as I afterwards found, the true direction of them. We observed
that in all, or most of their sugar plantations, were dug holes or pits,
four feet deep, and five or six in diameter; and on our enquiring their
use, we were given to understand that they caught rats in them. These
animals, which are very destructive to the canes, are here in great plenty.
The canes, I observed, were planted as thick as possible round the edge of
these pits, so that the rats in coming at them are the more liable to
tumble in.
Next morning we found the tiller sprung in the rudder head, and, by some
strange neglect, we had not a spare one on board, which we were ignorant of
till now it was wanting. I knew but of one tree in the neighbourhood fit
for this purpose, which I sent the carpenter on shore to look at, and an
officer, with a party of men, to cut it down, provided he could obtain
leave of the natives; if not, he was ordered to acquaint me. He understood
that no one had any objection, and set the people to work accordingly. But
as the tree was large, this required some time; and, before it was down,
word was brought me that our friend Paowang was not pleased. Upon this I
gave orders to desist, as we found that, by scarfing a piece to the inner
end of the tiller, and letting it farther into the rudder-head, it would
still perform its office. But as it was necessary to have a spare one on
board, I went on shore, sent for Paowang, made him a present of a dog and a
piece of cloth, and then explained to him that our great steering paddle
was broken, and that I wanted that tree to make a new one. It was easy to
see how well pleased every one present was, with the means I took to obtain
it. With one voice they gave their consent, Paowang joining his also, which
he perhaps could not have done without the others; for I do not know that
he had either more property, or more authority, than the rest. This point
being obtained, I took our friend on board to dinner, and after it was
over, went with him ashore, to pay a visit to an old chief, who was said to
be king of the island; which was a doubt with me. Paowang took little or no
notice of him. I made him a present, after which he immediately went away,
as if he got all he came for. His name was Geogy, and they gave him the
title of Areeke. He was very old, but had a merry open countenance. He wore
round his waist a broad red-and-white chequered belt, the materials and
manufacture of which seemed the same as that of Otaheite cloth; but this
was hardly a mark of distinction. He had with him a son, not less than
forty-five or fifty years of age. A great number of people were at this
time at the landing-place, most of them from distant parts. The behaviour
of many was friendly; while others were daring and insolent, which I
thought proper to put up with, as our stay was nearly at an end.
On the 17th, about ten o'clock, I went ashore, and found in the crowd old
Geogy and his son, who soon made me understand that they wanted to dine
with me; and accordingly I brought them and two more on board. They all
called them Areekees (or kings); but I doubt if any of them had the least
pretensions to that title over the whole island. It had been remarked, that
one of these kings had not authority enough to order one of the people up
into a cocoa-nut tree, to bring him down some nuts. Although he spoke to
several, he was at last obliged to go himself, and, by way of revenge, as
it was thought, left not a nut on the tree, taking what he wanted himself,
and giving the rest to some of our people.
When I got them on board, I went with them all over the ship, which they
viewed with uncommon surprise and attention. We happened to have for their
entertainment a kind of pie or pudding made of plantains, and some sort of
greens which we had got from one of the natives. On this and on yams they
made a hearty dinner; for, as to the salt beef and pork, they would hardly
taste them. In the afternoon, having made each of them a present of a
hatchet, a spike-nail, and some medals, I conducted them ashore.
Mr Forster and I then went over to the other side of the harbour, and,
having tried, with Fahrenheit's thermometer, the head of one of the hot
springs, we found that the mercury rose to 191°. At this time the tide was
up within two or three feet of the spring, so that we judged, it might, in
some degree, be cooled by it. We were mistaken however, for on repeating
the experiment next morning, when the tide was out, the mercury rose no
higher than 187°; but, at another spring, where the water bubbled out of
the sand from under the rock at the S.W. corner of the harbour, the mercury
in the same thermometer rose to 202°-1/2, which is but little colder than
boiling water. The hot places before mentioned are from about three to four
hundred feet perpendicular above these springs, and on the slope of the
same ridge with the volcano; that is, there are no vallies between them,
but such as are formed in the ridge itself; nor is the volcano on the
highest part of the ridge, but on the S.E. side of it. This is, I have been
told, contrary to the general opinion of philosophers, who say that
volcanos must be on the summits of the highest hills. So far is this from
being the case on this island, that some of its hills are more than double
the height of that on which the volcano is, and close to it. To these
remarks I must add, that, in wet or moist weather, the volcano was most
violent. There seems to be room for some philosophical reasoning on these
phenomena of nature; but not having any talent that way, I must content
myself with stating facts as I found them, and leave the causes to men of
more abilities.[7]
The tiller was now finished; but, as the wind was unfavourable for sailing,
the guard was sent on shore on the 19th as before, and a party of men to
cut up and bring off the remainder of the tree from which we had got the
tiller. Having nothing else to do, I went on shore with them, and finding a
good number of the natives collected about the landing-place as usual, I
distributed among them all the articles I had with me, and then went on
board for more. In less than an hour I returned, just as our people were
getting some large logs into the boat. At the same time four or five of the
natives stepped forward to see what we were about, and as we did not allow
them to come within certain limits, unless to pass along the beach, the
centry ordered them, back, which they readily complied with. At this time,
having my eyes fixed on them, I observed the sentry present his piece (as I
thought at these men,) and was just going to reprove him for it, because I
had observed that, whenever this was done, some of the natives would hold
up their arms, to let us see they were equally ready. But I was astonished
beyond measure when the sentry fired, for I saw not the least cause. At
this outrage most of the people fled; it was only a few I could prevail on
to remain. As they ran off, I observed one man to fall; and he was
immediately lifted up by two others, who took him into the water, and
washed his wound, and then led him off. Presently after, some came and
described to me the nature of his wound; and as I found he was not carried
far, I sent for the surgeon. As soon as he arrived, I went with him to the
man, whom, we found expiring. The ball had struck his left arm, which was
much shattered, and then entered his body by the short ribs, one of which
was broken. The rascal who fired, pretended that a man had laid an arrow
across his bow, and was going to shoot at him, so that he apprehended
himself in danger. But this was no more than they had always done, and with
no other view than to shew they were armed as well as we; at least I have
reason to think so, as they never went farther. What made this incident the
more unfortunate was, it not appearing to be the man who bent the bow, that
was shot, but one who stood by him. This affair threw the natives into the
utmost consternation; and a few that were prevailed on to stay, ran to the
plantations and brought cocoa-nuts, &c. which they laid down at our feet.
So soon, were those daring people humbled! When I went on board to dinner,
they all retired, and only a few appeared in the afternoon, amongst whom
were Paowang and Wha-a-gou. I had not seen this young man since the day he
had dined on board. Both he and Paowang promised to bring me fruit, &c. the
next morning, but our early departure put it out of their power.[8]
[1] "In order to make the sequel more intelligible, it will be
necessary to give a slight sketch of the appearance of the country
which encloses the harbour. The point which forms its eastern shore is
very low and flat, but presently rises into a level hill, about
fifteen or twenty yards high, which is wholly laid out in plantations.
This encompasses the eastern and southern shore of the bay, being near
three miles long, and extending several miles inland to the sea on the
other side. Where this flat hill ends, a fine plain covered with
plantations runs to the southward, bounded by several ranges of
pleasant hills, of which the nearest are of easy ascent. To the west
this plain, as well as the whole bay itself, is enclosed by a steep
hill, three or four hundred yards high, which is nearly perpendicular
in most places. A narrow beach of large broken shingles and stones
runs along the western shore, but a perpendicular rock separates it
from the southern beach. This last is very broad, and consists of a
firm black sand; it bounds the plain, and is the same where we cut
wood and filled our casks with water. A beach of coral rock and shell
sand continues from thence along the foot of the flat hill quite to
the eastern point of the harbour. The flat hill does not lie close to
this beach, but a space of level land, thirty or forty yards wide,
covered with groves of palms, extends to its foot. The whole south
east corner of the bay is filled with a flat reef of coral, which is
overflowed at low water."--G.F.
[2] "The women and children, though they brought us several dainties,
were notwithstanding so extremely timorous, that if we only fixed our
eyes upon them, they instantly ran away, to the great entertainment of
the men. However, their coming so near us, was sufficient proof that
we had made great progress towards gaining their confidence. We
observed some of them who had a smile on their countenances, but in
general they looked gloomy and melancholy. Whenever we presented a
bead, a nail, or ribbon to any of the people, they refused to touch
it, but desired us to lay it down, and then took it up in a leaf.
Whether this was owing to some superstitious notions, or to a fancied
idea of cleanliness, or of civility, must remain a matter of doubt."--
G.F.
[3] "He, as well as all his countrymen, had not the same facility of
pronunciation as the Mallecollese; we were therefore obliged to tell
him our names, modified according to the softer organs of the
Otaheitans. His features were rather handsome, his eyes large and very
lively; and the whole countenance expressed good humour,
sprightliness, and acuteness.
To mention only a single instance of his ingenuity; it happened that
my father and Captain Cook, on comparing their vocabularies,
discovered that each had collected a different word to signify the
sky; they appealed to him to know which of the two expressions was
right; he presently held out one hand, and applied it to one of the
words, then moving the other hand under it, he pronounced the second
word; intimating that the upper was properly the sky, and the lower
the clouds which moved under it. His manners at table were extremely
becoming and decent; and the only practice which did not appear quite
cleanly in our eyes, was his making use of a stick, which he wore in
his hair, instead of a fork, with which he occasionally scratched his
head."--G.F.
[4] These people, according to Mr G.F., frequently alluded to this
horrid practice, and threatened it indeed to those of the crew that,
in opposition to their will, offered to go to certain spots on the
island. Hence, that gentleman infers the existence of the practice
among them, and perhaps with great justice, as there can be little or
no doubt that it either has prevailed or now prevails in all the
islands of the South Seas.--E.
[5] "We took a walk to the eastward along the shore of the bay, and
looked into the groves which skirted the flat hill before spoken of.
We found these groves to consist of coco-palms, and several species of
shady fig-trees, with eatable fruits, nearly of the size of the common
figs. We also observed several sheds, under which some of their canoes
were secured from the sun and weather; but there were no habitations,
except towards the eastern point. We found a path, which led through a
variety of bushes upon the flat hills. In our way to it, we crossed
some glades, or meadows, enclosed in woods on all sides, and covered
with a very rich herbage of the most vivid green. We passed through a
little airy grove, into several extensive plantations of bananos,
yams, eddoes, and fig-trees, which were in some places enclosed in
fences of stone two feet high."--G.F.
[6] "We took the opportunity of the absence of the natives, to walk
out upon the plain, behind the watering-place. We met with several
ponds of stagnant water, in which the natives had planted great
quantities of eddoes. The coco-palms formed spacious groves, full of
different shrubberies, where a great number of birds of different
sorts, chiefly fly-catchers, creepers, and parroquets, resided. We saw
likewise many lofty trees, covered with nuts, which are common at
Otaheite, (_isrocarpus_ Nov. Gen.). These trees were commonly the
resort of pigeons of different kinds, and chiefly of the sort which
are to be met with at the Friendly Islands, where the natives catch
and tame them. We passed by some plantations of bananas and sugar-
canes, but saw no houses, the greatest part of the ground being
uncultivated, and covered with shady forests, or low shrubberies. At
the east end of the plain we observed a long and spacious valley, from
whence we saw a great number of smokes rising, and heard the
promiscuous voices of many men, women and children. We stood in a
path, on both sides of which were thick shrubberies; and the vale
itself was so full of groves, that we neither saw the people, whose
voices we heard, nor any of their dwellings. It being late in the
evening, we proceeded no farther, and without discovering ourselves,
retreated to the beach."--G.F.
[7] The elder Forster has some judicious and important remarks on
volcanos, in his observations, but they are too long to be given here.
"It may be remarked," says his son, "that the volcano and its
productions seem to contribute greatly to that prodigious luxuriance
of vegetation which is so remarkable on this island. Many plants here
attain twice the height which they have in other countries; their
leaves are broader, their flowers larger, and more richly scented. The
same observation has been made in various volcanic countries. The soil
of Vesuvius and Etna is reckoned the most fertile in Italy and Sicily;
and some of the best flavoured wines which Italy produces are raised
upon it. The volcanic ground on the Habichtswald in Hesse, though
situated in a high, cold, and barren country, is surprisingly fertile,
and covered with verdure. All kinds of plants, indigenous and foreign,
thrive with luxuriance, and make this beautiful spot, on which the
gardens of the landgrave are situated, the admiration of all
beholders. Nay, to confine ourselves to our own voyage, the Society
Islands, the Marquesas, and some of the Friendly Islands, where we
found volcanic remains, as well as Ambrrym and Tanna, where we
actually saw burning mountains, have a rich and fertile soil, in which
nature displays the magnificence of the vegetable kingdom. Easter
Island itself, wholly overturned by some volcanic eruption, produces
different vegetables and useful roots, without any other soil than
flags, cinders, and pumice-stones; though the burning heat of the sun,
from which there is no shelter, should seem sufficient to shrivel and
destroy every plant."--G.F.
[8] Mr G.F. has spoken of the atrocious deed above recited with much
indignation, and the more so apparently, as it broke in on a very
pleasing series of reflections he was indulging, on the felicity of
these islanders and the friendly intercourse with them that had been
at last effected. He concludes his account of it in the following
manner.--"Thus one dark and detestable action effaced all the hopes
with which I had flattered myself. The natives, instead of looking
upon us in a more favourable light than upon other strangers, had
reason to detest us much more, as we came to destroy under the
specious mask of friendship; and some amongst us lamented that instead
of making amends at this place for the many rash acts which we had
perpetrated at almost every island in our course, we had wantonly made
it the scene of the greatest cruelty. Captain Cook resolved to punish
the marine with the utmost rigour for having transgressed his positive
orders, according to which the choleric emotions of the savages were
to be repressed with gentleness, and prudently suffered to cool. But
the officer who commanded on shore, declared that he had not delivered
these orders to the sentry, but given him others which imported, that
the least threat was to be punished with immediate death. The soldier
was therefore immediately cleared, and the officer's right to dispose
of the lives of the natives remained uncontroverted." The reader must
have long ago perceived in the sentiments and language of this
certainly eloquent writer, very sufficient grounds for much of the
offence which his account of this voyage gave in England at the time
of its publication. Now perhaps we can bear to be told of past
transgressions, with considerable tranquillity, because we pride
ourselves on the conviction of increased moral feeling; but the man
who should act the friendless part of a censor among us, would still
be able to discover our iniquity, in the resentment we exhibited at
his officiousness.--E.
SECTION VI.
_Departure from Tanna; with some Account of its Inhabitants, their
Manners and Arts._
During the night the wind had veered round to S.E. As this was favourable
for getting out of the harbour, at four o'clock in the morning of the 20th,
we began to unmoor, and at eight, having weighed our last anchor, put to
sea. As soon as we were clear of the land, I brought-to, waiting for the
launch, which was left behind to take up a kedge-anchor and hawser we had
out, to cast by. About day-break a noise was heard in the woods, nearly
abreast of us, on the east side of the harbour, not unlike singing of
psalms. I was told that the like had been heard at the same time every
morning, but it never came to my knowledge till now, when it was too late
to learn the occasion of it. Some were of opinion, that at the east point
of the harbour (where we observed, in coming in, some houses, boats, &c.)
was something sacred to religion, because some of our people had attempted
to go to this point, and were prevented by the natives. I thought, and do
still think, it was owing to a desire they shewed on every occasion, of
fixing bounds to our excursions. So far as we had once been, we might go
again; but not farther with their consent. But by encroaching a little
every time, our country expeditions were insensibly extended without giving
the least umbrage. Besides, these morning ceremonies, whether religious or
not, were not performed down at that point, but in a part where some of our
people had been daily.[1]
I cannot say what might be the true cause of these people shewing such
dislike to our going up into their country. It might be owing to a
naturally jealous disposition, or perhaps to their being accustomed to
hostile visits from their neighbours, or quarrels among themselves.
Circumstances seemed to shew that such must frequently happen; for we
observed them very expert in arms, and well accustomed to them; seldom or
never travelling without them. It is possible all this might be on our
account; but I hardly think it. We never gave them the least molestation,
nor did we touch any part of their property, not even the wood and water,
without first having obtained their consent. The very cocoa-nuts, hanging
over the heads of the workmen, were as safe as those in the middle of the
island. It happened rather fortunately, that there were so many cocoa-nut
trees, near the skirts of the harbour, which seemed not to be private
property; so that we could generally prevail on the natives to bring us
some of these nuts, when nothing would induce them to bring any out of the
country.
We were not wholly without refreshments; for besides the fish, which our
seine now and then provided us with, we procured daily some fruits or roots
from the natives, though but little in proportion to what we could consume.
The reason why we got no more might be our having nothing to give them in
exchange, which they thought valuable. They had not the least knowledge of
iron; consequently, nails and iron tools, beads, &c. which had so great a
run at the more eastern isles, were of no consideration here; and cloth can
be of no use to people who go naked.
The produce of this island is bread-fruit, plantains, cocoa-nuts, a fruit
like a nectarine, yams, tarra, a sort of potatoe, sugar-cane, wild figs, a
fruit like an orange, which is not eatable, and some other fruit and nuts
whose names I have not. Nor have I any doubt that the nutmeg before
mentioned was the produce of this island. The bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and
plantains, are neither so plentiful nor so good as at Otaheite; on the
other hand, sugar-canes and yams are not only in greater plenty, but of
superior quality, and much larger. We got one of the latter which weighed
fifty-six pounds, every ounce of which was good. Hogs did not seem to be
scarce; but we saw not many fowls. These are the only domestic animals they
have. Land-birds are not more numerous than at Otaheite, and the other
islands; but we met with some small birds, with a very beautiful plumage,
which we had never seen before. There is as great a variety of trees and
plants here, as at any island we touched at, where our botanists had time
to examine. I believe these people live chiefly on the produce of the land,
and that the sea contributes but little to their subsistence. Whether this
arises from the coast not abounding with fish, or from their being bad
fishermen, I know not; both causes perhaps concur. I never saw any sort of
fishing-tackle amongst them, nor any one out fishing, except on the shoals,
or along the shores of the harbour, where they would watch to strike with a
dart such fish as came within their reach; and in this they were expert.
They seemed much to admire our catching fish with the seine; and, I
believe, were not well pleased with it at last. I doubt not, they have
other methods of catching fish besides striking them.[2]
We understood that the little isle of Immer was chiefly inhabited by
fishermen, and that the canoes we frequently saw pass, to and from that
isle and the east point of the harbour, were fishing canoes. These canoes
were of unequal sizes, some thirty feet long, two broad, and three deep;
and they are composed of several pieces of wood clumsily sewed together
with bandages. The joints are covered on the outside by a thin batten
champered off at the edges, over which the bandages pass. They are
navigated either by paddles or sails. The sail is lateen, extended to a
yard and boom, and hoisted to a short mast. Some of the large canoes have
two sails, and all of them outriggers.
At first we thought the people of this island, as well as those of
Erromango, were a race between the natives of the Friendly Islands and
those of Mallicollo; but a little acquaintance with them convinced us that
they had little or no affinity to either, except it be in their hair, which
is much like what the people of the latter island have. The general colours
of it are black and brown, growing to a tolerable length, and very crisp
and curly. They separate it into small locks, which they woold or cue round
with the rind of a slender plant, down to about an inch of the ends; and,
as the hair grows, the woolding is continued. Each of these cues or locks
is somewhat thicker than common whipcord; and they look like a parcel of
small strings hanging down from the crown of their heads. Their beards,
which are strong and bushy, are generally short. The women do not wear
their hair so, but cropped; nor do the boys, till they approach manhood.
Some few men, women, and children, were seen, who had hair like ours; but
it was obvious that these were of another nation; and, I think, we
understood they came from Erronan. It is to this island they ascribe one of
the two languages which they speak, and which is nearly, if not exactly,
the same as that spoken in the Friendly Islands. It is therefore more than
probable that Erronan was peopled from that nation, and that by long
intercourse with Tanna and the other neighbouring islands, each had learnt
the other's language, which they use indiscriminately.
The other language which the people of Tanna speak, and, as we understood,
those of Erromango and Annatom, is properly their own. It is different from
any we had before met with, and bears no affinity to that of Mallicollo; so
that, it should seem, the people of these islands are a distinct nation of
themselves. Mallicollo, Apee, &c. were names entirely unknown to them; they
even knew nothing of Sandwich Island, which is much nearer. I took no small
pains to know how far their geographical knowledge extended; and did not
find that it exceeded the limits of their horizon.[3]
These people are of the middle size, rather slender than otherwise; many
are little, but few tall or stout; the most of them have good features, and
agreeable countenances; are, like all the tropical race, active and nimble;
and seem to excel in the use of arms, but not to be fond of labour. They
never would put a hand to assist in any work we were carrying on, which the
people of the other islands used to delight in. Bat what I judge most from,
is their making the females do the most laborious work, as if they were
pack-horses. I have seen a woman carrying a large bundle on her back, or a
child on her back and a bundle under her arm, and a fellow strutting before
her with nothing but a club or spear, or some such thing. We have
frequently observed little troops of women pass, to and fro, along the
beach, laden with fruit and roots, escorted by a party of men under arms;
though, now and then, we have seen a man carry a burden at the same time,
but not often. I know not on what account this was done, nor that an armed
troop was necessary. At first, we thought they were moving out of the
neighbourhood with their effects, but we afterwards saw them both carry
out, and bring in, every day.
I cannot say the women are beauties, but I think them handsome enough for
the men, and too handsome for the use that is made of them. Both sexes are
of a very dark colour, but not black; nor have they the least
characteristic of the negro about them. They make themselves blacker than
they really are, by painting their faces with a pigment of the colour of
black-lead. They also use another sort which is red, and a third sort
brown, or a colour between red and black. All these, but especially the
first, they lay on with a liberal hand, not only on the face, but on the
neck, shoulders, and breast. The men wear nothing but a belt, and the
wrapping leaf as at Mallicollo. The women have a kind of petticoat made of
the filaments of the plantain-tree, flags, or some such thing, which
reaches below the knee. Both sexes wear ornaments, such as bracelets, ear-
rings, necklaces, and amulets. The bracelets are chiefly worn by the men;
some made of sea-shells, and others of those of the cocoa-nut. The men also
wear amulets; and those of most value being made of a greenish stone, the
green stone of New Zealand is valued by them for this purpose. Necklaces
are chiefly used by the women, and made mostly of shells. Ear-rings are
common to both sexes, and those valued most are made of tortoise-shell.
Some of our people having got some at the Friendly Islands, brought it to a
good market here, where it was of more value than any thing we had besides;
from which I conclude that these people catch but few turtle, though I saw
one in the harbour, just as we were getting under sail. I observed that,
towards the latter end of our stay, they began to ask for hatchets, and
large nails, so that it is likely they had found that iron is more
serviceable than stone, bone, or shells, of which all their tools I have
seen are made. Their stone hatchets, at least all those I saw, are not in
the shape of adzes, as at the other islands, but more like an axe. In the
helve, which is pretty thick, is made a hole into which the stone is fixed.
These people, besides the cultivation of ground, have few other arts worth
mentioning. They know how to make a coarse kind of matting, and a coarse
cloth of the bark of a tree, which is used chiefly for belts. The
workmanship of their canoes, I have before observed, is very rude; and
their arms, with which they take the most pains in point of neatness, come
far short of some others we have seen. Their weapons are clubs, spears or
darts, bows and arrows, and stones. The clubs are of three or four kinds,
and from three to five feet long. They seem to place most dependence on the
darts, which are pointed with three bearded edges. In throwing them they
make use of a becket, that is, a piece of stiff plaited cord about six
inches long, with an eye in one end and a knot at the other. The eye is
fixed on the fore-finger of the right hand, and the other end is hitched
round the dart, where it is nearly on an equipoise. They hold the dart
between the thumb and remaining fingers, which serve only to give it
direction, the velocity being communicated by the becket and fore-finger.
The former flies off from the dart the instant its velocity becomes greater
than that of the hand. But it remains on the finger ready to be used again.
With darts they kill both birds and fish, and are sure of hitting a mark,
within the compass of the crown of a hat, at the distance of eight or ten
yards; but, at double that distance, it is chance if they hit a mark the
size of a man's body, though they will throw the weapon sixty or seventy
yards. They always throw with all their might, let the distance be what it
will. Darts, bows and arrows are to them what musquets are to us. The
arrows are made of reeds pointed with hard wood; some are bearded and some
not, and those for shooting birds have two, three, and sometimes four
points. The stones they use are, in general, the branches of coral rocks
from eight to fourteen inches long, and from an inch to an inch-and-half in
diameter. I know not if they employ them as missive weapons; almost every
one of them carries a club, and besides that, either darts, or a bow and
arrows, but never both; those who had stones kept them generally in their
belts.
I cannot conclude this account of their arms without adding an entire
passage out of Mr Wales's journal. As this gentleman was continually on
shore amongst them, he had a better opportunity of seeing what they could
perform, than any of us. The passage is as follows: "I must confess I have
been often led to think the feats which Homer represents his heroes as
performing with their spears, a little too much of the marvellous to be
admitted into an heroic poem; I mean when confined within the strait stays
of Aristotle. Nay, even so great an advocate for him as Mr Pope,
acknowledges them to be _surprising_. But since I have seen what these
people can do with their wooden spears, and them badly pointed, and not of
a very hard nature, I have not the least exception to any one passage in
that great poet on this account. But, if I see fewer exceptions, I can find
infinitely more beauties in him; as he has, I think, scarce an action,
circumstance, or description of any kind whatever, relating to a spear,
which I have not seen and recognised among these people; as their whirling
motion, and whistling noise, as they fly; their quivering motion, as they
stick in the ground when they fall; their meditating their aim, when they
are going to throw, and their shaking them in their hand as they go along,
&c. &c."
I know no more of their cookery, than that it consists of roasting and
baking; for they have no vessel in which water can be boiled. Nor do I know
that they have any other liquor but water and the juice of the cocoa-
nut.[4]
We are utter strangers to their religion; and but little acquainted with
their government. They seem to have chiefs among them; at least some were
pointed out to us by that title; but, as I before observed, they appeared
to have very little authority over the rest of the people. Old Geogy was
the only one the people were ever seen to take the least notice of; but
whether this was owing to high rank or old age, I cannot say. On several
occasions I have seen the old men respected and obeyed. Our friend Paowang
was so; and yet I never heard him called chief, and have many reasons to
believe that he had not a right to any more authority than many of his
neighbours, and few, if any, were bound to obey him, or any other person in
our neighbourhood; for if there had been such a one, we certainly should,
by some means, have known it. I named the harbour Port Resolution, after
the ship, she being the first which ever entered it. It is situated on the
north side of the most eastern point of the island, and about E.N.E. from
the volcano; in the latitude of 19° 32' 25" 1/2 S., and in the longitude of
169° 44' 35" E. It is no more than a little creek running in S. by W. 1/2
W. three quarters of a mile, and is about half that in breadth. A shoal of
sand and rocks, lying on the east side, makes it still narrower. The depth
of water in the harbour is from six to three fathoms, and the bottom is
sand and mud. No place can be more convenient for taking in wood and water;
for both are close to the shore. The water stunk a little after it had been
a few days on board, but it afterwards turned sweet; and even when it was
at the worst, the tin machine would, in a few hours, recover a whole cask.
This is an excellent contrivance for sweetening water at sea, and is well
known in the navy.
Mr Wales, from whom I had the latitude and longitude, found the variation
of the needle to be 7° 14' 12" E., and the dip of its south end 45° 2' 3/4.
He also observed the time of high water, on the full and change days, to be
about 5h 45m; and the tide to rise and fall three feet.
[1] According to Mr G.F. nothing, except this very dubious
circumstance of the solemn song, could be discovered among these
people, to indicate religion or superstitious notions. He mentions
indeed, their practice of taking up the presents given them on a leaf,
but properly enough remarks, that as even this was not general, and as
it even ceased on the parties becoming better acquainted, no stress
ought to be laid upon it. Obviously, the information is too scanty to
warrant decided opinions on the subject; but reasoning from analogy
and what is related of the conduct and enjoyments of these islanders,
one could not readily embrace the notion that they were quite
destitute of both religious ideas and practices.--E.
[2] Mr G.F. informs us that not less than forty different species of
plants are cultivated in this island, and the nutmeg he conceives to
be among its spontaneous ones. Of the fish found here he specifies
mullet, Brasilian pike, garfish, dolphins, cavalhas, parrot-fish,
sting-rays, toothless-rays, angel-fish, sharks, sinking-fish, and
varieties of mackrel. Its birds are several sorts of pigeons,
parroquets, fly-catchers, the Ceylonese owl, a species of creeper, a
sort of duck, and a purple water-hen. The cock and hen are its only
tame fowls; and there are but three quadrupeds, hogs, rats, and
bats.--E.
[3] If I might venture a conjecture, founded upon the languages which
we heard spoken in this island, I should suppose that several tribes
of different nations have peopled it, and may have disputed the
possession of the ground with each other. Besides the common language
of the island, and a dialect of that of the Friendly Islands, we
collected some words of a third language, chiefly current among the
inhabitants of its western hills; and we particularly obtained the
numerals of all the three tongues, which are indeed totally extinct.
In the common language of Tanna we met with two or three words, which
have a clear affinity with the language of Mallicollo, and about the
same number corresponded with some words of the Malay; but in general
they are wholly unlike each other, and related to no other language
that I know of. There is a strong kind of aspiration, and a guttural
sound, in many words at Tanna, which are however very sonorous and
full of vowels, and therefore easily pronounced."--G.F.
[4] Captain Cook has neglected to notice the musical genius of these
people. The following remarks on it are worthy of quotation.--"As I
happened to hum a song one day, many of them very eagerly entreated me
to sing to them, and though not one of us was properly acquainted with
music, yet we ventured to gratify their curiosity, and offered them a
great variety of airs. Some German and English songs, especially of
the more lively kind, pleased them very much; but Dr Sparrman's
Swedish tunes gained universal applause; from whence it appeared that
their judgment in music was not influenced by the same rules which
regulate the taste of other countries. When we had performed, we
desired them in return to give us an opportunity of admiring their
talents, and one of them immediately began a very simple tune; it was
however harmonious, and, as for as we could judge, superior to the
music of all the nations in the tropical part of the South Sea, which
we had hitherto heard. It ran through a much more considerable compass
of notes, than is employed at Otaheite, or even at Tonga-Tabboo; and
had a serious turn which distinguished it very remarkably from the
softer effeminate music of those islands. The words seemed to be
naturally arranged, and flowed very currently from the tongue. When
the first had finished his song, another began; his tune was different
as to the composition, but had the same serious style which strongly
marked the general turn of the people. They were indeed seldom seen to
laugh so heartily, and jest so facetiously, as the more polished
nations of the Friendly and Society Islands, who have already learnt
to set a great value on these enjoyments. On the afternoon of this
day, our friends importuned us to sing to them again. We readily
complied with their request, and when they seemed to wonder at the
difference in our songs, we endeavoured to make them comprehend that
we were natives of different countries. Hearing this, they pointed out
an elderly thin man in the circle of our hearers, and telling us that
he was a native of Irromanga, desired him to sing to us. The man
immediately stepped forward, and began a song, in the course of which
he made a variety of gesticulations, not only to our entertainment,
but to the great satisfaction of all the people about him. His song
was to the full as musical as that of the people of Tanna, but it
seemed to be of a droll or humorous nature, from his various ludicrous
postures, and from the particular tone of the whole. The language was
utterly distinct from that of Tanna, but not harsh or ill suited to
music. It seemed likewise to have a certain metre, but very different
from that slow and serious one which we heard this morning. It
appeared to us when he had done singing, that the people of Tanna
spoke to him in his own language, but that he was not acquainted with
theirs. Whether he came as a visitor, or had been taken prisoner, we
could not determine."--G.F.
According to this gentleman, these people had a musical instrument,
which consisted of eight reeds like the syrin of Tonga-Tabbo, with
this difference, that the reeds regularly decreased in size, and
comprehended an octave, though the single reeds were not perfectly in
tune. It is worth while noticing here, that one of these people having
one day blown with great violence into his hand several times, as a
signal, he was soon answered by the sounding of several conchs in
different places.--E.
SECTION VII.
_The Survey of the Islands continued, and a more particular Description
of them._
As soon as the boats were hoisted in, we made sail, and stretched to the
eastward, with a fresh gale at S.E., in order to have a nearer view of
Erronan, and to see if there was any land in its neighbourhood. We stood on
till midnight, when, having passed the island, we tacked, and spent the
remainder of the night making two boards. At sun-rise on the 21st, we stood
S.W., in order to get to the south of Tanna, and nearer to Annatom, to
observe if any more land lay in that direction; for an extraordinary clear
morning had produced no discovery of any to the east. At noon, having
observed in latitude 20° 33' 30", the situation of the lands around us was
as follows: Port Resolution bore north 86° W., distant six and a half
leagues; the island of Tanna extended from S. 88° W., to N. 64° W.;
Traitor's Head N. 58° W., distant twenty leagues; the island of Erronan N.
80° E., distant five leagues; and Annatom from S. 1/2 E. to S. 1/2 W.,
distant ten leagues. We continued to stretch to the south till two o'clock
p.m. when, seeing no more land before us, we bore up round the S.E. end of
Tanna; and, with a fine gale at E.S.E., ran along the south coast at one
league from shore. It seemed a bold one, without the guard of any rocks;
and the country full as fertile as in the neighbourhood of the harbour, and
making a fine appearance. At six o'clock the high land of Erromango
appeared over the west end of Tanna in the direction of 10° W.; at eight
o'clock we were past the island, and steered N.N.W. for Sandwich Island, in
order to finish the survey[1] of it, and of the isles to the N.W. On the
22d, at four o'clock p.m., we drew near the S.E. end, and ranging the south
coast, found it to trend in the direction of W. and W.N.W. for about nine
leagues. Near the middle of this length, and close to the shore, are three
or four small isles, behind which seemed to be a safe anchorage. But not
thinking I had any time to spare to visit this fine island, I continued to
range the coast to its western extremity, and then steered N.N.W, from the
S.E. end of Mallicollo, which, at half past six o'clock next morning, bore
N. 14° E., distant seven or eight leagues, and Three-Hills Island S. 82°
E.[2] Soon after, we saw the islands Apee, Paom, and Ambrym. What we had
comprehended under the name of Paom appeared now to be two isles, something
like a separation being seen between the hill and the land to the west of
it. We approached the S.W. side of Mallicollo to within half a league, and
ranged it at that distance. From the S.E. point, the direction of the land
is west, a little southerly, for six or seven leagues, and then N.W. by W.
three leagues, to a pretty high point or head-land, situated in latitude
16° 29', and which obtained the name of South-west Cape. The coast, which
is low, seemed to be indented into creeks and projecting points; or else,
these points were small isles lying under the shore. We were sure of one,
which lies between two and three leagues east of the Cape. Close to the
west side or point of the Cape, lies, connected with it by breakers, a
round rock or islet, which helps to shelter a fine bay, formed by an elbow
in the coast, from the reigning winds.[3]
The natives appeared in troops on many parts of the shore, and some seemed
desirous to come off to us in canoes, but they did not; and, probably, our
not shortening sail, was the reason. From the South-west Cape, the
direction of the coast is N. by W.; but the most advanced land bore from it
N.W. by N., at which the land seemed to terminate. Continuing to follow the
direction of the coast, at noon it was two miles from us; and our latitude,
by observation, was 16° 22' 30" S. This is nearly the parallel to Port
Sandwich, and our never-failing guide, the watch, shewed that we were 26'
west of it; a distance which the breadth of Mallicollo cannot exceed in
this parallel. The South-east Cape bore S. 26° E., distant seven miles; and
the most advanced point of land, for which we steered, bore N.W. by N. At
three o'clock, we were the length of it, and found the land continued, and
trending more and more to the north. We coasted it to its northern
extremity, which we did not reach till after dark, at which time we were
near enough to the shore to hear the voices of people, who were assembled
round a fire they had made on the beach. There we sounded, and found twenty
fathoms and a bottom of sand; but, on edging off from the shore, we soon
got out of sounding, and then made a trip back to the south till the moon
got up. After this we stood again to the north, hauled round the point, and
spent the night in Bougainville's passage; being assured of our situation
before sun-set, by seeing the land, on the north side of the passage,
extending as far as N.W. 1/2 W.
The south coast of Mallicollo, from the S.E. end to the S.W. Cape, is
luxuriantly clothed with wood, and other productions of nature, from the
sea-shore to the very summits of the hills. To the N.W. of the Cape the
country is less woody, but more agreeably interspersed with lawns, some of
which appeared to be cultivated. The summits of the hills seemed barren;
and the highest lies between Port Sandwich and the S.W. Cape. Farther north
the land falls insensibly lower, and is less covered with wood. I believe
it is a very fertile island, and well inhabited; for we saw smoke by day
and fire by night, in all parts of it.[4]
Next morning at sun-rise, we found ourselves nearly in the middle of the
passage, the N.W. end of Mallicollo extending from S. 30° E., to S. 58° W.;
the land to the north from N. 70° W. to N. 4° E.; and the Isle of Lepers
bearing N. 30° E., distant eleven or twelve leagues. We now made sail, and
steered N. by E., and afterwards north, along the east coast of the
northern land, with a fine breeze at S.E. We found that this coast, which
at first appeared to be continued, was composed of several low woody isles,
the most of them of small extent, except the southernmost, which, on
account of the day, I named St Bartholomew. It is six or seven leagues in
circuit, and makes the N.E. point of Bougainville's Passage. At noon the
breeze began to slacken. We were at this time between two and three miles
from the land, and observed in latitude 15° 23' the Isle of Lepers bearing
from E. by N. to S., distance seven leagues; and a high bluff-head, at
which the coast we were upon seemed to terminate, N.N.W. 1/2 W., distant
ten or eleven leagues; but from the mast-head we could see land to the
east. This we judged to be an island, and it bore N. by W. 1/2 W.
As we advanced to N.N.W., along a fine coast covered with woods, we
perceived low land that extended off from the bluff-head towards the island
above mentioned, but did not seem to join it. It was my intention to have
gone through the channel, but the approach of night made me lay it aside,
and steer without the island. During the afternoon, we passed some small
isles lying under the shore; and observed some projecting points of unequal
height, but were not able to determine whether or no they were connected
with the main land. Behind them was a ridge of hills which terminated at
the bluff-head. There were cliffs, in some places of the coast, and white
patches, which we judged to be chalk. At ten o'clock, being the length of
the isle which lies off the head, we shortened sail, and spent the night in
making short boards.
At day-break on the 25th, we were on the north side of the island (which is
of a moderate height, and three leagues in circuit,) and steered west for
the bluff-head, along the low land under it. At sun-rise an elevated coast
came in sight beyond the bluff-head, extending to the north as far N.W. by
W. After doubling the head we found the land to trend south, a little
easterly, and to form a large deep bay, bounded on the west by the coast
just mentioned.
Every thing conspired to make us believe this was the Bay of St Philip and
St Jago, discovered by Quiros in 1606. To determine this point, it was
necessary to proceed farther up; for at this time we saw no end to it. The
wind being at south, we were obliged to ply, and first stretched over for
the west shore, from which we were three miles at noon, when our latitude
was 14° 55' 30" S., longitude 167° 3' E.; the mouth of the bay extending
from N. 64° W., to S. 86° E., which last direction was the bluff-head,
distant three leagues. In the afternoon the wind veering to E.S.E., we
could look up to the head of the bay; but as the breeze was faint, a N.E.
swell hurtled us over to the west shore; so that, at half past four o'clock
p.m., we were no more than two miles from it, and tacked in one hundred and
twenty fathoms water, a soft muddy bottom. The bluff-head, or east point of
the bay, bore north 53° east.
We had no sooner tacked than it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of
the swell, which continued to hurtle us towards the shore, where large
troops of people were assembled. Some ventured off in two canoes; but all
the signs of friendship we could make, did not induce them to come along-
side, or near enough to receive any present from us. At last they took
sudden fright at something, and returned ashore. They were naked, except
having some long grass, like flags, fastened to a belt, and hanging down
before and behind, nearly as low as the knee. Their colour was very dark,
and their hair woolly, or cut short, which made it seem so.[5] The canoes
were small and had outriggers. The calm continued till near eight o'clock,
in which time we drove into eighty-five fathoms water, and so near the
shore that I expected we should be obliged to anchor. A breeze of wind
sprung up at E.S.E., and first took us on the wrong side; but, contrary to
all our expectations, and when we had hardly room to veer, the ship came
about, and having filled on the starboard tack, we stood off N.E. Thus we
were relieved from the apprehensions of being forced to anchor in a great
depth, on a lee shore, and in a dark and obscure night.
We continued to ply upwards, with variable light breezes between E.S.E. and
S., till ten next morning, when it fell calm. We were, at this time, about
seven or eight miles from the head of the bay, which is terminated by a low
beach; and behind that, is an extensive flat covered with wood, and bounded
on each side by a ridge of mountains. At noon we found the latitude to be
15° 5' S., and were detained here by the calm till one o'clock p.m., when
we got a breeze at N. by W., with which we steered up to within two miles
of the head of the bay; and then I sent Mr Cooper and Mr Gilbert to sound
and reconnoitre the coast, while we stood to and fro with the ship. This
gave time to three sailing canoes which had been following us some time, to
come up. There were five or six men in each; and they approached near
enough to receive such things as were thrown to them fastened to a rope,
but would not advance alongside. They were the same sort of people as those
we had seen the preceding evening; indeed we thought they came from the
same place. They seemed to be stouter and better shaped men than those of
Mallicollo; and several circumstances concurred to make us think they were
of another nation. They named the numerals as far as five or six in the
language of Anamocka, and understood us when we asked the names of the
adjacent lands in that language. Some, indeed, had black short frizzled
hair like the natives of Mallicollo, but others had it long, tied up on the
crown of the head, and ornamented with feathers like the New Zealanders.
Their other ornaments were bracelets and necklaces; one man had something
like a white shell on his forehead, and some were painted with a blackish
pigment. I did not see that they had any other weapon but darts and gigs,
intended only for striking of fish. Their canoes were much like those of
Tanna, and navigated in the same manner, or nearly so. They readily gave us
the names of such parts as we pointed to; but we could not obtain from them
the name of the island. At length, seeing our boats coming, they paddled in
for the shore, notwithstanding all we could say or do to detain them.
When the boats returned, Mr Cooper informed me, that they had landed on the
beach which is at the head of the bay, near a fine river, or stream of
fresh water, so large and deep that they judged boats might enter it at
high water. They found three fathoms depth close to the beach, and fifty-
five and fifty, two cables' length off. Farther out they did not sound; and
where we were with the ship, we had no soundings with a hundred and seventy
fathoms line. Before the boats got on board, the wind had shifted to the
S.S.E. As we were in want of nothing, and had no time to spare, I took the
advantage of this shift of wind, and steered down the bay. During the fore-
part of the night, the country was illuminated with fires, from the sea-
shore to the summits of the mountains; but this was only on the west side
of the shore. I cannot pretend to say what was the occasion of these fires,
but have no idea of their being on our account. Probably, they were burning
or clearing the ground for new plantations. At day-break on the 27th, we
found ourselves two-thirds down the bay, and, as we had but little wind, it
was noon before we were the length of the N.W. point, which at this time
bore N. 82° W., distant five miles. Latitude observed 14° 39' 30".
Some of our gentlemen were doubtful of this being the bay of St Philip and
St Jago, as there was no place which they thought could mean the port of
Vera Cruz. For my part I found general points to agree so well with
Quiros's description, that I had not the least doubt about it. As to what
he calls the Port of Vera Cruz, I understand that to be the anchorage at
the head of the bay, which in some places may extend farther off than where
our boats landed. There is nothing in his account of the port which
contradicts this supposition. It was but natural for his people to give a
name to the place, independent of so large a bay, where they lay so long at
anchor. A port is a vague term, like many others in geography, and has been
very often applied to places far less sheltered than this.
Our officers observed that grass and other plants grew on the beach close
to high water-mark, which is always a sure sign of pacific anchorage, and
an undeniable proof that there never is a great surf on the shore. They
judged that the tide rose about four or five feet, and that boats and such
craft might, at high-water, enter the river, which seemed to be pretty deep
and broad within; so that this, probably, is one of those mentioned by
Quiros; and if we were not deceived, we saw the other.
The bay hath twenty leagues sea-coast, six on the east side, which lies in
the direction of S. half W. and N. half E., two at the head, and twelve on
the west side, the direction of which is S. by E. and N. by W., from the
head down to two-thirds of its length, and then N.W. by N. to the N.W.
point. The two points which form the entrance, lie in the direction of S.
53° E., and N. 53° W., from each other, distant ten leagues. The bay is
every where free from danger, and of an unfathomable depth, except near the
shores, which are for the most part low. This, however, is only a very
narrow strip between the sea-shore and the foot of the hills; for the bay,
as well as the flat land at the head of it, is bounded on each side by a
ridge of hills, one of which, that to the west, is very high and double,
extending the whole length of the island. An uncommonly luxuriant
vegetation was every where to be seen; the sides of the hills were
chequered with plantations; and every valley watered by a stream. Of all
the productions of nature this country was adorned with, the cocoa-nut
trees were the most conspicuous. The columns of smoke we saw by day, and
fires by night all over the country, led us to believe that it is well
inhabited and very fertile. The east point of this bay, which I name Cape
Quiros, in memory of its first discoverer, is situated in latitude 14° 56'
S., longitude 167° 13' E. The N.W. point, which I named Cape Cumberland, in
honour of his Royal Highness the Duke, lies in the latitude of 14° 38' 45"
S., longitude 166° 49' 1/2 E., and is the N.W. extremity of this
archipelago; for, after doubling it, we found the coast to trend gradually
round to the S. and S.S.E.[6]
On the 28th and 29th, we had light airs and calms, so that we advanced but
little. In this time, we took every opportunity, when the horizon was
clearer than usual, to look out for more land, but none was seen. By
Quiros's track to the north, after leaving the bay above-mentioned, it
seems probable that there is none nearer than Queen Charlotte's Island,
discovered by Captain Carteret, which lies about ninety leagues N.N.W. from
Cape Cumberland, and I take to be the same with Quiros's Santa Cruz.
On the 30th, the calm was succeeded by a fresh breeze at S.S.E. which
enabled us to ply up the coast. At noon we observed in 15° 20'; afterwards
we stretched in east, to within a mile of the shore, and then tacked in
seventy-five fathoms, before a sandy flat, on which several of the natives
made their appearance. We observed on the sides of the hills, several
plantations that were laid out by line, and fenced round.
On the 31st, at noon, the S. or S.W. point of the island bore N. 62° E.,
distant four leagues. This forms the N.W. point of what I call
Bougainville's Passage; the N.E. point at this time bore N. 85° E., and the
N.W. end of Mallicollo from S. 54° E. to S. 72° E. Latitude observed 15°
45' S. In the afternoon, in stretching to the east, we weathered the S.S.W.
point of the island, from which the coast trends east, northerly. It is
low, and seemed to form some creeks or coves; and, as we got farther into
the passage, we perceived some small low isles lying along it, which seemed
to extend behind St Bartholomew Island.
Having now finished the survey of the whole archipelago, the season of the
year made it necessary for me to return to the south, while I had yet some
time left to explore any land I might meet with between this and New
Zealand; where I intended to touch, that I might refresh my people, and
recruit our stock of wood and water for another southern course. With this
view, at five p.m. we tacked, and hauled to the southward with a fresh gale
at S.E. At this time the N.W. point of the passage, or the S.W. point of
the island Tierra del Espiritu Santo, the only remains of Quiros's
continent, bore N. 82° W., distant three leagues. I named it Cape Lisburne,
and its situation is in latitude 15° 40', longitude 165° 59' E.
The foregoing account of these islands, in the order in which we explored
them, not being particular enough either as to situation or description, it
may not be improper now to give a more accurate view of them, which will
convey to the reader a better idea of the whole groupe.
The northern islands of this archipelago were first discovered by that
great navigator Quiros in 1606; and, not without reason, were considered as
part of the southern continent, which, at that time, and until very lately,
was supposed to exist. They were next visited by M. de Bougainville, in
1768; who, besides landing on the Isle of Lepers, did no more than discover
that the land was not connected, but composed of islands, which he called
the Great Cyclades. But as, besides ascertaining the extent and situation
of these islands, we added to them several new ones which were not known
before, and explored the whole, I think we have obtained a right to name
them; and shall in future distinguish them by the name of the New Hebrides.
They are situated between the latitude of 14° 29' and 20° 4' S., and
between 166° 41' and 170° 21' E. longitude, and extend an hundred and
twenty-five leagues in the direction of N.N.W. 1/2 W. and S.S.E. 1/2 E.
The most northern island is that called by M. de Bougainville, Peak of the
Etoile; it is situated, according to his account, in latitude, 14° 29',
longitude 168° 9'; and N. by W., eight leagues from Aurora.
The next island, which lies farthest north, is that of Tierra del Espiritu
Santo. It is the most western and largest of all the Hebrides, being
twenty-two leagues long, in the direction of N.N.W. 1/2 W. and S.S.E. 1/2
E., twelve in breadth, and sixty in circuit. We have obtained the true
figure of this island very accurately. The land of it, especially the west
side, is exceedingly high and mountainous; and, in many places the hills
rise directly from the sea. Except the cliffs and beaches, every other part
is covered with wood, or laid out in plantations. Besides the bay of St
Philip and St Jago, the isles which lie along the south and east coast,
cannot, in my opinion, fail of forming some good bays or harbours.
The next considerable island is that of Mallicollo. To the S.E. it extends
N.W. and S.E., and is eighteen leagues long in that direction. Its greatest
breadth, which is at the S.E, end, is eight leagues. The N.W. end is two-
thirds this breadth, and near the middle, one-third. This contraction is
occasioned by a wide and pretty deep bay on the S.W. side. To judge of this
island from what we saw of it, it must be very fertile and well inhabited.
The land on the sea-coast is rather low, and lies with a gentle slope from
the hills which are in the middle of the island. Two-thirds of the N.E.
coast was only seen at a great distance; therefore the delineations of it
can have no pretensions to accuracy; but the other parts, I apprehend, are
without any material errors.
St Bartholomew lies between the S.E. end of Tierra del Espiritu Santo, and
the north end of Mallicollo; and the distance between it and the latter is
eight miles. This is the passage through which M. de Bougainville went; and
the middle of it is in latitude 15° 48'.
The Isle of Lepers lies between Espiritu Santo and Aurora Island, eight
leagues from the former, and three from the latter, in latitude 15° 22',
and nearly under the same meridian as the S.E.. end of Mallicollo. It is of
an egg-like figure, very high, and eighteen or twenty leagues in circuit.
Its limits were determined by several bearings; but the lines of the shore
were traced out by guess, except the N.E. part where there is anchorage
half a mile from the land.
Aurora, Whitsuntide, Ambrym, Paoom, and its neighbour Apee, Threehills, and
Sandwich Islands, lie all nearly under the meridian of 167° 29' or 30' E.,
extending from the latitude of 14° 51' 30", to 17° 53' 30".
The island of Aurora lies N. by W. and S. by E., and is eleven leagues long
in that direction; but I believe, it hardly any where exceeds two or two
and a half in breadth. It hath a good height, its surface hilly, and every
where covered with wood, except where the natives have their dwellings and
plantations.
Whitsuntide Isle, which is one league and a half to the south of Aurora, is
of the same length, and lies in the direction of north and south, but is
something broader than Aurora Island. It is considerably high, and clothed
with wood, except such parts as seemed to be cultivated, which were pretty
numerous.
From the south end of Whitsuntide Island to the north side of Ambrym is two
leagues and a half. This is about seventeen leagues in circuit; its shores
are rather low, but the land rises with an unequal ascent to a tolerably
high mountain in the middle of the island, from which ascended great
columns of smoke; but we were not able to determine whether this was
occasioned by a volcano or not. That it is fertile and well inhabited,
seems probable from the quantities of smoke which we saw rise out of the
woods, in such parts of the island as came within the compass of our sight;
for it must be observed, that we did not see the whole of it.
We saw still much less of Paoom and its neighbourhood. I can say no more of
this island than that it towers up to a great height in the form of a round
hay-stack; and the extent of it, and of the adjoining isle (if there are
two), cannot exceed three or four leagues in any direction; for the
distance between Ambrym and Apee is hardly five; and they lie in this
space, and east from Port Sandwich, distant about seven or eight leagues.
The island of Apee is not less than twenty leagues in circuit; its longest
direction is about eight leagues N.W. and S.E.; it is of considerable
height; and hath a hilly surface diversified with woods and lawns, the west
and south parts especially; for the others we did not see.
Shepherd's Isles are a group of small ones of unequal size, extending off
from the S.E. point of Apee about five leagues in the direction of S.E.
The island Threehills lies south four leagues from the coast of Apee, and
S.E. 1/2 S., distant seventeen leagues from Port Sandwich; to this, and
what hath been already said of it, I shall only add, that W. by N., five
miles from the west point, is a reef of rocks on which the sea continually
breaks.
Nine leagues, in the direction of south, from Threehills, lies Sandwich
Island. Twohills, the Monument, and Montagu Islands, lie to the east of
this line, and Hinchinbrook to the west, as also two or three small isles
which lie between it and Sandwich Island, to which they are connected by
breakers.
Sandwich Island is twenty-five leagues in circuit; its greatest extent is
ten leagues; and it lies in the direction of N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. The
N.W. coast of this island we only viewed at a distance; therefore our chart
of this part may be faulty so far as it regards the line of the coast, but
no farther. The distance from the south end of Mallicollo to the N.W. end
of Sandwich Island, is twenty-two leagues in the direction of S.S E. 1/2 E.
In the same direction lie Erromango, Tanna, and Annatom. The first is
eighteen leagues from Sandwich Island, and is twenty-four or twenty-five
leagues in circuit. The middle of it lies in the latitude of 18° 54',
longitude 169° 19' E., and it is of a good height, as may be gathered from
the distance we were off when we first saw it.
Tanna lies six leagues from the south side of Erromango, extending S.E. by
S. and N.W. by N., about eight leagues long in that direction, and every
where about three or four leagues broad.
The isle of Immer lies in the direction of N. by E. 1/2 E., four leagues
from Port Resolution in Tanna; and the island of Erronan or Footoona East,
in the same direction, distant eleven leagues. This, which is the most
eastern island of all the Hebrides, did not appear to be above five leagues
in circuit, but is of a considerable height and flat at top. On the N.E.
side is a little peak seemingly disjointed from the isle; but we thought it
was connected by low land. Annatom, which is the southernmost island, is
situated in the latitude of 20° 3', longitude 170° 4', and S. 30° E.,
eleven or twelve leagues from Port Resolution. It is of a good height, with
an hilly surface; and more I must not say of it.[7]
Here follow the lunar observations by Mr Wales, for ascertaining the
longitude of these islands, reduced by the watch to Port Sandwich in
Mallicollo, and Port Resolution in Tanna.
Port Sandwich, ( Mean of 10 sets of ob. before 167° 56' 33" 1/4 ) E.
( 2 ditto, at 168 2 37 1/2 ) long
( 20 ditto, after 167 52 57 )
( ----------------
( Mean of those means, 167 57 22 3/4
Port Resolution, ( Mean of 20 sets of ob. before 169 37 35 ) E.
( 5 ditto, at 169 48 48 ) long
( 20 ditto, after 169 47 22 1/2 )
( ----------------
( Mean of these means, 169 44 33
It is necessary to observe, that each set of observations, consisting of
between six and ten observed distances of the sun and moon, or moon and
stars, the whole number amounts to several hundreds; and these have been
reduced by means of the watch to all the islands; so that the longitude of
each is as well ascertained as that of the two ports above-mentioned. As a
proof of this I shall only observe, that the longitude of the two ports, as
pointed out by the watch and by the observations, did not differ two miles.
This also shews what degree of accuracy these observations are capable of,
when multiplied to a considerable number, made with different instruments,
and with the sun and stars, or both sides of the moon. By this last method,
the errors which may be either in the instruments or lunar tables, destroy
one another, and likewise those which may arise from the observer himself;
for some men may observe closer than others. If we consider the number of
observations that may be obtained in the course of a month (if the weather
is favourable,) we shall perhaps find this method of finding the longitude
of places as accurate as most others; at least it is the most easy, and
attended with the least expence to the observer. Every ship that goes to
foreign parts is, or maybe, supplied with a sufficient number of quadrants
at a small expence; I mean good ones, proper for making these observations.
For the difference of the price between a good and a bad one, I apprehend,
can never be an object with an officer. The most expensive article, and
what is in some measure necessary in order to arrive at the utmost
accuracy, is a good watch; but for common use, and where that strict
accuracy is not required, this may be dispensed with. I have observed
before, in this journal, that this method of finding the longitude is not
so difficult but that any man, with proper application, and a little
practice, may soon learn to make these observations as well as the
astronomers themselves. I have seldom known any material difference between
the observations made by Mr Wales, and those made by the officers at the
same time.
In observing the variation of the magnetic needle, we found, as usual, our
compasses differ among themselves, sometimes near 2°; the same compass too,
would sometimes make nearly this difference in the variation on different
days, and even between the morning and evening of the same day, when our
change of situation has been but very little. By the mean of the
observations which I made about Erromango; and the S.E. part of these
islands, the variation of the compass was 10° 5' 48" E.; and the mean of
those made about Tierra del Espiritu Santo, gave 10° 5' 30" E. This is
considerably more than Mr Wales found it to be at Tanna. I cannot say what
might occasion this difference in the variation observed at sea and on
shore, unless it be influenced by the land; for I must give the preference
to that found at sea, as it is agreeable to what we observed before we made
the islands, and after we left them.
[1] The word Survey is not here to be understood in its literal sense.
Surveying a place, according to my idea, is taking a geometrical plan
of it, in which every place is to have its true situation, which
cannot be done in a work of this nature.
[2] Mr G.F. says that the aspect of the southern shore of Sandwich
Island was very beautiful, and that its forests seemed more rich and
copious than had been observed to the northward. According to him too,
the small islands which formed the harbour were of inconsiderable
height, but finely wooded with the most tufted trees.--E.
[3] "Mallicollo surprised us again with the beauty and shagginess of
its forests, from whence vast numbers of smokes ascended, sufficient
to prove, that a great part of them was inhabited. The land about the
bay which opened up to our view, was to all appearance extremely
populous and fertile. Two small islands were situated in this bay, and
we feasted our eyes on the richness and luxuriance of the prospect,
when the brightest tints of verdure were properly spread."--G.F.
[4] "Beyond the point which included the bay to the north-west, the
country lost something of its exuberant fertility, and was
interspersed with barren spots, though we saw smokes and habitations
on the highest ridges: And at night the mountains were illuminated in
different places, by several lines of fire, some of which appeared to
extend at least half-a-mile in length. The land, which forms the north
side of Bougainville's passage, appeared very extensive, high and
mountainous, and a number of small islands lay along its southern
coast, which were of a very moderate height, and covered with the
finest forests. The continual fair weather which attended this part of
our navigation, made all these beautiful landscapes appear to the
greatest advantage; and the pleasure of contemplating a great variety
of rich sceneries, made us some amends for the wretchedness of our
diet, which at present consisted of no other than the ship's
provisions."--G.F.
[5] Mr G.F. says some of them had bunches of feathers on their heads,
others a white shell tied on the forehead, and one a sago leaf rolled
round his head forming a kind of cap. They came near enough to the
vessel to receive presents, and shewed a peculiar partiality for
nails, which implied some acquaintance with their value and use. It
was impossible to hold conversation with them by any known language,
but it would seem, that their numerals bore strong resemblance to
those of the Friendly Islands, or were indeed the same. There is
reason to think then, as Captain Cook afterwards notices, that these
are the same sort of people, if not the same individuals, that were
seen on the following day.--E.
[6] "Quiros had great reason to extol the beauty and fertility of this
country; it is indeed, to appearance, one of the finest in the world.
Its riches in vegetable productions would doubtless have afforded the
botanist an ample harvest of new plants, as, next to New Zealand, it
was the largest island we had hitherto seen, and had the advantage of
having never been examined by other naturalists. But the study of
nature was only the secondary object in this voyage, which, contrary
to its original intent, was so contrived in the execution as to
produce little more than a new track on the chart of the southern
hemisphere. We were therefore obliged to look upon those moments, as
peculiarly fortunate, when the urgent wants of the crew, and the
interest of the sciences, happened to coincide."--G.F.
This language is by no means to be imputed to any thing like
disrespect towards Captain Cook, who seems to have stood very high in
the author's estimation; it is, in fact, the natural expression of
disappointment at the unexpected and unintended failure of a favourite
speculation, without any reference to the moral agents by whom it had
been immediately occasioned. It does, however, seem to imply censure
of those, who, in planning the expedition, were far more anxious to
make discoveries, than to extend their importance by the labours of
the naturalist. Considering then from whom it comes, a liberal
interpreter would concede a little allowance to its poignancy of
complaint. Men very naturally attach superior importance to studies
which have long and almost exclusively engrossed their own attention,
and are exceedingly apt to ascribe to ignorance, or something still
more dishonourable, that indifference to them which those who are in
power seem to manifest. Much self-denial, as well as much liberal
observation, is required, to overcome such evil surmisings, and to
induce a candid construction of the conduct that thwarts our own
sanguine prospects. These perhaps are rarely to be met with in young
men, who, in general, are intolerant in proportion to the really
honest industry they exercise in particular pursuits, and their
consciousness of the disinterestedness by which they are actuated. But
time accomplishes two great things for those who are capable of
improvement; it demonstrates the erroneousness of many of the
judgments they had formed of the human character and conduct, and it
discloses within their own breasts, several very disquieting
principles and mortifying drawbacks, which necessitate them to lower
the estimate they had made of their own excellence. Where, from
uncommon circumstances, this tuition has never been applied, we shall
find at forty, the same petulance and conceit which characterised the
clever, it may be, but certainly foolish youth of eighteen; and some
persons there are, who, not quite ignorant of the process, are so much
enraged at it, that they continue through life to display the same
offensive appearances, out of mere spite, and because they have not
the honesty to acknowledge that they ever stood in need of
instruction. G.F. appears to have been in the first-mentioned
predicament; and probably his early death occurred in the midst of a
salutary though severe correction.--E.
[7] "This group of islands, which we had now cursorily examined in the
space of forty-six days, seems to be well worth the attention of
future navigators, especially if they should ever be sent out upon the
liberal plan of making discoveries in all the various branches of
science. I will not pretend to say that they would find great riches
of silver and pearls, which Quiros was forced to speak of, in order to
engage an interested, avaricious court, to support his great and
spirited undertakings. These incitements are not necessary now-a-days,
when several monarchs in Europe have convinced the world that they can
institute voyages of discovery, with no other view than the increase
of human knowledge, and the improvement of man-kind. The sums which
some of their predecessors have lavished on parasites, have been found
sufficient to make an immense progress, nay to produce a new and
important revolution in the state of the sciences, which have ever
required a trifling expence to triumph over the numberless obstacles
that ignorance, envy, or superstition opposed against them."--G.F.
This gentleman we see, is capable of courtesy. The terms in which it
is expressed, however, are sufficiently guarded against admitting too
great a latitude of application, and consequently, are not
particularly liable to abuse--the less so indeed, as it is likely,
that those who might most covet his commendation, would be found best
entitled to it. The recent distractions of Europe, however, have not
enhanced the claims of its monarchs to the honour of patronising such
important undertakings. Some of them, it is probable, are content with
the common but assuredly not less expensive ambition of having shared,
though but by proxy, in a more splendid speculation for fame: And the
glory so acquired, they may chance to think, is ample enough, without
farther concern, to gild their names throughout all succeeding
generations. If so, unfortunately, there is an end of such labours of
discovery as are here recommended; and the islands in question must
remain unexplored, till the increase of human knowledge, and the
improvement of mankind, are thought practicable without bloodshed, and
are felt to be cheaply purchased by the sacrifice of personal
ostentation and public extravagance. Let us hope that the early
example of the truly noble Alexander, in comparatively untoward
circumstances of the world, will be emulated by older sovereigns, who
cannot but be sensible, notwithstanding their catholic affection, that
no small exercise of philanthropy and the love of science is required,
to give them any thing like an equal chance for immortality.--E.
SECTION VIII.
_An Account of the Discovery of New Caledonia, and the Incidents that
happened while the Ship lay in Balade._
At sun-rise on the 1st of September, after having stood to S.W. all night,
no more land was to be seen. The wind remaining in the S.E. quarter, we
continued to stand to S.W. On the 2d, at five o'clock, p.m., being in the
latitude 18° 22', longitude 165° 26', the variation was 10° 50' E.; and at
the same hour on the 3d, it was 10° 51', latitude at that time 19° 14',
longitude 165° E. The next morning, in the latitude of 19° 49' longitude
164° 53", the amplitude gave 10° 21', and the azimuths 10° 7' E. At eight
o'clock, as we were steering to the south, land was discovered bearing
S.S.W., and at noon it extended from S.S.E. to W. by S., distant about six
leagues. We continued to steer for it with a light breeze at east, till
five in the evening, when we were stopped by a calm. At this time we were
three leagues from the land, which extended from S.E. by S. to W. by N.,
round by the S.W. Some openings appeared in the west, so that we could not
tell whether it was one connected land or a group of islands. To the S.E.
the coast seemed to terminate in a high promontory, which I named Cape
Colnett, after one of my midshipmen who first discovered this land.
Breakers were seen about half-way between us and the shore; and, behind
them, two or three canoes under sail, standing out to sea, as if their
design had been to come off to us; but a little before sun-set they struck
their sails, and we saw them no more. After a few hours calm, we got a
breeze at S.E., and spent the night standing off and on.[1]
On the 5th, at sun-rise, the horizon being clear, we could see the coast
extend to the S.E. of Cape Colnett, and round by the S.W. to N.W. by W.
Some gaps or openings were yet to be seen to the west; and a reef, or
breakers, seemed to lie all along the coast, connected with those we
discovered the preceding night. It was a matter of indifference to me,
whether we plied up the coast to the S.E., or bore down to N.W. I chose the
latter; and after running two leagues down the outside of the reef (for
such it proved) we came before an opening that had the appearance of a good
channel, through which we might go in for the land. I wanted to get at it,
not only to visit it, but also to have an opportunity to observe an eclipse
of the sun which was soon to happen. With this view we brought-to, hoisted
out two armed boats, and sent them to sound the channel; ten or twelve
large sailing canoes being then near us. We had observed them coming off
from the shore, all the morning, from different parts; and some were lying
on the reef, fishing, as we supposed. As soon as they all got together,
they came down to us in a body, and were pretty near when we were hoisting
out our boats, which probably gave them some alarm; for, without stopping,
they hauled in for the reef, and our boats followed them. We now saw that
what we had taken for openings in the coast was low land, and that it was
all connected, except the western extremity, which was an island known by
the name of Balabea, as we afterwards learnt.
The boats having made a signal for a channel, and one of them being placed
on the point of the reef on the weather side of it, we stood in with the
ship, and took up the other boat in our way, when the officer informed me,
that where we were to pass, was sixteen and fourteen fathoms water, a fine
sandy bottom, and that having put alongside two canoes, he found the people
very obliging and civil.[2] They gave him some fish; and, in return, he
presented them with medals, &c. In one was a stout robust young man, whom,
they understood to be a chief. After getting within the reef, we hauled up
S. 1/2 E., for a small low sandy isle that we observed lying under the
shore, being followed by all the canoes. Our sounding in standing in, was
from fifteen to twelve fathoms (a pretty even fine sandy bottom,) for about
two miles; then we had six, five, and four fathoms. This was on the tail of
a shoal which lies a little without the small isle to the N.E. Being over
it, we found seven and eight fathoms water, which shallowed gradually as we
approached the shore, to three fathoms, when we tacked and stood off a
little, and then anchored in five fathoms, the bottom a fine sand mixed
with mud. The little sandy isle bore E. by S., three-quarters of a mile
distant; and we were one mile from the shore of the main, which extended
from S.E. by E., round to the south, to W.N.W. The island of Balabea bore
N.W. by N., and the channel, through which we came, north, four miles
distant. In this situation we were extremely well sheltered from the
reigning winds, by the sandy isle and its shoals, and by the shoal without
them.
We had hardly got to an anchor, before we were surrounded by a great number
of the natives, in sixteen or eighteen canoes, the most of whom were
without any sort of weapons. At first they were shy in coming near the
ship; but in a short time we prevailed on the people in one boat to get
close enough to receive some presents. These we lowered down to them by a
rope, to which, in return, they tied two fish that stunk intolerably, as
did those they gave us in the morning. These mutual exchanges bringing on a
kind of confidence, two ventured on board the ship; and presently after,
she was filled with them, and we had the company of several at dinner in
the cabin. Our pease-soup, salt-beef and pork, they had no curiosity to
taste; but they eat of some yams, which we happened to have yet left,
calling them _Oobee_. This name is not unlike _Oofee_, as they
are called at most of the islands, except Mallicollo; nevertheless, we
found these people spoke a language new to us. Like all the nations we had
lately seen, the men were almost naked; having hardly any other covering
but such a wrapper as is used at Mallicollo. They were curious in examining
every part of the ship, which they viewed with uncommon attention. They had
not the least knowledge of goats, hogs, dogs, or cats, and had not even a
name for one of them. They seemed fond of large spike-nails, and pieces of
red cloth, or indeed of any other colour, but red was their favourite.
After dinner, I went on shore with two armed boats, having with us one of
the natives who had attached himself to me. We landed on a sandy beach
before a vast number of people, who had got together with no other intent
than to see us; for many of them had not a stick in their hands;
consequently we were received with great courtesy, and with the surprise
natural for people to express, at seeing men and things so new to them as
we must be. I made presents to all those my friend pointed out, who were
either old men, or such as seemed to be of some note; but he took not the
least notice of some women who stood behind the crowd, folding my hand when
I was going to give them some beads and medals. Here we found the same
chief, who had been seen in one of the canoes in the morning. His name, we
now learnt, was Teabooma; and we had not been on shore above ten minutes,
before he called for silence. Being instantly obeyed by every individual
present, he made a short speech; and soon after another chief having called
for silence, made a speech also. It was pleasing to see with what attention
they were heard. Their speeches were composed of short sentences; to each
of which two or three old men answered, by nodding their heads, and giving
a kind of grunt, significant, as I thought, of approbation. It was
impossible for us to know the purport of these speeches; but we had reason
to think they were favourable to us, on whose account they doubtless were
made.
I kept my eyes fixed on the people all the time, and saw nothing to induce
me to think otherwise. While we were with them, having enquired, by signs,
for fresh water, some pointed to the east and others to the west. My friend
undertook to conduct us to it, and embarked with us for that purpose. We
rowed about two miles up the coast to the east, where the shore was mostly
covered with mangrove-trees; and entering amongst them, by a narrow creek
or river, which brought us to a little straggling village, above all the
mangroves, there we landed and were shewn fresh water. The ground near this
village was finely cultivated, being laid out in plantations of sugar-
canes, plantains, yams, and other roots, and watered by little rills,
conducted by art from the main stream, whose source was in the hills. Here
were some cocoa-nut trees, which did not seem burdened with fruit. We heard
the crowing of cocks, but saw none. Some roots were baking on a fire in an
earthen jar, which would have held six or eight gallons; nor did we doubt
its being their own manufacture. As we proceeded up the creek, Mr Forster
having shot a duck flying over our heads, which was the first use these
people saw made of our fire-arms, my friend begged to have it; and when he
landed, told his countrymen in what manner it was killed. The day being far
spent, and the tide not permitting us to stay longer in the creek, we took
leave of the people and got on board a little after sun-set.[3] From this
little excursion, I found that we were to expect nothing from these people
but the privilege of visiting their country undisturbed. For it was easy to
see they had little else than good-nature to bestow. In this they exceeded
all the nations we had yet met with; and, although it did not satisfy the
demands of nature, it at once pleased and left our minds at ease.[4]
Next morning we were visited by some hundreds of the natives; some coming
in canoes, and others swimming off; so that, before ten o'clock, our decks,
and all other parts of the ship, were quite full with them. My friend, who
was of the number, brought me a few roots, but all the others came empty in
respect to eatables. Some few had with them their arms, such as clubs and
darts, which they exchanged for nails, pieces of cloth, &c. After
breakfast, I sent Lieutenant Pickersgill with two armed boats to look for
fresh water; for what we found the day before was by no means convenient
for us to get on board. At the same time Mr Wales, accompanied by
lieutenant Clerke, went to the little isle to make preparations for
observing the eclipse of the sun, which was to be in the afternoon. Mr
Pickersgill soon returning, informed me that he had found a stream of fresh
water, pretty convenient to come at. I therefore ordered the launch to be
hoisted out to complete our water, and then went to the isle to assist in
the observation.[5]
About one p.m., the eclipse came on. Clouds interposed, and we lost the
first contact, but were more fortunate in the end, which was observed as
follows:
By Mr Wales with Dollond's 3 1/2 foot
achromatic refractor, at 3h 28' 39" 1/4 \
By Mr Clerke with Bird's 2 feet |Appa-
reflector, at 3 28 52 1/4 |rent
And by me with an 18 inch reflector |time.
made by Watkins, 3 28 53 1/4 /
Latitude of the isle or place
of observation, 20° 17' 39" S.
Longitude per distance of the sun and moon,
and moon and stars, 48 sets, 164° 41' 21" East.
Ditto per watch 163 58 0
Mr Wales measured the quantity eclipsed by a Hadley's quadrant, a method
never before thought of. I am of opinion it answers the purpose of a
micrometer to a great degree of certainty, and is a great addition to the
use of this most valuable instrument. After all was over, we returned on
board, where I found Teabooma the chief, who soon after slipped out of the
ship without my knowledge, and by that means lost the present I had made up
for him.
In the evening I went ashore to the watering-place, which was at the head
of a little creek, at a fine stream that came from the hills. It was
necessary to have a small boat in the creek to convey the casks from and to
the beach over which they were rolled, and then put into the launch; as
only a small boat could enter the creek, and that only at high water.
Excellent wood for fuel was here far more convenient than water, but this
was an article we did not want. About seven o'clock this evening, died
Simon Monk, our butcher, a man much esteemed in the ship; his death being
occasioned by a fall down the fore-hatch-way the preceding night.
Early in the morning of the 7th, the watering-party, and a guard, under the
command of an officer, were sent ashore; and soon after a party of us went
to take a view of the country. As soon as we landed we made known our
design to the natives, and two of them undertaking to be our guides,
conducted us up the hills by a tolerably good path. In our route, we met
several people, most or whom turned back with us; so that at last our train
was numerous. Some we met who wanted us to return; but we paid no regard to
their signs, nor did they seem uneasy when we proceeded. At length we
reached the summit of one of the hills, from which we saw the sea in two
places, between some advanced hills, on the opposite or S.W. side of the
land. This was an useful discovery, as it enabled us to judge of the
breadth of the land, which, in this part, did not exceed ten leagues.
Between those advanced hills, and the ridge we were upon, was a large
valley, through which ran a serpentine river. On the banks of this were
several plantations, and some villages, whose inhabitants we had met on the
road, and found more on the top of the hill gazing at the ship, as might be
supposed. The plain, or flat of land, which lies along the shore we were
upon, appeared from the hills to great advantage; the winding streams which
ran through out, the plantations, the little straggling villages, the
variety in the woods, and the shoals on the coast, so variegating the
scene, that the whole might afford a picture for romance. Indeed, if it
were not for those fertile spots on the plains, and some few on the sides
of the mountains, the whole country might be called a dreary waste. The
mountains, and other high places, are, for the most part, incapable of
cultivation, consisting chiefly of rocks, many of which are full of
mundicks. The little soil that is upon them is scorched and burnt up with
the sun; it is, nevertheless, coated with coarse grass and other plants,
and here and there trees and shrubs. The country, in general, bore great
resemblance to some parts of New Holland under the same parallel of
latitude, several of its natural productions seeming to be the same, and
the woods being without underwood, as in that country. The reefs on the
coast and several other similarities, were obvious to every one who had
seen both countries. We observed all the N.E. coast to be covered with
shoals and breakers, extending to the northward, beyond the Isle of
Balabea, till they were lost in the horizon. Having made these
observations, and our guides not chusing to go farther, we descended the
mountains by a road different from that by which we ascended. This brought
us down through some of their plantations in the plains, which I observed
were laid out with great judgment, and cultivated with much labour. Some of
them were lying in fallow, some seemingly lately laid down, and others of
longer date, pieces of which they were again beginning to dig up. The first
thing I observed they did, was to set fire to the grass, &c. which had
over-run the surface. Recruiting the land by letting it lie some years
untouched, is observed by all the nations in this sea; but they seem to
have no notion of manuring it, at least I have no where seen it done. Our
excursion was finished by noon, when we returned on board to dinner; and
one of our guides having left us, we brought the other with us, whose
fidelity was rewarded at a small expence.
In the afternoon I made a little excursion along-shore to the westward, in
company with Mr Wales. Besides making observations on such things as we
met, we got the names of several places, which I then thought were islands;
but upon farther enquiry, I found they were districts upon the same land.
This afternoon a fish being struck by one of the natives near the watering-
place, my clerk purchased it, and sent it to me after my return on board.
It was of a new species, something like a sun-fish, with a large long ugly
head. Having no suspicion of its being of a poisonous nature, we ordered it
to be dressed for supper; but, very luckily, the operation of drawing and
describing took up so much time, that it was too late, so that only the
liver and row were dressed, of which the two Mr Forsters and myself did but
taste. About three o'clock in the morning, we found ourselves seized with
an extraordinary weakness and numbness all over our limbs. I had almost
lost the sense of feeling; nor could I distinguish between light and heavy
bodies, of such as I had strength to move; a quart-pot, full of water, and
a feather, being the same in my hand. We each of us took an emetic, and
after that a sweat, which gave us much relief. In the morning, one of the
pigs, which had eaten the entrails, was found dead. When the natives came
on board and saw the fish hanging up, they immediately gave us to
understand it was not wholesome food, and expressed the utmost abhorrence
of it; though no one was observed to do this when the fish was to be sold,
or even after it was purchased.
On the 8th, the guard and a party of men were on shore as usual. In the
afternoon, I received a message from the officer, acquainting me that
Teabooma the chief was come with a present consisting of a few yams and
sugar-canes. In return, I sent him, amongst other articles, a dog and a
bitch, both young, but nearly full grown. The dog was red and white, but
the bitch was all red, or the colour of an English fox. I mention this,
because they may prove the Adam and Eve of their species in that country.
When the officer returned on board in the evening, he informed me that the
chief came, attended by about twenty men, so that it looked like a visit of
ceremony. It was some time before he would believe the dog and bitch were
intended for him; but as soon as he was convinced, he seemed lost in an
excess of joy, and sent them away immediately.
Next morning early, I dispatched Lieutenant Pickersgill and Mr Gilbert with
the launch and cutter to explore the coast to the west; judging this would
be better effected in the boats than in the ship, as the reef would force
the latter several leagues from land. After breakfast, a party of men was
sent on shore, to make brooms; but myself and the two Mr Forsters were
confined on board, though much better, a good sweat having had an happy
effect. In the afternoon a man was seen, both ashore and alongside the
ship, said to be as white as an European. From the account I had of him
(for I did not see him,) his whiteness did not proceed from hereditary
descent, but from chance or some disease; and such have been seen at
Otaheite and the Society Isles.[6] A fresh easterly wind, and the ship
lying a mile from the shore, did not hinder those good-natured people from
swimming off to us in shoals of twenty or thirty, and returning the same
way.
On the 10th, a party was on shore as usual; and Mr Forster so well
recovered as to go out botanizing.
In the evening of the 11th, the boats returned, when I was informed of the
following circumstances. From an elevation which they reached the morning
they set out, they had a view of the coast. Mr Gilbert was of opinion that
they saw the termination of it to the west, but Mr Pickersgill thought not;
though both agreed that there was no passage for the ship that way. From
this place, accompanied by two of the natives, they went to Balabea, which
they did not reach till after sun-set, and left again next morning before
sun-rise; consequently this was a fruitless expedition, and the two
following days were spent in getting up to the ship. As they went down to
the isle, they saw abundance of turtle; but the violence of the wind and
sea made it impossible to strike any. The cutter was near being lost, by
suddenly filling with water, which obliged them to throw several things
overboard, before they could free her, and stop the leak she had sprung.
From a fishing canoe, which they met coming in from the reefs, they got as
much fish as they could eat; and they were received by Teabi, the chief of
the isle of Balabea, and the people, who came in numbers to see them, with
great courtesy. In order not to be too much crowded, our people drew a line
on the ground, and gave the others to understand they were not to come
within it. This restriction they observed, and one of them, soon after,
turned to his own advantage. For happening to have a few cocoa-nuts, which
one of our people wanted to buy, and he was unwilling to part with, he
walked off, and was followed by the man who wanted them. On seeing this, he
sat down on the sand, made a circle round him, as he had seen our people
do, and signified that the other was not to come within it; which was
accordingly observed. As this story was well attested, I thought it not
unworthy of a place in this journal.[7]
Early in the morning of the 12th, I ordered the carpenter to work, to
repair the cutter, and the water to be re-placed, which we had expended the
three preceding days. As Tea Booma the chief had not been seen since he got
the dogs, and I wanted to lay a foundation for stocking the country with
hogs also, I took a young boar and a sow with me in the boat, and went up
to the mangrove creek to look for my friend, in order to give them to him.
But when we arrived there, we were told that he lived at some distance, and
that they would send for him. Whether they did or no I cannot say; but he
not coming, I resolved to give them to the first man of note I met with.
The guide we had to the hills happening to be there, I made him understand
that I intended to leave the two pigs on shore, and ordered them out of the
boat for that purpose. I offered them to a grave old man, thinking he was a
proper person to entrust them with; but he shook his head, and he and all
present, made signs to take them into the boat again. When they saw I did
not comply, they seemed to consult with one another what was to be done;
and then our guide told me to carry them to the Alekee (chief). Accordingly
I ordered them to be taken up, and we were conducted by him to a house,
wherein were seated, in a circle, eight or ten middle-aged persons. To them
I and my pigs being introduced, with great courtesy they desired me to sit
down; and then I began to expatiate on the merits of the two pigs,
explaining to them how many young ones the female would have at one time,
and how soon these would multiply to some hundreds. My only motive was to
enhance their value, that they might take the more care of them; and I had
reason to think I in some measure succeeded. In the mean time, two men
having left the company, soon returned with six yams, which were presented
to me; and then I took my leave and went on board.
I have already observed, that here was a little village; I now found it
much larger than I expected; and about it, a good deal of cultivated land,
regularly laid out, planted and planting with taro or eddy root, yams,
sugar-canes, and plantains. The taro plantations were prettily watered by
little rills, continually supplied from the main channel at the foot of the
mountains, from whence these streams were conducted in artful meanders.
They have two methods of planting these roots, some are in square or oblong
patches, which lie perfectly horizontal, and sink below the common level of
the adjacent land, so that they can let in on them as much water as they
think necessary. I have generally seen them covered two or three inches
deep; but I do not know that this is always necessary. Others are planted
in ridges about three or four feet broad, and two, or two and a half high.
On the middle or top of the ridge, is a narrow gutter, in and along which
is conveyed, as above described, a little rill that waters the roots,
planted in the ridge on each side of it; and these plantations are so
judiciously laid out, that the same stream waters several ridges. These
ridges are sometimes the divisions to the horizontal plantations; and when
this method is used, which is for the most part observed where a pathway,
or something of that sort, is requisite, not an inch of ground is lost.
Perhaps there may be some difference in the roots, which may make these two
methods of raising them necessary. Some are better tasted than others, and
they are not all of a colour; but be this as it may, they are very
wholesome food, and the tops make good greens, and are eaten as such by the
natives. On these plantations men, women, and children were employed.
In the afternoon I went on shore, and, on a large tree, which stood close
to the shore, near the watering-place, had an inscription cut, setting
forth the ship's name, date, &c. as a testimony of our being the first
discoverers of this country, as I had done at all others, at which we had
touched, where this ceremony was necessary. This being done, we took leave
of our friends, and returned on board; when I ordered all the boats to be
hoisted in, in order to be ready to put to sea in the morning.
[1] "The land, when discovered, appeared to be very high, and its
distance from us was about eight leagues, being seen through a haze,
which made it appear farther off than it really was. M. de
Bougainville takes notice of meeting with a part of the sea which was
entirely smooth, and where several pieces of wood and fruits floated
past his ship. This was nearly to the N.W. of the land which we now
discovered, and which, as an able and intelligent navigator, he had
conjectured to be in that direction."--G.F.
[2] A very striking proof of this is mentioned by Mr G.F. These
people, he says, laid some of their canoes on both sides of the
channel, in a place where it was narrow, and then beckoned to the
boats to keep in the middle between them. According to this gentleman,
the face of the country had a barren appearance, and was covered with
a sort of whitish grass, and trees somewhat resembling willows were
thinly spread on the mountains.--E.
[3] Mr. G.F. who shot the duck, tells us, that the natives expressed
some admiration, but not the smallest fear, at the report and effects
of the firearms.--E.
[4] "The whole plantation we saw, had a very scanty appearance, and
seemed to be insufficient to afford nourishment to the inhabitants
throughout the year. We entirely missed that variety of fruits, which
we had hitherto met with in the tropical islands, and naturally
recollected the poverty of the inhabitants of Easter Island, above
whom it appeared, that the people before us enjoyed but few
advantages. Towards the hills, of which the first risings were at the
distance of about two miles, the country looked extremely dreary; here
and there, indeed, we saw a few trees, and small uncultivated spots,
but they appeared to be lost on the great extent of barren and
unprofitable country, which resembled our moors more than any thing
else."--G.F.
[5] Mr G.F., who seems to have accompanied the watering-party, gives
the following account of the appearance of the country.--"We walked
along the beach which was sandy, and bounded by a fine wild shrubbery;
we soon came to a hut, from whence a number of plantations extended to
the back of the bank and wild wood. We rambled into the country, and
came to a canal that watered this plantation, but of which the water
was very brackish. From hence, however, we ran immediately to an
eminence near us, where the nature of the country appeared evidently
changed. The plain was covered with a thin stratum of vegetable soil,
which being very poor, was manured in the plantations with broken
shells and corals. The eminence, on the contrary, was a rocky ground,
consisting of large pieces of quartz and glimmer (_mica_). Here grew a
quantity of dry grasses, about two or three feet high, very thin in
most places; and at the distance of fifteen or twenty yards asunder,
we saw large trees black at the root, but with a bark perfectly whole
and loose, and having narrow long leaves like our willows. They were
of the sort which Linné calls _melaleuca leucadendra_, and Rumphius
_arbor alba_, who says that the natives of the Moluccas make the oil
of _cayputi_, from the leaves, which are indeed extremely fragrant and
aromatic. Not the least shrub was to be seen on this eminence, and the
trees did not intercept the distant prospect. We discerned from hence
a line of tufted trees and shrubberies, which extended from the sea-
side towards the mountains, and immediately concluded that they stood
on the banks of a rivulet. The banks of this were lined with
mangroves, beyond which a few other sorts of plants and trees occupied
a space of fifteen or twenty feet, which had a layer of vegetable
mould, charged with nutritive moisture, and covered with a green bed
of grasses, where the eye gladly reposed itself after viewing a
painted prospect. The border of shrubberies and wild-trees which lined
the sea-shore, was the most advantageous to us as naturalists; here we
met with some unknown plants, and saw a great variety of birds of
different classes, which were for the greatest part entirely new. But
the character of the inhabitants, and their friendly inoffensive
behaviour towards us, gave us greater pleasure than all the rest. We
found their number very inconsiderable, and their habitations very
thinly scattered. They commonly had built two or three houses near
each other, under a group of very lofty fig-trees, of which the
branches were so closely entwined, that the sky was scarcely visible
through the foliage, and the huts were involved in a perpetual cool
shade. They had another advantage besides, from this pleasant
situation; for numbers of birds continually twittered in the tufted
tops of the tree, and hid themselves from the scorching beams of the
sun. The wild circle of some species of creepers was very agreeable;
and conveyed a sensible pleasure to every one who delighted in this
kind of artless harmony. The inhabitants themselves were commonly
seated at the foot of these trees, which had this remarkable quality,
that they shot long roots from the upper part of the stem, perfectly
round, as if they had been made by a turner, into the ground, ten,
fifteen, and twenty feet from the tree, and formed a most exact strait
line, being extremely elastic, and as tense as a bow-string prepared
for action. The bark of these trees seems to be the substance of which
they make those little bits of cloth, so remarkable in their dress."--
G.F.
[6] Wafers met with Indians in the Isthmus of Darien of the colour of
a white horse. See his Description of the Isthmus, page 134. See also
Mr de Paw's Philosophical Enquiries concerning Americans, where
several other instances of this remarkable whiteness are mentioned,
and the causes of it attempted to be explained.--This note is by
Captain Cook. The reader may not have forgotten some remarks on the
subject, in a former volume.--E.
[7] It is also worth while noticing the following circumstance, which
occurred during this excursion. "The appearance of a large beef-bone,
which some of our people began to pick towards the conclusion of their
supper, interrupted a conversation that was carried on with the
natives. They talked very loud and earnestly to each other, looked
with great surprise, and some marks of disgust, at our people, and at
last went away altogether, expressing by signs that they suspected the
strangers of eating human flesh. Our officer endeavoured to free
himself and his shipmates from this suspicion; but the want of
language was an insurmountable obstacle to his undertaking, even
supposing it possible to persuade a set of people, who had never seen
a quadruped in their lives."--G.F.
Notwithstanding this appearance of dislike to so horrid a practice, it
must not be hastily inferred, that these people are themselves free
from the vice which they condemned. On the contrary, one might rather
imagine that their so readily conjecturing the circumstance, from what
they saw, proceeded from a conviction of their own occasional
acquiescence in it; and that their present umbrage arose from
apprehension of their own danger in the hands of persons so much more
powerful than themselves. But we reserve the subject of cannibalism
for another place, where perhaps it will be shewn that those very
people are not free from this opprobrium of the savage state. The
reader is already aware, that the younger Forster is not to be too
strictly relied on as to his accounts of our species in its rude
condition, more particularly where it is possible, with some stretch
of liberality, to substitute the pleasing dreams of fancy for the
disagreeable realities of truth.--E.
SECTION IX.
_A Description of the Country and its Inhabitants; their Manners,
Customs, and Arts._
I shall conclude our transactions at this place with some account of the
country and its inhabitants. They are a strong, robust, active, well-made
people, courteous and friendly, and not in the least addicted to pilfering,
which is more than can be said of any other nation in this sea. They are
nearly of the same colour as the natives of Tanna, but have better
features, more agreeable countenances, and are a much stouter race; a few
being seen who measured six feet four inches. I observed some who had thick
lips, flat noses, and full cheeks, and, in some degree, the features and
look of a negro. Two things contributed to the forming of such an idea;
first, their rough mop heads, and, secondly, their besmearing their faces
with black pigment. Their hair and beards are, in general, black. The
former is very much frizzled, so that, at first sight, it appears like that
of a negro. It is, nevertheless, very different, though both coarser and
stronger than ours. Some, who wear it long, tie it up on the crown of the
head; others suffer only a large lock to grow on each side, which they tie
up in clubs; many others, as well as all the women, wear it cropped short.
These rough heads, most probably, want frequent scratching; for which
purpose they have a most excellent instrument. This is a kind of comb made
of sticks of hard wood, from seven to nine or ten inches long, and about
the thickness of knitting-needles. A number of these, seldom exceeding
twenty, but generally fewer, is fastened together at one end, parallel to,
and near one-tenth of an inch from each other. The other ends, which are a
little pointed, will spread out or open like the sticks of a fan, by which
means they can beat up the quarters of an hundred lice at a time. These
combs or scratchers, for I believe they serve both purposes, they always
wear in their hair, on one side their head. The people of Tanna have an
instrument of this kind for the same use; but theirs is forked, I think,
never exceeding three or four prongs; and sometimes only a small pointed
stick. Their beards, which are of the same crisp nature as their hair, are,
for the most part, worn short. Swelled and ulcerated legs and feet are
common among the men; as also a swelling of the scrotum. I know not whether
this is occasioned by disease, or by the mode of applying the wrapper
before-mentioned, and which they use as at Tanna and Mallicollo. This is
their only covering, and is made generally of the bark of a tree, but
sometimes of leaves. The small pieces of cloth, paper, &c. which they got
from us, were commonly applied to this use. We saw coarse garments amongst
them, made of a sort of matting, but they seemed never to wear them, except
when out in their canoes and unemployed. Some had a kind of concave,
cylindrical, stiff black cap, which appeared to be a great ornament among
them, and, we thought, was only worn by men of note or warriors. A large
sheet of strong paper, when they got one from us, was generally applied to
this use.
The women's dress is a short petticoat, made of the filaments of the
plantain-tree, laid over a cord, to which they are fastened, and tied round
the waist. The petticoat is made at least six or eight inches thick, but
not one inch longer than necessary for the use designed. The outer
filaments are dyed black; and, as an additional ornament, the most of them
have a few pearl oyster-shells fixed on the right side. The general
ornaments of both sexes are ear-rings of tortoise-shell, necklaces or
amulets, made both of shells and stones, and bracelets, made of large
shells, which they wear above the elbow. They have punctures, or marks on
the skin, on several parts of the body; but none, I think, are black, as at
the Eastern Islands. I know not if they have any other design than
ornament; and the people of Tanna are marked much in the same manner.[1]
Were I to judge of the origin of this nation, I should take them to be a
race between the people of Tanna and of the Friendly Isles, or between
those of Tanna and the New Zealanders, or all three; their language, in
some respects, being a mixture of them all. In their disposition they are
like the natives of the Friendly Isles; but in affability and honesty they
excel them.
Notwithstanding their pacific inclination they must sometimes have wars, as
they are well provided with offensive weapons, such as clubs, spears,
darts, and slings for throwing stones. The clubs are about two feet and a
half long, and variously formed; some like a scythe, others like a pick-
axe; some have a head like an hawk, and others have round heads, but all
are neatly made. Many of their darts and spears are no less neat, and
ornamented with carvings. The slings are as simple as possible; but they
take some pains to form the stones that they use into a proper shape, which
is something like an egg, supposing both ends to be like the small one.[2]
They use a becket, in the same manner as at Tanna, in throwing the dart,
which, I believe, is much used in striking fish, &c. In this they seem very
dexterous; nor, indeed, do I know that they have any other method of
catching large fish, for I neither saw hooks nor lines among them.
It is needless to mention their working-tools, as they are made of the same
materials, and nearly in the same manner, as at the other islands. Their
axes, indeed, are a little different; some, at least, which may be owing to
fancy as much as custom.
Their houses, or at least most of them, are circular, something like a bee-
hive, and full as close and warm. The entrance is by a small door, or long
square hole, just big enough to admit a man bent double. The side-walls are
about four feet and a half high, but the roof is lofty, and peaked to a
point at the top; above which is a post, or stick of wood, which is
generally ornamented either with carving or shells, or both. The framing is
of small spars, reeds, &c. and both sides and roof are thick and close
covered with thatch, made of coarse long grass. In the inside of the house
are set up posts, to which cross spars are fastened, and platforms made,
for the conveniency of laying any thing on. Some houses have two floors,
one above the other. The floor is laid with dry grass, and here and there
mats are spread, for the principal people to sleep or sit on. In most of
them we found two fire-places, and commonly a fire burning; and, as there
was no vent for the smoke but by the door, the whole house was both smoky
and hot, insomuch that we, who were not used to such an atmosphere, could
hardly endure it a moment. This may be the reason why we found these people
so chilly when in the open air, and without exercise. We frequently saw
them make little fires any where, and hustle round them, with no other view
than to warm themselves. Smoke within doors may be a necessary evil, as it
prevents the musquitoes from coming in, which are pretty numerous here. In
some respects their habitations are neat; for, besides the ornaments at
top, I saw some with carved door-posts. Upon the whole, their houses are
better calculated for a cold than a hot climate; and as there are no
partitions in them, they can have little privacy.
They have no great variety of household utensils; the earthen jars before
mentioned being the only article worth notice. Each family has at least one
of them, in which they bake their roots, and perhaps their fish, &c. The
fire, by which they cook their victuals, is on the outside of each house,
in the open air. There are three or five pointed stones fixed in the
ground, their pointed ends being about six inches above the surface. Those
of three stones are only for one jar, those of five stones for two. The
jars do not stand on their bottoms, but lie inclined on their sides. The
use of these stones is obviously to keep the jars from resting on the fire,
in order that it may burn the better.
They subsist chiefly on roots and fish, and the bark of a tree, which I am
told grows also in the West Indies. This they roast, and are almost
continually chewing. It has a sweetish, insipid taste, and was liked by
some of our people. Water is their only liquor, at least I never saw any
other made use of.
Plantains and sugar-canes are by no means in plenty. Bread-fruit is very
scarce, and the cocoa-nut trees are small and but thinly planted; and
neither one nor the other seems to yield much fruit.
To judge merely by the numbers of the natives we saw every day, one might
think the island very populous; but I believe that, at this time, the
inhabitants were collected from all parts on our account. Mr Pickersgill
observed, that down the coast, to the west, there were but few people; and
we knew they came daily from the other side of the land, over the
mountains, to visit us. But although the inhabitants, upon the whole, may
not be numerous, the island is not thinly peopled on the sea-coast, and in
the plains and valleys that are capable of cultivation. It seems to be a
country unable to support many inhabitants. Nature has been less bountiful
to it than to any other tropical island we know in this sea. The greatest
part of its surface, or at least what we saw of it, consists of barren
rocky mountains; and the grass, &c. growing on them, is useless to people
who have no cattle.
The sterility of the country will apologise for the natives not
contributing to the wants of the navigator. The sea may, perhaps, in some
measure, compensate for the deficiency of the land; for a coast surrounded
by reefs and shoals, as this is, cannot fail of being stored with fish.
I have before observed, that the country bears great resemblance to New
South Wales, or New Holland, and that some of its natural productions are
the same. In particular, we found here, the tree which is covered with a
soft white ragged bark, easily peeled off, and is, as I have been told, the
same that, in the East Indies, is used for caulking of ships. The wood is
very hard, the leaves are long and narrow, of a pale dead green, and a fine
aromatic; so that it may properly be said to belong to that continent.
Nevertheless, here are several plants, &c. common to the eastern and
northern islands, and even a species of the passionflower, which, I am
told, has never before been known to grow wild any where but in America.
Our botanists did not complain for want of employment at this place; every
day bringing something new in botany or other branches of natural history.
Land-birds, indeed, are not numerous, but several are new. One of these is
a kind of crow, at least so we called it, though it is not half so big, and
its feathers are tinged with blue. They also have some very beautiful
turtle-doves, and other small birds, such as I never saw before.[3]
All our endeavours to get the name of the whole island proved ineffectual.
Probably it is too large for them to know by one name. Whenever we made
this enquiry, they always gave us the name of some district or place, which
we pointed to; and, as before observed, I got the names of several, with
the name of the king or chief of each. Hence I conclude, that the country
is divided into several districts, each governed by a chief; but we know
nothing of the extent of his power. Balade was the name of the district we
were at, and Tea Booma the chief. He lived on the other side of the ridge
of hills, so that we had but little of his company, and therefore could not
see much of his power. _Tea_ seems a title prefixed to the names of
all, or most, of their chiefs or great men. My friend honoured me by
calling me _Tea_ Cook.
They deposit their dead in the ground. I saw none of their burying-places,
but several of the gentlemen did. In one, they were informed, lay the
remains of a chief who was slain in battle; and his grave, which bore some
resemblance to a large mole-hill, was decorated with spears, darts,
paddles, &c. all stuck upright in the ground round about it. The canoes,
which these people use, are somewhat like those of the Friendly Isles; but
the most heavy clumsy vessels I ever saw. They are what I call double
canoes, made out of two large trees, hollowed out, having a raised gunnel,
about two inches high, and closed at each end with a kind of bulk-head of
the same height; so that the whole is like a long square trough, about
three feet shorter than the body of the canoe; that is, a foot and a half
at each end. Two canoes, thus fitted, are secured to each other, about
three feet asunder, by means of cross spars, which project about a foot
over each side. Over these spars is laid a deck, or very heavy platform,
made of plank, and small round spars, on which they have a fire-hearth, and
generally a fire burning; and they carry a pot or jar to dress their
victuals in. The space between the two canoes is laid with plank, and the
rest with spars. On one side of the deck, and close to the edge, is fixed a
row of knees, pretty near to each other, the use of which is to keep the
masts, yards, &c. from, rolling over-board. They are navigated by one or
two lateen-sails, extended to a small lateen-yard, the end of which fixes
in a notch or hole in the deck. The foot of the sail is extended to a small
boom. The sail is composed of pieces of matting, the ropes are made of the
coarse filaments of the plantain-tree, twisted into cords of the thickness
of a finger; and three or four more such cords, marled together, serve them
for shrouds, &c. I thought they sailed very well; but they are not at all
calculated for rowing or paddling. Their method of proceeding, when they
cannot sail, is by sculling, and for this purpose there are holes in the
boarded deck or platform. Through these they put the sculls, which are of
such a length, that, when the blade is in the water, the loom or handle is
four or five feet above the deck. The man who works it stands behind, and
with both his hands sculls the vessel forward. This method of proceeding is
very slow; and for this reason, the canoes are but ill calculated for
fishing, especially for striking of turtle, which, I think, can hardly ever
be done in them. Their fishing implements, such as I have seen, are turtle-
nets, made, I believe, of the filaments of the plantain-tree twisted; and
small hand-nets, with very minute meshes made of fine twine and fish-gigs.
Their general method of fishing, I guess, is to lie on the reefs in shoal
water, and to strike the fish that may come in their way. They may,
however, have other methods, which we had no opportunity to see, as no boat
went out while we were here; all their time and attention being taken up
with us. Their canoes are about thirty feet long, and the deck or platform
about twenty-four in length, and ten in breadth. We had not, at this time,
seen any timber in the country so large as that of which their canoes were
made. It was observed that the holes, made in the several parts, in order
to sew them together, were burnt through, but with what instrument we never
learnt. Most probably it was of stone, which may be the reason why they
were so fond of large spikes, seeing at once they would answer this
purpose. I was convinced they were not wholly designed for edge-tools,
because every one shewed a desire for the iron belaying-pins which were
fixed in the quarter-deck rail, and seemed to value them far more than a
spike-nail, although it might be twice as big. These pins, which are round,
perhaps have the very shape of the tool they wanted to make of the nails. I
did not find that a hatchet was quite so valuable as a large spike. Small
nails were of little or no value; and beads, looking-glasses, &c. they did
not admire.
The women of this country, and likewise those of Tanna, are, so far as I
could judge, far more chaste than those of the more eastern islands. I
never heard that one of our people obtained the least favour from any one
of them. I have been told that the ladies here would frequently divert
themselves by going a little aside with our gentlemen, as if they meant to
be kind to them, and then would run away laughing at them. Whether this was
chastity or coquetry, I shall not pretend to determine; nor is it material,
since the consequences were the same.[4]
[1] Mr G.F. says their dress was very disfiguring, and gave them a
thick squat shape. He describes it much like Captain Cook. According
to him, these women's features, though coarse, expressed great good-
nature; they had high foreheads, broad flat noses, rather small eyes,
and very prominent cheek-bones. His reflections on the degraded state
in which these women live, as subservient entirely to the arbitrary
will and necessary purposes of their husbands, have not so much
originality as force, but possess, however, enough of both to deserve
a place here. "They commonly kept at a distance from the men, and
seemed fearful of offending them by a look or gesture; they were the
only persons in the family who had any employment, and several of them
brought bundles of sticks and fuel on their backs. Their insensible
husbands seldom deigned to look upon them, and continued in a kind of
phlegmatic indolence, whilst the women sometimes indulged that social
cheerfulness, which is the distinguishing ornament of the sex. Thus,
in every country, mankind are fond of being tyrants, and the poorest
Indian, who knows no wants but those which his existence requires, has
already learnt to enslave his weaker help-mate, in order to save
himself the trouble of supplying their wants, and cruelly exacts an
obedience from her, which has been continued among savages as a curse
upon the sex. Considering these humiliations and cruel oppressions of
the sex, we have sometimes the greatest reason to admire, that the
human race has perpetuated itself, and that the Creator has wisely
planted a motive in the female breast, which stands the test of every
outrage, which makes them patient to suffer, and prevents their
withdrawing from the power of their tyrants." This indeed is one of
the most striking and important instances that can be adduced, of what
has been called final causes, the determinate choice of an end, and
the skilful adaptation of means to the accomplishment of it. A nation
of women, we may confidently say, is as much a chimera, as a nation of
two-headed men; and that individual has little acquaintance with
herself that knows not, there is an insuperable objection to so
anomalous an occurrence. With whatever abuses of authority, therefore,
the other sex may be chargeable, it is not to be denied, that they
assert their superiority on the ground of natural constitution, and
that they cannot be considered as usurpers. Admitting this, it is
important to enquire, what is the principle common to both, on which
their mutual welfare depends, and which is as certainly violated by
unfeeling rigour on one side, as by peevish rebellion on the other.
Several principles might be mentioned, claiming in part this
distinction, but none will answer all the conditions, except a right
sense of their entire and common dependence on the source of their
being and judge of their conduct, which is indeed the essence of
religion and morality. It is vain, in fact, to determine almost any
thing respecting such a creature as man, but by reasons of an eternal
nature, and referring to the laws of an invisible world. Every system
of an inferior kind, will be found inadequate in its application, and
unsatisfactory in its sanctions--calculated, it may be, to amuse the
philosopher in his closet, and attract the admiration of young and
inexperienced minds, but too weak to sustain the shock of human
passions, and too circumscribed to reach the heights of human hopes
and fears. The condition of women improves, undoubtedly, as a people
advances towards civilization; but there is a period in the process,
at which voluptuousness, more cruel than indifference, and often
maddened by jealousy, subjects her to greater degradation than her
original insignificance, and destroys all hope of her amelioration in
the tyranny of her own licentiousness. It is only where the principle
alluded to, is publicly recognised in the civil institutions of a
country, and conscientiously reverenced by the piety of its citizens,
that she attains the true dignity of her destiny in an equal
subordination, and vindicates the benevolence of the Deity in her
creation, by the increase of happiness she confers on her consort.
This cannot be looked for in a state of nature.--E.
[2] "These slings consisted of a slender round cord, no thicker than a
packthread, which had a tassel at one end, and a loop at the other end
and in the middle. The stones which they used were oblong, and pointed
at each end, being made of a soft and unctuous soap-rock
(_smectitis_), which could easily be rubbed into that shape. These
exactly fitted the loop in the middle of the sling, and were kept in a
wallet or pocket of coarse cloth, strongly woven, of a kind of grass,
which was tied on about the middle. Their shape gives them a striking
resemblance to the _glandes plumbeae_ of the Romans."--G.F.
[3] Unfortunately the severe effects of the noxious fish, so sparingly
partaken of, disabled the two Forsters from their favourite pursuits,
during the greater part of their residence at New Caledonia. The
result of their labours was, in consequence, very scanty, and,
according to the younger F.'s assertions, received little or no
encouragement from the friendly services of many of their fellow
voyagers. He has inveighed with no small asperity against the ignorant
selfishness and unprincipled hostility with which they had to contend.
These seem to have been of a flagrant appearance, and almost
systematic consistency. "If there had not been a few individuals,"
says he, "of a more liberal way of thinking, whose disinterested love
for the sciences comforted us from time to time, we should in all
probability have fallen victims to that malevolence, which even the
positive commands of Captain Cook were sometimes insufficient to keep
within bounds." However the reader may conjecture the existence of
certain personal causes which are here complained of, he cannot but
regret, that the interests of the expedition should in any manner have
suffered loss by the contention. But such things, he will say, are
incident to human nature, and have frequently taken place on even more
important occasions. This is very true, but gives no comfort.--E.
[4] Mr G.F. calls this deceptive amusement, "an innocent recreation,
which shewed them good-humoured, and not destitute of ingenuity!" He
agrees with Cook respecting the universal decency of these people,
which forms so striking a dissimilarity to the immodest conduct of the
other islanders met with in this voyage. The following remarks specify
other differences, and are worthy of being transcribed:--"It is easy
to be conceived, that the contrast between New Caledonia and the New
Hebrides, was very striking to us, who had so lately visited those
rich and fertile islands, where the vegetable kingdom glories in its
greatest perfection. The difference in the character of the people was
no less surprising. All the natives of the South-Sea islands,
excepting those only which Tasman found on Tonga-Tabboo and Annamocka,
(and those perhaps had been informed of what had passed between Le
Maire, and the natives of Horne, Cocos, and Traitor's island, some
years before,) made some attempt to drive away the strangers who came
to visit them. But the people of New Caledonia, at the first sight of
us, received us as friends; they ventured to come on board our ship,
without the least marks of fear or distrust, and suffered us to ramble
freely throughout their country as far as we pleased. As nature has
been so sparing here of her gifts, it is the more surprising that
instead of seeing the inhabitants savage, distrustful, and warlike, as
at Tanna, we should find them peaceable, well-disposed, and
unsuspicious. It is not less remarkable, that, in spite of the drought
which prevails in their country, and the scanty supply of vegetable
food, they should have attained to a greater size, and a more muscular
body. Perhaps, instead of placing the causes which effect disparity of
stature among various nations in the difference of food, this instance
ought to teach us to have retrospect likewise to the original races
from which those tribes are descended, that fell under our
examination. Let us, for instance, suppose, that the people of New
Caledonia are the offspring of a nation, who, by living in affluence
and in a genial climate, have not been stinted in their growth; the
colony which removed into the barren soil of New Caledonia, will
probably preserve the habit of body of their ancestors for many
generations. The people of Tanna may have undergone a contrary
revolution, and being descended of a slender and short race, like the
Mallicollese, the richness of their present country may not yet have
entirely taken effect. The inoffensive character of the people of New
Caledonia appears to great advantage in their conduct towards us. They
are the only people in the South Seas who have not had reason to
complain of our arrival among them. When we consider how easy it is to
provoke the mariner to sport with the lives of Indians, from the
numerous examples throughout this narrative, we must acknowledge that
it required an uncommon degree of good temper, not to draw upon
themselves a single act of brutality. Those philosophers who are of
opinion that the temper, the manners, and genius of a people, depend
entirely upon the climate, will be at a loss to account for the
peaceful character of the inhabitants of New Caledonia. If we admit
that they are only strangers to distrust, because they have little to
lose, we shall not solve the difficulty; since the people of New
Holland, under the influence of a similar climate and soil, and in a
more wretched situation than the inhabitants of New Caledonia, are
savage and unsociable. The different characters of nations seem
therefore to depend upon a multitude of different causes, which have
acted together during a series of many ages. The inhabitants of New
Caledonia do not owe their kind disposition to a total ignorance of
wars and disputes; the variety of their offensive weapons being alone
sufficient to put this matter out of doubt. By conversing with them we
learnt that they have enemies, and that the people of an island called
Mingha had a very different character from their own. Civilization is
much farther advanced in some respects among them, than with their
more opulent neighbours. That higher degree of culture, however, where
the understanding is sufficiently enlightened to remove the unjust
contempt shown to the fair sex, is unknown to them; their temper is
too grave to be captivated by female blandishments, or to set a proper
value upon the refined enjoyments of life. They are obliged to work
hard, at times, for the means of subsistence; but their leisure hours
are spent in indolence, without those little recreations which
contribute so much to the happiness of mankind, and diffuse a spirit
of chearfulness and vivacity throughout the Society and Friendly
Islands. Besides a sort of whistle, made of wood, about two inches
long, and shaped like a bell, having two holes at its base and one at
the upper end, we never saw a musical instrument among the people of
New Caledonia. Their dances and songs are equally unknown to us; and
what we observed during our short stay, gave us reason to suppose,
that even laughter is an uncommon guest among them."--G.F.
SECTION X.
_Proceedings on the Coast of New Caledonia, with Geographical and
Nautical Observations._
Everything being in readiness to put to sea, at sun-rise, on the 13th of
September, we weighed, and with a fine gale at E. by S., stood out for the
same channel we came in by. At half past seven we were in the middle of it.
Observatory Isle bore S. 5° E., distant four miles, and the isle of Balabea
W.N.W. As soon as we were clear of the reef, we hauled the wind to the
starboard tack, with a view of plying in to the S.E.; but as Mr Gilbert was
of opinion that he had seen the end, or N.W. extremity of the land, and
that it would be easier to get round by the N.W., I gave over plying, and
bore up along the outside of the reef, steering N.N.W., N.W., and N.W. by
W., as it trended. At noon the island of Balabea bore S. by W., distant
thirteen miles; and what we judged to be the west end of the great land,
bore S.W. 1/2 S., and the direction of the reef was N.W. by W., latitude
observed 19° 53' 20". Longitude from Observatory Isle 14' W. We continued
to steer N.W. by W. along the outside of the reef till three o'clock, at
which time the isle of Balabea bore S. by E. 1/2 E. In this direction we
observed a partition in the reef, which we judged to be a channel, by the
strong tide which set out of it. From this place the reef inclined to the
north for three or four leagues, and then to the N.W. We followed its
direction, and as we advanced to N.W., raised more land, which seemed to be
connected with what we had seen before; so that Mr Gilbert was mistaken,
and did not see the extremity of the coast. At five o'clock this land bore
W. by N. 1/2 N., distant twenty miles; but what we could see of the reef
trended in the direction of N.W. by N.
Having hauled the wind to the starboard tack, and spent the night plying,
on the 14th, at sun-rise, the island of Balabea bore S. 6 E., and the land
seen the preceding night W., but the reef still trended N.W., along which
we steered with a light breeze at E.S.E. At noon we observed in latitude
19° 28', longitude from Observatory Isle 27' W. We had now no sight of
Balabea; and the other land, that is, the N.W. part of it, bore W. by S.
1/2 S., but we were not sure if this was one continued coast, or separate
islands. For though some partitions were seen, from space to space, which
made it look like the latter, a multitude of shoals rendered a nearer
approach to it exceedingly dangerous, if not impracticable. In the
afternoon, with a fine breeze at E.S.E., we ranged the outside of these
shoals, which we found to trend in the direction of N.W. by W., N.W. by N.,
and N.N.E. At three o'clock we passed a low sandy isle, lying on the outer
edge of the reef, in latitude 19° 25', and in the direction of N.E. from
the north-westernmost land, six or seven leagues distant. So much as we
could see of this space was strewed with shoals, seemingly detached from
each other; and the channel leading in amongst them appeared to be on the
S.E. side of the sandy isle; at least, there was a space where the sea did
not break. At sun-set we could but just see the land, which bore S.W. by
S., about ten leagues distant. A clear horizon produced the discovery of no
land to the westward of this direction; the reef too trended away W. by N.
1/2 N., and seemed to terminate in a point which was seen from the mast-
head. Thus every thing conspired to make us believe that we should soon get
round these shoals; and with these flattering expectations we hauled the
wind, which was at E.N.E., and spent the night making short boards.
Next morning at sun-rise, seeing neither land nor breakers, we bore away
N.W. by W., and two hours after saw the reef extending N.W. farther than
the eye could reach; no land was to be seen. It was therefore probable that
we had passed its N.W. extremity; and, as we had seen from the hills of
Balade its extent to the S.W., it was necessary to know how far it extended
to the east or southeast, while it was in our power to recover the coast;
for, by following the direction of the shoals, we might have been carried
so far to leeward as not to be able to beat back without considerable loss
of time. We were already far out of sight of land; and there was no knowing
how much farther we might be carried, before we found an end to them. These
considerations, together with the risk we must run in exploring a sea
strewed with shoals, and where no anchorage, without them, is to be found,
induced me to abandon the design of proceeding round by the N.W., and to
ply up to the S.E, in which direction I knew there was a clear sea. With
this view we tacked and stood to the S.E., with the wind at N.E. by E., a
gentle breeze. At this time we were in the latitude of 19° 7' S., longitude
163° 57' E.
In standing to the S.E. we did but just weather the point of the reef we
had passed the preceding evening. To make our situation the more dangerous
the wind began to fail us; and at three in the afternoon it fell calm, and
left us to the mercy of a great swell, setting directly on the reef, which
was hardly a league from us. We sounded, but found no bottom with a line of
two hundred fathoms. I ordered the pinnace and cutter to be hoisted out to
tow the ship, but they were of little use against so great a swell. We,
however, found that the ship did not draw near the reef so fast as might be
expected; and at seven o'clock a light air at N.N.E. kept her head to the
sea, but it lasted no longer than midnight, when it was succeeded by a dead
calm.
At day-break on the 16th we had no sight of the reef; and at eleven, a
breeze springing up at S.S.W., we hoisted in the boats, and made sail to
S.E. At noon we observed in 19° 35' S., which was considerably more to the
south than we expected, and shewed that a current or tide had been in our
favour all night, and accounted for our getting so unexpectedly clear of
the shoals. At two o'clock p.m. we had again a calm which lasted till nine,
when it was succeeded by a light air from E.N.E. and E., with which we
advanced but slowly.
On the 17th at noon, we observed in latitude 19° 54', when the isle of
Balabea bore S. 68° W., ten and a half leagues distant. We continued to
ply, with variable light winds, between N.E. and S.E., without meeting with
any thing remarkable till the 20th at noon, when Cape Colnett bore
N. 78° W., distant six leagues. From this cape the land extended round by
the south to E.S.E. till it was lost in the horizon, and the country
appeared with many hills and vallies. Latitude observed 20° 41', longitude
made from Observatory Isle 1° 8' E. We stood in shore with a light breeze
at east till sun-set, when we were between two and three leagues off. The
coast extended from S. 42° 1/2 E. to N. 59° W. Two small islets lay without
this last direction, distant from us four or five miles; some others lay
between us and the shore, and to the east, where they seemed to be
connected by reefs, in which appeared some openings from space to space.
The country was mountainous, and had much the same aspect as about Balade.
On one of the western small isles was an elevation like a tower; and over a
low neck of land within the isle were seen many other elevations,
resembling the masts of a fleet of ships.
Next day at sun-rise, after having stood off all night with a light breeze
at S.E., we found ourselves about six leagues from the coast; and in this
situation we were kept by a calm till ten in the evening, when we got a
faint land-breeze at S.W., with which we steered S.E. all night.,
On the 22d at sun-rise the land was clouded, but it was not long before the
clouds went off, and we found, by our land-marks, that we had made a good
advance. At ten o'clock, the land-breeze being succeeded by a sea-breeze at
E. by S., this enabled us to stand in for the land, which at noon extended
from N. 78° W. to S. 31° 1/2 E., round by the S. In this last direction the
coast seemed to trend more to the south in a lofty promontory, which, on
account of the day, received the name of Cape Coronation. Latitude 22° 2',
longitude 167° 7' 1/2 E. Some breakers lay between us and the shore, and
probably they were connected with those we had seen before.
During the night, we had advanced about two leagues to the S.E.; and at
day-break on the 23d an elevated point appeared in sight beyond Cape
Coronation, bearing S. 23° E. It proved to be the south-east extremity of
the coast, and obtained the name of Queen Charlotte's Foreland. Latitude
22° 16' S., longitude 167° 14' E. About noon, having got a breeze from the
N.E., we stood to S.S.E., and as we drew towards Cape Coronation, saw in a
valley to the south of it, a vast number of those elevated objects before-
mentioned; and some low land under the foreland was wholly covered with
them. We could not agree in our opinions of what they were. I supposed them
to be a singular sort of trees, being too numerous to resemble any thing
else; and a great deal of smoke kept rising all the day from amongst those
near the cape. Our philosophers were of opinion that this was the smoke of
some internal and perpetual fire. My representing to them that there was no
smoke here in the morning would have been of no avail, had not this eternal
fire gone out before night, and no more smoke been seen after. They were
still more positive that the elevations were pillars of basaltes, like
those which compose the Giant's Causeway in Ireland. At sun-set, the wind
veering round to the south, we tacked and stood off, it not being safe to
approach the shore in the dark. At day-break we stood in again, with a
faint land-breeze between E.S.E. and S.S.E. At noon observed, in latitude
21° 59' 30", Cape Coronation being west southerly, distant seven leagues,
and the foreland S. 38° W. As we advanced S.S.W. the coast beyond the
foreland began to appear in sight; and at sun-set we discovered a low
island lying S.S.E, about seven miles from the foreland. It was one of
those which are generally surrounded with shoals and breakers. At the same
time a round hill was seen bearing S. 24° E, twelve leagues distant. During
night, having had variable light winds, we advanced but little either way.
On the 25th, about ten o'clock a.m., having got a fair breeze at E.S.E., we
stood to the S.S.W., in hopes of getting round the foreland; but, as we
drew near, we perceived more low isles, beyond the one already mentioned,
which at last appeared to be connected by breakers, extending towards the
foreland, and seeming to join the shore. We stood on till half past three
o'clock, when we saw, from the deck, rocks, just peeping above the surface
of the sea, on the shoal above-mentioned. It was now time to alter the
course, as the day was too far spent to look for a passage near the shore,
and we could find no bottom to anchor in during the night. We therefore
stood to the south to look for a passage without the small isles. We had a
fine breeze at E.S.E., but it lasted no longer than five o'clock, when it
fell to a dead calm. Having sounded, a line of 170 fathoms did not reach
the bottom, though we were but a little way from the shoals, which, instead
of following the coast to S.W., took a S.E. direction towards the hill we
had seen the preceding evening, and seemed to point out to us that it was
necessary to go round that land. At this time the most advanced point on
the main bore S. 68° W., distant nine or ten leagues. About seven o'clock
we got a light breeze at north, which enabled us to steer out E.S.E., and
to spend the night with less anxiety. On some of the low isles were many of
those elevations already mentioned. Every one was now satisfied they were
trees, except our philosophers, who still maintained that they were
basaltes.[1]
About day-break on the 26th, the wind having shifted to S.S.W., we
stretched to S.E. for the hill before mentioned. It belonged to an island
which at noon extended from S. 16° E. to S. 7° W., distant six leagues.
Latitude observed 22° 16' S. In the p.m. the wind freshened, and veering to
S.S.E., we stretched to the east, till two a.m., on the 27th, when we
tacked and stood to S.W., with hopes of weathering the island; but we fell
about two miles short of our expectations, and had to tack about a mile
from the east side of the island, the extremes bearing from N.W. by N. to
S.W., the hill W., and some low isles, lying off the S.E. point, S. by W.
These seemed to be connected with the large island by breakers. We sounded
when in stays, but had no ground with a line of eighty fathoms. The skirts
of this island were covered with the elevations more than once mentioned.
They had much the appearance of tall pines, which occasioned my giving that
name to the island. The round hill, which is on the S.W. side, is of such a
height as to be seen fourteen or sixteen leagues. The island is about a
mile in circuit, and situated in latitude 22° 38' S., longitude 167° 40' E.
Having made two attempts to weather the Isle of Pines before sun-set, with
no better success, than before, this determined me to stretch off till
midnight. This day at noon the thermometer was at 68° 3/4 which is lower
than it had been since the 27th of February.
Having tacked at midnight, assisted by the currents and a fresh gale at E.
S.E. and S.E., next morning at day-break we found ourselves several leagues
to windward of the Isle of Pines, and bore away large, round the S.E. and
S. sides. The coast from the S.E., round by the S. to the W., was strewed
with sand-banks, breakers, and small low isles, most of which were covered
with the same lofty trees that ornamented the borders of the greater one.
We continued to range the outside of these small isles and breakers, at
three-fourths of a league distance, and as we passed one, raised another,
so that they seemed to form a chain extending to the isles which lie off
the foreland. At noon we observed, in latitude 22° 44' 36" S. the Isle of
Pines extending from N by E 1/2 E. to E. by N.; and Cape Coronation N. 32°
30' W distant seventeen leagues. In the afternoon, with a fine gale at
east, we steered N.W. by W., along the outside of the shoals, with a view
of falling in with the land a little to S.W. of the foreland. At two
o'clock p.m. two low islets were seen bearing W. by S., and as they were
connected by breakers, which seemed to join those on our starboard, this
discovery made it necessary to haul off S.W., in order to get clear of them
all. At three, more breakers appeared, extending from the low isles towards
the S.E. We now hauled out close to the wind, and, in an hour and a half,
were almost on board the breakers, and obliged to tack. From the mast-head
they were seen to extend as far as E.S.E., and the smoothness of the sea
made it probable that they extended to the north of east, and that we were
in a manner surrounded by them. At this time the hill on the Isle of Pines
bore N. 71 1/2 E., the foreland N. 1/4 W., and the most advanced point of
land on the S.W. coast bore N.W., distant fifteen or sixteen leagues. This
direction of the S.W. coast, which was rather within the parallel of the
N.E., assured us that this land extended no farther to the S.W. After
making a short trip to N.N.E., we stood again to the south, in expectation
of having a better view of the shoals before sun-set. We gained nothing by
this but the prospect of a sea strewed with shoals, which we could not
clear but by returning in the track by which we came. We tacked nearly in
the same place where we had tacked before, and on sounding found a bottom
of fine sand. But anchoring in a strong gale, with a chain of breakers to
leeward, being the last resource, I rather chose to spend the night in
making short boards over that space we had, in some measure, made ourselves
acquainted with in the day: And thus it was spent, but under the terrible
apprehension, every moment, of falling on some of the many dangers which
surrounded us.
Day-light shewed that our fears were not ill-founded, and that we had been
in the most imminent danger; having had breakers continually under our lee,
and at a very little distance from us. We owed our safety to the
interposition of Providence, a good look-out, and the very brisk manner in
which the ship was managed; for, as we were standing to the north, the
people on the lee-gangway and forecastle saw breakers under the lee-bow,
which we escaped by quickly tacking the ship.
I was now almost tired of a coast which I could no longer explore, but at
the risk of losing the ship, and ruining the whole voyage. I was, however,
determined not to leave it, till I knew what trees those were which had
been the subject of our speculation; especially as they appeared to be of a
sort useful to shipping, and had not been seen any where but in the
southern part of this land. With this view, after making a trip to the
south, to weather the shoals under our lee, we stood to the north, in hopes
of finding anchorage under some of the islets on which these trees grow. We
were stopped by eight o'clock by the shoals which lie extended between the
Isle of Pines and Queen Charlotte's Foreland; and found soundings off them
in fifty-five, forty, and thirty-six fathoms, a fine sandy bottom. The
nearer we came to these shoals, the more we saw of them, and we were not
able to say if there was any passage between the two lands.
Being now but a few miles to windward of the low isles lying off the
Foreland, mentioned on the 25th and 26th, I bore down to the one next to
us. As we drew near it, I perceived that it was unconnected with the
neighbouring shoals, and that it is probable we might get to an anchor
under its lee or west side. We therefore stood on, being conducted by an
officer at the mast-head; and after hauling round the point of the reef
which surrounds the isle, we attempted to ply to windward, in order to get
nearer the shore. Another reef to the north confined us to a narrow
channel, through which ran a current against us, that rendered this attempt
fruitless; so that we were obliged to anchor in thirty-nine fathoms water,
the bottom fine coral sand; the isle bearing W. by N. one mile distant. As
soon as this was done, we hoisted out a boat, in which I went on ashore,
accompanied by the botanists. We found the tall trees to be a kind of
spruce pine, very proper for spars, of which we were in want. After making
this discovery, I hastened on board in order to have more time after
dinner, when I landed again with two boats, accompanied by several of the
officers and gentlemen, having with us the carpenter and some of his crew,
to cut down such trees as were wanting. While this was doing I took the
bearings of several lands round. The hill on the Isle of Pines bore
S. 59 30' E; the low point of Queen Charlotte's Foreland N. 14° 30' W.; the
high land over it, seen over two low isles, N. 20° W.; and the most
advanced point of land to the west, bore west, half a point south, distant
six or seven leagues. We had, from several bearings, ascertained the true
direction of the coast from the foreland to this point, which I shall
distinguish by the name of Prince of Wales's Foreland. It is situated in
the latitude of 22° 29' S., longitude 166° 57' E., is of considerable
height, and, when it first appears above the horizon, looks like an island.
From this cape, the coast trended nearly N.W. This was rather too northerly
a direction to join that part which we saw from the hills of Balade. But as
it was very high land which opened off the cape in that direction, it is
very probable that lower land, which we could not see, opened sooner; or
else the coast more to the N.W. takes a more westerly direction, in the
same manner as the N.E. coast. Be this as it may, we pretty well know the
extent of the land, by having it confined within certain limits. However, I
still entertained hopes of seeing more of it, but was disappointed.
The little isle upon which we landed, is a mere sandbank, not exceeding
three-fourths of a mile in circuit, and on it, besides these pines, grew
the Etoa-tree of Otaheite, and a variety of other trees, shrubs, and
plants. These gave sufficient employment to our botanists, all the time we
stayed upon it, and occasioned my calling it Botany Isle. On it were
several water-snakes, some pigeons, and doves, seemingly different from any
we had seen. One of the officers shot a hawk, which proved to be of the
very same sort as our English fishing-hawks. Several fire-places, branches,
and leaves very little decayed, remains of turtle, &c. shewed that people
had lately been on the isle. The hull of a canoe, precisely of the same
shape as those we had seen at Balade, lay wrecked in the sand. We were now
no longer at a loss to know of what trees they make their canoes, as they
can be no other than these pines. On this little isle were some which
measured twenty inches diameter, and between sixty and seventy feet in
length, and would have done very well for a foremast to the Resolution, had
one been wanting. Since trees of this size are to be found on so small a
spot, it is reasonable to expect to find some much larger on the main, and
larger isles; and, if appearances did not deceive us, we can assert it.
If I except New Zealand, I, at this time, knew of no island in the South
Pacific Ocean, where a ship could supply herself with a mast or yard, were
she ever so much distressed for want of one. Thus far the discovery is or
may be valuable. My carpenter, who was a mast-maker as well as a ship-
wright, two trades he learnt in Deptford-yard, was of opinion that these
trees would make exceedingly good masts. The wood is white, close-grained,
tough, and light. Turpentine had exuded out of most of the trees, and the
sun had inspissated it into a rosin, which was found sticking to the
trunks, and lying about the roots. These trees shoot out their branches
like all other pines; with this difference, that the branches of these are
much smaller and shorter; so that the knots become nothing when the tree is
wrought for use. I took notice, that the largest of them had the smallest
and shortest branches, and were crowned, as it were, at the top, by a
spreading branch like a bush. This was what led some on board into the
extravagant notion of their being basaltes: Indeed no one could think of
finding such trees here. The seeds are produced in cones; but we could find
none that had any in them, or that were in a proper state for vegetation or
botanical examination. Besides these, there was another tree or shrub of
the spruce-fir kind, but it was very small. We also found on the isle a
sort of scurvy-grass, and a plant, called by us Lamb's Quarters, which,
when boiled, eat like spinnage.
Having got ten or twelve small spars to make studding-sail booms, boat-
masts, &c., and night approaching, we returned with them on board.
The purpose for which I anchored under this isle being answered, I was now
to consider what was next to be done. We had from the top-mast-head taken a
view of the sea around us, and observed the whole, to the west, to be
strewed with small islets, sand-banks, and breakers, to the utmost extent
of our horizon. They seemed indeed not to be all connected, and to be
divided by winding channels. But when I considered that the extent of this
S.W. coast was already pretty well determined, the great risk attending a
more accurate survey, and the time it would require to accomplish it, on
account of the many dangers we should have to encounter, I determined not
to hazard the ship down to leeward, where we might be so hemmed in as to
find it difficult to return, and by that means lose the proper season for
getting to the south. I now wished to have had the little vessel set up,
the frame of which we had on board. I had some thoughts of doing this, when
we were last at Otaheite, but found it could not be executed, without
neglecting the caulking and other necessary repairs of the ship, or staying
longer there than the route I had in view would admit. It was now too late
to begin setting her up, and then to use her in exploring this coast; and
in our voyage to the south, she could be of no service. These reasons
induced me to try to get without the shoals; that is, to the southward of
them.[2]
Next morning at day-break, we got under sail with a light breeze at E. by
N. We had to make some trips to weather the shoals to leeward of Botany
Isle; but when this was done the breeze began to fail; and at three p.m. it
fell calm. The swell, assisted by the current, set us fast to S.W. towards
the breakers, which were yet in sight in that direction. Thus we continued
till ten o'clock, at which time a breeze springing up at N.N.W. we steered
E.S.E.; the contrary course we had come in; not daring to steer farther
south till daylight.
At three o'clock next morning, the wind veered to S.W., blew hard, and in
squalls, attended with rain, which made it necessary to proceed with our
courses up and top-sails on the cap, till day-break, when the hill on the
Isle of Pines bore north; and our distance from the shore in that direction
was about four leagues. We had now a very strong wind at S.S.W. attended by
a great sea; so that we had reason to rejoice at having got clear of the
shoals before this gale overtook us. Though every thing conspired to make
me think this was the westerly monsoon, it can hardly be comprehended under
that name, for several reasons; first, because it was near a month too soon
for these winds; secondly, because we know not if they reach this place at
all; and lastly, because it is very common for westerly winds to blow
within the tropics. However, I never found them to blow so hard before, or
so far southerly. Be these things as they may, we had now no other choice
but to stretch to S.E., which we accordingly did with our starboard tacks
aboard; and at noon we were out of sight of land.
The gale continued with very little alteration till noon next day; at which
time we observed in latitude 23° 18', longitude made from the Isle of Pines
1° 54' E. In the afternoon we had little wind from the south, and a great
swell from the same direction: And many boobies, tropic, and men-of-war
birds were seen. At eleven o'clock a fresh breeze sprung up at W. by S.,
with which we stood to the south. At this time we were in the latitude of
23° 18', longitude 169° 49' E., and about forty-two leagues south of the
Hebrides.
At eight o'clock in the morning, on the third, the wind veered to S.W. and
blew a strong gale by squalls, attended with rain. I now gave over all
thought of returning to the land we had left. Indeed, when I considered the
vast ocean we had to explore to the south; the state and condition of the
ship, already in want of some necessary stores; that summer was approaching
fast, and that any considerable accident might detain us in this sea
another year; I did not think it advisable to attempt to regain the land.
Thus I was obliged, as it were by necessity, for the first time, to leave a
coast I had discovered, before it was fully explored.--I called it New
Caledonia; and, if we except New Zealand, it is perhaps the largest island
in the South Pacific Ocean. For it extends from the latitude of 19° 37', to
22° 30', S., and from the longitude of 163° 37' to 167° 14' E. It lies
nearly N.W. 1/2 W., and S.E. 1 E., and is about eighty-seven leagues long
in that direction; but its breadth is not considerable, not any where
exceeding ten leagues. It is a country full of hills and valleys; of
various extent both for height and depth. To judge of the whole by the
parts we were on, from these hills spring vast numbers of little rivulets,
which greatly contribute to fertilize the plains, and to supply all the
wants of the inhabitants. The summits of most of the hills seem to be
barren; though some few are cloathed with wood; as are all the plains and
valleys. By reason of these hills, many parts of the coast, when at a
distance from it, appeared indented, or to have great inlets between the
hills; but, when we came near the shore, we always found such places shut
up with low land, and also observed low land to lie along the coast between
the seashore and the foot of the hills. As this was the case in all such
parts as we came near enough to see, it is reasonable to suppose that the
whole coast is so. I am likewise of opinion, that the whole, or greatest
part, is surrounded by reefs or shoals, which render the access to it very
dangerous, but at the same time guard the coast from the violence of the
wind and sea; make it abound with fish, secure an easy and safe navigation
along it, for canoes, &c.; and, most likely, form some good harbours for
shipping. Most, if not every part of the coast, is inhabited, the Isle of
Pines not excepted; for we saw either smoke by day, or fires by night,
wherever we came. In the extent which I have given to this island, is
included the broken or unconnected lands to the N.W. That they may be
connected; I shall not pretend to deny; we were, however, of opinion that
they were isles, and that New Caledonia terminated more to S.E.; though
this at most is but a well-founded conjecture.
But whether these lands be separate isles, or connected with New Caledonia,
it is by no means certain that we saw their termination to the west. I
think we did not; as the shoals did not end with the land we saw, but kept
their N.W. direction farther than Bougainville's track in the latitude of
15° or 15° 1/2. Nay, it seems not improbable, that a chain of isles, sand-
banks, and reefs, may extend to the west, as far as the coast of New South
Wales. The eastern extent of the isles and shoals off that coast, between
the latitude of 15° and 23', were not known. The resemblance of the two
countries; Bougainville's meeting with the shoal of Diana above sixty
leagues from the coast; and the signs he had of land to the S.E.; all tend
to increase the probability. I must confess that it is carrying probability
and conjecture a little too far, to say what may lie in a space of two
hundred leagues; but it is in some measure necessary, were it only to put
some future navigator on his guard.
Mr Wales determined the longitude of that part of New Caledonia we
explored, by ninety-six sets of observations, which were reduced to one
another by our trusty guide the watch. I found the variation of the compass
to be 10° 24' E. This is the mean variation given by the three azimuth
compasses we had on board, which would differ from each other a degree and
a half, and sometimes more. I did not observe any difference in the
variation between the N.W. and S.E. parts of this land, except when we were
at anchor before Balade, where it was less than 10°; but this I did not
regard, as I found such an uniformity out at sea; and it is there where
navigators want to know the variation. While we were on the N.E. coast, I
thought the currents set to S.E. and W. or N.W. on the other side; but they
are by no means considerable, and may, as probably, be channels of tides,
as regular currents. In the narrow channels which divide the shoals, and
those which communicate with the sea, the tides run strong; but their rise
and fall are inconsiderable, not exceeding three feet and a half. The time
of high-water, at the full and change, at Balade, is about six o'clock; but
at Botany Isle we judged it would happen about ten or eleven o'clock.
[1] Mr G.F. very plainly avows his conviction that they were trees,
which on a prodigious tall stem had short and slender branches, not
discernible at a distance. Captain Cook, it is very evident, uses the
language of banter, not quite consistent with either the dignity of
his own character, or the respect due to even the mistaken opinion of
men of science.--E.
[2] "We were becalmed in the evening among the reefs, which surrounded
us on all sides, and made our situation dangerous, on account of the
tides and currents, as well as for want of anchoring-ground, having
sounded in vain with a line of 150 fathoms. At half past seven o'clock
we saw a ball of fire to the northward, in size and splendour
resembling the sun, though somewhat paler. It burst a few moments
after, and left behind it several bright sparks, of which the largest,
of an oblong shape, moved quickly out of our horizon, whilst a kind of
bluish flame followed, and marked its course. Some heard a hissing
noise, which accompanied the swift descent of this meteor. Our
shipmates expected a fresh gale after its appearance; having
frequently observed the same to ensue upon similar occasions. And in
fact, whatever may be the relation between this phenomenon, and the
motion of the atmosphere, or whether it was accident, their
predictions were verified the same night, when a brisk gale sprung up,
which settled at south."--G.F.
If the opinion of some philosophers as to the origin of these fire-
balls, be correct, viz. that they are produced by the combination of
animal or vegetable products suspended in the atmosphere, it is easy
to understand, how, the equilibrium of the atmosphere being destroyed
by the condensation, if one may so call it, of a large part of its
constituent principles, those meteors should be followed by
considerable gales or storms. Perhaps, indeed, this opinion best
explains all the circumstances of this phenomenon, and especially the
occurrence so constantly observed of such agitation. The subject,
however, is still involved in a good deal of difficulty, from which a
long and very accurate course of examination is requisite to deliver
it. Much has been effected in this respect, since the publication of
Forster's work; and there is no reason to doubt, that the application
of an improved chemistry to a careful comparison of all the authentic
relations of such phenomena, will issue in a satisfactory
solution.--E.
SECTION XI.
_Sequel of the Passage from New Caledonia to New Zealand, with an Account
of the Discovery of Norfolk Island; and the Incidents that happened while
the Ship lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound._
The wind continuing at S.W., W.S.W., and W., blowing a fresh gale, and now
and then squalls, with showers of rain, we steered to S.S.E, without
meeting with any remarkable occurrence till near noon on the 6th, when it
fell calm. At this time we were in the latitude of 27° 50' S., longitude
171° 43' E. The calm continued till noon the next day, during which time we
observed the variation to be 10° 33' E. I now ordered the carpenters to
work to caulk the decks. As we had neither pitch, tar, nor rosin, left to
pay the seams, this was done with varnish of pine, and afterwards covered
with coral sand, which made a cement far exceeding my expectation. In the
afternoon, we had a boat in the water, and shot two albatrosses, which were
geese to us. We had seen one of this kind of birds the day before, which
was the first we observed since we had been within the tropic. On the 7th,
at one p.m. a breeze sprung up at south; soon after it veered to, and fixed
at S.E. by S., and blew a gentle gale, attended with pleasant weather.
We stretched to W.S.W., and next day at noon were in the latitude of 28°
25', longitude 170° 26' E. In the evening, Mr Cooper haying struck a
porpoise with a harpoon, it was necessary to bring-to, and have two boats
out, before we could kill it, and get it on board. It was six feet long; a
female of that kind, which naturalists call dolphin of the ancients, and
which differs from the other kind of porpoise in the head and jaw, having
them long and pointed. This had eighty-eight teeth in each jaw. The haslet
and lean flesh were to us a feast. The latter was a little liverish, but
had not the least fishy taste. It was eaten roasted, broiled, and fried,
first soaking it in warm water. Indeed, little art was wanting to make any
thing fresh, palatable to those who had been living so long on salt
meat.[1]
We continued to stretch to W.S.W. till the 10th, when at day-break we
discovered land, bearing S.W., which on a nearer approach we found to be an
island of good height, and five leagues in circuit. I named it Norfolk
Isle, in honour of the noble family of Howard. It is situated in the
latitude of 29° 2' 30" S. and longitude 168° 16' E. The latter was
determined by lunar observations made on this, the preceding, and following
days; and the former by a good observation at noon, when we were about
three miles from the isle. Soon after we discovered the isle, we sounded in
twenty-two fathoms on a bank of coral sand; after this we continued to
sound, and found not less than twenty-two; or more than twenty-four fathoms
(except near the shore), and the same bottom mixed with broken shells.
After dinner a party of us embarked in two boats, and landed on the island,
without any difficulty, behind some large rocks, which lined part of the
coast on the N.E. side.
We found it uninhabited, and were undoubtedly the first that ever set foot
on it. We observed many trees and plants common at New Zealand; and, in
particular, the flax-plant, which is rather more luxuriant here than in any
part of that country; but the chief produce is a sort of spruce-pine, which
grows in great abundance, and to a large size, many of the trees being as
thick, breast high, as two men could fathom, and exceedingly straight and
tall. This pine is a sort between that which grows in New Zealand, and that
in New Caledonia; the foliage differing something from both, and the wood
not so heavy as the former, nor so light and close-grained as the latter.
It is a good deal like the Quebec pine. For about two hundred yards from
the shore, the ground is covered so thick with shrubs and plants, as hardly
to be penetrated farther inland. The woods were perfectly clear and free
from underwood, and the soil seemed rich and deep.
We found the same kind of pigeons, parrots, and parroquets as in New
Zealand, rails, and some small birds. The sea-fowl are, white boobies,
gulls, tern, &c. which breed undisturbed on the shores, and in the cliffs
of the rocks.
On the isle is fresh water; and cabbage-palm, wood-sorrel, sow-thistle, and
samphire, abounding in some places on the shore, we brought on board as
much of each sort as the time we had to gather them would admit. These
cabbage-trees or palms were not thicker than a man's leg, and from ten to
twenty feet high. They are of the same genus with the cocoa-nut tree; like
it they have large pinnated leaves, and are the same as the second sort
found in the northern parts of New South Wales. The cabbage is, properly
speaking, the bud of the tree; each tree producing but one cabbage, which
is at the crown, where the leaves spring out, and is inclosed in the stem.
The cutting off the cabbage effectually destroys the tree; so that no more
than one can be had from the same stem. The cocoa-nut tree, and some others
of the palm kind, produce cabbage as well as these. This vegetable is not
only wholesome, but exceedingly palatable, and proved the most agreeable
repast we had for some time.
The coast does not want fish. While we were on shore, the people in the
boats caught some which were excellent. I judged that it was high water at
the full and change, about one o'clock; and that the tide rises and falls
upon a perpendicular about four or five feet.
The approach of night brought us all on board, when we hoisted in the
boats, and stretched to E.N.E. (with the wind at S.E.) till midnight, when
we tacked, and spent the remainder of the night making short boards.
Next morning at sun-rise, we made sail, stretching to S.S.W., and weathered
the island; on the south side of which lie two isles, that serve as
roosting and breeding-places for birds. On this, as also on the S.E. side,
is a sandy beach; whereas most of the other shores are bounded by rocky
cliffs, which have twenty and eighteen fathoms water close to them: At
least so we found it on the N.E. side, and with good anchorage. A bank of
coral sand, mixed with shells, on which we found from nineteen to thirty-
five or forty fathoms water, surrounds the isle, and extends, especially to
the south, seven leagues off. The morning we discovered the island, the
variation was found to be 13° 9' E.; but I think this observation gave too
much, as others which we had, both before and after, gave 2° less.[2]
After leaving Norfolk Isle, I steered for New Zealand, my intention being
to touch at Queen Charlotte's Sound, to refresh my crew, and put the ship
in a condition to encounter the southern latitudes.
On the 17th, at day-break, we saw Mount Egmont, which was covered with
everlasting snow, bearing S.E. 1/2 E. Our distance from the shore was about
eight leagues, and, on sounding, we found seventy fathoms water, a muddy
bottom. The wind soon fixed in the western board, and blew a fresh gale,
with which we steered S.S.E. for Queen Charlotte's Sound, with a view of
falling in with Cape Stephens. At noon Cape Egmont bore E.N.E. distant
three or four leagues; and though the mount was hid in the clouds, we
judged it to be in the same direction as the Cape; latitude observed 39°
24'. The wind increased in such a manner as to oblige us to close-reef our
top-sails, and strike top-gallant yards. At last we could bear no more sail
than the two courses, and two close-reefed top-sails; and under them we
stretched for Cape Stephens, which we made at eleven o'clock at night.
At midnight we tacked and made a trip to the north till three o'clock next
morning, when we bore away for the sound. At nine we hauled round Point
Jackson through a sea which looked terrible, occasioned by a rapid tide,
and a high wind; but as we knew the coast, it did not alarm us. At eleven
o'clock we anchored before Ship Cove; the strong flurries from off the land
not permitting us to get in.
In the afternoon, as we could not move the ship, I went into the Cove, with
the seine, to try to catch some fish. The first thing I did after landing,
was to look for the bottle I left hid when last there, in which was the
memorandum. It was taken away, but by whom it did not appear. Two hauls
with the seine producing only four small fish, we, in some measure, made up
for this deficiency, by shooting several birds, which the flowers in the
garden had drawn thither, as also some old shags, and by robbing the nests
of some young ones.
Being little wind next morning, we weighed and warped the ship into the
Cove, and there moored with the two bowers. We unbent the sails to repair
them; several having been split, and otherwise damaged in the late gale.
The main and fore courses, already worn to the very utmost, were condemned
as useless. I ordered the top-masts to be struck and unrigged, in order to
fix to them moveable chocks or knees, for want of which the trestle-trees
were continually breaking; the forge to be set up, to make bolts and repair
our iron-work; and tents to be erected on shore for the reception of a
guard, coopers, sail-makers, &c. I likewise gave orders that vegetables (of
which there were plenty) should be boiled every morning with oatmeal and
portable broth for breakfast, and with pease and broth every day for dinner
for the whole crew, over and above their usual allowance of salt meat.
In the afternoon, as Mr Wales was setting up his observatory, he discovered
that several trees, which were standing when we last sailed from this
place, had been cut down with saws and axes; and a few days after, the
place where an observatory, clock, &c. had been set up, was also found, in
a spot different from that where Mr Wales had placed his. It was,
therefore, now no longer to be doubted, that the Adventure had been in this
cove after we had left it.
Next day, wind southerly; hazy clouded weather. Every body went to work at
their respective employments, one of which was to caulk the ship's sides, a
thing much wanted. The seams were paid with putty, made with cook's fat and
chalk; the gunner happening to have a quantity of the latter on board.
The 21st, wind southerly, with continual rains.
The weather being fair in the afternoon of the 22d, accompanied by the
botanists, I visited our gardens on Motuara, which we found almost in a
state of nature, having been wholly neglected by the inhabitants.
Nevertheless, many articles were in a flourishing condition, and shewed how
well they liked the soil in which they were planted. None of the natives
having yet made their appearance, we made a fire on the point of the
island, in hopes, if they saw the smoke, they might be induced to come to
us.
Nothing remarkable happened till the 24th, when, in the morning, two canoes
were seen coming down the sound; but as soon as they perceived the ship,
they retired behind a point on the west side. After breakfast I went in a
boat to look for them; and as we proceeded along the shore, we shot several
birds. The report of the muskets gave notice of our approach, and the
natives discovered themselves in Shag Cove by hallooing to us; but as we
drew near to their habitations, they all fled to the woods, except two or
three men, who stood on a rising ground near the shore, with their arms in
their hands. The moment we landed, they knew us. Joy then took place of
fear; and the rest of the natives hurried out of the woods, and embraced us
over and over again; leaping and skipping about like madmen, but I observed
that they would not suffer some women, whom we saw at a distance, to come
near us. After we had made them presents of hatchets, knives, and what else
we had with us, they gave us in return a large quantity of fish, which they
had just caught. There were only a few amongst them whose faces we could
recognise, and on our asking why they were afraid of us, and enquiring for
some of our old acquaintances by name, they talked much about killing,
which was so variously understood by us, that we could gather nothing from
it, so that, after a short stay, we took leave, and went on board.[3]
Next morning early, our friends, according to a promise they had made us
the preceding evening, paying us a visit, brought with them a quantity of
fine fish, which they exchanged for Otaheitean cloth, &c. and then returned
to their habitations.
On the 26th, we got into the after-hold four boat-load of shingle ballast,
and struck down six guns, keeping only six on deck. Our good friends the
natives, having brought us a plentiful supply of fish, afterwards went on
shore to the tents, and informed our people there, that a ship like ours
had been lately lost in the strait; that some of the people got on shore;
and that the natives stole their clothes, &c. for which several were shot;
and afterwards, when they could fire no longer, the natives having got the
better, killed them with their patapatoos, and eat them, but that they
themselves had no hand in the affair, which, they said, happened at Vanna
Aroa, near Terrawhitte, on the other side of the strait. One man said it
was two moons ago: But another contradicted him, and counted on his fingers
about twenty or thirty days. They described by actions how the ship was
beat to pieces by going up and down against the rocks, till at last it was
all scattered abroad.
The next day some others told the same story, or nearly to the same
purport, and pointed over the east bay, which is on the east side of the
sound, as to the place where it happened. These stories making me very
uneasy about the Adventure, I desired Mr Wales, and those on shore, to let
me know if any of the natives should mention it again, or to send them to
me; for I had not heard any thing from them myself. When Mr Wales came on
board to dinner he found the very people who had told him the story on
shore, and pointed them out to me. I enquired about the affair, and
endeavoured to come at the truth by every method I could think of. All I
could get from them was, "Caurey," (no); and they not only denied every
syllable of what they had said on shore, but seemed wholly ignorant of the
matter; so that I began to think our people had misunderstood them, and
that the story referred to some of their own people and boats.[4]
On the 28th, fresh gales westerly, and fair weather. We rigged and fitted
the top-masts. Having gone on a shooting-party to West Bay, we went to the
place where I left the hogs and fowls; but saw no vestiges of them, nor of
any body having been there since. In our return, having visited the
natives, we got some fish in exchange for trifles which we gave them. As we
were coming away, Mr Forster thought be heard the squeaking of a pig in the
woods, close by their habitations; probably they may have those I left with
them when last here. In the evening we got on board, with about a dozen and
a half of wild fowl, shags, and sea-pies. The sportsmen who had been out in
the woods near the ship were more successful among the small birds.
On the 29th and 30th nothing remarkable happened, except that in the
evening of the latter all the natives left us.
The 31st being a fine pleasant day, our botanists went over to Long Island,
where one of the party saw a large black boar. As it was described to me, I
thought it might be one of those which Captain Furneaux left behind, and
had been brought over to this isle by those who had it in keeping. Since
they did not destroy those hogs when first in their possession, we cannot
suppose they will do it now; so that there is little fear but that this
country will in time be stocked with these animals, both in a wild and
domestic state.
Next day we were visited by a number of strangers who came up from the
sound, and brought with them but little fish. Their chief commodity was
green stone or talc, an article which never came to a bad market; and some
of the largest pieces of it I had ever seen were got this day.
On the 2d I went over to the east side of the sound, and, without meeting
any thing remarkable, returned on board in the evening, when I learnt that
the same people who visited us the preceding day, had been on board most of
this, with their usual article of trade.
On the 3d, Mr Pickersgill met with some of the natives, who related to him
the story of a ship being lost, and the people being killed; but added,
with great earnestness, it was not done by them.
On the 4th, fine pleasant weather. Most of the natives now retired up the
sound. Indeed, I had taken every gentle method, to oblige them to be gone,
for since these newcomers had been with us, our old friends had
disappeared, and we had been without fish. Having gone over to Long Island,
to look for the hog which had been seen there, I found it to be one of the
sows left by Captain Furneaux; the same that was in the possession of the
natives when we were last here. From the supposition of its being a boar, I
had carried over a sow to leave with him; but on seeing my mistake, brought
her back, as the leaving her there would answer no end.
Early in the morning of the 5th, our old friends made us a visit, and
brought a seasonable supply of fish. At the same time I embarked in the
pinnace, with Messrs Forsters and Sparrman, in order to proceed up the
sound. I was desirous of finding the termination of it; or rather of seeing
if I could find any passage out to sea by the S.E., as I suspected from
some discoveries I had made when first here. In our way up, we met with
some fishers, of whom we made the necessary enquiry; and they all agreed
that there was no passage to the sea by the head of the sound. As we
proceeded, we, some time after, met a canoe conducted by four men coming
down the sound. These confirmed what the others had said, in regard to
there being no passage to the sea the way we were going; but gave us to
understand that there was one to the east, in the very place where I
expected to find it. I now laid aside the scheme of going to the head of
the sound, and proceeded to this arm, which is on the S.E. side, about four
or five leagues above the isle of Motuara.
A little within the entrance on the S.E. side, at a place called
Kotieghenooee, we found a large settlement of the natives., The chief,
whose name was Tringo-boohee, and his people, whom we found to be some of
those who had lately been on board the ship, received us with great
courtesy. They seemed to be pretty numerous both here and in the
neighbourhood. Our stay with them was short, as the information they gave
us encouraged us to pursue the object we had in view.[5] Accordingly, we
proceeded down the arm E.N.E. and E. by N., leaving several fine coves on
both sides, and at last found it to open into the strait by a channel about
a mile wide, in which ran out a strong tide; having also observed one
setting down the arm, all the time we had been in it. It was now about four
o'clock in the afternoon, and in less than an hour after, this tide ceased,
and was succeeded by the flood, which came in with equal strength.
The outlet lies S.E. by E. and N.W. by W. and nearly in the direction of
E.S.E. and W.N.W. from Cape Terrawhitte. We found thirteen fathoms water a
little within the entrance, clear ground. It seemed to me that a leading
wind was necessary to go in and out of this passage, on account of the
rapidity of the tides. I, however, had but little time to make observations
of this nature, as night was at hand, and I had resolved to return on
board. On that account I omitted visiting a large _hippa_, or strong-
hold, built on an elevation on the north side, and about a mile or two
within the entrance, The inhabitants of it, by signs, invited us to go to
them; but, without paying any regard to them, we proceeded directly for the
ship, which we reached by ten o'clock, bringing with us some fish we had
got from the natives, and a few birds we had shot. Amongst the latter were
some of the same kinds of ducks we found in Dusky Bay, and we have reason
to believe that they are all to be met with here. For the natives knew them
all by the drawings, and had a particular name for each.
On the 6th, wind at N.E., gloomy weather with rain. Our old friends having
taken up their abode near us, one of them, whose name was Pedero, (a man of
some note,) made me a present of a staff of honour, such as the chiefs
generally carry. In return, I dressed him in a suit of old clothes, of
which he was not a little proud. He had a fine person, and a good presence,
and nothing but his colour distinguished him from an European. Having got
him, and another, into a communicative mood, we began to enquire of them if
the Adventure had been there during my absence; and they gave us to
understand, in a manner which admitted of no doubt, that, soon after we
were gone, she arrived; that she staid between ten and twenty days, and had
been gone ten months. They likewise asserted that neither she, nor any
other ship, had been stranded on the coast, as had been reported. This
assertion, and the manner in which they related the coming and going of the
Adventure, made me easy about her; but did not wholly set aside our
suspicions of a disaster having happened to some other strangers. Besides
what has been already related, we had been told that a ship had lately been
here, and was gone to a place called Terato, which is on the north side of
the strait. Whether this story related to the former or no, I cannot say.
Whenever I questioned the natives about it, they always denied all
knowledge of it, and for some time past, had avoided mentioning it. It was
but a few days before, that one man received a box on the ear for naming it
to some of our people.
After breakfast I took a number of hands over to Long Island, in order to
catch the sow, to put her to the boar and remove her to some other place;
but we returned without seeing her. Some of the natives had been there not
long before us, as their fires were yet burning; and they had undoubtedly
taken her away. Pedero dined with us, eat of every thing at table, and
drank more wine than any one of us, without being in the least affected by
it.
The 7th, fresh gales at N.E. with continual rain.
The 8th, fore-part rain, remainder fair weather. We put two pigs, a boar,
and a sow, on shore, in the cove next without Cannibal Cove; so that it is
hardly possible all the methods I have taken to stock this country with
these animals should fail. We had also reason to believe that some of the
cocks and hens which I left here still existed, although we had not seen
any of them; for an hen's egg was, some days before, found in the woods
almost new laid.
On the 9th, wind westerly or N.W., squally with rain. In the morning we
unmoored, and shifted our birth farther out of the cove, for the more ready
getting to sea the next morning; for at present the caulkers had not
finished the sides, and till this work was done we could not sail. Our
friends having brought us a very large and seasonable supply of fish, I
bestowed on Pedero a present of an empty oil-jar, which made him as happy
as a prince. Soon after, he and his party left the cove, and retired to
their proper place of abode, with all the treasure they had received from
us. I believe that they gave away many of the things they, at different
times, got from us, to their friends and neighbours, or else parted with
them to purchase peace of their more powerful enemies; for we never saw any
of our presents after they were once in their possession: And every time we
visited them they were as much in want of hatchets, nails, &c. to all
appearance, as if they never had had any among them.
I am satisfied that the people in this sound, who are, upon the whole,
pretty numerous, are under no regular form of government, or so united as
to form one body politic. The head of each tribe, or family, seems to be
respected; and that respect may, on some occasions, command obedience; but
I doubt if any amongst them have either a right or power to enforce it. The
day we were with Tringo-boohee, the people came from all parts to see us,
which he endeavoured to prevent. But though he went so far as to throw
stones at some, I observed that very few paid any regard either to his
words or actions; and yet this man was spoken of as a chief of some note. I
have, before, made some remarks on the evils attending these people for
want of union among themselves; and the more I was acquainted with them,
the more I found it to be so. Notwithstanding they are cannibals, they are
naturally of a good disposition, and have not a little humanity.
In the afternoon a party of us went ashore into one of the coves, where
were two families of the natives variously employed; some sleeping, some
making mats, others roasting fish and fir roots, and one girl, I observed,
was heating of stones. Curious to know what they were for, I remained near
her. As soon as the stones were made hot, she took them out of the fire,
and gave them to an old woman, who was sitting in the hut. She placed them
in a heap, laid over them a handful of green celery, and over that a coarse
mat, and then squatted herself down, on her heels, on the top of all; thus
making a kind of Dutch warming-pan, on which she sat as close as a hare on
her seat. I should hardly have mentioned this operation, if I had thought
it had no other view than to warm the old woman's backside. I rather
suppose it was intended to cure some disorder she might have on her, which
the steams arising from the green celery might be a specific for. I was led
to think so by there being hardly any celery in the place, we having
gathered it long before; and grass, of which there was great plenty, would
have kept the stones from burning the mat full as well, if that had been
all that was meant. Besides, the woman looked to me sickly, and not in a
good state of health.
Mr Wales, from time to time, communicated to me the observations he had
made in this Sound for determining the longitude, the mean results of which
give 174° 25' 7" 1/2 east, for the bottom of Ship Cove, where the
observations were made; and the latitude of it is 41° 5' 50" 1/2 south. In
my chart, constituted in my former voyage, this place is laid down in 184°
54' 30" west, equal to 175° 5' 30" east. The error of the chart is
therefore 0° 40' 0", and nearly equal to what was found at Dusky Bay; by
which it appears that the whole of Tavai-poenamoo is laid down 40' too far
east in the said chart, as well as in the journal of the voyage. But the
error in Eaheino-mauwe, is not more than half a degree, or thirty minutes;
because the distance between. Queen Charlotte's Sound and Cape Palliser has
been found to be greater by 10' of longitude than it is laid down in the
chart. I mention these errors, not from a fear that they will affect either
navigation or geography, but because I have no doubt of their existence;
for, from the multitude of observations which Mr Wales took, the situation
of few parts of the world is better ascertained than Queen Charlotte's
Sound. Indeed, I might, with equal truth, say the same of all the other
places where we made any stay; for Mr Wales, whose abilities are equal to
his assiduity, lost no one observation that could possibly be obtained.
Even the situation of those islands, which we passed without touching at
them, is, by means of Kendal's watch, determined with almost equal
accuracy. The error of the watch from Otaheite to this place was only 43'
39" 1/2 in longitude, reckoning at the rate it was found to go at, at that
island and at Tanna; but by reckoning at the rate it was going when last at
Queen Charlotte's Sound, and from the time of our leaving it, to our return
to it again, which was near a year, the error was 19' 31", 25 in time, or
4° 52' 48" 1/4 in longitude. This error cannot be thought great, if we
consider the length of time, and that we had gone over a space equal to
upwards of three-fourths of the equatorial circumference of the earth, and
through all the climates and latitudes from 9° to 71°. Mr Wales found its
rate of going here to be that of gaining 12",576, on mean time, per day.
The mean result of all the observations he made for ascertaining the
variation of the compass and the dip of the south end of the needle, the
three several times we had been here, gave 14° 9' 1/5 east for the former;
and 64° 36" 2/3 for the latter. He also found, from very accurate
observations, that the time of high-water preceded the moon's southing, on
the full and change days, by three hours; and that the greatest rise and
fall of the water was five feet ten inches, and a half; but there were
evident tokens on the beach, of its having risen two feet higher than ever
it did in the course of his experiments.
[1] According to Mr G.F. the sufferings of the crew, for want of
proper nourishment, were exceedingly distressing, and some of the
officers who had made several voyages round the world acknowledged,
that they had never before so thoroughly loathed a salt diet. It was
owing, he says, to their having such an excellent preservative as
sour-krout on board, that the scurvy did not at this time make any
considerable progress among them; but their situation was indeed
wretched enough, without the horrors of that disease.--E.
[2] "Several large broken rocks project into the sea from the island,
on all sides. A heap of large stones formed a kind of beach, beyond
which the shore rose very steep, and in some parts perpendicular. The
rocks of this island consisted of the common yellowish clayey stone,
which we found at New Zealand; and in some places we met with small
bits of porous reddish lava, which seemed to be decaying, but made us
suspect this island to have had a volcano. The vegetables which we
found upon it, throve with great luxuriance in a rich stratum of black
mould, accumulated during ages past, from decaying trees and plants.
The greatest number of species we met with were well known to us, as
belonging to the flora of New Zealand, but this appeared with all the
advantages which a milder climate, and an exuberant soil could give
them, and they were united with the productions of New Caledonia, and
the New Hebrides. Altogether this little deserted spot was very
pleasing, and were it larger would be unexceptionable for an European
settlement."--G.F.
Notwithstanding the diminutive size of this island, the advantages it
presented, especially as to the cultivation of the flax-plant, were
sufficient to induce the British government to erect a settlement on
it, which was effected by a detachment from Port Jackson under the
command of Lieutenant King in 1788. The reader who desires particular
information respecting its progress, will be amply supplied with it in
Collins's account of New South Wales. It may perhaps be sufficient to
inform him, that though in 1790 the colony consisted of 498 persons,
and in 1796, of 889, and though very great expence and pains were
employed to ensure its prosperity, yet every year's experience proved
that the expectations entertained of its importance and benefits were
vastly over-rated, and in consequence it was at last abandoned. In the
opinion of Collins, Van Diemen's island presents in every respect a
more advantageous spot for a settlement.--E.
[3] "They continued from time to time to ask if we were displeased
with them, and seemed to be very apprehensive that our present
protestations of friendship were not quite sincere. We suspected from
this circumstance, that a fatal misunderstanding had happened between
the natives and the crew of some European ship, and we naturally
thought of our consort the Adventure."--G.F.
[4] The natives were repeatedly questioned, and in every conversation
we discovered some additional circumstances, by which the fact was
more clearly established. At last, however, observing that our
enquiries on this subject were frequently repeated, they resolved to
give us no further trouble, and by threats stopped short one of their
own brethren, who had been prevailed upon to speak once more on the
subject. Captain Cook being very desirous of obtaining some certainty
concerning the fate of the Adventure, called Peeterre and another
native into the cabin, both of whom denied that any harm had been done
to the Europeans. We made two pieces of paper, to represent the two
ships, and drew the figure of the sound on a larger piece; then
drawing the two ships into the sound, and out of it again, as often as
they had touched at and left it, including our last departure, we
stopped a while, and at last proceeded to bring our ship in again: But
the natives interrupted us, and taking up the paper which represented
the Adventure, they brought it into the harbour, and drew it out
again, counting on their fingers how many moons she had been gone.
This circumstance gave us two-fold pleasure, since, at the same time
that we were persuaded our consort had safely sailed from hence, we
had to admire the sagacity of the natives. Still, however, there was
something mysterious in the former accounts, which intimated that some
Europeans were killed; and we continued to doubt whether we had
rightly understood this part of their conversation, till we received
more certain intelligence at our return to the Cape of Good Hope."--
G.F.
[5] The reader will think the following incident and remark worthy of
being preserved; "After staying here about a quarter of an hour,
Captain Cook re-embarked with us, which was the more advisable, as
many of the natives, who arrived last, brought their arms, and the
whole crowd now amounted to two hundred and upwards, a much greater
number than we had suspected the sound to contain, or had ever seen
together. We had already put off, when a sailor acquainted the
captain, that he had bought a bundle of fish from one of the natives,
for which he had not paid him. Captain Cook took the last nail which
was left, and calling to the native, threw it on the beach at his
feet. The savage being offended, or thinking himself attacked, picked
up a stone, and threw it into the boat with great force, but luckily
without hitting any one of us. We now called to him again, and pointed
to the nail which we had thrown towards him. As soon as he had seen
it, and picked it up, he laughed at his own petulance, and seemed
highly pleased with our conduct towards him. This circumstance, with a
little rashness on our part, might have become very fatal to us, or
might at least have involved us in a dangerous quarrel. If we had
resented the affront of being pelted with a stone, the whole body
would have joined in the cause of their countryman, and we must have
fallen an easy prey to their numbers, being at the distance of five or
six leagues from the ship, without any hopes of assistance."--G.F.
CHAPTER IV.
FROM LEAVING NEW ZEALAND TO OUR RETURN TO ENGLAND.
SECTION I.
_The Run from New Zealand to Terra del Fuego, with the Range from Cape
Deseada to Christmas Sound, and Description of that Part of the Coast._
At day-break on the 10th, with a fine breeze at W.N.W., we weighed and
stood out of the Sound; and, after getting round the Two Brothers, steered
for Cape Campbell, which is at the S.W. entrance of the Strait, all sails
set, with a fine breeze at north. At four in the afternoon, we passed the
Cape, at the distance of four or five leagues, and then steered S.S.E. 1/2
E. with the wind at N.W., a gentle gale, and cloudy weather.
Next morning the wind veered round by the west to south, and forced us more
to the east than I intended. At seven o'clock in the evening, the snowy
mountains bore W. by S., and Cape Palliser N. 1/2 W., distant sixteen or
seventeen leagues; from which cape I, for the third time, took my
departure. After a few hours calm, a breeze springing up at north, we
steered S. by E. all sails set, with a view of getting into the latitude of
54° or 55°; my intention being to cross this vast ocean nearly in these
parallels, and so as to pass over those parts which were left unexplored
the preceding summer.
In the morning of the 12th, the wind increased to a fine gale: At noon we
observed in latitude 43° 13' 30" S., longitude 176° 41' E.; an
extraordinary fish of the whale kind was seen, which some called a sea
monster. I did not see it myself. In the afternoon, our old companions the
pintado peterels began to appear.[1]
On the 13th, in the morning, the wind veered to W.S.W. At seven, seeing the
appearance of land to S.W., we hauled up towards it, and soon found it to
be a fog-bank. Afterwards we steered S.E. by S., and soon after saw a seal.
At noon, latitude, by account, 44° 25', longitude 177° 31' E. Foggy
weather, which continued all the afternoon. At six in the evening, the wind
veered to N.E. by N., and increased to a fresh gale, attended with thick
hazy weather; course steered S.E. 1/4 S.
On the 14th, a.m. saw another seal. At noon, latitude 45° 54', longitude
179° 29' E.
On the 15th, a.m. the wind veered to the westward; the fog cleared away,
but the weather continued cloudy. At noon, latitude 47° 30', longitude 178°
19' W.; for, having passed the meridian of 180° E., I now reckon my
longitude west of the first meridian, viz. Greenwich. In the evening heard
penguins, and the next morning saw some sea or rock weed. At noon a fresh
gale from the west and fine weather. Latitude observed 49° 33', longitude
175° 31' W.
Next morning fresh gales and hazy weather; saw a seal and several pieces of
weed. At noon, latitude 51° 12', longitude 173° 17' W. The wind veered to
the N. and N.E. by N., blew a strong gale by squalls, which split an old
topgallant sail, and obliged us to double-reef the top-sails; but in the
evening the wind moderated, and veered to W.N.W., when we loosed a reef out
of each top-sail; and found the variation of the compass to be 9° 52' E.,
being then in the latitude 51° 47', longitude 172° 21' W., and the next
morning, the 18th, in the latitude of 52° 25', longitude 170° 45' W., it
was 10° 26' E. Towards noon, had moderate but cloudy weather, and a great
swell from the west: Some penguins and pieces of sea-weed seen.
On the 19th, steered E.S.E, with a very fresh gale at north, hazy dirty
weather. At noon, latitude 53° 43', longitude 166° 15' W.
On the 20th, steered E. by S., with a moderate breeze at north, attended
with thick hazy weather. At noon, latitude 54° 8', longitude 162° 18' W.
On the 21st, winds mostly from the N.E., a fresh gale attended with thick,
hazy, dirty weather. Course S.E. by S.; latitude, at noon, 55° 31',
longitude 160° 29'; abundance of blue peterels and some penguins seen.
Fresh gales at N.W. by N. and N. by W., and hazy till towards noon of the
22d, when the weather cleared up, and we observed in latitude 55° 48' S.,
longitude 156° 56' W. In the afternoon had a few hours calm; after that,
the wind came at S.S.E. and S.E. by S. a light breeze, with which we
steered east northerly. In the night the aurora australis was visible, but
very faint, and no ways remarkable.
On the 23d, in the latitude of 55° 46' S., longitude 156° 13' W., the
variation was 9° 42' E. We had a calm from ten in the morning till six in
the evening, when a breeze sprung up at west; at first it blew a gentle
gale, but afterwards freshened. Our course was now E. 1/2 N.
On the 24th, a fresh breeze at N.W. by W. and N. by W. At noon, in latitude
55° 38' S., longitude 153° 37' W., foggy in the night, but next day had a
fine gale at N.W., attended with clear pleasant weather; course steered E.
by N. In the evening, being in the latitude of 55° 8' S., longitude 148°
10' W., the variation, by the mean of two compasses, was 6° 35' E.
Having a steady fresh gale at N.N.W. on the 26th and 27th, we steered east;
and at noon on the latter were in latitude 55° 6' S., longitude 138° 56' W.
I now gave up all hopes of finding any more land in this ocean, and came to
a resolution to steer directly for the west entrance of the Straits of
Magalhaeus, with a view of coasting the out, or south side of Terra del
Fuego round Cape Horn to the strait Le Maire. As the world has but a very
imperfect knowledge of this shore, I thought the coasting of it would be of
more advantage, both to navigation and to geography, than any thing I could
expect to find in a higher latitude. In the afternoon of this day, the wind
blew in squalls, and carried away the main top-gallant mast.
A very strong gale northerly, with hazy rainy weather, on the 28th, obliged
us to double-reef the fore and main top-sail to hand the mizen top-sail,
and get down the fore top-gallant yard. In the morning, the bolt rope of
the main top-sail broke, and occasioned the sail to be split. I have
observed that the ropes to all our sails, the square sails especially, are
not of a size and strength sufficient to wear out the canvass. At noon,
latitude 55° 20' S., longitude 134° 16' W., a great swell from N.W.:
Albatrosses and blue peterels seen.
Next day towards noon, the wind abating, we loosed all the reefs out of the
top-sails, rigged another top-gallant mast, and got the yards across. P.M.
little wind, and hazy weather; at midnight calm, that continued till noon
the next day, when a breeze sprung up at east, with which we stretched to
the northward. At this time we were in the latitude 55° 32' S., longitude
128° 45' W.; some albatrosses and peterels seen. At eight, p.m., the wind
veering to N.E., we tacked and stood to E.S.E.
On the 1st of December, thick hazy weather, with drizzling rain, and a
moderate breeze of wind, which, at three o'clock p.m. fell to a calm; at
this time in latitude 55° 41' S., longitude 127° 5' W. After four hours
calm, the fog cleared away, and we got a wind at S.E. with which we stood
N.E.
Next day, a fresh breeze at S.E. and hazy foggy weather, except a few hours
in the morning, when we found the variation to be 1° 28' E. Latitude 55°
17', longitude 125° 41' W. The variation after this was supposed to
increase; for on the 4th, in the morning, being in latitude 53° 31',
longitude 121° 31' W., it was 3° 16' E.; in the evening, in latitude 53°
13', longitude 119° 46' W., it was 3° 28' E.; and on the 5th, at six
o'clock in the evening, in latitude 53° 8', longitude 115° 58' W., it was
4° 1' E.
For more than twenty-four hours, having had a fine gale at south, this
enabled us to steer east, with very little deviation to the north; and the
wind now altering to S.W. and blowing a steady fresh breeze, we continued
to steer east, inclining a little to south.
On the 6th, had some snow-showers. In the evening, being in latitude 53°
13', longitude 111° 12', the variation was 4° 58' E.; and the next morning,
being in latitude 58° 16', longitude 109° 33', it was 5° 1' E.
The wind was now at west, a fine pleasant gale, sometimes with showers of
rain. Nothing remarkable happened, till the 9th, at noon, when being in the
latitude of 53° 37', longitude 103° 44' W., the wind veered to N.E., and
afterwards came insensibly round to the south, by the E. and S.E., attended
with cloudy hazy weather, and some showers of rain.
On the 10th, a little before noon, latitude 54°, longitude 102° 7' west,
passed a small bed of sea-weed. In the afternoon the wind veered to S.W.,
blew a fresh gale, attended with dark cloudy weather. We steered east half
a point north; and the next day, at six in the evening, being in latitude
53° 35', longitude 95° 52' west, the variation was 9° 58' east. Many and
various sorts of albatrosses about the ship.
On the 12th, the wind veered to the west, N.W.; and in the evening to
north; and, at last, left us to a calm; that continued till midnight, when
we got a breeze at south; which, soon after, veering to, and fixing at,
west, we steered east; and on the 14th, in the morning, found the variation
to be 13° 25' east, latitude 53° 25', longitude 87° 53' west; and in the
afternoon, being in the same latitude, and the longitude of 86° 2' west, it
was 15° 3' east, and increased in such a manner, that on the 15th, in the
latitude of 53° 30', longitude 82° 23' west, it was 17° east; and the next
evening, in the latitude of 53° 25', longitude 78° 40', it was 17° 38'
east. About this time, we saw a penguin and a piece of weed; and the next
morning, a seal and some diving peterels. For the three last days, the wind
had been at west, a steady fresh gale, attended, now and then, with showers
of rain or hail.
At six in the morning of the 17th, being nearly in the same latitude as
above, and in the longitude of 77° 10' west, the variation was 18° 33'
east; and in the afternoon it was 21° 38, being at that time in latitude
53° 16' S., longitude 75° 9' west. In the morning, as well as in the
afternoon, I took some observations to determine the longitude by the
watch; and the results, reduced to noon, gave 76° 18' 30" west. At the same
time, the longitude, by my reckoning, was 76° 17' west. But I have reason
to think, that we were about half a degree more to the west than either the
one or the other; our latitude, at the same time, was 53° 21' S.
We steered E. by N. and E. 1/2 N. all this day, under all the sail we could
carry, with a fine fresh gale at N.W. by W. in expectation of seeing the
land before night; but not making it till ten o'clock, we took in the
studding-sails, top-gallant sails, and a reef in each top-sail, and steered
E.N.E., in order to make sure of falling in with Cape Deseada.
Two hours after, we made the land, extending from N.E. by N. to E. by S.
about six leagues distant. On this discovery, we wore and brought-to, with
the ship's head to the south; and having sounded, found seventy-five
fathoms water, the bottom stone and shells. The land now before us could be
no other than the west coast of Terra del Fuego, and near the west entrance
to the Straits of Magalhaens.
As this was the first run that had been made directly across this ocean, in
a high southern latitude,[2] I have been a little particular in noting
every circumstance that appeared in the least material: and, after all, I
must observe, that I never made a passage any where of such length, or even
much shorter, where so few interesting circumstances occurred. For, if I
except the variation of the compass, I know of nothing else worth notice.
The weather had been neither unusually stormy nor cold. Before we arrived
in the latitude of 50°, the mercury in the thermometer fell gradually from
sixty to fifty; and after we arrived in the latitude of 55°, it was
generally between forty-seven and forty-five; once or twice it fell to
forty-three. These observations were made at noon.
I have now done with the southern Pacific Ocean; and flatter myself that no
one will think that I have left it unexplored; or that more could have been
done, in one voyage, towards obtaining that end, than has been done in
this.
Soon after we left New Zealand, Mr Wales contrived, and fixed up, an
instrument, which very accurately measured the angle the ship rolled, when
sailing large and in a great sea; and that in which she lay down, when
sailing upon a wind. The greatest angle he observed her to roll was 38°.
This was on the 6th of this month, when the sea was not unusually high; so
that it cannot be reckoned the greatest roll she had made. The most he
observed her to heel or lie down, when sailing upon a wind, was 18°; and
this was under double-reefed top-sails and courses.
On the 18th, at three in the morning, we sounded again, and found one
hundred and ten fathoms, the same bottom as before. We now made sail with a
fresh gale at N.W., and steered S.E. by E. along the coast. It extended
from Cape Deseada, which bore north 7° east, to E S.E.; a pretty high
ragged isle, which lies near a league from the main, and S., 18° E. six
leagues E. from Cape Deseada, bore N. 49° E. distant four leagues; and it
obtained the name of Landfall. At four o'clock, we were north and south of
the high land of Cape Deseada, distant about nine leagues; so that we saw
none of the low rocks said to lie off it. The latitude of this Cape is
about 53° S., longitude 74° 40' west.
Continuing to range the coast, at about two leagues distance, at eleven
o'clock we passed a projecting point, which I called Cape Gloucester. It
shews a round surface of considerable height, and has much the appearance
of being an island. It lies S.S.E. 1/2 E. distant seventeen leagues from
the isle of Landfall. The coast between them forms two bays, strewed with
rocky islets, rocks, and breakers. The coast appeared very broken with many
inlets; or rather it seemed to be composed of a number of islands. The land
is very mountainous, rocky, and barren, spotted here and there with tufts
of wood, and patches of snow. At noon Cape Gloucester bore north, distant
eight miles, and the most advanced point of land to the S.E., which we
judged to be Cape Noir, bore S.E. by S., distant seven or eight leagues.
Latitude observed 54° 13' S. Longitude, made from Cape Deseada, 54' E. From
Cape Gloucester, off which lies a small rocky island, the direction of the
coast is nearly S.E.; but to Cape Noir, for which we steered, the course is
S.S.E., distant about ten leagues.
At three o'clock we passed Cape Noir, which is a steep rock of considerable
height, and the S.W. point of a large island that seemed to lie detached, a
league, or a league and a half, from the main land. The land of the cape,
when at a distance from it, appeared to be an island disjoined from the
other; but, on a nearer approach, we found it connected by a low neck of
land. At the point of the cape are two rocks; the one peaked like a sugar-
loaf, the other not so high, and shewing a rounder surface; and S. by E.,
two leagues from the cape, are two other rocky islets. This cape is
situated in the latitude of 54° 30' S., longitude 73° 33' W.
After passing the two islets, we steered E.S.E., crossing the great bay of
St Barbara. We but just saw the land in the bottom of it, which could not
be less than seven or eight leagues from us. There was a space, lying in
the direction of E.N.E. from Cape Noir, where no land was to be seen: this
may be the channel of St Barbara, which opens into the straits of
Magalhaens, as mentioned by Frezier. We found the cape to agree very well
with his description, which shews that he laid down the channel from good
memoirs. At ten o'clock, drawing near the S.E. point of the bay, which,
lies nearly in the direction of S. 60° E. from Cape Noir, eighteen leagues
distant, we shortened sail, and spent the night standing off and on.
At two o'clock in the morning of the 19th, having made sail, we steered
S.E. by E. along the coast, and soon passed the S.E. point of the bay of St
Barbara, which I called Cape Desolation, because near it commenced the most
desolate and barren country I ever saw. It is situated in the latitude of
54° 55' S., longitude 72° 12' W. About four leagues to the east of this
cape is a deep inlet, at the entrance of which lies a pretty large island,
and some others of less note. Nearly in this situation some charts place a
channel leading into the straits of Magalhaens, under the name of straits
of Jelouzel. At ten o'clock, being about a league and a half from the land,
we sounded, and found sixty fathoms water, a bottom of small stones and
shells.
The wind, which had been fresh at N. by W., began to abate, and at noon it
fell calm, when we observed in latitude 55° 20' S., longitude made from
Cape Deseada 3° 24' E. In this situation we were about three leagues from
the nearest shore, which was that of an island. This I named Gilbert Isle,
after my master. It is nearly of the same height with the rest of the
coast, and shews a surface composed of several peaked rocks unequally high.
A little to the S.E. of it are some smaller islands, and, without them,
breakers.
I have before observed that this is the most desolate coast I ever saw. It
seems entirely composed of rocky mountains without the least appearance of
vegetation. These mountains terminate in horrible precipices, whose craggy
summits spire up to a vast height, so that hardly any thing in nature can
appear with a more barren and savage aspect than the whole of this country.
The inland mountains were covered with snow, but those on the sea-coast
were not. We judged the former to belong to the main of Terra del Fuego,
and the latter to be islands, so ranged as apparently to form a coast.
After three hours calm we got a breeze at S.E. by E., and having made a
short trip to south, stood in for the land; the most advanced point of
which, that we had in sight, bore east, distant ten leagues. This is a
lofty promontory, lying E.S.E, nineteen leagues from Gilbert isle, and
situated in latitude 55° 26' S, longitude 70° 25' W. Viewed from the
situation we now were in, it terminated in two high towers; and, within
them, a hill shaped like a sugar-loaf. This wild rock, therefore, obtained
the name of York Minster. Two leagues to the westward of this head appeared
a large inlet, the west point of which we fetched in with by nine o'clock,
when we tacked in forty-one fathoms water, half a league from the shore; to
the westward of this inlet was another, with several islands lying in the
entrance.
During the night between the 19th and 20th we had little wind easterly,
which in the morning veered to N.E. and N.N.E., but it was too faint to be
of use; and at ten we had a calm, when we observed the ship to drive from
off the shore out to sea. We had made the same observation the day before.
This must have been occasioned by a current; and the melting of the snow
increasing, the inland waters will cause a stream to run out of most of
these inlets. At noon we observed in latitude 55° 39' 30" S., York Minster
then bearing N. 15° E., distant five leagues; and Round-hill, just peeping
above the horizon, which we judged to belong to the isles of St Ildefonso,
E. 25° S., ten or eleven leagues distant. At ten o'clock, a breeze
springing up at E. by S., I took this opportunity to stand in for the land,
being desirous of going into one of the many ports which seemed open to
receive us, in order to take a view of the country, and to recruit our
stock of wood and water.
In standing in for an opening, which appeared on the east side of York
Minster, we had forty, thirty-seven, fifty, and sixty fathoms water, a
bottom of small stones and shells. When we had the last soundings, we were
nearly in the middle between the two points that form the entrance to the
inlet, which we observed to branch into two arms, both of them lying in
nearly north, and disjoined by an high rocky point. We stood for the
eastern branch as being clear of islets; and after passing a black rocky
one, lying without the point just mentioned, we sounded, and found no
bottom with a line of an hundred and seventy fathoms. This was altogether
unexpected, and a circumstance that would not have been regarded if the
breeze had continued; but at this time it fell calm, so that it was not
possible to extricate ourselves from this disagreeable situation. Two boats
were hoisted out, and sent a-head to tow; but they would have availed
little, had not a breeze sprung up about eight o'clock at S.W., which put
it in my power either to stand out to sea, or up the inlet. Prudence seemed
to point out the former, but the desire of finding a good port, and of
learning something of the country, getting the better of every other
consideration, I resolved to stand in; and, as night was approaching, our
safety depended on getting to an anchor. With this view we continued to
sound, but always had an unfathomable depth.
Hauling up under the east side of the land which divided the two arms, and
seeing a small cove ahead, I sent a boat to sound; and we kept as near the
shore as the flurries from the land would permit, in order to be able to
get into this place, if there should be anchorage. The boat soon returned,
and informed us that there was thirty and twenty-five fathoms water, a full
cable's length from the shore; here we anchored in thirty fathoms, the
bottom sand and broken shells; and carried out a kedge and hawser to steady
the ship for the night.
[1] Mr. G.F. describes this whale as being about twelve yards long,
having an oblong blunt head, on which there were two longitudinal
furrows, and as many upright ridges. It had small eyes, two semi-lunar
apertures, from whence it occasionally spouted the water, and it was
mottled all over with white spots. It had two large fins behind the
head, but none on the back. In his opinion this extraordinary creature
was entirely unknown before.--E.
[2] It is not to be supposed that I could know at this time, that the
Adventure had made the passage before me.
SECTION II.
_Transactions in Christmas Sound, with an Account of the Country and its
Inhabitants._
The morning of the 21st was calm and pleasant. After breakfast I set out
with two boats to look for a more secure station. We no sooner got round,
or above the point, under which the ship lay, than we found a cove in which
was anchorage in thirty, twenty, and fifteen fathoms, the bottom stones and
sand. At the head of the cove was a stony beach, a valley covered with
wood, and a stream of fresh water, so that there was every thing we could
expect to find in such a place, or rather more; for we shot three geese out
of four that we saw, and caught some young ones, which we afterwards let
go.
After discovering and sounding this cove, I sent Lieutenant Clerke, who
commanded the other boat, on board, with orders to remove the ship into
this place, while I proceeded farther up the inlet. I presently saw that
the land we were under, which disjoined the two arms, as mentioned before,
was an island, at the north end of which the two channels united. After
this I hastened on board, and found every thing in readiness to weigh,
which was accordingly done, and all the boats sent ahead to tow the ship
round the point. But at that moment a light breeze came in from the sea too
scant to fill our sails, so that we were obliged to drop the anchor again,
for fear of falling upon the point, and to carry out a kedge to windward.
That being done, we hove up the anchor, warped up to, and weighed the
kedge, and proceeding round the point under our stay-sails; there anchored
with the best bower in twenty fathoms; and moored with the other bower,
which lay to the north, in thirteen fathoms. In this position we were shut
in from the sea by the point above-mentioned, which was in one with the
extremity of the inlet to the east. Some islets, off the next point above
us, covered us from the N.W., from which quarter the wind had the greatest
fetch, and our distance from the shore was about one-third of a mile.
Thus situated we went to work, to clear a place to fill water, to cut wood,
and to set up a tent for the reception of a guard, which was thought
necessary, as we had already discovered that, barren as this country is, it
was not without people, though we had not yet seen any. Mr Wales also got
his observatory and instruments on shore; but it was with the greatest
difficulty he could find a place of sufficient stability, and clear of the
mountains, which every where surrounded us, to set them up in; and at last
he was obliged to content himself with the top of a rock not more than nine
feet over.
Next day I sent Lieutenants Clerke and Pickersgill, accompanied by some of
the other officers, to examine and draw a sketch of the channel on the
other side of the island; and I went myself in another boat, accompanied by
the botanists, to survey the northern parts of the sound. In my way I
landed on the point of a low isle covered with herbage, part of which had
been lately burnt: We likewise saw a hut, signs sufficient that people were
in the neighbourhood. After I had taken the necessary bearings, we
proceeded round the east end of Burnt Island, and over to what we judged to
be the main of Terra del Fuego, where we found a very fine harbour
encompassed by steep rocks of vast height, down which ran many limpid
streams of water; and at the foot of the rocks some tufts of trees, fit for
little else but fuel.[1]
This harbour, which I shall distinguish by the name of the Devil's Bason,
is divided, as it were, into two, an inner. and an outer one; and the
communication between them is by a narrow channel five fathoms deep. In the
outer bason I found thirteen and seventeen fathoms water, and in the inner
seventeen and twenty-three. This last is as secure a place as can be, but
nothing can be more gloomy. The vast height of the savage rocks which
encompass it, deprived great part of it, even on this day, of the meridian
sun. The outer harbour is not quite free from this inconvenience, but far
more so than the other; it is also rather more commodious, and equally
safe. It lies in the direction of north, a mile and a half distant from
the east end of Burnt Island. I likewise found a good anchoring-place a
little to the west of this harbour, before a stream of water, that comes
out of a lake or large reservoir, which is continually supplied by a
cascade falling into it.
Leaving this place, we proceeded along the shore to the westward, and found
other harbours which I had not time to look into. In all of them is fresh
water, and wood for fuel; but, except these little tufts of bushes, the
whole country is a barren rock, doomed by nature to everlasting sterility.
The low islands, and even some of the higher, which lie scattered up and
down the sound, are indeed mostly covered with shrubs and herbage, the soil
a black rotten turf, evidently composed, by length of time, of decayed
vegetables.
I had an opportunity to verify what we had observed at sea, that the sea-
coast is composed of a number of large and small islands, and that the
numerous inlets are formed by the junction of several channels; at least so
it is here. On one of these low islands we found several huts, which had
lately been inhabited; and near them was a good deal of celery, with which
we loaded our boat, and returned on board at seven o'clock in the evening.
In this expedition we met with little game; one duck, three or four shags,
and about that number of rails or sea-pies, being all we got. The other
boat returned on board some hours before, having found two harbours on the
west side of the other channel; the one large, and the other small, but
both of them safe and commodious; though, by the sketch Mr Pickersgill had
taken of them, the access to both appeared rather intricate.[2]
I was now told of a melancholy accident which had befallen one of our
marines. He had not been seen since eleven or twelve o'clock the preceding
night. It was supposed that he had fallen overboard, out of the head, where
he had been last seen, and was drowned.
Having fine pleasant weather on the 23d, I sent Lieutenant Pickersgill in
the cutter to explore the east side of the sound, and went myself in the
pinnace to the west side, with an intent to go round the island, under
which we were at anchor (and which I shall distinguish by the name of Shag
Island), in order to view the passage leading to the harbours Mr
Pickersgill had discovered the day before, on which I made the following
observations. In coming from sea, leave all the rocks and islands, lying
off and within York Minster, on your larboard side; and the black rock,
which lies off the south end of Shag Island, on your starboard; and when
abreast of the south end of that island, haul over for the west shore,
taking care to avoid the beds of weeds you will see before you, as they
always grow on rocks; some of which I have found twelve fathoms under
water; but it is always best to keep clear of them. The entrance to the
large harbour, or Port Clerke, is just to the north of some low rocks lying
off a point on Shag Island. This harbour lies in W. by S., a mile and a
half, and hath in it from twelve to twenty-four fathoms depth, wood and
fresh water. About a mile without, or to the southward of Port Clerke, is,
or seemed to be, another which I did not examine. It is formed by a large
island which covers it from the south and east winds. Without this island,
that is, between it and York Minster, the sea seemed strewed with islets,
rocks, and breakers. In proceeding round the south end of Shag Island, we
observed the shags to breed in vast numbers in the cliffs of the rock. Some
of the old ones we shot, but could not come at the young ones, which are by
far the best eating. On the east side of the island we saw some geese; and
having with difficulty landed, we killed three, which, at this time, was a
valuable acquisition.
About seven, in the evening, we got on board, where Mr Pickersgill had
arrived but just before. He informed me that the land opposite to our
station was an island, which he had been round; that on another, more to
the north, be found many _terns_ eggs; and that without the great
island, between it and the east-head, lay a cove in which were many geese;
one only of which he got, beside some young goslings.
This information of Mr Pickersgill's induced me to make up two shooting
parties next day; Mr Pickersgill and his associates going in the cutter,
and myself and the botanists in the pinnace. Mr Pickersgill went by the
N.E. side of the large island above-mentioned, which obtained the name of
Goose Island; and I went by the S.W. side. As soon as we got under the
island we found plenty of shags in the cliffs, but, without staying to
spend our time and shot upon these, we proceeded on, and presently found
sport enough, for in the south side of the island were abundance of geese.
It happened to be the moulting season; and most of them were on shore for
that purpose, and could not fly. There being a great surf, we found great
difficulty in landing, and very bad climbing over the rocks when we were
landed; so that hundreds of the geese escaped us, some into the sea, and
others up into the island. We, however, by one means or other, got sixty-
two, with which we returned on board all heartily tired; but the
acquisition we had made overbalanced every other consideration, and we sat
down with a good appetite to supper on part of what the preceding day had
produced. Mr Pickersgill and his associates had got on board some time
before us with fourteen geese; so that I was able to make distribution to
the whole crew, which was the more acceptable on account of the approaching
festival. For had not Providence thus singularly provided for us, our
Christmas cheer must have been salt beef and pork.
I now learnt that a number of the natives, in nine canoes, had been
alongside the ship, and some on board. Little address was required to
persuade them to either; for they seemed to be well enough acquainted with
Europeans, and had, amongst them, some of their knives.
The next morning, the 25th, they made us another visit. I found them to be
of the same nation I had formerly seen in Success Bay, and the same which
M. de Bougainville distinguishes by the name of Pecheras; a word which
these had, on every occasion, in their mouths. They are a little, ugly,
half-starved, beardless race. I saw not a tall person amongst them. They
are almost naked; their clothing was a seal-skin; some had two or three
sewed together, so as to make a cloak which reached to the knees; but the
most of them had only one skin, hardly large enough to cover their
shoulders, and all their lower parts were quite naked. The women, I was
told, cover their nakedness with the flap of a seal-skin, but in other
respects are clothed like the men. They, as well as the children, remained
in the canoes. I saw two young children at the breast entirely naked; thus
they are inured from their infancy to cold and hardships. They had with
them bows and arrows, and darts, or rather harpoons, made of bone, and
fitted to a staff. I suppose they were intended to kill seals and fish;
they may also kill whales with them, as the Esquimaux do. I know not if
they resemble them in their love of train-oil; but they and every thing
they had smelt most intolerably of it. I ordered them some biscuit, but did
not observe them so fond of it as I had been told. They were much better
pleased when I gave them some medals, knives, &c.[3]
The women and children, as before observed, remained in their canoes. These
were made of bark; and in each was a fire, over which the poor creatures
huddled themselves. I cannot suppose that they carry a fire in their canoes
for this purpose only, but rather that it may be always ready to remove
ashore wherever they land; for let their method of obtaining fire be what
it may, they cannot be always sure of finding dry fuel that will kindle
from a spark. They likewise carry in their canoes large seal hides, which I
judged were to shelter them when at sea, and to serve as covering to their
huts on shore, and occasionally to be used for sails.
They all retired before dinner, and did not wait to partake of our
Christmas cheer. Indeed I believe no one invited them, and for good
reasons; for their dirty persons, and the stench they carried about them,
were enough to spoil the appetite of any European; and that would have been
a real disappointment, as we had not experienced such fare for some time.
Roast and boiled geese, goose-pye, &c. was a treat little known to us; and
we had yet some Madeira wine left, which was the only article of our
provision that was mended by keeping. So that our friends in England did
not, perhaps, celebrate Christmas more cheerfully than we did.
On the 26th, little wind next to a calm, and fair weather, except in the
morning, when we had some showers of rain. In the evening, when it was
cold, the natives made us another visit; and it being distressing to see
them stand trembling and naked on the deck, I could not do less than give
them some baize and old canvas to cover themselves.
Having already completed our water, on the 27th I ordered the wood, tent,
and observatory to be got on board; and, as this was work for the day, a
party of us went in two boats to shoot geese, the weather being fine and
pleasant. We proceeded round by the south side of Goose Island, and picked
up in all thirty-one. On the east side of the island, to the north of the
east point, is good anchorage, in seventeen fathoms water, where it is
entirely land-locked. This is a good place for ships to lie in that are
bound to the west. On the north side of this isle I observed three fine
coves, in which were both wood and water; but it being near night, I had no
time to sound them, though I doubt not there is anchorage. The way to come
at them is by the west end of the island.
When I returned on board I found every thing got off the shore, and the
launch in; so that we now only waited for a wind to put to sea. The
festival, which we celebrated at this place, occasioned my giving it the
name of Christmas Sound. The entrance, which is three leagues wide, is
situated in the latitude of 55° 27' S., longitude 70° 16' W.; and in the
direction of N. 37° W. from St Ildefonso Isles, distant ten leagues. These
isles are the best landmark for finding the sound. York Minster, which is
the only remarkable land about it, will hardly be known by a stranger, from
any description that can be given of it, because it alters its appearance
according to the different situations it is viewed from. Besides the black
rock, which lies off the end of Shag Island, there is another about midway
between this and the east shore. A copious description of this sound is
unnecessary, as few would be benefited by it. Anchorage, tufts of wood, and
fresh-water, will be found in all the coves and harbours. I would advise no
one to anchor very near the shore for the sake of having a moderate depth
of water, because there I generally found a rocky bottom.
The refreshments to be got here are precarious, as they consist chiefly of
wild fowl, and may probably never be found in such plenty as to supply the
crew of a ship; and fish, so far as we can judge, are scarce. Indeed the
plenty of wild-fowl made us pay less attention to fishing. Here are,
however, plenty of muscles, not very large, but well tasted; and very good
celery is to be met with on several of the low islets, and where the
natives have their habitations. The wild-fowl are geese, ducks, sea-pies,
shags, and that kind of gull so often mentioned in this journal under the
name of Port Egmont hen. Here is a kind of duck, called by our people race-
horses, on account of the great swiftness with which they run on the water;
for they cannot fly, the wings being too short to support the body in the
air. This bird is at the Falkland Islands, as appears by Pernety's Journal.
The geese too are there, and seem to be very well described under the name
of bustards. They are much smaller than our English tame geese, but eat as
well as any I ever tasted. They have short black bills and yellow feet. The
gander is all white; the female is spotted black and white, or grey, with a
large white spot on each wing. Besides the bird above-mentioned, here are
several other aquatic, and some land ones; but of the latter not many.
From the knowledge which the inhabitants seem to have of Europeans, we may
suppose that they do not live here continually, but retire to the north
during the winter. I have often wondered that these people do not clothe
themselves better, since Nature has certainly provided materials. They
might line their seal-skin cloaks with the skins and feathers of aquatic
birds; they might make their cloaks larger, and employ the same skins for
other parts of clothing, for I cannot suppose they are scarce with them.
They were ready enough to part with those they had to our people, which
they hardly would have done, had they not known where to have got more. In
short, of all the nations I have seen, the Pecheras are the most wretched.
They are doomed to live in one of the most inhospitable climates in the
world, without having sagacity enough to provide themselves with such
conveniences as may render life in some measure more comfortable.
Barren as this country is, it abounds with a variety of unknown plants, and
gave sufficient employment to Mr Forster and his party. The tree, which
produceth the winter's bark; is found here in the woods, as is the holy-
leaved barberry; and some other sorts, which I know not, but I believe are
common in the straits of Magalhaens. We found plenty of a berry, which we
called the cranberry, because they are nearly of the same colour, size, and
shape. It grows on a bushy plant, has a bitterish taste, rather insipid;
but may he eaten either raw or in tarts, and is used as food by the
natives.[4]
[1] "We found many little clefts, which cannot properly be called
vallies, where a few shrubs of different species sprang up in a thin
layer of swampy soil, being defended against the violence of storms,
and exposed to the genial influence of reverberated sun-beams. The
rock, of which the whole island consisted, is a coarse granite,
composed of feld-spath, quartz, and black mica or glimmer. This rock
is in most places entirely naked, without the smallest vegetable
particle; but wherever the rains, or melted snows, have washed
together some little rubbish, and other particles in decay, it is
covered with a coating of minute plants, in growth like mosses, which,
forming a kind of turf, about an inch or more in thickness, very
easily slip away under the foot, having no firm hold on the rock. In
sheltered places a few other plants thrive among these mossy species,
and these at last form a sufficient quantity of soil for the nutriment
of shrubs. Here we found the species which affords what has been
called Winter's Bark; but in this unfriendly situation it was only a
shrub about ten feet high, crooked and shapeless. Barren as these
rocks appeared, yet almost every plant which we gathered on them was
new to us, and some species were remarkable for the beauty of their
flowers, or their smell."--G.F.
[2] Mr G.F. has given a pretty minute description of the country
around this sound, and its annual and vegetable productions; but for a
reason afterwards stated by Captain Cook, there seems little
inducement to copy from it. Those who think otherwise, but who,
perhaps, are very few in number, will have recourse to that
gentleman's narrative.--E.
[3] The reader who is not satisfied with the picture now given of
these wretched and disgusting beings, may turn to the abstract of
Bougainville's Voyage, quoted in the preceding volume of this
collection, which surely ought to suffice.--E.
[4] In the cavities and crevices of the huge piles of rocks, forming
Terra del Fuego and Staten-land, so very like each other, where a
little moisture is preserved by its situation, and where from the
continued friction of the loose pieces of rocks, washed and hurried
down the steep sides of the rocky masses, a few minute particles form
a kind of sand; there in the stagnant water gradually spring up a few
algaceous plants from seeds carried thither on the feet, plumage, and
bills of birds; these plants form at the end of each season a few
atoms of mould which yearly increases; the birds, the sea, or the wind
carries from a neighbouring isle, the seeds of some of the mossy
plants to this little mould, and they vegetate in it daring the proper
season. Though these plants be not absolute mosses, they are however
nearly related to them in their habit. We reckon among them the IXIA
_pumila_; a new plant which we called DONATIA; a small MELANTHIUM; a
minute OXALIS and CALENDULA; another little dioicous plant, called by
us PHYLLACHNE, together with the MNIARUM, (see Forster, Nova Genera
Plantarum). These plants, or the greater part of them, have a peculiar
growth, particularly adapted to these regions, and fit for forming
soil and mould on barren rocks. In proportion as they grow up, they
spread into various stems and branches, which lie as close together as
possible; they spread new seeds, and at last a large spot is covered;
the lowermost fibres, roots, stalks, and leaves, gradually decay and
push forth on the top new verdant leaves: The decaying lower parts
form a kind of peat, or turf, which gradually changes into mould and
soil. The close texture of these plants hinders the moisture below
from evaporating, and thus furnishes nutriment to the vegetation
above, and clothes at last whole hills and isles with a constant
verdure. Among these pumilous plants, some of a greater stature begin
to thrive, without in the least prejudicing the growth of these
creators of mould and soil. Among these plants we reckon a small
ARBUTUS, a diminutive myrtle, a little dandelion, a small creeping
CRASSULA, the common PINGUICULA _alpina_, a yellow variety of the
VIOLA _palustris_, the STATICE _armeria_, or sea pink, a kind of
burnet, the RANUNCULUS _lapponicus_, the HOLCUS _odoratus_, the common
celery, with the ARABIS _heterophylla_. Soon after we observed, in
places that are still covered with the above-mentioned mossy plant, a
new rush (JUNCUS _triglumis_,) a fine AMELLUS, a most beautiful
scarlet CHELONE, and lastly, even shrubby plants, viz. a scarlet-
flowered shrubby plant of a new genus, which we called EMBOTHRIUM
_coccineum_; two new kinds of berberis, (BERBERIS _ilicifolia et
mitior_;) an arbutus with cuspidated leaves (ARBUTUS _mucronata_;) and
lastly, the tree bearing the winter's bark (DRYMIS _winteri_,) which,
however, in these rocky barren parts of Terra del Fuego never exceeds
the size of a tolerable shrub; whereas in Success Bay, on a gentle
sloping ground, in a rich and deep soil, it grows to the size of the
largest timber. The falling leaves, the rotting mossy plants, and
various other circumstances, increase the mould and form a deeper
soil, more and more capable of bearing larger plants. Thus they all
enlarge the vegetable system, and rescue new animated parts of the
creation from their inactive chaotic state."--F.
END OF VOLUME FOURTEENTH.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 14" ***
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