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Title: The Abenaki Indians - Their Treaties of 1713 & 1717, and a Vocabulary
Author: Kidder, Frederic, 1804-1885
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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 Transcriber's Notes:
 1) Some treaty signatures are unclear and have been marked and/or
    best-guessed. Original signature images can be seen in the html
 2) The breve has been rendered as [)c] and the macron [o=]
 3) Text following ^ is superscripted.
 4) Unusual and inconsistent spelling of place/names have been left as
    in the original.

       *       *       *       *       *

               THE ABENAKI INDIANS;


                      WITH A






The present spirit of inquiry into the early history of New England is
bringing forth additional facts and evolving new light, by which we are
every day seeing more clearly the true motive and incentives for its
colonization. But whenever the student turns to investigate the history
of the aboriginal tribes, who once inhabited this part of the country,
he is struck, not so much with the paucity of materials, as with the
complication and difficulties which our earlier and later writers have
thrown around the subject, as well as the very different light with
which they have viewed it.

The first explorers of our coast, whose intercourse with the Indians was
limited to trading for furs and skins, seem to have had a much better
opinion of them than Mather, Hubbard, and some still later writers. It
is not to be supposed that while a large part of the population were
smarting from the distress of almost continued Indian wars, that even
the most candid could coolly investigate and impartially record the
history, character, and wants of such a people. But the time has
arrived, when, divesting ourselves of all prejudice, we can examine
carefully their true situation, and making allowance for their
condition, write their history with fairness and candor.

The present sketch is confined to a brief notice of the tribes who
inhabited the territory now constituting the States of Maine and New
Hampshire, all of which may be considered as embraced under the name of
Abenakis, or more properly Wanbanakkie. It has often been supposed that
this name was given them by the French, but it is undoubtedly their
original appellation, being derived from Wanbanban, which may be defined
the people of aurora borealis or northern light.

It is only now intended to sketch their earlier history, and to trace
the various emigrations to the present residence of the Abenakis proper,
in Canada; and viewing this tribe as the living representative of our
extinct ones, to consider its interesting history, so clearly connected
with New England frontier life, although most of that history is but a
record of war and wretchedness.

The celebrated discoverer, Capt. John Smith, in his general history,
furnishes the earliest and most reliable description of the Indians on
the coast of Maine, as they were in 1614; other writers give accounts of
tribes there, some of which it is difficult to distinguish or locate;
but it may be best to consider all that were residing in the two States
above-mentioned as embraced in about eight distinct tribes, namely:
Penobscots or Tarrentines, Passamaquodies or Sybayks, Wawenocks,
Norridgewoks or Canibas, Assagunticooks, Sokokis or Pequakets,
Pennacooks, Malacites or St. Johns.

The Penobscots[1] were probably the most numerous and influential tribe.
Their chief or bashaba was said to have been acknowledged as a superior
as far as Massachusetts Bay. They occupied the country on both sides of
the Penobscot Bay and River; their summer resort being near the sea, but
during the winter and spring they inhabited lands near the falls, where
they still reside. It is somewhat strange to find a tribe numbering
about five hundred still remaining in their ancient abode, and, though
surrounded by whites, retaining their language, religion, and many of
the habits and customs of centuries past, with a probability of
perpetuating them for ages to come. Their name is from _penobsq_, rock,
and _utoret_, a place, literally, rocky-place,--which no doubt refers to
the rocky falls in the river near their residence. It is not supposed
that many of this tribe emigrated to Canada, although they had constant
intercourse with that country.

  [1] For a pleasant and very well-written account of this tribe, by Hon.
  Lorenzo Sabine, see the Christian Examiner for 1857.

The Passamaquodies were found occupying the northeastern corner of
Maine, if, as it is generally supposed, they are the descendants of
those seen and described by De Monts, who spent the winter of 1604 near
their present head-quarters. Their subsequent history for more than a
century was but a blank, as in all that time they are not mentioned by
any writer, or named in any of the treaties, till after the conquest of
Canada. This omission is certainly strange, as in the ones of 1713 and
1717 now published in this volume, mere fragments of tribes are named
and represented.

Still, if any reliance can be placed on their own traditions, they had
resided for generations previous to the Revolution around the lower
Schoodic Lake, where the recent discovery of stone hatchets and other
implements of an ancient make would seem to verify their assertions.
They also point out the place of a fight with the Mohawks, who two
centuries ago carried terror into all the Indian villages from Carolina
to the Bay of Fundy. It is probable that from their distant inland and
secluded position, as well as their limited numbers, they were in no way
connected with the various wars which the other tribes waged against the
colonists, and so were unnoticed. As their residence on the lake was
nearer Machias than any other available point on the sea coast, it may
be that to trade with this people the trading house was established
there by the Plymouth Colony, in 1630, and they were often called the
Machias Indians. Although their intercourse has long continued with
Canada, up to this time they have sent no emigrants there. They number
at present between four and five hundred souls, and still adhere to the
religious forms taught them by the Jesuits. This tribe designate
themselves by the name of Sybayk.[2]

  [2] Mr. Sabine has given their history in a truthful and friendly
  communication to the Christian Examiner for 1852.

The Wawenocks were located on the sea-coast, and inhabited the country
from the Sheepscot to the St. George; they are quite fully described by
Capt. John Smith, who had much intercourse with them. From their
situation on the rivers and harbors, they were much sooner disturbed by
the settlements than any other of the tribes in Maine. In 1747 there
were but a few families remaining. At the treaty at Falmouth, in 1749,
they were associated with the Assagunticooks, among whom they were then
settled, and with whom they soon after removed to Canada. The Canibas or
Norridgewoks occupied the valley of the Kennebec, from the tide water to
its sources; their principal residence was at Norridgewock. Here the
Jesuit missionaries, at an early period, taught them their religious
faith, and by sharing with them their privations and hardships, obtained
a controlling influence over them.

As they inhabited fertile intervale land, they gave more attention to
agriculture than any of the neighboring tribes, and appear to have been
originally more peaceably inclined towards the whites than some of their
neighbors. Residing so far inland, they were but little acquainted with
the prowess of the whites, and sent out their war parties to commit
murders and depredations on the unprotected settlers, without expecting
a retribution on their own heads. After a long succession of murders and
captures in the English settlements, by this tribe, instigated, as was
believed, by their priest, Sebastian Rasle, an expedition was sent
against them, consisting of about two hundred men, who killed about
thirty Indians, including Rasle, and destroyed the place, without the
loss of a man. This broke their power, but they continued to reside
there for many years, and gradually retired to the St. Francis,--the
last family migrating near the end of the last century.

The Assagunticooks were a numerous tribe who inhabited the country along
the whole valley of the Androscoggin; and although their lands were not
occupied by whites, they were frequently bitter enemies, and were the
first to begin a war and the last to make peace. Their location gave
them easy access to the settlements, from Casco to Piscataqua, which
they improved to glut their thirst for blood and slaughter. About 1750
they moved to Canada and joined the St. Francis tribe. They could then
muster about one hundred and fifty warriors, and being much the most
numerous tribe that emigrated there, it is supposed they had the
greatest influence, and that their dialect is more truly perpetuated
than any other in that confederacy.

The Sokokis inhabited the country bordering on the Saco River, but were
mostly limited to its head waters. Their villages were located on the
alluvial lands in what is now Fryeburg, Me., and Conway, N. H. The
Pegwakets and Ossipees were either identical with or branches of this
tribe. In 1725 Capt. John Lovewell with about fifty soldiers, on a
scouting adventure in the vicinity, fell in with a war party of the
tribe, and a sanguinary battle ensued, disastrous to both parties. Their
chief, Paugus, was slain; and within a short period the remainder of
the tribe, dispirited by their misfortunes, retired to Canada.

The Pennacooks were probably the only occupants of the waters of the
Merrimac, and perhaps included nearly all the nations who resided in
what is now the State of New Hampshire. Their principal residence was at
Amoskeag Falls, the site of the present manufacturing city of
Manchester. It is usual to name the Pennatuckets, Wambesitts, Souhegans,
and some others as tribes, but there can be no doubt they all owned
fealty to the head sagamore of the Pennacooks, and were only branches of
that tribe, as were all the Indians on the Piscataqua and its waters. It
is also probable the small band of Cowasacks, on the upper Connecticut,
were of this tribe. The Pennacooks must have been at one time a numerous
community, and were less warlike than any of the Abenaki race. It is
likely they were more disposed to cultivate the soil, and their
historian, Judge Potter, represents them as amiable and friendly to the
whites. Notwithstanding, they were the earliest emigrants to Canada.
They left their pleasant hunting grounds with regret, and often returned
to cultivate their ancient fields; but few of them resided permanently
there after about 1700.

It is proper to add to the names of the original Abenaki tribes, that of
the Malacite or Amalecite, who have always resided on the St. John. It
is not known that any part of this tribe emigrated to Canada with those
of Maine, but in 1828 about thirty families emigrated there, and settled
on a branch of the River Verte. But the largest part still reside in New

We come now to trace the emigration of the Abenakis to the banks of the
St. Lawrence. As the Jesuits had been in constant communication with the
tribes in Maine for more than half a century, the Indians had learned
the way to Quebec, and it is probable that during Philip's war some of
the tribes obtained arms and ammunition from that place. During this war
the Pennacooks, under the influence of their chief, Wonnolancet, had
remained neutral, and in July, 1676, at Chocheco, signed with some
others a treaty of perpetual peace. Still, the feeling of the whites was
so strong against all the race, that they placed little reliance on
their former good conduct or present promises. A few months after this
treaty, they induced a large number of Indians, from the various tribes,
to come to the same place, and where all the militia of the provinces
had assembled, and while professing to practice some sham evolutions,
the Indians were suddenly surrounded and captured. Many of the prisoners
so treacherously obtained were executed, and others sold into slavery
for having been in arms against the whites.

Although Wonnolancet and his tribe were discharged, this breach of faith
must have taught him that he could not rely on the white man's promise,
and that neither he nor his tribe was safe on the Merrimac. With this
feeling he, with a part of them, left for Canada in the autumn of 1677.
Although he subsequently returned to visit his former hunting and
fishing grounds, his real home was, for the remainder of his life, near
Quebec, and he with his band became the nucleus of the Indian settlement
there; but it is not apparent that he was at any period the enemy of the

In the course of the war, nearly all the tribes in New England had been
more or less involved in it. The colonists now looked upon them as a
conquered race of heathen, and that their duty was to drive them out,
and enjoy their lands in the manner of the Israelites of old. On the
other hand, the Indians who had made terms of peace, having now for the
first time realized that they had not the ability to cope with the
English in war, and could not trust their friendship in peace, naturally
looked to the French as the protectors of their villages and hunting
grounds. Many of them were willing to place themselves and their
families under their care.

Therefore the Jesuits, who had for a long time been their spiritual, and
often their temporal advisers, began to turn the steps of the broken and
scattered remnants of the tribes who had suffered most in the war, to
the feeble settlement of the Pennacooks, near Quebec, and as early as
1685, the Governor of that colony granted a tract of land at a place
called Côte de Lauzon, opposite that city, for their use. Up to the
commencement of the war, a considerable number of Indians had continued
to reside on the Connecticut river, above Northampton; they had fought
against the whites, and at the death of Philip, fled and took up their
abode at Scauticook, above Albany, and were afterwards increased by
additions from other tribes.

After a few years, the government of New York became desirous of being
rid of such neighbors, whom they could not trust or control, and induced
them to remove to Canada, where most of them were settled before the
close of that century, with or near the Pennacooks.

Early in the eighteenth century, the numbers of refugee Indians
attracted the attention of the Governor of Canada, and as the whole of
the French population of that colony did not then number ten thousand
souls, he saw they would materially add to the strength of his command,
and could be used most effectually against the frontiers of New England.
He therefore took measures to give them a home there. As the grant near
Quebec was found not adapted to their needs and condition, probably from
its close contiguity to that city, two convenient tracts of land were
granted for their use; the first bears date Aug. 23, 1700, the second,
May 10, 1701. These were on the St. Francis river, which has given a
name to the tribe. In 1704 another settlement of refugees from New
England received a grant of land at a place called Beçancour, near
Three Rivers, and during this year the Governor addressed a letter to
the ministry in France, giving his reasons for inducing the Abenakis to
settle in his colony, and from this period it was a constant policy to
encourage their immigration there, for more than half a century.

Here was the place where parties were to be fitted out to carry war,
destruction, and misery to the frontiers of New England.

In 1704 these Indians piloted a body of French to the vicinity of their
former homes, on the Connecticut, and entirely destroyed Deerfield. The
writer not long since conversed with an ancient member of this tribe,
who claimed to be the great grandson of Esther Williams, daughter of
Rev. John Williams, who was, with his family, captured at that time. In
1707 this tribe, piloted by the Pennacooks down the Merrimac, destroyed
Haverhill, murdering and capturing most of its inhabitants. It would
fill a volume to relate the bloody tragedies acted and instigated by
this tribe; it seems almost incredible that any people could exist for a
generation amidst such repeated incursions of a relentless enemy.

In November, 1724, Vaudreuil, Governor General of Canada, addressed an
urgent letter to the Minister of War in France, giving an account of the
attack on Norridgewock, and the death of Father Rasle, with a full
account of the losses and sufferings of that tribe, and asking for a
grant of ammunition, guns, and blankets to supply their losses, and
enable them to make war on the English settlements. He also gives a
particular account of the condition of the Abenakis, and says, "of all
the Indians in New France, they are in a position to render the most
service; this nation consists of five villages, which number,
altogether, about five hundred warriors. Two of these villages are
situated on the St. Lawrence, near Three Rivers--one below that town
called Beçancour, the other ten leagues above, called St. Francis, the
three others are in the direction of Acadie, called Narantsouak, on the
River Kanibekky, Panagamsdé, on the Pentagouet (Penobscot), and
Medocteck, on the River St. John. These three villages have different
routes, each by its own river, whereby they can reach Quebeck in a few

  [3] See N. Y. Colonial Documents, edited by E. B. O'Calligan, LL. D.

In April, 1725, a delegation of three gentlemen visited Montreal with a
letter from the Governor of Massachusetts, in reply to one addressed to
him some months previously by M. Vaudreuil, relative to the attack at
Norridgewock, and the death of Father Rasle. They demanded that the
prisoners held by the Abenakis should be given up, and a perpetual peace

The Indians, who were entirely under the influence of the French, were
extremely haughty in their language and deportment; they demanded that
the English should restore their lands, rebuild their church, which they
had destroyed at Norridgewock, and when asked what land they referred
to, said "that their land commenced at the River Gounitogon, otherwise
called the long river,[4] which lies to the west beyond Boston, that
this river was formerly the boundary which separated the lands of the
Iroquois from those of the Abenakis, that according to this boundary,
Boston and the greater part of the English settlements east of it are in
Abenakis' lands; that they would be justified in telling them to quit
there, but that they had considered that their settlements were
established and that they were still inclined to tolerate them; but they
demanded as an express condition of peace that the English should
abandon the country from one league beyond Saco River to Port Royal,
which was the line separating the lands of the Abenakis from those of
the Micmaks."[5]

  [4] Undoubtedly the Connecticut.

  [5] N. Y. Colonial Documents, vol. ix.

The Abenakis denied that they had ever sold any land to the English, and
when the latter claimed that much of it was theirs by a possession of
more than eighty years, and that this possession gave them a title, the
Indians replied, "We were in possession before you, for we have held it
from time immemorial." The English delegates conceded that they did not
claim beyond the west bank of the Narantsouak (Kennebec), and that the
fort at St. George was built not by them, but by the government of Port

The meeting seems to have been unsatisfactory to the delegation, and no
treaty or arrangement was made. The French governor denied that they had
furnished the Indians with arms, or instigated them to attack the
English, although Vaudreuil's letters to his government in France bear
abundant evidence that this was his constant policy.

In the treaty with many of the tribes, held at Deerfield in 1735, the
St. Francis Indians were represented, and agreed to the arrangement for
perpetual peace; but a few years elapsed before they were again engaged
in their bloody pastime. War was declared against France in 1744, and
the Abenakis were soon hovering on the frontiers. In 1746, Keene and
Concord, in New Hampshire, felt their power, and many captives were
carried to Canada. In 1752 Capt. Phineas Stevens proceeded to Canada, as
a delegate from the governor of Massachusetts, to confer with the
Abenakis, and to redeem some prisoners they had in their possession. At
a conference had with them in the presence of the governor of Canada,
Atewaneto, the chief speaker, made an eloquent reply, in which he
charged the English with trespassing on their lands: he said, "We
acknowledge no other land of yours than your settlements, wherever you
have built, and we will not consent, under any pretext, that you pass
beyond them. The lands we possess have been given us by the Great Master
of Life, we acknowledge to hold only from him."

In 1755 they were again in the field, and followed the French armies to
the head of Lake George, and carried terror into the new townships on
the Connecticut river. Some of their small parties at that late day
penetrated within sixty miles of the capital of New England. But these
long continued aggressions were soon to meet a fearful retribution. The
capture of Quebec, which gave North America to England, had changed the
relation of the Abenakis. Capt. Kennedy having been sent to their
villages with a flag of truce, was, with his whole party, made
prisoners. To chastise them for this outrage, as well as to retaliate
for their continued cruelty and murders on the defenseless frontier
settlements, Gen. Amherst dispatched the celebrated Major Rogers with a
detachment of his rangers to the villages on the St. Francis. Just
before daybreak, on the fifth of October, he surprised and killed at
least two hundred Indians, and burnt all their wigwams, plunder, and
effects. Rogers in his journal says: "To my own knowledge, in six years'
time, the St. Francis Indians had killed and carried into captivity on
the frontiers of New England, four hundred persons; we found in the
town, hanging on poles over the doors &c., about six hundred scalps,
mostly English."

The power of the tribe for evil was gone, and we hear no more of them
till the Revolution, when their warriors followed Burgoyne to Saratoga,
where they again used the tomahawk and scalping knife, but when his
fortunes began to wane, they retired to the banks of the St. Lawrence.
Again in the war of 1812, they joined the English, but their numbers
were few, and after a brief campaign, they, for the last time, retraced
their steps to their own homes.

A few more remarks will close the history of this tribe, once the terror
of New England.

The present condition of the Abenakis is given in a report made in 1858
to the Legislative Assembly of Canada. This states that the tribe on the
St. Francis has diminished to three hundred and eighty-seven persons;
they live mainly by agriculture, but everything is done in so rude a
way, that they gather but scanty crops. Part of them, through the
exertions of one of their own number, have been induced to discard their
ancient faith, and are now professed Methodists. This change has
involved the tribe in continual feuds and difficulties, which will
prevent any improvement, and will probably lead to a permanent division
and removal of one of the parties. They often undergo much privation for
want of proper food and other necessaries of life. The portion of the
tribe at Beçancour presents a still more degraded condition. There
remain but thirty families, in all one hundred and seventy-two
individuals. They still remain Roman Catholics, have no schools, and
seem to have reached the extreme of misery and destitution, and so
completely have this people intermixed, that their missionary writes,
"he does not know of a single pure Abenaki among them."

The vocabulary now published is copied from a small volume printed about
thirty years ago, entitled "Wobanaki Kimzowi Awighigan," i.e. Abenaki
Spelling Book. It was procured by the writer with much difficulty, as it
was the only copy that could be obtained among them. It is supposed by
those qualified to judge, to be a fair specimen of the dialect formerly
spoken on the Androscoggin and Kennebec, although there are in it many
words originally borrowed from the French and English. From a
memorandum made when with them a few years since, the name of their
tribe, as near as can be written and pronounced in English, is
W'Banankee, accenting the last syllable.

The treaties, now for the first time printed, are copied from the
original in the possession of the writer; they will be perused with
pleasure by those interested in antiquarian researches. But at the
present day it is difficult to realize the interest which these
proceedings and documents excited; they were often considered almost a
matter of life or death to the frontier settlers. It is apparent that
every chief had then his peculiar totem, or symbol. At a later period
this system was abandoned, and they used only a simple cross. Among the
chiefs who signed, is to be found the totem of Bombazeen and some
others, whose names are perpetuated in history for their bloody
exploits. The autographs annexed show the names of men then prominent in
both provinces, and some of them afterwards attained the highest
positions in political life.

The vocabularies and treaties are now submitted for publication by
request of the Maine Historical Society.

    BOSTON, AUGUST, 1859.



The sounds of the vowels are represented in English according to the
following scheme.

 _Vowels._         _Sounded._

 A  a           as _a_ in father, psalm.
 E  e           as _e_ in met, or in accident.
 I  i           as _ee_ in seen, or _i_ in machine.
 O  o           as _o_ in note.
 U  u           as _u_ in tube, cube; also used after _g_, as in language.
    [)u]        as [)u] in cup, sun.


 [O=]  [o=]


 Ai  ai         as _i_ in pine, nine.
 Au  au         as _ow_ or _ou_ in how, thou.

 _Consonants._     _Names._

 B  b              bi
 D  d              di
 G  g              gi
 H  h              hi
 J  j              ji
 K  k              ki
 L  l              li
 M  m              mi
 N  n              ni
 P  p              pi
 S  s              si
 T  t              ti
 W  w              wi
 Z  z              zi
 CH ch             chi

 mke zen--shoe
 ne bi--water
 cha kwa--this morning
 chi ga--when
 chbi wi--apart
 chig naz--thorn plum
 cho wi--must be, certain
 pa skwa--noon
 pla nikw--flying squirrel
 pi han--rope
 psig ia--half
 nbis--little water
 sips--a fowl
 wins--black birch
 a sokw--cloud
 cha kwat--daylight
 cha ga--now then
 chi bai--ghost
 chog l[)u]skw--black bird
 chan naps--turnip
 chbo sa--walks apart
 pne k[o=]kw--sandy hill
 p[o=] bakw--a bog
 pe guis--a gnat
 psi gaskw--board
 psan ta--full
 to s[o=]n--a shed
 ta lin--earthen basin
 sko tam--trout
 ski ia--raw
 ska mon--corn
 ska kwam--green stick
 mski ko--grass
 psa na wi--full of
 ab [o=]n--cake
 as ma--not yet
 a ses--horse
 akw bi--rum
 a wip--pith
 a la--or
 ap les--apple
 ak ikw--seal
 as ban--raccoon
 al wa--almost
 ki k[o=]n--field
 ko wa--pine tree
 ki zos--sun
 kda hla--it sinks
 ka ia--thick milk
 kchim li--chimney
 kchin bes--great lake
 psan ba--full
 psa nikw--black squirrel
 sig wit--widower
 ska hla--raw hide
 te go--wave
 ski bakw--green leaf
 ska wakw--fresh meat
 mska ta--lily root
 msko da--prairie
 kzab da--hot
 ab on--bed
 as kan--horn
 al akws--star
 al ikws--pismire
 am kw[o=]n--spoon
 ag askw--woodchuck
 a zip--sheep
 ak sen--ox
 a kwan--bitter, acrid
 kas ko--crane
 pe laz--pigeon
 kas ta--how many times
 ka oz--cow
 ka akw--gull
 k[o=] jo--vein
 kchi t[)u]kw--great river
 ki zokw--day
 w[o=] wan--an egg
 wa bi--buttock
 wi bit--tooth
 wdel li--shoulder
 w[)u]ch [o=]l--nose
 wig bi--stringy bark
 wle guan--wing
 wa japkw--root
 wcha too--sinewy
 wskat gua--forehead
 wli gen--good
 wi noz--onion
 w[o=] bi--white
 wa guan--heel
 w[)u]t tep--head
 wta wakw--ear
 wsi s[)u]kw--eye
 wdo lo--kidney
 wig w[o=]m--house, camp
 wa dap--root to sew with
 Wd[o=] w[o=]--Autawa Indian
 w[)u]t t[)u]n--mouth
 wji ia--belonging to
 wlo gas--leather string
 wla nikw--fisher
 wikw kwa--thigh
 wa chil--oak nut
 wha gakw--a scalp
 wha ga--body
 wpa nak--lights
 wa laskw--husk
 w[o=]l kaa--hollow place
 wz[)u]kw na--tail
 wi zi--gall, bile
 w[o=] boz--elk
 w[o=]kw ses--fox
 wi os--flesh
 ma wia--better
 s[o=]g m[o=]--chief
 a wan--air
 ki zi--already
 msi wi--largely
 wski a--new
 sikw hla--hail
 kwa nak--length
 ta bat--enough
 mat guas--rabbit
 mkwi gen--red
 tau b[o=] gan--large trough
 tlap s[o=] bi--trap chain
 ska h[o=] gan--a forked post
 wlag zi--bowels
 wa jo--mountain
 wji g[o=]n--desolate camp
 wdol ka--breast, stomach
 wi ka--fat
 wl[o=] da--hot weather
 w[o=] lakw--hole
 wja kwam--but end
 wl[o=]m ka--fine grainy
 wski gen--young vegetable
 wzi dakw--handle
 wne kikw--otter
 wa gin--wagon
 pil tal--lead
 kchi ia--aged person
 pa g[o=]n--nut
 a chi--also
 ng[o=]n ia--old
 m[o=] gis--monkey
 wd[)u]p kwan--hair
 wa ji--for, to
 s[o=] ga--lobster
 piz wat--good for nothing
 kl[o=] gan--door
 tip wa bel--pepper
 ska w[o=] gan--standing
 skip w[o=] gan--eating raw
 chi t[o=] ba hi gan--a wedge
 chi ba gi n[o=] guat--looks very bad
 chi ba i skwet ta--ignis fatuus
 chi git wa hi gan--razor
 p[i=] mi zig ni gan--withe
 pok ja na hwi ka--stumpy
 psakw dam ni mo zi--blackberry bush
 tb[o=] bak hi gan--pair of scales, steelyard
 ska mon ta hi gan--corn meal
 skas kwat si gan--green dye
 a lo ka w[o=] gan--a work, labor
 al n[o=] ba w[o=] gan--human nature, birth
 sa n[o=] ba w[o=] gan--manhood
 a za wa skwi gen--square
 a ba kwa w[o=] gan--act of covering with a roof
 a ses si ga mikw--stable
 am kw[o=] ni no da--spoon basket
 a ses w[o=] bi al--harness
 a za t[o=] i wi--backwards
 kin ja mes w[o=] gan--majesty
 ka dos mo w[o=] gan--act of drinking, a drink
 kba hod wi ga mikw--jail
 ki wi tam w[o=] gan--hint
 ki ta das w[o=] gan--act of sharpening by grinding
 ki no ho ma sin--preaching
 kin ja mes sis kwa--queen
 ka o zi ga mikw--barn
 ka wzo wah di gan--sleigh
 ka sij wa hi gan--dish towel
 po da wa w[o=] gan--act of blowing
 p[o=] l[o=] ba w[o=] gan--pride
 piz wa gi zo--he reads for nothing
 pi da hla gu[o=] gan--scabbard
 pkwes sa ga hi gan--key
 p[o=] ba tam w[o=] gan--religion
 p[o=] ba tam win no--religious person
 pa pa hwij wi ia--tin
 pa pa hwij wi jo--tin basin
 pa pi tom k[o=] gan--a plaything
 nkes k[o=]g w[o=] gan--nightmare
 ni mat gua hi gan--a fork
 no da hla go kat--blacksmith
 no ji m[o=] ni kat--silversmith
 no ji pak si kat--box maker
 no da wig hi gat--notary, writer
 no ji na mas kat--fisher
 no da ma gu[o=] gan--spear
 o l[o=] wat si gan--blue dye
 [o=] do lib i[o=] gan--oar
 po da woz win no--counsellor
 po da waz w[o=] gan--council
 mos kwal dam w[o=] gan--anger
 mi ga ka w[o=] gan--act of fighting
 mka za wat si gan--copperas
 si gua na hi gan--skim-milk
 tmo kwa ta hi gan--sword
 les sa ga hi gan--trunk
 wi la wig win no--rich person


At Portsmouth, in her Maj^ty's Province of New Hampshire, in New
England, the thirteenth day of July, in the twelfth year of the Reign of
our Sovereign Lady Anne, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the faith, &c. [1713]


Whereas for some years last past We have made a breach of our Fidelity
and Loyalty to the Crowns of Great Britain, and have made open Rebellion
against her Maj^ty's Subjects, the English inhabitants in the
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other of her Maj^ty's Territories in
New England, and being now sensible of the miseryes which We & our
people are reduced thereunto thereby, We whose names are here
subscribed, being Delegates of all the Indians belonging to Norrigawake,
Narrakamegock, Amasacontoog, Pigwocket, Penecook, & to all other Indian
Plantations situated on the Rivers of St. Johns, Penobscot, Kenybeck,
Amascogon, Saco, & Merimack, & all other Indian Plantations lying
between the s^d Rivers of St. Johns and Merimack, Parts of her
Maj^ty's Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, within
her Maj^ty's Sovereignty, having made application to his Excellency,
Joseph Dudley, Esq^re, Captain General & Govern^r in Chief in and
over the s^d Provinces, That the Troubles which we have unhappily
raised or occasioned against her Maj^ty's subjects, the English, &
ourselves, may cease & have an end, & that we may enjoy her Maj^ty's
Grace & Favor, and each of us Respectively, for ourselves & in the name
& with the free consent of all the Indians belonging to the several
Rivers and places aforesaid, & all other Indians within the s^d
Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, hereby
acknowledging ourselves the lawfull subjects of our Sovereign Lady,
Queen Anne, and promising our hearty Subjection & Obediance unto the
Crown of Great Britain, doe solemnly Covenant, promise, & agree to &
with the s^d Joseph Dudley, Esq., Govern^r, and all such as shall
hereafter be in the place of Capt. General and Govern^r in Chief of
the aforesaid Provinces or territories on her Maj^ty's behalf, in
manner following. That is to say:

That at all times forever, from and after the date of these presents, we
will cease and forbear all acts of hostility toward all the subjects of
the crown of Great Britain, and not to offer the least hurt or violence
to them or any of them in their persons or estates, but will honor,
forward, hold, & maintain a firm & constant amity & friendship with all
the English, and will not entertain any Treasonable Conspiracy with any
other Nation to their Disturbance.

That her Maj^ty's Subjects, the English, shall & may peaceably &
quietly enter upon, improve, & forever enjoy, all and singular their
Rights of Land & former Settlements, Properties, & possesions, within
the Eastern Parts of the s^d Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay and
New Hampshire, together with all the Islands, Islets, Shoars, Beaches, &
Fisheries within the same, without any molestation or claims by us or
any other Indians, And be in no wais molested, interrupted, or disturbed
therein. Saving unto the s^d Indians their own Grounds, & free liberty
for Hunting, Fishing, Fowling, and all other their Lawful Liberties &
Privileges, as on the Eleventh day of August, in the year of our Lord
God One thousand six hundred & ninety-three.

That for mutual Safety & Benefit, all Trade & Comerce which hereafter
may be allowed betwixt the English & Indians shall be in such places &
under such management & regulations as shall be stated by her
Maj^ty's Governments of the s^d Provinces respectively. And to
prevent mischiefs & inconveniencies the Indians shall not be allowed,
for the present, & until they have liberty from the respective
Governments, to come near to any English Plantations or Settlements on
this side of Saco River.

That if any Controversy or Difference at any time hereafter happen to
arise betwixt any of the English or Indians, for any real or supposed
wrong or injury done on the one side or the other, no Private Revenge
shall be taken by the Indians for the same, but proper application shall
be made to her Maj^ty's Government, upon the place, for remedy
thereof, in our Course of Justice, We hereby submitting ourselves to be
ruled & Governed by her Maj^ty's Laws, & desire to have the protection
& benefit of the same.

We confess that we have, contrary to all faith and justice, broken our
articles with S^r William Phipps, Governour, made in the year of our
Lord God 1693, and with the Earl of Bellemont, Govern^r, made in the
year of our Lord God 1699, And the assurance we gave to his Excellency,
Joseph Dudley, Esq^re, Governor, in the years of our Lord God 1702, in
the month of August, and 1703, in the month of July, notwithstanding we
have been well treated by the s^d Governors; and we resolve for the
future not to be drawn into any perfidious Treaty or Correspondence, to
the hurt of any of the subjects of her Maj^ty the Queen of Great
Britain, and if we know of any such we will seasonably reveal it to the

Wherefore, we whose names are hereunto subscribed, Delegates for the
several tribes of the Indians, belonging unto the River of Kenybeck,
Amarascogen, St. Johns, Saco, & Merrimac, & parts adjacent, being
sensible of our great offence & folly in not complying with the
afores^d Submission & agreements, and also of the sufferings &
mischiefs that we have thereby exposed ourselves unto, do, in all
humble & submisive manner, cast ourselves upon her Maj^ty's mercy for
the pardon of all our past rebellions, hostilities, and Violations of
our promises, praying to be received unto her Maj^ty's Grace &
Protection. And for & on behalfe of ourselves, and of all other the
Indians belonging to the several Rivers and places afores^d, within
the Sovereignty of her Maj^ty of Great Britain, do again acknowledge &
profess our hearty and sinceer obedience unto the Crown of Great
Britain, and do solemnly renew, ratify, and confirm all & every of the
articles & agreements contained in the former and present submission.

This Treaty to be humbly laid before her Maj^ty, for her ratification
and farther orders. In Witness whereof, We, the Delegates afore^sd, by
name, Kireberuit, Iteansis, and Jackoit, for Penobscot, Joseph and
Eneas, for St. Johns, Waracansit, Wedaranaquin, and Bomoseen, for
Kennebeck, have hereunto set our hands & seals, the day and year first
above written.


   J Rev Knap
   Geo. Vaughan
   Sha^d Walton
   W Dudley
   Edmund Quinsey
   Spencer Phips
   J Widger.
   Sam A Moody
   Samu S Lynde
   Richard Saltonstal
   Josiah Willard
   Henry Somorby
   Thos Leihmesel
   Joseph Hiller Jun.
   Jos: Lloyd
   James Alford
   Jon^a. Roining'lon
   John Gillman





   Stephan Minot
   Jonathan Pollard
   Geo. Jalfrey
   A. Wilbury
   John Leighton
   Peter Martin
   John Yoo
   (unclear) Goessth?
   Robert Carson
   Jonathan Kling
   Steph^n Eastwick
   (unclear) Nalle^a Rogers?
   Jn^o Nowmarch
   Henry Flynt]



   Jabez Hitch
   Sam^ll Moodey
   Jer^a. Wise
   John Karnard
   Nicholas Sever
   (unclear) Sam^ll. Fiske
   Cha. Story, Sec^y. of N.H.
   James Lusmore
   Richard Waldron
   Ths: Sheppard
   John Penhallow
   Geo: Huntington
   (unclear) Sam^ll: Pluisted?
   John Newman (unclear Jr.?)
   James Joffry



At Portsmouth, in her Maj^tie's Province of New Hampshire, in New
England, the 28th Day of July, in the thirteenth year of our Sovereign
Lady Anne, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland,
Queen, Defender of the Faith, &c. [1714]

The several Articles of the foregoing sheet, after a long Conference
with the Delegates of the Eastern Indians, were read to them, & the
sense & meaning thereof explained by two faithful, sworn Interpreters,
and accordingly signed by every of the Sachems and Delegates that were
not present & had not signed the last year.

In the Presence of his Excellency the Governour, and his Excellency
General Nicholson, & the Gentlemen of Her Maj^tie's Councills for the
Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay & New Hampshire, & other Gentlemen.


   John White
   Tho^s. (unclear) Burnster?
   Edm^d Goff
   Habijah Savage
   J Widger.




   John Rogors
   John Denison
   Rich^d (unclear) Miller?
   John Lambton





   M: Berckfield
   John Jekyll
   Edward Hacketh
   Tho. Plaisted
   S Jenning Wentworth




   W^m Cooper
   Estes Plateh
   Tho: Legard
   Charles (unclear) Hrosh?












Georgetown, on Arrowsick Island, in his Majesty's Province of the
Massachusetts Bay in New England, the 12th Day of August 1717, in the
fourth year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George, by the Grace of
God of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith,

We, the Subscribers, being Sachems and Chief men of the several Tribes
of Indians belonging to Kennebeck, Penobscut, Pegwackit, Saco, and
other, the Eastern Parts of his Majesty's Province afores^d, having
had the several Articles of the foregoing Treaty distinctly read and
Interpreted to us by a Sworn Interpreter at this time, do Approve of,
Recognize, Ratify, and Confirm all and every the said Articles,
(excepting only the _fourth_ and _fifth_ articles, which relate to the
restraint and limitation of Trade and Commerce, which is now otherwise

And whereas, some rash and inconsiderate Persons amongst us, have
molested some of our good fellow Subjects, the English, in the
Possession of their Lands, and otherwise illtreated them;--We do
disapprove & condemn the same,--and freely consent that our English
friends shall possess, enjoy & improve all the Lands which they have
formerly possessed, and all which they have obtained a right & title
unto, Hoping it will prove of mutual and reciprocal benefit and
advantage to them & us, that they Cohabit with us.

In testimony and perpetual memory whereof, We have hereunto set our
hands & seals, in behalf of ourselves and of the several Tribes of
Indians that have delegated us to appear for, & represent them the day
and year aforementioned.

 ABISSANEHRAW  X Sign. }  _Kennebeck._

 AWOHAWAY      X Sign. }
 PAQUAHARET    X Sign. } _Kennebeck._
 CÆSAR         X Sign. }

 LEREBENUIT    X Sign. }
 OHANUMBAMES   X Sign. } _Penobscut._
 SEGUNKI       X Sign. }

 ADEAWANDO     X Sign. }  _Pegwackit._
 SCAWESO       X Sign. }

 MOXUS         X Sign. }
 BOMMAZEEN     X Sign. }
 CAPT. SAM     X Sign. }
 NAGUCAWEN     X Sign. } _Kennebeck._
 SUMMEHAWIS    X Sign. }

 SABADIS       X Sign. }  _Ammarascoggin._


   W Dudley
   G Dyer (unclear) Jr?
   William Little
   Fran^s (unclear)



   Joseph Miller Jun.
   James Parsons
   John (unclear)
   Joshua Winslow
   Peres Bradford
   Sam. (unclear)
   Theodore Atkinson
   Jn Gray
   John Penhallow
   John Denison




The figures or emblems connected with the signatures of the Indians are
called, in the language of the Algonquins, _Totems_; and are the
distinguishing marks or signs of the clans or tribes into which the
various nations are divided. They are not the personal emblems of the
chiefs, although in signing treaties they employ them as their sign
manual. Each tribe or clan had its emblem, consisting of the figure of
some bird, beast, or reptile, and is distinguished by the name of the
animal which it has assumed as a device, as Wolf, Hawk, Tortoise. To
different totems, says Parkman in his "Conspiracy of Pontiac," attach
different degrees of rank and dignity; and those of the Bear, the
Tortoise, and the Wolf are among the first in honor. Each man is proud
of his badge, jealously asserting its claim to respect. The use of the
totem prevailed among the southern, as well as the northern tribes; Mr.
Parkman says that Mr. Gallatin informed him, that he was told by the
chief of a Choctaw deputation at Washington, that in their tribe were
eight totemic clans, divided into two classes of four each.

Mr. Parkman says again, in the work above cited, page 9, "But the main
stay of the Iroquois polity was the system of _totemship_. It was this
which gave the structure its elastic strength; and but for this, a mere
confederacy of jealous and warlike tribes must soon have been rent
asunder by shocks from without, or discord from within. At some early
period the Iroquois must have formed an individual nation; for the whole
people, irrespective of their separation into tribes, consisted of eight
totemic clans; and the members of each clan, to what nation soever they
belonged, were mutually bound to one another by those close ties of
fraternity which mark this singular institution. Thus the five nations
of the confederacy were bound together by an eight-fold band; and to
this hour their slender remnants cling to one another with invincible

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