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Title: The Works of John Knox,  Vol. 1 (of 6)
Author: Knox, John, 1513-1572
Language: English
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*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "The Works of John Knox,  Vol. 1 (of 6)" ***

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                                  THE WORKS


                                  JOHN KNOX

                           COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

                              DAVID LAING, LL.D.

                                VOLUME FIRST.

                        JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.



                                 JOHN KNOX$.

                              THE WODROW SOCIETY,

                             INSTITUTED MAY 1841.


                                  THE WORKS


                                 $JOHN KNOX$.

                           COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

                             $DAVID LAING, LL.D.$

                                 VOLUME FIRST.

                          JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.



                                                          THEOD. BEZA.

                 Manufactured in the United States of America


                         $TABLE OF CONTENTS$.


ADVERTISEMENT,                                                       vii




         BOOK FIRST, 1494--1558,                                       1

         BOOK SECOND, 1558--1559,                                    295


                 THE HISTORY, IN 1644,                               477

                 FIFTEENTH CENTURY,                                  496

         No. III.--PATRICK HAMILTON, ABBOT OF FERNE,                 500

                 ST. DUTHACK, AT TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE,                515

                 KING JAMES THE FIFTH,                               516

                 DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH,           526

         No. VII.--ALEXANDER SEYTON,                                 531

         No. VIII.--SIR JOHN BORTHWICK,                              533

         No. IX.--GEORGE WISHART,                                    534

         No. X.--JOHN ROUGH,                                         537

         No. XI.--NORMAN LESLEY,                                     541

         No. XII.--ADAM WALLACE,                                     543

         No. XIII.--WALTER MYLN,                                     550

         No. XIV.--ON THE TITLE OF SIR APPLIED TO PRIESTS,           555

                 ON ST. GILES'S DAY, 1558,                           558

         No. XVI.--PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, 1549-1559,       561

                 JULY 1559,                                          562

         No. XVIII.--DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT,             563




         No. I. IOANNES CNOXVS.

                  _From_ THEOD. BEZÆ ICONES, etc.,
                     M.D.LXXX.                                        xii

         No. II. HANDWRITTEN PREFACE                 _facing page_   xxxi

         No. VII. SIGNATURE OF M JO. KNOX.                          xxxiv
                   augusti 18 a^o 1581


This publication of the Works of JOHN KNOX, it is supposed, will extend
to Five Volumes. It was thought advisable to commence the series with
his History of the Reformation in Scotland, as the work of greatest
importance. The next volume will thus contain the Third and Fourth
Books, which continue the History to the year 1564; at which period his
historical labours may be considered to terminate. But the Fifth Book,
forming a sequel to the History, and published under his name in 1644,
will also be included. His Letters and Miscellaneous Writings will be
arranged in the subsequent volumes, as nearly as possible in
chronological order; each portion being introduced by a separate notice,
respecting the manuscript or printed copies from which they have been

It may perhaps be expected that a Life of the Author should have been
prefixed to this volume. The Life of Knox, by DR. M'CRIE, is however a
work so universally known, and of so much historical value, as to
supersede any attempt that might be made for a detailed biography; and
none of the earlier sketches of his life is sufficiently minute or
accurate to answer the purpose intended. In order to obviate the
necessity of the reader having recourse to other authorities, I have
added some chronological notices of the leading events in his life;
reserving to the conclusion of the work any remarks, in connexion with
this publication, that may seem to be requisite.

I was very desirous of obtaining a Portrait of the Reformer, to
accompany this volume. Hitherto all my inquiries have failed to discover
any undoubted original painting, among several which have either been so
described, or engraved as such.[1] In the meantime, a tolerably accurate
fac-simile is given of the wood-cut portrait of Knox,[2] included by
Theodore Beza, in his volume entitled "ICONES, _id est_, Veræ Imagines
Virorum Doctrina simul et Pietate illustrium," &c., published at Geneva,
in the year 1580, 4to. It is the earliest of the engraved portraits,
and, so far as we can judge, it ought to serve as a kind of test by
which other portraits must be tried. A similar head engraved on copper,
is to be found in Verheiden's "Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, &c.,
Effigies," published at the Hague, in 1602, folio; but this, I
apprehend, is merely an improved copy from Beza, and not taken from an
original painting. It does not retain the expressive character of the
ruder engraving, although the late Sir David Wilkie, whose opinion in
such matters was second to none, was inclined to prefer this of
Verheiden to any at least of the later portraits of the Reformer.[3]

It may not here be superfluous to mention, that this publication was
projected by the Editor many years ago, and that some arrangements had
been entered into for having it printed in England. When the WODROW
SOCIETY, therefore, expressed a willingness to undertake the work, I
proposed as a necessary condition, that I should have the privilege of
causing a limited impression to be thrown off, for sale, chiefly in
England; and the Council, in the most liberal manner, at once acquiesced
in this proposal. Instead however of availing myself to the full extent
of their liberality, which some circumstances rendered less desirable,
but in order to avoid throwing, either upon the Society or the Editor,
the extra expenses which have been incurred in various matters connected
with the publication, it was finally arranged that a much more limited
impression than was first proposed, should be thrown off on paper to be
furnished by the BANNATYNE CLUB, for the use of the Members of that

  NOVEMBER, 1846.

                          $CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES$.


[Illustration: _From_ THEOD. BEZÆ ICONES, etc., M.D.LXXX.]

                           $CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES



[SN: 1505.]

Knox was born this year, at the village of Gifford, near the town of
Haddington, in East-Lothian. His father is said to have been descended
from the Knoxes of Ranferly, in the county of Renfrew; and the name of
his mother was Sinclair. Knox himself, in describing an interview with
the Earl of Bothwell, in 1562, mentions that his father, grandfather,
and great-grandfather, had all served his Lordship's predecessors, and
that some of them had died under their standards; which implies that
they must have been settled for a considerable period in East-Lothian,
where the Hepburns, Earls of Bothwell, had their chief residence.

[SN: 1522.]

After being educated at Haddington, Knox was sent to the University of
Glasgow; where John Major was Principal Regent or Professor of
Philosophy and Divinity. The name "Joh[=a]nes Knox," occurs in the
Registers of the University, among those of the students who were
incorporated in the year 1522. There is no evidence to shew that he
afterwards proceeded to St. Andrews, as is usually stated, either to
complete his academical education, or publicly to teach philosophy, for
which he had not qualified himself by taking his degree of Master of
Arts. If he ever taught philosophy, it must have been in the way of
private tuition.

[Sidenote 1530.]

About this time Knox took priest's orders; and he was probably
connected, for upwards of ten years, with one of the religious
establishments in the neighbourhood of Haddington. It is generally
supposed, that between the years 1535 and 1540, in the course of his
private studies, the perusal of the writings of Augustine and other
ancient Fathers, led him to renounce scholastic theology, and that he
was thus prepared, at a mature period of life, to profess his adherence
to the Protestant faith.

[SN: 1541.]

March 8. The name of "Schir John Knox" occurs among the witnesses to a
deed concerning Rannelton Law, in a Protocol-book belonging to the
borough of Haddington; and there is no reason to doubt that this was the

[SN: 1544.]

Knox entered the family of Hugh Douglas of Longniddry, as tutor of his
sons Francis and George Douglas; and also of Alexander Cockburn, son of
John Cockburn of Ormiston.

[SN: 1545.]

In this year he attached himself as an avowed adherent of George
Wishart, from the time of his first visit to East-Lothian.

[SN: 1546.]

George Wishart suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, on the 1st of March
1545-6; and on the 29th of May that year, Cardinal Beaton was murdered.

[SN: 1547.]

April 10. Knox, with his young pupils, entered the Castle of St.
Andrews, as a place of safety from the persecution of the Popish clergy.

May. At the end of this month, or early in June, he received a public
call to the ministry, which he obeyed with great reluctance; but having
undertaken the office, he continued, along with John Rough, to preach
both in the parish Church, and in the Castle until its surrender.

June. The French fleet appeared in St. Andrews Bay, to lay siege to the
Castle, which surrendered on the 30th of July; but in defiance of the
terms of capitulation, the chief persons in the place were sent as
prisoners on board the French galleys.

During this winter, the vessel on board of which Knox was confined,
remained in the river Loire.

[SN: 1548.]

The vessel returned to Scotland, about the time of the siege of
Haddington in June; and when within sight of St. Andrews, Knox uttered
his memorable prediction, that he would yet survive to preach in that
place where God had opened his mouth for the ministry.

During this winter, he was kept prisoner at Rouen, where he wrote a
Preface to Balnaves's Treatise of Justification, which was sent to
Scotland, and until some years after his death, was supposed to be lost.

[SN: 1549.]

February. Knox obtained his liberty, after an imprisonment of nineteen
months. He came to England, and soon afterwards was appointed by the
English Council to be a preacher in the town of Berwick.

[SN: 1550.]

April 4. Knox was summoned to appear at Newcastle before Dr. Tonstall,
Bishop of Durham, to give an account of his doctrine.

At the close of this year he was removed from Berwick to Newcastle,
where he continued his ministerial labours.

[SN: 1551.]

December. Knox was appointed by the Privy Council of England one of six
Chaplains to Edward the Sixth. This led to his occasional residence in
London during 1552 and 1553.

[SN: 1552.]

October. He received an offer of the Bishopric of Rochester; but this
preferment he declined.

[SN: 1553.]

In or about February, Knox was summoned before the Privy Council of
England, upon complaints made by the Duke of Northumberland; but was

April 14. He also declined accepting the vacant living of All-Hallows,
in London, and, on account of his refusal, was again summoned before the
Privy Council.

Edward the Sixth died on the 6th of July, and the persecution of the
Protestants being revived during the reign of Queen Mary, most of the
Reformed ministers and many of the laity made their escape, and sought
refuge in foreign countries, in the course of that year.

[SN: 1554.]

January 28. Knox was at Dieppe, where he remained till the end of
February. He then proceeded to Geneva, but was again at Dieppe in July,
"to learn the estate of England."

April 10. The Queen Dowager, Mary of Guise, was installed Regent of

On the 4th of September, he received a call from the English
Congregation at Frankfort on the Maine, to become their minister. He
accepted the invitation, and repaired to that city in November.

[SN: 1555.]

In consequence of the disputes which arose in the English Congregation
at Frankfort, in regard to the use of the Book of Common Prayer, and the
introduction of various ceremonies. Knox was constrained to relinquish
his charge; and having preached a farewell discourse on the 26th of
March, he left that city, and returned to Geneva. Here he must have
resumed his ministerial labours; as, on the 1st of November that year,
in the "Livre des Anglois, à Geneve," it is expressly said, that
Christopher Goodman and Anthony Gilby were "appointed to preche the word
of God and mynyster the Sacraments, _in th' absence of John Knox_." This
refers to his having resolved to visit his native country.

Knox proceeded to Dieppe in August, and in the following month landed on
the east coast of Scotland, not far from Berwick. Most of this winter he
spent in Edinburgh, preaching and exhorting in private.

[SN: 1556.]

In the beginning of this year Knox went to Ayrshire, accompanied with
several of the leading Protestants of that county, and preached openly
in the town of Ayr, and in other parts of the country. He was summoned
to appear before a Convention of the Popish Clergy, on the 15th of May,
at Edinburgh. About the same time, he addressed his Letter to the Queen

Having received a solicitation for his return to Geneva, to become one
of their pastors, Knox left Scotland in July that year. Before this time
he married Marjory Bowes. Her father was Richard, the youngest son of
Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam; her mother was Elizabeth, a daughter and
co-heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske.

On the 13th September, Knox, along with his wife and his mother-in-law,
were formally admitted members of the English Congregation. At the
annual election of Ministers, on the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman
were re-elected.

[SN: 1557.]

Having received a pressing invitation from Scotland, which he considered
to be his duty to accept, Knox took leave of the Congregation at Geneva,
and came to Dieppe; but finding letters of an opposite tenor, dissuading
him from coming till a more favourable opportunity, after a time he
returned again to Geneva.

In May, his son Nathaniel was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the
23d, William Whittingham, afterwards Dean of Durham, being god-father.

On the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman still continued to be
ministers of the English Congregation at Geneva.

[SN: 1558.]

April. Mary Queen of Scots was married, at Paris, to Francis, Dauphin of

In this year Knox republished, with additions, his Letter to the Queen
Regent; and also his Appellation from the cruel sentence of the Bishops
and Clergy of Scotland; and his First Blast of the Trumpet against the
Regiment of Women.

In November, his son Eleazar was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the
29th, Myles Coverdale, formerly Bishop of Exeter, being witness or

November 17. Upon the death of Mary Queen of England, Elizabeth ascended
the throne.

On the 16th December, Knox and Goodman were again re-elected ministers
of the English Congregation.

[SN: 1559.]

January 7. Knox took his final departure from Geneva, in consequence of
an invitation to return to Scotland; and was on that occasion honoured
with the freedom of the city.

In March, he arrived at Dieppe, and finding that the English Government
refused to grant him a safeconduct, on the 22d April he embarked for
Leith, and reached Edinburgh on the 2d May. During that month, the Queen
Regent published a Declaration against the Protestants, and the Lords of
the Congregation sent a deputation to remonstrate; but their
remonstrance being despised, they took arms in self-defence.

June 11. Knox preached in St. Andrews; and at Perth on the 25th, when
the populace defaced several of the Churches or Monasteries in that

July 7. He was elected Minister of Edinburgh. Owing to the troubles,
within a brief space he was obliged to relinquish his charge; but he
continued his labours elsewhere for a time, chiefly at St. Andrews.

July 10. On the death of Henry II. of France, his son Francis, who had
espoused Mary Queen of Scots, and had obtained the Matrimonial Crown of
Scotland in November 1558, at the age of sixteen, ascended the throne of

August 1. The Protestants assembled at Stirling, and having resolved to
solicit aid from England, on the 3d of that month Knox proceeded to
Berwick to hold a conference with Sir James Crofts. In this month, he
sent Calvin a favourable report of his labours since his arrival in
Scotland: Calvin's answer to this communication is dated in November.

September 20. Knox's Wife and children, accompanied by Christopher
Goodman, arrived in Edinburgh.

October 18. The Protestants entered Edinburgh, while the Queen Regent
retired to Leith, with the French troops which had come to her aid.

[SN: 1560.]

February 27. A treaty concluded between England and the Lords of the
Congregation. The English fleet blockaded the port of Leith, and
furnished reinforcements, their troops at the same time having entered

April. At the end of this month, Knox had returned to Edinburgh. His
work on Predestination was published this year at Geneva.

June 10. The Queen Regent died in the Castle of Edinburgh. Articles of
Peace were concluded in July.

August 1. The Scotish Parliament assembled; and, on the 17th, the
Confession of Faith was ratified, and the Protestant religion formally

December 5. Francis II. of France, the husband of Mary Queen of Scots,

December 20. The first meeting of the General Assembly was held at

At the end of this year, Knox's Wife died, leaving him the two sons
above mentioned.

[SN: 1561.]

An invitation having been sent by the Protestant Nobility to their
young Queen, to revisit Scotland, she arrived from France, and assumed
the Government, on the 19th of August.

[SN: 1562.]

May. Knox engaged in a dispute at Maybole, with Quintin Kennedy, Abbot
of Crossragwell; of which dispute he published an account in the
following year.

December. He was summoned to appear before the Privy Council, on account
of a circular letter which he had addressed to the chief Protestants, in
virtue of a commission granted to him by the General Assembly.

[SN: 1563.]

The town of Edinburgh formed only one parish. Knox, when elected
Minister, had the assistance of John Cairns as Reader. John Craig,
minister of the Canongate or Holyrood, had been solicited to become his
colleague, in April 1562; but his appointment did not take place till
June 1563.

[SN: 1564.]

March. Knox married to his second wife, Margaret Stewart, daughter of
Andrew Lord Ochiltree.

June 30. He was appointed by the General Assembly to visit the churches
in Aberdeen and the North of Scotland. The following Assembly, 26th of
December, gave him a similar appointment for Fife and Perthshire.

[SN: 1565.]

Knox was summoned before the Privy Council, on account of a sermon
which, on the 19th of August, he had preached in St. Giles's Church.

[SN: 1566.]

In this year he appears to have written the most considerable portion of
his History of the Reformation; having commenced the work in 1559 or

In consequence of the unsettled state of public affairs, after the
murder of David Riccio, 9th of March, Knox left Edinburgh, and retired
for a time to Kyle.

June 19. James the Sixth was born in the Castle of Edinburgh.

December. Knox obtained permission from the General Assembly to proceed
to England, having received from the English Government a safeconduct,
to visit his two sons, who were residing with some of their mother's

[SN: 1567.]

February 10. Henry Lord Darnley was murdered.

April 24. Bothwell carried off Queen Mary to the Castle of Dunbar; and
their marriage was celebrated on the 15th of May.

June 15. Bothwell fled from Carberry-hill to Dunbar; and the Queen was
brought to Edinburgh, and afterwards confined in Lochleven Castle. About
the same time, Knox returned from England.

July 29. At the King's Coronation at Stirling, Knox preached an
inaugural sermon on these words, "I was crowned young."

August 22. James Earl of Murray was appointed Regent of Scotland.

December 15. Knox preached at the opening of Parliament; and on the
20th, the Confession of Faith, which had been framed and approved by
Parliament in 1560, with various Acts in favour of the Reformed
religion, was solemnly ratified.

[SN: 1568.]

May 2. Queen Mary escaped from Lochleven; but her adherents, who had
assembled at Langside, being defeated, she fled into England, and was
imprisoned by Queen Elizabeth for the rest of her life; having been
beheaded at Fotheringay on the 8th of February 1586-7.

[SN: 1569.]

January 23. The Earl of Murray was assassinated at Linlithgow; and on
occasion of his funeral, Knox preached a sermon on these words, "Blessed
are the dead who die in the Lord." (Rev. xiv. 13.)

[SN: 1570.]

July 12. Matthew Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of Scotland; but was
assassinated on the 4th of September. On the following day, John Earl of
Mar was chosen Regent.

October. Knox had a stroke of apoplexy, but was enabled occasionally to
resume his ministerial labours.

[SN: 1571.]

May 5. The troubles which then agitated the country induced Knox to quit
the metropolis, and to retire to St. Andrews.

September. The news arrived of the massacre of the Protestants on St.
Bartholomew's Eve, 24th of August, at Paris, and in other parts of

[SN: 1572.]

July. On the cessation of hostilities, at the end of this month, a
deputation from the citizens of Edinburgh was sent to St. Andrews, with
a letter to Knox, expressive of their earnest desire "that once again
his voice might be heard among them." He returned in August, having this
year published, at St. Andrews, his Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit.

The Earl of Mar died on the 29th of October; and James Earl of Morton,
on the 24th of November, was elected Regent of Scotland.

On the same day, the 24th of November, having attained the age of
sixty-seven, Knox closed "his most laborious and most honourable
career." He was buried in the church-yard of St. Giles; but, as in the
case of Calvin, at Geneva, no monument was erected to mark the place
where he was interred.

       *       *       *       *       *

Knox left a widow, and two sons by his first marriage, and three
daughters by the second. In the concluding volume will be given a
genealogical tree, or notices of his descendants.

                               $THE HISTORY$

                                  OF THE

                          $REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND$.



In the long series of events recorded in the Annals of Scotland, there
is unquestionably none of greater importance than those which exhibit
the progress and establishment of the Reformed Religion in the year
1560. This subject has accordingly called forth in succession a variety
of writers of different sentiments and persuasions. Although in the
contemporary historians, Lesley, Buchanan, and their successors, we have
more or less copious illustrations of that period, yet a little
examination will show that we possess only one work which bears an
exclusive reference to this great event, and which has any claims to be
regarded as the production of an original historian. Fortunately the
writer of the work alluded to was of all persons the best qualified to
undertake such a task, not only from his access to the various sources
of information, and his singular power and skill in narrating events and
delineating characters, but also from the circumstance that he himself
had a personal and no unimportant share in most of the transactions of
those times, which have left the character of his own mind so indelibly
impressed on his country and its institutions. It is scarcely necessary
to subjoin the name of JOHN KNOX.

The doubts which were long entertained respecting Knox's share in the
"History of the Reformation," have been satisfactorily explained. Such
passages as were adduced to prove that he could not have been the
author, consist of palpable errors and interpolations. Without
adverting to these suspicions, we may therefore attend to the time when
the work was actually written.

       *       *       *       *       *

The necessity of leaving upon record a correct account of their
proceedings suggested itself to the Reformers at an early period of
their career, and led to this History being commenced. Knox arrived in
Scotland in May 1559; and by his presence and counsels, he served to
animate and direct their measures, which were attended with so much
success. In a letter dated from Edinburgh 23d October that year, while
alluding to the events which had taken place during their contentions
with the Queen Regent and her French auxiliaries, he uses these words,
"Our most just requeastes, which ye shall, God willing, schortlie
hereafter onderstand, together with our whole proceeding from the
beginning of this matter, _which we ar to sett furth in maner of
Historie_." That he had commenced the work, further appears from a
letter, dated Edinburgh, 23d September 1560, and addressed to Secretary
Cecil by the English Ambassador, Randolph, in which he says, "I have
tawlked at large with MR. KNOX concerning his HYSTORIE. As mykle as ys
written thereof shall be sent to your Honour, at the comynge of the
Lords Embassadours, by Mr. John Woode. He hath wrytten only one Booke.
If yow lyke that, he shall continue the same, or adde onie more. He
sayethe, that he must have farther helpe then is to be had in thys
countrie, for more assured knowledge of thyngs passed than he hath
hymself, or can come bye here: yt is a work not to be neglected, and
greatly wyshed that yt sholde be well handled."

Whether this portion of the work was actually communicated to Cecil at
that time, is uncertain; as no such manuscript has been discovered among
his papers, either in the British Museum or the State Paper Office. It
could only have consisted of part of the Second Book; and this portion
remains very much in its original state, as may be inferred from these
two passages.--In July 1559, while exposing "the craftyness of the Queen
Regent," in desiring a private conference with the Earl of Argyle and
Lord James Stewart, with the hope that she might be able to withdraw
them from their confederates, we read, "And one of hir cheaf Counsale in
those dayis, (_and we fear but over inward with hir yit_,) said," &c.
See page 368 of this volume. This must necessarily have been written
during the Queen Regent's life, or previously to June 1560. During the
following month, after noticing the Earl of Arran's escape from France,
and the imprisonment of his younger brother, Lord David Hamilton, it is
stated, "For the same tyme, the said Frensche King, seing he could not
have the Erle him self, gart put his youngar brother ... in strait
prisoun, _quhair he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the moneth of October,
the yeir of God_ 1559." See page 383. In like manner, in a letter of
intelligence, dated at Hamilton, 12th October 1559, and addressed to
Cecil, Randolph says, "Since Nesbot went from hence, the Duke never
harde out of Fraunce, _nor newes of his son the Lord David_."--(Sadler's
State Papers, vol. i. p. 500.) We might have supposed that his restraint
was not of long duration, as he is named among the hostages left in
England, at the treaty of Berwick, 27th February 1559-60; a circumstance
of which Knox could not have been ignorant, as he gives a copy of the
confirmation of the treaty by the Duke of Chastelherault and the Lords
of the Congregation; but it appears from one of the articles in the
treaty of peace in July, that Lord David Hamilton, who was still a
prisoner at Bois de St. Vincent, in France, then obtained liberty to
return to Scotland; and he arrived at Edinburgh in October 1560. We are
therefore warranted to infer that this portion of the Second Book of his
History, must have been written towards the end of the year 1559.

Knox himself in his general Preface, says, the intention was to have
limited the period of the History from the year 1558, until the arrival
of Queen Mary from France to assume the government in this country, in
August 1561; thus extending the period originally prescribed beyond the
actual attainment of the great object at which the Reformers aimed, in
the overthrow of Popish superstition, and the establishment by civil
authority of the Protestant faith, which was actually secured by the
proceedings of the Parliament that met at Edinburgh on the 1st of August
1560. But he further informs us, that he was persuaded not only to add
the First Book as an Introduction, but to continue the Narrative to a
later period. This plan of extending the work he carried into effect in
the year 1566, when the First and Fourth Books were chiefly written, and
when there is reason to believe that he revised and enlarged the
intermediate portion, at least by dividing it into two parts, as Books
Second and Third. The Fourth Book extends to the year 1564; and he seems
to intimate that he himself had no intention to continue the History to
a later period; for alluding to the death of David Riccio, in March
1565-6, he says, "of whom we delay now farther to speik, becaus that his
end will requyre the descriptioun of the whole, _and referris it unto
suche as God sall rayse up to do the same_;" and a marginal note on this
passage, written probably by Richard Bannatyne in 1571, says "_This ves
never done be this Authour_."

Dr. M'Crie states, that "the First and Fourth Books were composed during
the years 1566, 1567, and 1568," and that "some additions were made to
the Fourth Book so late as 1571." The only evidence to support this
supposition, is founded upon the circumstance of some marginal notes
having been added in those years, and introduced by subsequent
transcribers, as belonging to the text. Whether the Fifth Book,
published by David Buchanan in 1644, was actually written by the
Reformer, will be considered in the preliminary notice to that Book.
Meanwhile it may be remarked, that the Author himself whilst
occasionally engaged in collecting materials for a continuation of his
History, felt the necessity of delaying the publication; and in a letter
addressed to Mr. John Wood, 14th February 1567-8, he expresses the
resolution he had formed of withholding the work from the public during
his own life.


The Manuscript of the HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION which has been followed
in this edition, fully confirms the preceding statements regarding the
period of its composition. It also serves to shew that no suppressions
or alterations had been made by his friends, after his death, in these
Four Books. Such an intention is alluded to, in a letter, dated from
Stirling, 6th August 1572, and addressed to Randolph, by George
Buchanan:--"As to MAISTER KNOX, his HISTORIE is in hys freindes handes,
and thai ar in consultation to mitigat sum part the acerbite of certain
wordis, and sum taunts wherein he has followit too muche sum of your
Inglis writaris, as M. Hal. et suppilatorem ejus Graftone, &c." The
Manuscript contains Four Books, transcribed by several hands, and at
different intervals. Notwithstanding this diversity of hand-writing,
there is every reason to believe that the most considerable part of the
volume was written in the year 1566, although it is not improbable that
in the Second and Third Books a portion of the original MS. of 1559 may
have been retained. The marginal notes, which specify particular dates,
chiefly refer to the years 1566, or 1567, and they leave no doubt in
regard to the actual period when the bulk of the MS. was written, as
those bearing the date 1567 are clearly posterior to the transcription
of the pages where they occur. Some of these notes, as well as a number
of minute corrections, are evidently in Knox's own hand; but the latter
part of Book Fourth could not have been transcribed until the close of
the year 1571. This is proved by the circumstance that the words, "BOT
WNTO THIS DAY, THE 17. OF DECEMBER 1571," form an integral part of the
text, near the foot of fol. 359, in "The Ressonyng betuix the Maister of
Maxwell and John Knox." The whole of this section indeed is written
somewhat hastily, like a scroll-copy, probably by Richard Bannatyne, his
Secretary, from dictation; but whether it was merely rewritten in 1571,
or first added in that year to complete Book Fourth, must be left to


The accompanying leaf exhibits an accurate fac-simile of part of the
first page of the MS; and it is worthy of notice, that in the Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. p. 287, a fac-simile of a paper entitled "The Kirkis
Testimonial, &c.," dated 26th December 1565, is evidently by the same
hand.[4] It has the signatures of three of the Superintendents, Erskine
of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynram, as well as that of John Knox.
As this was a public document, and was no doubt written by the Clerk of
the General Assembly, we may infer that Knox's amanuensis, in 1566, was
either John Gray, who was Scribe or Clerk to the Assembly from 1560 till
his death in 1574, or one of the other Scribes whom Knox mentions, in
his interview with Queen Mary, in 1563, as having implicit confidence in
their fidelity. But this is no very important point to determine, since
the Manuscript itself bears such unequivocal proofs of having passed
through the Author's hands. Two short extracts, (corresponding with
pages 109 and 115 of this volume,) are also selected on account of the
marginal notes, both of which I think are in Knox's own hand. Further
specimens of such notes or corrections will be given in the next volume.
At fol. 249, four leaves are left blank to allow the form of "The
Election of the Superintendant" to be inserted; but this can be supplied
from either the Glasgow MS. or the early printed copies. A more
important omission would have been the First Book of Discipline, but
this the MS. fortunately contains, in a more genuine state than is
elsewhere preserved; and it will form no unimportant addition to the
next volume of the History.

The volume consists of 388 folios, chiefly written, as already stated,
in the year 1566. No trace of its earlier possessors can be discovered;
but the name of "Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of North-Berwick" (from 1692
to 1729,) written on the first page, identifies it with a notice, which
is given by the Editor of the 1732 edition: "There is also a complete
MS. copy of the first four Books of this History belonging now to Mr.
Gavin Hamilton, Bookseller in Edinburgh, which formerly belonged to the
late Reverend Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of the Gospel at North-Berwick;
it is written in a very old hand, the old spelling is kept, and I am
informed that it exactly agrees with the Glasgow MS., with which it was
collated, during the time this edition was a printing." (page liii.)

This MS., came into the possession of the Rev. John Jamieson, D.D.,
probably long before the publication of his Etymological Dictionary in
1808, where he mentions his having two MSS. of Knox's History, (this,
and the one marked No. VIII.) in his list of authorities; but neither of
them was known, and consequently had never been examined by Dr. M'Crie.
At the sale of Dr. Jamieson's library in 1839, both MSS. were purchased
by the Editor.

In the firm persuasion that this MS. must have been written not only
during the Reformer's life, but under his immediate inspection, and that
all the existing copies were derived from it, more or less directly, I
should have held it a most unprofitable labour to have collated the
other MSS., for no other purpose than to notice the endless variations,
omissions, and mistakes of later transcribers. The reader may think I
have paid too much regard in this respect to the various readings or
errors in Vautrollier's suppressed edition, and in the Glasgow
Manuscript; but these copies being the only ones referable to the
sixteenth century, are deserving of greater attention than those of a
more recent age, while the variations pointed out frequently serve to
account for the mistakes in the later transcripts.

But before explaining the manner in which this edition has been printed,
it may be proper to enumerate the other Manuscripts which are known to
be preserved; and I may take this opportunity of expressing to the
several Proprietors my grateful acknowledgments for the free use of the
copies specified.

       II.--VAUTR. EDIT.--PRINTED AT LONDON IN 1586 OR 1587.

This edition, described at page xxxix, is here introduced as
representing an intermediate MS., from which some of the existing copies
were apparently derived. Thomas Vautrollier the printer, a native of
France, came to England in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. He
retired to Scotland in the year 1584, and printed several works at
Edinburgh in that and the following year. In 1586, he returned to
London, carrying with him a manuscript copy of Knox's History, which he
put to press; but all the copies were seized before the work was
completed. The manuscript copy which he had obtained is not known to be
preserved; but there is no reason to doubt that it was taken directly
from the MS. of 1566. This appears from the marginal notes and a variety
of minute coincidences, perceptible on collating the printed portion. We
may likewise conclude, that from it several of the later transcripts
were taken of the introductory portion, and the Fourth Book, to complete
the text of the unfinished printed volume.


In folio, containing 242 leaves, written before the end of the sixteenth
century. This MS. was long considered to be the earliest and most
authentic copy of the History, and consequently no small degree of
importance was attached to it.

Many years ago, (before I was aware of the existence of the MS. of
1566,) I obtained, through the Rev. Dr. M'Turk, late Professor of
Ecclesiastical History, the use of this Manuscript for the purpose of
collation; but I found that the text was so faithfully given in the
Edinburgh edition 1732, folio, with the single exception of omitting
such marginal notes as the MS. contains, that an entire collation of the
text might only have exhibited slight occasional changes in orthography.
At that time the MS. formed two volumes, in the old parchment covers,
with uncut leaves; it has since been half-bound in one volume, and the
edges unmercifully cropped.

At the beginning of the volume there is inserted a separate leaf, being
the title of a distinct work, having the signature of "M. Jo. Knox," in
1581, probably the nephew of the Reformer, who became Minister of
Melrose. It has no connexion with the volume in which it is preserved;
but it led to some vague conjectures that the writer of the History
itself may have been "the younger Mr. Knox, seeing the former died in
the year 1572, and the other was alive nine years after;" or else,
"that the latter Mr. Knox had perfected the work, pursuant to the order
of the General Assembly in the year 1573 or 1574, so far as it was to be
found in this MS."[5] Respecting the time of transcription, one minute
circumstance is worthy of notice: Knox in one place introduces the
words, "as may be, &c., _in this year_ 1566," the copier has made it,
"in this year 1586," an error not likely to have been committed
previously to that year. But the hand-writing is clearly of a date about
1590, although the Fourth Book may have been a few years earlier. The
absence of all those peculiar blunders which occur in Vautrollier's
edition, evinces that the Glasgow MS. was derived from some other
source; while the marginal notes in that edition are a sufficient proof
that the MS. in question was not the one employed by the English
printer. It is in fact a tolerably accurate copy of the MS. of 1566,
with the exception of the marginal notes, and the entire omission of the
First Book of Discipline. Nearly all the marginal notes in the First and
Third Books are omitted; and others having been incorporated with the
text, led to the supposition that Knox himself had revised the History
at a later period of life.

[Illustration: Signature: M Jo. Knox. augusti 18 a^o 1581]

This manuscript was presented to the University of Glasgow by the Rev.
Robert Fleming, Minister of a Scotish Congregation in London, and son of
the author of "The Fulfilling of the Scriptures." Wodrow communicated to
Bishop Nicolson, a collation of the MS. with Buchanan's folio edition of
1644, pointing out many of his interpolations. This letter was inserted
by Nicolson in the Appendix to his Scotish Historical Library.[6]

            IV. MS. A. (1.)--IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY.

In 4to, pp. 403. This MS. was acquired by the Faculty of Advocates, in
1792, with the mass of Wodrow's MSS.--It is very neatly written by
Charles Lumisden, whose name (but partially erased) with the date 1643,
occurs on the fly-leaf. Wodrow was correct in imagining that the greater
portion of the volume was transcribed from Vautrollier's edition, some
of the more glaring typographical errors being corrected; but in fact
this copy was made from a previous transcript by Lumisden, to be
mentioned as No. X. MS. W. It contains however the Fourth Book of the
History; and Wodrow has collated the whole very carefully with the
Glasgow MS., and has marked the chief corrections and variations in the

            V. MS. A. (2.)--IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY.

In folio. This volume also belonged to the Wodrow collection. It is
written in a very careless, slovenly manner, after the year 1639, by one
Thomas Wood; and is scarcely entitled to be reckoned in the number of
the MSS., as it omits large portions. Thus, on the title of Book Fourth,
it is called "A Collection from the Fourth Book," &c.


In folio, 143 leaves, written in an ordinary hand, apparently about the
year 1635. It contains the Four Books, and includes both the First and
Second Books of Discipline; but it omits all the marginal notes, and
displays very little accuracy on the part of the transcriber. It is in
fact a transcript from the identical copy of Vautrollier's edition,
described as No. XIII., from its adopting the various marginal
corrections and emendations on the printed portions of that copy.


In folio, 266 leaves, written in a neat hand, and dated 1641. It
contains the Four Books; but, like the three preceding MSS., it may
without doubt be regarded as a transcript from Vautrollier's edition,
with the addition of Book Fourth of the History. It also contains both
the First and Second Books of Discipline, copied from Calderwood's
printed edition of 1621, with such minute fidelity, as even to add the
list of typographical "Errata" at the end, with the references to the
page and line of that edition.


In folio, 180 leaves, written probably between 1620 and 1630. It wants
several leaves at the beginning, and breaks off with the Third Book,
adding the Acts of Parliament against the Mass, &c., passed in 1560. It
formerly belonged to the Rev. Dr. Jamieson, and was purchased at his
sale in 1839. The press-marks on the fly leaf may probably identify the
collection to which it formerly belonged, "2 H. 16.--Hist. 51," and "a.
66." Notwithstanding a MS. note by Dr. Jamieson, it is a transcript of
no value, corresponding in most points with Vautrollier's edition.


In folio, pp. 387. This is a MS. of still less importance, but it serves
to show the rarity of Vautrollier's printed edition, previously to the
appearance of Buchanan's editions in 1644. On the first leaf, the
celebrated covenanting Earl of Glencairne has written,--

"This is the copie of Johne Knox his Chronicle, coppiede in the yeere of
God 1643.--GLENCAIRNE."

It is in fact a literal transcript from a defective copy of the old
suppressed edition; as the blanks in the MS. at pages 156, 157, and
pages 166, 167, which break off, or commence at the middle of a
sentence, would be completely supplied by pages 225, 226, and pages 239,
240, of Vautrollier's text. At page 347, only the heads of the
Confession of Faith are inserted, "but (it is added) yee shall find them
fullie set downe in the first Parliament of King James the Sext, holden
at Edinburgh the 15 of December 1567, by James Earle of Murray, Regent
to this Realme."

This MS. ends with page 546 of the printed copy; and after the words
"would not suffer this corrupt generation to approve," instead of
commencing with the Book of Discipline, from page 547, there is added,
"_And because the whole Booke of Discipline, both First and Secund, is
sensyne printed by the selfe in one Booke, I cease to insert it heere,
and referres the reader to the said booke. Finis._"


In 4to, pp. 452, not perfect. It is in the hand-writing of Charles
Lumisden, who succeeded his father as Minister of Duddingstone, and who,
during the reign of Charles the First, was much employed in
transcribing. It is unquestionably copied from Vautrollier's printed
edition, but many of the palpable mistakes have been corrected, and the
orthography improved. In general the marginal notes are retained, while
some others, apparently derived from David Buchanan's printed text, are
added in a different hand. Like Vautrollier's edition, at page 560, this
MS. breaks off with the first portion of the Book of Discipline, at the
end of Book Third of the History.

Such are the MANUSCRIPT copies of Knox's History which are known to be
preserved. There are however still existing detached portions of the
History, made with the view of completing the defective parts of
Vautrollier's edition; and these may also be briefly indicated.

   XI. MS. C.--In the Library of the Church of Scotland. This MS., in
folio, was purchased by the General Assembly in 1737, from the executors
of the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. The volume is in the old parchment cover,
and has the autograph of "Alex. Colvill" on the first page. But it
contains only the preliminary leaves of the text, and the concluding
portion of the First Book of Discipline, (the previous portion being
oddly copied at the end of it;) and Book Fourth of the History, all in
the hand of a Dutch amanuensis, about 1640, for the purpose of supplying
the imperfections of the suppressed edition.

  XII. MS. M.--In a copy of Vautrollier's edition, which belonged to the
Rev. Dr. M'Crie, and is now in the possession of his son, the Rev.
Thomas M'Crie, the same portions are supplied in an early hand,
containing eight leaves at the beginning, and ninety-nine at the end,
along with a rude ornamented title, and a portrait of Knox, copied by
some unpractised hand from one of the old engravings. It contains the
concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline, but several of the
paragraphs in Book Fourth of the History are abridged or omitted.

  XIII. MS. L. (3.)--A copy of the same volume, with these portions
similarly supplied, and including both the First and Second Books of
Discipline, appeared at the sale of George Paton's Library, in 1809. It
is now in the Editor's possession. A number of the errors in printing
have been carefully corrected on the margin, in an old hand; and the MS.
portions are written in the same hand with No. VI. MS. E. of the entire
work, which is literally transcribed from this identical copy.

  XIV. and XV. MSS. L. (4 and 5.)--I have also a separate transcript of
Book Fourth, in folio, 44 leaves, written about the year 1640; and
another portion, in small 8vo, written in a still older hand, for the
purpose of being bound with the suppressed edition.


Vautrollier's unfinished and suppressed edition, in 1586 or 1587, has
already been noticed at page xxxii. The fate of this edition is thus
recorded by Calderwood, in his larger MS. History:--"February 1586.
Vauttrollier the printer took with him a copy of Mr. Knox's History to
England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the Stationers, at the
Archbishop's command, seized them the 18 of February [1586-7]; it was
thought that he would get leave to proceed again, because the Council
perceived that it would bring the Queen of Scots in detestation." The
execution of the unfortunate Queen, which followed so soon after, or the
death of the Printer himself, in 1588, may have prevented its
completion. But copies had speedily come into circulation in its
unfinished state. Thus Dr. (afterwards Archbishop) Bancroft, who
frequently quotes this suppressed edition, says,--"If euer you meete
with the Historie of the Church of Scotland, penned by Maister Knox, and
printed by Vautrouillier: reade the pages quoted here in the
margent."--(A Survay of the pretended Holy Discipline, &c. Imprinted at
London, by Iohn Wolfe, 1593, 4to, p. 48.)

It is most inaccurately printed.[7] This may have been partly owing to
the state of the MS. which he had procured in Scotland, as well as to
haste in printing, and ignorance of the names of persons and places
which occur in the work.

The following is a fac-simile reprint of the first page, which
corresponds with pages 10-11 of the present volume:--

                          CHVRCH OF SCOTLAND. 17

     BY THESE ARTICLES which God of his mercifull prouidence causeth the
     enemies of his truth to keepe in their registers maye appeare how
     mercifully God hath looked vppon this realme, retayning within it
     some sparke of his light, euen in the time of greatest darknes.
     Neither ought any m[=a] to wonder albeit that some things be obscurely
     and some thinges doubtfully spoken. But rather ought al faithfull
     to magnifie Gods mercy who without publike doctrine gaue so great
     light. And further we ought to consider that seeing that the
     enemies of Iesus Christe gathered the foresaide articles there
     vppon to accuse the persones aforesaide, that they woulde depraue
     the meaninge of Gods seruauntes so farre as they coulde, as we
     doubt not but they haue done, in the heads of excommunication,
     swearing and of matrimony: In the which it is no doubt but the
     seruaunts of God did damne the abuse onelye, and not the right
     ordinance of God: for who knowes not that excommunication in these
     dayes was altogeather abused? That swearing aboundeth without
     punishment or remorse of conscience: And that diuorcementes was
     made, for such causes as worldly men had inuented: but to our
     history. Albeit that the accusation of the Bishop and of his
     complices was very grieuous, yet God so assisted his seruauntes
     partly by inclining the kinges heart to gentlenes (for diuerse of
     them were his great familiars) and partly by giuing bold and godly
     aunswers to their accusators, that the enemies in the ende were
     frustrate of their purpose. For while the Bishop in mockage saide
     to Adam reade of blaspheming, read beleeue ye that God is in
     heauen? he answered Not as I do the sacramentes seuen: whereat the
     bishop thinking to haue triumphed said: Sir loe

Vautrollier's edition is a small 8vo, commencing with signature B, page
17, and breaking off with signature Mm, page 560, or near the beginning
of the 5th chapter of the Book of Discipline, which Knox has introduced
at the conclusion of Book Third of his History. Copies of this volume in
fine condition are of rare occurrence.

The edition of the History published at London by David Buchanan in
1644, and reprinted at Edinburgh in the same year, in all probability
under his own inspection, will be more particularly noticed in the
following volume. It might perhaps have been well had this publication
been actually prohibited, as Milton[8] seems to indicate was not
unlikely to have taken place. So much use at least had been made of the
unwarrantable liberties taken by the Editor, in altering and adding
passages, as for a length of time to throw discredit on the whole work.

At length there appeared the very accurate edition, published at
Edinburgh 1732, with a Life of the author, by the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd.
Besides this and the two editions published in a more popular form by
William M'Gavin, at Glasgow, there are numerous modernized and spurious
republications, all of them taken from Buchanan's interpolated
editions, and published at Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Dundee, between the
years 1731 and 1832. Even at an early period, both Calderwood, who had
made such copious extracts from the work, and Spottiswood, who expressed
his doubts respecting its authorship, appear to have employed
Vautrollier's inaccurate edition. The necessity of publishing the work
with greater care and in its most genuine form, will therefore by
readily admitted. The acquisition of the Manuscript of 1566, has enabled
the Editor to accomplish this, to a certain extent, by presenting the
text of the History in the precise form "wherein he hath continued and
perfectly ended at the year of God 1564," according to the declaration
made to the first General Assembly which met after his death. Having
such a MS. to follow, I have adhered to it with much more scrupulous
accuracy, in regard to the othography,[9] than otherwise might have been
deemed advisable. At first sight, indeed, the language may appear
somewhat uncouth, and it may require a Glossary to be subjoined; but it
was of essential importance that the work should be published in its
original form, with the Author's own marginal notes and relections, as
the genuine production of the great SCOTISH REFORMER.

       *       *       *       *       *

The labour bestowed by the Author in collecting information, with the
desire of giving a true and faithful History of these transactions,
rendered it also desirable that more than ordinary care should be
bestowed in illustrating his narrative. For this purpose, I have taken
considerable pains to identify the persons and places mentioned in the
course of this History. Knox himself, on more than one occasion, states,
that while he was careful in relating facts, he was no observer of
_times_ and _seasons_, in other words, that he made no pretensions to
minute accuracy in dates. It became the more necessary to devote
particular attention, either to confirm or correct his dates, by
reference to contemporary documents; and no source that was accessible
has been overlooked, although I am fully sensible that I may have failed
in making suitable use of the information thus obtained. I have at least
endeavoured to avoid cumbering the page with notes, unless where they
seemed necessary to illustrate the text; and I consider no apology to be
required for the Articles inserted in the Appendix.


                              THE PREFACE.


It is not unknowen, Christeane Reader, that the same clud[11] of
ignorance, that long hath darkened many realmes under this accurssed
kingdome of that Romane Antichrist, hath also owercovered this poore
Realme; that idolatrie[12] hath bein manteined, the bloode of innocentis
hath bene sched, and Christ Jesus his eternall treuth hath bene
abhorred, detested, and blasphemed. But that same God that caused light
to schyne out of darknes, in the multitud of his mercyes, hath of long
tyme opened the eis[13] of some evin within this Realme, to see the
vanitie of that which then was universally embrased for trew religioun;
and hes gevin unto them strenth to oppone thame selfis unto the same:
and now, into these our last and moist corrupt dayis, hath maid his
treuth so to triumphe amonges us, that, in despyte of Sathan,
hipochrisye is disclosed, and the trew wyrschipping of God is manifested
to all the inhabitantis of this realme whose eis[14] Sathan blyndis not,
eyther by thair fylthy lustes, or ellis by ambitioun, and insatiable
covetousnes, which maek them repung to the power of God working by his

And becaus we ar not ignorant what diverse bruittis war dispersed of us,
the professoures of Jesus Christ within this realme, in the begynnyng
of our interprise, ordour was lackin, that all our proceidingis should
be committed to register; as that thei war, by such as then paynfullie
travailled[15] boith by toung and pen; and so was collected a just
volume, (as after will appeir,) conteanyng thingis done frome the
fyftie-awght[16] year of God, till the arrivall of the Quenis Majestie
furth of France,[17] with the which the Collectour and Writtar for that
tyme was content, and never mynded further to have travailled in that
kynd of writting.[18] But, after invocatioun of the name of God, and
after consultatioun with some faythfull,[19] what was thought by thame
expedient to advance Goddis glorie, and to edifie this present
generatioun, and the posteritie to come, it was concluded, that
faythfull rehersall should be maid of such personages as God had maid
instrumentis of his glorie, by opponyng of thame selfis to manifest
abuses, superstitioun, and idolatrie; and, albeit thare be no great
nomber, yet ar thei mo then the Collectour wold have looked for at the
begynnyng, and thairfoir is the volume some what enlarged abuif his
expectatioun: And yit, in the begynnyng, mon we crave of all the gentill
Readaris, not to look of us such ane History as shall expresse all
thingis that have occurred within this Realme, during the tyme of this
terrible conflict that hes bene betuix the sanctes of God and these
bloody wolves who clame to thame selves the titill of clargie, and to
have authoritie ower the saules of men; for, with the Pollicey,[20] mynd
we to meddill no further then it hath Religioun mixed with it. And
thairfoir albeit that many thingis which wer don be omitted, yit, yf we
invent no leys, we think our selves blamless in that behalf. Of one
other [thing] we mon foirwarne the discreat Readaris, which is, that
thei be not offended that the sempill treuth be spokin without
partialitie; for seing that of men we neyther hunt for reward, nor yitt
for vane[21] glorie, we litill pass by the approbatioun of such as
seldome judge weill of God and of his workis. Lett not thairfoir the
Readar wonder, albeit that our style vary and speik diverslie of men,
according as thei have declared thame selves sometymes ennemyes and
sometymes freindis, sometymes fervent, sometymes cold, sometymes
constant, and sometymes changeable in the cause of God and of his holy
religioun: for, in this our simplicitie, we suppoise that the Godlie
shall espy our purpose, which is, that God may be praised for his mercy
schawin, this present age may be admonished to be thankfull for Goddis
benefittis offerred, and the posteritie to cum may be instructed how
wonderouslie hath the light of Christ Jesus prevailled against darkness
in this last and most corrupted age.

                       HISTORIÆ INITIUM.[22]

In the Scrollis of Glasgw is found mentioun of one whais name is not
expressed,[23] that, in the year of God 1422, was burnt for heresye;[24]
bot what war his opinionis, or by what ordour he was condempned, it
appearis not evidentlie. But our Cronikilles mack mentioun, that in the
dayis of King James the First, about the year of God 1431, was
deprehended in the Universitie of Sanctandrose, one named Paull
Craw,[25] a Bohame,[26] who was accused of heresye befoir such as then
war called Doctouris of Theologie. His accusatioun consisted
principallye, that he followed Johnne Husse and Wyckleif, in the
opinioun of the sacrament, who denyed that the substance of braid and
wyn war changed be vertew of any wourdis; or that confessioun should be
maid to preastis; or yitt prayeris to sanctes departed. Whill that God
geve unto him grace to resist thame, and not to consent to thair
impietie, he was committed to the secular judge, (for our bischoppis
follow Pilat, who boith did condempne, and also wesche[27] his handis,)
who condempned him to the fyre; in the quhilk he was consumed in the
said citie of Sanctandrose, about the time afoir writtin. And to declair
thame selvis to be the generatioun of Sathan, who, from the begynnyng,
hath bein ennemy to the treuth, and he that desyrith the same to be hyd
frome the knowledge of men, thei putt a ball of brass in his mouth, to
the end that he should nott geve confessioun of his fayth to the people,
neyther yit that thei should understand the defence which he had against
thair injust accusatioun and condemnatioun.

Bot that thair fatheris practise did nott greatlie advance thair
kingdome of darknes, nether yit was it able utterlie to extingueise the
trewth: For albeit, that in the dayis of Kingis James the Secund and
Thrid, we fynd small questioun of religioun moved within this Realme,
yit in the tyme of King James the Fourt, in the saxt year of his reigne,
and in the twenty-twa yeir of his age, which was in the year of God
1494, war summoned befoir the King and his Great Counsell, by Robert
Blackedar called Archebischope of Glasgw,[28] the nomber of thretty
personis, remanyng some in Kyle-Stewart, some in Kingis-Kyile, and some
in Cunyghame;[29] amonges whome,[30] George Campbell of Sesnok, Adame
Reid of Barskymming, Johne Campbell of New Mylnes, Andro Shaw of
Polkemmate, Helen Chalmour Lady Pokillie,[31] [Marion][32] Chalmours
Lady Stairs: These war called the LOLARDIS OF KYLE. Thei war accused of
the Articles following, as we have receaved thame furth of the
Register[33] Glasgw.

       *       *       *       *       *

I. First, That Images ar not to be had, nor yitt to be wirschepped.

II. That the Reliques of Sanctes are not to be wirschepped.

III. That Lawis and Ordinances of men vary frome tyme to tyme, and that
by the Pape.

IV. That it is not lauchfull to feght, or to defend the fayth. (We
translait according to the barbarousnes of thair Latine and

V. That Christ gave power to Petir onlie, and not to his successouris,
to bynd and lowse within the Kyrk.

VI. That Christ ordeyned no Preastis to consecrat.

VII. That after the consecratioun in the Messe, thare remanes braid;[35]
and that thair is nott the naturall body of Christ.

VIII. That teythes aught not to be given to Ecclesiasticall men, (as
thei war then called.)

IX. That Christ at his cuming has tackin away power from Kingis to
judge.[36] (This article we dowbt not to be the vennemouse accusatioun
of the ennemyes, whose practise has ever bene to mack the doctrin of
Jesus Christ suspect to Kingis and rewllaris, as that God thairby wold
depose thame of thair royall seattis, whare by the contrair, nothing
confermes the power of magistrates more then dois Goddis wourd.--But to
the Articles.)

X. That everie faythfull man or woman is a preast.

XI. That the unctioun of Kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ.

XII. That the Pape is not the successour of Petir, but whare he said,
"Go behynd me, Sathan."

XIII. That the Pape deceavis the people by his Bulles and his

XIV. That the Messe profiteth not the soules that ar in purgatorye.

XV. That the Pape and the bischoppis deceave the people by thare

XVI. That Indulgenses aught not to be granted to feght against the

XVII. That the Pape exaltis him self against God, and abuf God.

XVIII. That the Pape can nott remitt the panes of purgatorye.

XIX. That the blessingis of the Bischoppis (of dum doggis thei should
have bein stilled) ar of non valew.

XX. That the excommunicatioun of the Kirk is not to be feared.

XXI. That in to no case is it lauchfull to swear.

XXII. That Preastis mycht have wieffis, according to the constitutioun
of the law.

XXIII. That trew Christianes receave the body of Jesus Christ everie

XXIV. That after matrimonye be contracted, the Kyrk may mack no

XXV. That excommunicatioun byndis nott.

XXVI. That the Pape forgevis not synnes, bot only God.

XXVII. That fayth should not be gevin to miracules.

XXVIII. That we should not pray to the glorious Virgyn Marie, butt to
God only.

XXIX. That we ar na mair bound to pray in the Kirk then in other

XXX. That we ar nott bound to beleve all that the Doctouris of the Kyrk
have writtin.

XXXI. That such as wirschep the Sacrament of the Kyrk (We suppoise thei
ment the Sacrament of the altar) committis idolatrie.

XXXII. That the Pape is the head of the Kyrk of Antichrist.

XXXIII. That the Pape and his ministeris ar murtheraris.

XXXIV. That thei which ar called principallis in the Church, ar thevis
and robbaris.

       *       *       *       *       *

By these Articles,[37] which God of his mercyfull providence caused the
ennemies of his trewth to keip in thare Registeris, may appeir how
mercyfullie God hath looked upoun this Realme, reteanyng within it some
sponk of his light, evin in the tyme of grettast darkness. Nether yit
awght any man to wonder, albeit that some thingis be obscurly, and some
thingis scabruslie spokin;[38] but rather awght all faythfull to
magnifye Goddis mercy, who without publict doctrin gave so great light.
And farther, we awght to considder, that seing that the ennemies of
Jesus Christ gathered the foirsaid Articles, thairupoun to accuse the
personis foirsaid, that thei wold deprave the meanyng of Goddis
servandis so far as thei could; as we dowbt not bot thei have done, in
the headis of Excommunicatioun, Swearing, and of Matrimonye. In the
which it is no dowbt but the servandis of God did dampne the abuse
only, and not the rycht ordinance of God; for who knowes not, that
Excommunicatioun in these dayis was altogether abused! That Swearing
abounded without punishment, or remorse of conscience! And that
Divorsementis war maid for such causes as worldly men had invented!--But
to our History.

       *       *       *       *       *

Albeit that the accusatioun of the Bischop and his complices was verray
grevouse, yitt God so assisted his servandis, partly be inclineing the
Kingis hart to gentilness, (for diverse of thame war his great
familiaris,) and partly by geving bold and godly answeris to thair
accusatouris, that the ennemies in the end war frustrat of thair
purpoise. For whill the Bischop, in mocking, said to Adam Reid of
Barskemyng,[39] "REID, Beleve ye that God is in heavin?" He answered,
"Not as I do the Sacramentis sevin." Whairat the Bischop thinking to
have triumphed, said, "SIR, Lo, he denyes that God is in heavin."
Whairat the King wondering, said, "Adam Reid, what say ye?" The other
answered, "Please your Grace to heir the end betuix the churle and me."
And thairwith he turned to the Bischope, and said, "I nether think nor
beleve, as thou thinkis, that God is in heavin; but I am most assured,
that he is not only in the heavin, bot also in the earth. Bott thou and
thy factioun declayre by your workis, that eyther ye think thair is no
God at all, or ellis that he is so shett up[40] in the heavin, that he
regardis not what is done into the earth; for yf thou fermelie beleved
that God war in the heavin, thou should not mack thy self chek-meat to
the King, and altogether forgett the charge that Jesus Christ the Sone
of God gave to his apostles, which was, to preach his Evangell, and not
to play the proud prelatts, as all the rabill of yow do this day. And
now, Sir, (said he to the King,) judge ye whither the Bischop or I
beleve best that God is in heavin." Whill the Bischope and his band
could not weill revenge thame selfis, and whill many tantis war gevin
thame in thair teith, the King, willing to putt ane end to farther
reassonyng, said to the said Adam Reid, "Will thou burne thy bill?" He
answered, "Sir, the Bischope and ye will." With those and the lyik
scoffis the Bischop and his band war so dashed out of countenance, that
the greattest part of the accusatioun was turned to lawchter.

After that dyet, we fynd almoist no questioun for materis of religioun,
the space ney of thretty yearis. For not long after, to witt in the year
of God 1508,[41] the said Bischop Blackcater departed this lief, going
in his superstitious devotioun to Hierusalem; unto whome succeided Mr.
James Beatoun, sone to the Lard of Balfour, in Fyfe, who was moir
cairfull for the world then he was to preach Christ, or yitt to advance
any religioun, but for the fassioun only; and as he soght the warld, it
fled him nott,[42] it was weill knowin that at onis he was Archbischop
of Sanctandrosse, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Abirbroth, Kylwynnyng, and
Chancellare of Scotland: for after the unhappy feild of Flowdoun,[43]
the which perrished King James the Fourt, with the grettast parte of the
nobilitie of the realme, the said Beatoun, with the rest of the
Prelattis, had the haill regiment of the realme; and by reassone
thairof, held and travailled to hold the treuth of God in thraldome and
bondage, till that it pleased God of his great mercy, in the year of God
1527, to raise up his servand, MAISTER PATRIK HAMMYLTOUN, at whome our
Hystorie doith begyn. Of whose progenye, lyif, and eruditioun, becaus
men of fame and renune have in diverse workis writtin, we omitt all
curiouse repetitioun, sending such as wald knaw farther of him then we
write to Franciss Lambert,[44] Johne Firth, and to that notable
wark,[45] laitlie sette furth be Johne Fox, Englisman, of the Lyvis and
Deathis of Martyrs within this yle, in this our aige.

       *       *       *       *       *

This servand of God, the said Maister Patrik, being in his youth
providit to reassonable honouris and leving, (he was intitulat Abbot of
Fern,[46]) as one haiting the world and the vanitie thairof, left
Scotland, and passed to the schoollis in Germany; for then the fame of
the Universitie of Whittinberge was greatlie divulgat in all countreis,
whare, by Goddis providence, he became familiare with these lyghtis and
notable servandis of Christ Jesus of that tyme, Martyne Luther, Philipp
Melanthon, and the said Franciss Lambert,[47] and did so grow and
advance in godly knowledge, joyned with fervencie and integretie of
lyiff, that he was in admiratioun with many. The zeall of Goddis glorie
did so eat him up, that he could of no long continuance remane thair,
bot returned to his countrie, whair the brycht beames of the trew light
which by Goddis grace was planted in his harte, began most aboundantlie
to burst furth, also weall in publict as in secreat: For he was, besydis
his godlie knowledge, weill learned in philosophie: he abhorred
sophistrye, and wold that the text of Aristotelis should have bene
better understand and more used in the schoolles then than it was; for
sophistrie had corrupted all asweil in divinitie as in humanitie. In
schort proces of tyme, the fame of his reasonis and doctrin trubled the
Clargye, and came to the earis of Bischope James Beatoun, of whome
befoir we have maid mentioun, who being ane conjured ennemye to Christ
Jesus, and one that long had had the whole regiment of this realme, bare
impatientlie that any truble should be maid to that kingdome of darknes,
whairof within this realme he was the head. And, thairfoir, he so
travailled[48] with the said Maister Patrik, that he gat him to
Sanctandrosse, whair, eftir the conference of diverse dayis, he had his
freedome and libertie. The said Bischop and his blooddy bucheouris,
called Doctouris, seamed to approve his doctryne, and to grant that many
thingis craved reformatioun in the Ecclesiastical regiment. And amanges
the rest, thair was ane that secreatlie consented with him almest in
all thingis, named Frear Alexander Campbell, a man of good wytt and
learnyng, butt yitt corrupt by the warld, as aftir we will hear. When
the bischoppis and the clergye had fully understand the mynd and
judgement of the said Maistir Patrik, and fearing that by him thair
kingdome should be endomaged, thei travailled with the King, who then
was young, and altogitther addict to thair commandiment, that he should
pass in pilgramaige to Sanct Dothess in Rosse,[49] to the end that no
intercessioun should be maid for the life[50] of the innocent servant of
God, who suspecting no such crueltie as in thair hartes was concluded,
remaned still, (a lambe amonges the wolfis,) till that upoun a nycht hie
was intercepted in his chalmer, and by the bischoppes band was caryed to
the Castell, whare that nycht he was keapt; and upoun the morne,
produccid in judgement, he was condampned to dye by fyre for the
testimonye of Goddis trewth. The Articles for the which he suffered war
bot of Pilgramage, Purgatorye, Prayer to Sanctes, and for the Dead, and
such trifilles; albeit that materis of grettar importance had bein in
questioun, as his Treatise,[51] which in the end we have added, may
witness. Now that the condempnatioun of the said Mr. Patrik should have
greattar authoritie, thei caused the same to be subscrived by all those
of any estimatioun that with tham war present, and to mack thair nomber
great, thei tuck the subscriptionis of childrin, yf thei war of the
nobilitie; for the Erle of Cassilles, which last decessed in France,[52]
then being bot twelf or threttein yearis of age, was compelled to
subscrive his death, as him self did confesse. Immediatlie after dennar,
the fyre was prepaired befoir the Ald Colledge,[53] and he led to the
place of executioun. And yitt men suppoised that all was done but to
geve unto him ane terrour, and to have caused him to have recanted, and
have become recreant to those bloody beastis. But God, for his awin
glorie, for the comforte of his servand, and for manifestatioun of thare
beastly tyranny, had otherwiese decreed; for he so strenthened his
faythfull witnes, that nether the luif of lyif, nor yitt the fear of
that cruell death, could move him a joit to swarve from the trewth ones
professed. At the plaice of executioun he gave to his servand, who had
bene chalmer-child to him of a long tyme, his gown, his coit, bonet, and
such lych garments, saying, "These will nott proffeit in the fyre; thei
will proffeit thee: Aftir this, of me thow cane receave no commoditie,
except the example of my death, which, I pray thee, bear in mynd; for
albeit it be bitter to the flesche, and feirfull befoir men, yet is it
the entress unto eternall lyif, quhilk non shall possesse that denyis
Christ Jesus befoir this wicked generatioun."

The innocent servand of God being bound to the staik in the myddest of
some coallis, some tymmer, and other mater appointed for the fyre, a
trane of powder was maid and sett a fyre, quhilk gave to the blessed
martyre of God a glaise, skrimpled[54] his left hand, and that syd of
his face, but nether kendilled the wood, nor yett the coallis.[55] And
so remaned the appointed to death in torment, till that men rane to the
Castell agane for moir poulder, and for wood more able to tack fyre;
which at last being kendilled, with lowd voce he cryed, "LORD JESUS,
receave my spreit! How long shall darknes owerquhelme this realme? And
how long will thow suffer this tyranny of men?"--The fyre was slow, and
thairfoir was his torment the more. Bott moist of all was he greved by
certane wicked men, amongis whome Campbell the Blak Freir (of whome we
spak befoir[56]) was principall, who continuallie cryed, "Convert,
heretick: call upoun our Lady: say _Salve Regina_," etc. To whome he
answered, "Departe, and truble me not, ye messingeris of Sathan." Bott
whill that the foirsaid Freir still roared one thing in great vehemency,
he said unto him, "Wicked man, thou knawis the contrair, and the
contrair to me thou hast confessed: I appeall thee befoir the tribunall
seatt of Jesus Christ!" After which and other wordis, which weall could
nott be understand nor marked, bayth for the tumult, and vehemencye of
the fyre, the witness of Jesus Christ gat victorie, after long
sufferance, the last of Februar, in the zeir of God J^m. V^e. twenty and
sevin zearis.[57] The said Freir departed this lyif within few dayis
after, in what estait we referr to the manifestatioun of the generall
day. But it was plainlie knawin that he dyed, in Glaskow, in a
phrenesye, and as one dispared.[58]

Now that all men may understand what was the singular eruditioun and
godly knowledge of the said Mr. Patrik, we have inserted this his litill
pithie werk, conteanyng his Assertionis and Determinationis concernyng
the Law, the Office of the same, concernyng Fayth, and the fruittis[59]
thairof; first, be the foirsaid Maister Patrik collected in Latine, and
after translated in Inglisch.



Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these last
dayes and perillous tymes, hath styrred up in all countreys, witnesses
unto his Sonne, to testifye the truth unto the unfaythfull, to save at
the least some from the snares of Antichrist, which leade to perdition,
as ye may here perceave by that excellent and well learned young man
PATRIKE HAMELTON, borne in Scotland of a noble progeny; who to testifie
the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him Priesthode, (even as
Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,) that he might be
admitted to preache the pure word of God. Notwithstandyng, as soone as
the Chamberleyne [Chancellor[61]] and other Byshops of Scotland had
perceaved that the light began to shyne, which disclosed their falsehode
that they conveyed in darkenes, they layde handes on hym, and because he
wold not deny his Saviour Christ at their instance, they burnt him to
ashes. Nevertheles, God of his bounteous mercy (to publishe to the whole
world what a man these monsters have murthered) hath reserved a little
Treatise, made by this Patrike,[62] which, if ye lyst, ye may call
PATRIK'S PLACES: For it treateth exactly of certaine Common Places,
which knowen, ye have the pith of all Divinitie. This Treatise have I
turned into the English toung, to the profite of my natioun; to whom I
besech God to geve lyght, that they may espye the deceitfull pathes of
perdition, and returne to the right way which leadeth to lyfe
everlastyng.[63] Amen.]

                     [THE DOCTRINE] OF THE LAW.

The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evill, as the
Commandimentis heir contenit do specifie:

                       THE TEN COMMANDIMENTIS.

1. Thow shalt worschepp but one God. 2. Thow shalt maik thee nane image
to worschipp it. 3. Thow shalt not sweare be his name in vane. 4. Hold
the Sabbath day holy. 5. Honour thie father and mother. 6. Thow shalt
not kill. 7. Thow shalt not committ adulterie. 8. Thow shalt nott
steall. 9. Thow shalt bear no fals witness. 10. Thow shalt not desyre
owght that belongeth unto thie nychtboure.

[All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under
ensuing]:--"Love the Lord thy God with all thyne harte, wyth all thy
saule, and with all thy mynd." (Deut. 6.)--"This is the first and great
commandiment. The secund is lyik unto this, Love thy nychtbour as thy
selve. On these two commandimentis hang all the Law and the
Propheittis." (Matth. 12.)


I. He that loveth God, loveth his nychtbour.[65]--"If anie man say, I
love God, and yit hattith his nychtbour, he is a lyer: He that lovith
not his brother whome he hath sene, how can he love God whome he hath
nott sein." (1 Joan. 4.)

II. He that lovith his nychtbour as him self, keapeth the whole
commandimentis of God.--"Quhatsoever ye wald that men should do unto
yow, evin so do unto thame: for this is the law and the propheittis."
(Matth. 7.)--He that loveth his nychtbour fulfilleth the law. "Thow
shalt not committ adulterie: Thow shalt not kyll: Thow shalt not steall:
Thow shalt not bear fals witnesse against thy nychtbour: Thow shalt not
desyre; and so furth: And yf thair be any uther commandiment, all ar
comprehendit under this saying, Love thy nychtbour as thy self." (Rom.
13; Gallat. 5.)

"He that loveth his nychtbour, kepith all the commandimentis of God."
"He that loveth God, loveth his nychtboure." (Roma. 13; 1 Joan.
4.)--Ergo, he that loveth God, kepith all his commandimentis.

III. He that hath the faith, loveth God.--"My father loveth yow, becaus
ye luif me, and beleve that I came of God." (Joan. 19.)--He that hath
the faith, keapith all the commandimentis of God. He that hath the
faith, loveth God; and he that loveth God, keapith all the
commandimentis of God.--Ergo, he that hath faith, keapith all the
commandimentis of God.

IV. He that keapeth one commandiment, keapeth thame all.--"For without
fayth it is impossible to keap any of the commandimentis of God."--And
he that hath the fayth, keapeth all the commandimentis of God.--Ergo, he
that keapith one commandiment of God, keapith thame all.

V. He that keapith nott all the commandimentis of God, he keapith nane
of thame.--He that keapith one of the commandimentis, he keapith
all.--Ergo, he that keapith not all the commandimentis, he keapith nane
of thame.

VI. It is not in our power, without grace, to keap anie of Goddis
commandimentis.--Without grace it is impossible to keap ane of Goddis
commandimentis; and grace is not in our power.--Ergo, it is not in our
power to keap any of the commandimentis of God.

Evin so may ye reassone concerning the Holy Ghost, and fayth.

VII. The law was gevin to schaw us our synne.--"Be the law cumith the
knowledge of the synne. I knew not what synne meant, bot throw the law.
I knew not what lust had ment, except the law had said, Thow shalt not
lust. Without the law, synne was dead:" that is, It moved me nott,
nether wist I that it was synne, which notwithstanding was synne, and
forbidden be the law.

VIII. The law biddith us do that which is impossible for us.--For it
biddith us keape all the commandimentis of God: yitt it is not in oure
power to keape any of thame.--Ergo, it biddeth us doo that which is
impossible for us.

Thow wilt say, "Whairfoir doith God command us that which is impossible
for us." I ansuere, "To mack thee know that thow arte bot evill, and
that thair is no remeady to save thee in thine awin hand, and that thow
mayest seak reamedy at some uther; for the law doith nothing butt
command thee."

                 [THE DOCTRINE] OF THE GOSPELL.

  The Gospell, is as moche to say, in oure tong, as Good
Tydingis: lyk as everie one of these sentences be--

  Christ is the Saviour of the world.

  Christ is our Saviour.

  Christ deid for us.

  Christ deid for our synnes.

  Christ offerred him selve for us.

  Christ bare our synnes upoun his back.

  Christ bought us with his blood.

  Christ woushe us with his blood.

  Christ came in the warld to save synnaris.

  Christ came in the warld to tak away our synnes.

  Christ was the price that was gevin for us and for our synnes.

  Christ was maid dettour for our synnes.

  Christ hath payed our debt, for he deid for us.

  Christ hath maid satisfactioun for us and for our synne.

  Christ is our rychteousness.

  Christ is oure wisdome.

  Christ is our sanctifcatioun.

  Christ is our redemptioun.

  Christ is our satisfactioun.

  Christ is our goodness.

  Christ hath pacifeid the Father of Heavin.

  Christ is ouris, and all his.

  Christ hath delivered us frome the law, frome the devill, and hell.

  The Father of Heavin hath forgevin us for Christis saik.
Or anie such other, as declair unto us the mercyes of God.


  The Law schawith us,
      Our synne.
    Our condemnatioun,
      Is the word of ire.
      Is the word of dispair.
      Is the word of displeasure.

  The Gospell schawith us,
      A reamedy for it.
    Oure redemptioun,
      Is the word of grace.
      Is the word of conforte.
      Is the word of peace.


  The Law sayith,
    Paye thy debt,
    Thow art a synnar desparat.
    And thow shalt die.

  The Gospell sayith,
    Christ hath payed it.
    Thy synnes ar forgevin thee.
    Be of good conforte, thow shalt be saved.

  The Law sayith,
    Mack a mendis for thy synne.
    The Father of Heaven is wraith wyth thee.
    Quhair is thy rychteousnes, goodnes, and satisfactioun?
    Thou art bound and obligat unto me, [to] the devill, and [to] hell.

  The Gospell sayith,
    Christ hath maid it for thee.
    Christ hath pacefeid him with his blood.
    Christ is thy rychteousnes, thy goodnes, and satisfactioun
    Christ hath delivered thee from thame all.

                     [THE DOCTRINE] OFF FAITH.

Faith is to beleve God; "lyck as Abraham beleved God, and it was compted
unto him for rychteousnes." (Gen. 15.)--"He that beleved God, beleved
his word." (Joan. 5.)--To beleve in him, is to beleve his word, and
accompt it trew that he speikith. He that belevith not Goddis word,
beleveth not him self. He that belevith nott Goddis word, he compteth
him fals, and ane lyar, and beleveth not that he may and will fulfill
his word; and so he denyeth both the myght of God and him self.

IX. Faith is the gift of God.--"Everie good thing is the gift of God."
(Jacob. 1.)--Fayth is good.--Ergo, faith is the gift of God.

X. [Faith is not in our power.]--The gift of God is not in oure
power.--"Faith is the gift of God."--Ergo, fayth is not in oure power.

XI. [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.]--"Without faith it is
impossible to please God." (Hebr. 11.)--All that cummith nott of fayth,
is synne; for without faith can no man please God.--Besydis, that he
that lacketh faith, he trusteth nott God. He that trusteth not God,
trusteth nott in his wourd. He that trusteth not in his wourd, hauldeth
him self fals, and a liear. He that haldeth him self false and a lyer,
he belevith not that he may doo that he promeseth, and so denyeth he
that he is God. And how can a man, being of this fassioun, please him?
No maner of way. Yea, suppoise he did all the werkis of man and angell.

XII. All that is done in fayth, pleaseth God.--"Richt is the wourde of
God, and all his werkis in faith." "Lord, thine eis look to faith." That
is asmuch to saye as, Lord, thow delitest in fayth. God loveth him that
belevith in him. How cane thei then displease him?

XIII. He that hath the faith, is just and good.--And a good trie
bringeth furth good fruite.--Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth

XIV. [He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease
him.]--Moreovir, he that hath the faith belevith God.--He that belevith
God, belevith his worde. He that belevith his word, woteth weall that he
is trew and faithfull, and may nott lie: But knowith weall that he may
and will boith fulfill his word. How can he then displease him? For thow
canst not do ane greattar honor unto God, then to count him trew. Thow
wilt then say, that thift, murther, adulterie, and all vices, please
God? Nane, verrelie; for thei can not be done in faith: "for a good tree
beareth good frute." He that hath the faith, woteth weall that he
pleaseth God; for all that is done in fayth pleaseth God. (Hebr. 11.)

XV. Faith is a suirness.--"Faith is a suir confidence of thingis quhilk
ar hoped for, and a certantie of thinges which ar not sene." (Hebr.
11.)--"The same spreit certifieth our spreit that we are the children of
God." (Rom. 8.)--Moirovir, he that hath the faith, woteth weill that
God will fulfill his word.--Ergo, fayth is a suirness.

                  A MAN IS JUSTIFEID BE FAITH.

"Abraham beleveth God, and it was impueted unto him for ryghteousnes."
"We suppose thirfoir that a man is justified (saith the Apostill)
without the workis of law." (Rom. 4.)--"He that workith not, but
belevith in him that justifieth the ungodlie, his faith is compted unto
him for ryghteousnes." "The just man levith by faith." (Abac. 2; Rom.
1.)--"We wote, that a man that is justifeid, is not justifeid be the
workis of the law, but be the faith of Jesus Christ, and not by the
deadis of the law."

                    OF THE FAITH OF CHRIST

The faith of Christ is, to beleve in him; that is, to beleve his wourd,
and to beleve that he will helpe thee in all thy neid, and deliver thee
frome evill. Thow wilt ask me, What word? I answer, The Gospell. "He
that beleveth on Christ shalbe saved." "He that belevith the Sone hath
eternall lyif." "Verrelie, verrelie, I say unto yow, he that belevith on
me hath everlasting lyif." (Joan. 6.)--"This I wret unto yow, that
beleving in the name of the Sone of God, ye may know that ye have
eternall lyif." (1 Joan. 5.)--"Thomas, becaus thow hast sein me thow
belevest; but happie ar thei that have nott sein, and yit beleve in me."
"All the Propheittis to him bare witness, that whosoevir belevith in him
shall have remissioun of thair synnes." (Act. 10.)--"What must I do that
I may be saved?" The Apostill answerid, "Beleve in the Lord Jesus
Christ, and thow shalt be saved." "Yf thow acknowledge wyth the mouth,
that Jesus is the Lord, and beleve in thyn harte that God raissed him up
from the death, thow shalt be save." (Rom. 10.)--"He that beleveth not
in Christ shalbe condemned." "He that beleveth nott the Sone shall
never see lyif; but the ire of God abydith upoun him." (Joan. 3.)--"The
Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of synne, becaus thei beleve not in
me." "Thei that beleve in Jesus Christ ar the sones of God." Ye ar all
the sones of God, because ye beleve in Jesus Christ.

He that belevith in Christ the Sone of God is save. (Galat. 3.)--"Petir
said, Thow art Christ, the Sone of the leving God. Jesus ansuered and
said unto him, Happie arte thow, Symon, the sone of Jonas; for flesch
and blood hath nott oppened unto thee that, bot my Father which is in
heavin." (Matth. 16.)--"We have beloved and knowin that thow arte Christ
the Sone of the leving God." "I beleve that thow arte Christ the Sone of
the leving God, which should come into the warld." "These thingis ar
written that ye mycht beleve that Jesus Christ is the Sone of God, and
that in beleving ye mycht have lyef. I beleve that Jesus is the Sone of
the leving God." (Joan. 9.)

XVI. He that belevith God, belevith the Gospell.--He that belevith God,
belevith his Word:--And the Gospell is his Word. Thairfoir he that
belevith God, belevith his Gospell. As Christ is the Saviour of the
world, Christ is our Saviour. Christ bought us with his bloode. Christ
woushe us with his blood. Christ offerred him self for us. Christ baire
oure synnes upoun his back.

XVII. He that belevith nott the Gospell, belevith not God.--He that
belevith not Goddis Word belevith nott him self:--And the Gospell is
Goddis Word.--Ergo, he that belevith nott the Gospell belevith nott God
him self; and consequentlie thei that beleve nott as is above written,
and such other, beleve not God.

XVIII. He that belevith the Gospell, shalbe saved.--"Go ye into all the
world and preach the Gospell unto everie creature: he that belevith and
is baptised shalbe saved; bot he that belevith not shalbe condemned."


  Faith is the root of all good:--
    Makith God and man freindis.
    Bringith God and man to gither.

  Incredulitie is the root of all evill:--
    Makith thame deidlie foes.
    Bringith thame syndrie.

  All that proceidis frome Faith pleaseth God.
  All that proceidith from Incredulitie displeaseth God.

  Faith only maketh a man good and rychteouse.
  Incredulitie maketh him injust and evill.

  Faith only maketh a man,
    The member of Christ;
    The inheritour of heavin;
    The servand of God.
  Faith schewith God to be a sweit Father.
  Fayth hauldith styff be the Word of God: Countith God to be trew.
  Faith knowith God: Lovith God and his nychtboure.
  Faith only savith: Extolleth God and his werkis.

  Incredulitie maketh him,
    The member of the devill;
    The inheritour of hell;
    The servand of the devill.
  Incredulitie maketh God a terrible Judge: It causeth man wandir heir and
thair: Maketh him fals and a liear.
  Incredulitie knoweth him nott.
  Incredulitie lovith nether God nor nychtbour: Onlie condemneth:
Extolleth flesche and hir awin deidis.

                               OFF HOPE.

Hope is a trustie looking for of thingis that ar promesed to come unto
us: as we hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promesed unto all
that beleve on him. We should putt our hoipe and trust in God onlie, and
no other thing. "It is good to trust in God, and nott in man." "He that
trustith in his awin harte, he is a fuill." "It is good to trust in God,
and not in princes." (Psal. 117.)--"Thei shal be lyik unto images that
mack thame, and all that trust in thame." He that trusteth in his awin
thoughts doeth ungodlie. "Curssed be he that trustith in man." "Bidd the
rich men of this warld, that thei trust nott in thair unstable riches,
but that thei trust in the leving God." "It is hard for them that trust
in money to enter in the kingdome of God." Moirovir, we should trust in
him onelie, that may help us [God onlie can help us.]--Ergo, we should
trust in him onelie. Weill is thame that trust in God: and wo to thame
that trust him nott. "Weill is the man that trustis in God; for God
shalbe his trust." He that trusteth in him shall understand the trewth.
"Thei shall all rejoyse that trust in thee: thei shall all evir be
glaid; and thow wilt defend thame."

                              OFF CHARITIE.

Charitie is the love of thy nychtboure. The rewll of charitie is to doo
as thow woldest wer done unto thee: for charitie esteameth all
alyke;[66] the riche and the poore; the friend and the foe; the
thankfull and the unthankfull; the kynnesman and stranger.


  Faith commeth of the wourd of God: Hope commeth of
faith; and Charitie springis of thame boith.

  Faith belevis the word: Hope trustith eftir that which is
promessed be the wourd: and Charitie doith good unto hir
nychtbour, throw the love that sche hath to God, and glaidnes
that is within hir selve.

  Faith looketh to God and his worde: Hope lookith unto
his gift and reward: Charitie lookith unto hir nychtbouris

  Faith receavith God: Hoipe receaveth his reward: Charitie
lookith to hir nychtbour wyth a glaid hart, and that without
any respect of reward.

  Faith perteaneth to God onelie: Hope to his reward, and
Charitie to hir nychtbour.

                   [THE DOCTRINE] OF GOOD WORKIS.

No maner of werkis mack us rychteouse.--"We beleve that a man shalbe
justifeid without werkis." (Galat. 3.)--"No man is justifeid be the
deidis of the law; but be the faith of Jesus Christ. And we beleve in
Jesus Christ, that we may be justifeid be the faith of Christ, and nott
be the deidis of the law. Yf rychteousnes came be the law, then Christ
deid in vane." That no man is justifeid be the law, it is manifest: for
a rychteouse man levith by his faith; but the law is nott of faith.
Moirovir, since Christ, the makar of heavin and earth, and all that
thair in is, behoved to die for us; we ar compelled to grant, that we
wer so far drowned in synne, that nether our deidis, nor all the
treasouris that ever God maid, or might maik, might have help us out of
thame: Ergo, no deidis nor werkis maie mack us rychteouse.

No werkis mak us unrychteouse.--For yf any werke maid us unrychteouse,
then the contrarie werkis wold maik us rychteouse. Butt it is provin,
that no werkis can maik us righteouse: Ergo, no werkis maik us


It is proven, that werkis nether maik us rychteouse nor unrychteouse:
Ergo, no werkis nether maik us good nor evill. For rychteouse and good
ar one thing, and unrighteouse and evill, one. Good werkis maik not ane
good man, nor evill werkis ane evill man: But a good man makith good
werkis, and ane evill man evill werkis. Good fruct makith not the tree
good, nor evill fruict the tree evill: But a good tree bearith good
fruict, and ane evill tree evill fruict. A good man can not do evill
werkis, nor ane evill man good werkis; for ane evill tree can not beare
good fruct, nor ane good tree evill fruct. A man is good befoir he do
good werkis, and ane evill man is evill before he do evill werkis; for
the tree is good befoir it bear good fruict, and evill befoir it beir
evill fruct. Everie man is either good or evill. Either maik the tree
good, and the fruct good also, or ellis maik the tree evill, and the
fruct lyikwyise evill. Everie manes werkis ar eyther good or evill: for
all fructis ar either good or evill. "Either maik the tree good and the
fruct also, or ellis maik the tree evill and the fruct of it lyikwyise
evill." (Matth. 13.)--A good man is knowin be his werkis; for a good man
doith good werkis, and ane evill, evill werkis. "Ye shall knaw thame be
thair fruct; for ane good tree bringeth furth good fruct, and ane evill
tree evill fruict." (Matth. 7.)--A man is likened to the tree, and his
werkis to the fruct of the trie. "Bewar of the fals propheittis, which
come unto yow in scheippis clothing; but inwardlie thei ar raveening
wolves. Ye shall knaw thame be thair fructis."


It is provin, that no werkis maik us either righteouse or unryghteouse,
good nor evill: but first we are good befoir that we do good werkis, and
evill befoir we do evill warkis: Ergo, no werk neither save us nor
condempne us. Thow wilt say then, Makith it no mater what we do? I
answer thee, Yes; for yf thow dost evill, it is a suir argument that
thow art evill, and wantest faith. Yf thow do good, it is ane argument
that thow art good and hast faith; for a good tree bearith good fruct,
and an evill tree evill fruct. Yit good fruct maketh nott the tree good,
nor evill fruct the tree evill. So that man is good befoir he do good
werkis, and evill befoir he do evill werkis.

The man is the tree: the werkis ar the fruct. Faith maekith the good
tree: Incredulitie the evill tree. Such a tree, such a fruct: such man,
such warkis. For all that is done in faith pleasith God, and ar gud
werkis; and all that is done without faith displeaseth God, and ar evill
workis. Quhosoevir thinketh to be saved by his werkis, denyeth Christ is
oure Saviour, that Christ deid for him, and, fynallie, all thing that
belongeth to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour, yf thow mychtest save
thy self by thy werkis? Or to what end should he have deid for thee, yf
any werkis of thine might have saved thee? What is this to say, Christ
deid for thee? It is nott that thow shouldest have deid perpetuallie,
and that Christ, to deliver thee frome death, deid for thee, and changed
thy perpetuall death in his awin death. For thow madest the falt, and he
suffered the pane, and that for the luif he had to thee, befoir ever
thow wast borne, when thow haddest done neither good nor evill. Now,
since he hath payed thy debt, thow deist nott: no, thow canst nott, bot
shouldest have bene damned, yf his death war not.[67] Bot since he was
punished for thee, thow shalt not be punished. Fynallie, he hath
delivered thee from thye condemnatioun, and desyrith nought of thee,
but that thow shouldest acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear
it in mynd; and that thow woldest helpe other for his saik, boith in
worde and deid, evin as he hath helped thee for nought, and without
reward. O how ready would we be to help otheris, yf we knew his goodnes
and gentilnes towardis us! He is a good and a gentill Lord, and he doith
all thingis for nought. Let us, I beseich yow, follow his footsteps,
whome all the world ought to prayse and wirschep. Amen.


For he callith him self a Saviour, which aparteaneth to Christ onlie.
What is a Saviour, butt he that savith? And thow sayist, I save my self;
which is asmuch to say as, I am Christ; for Christ is onlie the Saviour
of the world.

We should do no good werkis, for that intent to get the inheritance of
heavin, or remissioun of synnes throw thame. For whosoevir belevith to
gett the inheritance of heavin or remissioun of synnes, throw werkis, he
belevith nott to gett that for Christis saik. And thei that beleve not,
that thair synnes ar forgeivin thame, and that thei sal be saved for
Christis saik, thei beleve not the Gospell; for the Gospell sayith, Yow
sal be saved for Christis saik: synnes ar forgevin yow, for Christis

He that belevith not the Gospell, belevith not God. And consequentlie,
thei which beleve to be saved be thair werkis, or to gett remissioun of
synnes be thair awin deidis, beleve not God, bot raccompt him a liear,
and so utterlie denye him to be God. Thow wilt say, Shall we then do no
good werkis? I say not so, but I say, We should do no good werkis for
that intent to gett the kingdome of heavin, or remissioun of synnes. For
yf we beleve to gett the inheritance of heavin throw good werkis, then
we beleve nott to gett it throw the promesse of God. Or, yf we think to
gett remissioun of our synnes, as said is, we beleve nott that thei ar
forgevin us by Christ, and so we compt God a liear. For God sayith, Thow
shalt have the inheritance of heavin for my Sonnes saik. Yow say, It is
nott so; but I will wynne it throw my awin werkis. So, I condempne not
good werkis; but I condempne the fals trust in any werkis; for all the
werkis that a man putteth confidence in, are thairwyth intoxicat or
empoisoned, and become evill. Quhairfoir, do good werkis; but be war
thow do thame to gett any good throw thame; for yf thow do, thow
receavest the good, not as the gift of God, bott as debte unto thee, and
maikest thy self fellow with God, becaus thow wilt tack no thing from
him for nought. What nedith he any thing of thyne, who gevith all thing,
and is not the poorare? Thairfoir do nothing to him, but tack of him;
for he is ane gentill Lord, and with, a glaidar harte will geve us all
thingis that we neid, than we taik it of him. So that yf we want any
thing, lett us witt our selfis. Prease not then to the inheritance of
heavin, throwght presumptioun of thy good werkis; for yf thow do, thow
comptest thy selve holy and equall unto him, becaus thow wilt tack
nothing of him for nowght; and so salt thow fall as Lucifer fell from
heavin for his pride.

Thus endis the said Maistir Patrikis Articles.[68] And so we returne to


When those cruell wolves had, as thei supposed, cleane devored the pray,
thei fynd thame selfis in warse caise then thei war befoir; for then
within Sanctandrose, yea, almost within the hole realme, (who heard of
that fact,) thair was none found who begane not to inquyre, Whairfoir
was Maistir Patrik Hammyltoun brunt? And when his Articles war rehersed,
questioun was holden, yf such Articles war necessarie to be beleved
under the pane of damnatioun. And so within schort space many begane to
call in dowbt that which befoir thei held for a certane veritie, in so
much that the Universitie of Sanctandrose, and Sanct Leonardis Colledge
principallie, by the labouris of Maistir Gawin Logy,[69] and the
novises[70] of the Abbay, by the Suppriour,[71] begane to smell somwhat
of the veritie, and to espy the vanitie of the receaved superstitioun.
Yea, within few yearis eftir, begane baith Black and Gray Frearis
publictlie to preache against the pride and idile lief of Bischoppis,
and against the abuses of the whole ecclesiasticall estaite. Amongis
whome was one called Frear Williame Arth,[72] who, in a sermone preached
in Dundye, spak somwhat moir liberallie against the licentious lyifes of
the Bischoppis nor thei could weall beair. He spaik farther against the
abuse of curssing and of miracles. The Bischop of Brechin,[73] having
his placeboes and jackmen in the toun, buffatted the Freir, and called
him Heretick. The Freir, impatient of the injury receaved, past to
Sanctandrose, and did communicat the headis of his sermone with Maister
Johnne Mair,[74] whose wourd then was holden as ane oracle, in materis
of religioun; and being assured of him, that such doctrin mycht weall be
defendid, and that he wald defend it, for it conteaned no heresye; thair
was ane day appointed to the said Frear, to maik repetitioun of the sam
sermon; and advertisment was gevin to all such as war offended att the
formar to be present. And so, in the parishe kirk of Sanctandrose, upoun
the day appointed, appeared the said Frear, and had amonges his
auditouris Maistir Johnne Mair, Maistir George Lockart,[75] the Abbot of
Cambuskynneth,[76] Maistir Patrik Hepburne the Priour of
Sanctandrose,[77] with all the Doctouris and Maistires of the
Universities. The theame of his sermone was, "Veritie is the strongest
of all thingis." His discourse of Curssing was, "That yf it war rychtlie
used, it was the moist fearfull thing upoun the face of the earth; for
it was the verray separatioun of man frome God: but that it should nott
be used rashlie, and for everie light cause, but onlie against open and
incorrigible synnaris. But now, (said he,) the avarice of preastis, and
the ignorance of thair office, has caused it altogitther to be
vilipended;[78] for the preast, (said he,) whose dewitie and office is
to pray for the people, standis up on Sounday, and cryes, 'Ane hes tynt
a spurtill. Thair is ane flaill stollin from thame beyound the burne.
The goodwyiff of the other syd of the gait hes tynt a horne spune.
Goddis maleson and myne I geve to thame that knowis of this geyre, and
restoris it not.'"--How the people mocked thair curssing, he ferther
told a meary tale; how, after a sermoun that he had maid at Dumfermling,
he came to a house whair gossoppis was drynking thair Soundayis penny,
and he, being dry, asked drynk. "Yis, Father, (said ane of the
gossoppes,) ye shall haif drynk; bot ye mon first resolve ane doubt
which is rissen amongis us, to witt, What servand will serve a man beast
on least expenssis." "The good Angell, (said I,) who is manis keapar,
who maikis great service without expenssis." "Tush, (said the gossope,)
we meane no so heigh materis: we meane, What honest man will do greatest
service for least expensses?" And whill I was musing, (said the Frear,)
what that should meane, he said, "I see, Father, that the greatest
clerkis ar nott the wysest men. Know ye not how the Bischoppis and thair
officiallis servis us husband men? Will thei not give to us a lettir of
Curssing for a plack, to laste for a year, to curse all that looke ower
our dick [dyke]? and that keapis our corne better nor the sleaping boy,
that will have three schillingis of fye, a sark, and payre of schone in
the year. And thairfoir, yf thair curssing dow any thing, we held the
Bischoppis beast chaip servandis, in that behalf, that ar within the
realme." As concernyng miracles, he declaired, what diligence the
ancientis took to try trew miracles frome false. "But now, (said he,)
the greadynes of preastis not onlie receave false miracles, bot also
thei cherise and feis knaiffis for that purpoise, that thair chapellis
may be the better renouned, and thair offerand may be augmented. And
thairupoun ar many chapelles founded, as that our Lady war mychttiar,
and that sche took more pleasour in one plaice then in ane uther; as of
laite dayis our Lady of Karsgreng hes hopped fra ane grene hillock to
ane uther. But honest men of Sanctandrose, (said he,) yf ye luif your
wyffis and your doughtaris, hald thame at hame, or ellis send thame in
honest companye; for yf ye knew what miracles war kithed thaire, ye wold
neyther thank God nor our Lady." And thus he mearelie tanted thare
trystis of hurdome and adulterye used at such devotioun.

Ane uther article was judged more hard; for he alledged the commoun
law,[79] That the Civyle Magistrate mycht correct the Churchmen,[80] and
deprive thame of thaire benefices, for oppin vices.

Ane uther day, the same Frear maid ane uther sermoun of the Abbote [of]
Unreassone,[81] unto whome and whose lawis he compared the prelattis of
that age; for thei war subdewid to no lawis, no moir then was the Abbote
[of] Unreassoun. And amonges uther thingis he told such a meary bourd.
"Thare was (said he) a Prelatt, or at least a Prelattis peir, a trew
servand to the King of luif, who, upoun a nycht after suppar, asked at
his gentillmen, be the fayth that thei awght to the king of luif, that
thei should trewlie declare how many syndrie wemen everie ane of thame
had haid, and how many of thame war menis wyffis. Ane answered, He had
lyne with fyve, and two of thame war maryed. The other answered, I have
haid sevin, and three of thame ar maryed. It came at last to my Lord
him self, who macking it veray nyce for a lytill space, gave in the end
ane plain confessioun, and said, 'I am the yongest man, and yitt have I
haid the round desone; and sevin of thame ar menis wyffis.' Now, (said
the Frear,) this god and king of luif, to whome our Prelaittis maikis
homage, is the maistir devill of hell, from whome such werkis and
fruitis doo procead." This Prelatt was knowin by his proper tockenes to
have bene Priour Patrik Hepburne,[82] now Bischop of Murray, who to this
day hes continewed in the professioun that he anes maid to his god and
king of luif.[83]

It was supposed, notwithstanding this kynd of preaching, that this Frear
remaned papist in his heart; for the rest of the Frearis, fearing to
losse the benedictioun of the Bischoppes, to witt, thair malt and thair
maill, and thair other appoineted pensioun, cawsed the said Frear to
flye to England, whair, for defence of the Paipe and Paipistrie, his was
cast in preasone[84] at King Hary his commandiment. But so it pleasith
God to open up the mouth of Baalames awin asse, to cry out againest the
vitious lyves of the clergie of that aige. Schorte after this, new
consultatioun was tackin, that some should be brunt; for men began
verray liberallie to speak. A meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay,
famylliar to Bisehope James Betoun, standing by when consultatioun was
had, said, "My Lord, yf ye burne any mo, except ye follow my counsall,
ye will utterlye destroy your selves. Yf ye will burne thame, lett thame
be brunt in how sellarris; for the reik of Maister Patrik Hammyltoun hes
infected as many as it blew upoun."[85] Thus it pleased God, that thei
should be tanted in thair awin face. But hear followis the moist meary
of all. Sandie Furrour, who had bene empreasoned sevin yearis in the
Toure of Londone, Sir Johnne Dignwaill,[86] according to the cheritie of
Churche men,[87] enterteneid his wyiff, and waisted the poore manes
substance. For the which caus, at his returnyng, he spaik more
liberallie of preastis then thei could bear, and so was he declaired[88]
to be accused of heresye, and called to his ansuer to Sanctandrose. He
lapp up mearely upoun the scaffold, and, casting a gawmound, said,
"Whair ar the rest of the playaris?" Maistir Audro Olephant,[89]
offended thairwyth, said, "It shalbe no play to yow, Sir, befoir that ye
depart." And so began to read his accusatioun. The first article whareof
was, That he dispyssed the Messe. His ansuer was, "I hear mo Messis in
awght dayis, then thre Bischoppis thair sitting sayis in a year."
Accused secoundarly, Of contemptioun of the sacramentis. "The preastis,
(said he,) war the maist commoun contempnaris of sacramentis, and
especiallie of matrimonye," and that he witnessed by any of the preastis
thare present, and named the menis wyffis with whome thei had medled,
and especiallie Sir Johnne Dignwaill, who had sevin yearis togitther
abused his awin wyff and consumed his substance; and said, "Becaus I
complayne of such injuries, I am hear summoned, and accused, as one that
is worthy to be brunt. For Goddis saik, (said he,) wil ye taick wyeffis
of your awin, that I and utheris, whose wyiffis ye have abused, may be
revenged upoun yow." Then Bisehope Gawin Dumbar,[90] named the Old
Bischop of Abirdein, thinking to justifye him self befoir the people,
said, "Carll, thow shalt not know my wyff." The said Alexander ansuered,
"My Lord, ye ar too old; bot, with the grace of God, I shall drynk with
your dochtter or I departe." And thareat was smylling of the best, and
lowd laughtter of some; for the Bisehop had a dowghter maryed with Andro
Balfour[91] in that same toune. Then the Bischoppis bad, "Away with the
earll." But he ansured, "Nay; I will not departe this houre; for I have
more to speak against the vices of preastis, then I cane expresse this
haill[92] day." And so, after diverse purposes, thei commanded him to
burne his bill. And he demanding the caus, thei said, "Becaus ye have
spoken these articles whairof ye ar accused." His ansuer was, "The
mekill devill bear thame away, that first and last said thame." And so
he tack the bill, and chowing it, hee after spatt it in Mr. Andro
Oliphantis face, saying, "Now burne it or drune it, whitther ye will: ye
heir na mair of me. Butt I man have somewhat of everie ane of yow to
begyn my pack agane, which a preast and my wyif, a preastis hoore, hes
spentt." And so everie prelate and riche preast, glaid to be qwyte of
his evill, gave him somwhat; and so departed hie, for he understood
nothing of religioun.

But so fearfull it was then to speak any thing against preastis, that
the least word spokin against thame, yea, albeit it was spokin in a
manes sleip, was judged heresye; and that was practised upoun Richart
Carmichaell, yet leving in Fyfe,[93] who being young, and ane singar in
the Chapell Royal of Striveling, happened in his sleepe to say, "The
devill tak away the preastis, for thei ar a gready pack." Hie,
thairfor, accused be Sir George Clappertoun, Deane[94] of the said
Chapell, was compelled tharefore to burne his bill.

But God schort after raised up against thame strongar campionis. For
Alexander Setoun,[95] a Blak Frear, of good learning and estimatioun,
began to tax the corrupt doctrin of the Papistrye. For the space of a
hole Lentran,[96] he tawght the commandimentis of God onlye, ever
beatting in the earis of his auditouris, That the law of God had of many
yearis not bein trewlie tawght; for menis traditionis had obscured the
puritie of it. These war his accustomed propositionis: First, Christ
Jesus is the end and perfectioun of the law. 2. Thair is no syne quhair
Goddis law is not violated. 3. To satisfie for syne lyes not in manis
power, but the remissioun thairof cumis by unfeaned reapentance, and by
faith apprehending God the Father mercifull in Christ Jesus, his sone.
Whill often tymes he puttis his auditouris in mynd of thir and the lyik
headis, and maikis no mentioun of purgatorye, pardones, pilgramage,
prayer to sanctes, nor such trifillis, the dum Doctouris, and the rest
of that forsworne rable, begane to suspect him; and yitt said thei
nothing publictlie, till Lentrain[97] was ended, and he passed to
Dundie. And then, in his absence, ane hired for that purpose openlie
damned the hole doctrin[98] that befoir he had tawght. Which cuming to
the earis of the said Frear Alexander, then being in Dundye, without
delay he returned to Sanctandrose, caused immediatlie to jow the bell,
and to give significatioun that he wald preach; as that he did in deid.
In the which sermon he affirmed, (and that more plainlie then at any
uther tyme,) whatsoever in all his hole sermones hie had tawght befoir
the haill Lentrantyde preceding;[99] adding, that within Scotland thair
was no trew Bischoppe, yf that Bischoppes should be knawin by such notes
and vertewis, as Sanct Paule requyres in Bischoppis. This delatioun flew
with wyngis to the Bischoppis earis, who, butt farther delay, send for
the said Frear Alexander, who began greveouslie to complayne, and
sharplye to accuse, that he had so sclanderouslie spokin of the dignitie
of the Bischoppes, as to say, "That it behoved a Bischope to be a
preachear, or ellis he was but a dume dogg, and fed not the flock, but
fed his awin bellye." The man being witty, and mynded of that which was
his most assured defence, said, "My Lord, the reaportaris of such
thingis ar manifest lyearis." Whareat the Bischope[100] rejosed, and
said, "Your ansour pleasses me weall: I never could think of yow, that
ye wold be so foolische as to affirme such thingis. Whare ar thei
knaiffis that have brought me this tale?" Who compearing, and affirmyng
the same that thei did befoir, hie still replyed, That thei ware
leyaris. But whill the witnesses war multiplyed, and men war browght to
attentioun, he turned him to the Bischope, and said, "My Lord, ye may
see[101] and considder what caris these asses have, who cane nott
discerne betuix Paull, Isai, Zacharie, and Malachie and Frear Alexander
Setoun. In verray deid, My Lord, I said that Paule sayis, 'It behoveth a
Bischop to be ane teichear.' Isai sayith, 'That thei that feid nott the
flock ar dum doggis.' And Zacharie sayeth, 'Thei ar idoll pastouris.' I
of my awin head affirmed nothing, butt declared what the Spreitt of God
had befoir pronunced; at whome, my Lord, yf ye be nott offended, justly
ye cane nott be offended at me. And so yit agane, my Lord, I say, that
thei ar manifest leyaris that reported unto yow, that I said, That ye
and utheris that preach nott ar no Bischoppis, but belly Goddis."

Albeit after that, the Bischope was heightly offended, asweill at the
skwff[102] and bitter mock, as at the bold libertie of that learned man;
yitt durst he nott hasard for that present to execute his malice
conceaved; for nott onlye feared he the learnyng and bold spreit of the
man, bot also the favour that he had, alsweall of the people, as of the
Prince, King James the Fyft, of whome he had good credite; for he was at
that tyme his Confessour, and had exhorted him to the feare of God, to
the meditatioun of Goddis law, and unto puritie of lyiff. Butt the said
Bischope, with his complices, foirseing what danger mycht cume to thair
Estaite, yf such familiaritie should continew betuix the Prince and a
man so learned, and so repugnyng to thair affectionis, laubored by all
meanes to mack the said Frear Alexander odiouse unto the Kingis Grace,
and easely fand the meanes by the Gray Frearis, (who by thare
hypochrisye deceaved many,) to traduce the innocent as ane heretyk. This
accusatioun was easely receaved and more easelye beleved[103] of the
carnall Prince, who altogitther was gevin to the filthy loostis of the
fleshe, abhorred all counsall that repugned thairto. And becaus he did
remember what a terrour the admonitionis of the said Alexander was unto
his corrupted conscience, without resistance he subscrived to thair
accusatioun, affirmyng that he knew mair then thei did in that mater;
for he understood weall ynewcht, that he smelled of the new doctrin, by
such thingis as he had schawin to him under confessioun. And tharefoir
he promessed, that he should follow the counsall of the Bischoppes in
punishing of him and of all utheris of that sect. These thingis
understand by the said Alexander, alsweall by informatioun of his
freindis and familliaris, as by the strange contenance of the King unto
him, provydit the nixt way to avoid the fury of a blynded Prince: and
so, in his habite,[104] hie departed the realme,[105] and cuming to
Berwik, wraitt back agane to the Kingis grace his complaint and
admonitioun, the verray tennour and copy whareof followis, and is

     MAIST GRATIOUS AND SOVERING LORD under the Lord and King of all, of
     whome only thy Hienes and Majestie has power and authoritie to
     exercise justice within this thy Realme, under God, who is King and
     Lorde of all realmes, and thy Grace and all mortale Kingis ar bott
     onlye servandis unto that onlie immortall Prince Christ Jesus, etc.
     It is nott (I wate) unknawin to thy gratious[106] Hieness, how
     that thy Grace's umquhill servand and Oratour, (and ever shalbe to
     my lyves end,) is departed out of thy Realme unto the nixt adjacent
     of Ingland. Nochtheless I beleve the causse of my departing is
     unknawin to thy gratious[107] Majestie: quhilk only is, becaus the
     Bischoppis and Kirkmen of thy Realme hes had heirtofoir sick
     authoritie upoun thy subjectis, that appearandly thei war rather
     King, and thow the subject, (quhilk injust regiment is of the selfe
     false, and contrair to holy Scripture and law of God,) than thow
     thair King and maistir, and thei thy subjectis, (quhilk is verray
     trew, and testifiet expreasslie be the Word of God.) And also,
     becaus thei will give no man of onye degree or staite (whome thei
     oft falslie call Heretykis) audience, tyme, nor place to speak and
     have defence; quhilk is aganist all law, boith the Ald law, called
     the Law of Moses, and the New law of the Evangell. So that, gif I
     mycht have had audience and place to speak, and have schawin my
     just defence, conforme to the law of God, I should never have fled
     to any uther realme, suppose it should haif cost me my lyiff. Bot
     becaus I beleved that I should haif haid no audience nor place to
     answer, (thei ar so great with thy Grace,) I departed, not
     dowttand, bott moved of God, unto ane bettire tyme that God
     illuminate thy Grace's eyn, to give everie man audience (as thow
     should and may, and is bound of the law of God,) who ar accused to
     the death. And to certifie thy Hienes that thir ar no vane wordis,
     bot of dead and effect, heir I offer me to thy Grace to come in thy
     realme agane, so that thy Grace will give me audience, and hear
     what I have for me of the law of God: and caus ony Bischope or
     Abbot, Frear or Secular, quhilk is maist cuning, (some of thame
     cane not read thair matynes who ar maid judgeis in heresye!) to
     impugne me be the law of God; and give my parte be found wrang,
     thy Grace being present and judge, I refuse no pane worthie or
     condigne for my falt. And give that I convict thame by the lawe of
     God, and that thei have nothing to lay to my charge, bot the law of
     man, and thair awin inventionis to uphald thair vane glorie and
     prydfull lyif, and dalye scorgeing of thy poore liegis; I reporte
     me to thy Grace, as judge, Whither he hes the victorye that haldis
     him at the law of God, quhilk cane not faill nor be false, or thei
     that haldis thame at the law of man, quhilk is rycht oft plane
     contrarie and aganis the law of God, and thairfoir of necessitie
     fals, and full of lesingis? for all thing that is contrarie to the
     veritie, (quhilk is Christ and his law,) is of necessitie ane

     And to witnes that this cumis of all my harte, I shall remane in
     Berwik whill I gett thy Grace's answer, and shall without faill
     returne, haveing thy hand wreitt that I may haif audience, and
     place to speak. No more I desyre of thee; whaireof gif I had bene
     suire, I should never have departed. And that thow may know the
     treuth thairof, gif feare of the justness of my cause, or dredour
     of persequutioun for the same, had moved me to departe, I wold not
     so pleasandlie reverte: only distrust thairfoir was the caus of my
     departing. Pardone me to say that quhilk lyes to thy Grace's
     charge. Thow arte bound by the law of God, (suppoise thei falslie
     lye, saying it perteanes nott to thy Grace till intromett wyth sic
     materis,) to caus everie man, in any case, accused of his lyef, to
     have his just defence, and his accusaris produceit conforme to
     thair awin law. Thei blynd thy Grace's eyn, that knawis nothing of
     thair law: bot gif I prove nocht this out of thair awin law, I
     offer me to the death. Thy Grace, thairfoir, by experience may daly
     learne, (seing thei nether fear the King of Heavin, as thair lyves
     testiffis, neyther thee thair naturall Prince, as thare usurped
     power in thy actionis schawis,) why thy Hienes should lye no langar
     blindit. Thow may considder, that thei pretend nothing ellis bot
     only the mantenance and uphald of thair bardit mullis,[108]
     augmenting of thare insatiable avarice, and continewall doune
     thringing and swallowing up thy poore lieges; nether preaching nor
     teaching out of the law of God, (as thei should,) to the rude,
     ignorant people, bot ay contending wha may be maist hie, maist
     riche, and nerrest thy Grace, to putt the temporall Lordis and
     liegis out of thy counsall[109] and favour, who should be, and ar,
     maist tendir servandis to thy Grace in all tyme of neid, to the
     defence of thee and thy croune.

     And whare thei desyre thy Grace to putt at thy temporale Lordis and
     liegis, because thei dispise thair vitiouse lyif, what ellis intend
     thei bot only thy death and destructioun? as thow may easilie
     perceave, suppoise thei cullour thair false intent and mynd, with
     the persute of heresye. For when thy baronis ar putt doun, what
     arte thow bot the King of Bane?[110] and then of necessitie man be
     guydit be thame: and thare, (no doubt,) whare ane blynd man is
     guyd, mon be ane fall in the myre. Thairfoir lett thy Grace tack
     hardiment and authoritie, quhilk thow hes of God, and suffer nott
     thair crewell persecutioun to procead, without audience geving to
     him that is accused, and just place of defence. And then, (no
     dowbt,) thow shall haif thy liegis hartis, and all that thei cane
     or may doo in tyme of neid; tranquillitie, justice, and policie in
     thy realme, and finallie, the kingdom of the heavins. Please to gar
     have this, or the copy, to the clergy and kirkmen, and keap the
     principale, and thy Grace shall have experience gif I go aganis ane
     worde that I haif hecht. I shall daylie maik my hartlie devotioun
     for thy Grace, and for the prosperitie and wealfair of thy body and
     saule. I doubt nott bott thy gratiouse Hienes will gif answere to
     thir presentis unto the presentar of this to thy Hienes. Of Berwik,
     by thy Hienes servand and Oratour.

                             (_Sic subscribitur_,) ALEXANDER SETOUN.

This letter was delivered to the Kingis awin handis, and of many
redd.[111] But what could greatlie[112] admonitionis availl, whare the
pryde and corruptioun of prelattis commanded what thei pleased, and the
flatterie of courteouris fostered the insolent Prince in all impietie.

       *       *       *       *       *

Frome the death of that constant witness of Jesus Christ, Maistir Patrik
Hammyltoun, God disclosing the wickednes of the wicked, as befoir we
have hearde, thare was one Forress of Lynlythqw[113] tacken, who, after
long empreasonment in the Sea toure[114] of Sanctandross, was adjudgeit
to the fyre by the said Bischop James Betoun, and his doctouris, for non
uther cryme but becaus he had ane New Testament in Engliss. Farther of
that history we have nott, except that he deid constantlie, and with
great patience, at Sanctandross. After whose death, the flame of
persecutioun ceassed, till the death of Maistir Normound Gowrlaw, the
space of ten yearis[115] or neyrby; not that thei bloody beastis ceassed
by all meanes to suppresse the light of God, and to truble such as in
any sorte war suspected to abhore thair corruptioun; but becaus the
realme was trubled with intestine and civile warres, in the which much
blood was sched; first, at Melrose, betuix the Dowglasse and Baleleweh,
in the yeir of God J^m. V^c. twenty sax, the xviiij day of Julij; nixt,
at Lynlythqw, betuix the Hammyltonis and the Erle of Levenax, whair the
said Erle, with many utheris, lost his lyif, the thretten day of
September, the year foirsaid; and last, betuix the King him self and the
said Dowglasses,[116] whome he banished the realme, and held thame in
exyle during his hole dayis. Be reassone of these, we say, and of other
trubles, the Bischoppis and thair bloody bandis cold not fynd the tyme
so favorable unto thame as thei requyred, to execut thair tyranny.

In this mydd tyme, so did the wisdome of God provide, that Hary the
Eyght, King of England, did abolishe frome his realme the name and
authoritie of the Pape of Rome; suppress the Abbayis, and uther places
of Idolatrie; which geve esperance to diverse realmes, that some godlye
reformatioun should thairof have ensewed. And thairfoir, frome this our
countrey, did diverse learned men, and utheris that leved in fear of
persecutioun, repayre to that realme; whair albeit thei fand not such
puritie as thei wished, (and thairfoir diverse of thame socht other
countreis,) yit thei eschaped the tyranny of merciless men, and war
reserved to better tymes, that thei mycht fructifie within His Church,
in diverse places and partis, and in diverse vocationis. Alexander
Setoun remaned in England, and publictlie, (with great praise and
conforte of many,) tawght the Evangell in all sinceritie certane yearis.
And albeit the craftynes of Wyncester,[117] and of otheris, circumvened
the said Alexander, that thei caused him at Paules Croce to affirme
certane thingis that repugned to his formar trew doctrin;[118] yit it is
no dowbt, but that as God potentlie had rung with him in all his lyiff,
but that also in his death, (which schortlie after followed,) he fand
the mercy of his God, whareupoun he ever exhorted all men to depend.
Alexander Alæsius, Maistir Johnne Fyfe, and that famouse man Doctor
Machabeus, departed unto Duch land,[119] whare by Goddis providence thei
war distributed to severall places.[120] Makdwell, for his singular
prudence,[121] besydis his learnyng and godlynes, was elected borrow
maistir in one of the Steadis.[122] Alesius was appointed to the
Universitie of Lipsia;[123] and so was Maistir Johnne Fyff,[124] whare,
for thare honest behaveour and great cruditioun, thei war halden in
admiratioun with all the godly. And in what honour, credite, and
estimatioun, Doctor Machabeus[125] was with Christianus King of Denmark,
Cawpmanhoven,[126] and famowse men of diverse nationis, cane testifie.
Thus did God provid for his servandis, and did frustrat the expectatioun
of these bloody beastis, who by the death of one, in whome the lyght of
God did clearly schyne, intended to have suppressed Christis trewth for
ever within this realme. But the contrary had God decryed; for his death
was the cause, (as said is,) that many did awaik frome the deadly sleape
of ignorance, and so did Jesus Christ, the onlye trew Light, schyne unto
many, for the way-tackin of one. And albeit that these notable men did
never after, (Maistir Johnne Fyfe onlie excepted,) conforte this
countree with thair bodelye presence; yit maid thame fructifie in His
Churche, and raissed thame up lightis out of darkness, to the prase of
his awin mercy, and to the just condempnatioun of thame that then
rewled, to wit, of the King, counsall, and nobilitie, yea of the hole
people, who sufferred such notable personages, without crymes committed,
to be injustlie persecuted, and so exyled. Otheris war after evin so
entraited: but of thame we shall speak in thair awin places.

No soonare gatt the Bischoppis oportunitie, (which alwyise thei sought,)
but so sone renewed thei the battell against Jesus Christ; for the
foirsaid leprouse Bischop, in the year of God J^m. V^c. thretty four,
caused to be summoned Sir Williame Kirk, Adam Dayis, Hendrie Karnes,
Johnne Stewart, indwellaris of Leyth,[127] with diverse otheris, such
as, Maistir Williame Johnestoun,[128] Maister Henry Hendyrson,
schoolmaister of Edinburgh,[129] of whome some compeired in the Abbay
Kirk of Halyrudhouse, and so abjured and publictlie brynt thare
byllis:[130] otheris compeared nott, and tharefoir war exyled. Butt in
judgement war produced two, to wit, David Stratoun,[131] a gentilman,
and Maister Normound Gowrlay,[132] a man of reassonable eruditioun, of
whom we mon schortlye speak. In Maister Normound appeared knawledge,
albeit joyned with weakness. But in David Stratoun, could onlye be
espyed, for the first, a haterent against the pride and avaritiousnes of
the preastis; for the causse of his delatioun was, he had maid to him
self ane fische boit to go to the sea. The Bischop of Murray, (then
being Priour of Sanctandross,[133]) and his factouris, urgeid him for
the teind thairof. His ansuer was, Yf thei wald haif teynd of that which
his servandis wane in the sea, it war but reassoun, that thei should
come and receave it whare his gatt the stock; and so, as was constantlye
affirmed, he caused his servandis cast the tenth fische in the sea
agane. Processe of curssing was led against him, for non payment of
such teindis:[134] which when he contempned, he was delaited to answer
for heresye. It trubled him vehementlie; and thairfoir he begane to
frequent the company of such as war godlie; for befoir he had bene ane
man verry stubburne, and one that dispysed all reading, (cheaflie of
those thingis that war godly;) but miraculouslie, as it war, his
appeared to be changeid; for he delyted in nothing but in reading,
(albeit him self could not reid,) and was ane vehement exhortar of all
men to concord, to qwyetness, and to the contempt of the warld. He
frequented much the company of the Lard of Dun, whome God, in those
dayis, had marvelouslie illuminated. Upoun a day, as the Lard of
Lowristoun,[135] that yit lyveth, then being ane young man, was reading
unto him upoun the New Testament, in ane certane qwyet place in the
feildis, as God had appointed, he chaunced to read these sentenceis of
our Maistir, Jesus Christ: "He that denyis me befoir men, or is eschamed
of me in the myddest of this wicked generatioun, I will deny him in the
presence of my Father, and befoir his angellis." At which wordis, he
suddandlie being as one ravissed, platt him self[136] upoun his knees,
and extending baith handis and visage constantlie to the heavin a
reassonable tyme, at lenth he burst furth in these wourdis, "O Lorde, I
have bene wicked, and justlie may thow extract thy grace from me. But,
Lord, for thy mercyis saik, lett me never deny thee, nor thy trewth, for
fear of death or corporall pane." The ischew declaired that his prayer
was not vane: for when he, with the foirsaid Maistir Normound, was
produceid in judgement in the Abbey of Halyrudhouse, the King him self,
(all cled in redd,) being present, great laubouris war maid, that the
said David Stratoun should have recanteid, and brunt his bill. But he
ever standing at his defence, alledgeing that he had not offended, in
the end was adjudgeid unto the fyre; and then, when that he perceaved
the danger, asked grace of the King, (which he wold willinglye have
granted unto him:) The Bischoppes proudly answered, That the Kingis
handis war bound in that case, and that he had no grace to give to such
as by thare law war condempned. And so was he, with the said Maistir
Normond, after dennar, upoun the twentye sevin day of August, the zeir
of God J^m. V^c. thretty four foirsaid, lead to a place besydis the
Roode of Greynsyd;[137] and thair thei two war boyth hanged, and brunt,
according to the mercy of the Papisticall Kirk.[138] To that same dyett
war summoned, as befoir we have said, otheris of whome some eschaiped in
England,[139] and so for that present eschaiped the death.

This thaire tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of God did
wonderouslie increase within this realme, partlie by reading, partlie by
brotherlye conferance, which in those dangerouse dayis was used to the
comforte of many; butt cheaflie by merchantis and marinaris, who,
frequenting other cuntreis, heard the trew doctrin affirmed, and the
vanitie of the Papisticall religioun openlye rebucked: Amongis whome war
Dundy and Leyth principalles, against whome was maid ane verry strayte
inquisitioun, by David Betoun, cruell Cardinall;[140] and diverse war
compelled to abjure and burne thair byllis, some in Sanctandross, and
some at Edinburgh. About the same tyme, Capitane Johnne Borthwik was
brunt in figure, but by Goddis providence eschaiped thair fury.[141] And
this was done, for a spectackle and triumphe to Marie of Loreane,[142]
laitlie arrived fra France, as wyff to James the Fyft, King of Scottis.
What plagues sche brought with hir, and how thei yitt continew, such as
ar nott blynd may manifestlie see.

The raige of those bloody beastis proceadith so that the Kingis Courte
it self eschaipit nott that danger; for in it diverse war suspected,
and some accused. And yitt ever still did some lycht burst out in the
myddis of darknes; for the trewth of Christ Jesus entered evin in the
cloastearis, alsweall of Frearis, as of Monkis and Channounes. Johnne
Lyn, ane Gray freare, left his hipocryticall habite, and the den of
those murtheraris the Gray Frearis. Ane Black freir, called Frear
Kyllour,[143] sett furth the Historye of Christis Passioun in forme of a
play, quhilk he boith preached and practised opinlie in Striveling, the
King him salf being present, upoun a Good Friday in the mornyng: In the
which, all thingis war so levelye expressed, that the verray sempill
people understood and confessed, that as the Preastis and obstinat
Pharisyes persuaded the people to refuise Christ Jesus, and caused Pilat
to condampne him; so did the Bischoppes, and men called Religious, blynd
the people, and perswaid Princes and Judgeis to persecute sick as
professis Jesus Christ his blessed Evangell.

This plane speaking so enflammed the hartes of all that bare the beastis
mark, that thei ceassed nott, till that the said Frear Kyllour, and with
him Frear Beverage, Sir Duncane Symesoun,[144] Robert Froster,[145] ane
gentilman, and Dene Thomas Forret,[146] Channoun Regulare and Vicar of
Dolour, ane man of upright lief, who all togetther war cruelly murthered
in one fyre,[147] the last day of Februar, in the zeir of [God]
1538.[148] This cruelty was used be the said Cardinall, the Chancellar,
Bischope of Glasgw, and the incesteous Bischope of Dumblane.[149]

After that this cruelty was used in Edinburght, upon the Castell Hill,
to the effect that the rest of the Bischoppes mycht schaw thame selfis
no less fervent to suppress the light of God, than hie of Sanctandrose
was, war apprehended two in the Diosey of Glasgw. The one was named
Jeronimus Russall,[150] a Cordyleyr frear, a young man of a meak
nature, qwyk spreat, and good letteris; and one Kennedy,[151] who
passed not xviij yearis of aige, one of excellent injyne in Scotish
poesye. To assist the Bischope of Glasgw in that cruell judgement, or
att least to caus him dippe his handis in the blood of the Sanctes of
God, war send Maister John Lawder,[152] Maister Andro Oliphant,[153] and
Frear Maltman, sergeantis of Sathan,[154] apt for that purpose. The day
appointed to thare crueltie approched, the two poore sanctis of God war
presented befoir those bloody bowcheouris: grevouse war the crymes that
war layed to thare charge. Kennedy at the first was faynt, and glaidly
wald have recanted. But whill that place of reapentance was denyed unto
him, the Spreit of God, which is the Spreit of all conforte, begane to
wyrk into him, yea the inward conforte begane to burst furth, alsweall
in visage, as in tung and wourd; for his countenance begane to be
chearfull, and with a joyfull voce upoun his kneis, hie said, "O eternal
God! how wonderouse is that luf and mercy that thow bearest unto
mankynd, and unto me the moist cative and miserable wrache above all
utheris; for, evin now, when I wold have denyed thee, and thy Sone, our
Lord Jesus Christ, my onlye Saveour, and so have casten my self in
everlesting damnatioun; thow, by thy awin hand, has pulled me frome the
verray bottome of hell, and mackis me to feall that heavinlie conforte
which tackis fra me that ungodly fear, whairwyth befoir I was oppressed.
Now I defy death; do what ye please: I praise my God I am readdy." The
godly and learned Jeronimus, rayled upoun by those godless tyrantes,
ansured, "This is your houre and the power of darknes: now sytt ye as
judgeis; and we stand wrongfullie accused, and more wrongfullie to be
condempned; but the day shall come, when our innocency shall appeare,
and that ye shall see your awin blyndness, to your everlesting
confusioun. Go fordward, and fulfill the measur of your iniquitie."
Whill that these servandis of God thus behaved thame selfis, aryseth a
variance betuix the Bischope and the beastis that came from the
Cardinall; for the Bischope said, "I think it better to spayr these men,
nor to putt thame to death."[155] Wharat the idiot Doctouris offended,
said, "What will yo do, my Lord? Will ye condempne all that my Lord
Cardinall and the other Bischoppes and we have done? Yf so ye do, ye
schaw your self ennemye to the Kirk and us, and so we will reputt yow,
be ye assured." At which wordis, the faythless man effrayed, adjudgeed
the innocentis to dye, according to the desyre of the wicked. The meak
and gentill Jerome Russall conforted the other with many confortable
sentences, oft saying unto him, "Brother, fear nott: more potent is He
that is in us, then is hie that is in the world: The pane that we shall
suffer is schorte, and shalbe lycht; but our joy and consolatioun shall
never have end: And thairfoir lett us contend to enter in unto our
Maister and Saveour, by the same strait way, which he has traidd[156]
befoir us. Death cane not destroy us; for it is destroyed allreaddy by
him for whose saik we suffer." Wyth these and the like confortable
sentences, thei passed to the place of executioun; and constantlie
triumphed owir death and Sathan, evin in the myddest of the flammyng

And thus did those cruell beastis intend nothing but murther in all the
quarteris of this Realme.[157] For so far had that blynded and most
vitious man, the Prince, (most vitious, we shall call him, for hie
nether spaired manis wieff nor madyn, no more after his mariage then he
did befoir,)--so far, we say, had he gevin him self to obey the tyranny
of those bloody beastis, that he had maid a solempned vow, That none
should be spaired that was suspect of Heresye, yea, althought it war
his awin sone. To press and push him fordward in that his fury, he
lacked not flatteraris ynew; for many of his miazeonis war pensionaris
to preastis; amangis whome, Oliver Synclar, yitt remaning ennemy to God,
was the principale. And yit did not God cease to give to that blynded
Prince documentis, that some suddane plague was to fall upoun him, in
case hie did not reapent his wicked lief; and that his awin mouth did
confesse. For after that Sir James Hammyltoun was beheaded,[158]
(justlie or injustlie we disput nott,) this visioun came unto him, as to
his familiaris him self did declare: The said Sir James appeared unto
him, having in his handis a drawin sworde, by the which fra the King hie
stroke boith the armes, saying to him these wourdis, "Tak that, whill
thow receave a finall payment for all thy impietie." This visioun,[159]
with sorowfull conteanance, hie schew on the morow; and schortlie
thaireftir deid his two sonnes, boith within the space of 24 houris;
yea, some say, within the space of sex houris.[160] In his awin
presence, Georde Steill, his greattest flatterar, and greattest ennemy
to God that was in his Courte, dropped of his horse, and deid without
worde,[161] that same day that, in oppin audience of many, the said
George had refuisscd his portioun of Christis kingdome, yf the prayeris
of the Virgin Marie should not bring him thairto. How terrible a visioun
the said Prince saw, lying in Lynlythqw, that nycht that Thomas
Scott,[162] Justice Clerk, dyed in Edinburgh, men of good credite cane
yitt reporte. For effrayed at mydnycht, or after, hie cryed for torches,
and reissed all that lay besyd him in the Palice, and told that Thome
Scott was dead; for hie had bene at him with a company of devillis, and
had said unto him these wordes, "O wo to the day, that ever I knew thee,
or thy service; for, for serving of thee against God, against his
servandis, and against justice, I am adjudgeid to endless torment." How
terrible voces the said Thomas Scott pronunced befoir his death, men of
all estaitis heard; and some that yitt lyve cane witness;[163] his voce
was ever, "_Justo Dei judicio condemnatus sum:_" that is, I am
condempned by Goddis just judgement. He was most oppressed for the
delatioun and fals accusatioun of such as professed Christis Evangell,
as Maister Thomas Marjoribankis,[164] and Maister Hew Rig,[165] then
advocattis, did confesse to Maister Henrie Balnavis; who, from the said
Thome Scott, cam to him, as he and Maister Thomas Ballenden[166] war
sytting in Sanet Geillis Kirk, and asked him forgevance in the name of
the said Thomas. None of these terrible forwarnynges could eyther
change or mollifie the heart of the indurat, licherous, and avaritious
tyranne; but still he dois procead frome impietie to impietie. For, in
the myddest of these admonitionis, he caused putt handis in that notable
man, Maister George Balquhannan,[167] to whome, for his singulare
eruditioun and honest behaveour, was committed the charge to instruct
some of his bastard children.[168] Butt, by the mercifull providence of
God, he eschaped (albeit with great difficultie,) the rage of these that
sought his blood, and remancs alyve to this day, in the yeare of God
J^m. V^c. threseor sax yearis, to the glorie of God, to the great honour
of his natioun, and unto the conforte of those that delyte in letteris
and vertew. That singulare werke of David his Psalmes in Latine meter
and poesie,[169] besydis many utheris, cane witness the rare graces of
God gevin to that man, which that tyrant, by instigatioun of the Gray
Frearis, and of his other flatteraris, wold altogither have devored, yf
God had nott providit remeady to his servand by eschaping.[170]

This cruelty and persecutioun[171] notwithstanding, thei monstouris and
hypocreattis the Gray Frearis, day by day, came farther in contempt; for
not only did the learned espy[172] thare abhominable hypocrisye, but
also men, in whom no such graces nor giftis ware thought to have bene,
begane plainlie to paynt the same furth to the people; as this Ryme,
which here we have inserted for the same purpose, maid by ALEXANDER ERLE
OF GLENCARNE,[173] yitt alyve, can witnesse, intitulat,


I, THOMAS, Armite in Larite,
Sainet Frances brether[175] hartlie greit,

    Beseiking yow with ferme[176] intent,
    To be walkryfe and diligent;
    For thir Lutherians, rissen of new,
    Our Ordour daylie dois persew:
    Thay smaikis do sett their haill intent,
    To reid this English New Testament;
    And sayes, We have thame clene disceavit.
    Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit.[177]
    Our stait hypocrisie they prysse,
    And us blaspheamis on this wyse,
    Sayand, That we are heretikes,
    And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes;
    Cumerars and quellars of Christes kirk,
    Sueir swongeouris[178] that will not wirk,
    But ydlelie our living wynnes,
    Devouring woulves into sheip skynnes,
    Hurkland with huides into our neck,
    Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck,
    Seikand Christes peple to devoir,
    The down thringars of God his[179] glore,
    Professouris of hipocrisie,
    And doctouris in idolatrie,
    Stout fyschares with the Feindis nett,
    The upclosars of Heavins yett,
    Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid,
    Homlok sawares amangest good seid,
    To trow in traytouris, that do men tyiste,
    The hie way kennand thame fra Chryst,
    Monstouris with the Beast his mark,
    Dogges that never stintes to bark,
    Kirk men that are with[180] Christ unkend,
    A sect that Sathane self hes send,

    Lurkand in holes, lyke traytour toddes,
    Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes,
    Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis,
    To turne fra the treuth[181] the verie teachearis.
    For to declair thair haill sentence,
    Wald mekle cummer your conscience.
    Thay say your fayth it is sa stark,
    Your cord and lowsie coit and sark,
    Ye lippin, may bring yow to salvatioun,
    And quyte excludes Christ his passioun.
      I dreid this doctryne, yf it last,
    Sall either gar us wirk or fast;
    Therfor, with speid we mon provyde,
    And not our proffit to oureslyde.
    I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle,
    To turse[182] our Ladie in Argyle;
    And there, uncraftie[183] wyse to wirk,
    Till that we bigged have ane kirk;
    Syne miracles mak be your avyse.
    Thay kettereles, though they had but lyse,
    The twa part to us they will bring:
    But ordourlie to dress this thing,
    A gaist I purpose to gar gang,
    Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,[184]
    Quhilk sall mak certane demonstrations,
    To help us in our procurations,
    Your haly Ordour to decoir:
    That practik he proved anes before,

    Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne;
    But lymmars made therat sic skorne,
    And to his fame maide sic degressioun,
    Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun.[185]
    Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid,
    I pray yow tak guid will as deid;
    And him amongest your selves receave,
    As ane worth mony of the leave.
    Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte,
    Ressoun wald ye had your parte.
    Your Ordour handles na monye,
    But for uther casualitie,
    As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss,
    Or quhat that we have, that ye plese,
    Send your Bretheren _et habete_.
    As now nocht elles, but _valete_.
        Be THOMAS your brother at command,
        A cullurune kythed throw many a land.[186]

When God had gevin unto that indurat Prince sufficient documentis, that
his rebellioun against his blessed Evangell should not prosperouslie
succeid, hie rases up against him warr, as that he did against obstinat
Saull, in the which he miserablie perrished, as we shall after hear.

The occasioun of the Warr was this. Hary the Eight, King of England, had
a great desyre to have spokin with oure King; and in that poynt
travailled so long, till that he gat a full promesse[187] maid to his
Ambassadour, Lord Williame Hawart. The place of meatting was appointed
[at] York; which the King of England keap[t] with such solempnitie and
preparationis, as never for such ane purpoise was sein in England
befoir. Great brute of that jorney, and some preparatioun for the same
was maid in Scotland; but in the end, by persuasioun of the Cardinall
David Betoun, and by otheris of his factioun, that jorney was stayed,
and the Kinges promesse falsefeid. Whareupoun war scharpe letteris of
reproch send unto the King,[188] and also unto his Counsall. King Hary
frustrat, returned to London, and after his indignatioun declaired,
began to fortifie with men his frontearis foranent Scotland. Thare war
send to the Bordouris Sir Robert Bowis, the Erle of Anguss, and his
brother, Sir George Duglass. Upoun what uther trifeling questionis, (as
for the debatable land and such like,) the war brak up, we omitt to
wryte. The principall occasioun was the falsefeing of the promeisse
befoir maid. Oure King perceaving that the warr wald ryse, asked the
Prelattis and Kirkmen, what supporte thei wald maik to the susteanyng of
the same; for rather wald he yitt satisfie the desyre of his Uncle, then
he wald hasard warr, whare hie saw nott his force able to resist. Thei
promissed montanes of gold, (as Sathan thaire father did to Christ Jesus
yf he wold wirschipe him;) for rather wold thei have gone to hell, or he
should have mett wyth King Hary: for then, thought thei, Fayr weill our
kingdome; and fayr weill, thought the Cardinall, his credite and glorie
in France. In the end, thei promissed fyftie thousand crownes by
year,[189] to be weall payed, so long as the warres lested; and
farther, that thaire servandis, and otheris that appartened unto thame,
and war exemed from common service, should not the less serve in tyme of
necessitie. These vane promisses lifted up in pryde the harte of the
unhappye King: and so begynnis the warr. The realme was quartered, and
men war laid in Jedburgh and Kelso. All man, (foollis we meane,) bragged
of victorie; and in verray deid the begynnyng gave us a fayr schaw. For
at the first wardane raid, which was maid at the Sanct Bartholomess
day,[190] in the zeir of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa, was the Wardane Sir
Robert Bowis, his brother Richard Bowis, Capitane of Norhame, Sir
Williame Mallerie[191] knycht, a bastarde sone of the Erle of Anguss,
and James Dowglas of Parkhead, then rebelles, with a great number of
borderaris, soldeouris, and gentilmen, tackin.


The Reade was termed Haldane Rig.[192] The Erle of Anguss, and Sir
George his brother, did narrowlie eschaipe. Our Papistis and Preastis,
proude of this victorye, encouraged the King, so that thare was nothing
heard but, "All is owres. Thei ar butt heretyckis. Yf we be a thousand
and thei ten thousand, thei dar not feght. France shall enter the ane
parte, and we the other, and so shall England be conqueast within a
year." Yf any man was sein to smyle att sick vanitie, his was no more
bot a tratour and ane heretyck. And yitt by these meanes, men had
greattar libertie then thei had befoir, as concernyng thair conscience;
for then ceassed the persecutioun. The warr continued till mydd
September; and then was send doune the old Duck of Northfolk,[193] with
such ane army as a hundreth yearis befoir had not come in Scotland. Thei
wer in amassing thaire forses, and setting fordwarte of thare
preparationis and munitionis, which ware exceading great, till mydd
October, and after; and then thei merched from Berwik, and tended to the
west, ever holding Tweid upoun thair one syd, and never camped from that
ryver the space of a myle, during the hole tyme thei continewed in
Scotland, which was ten or twelf dayis. Forresse war runne upon the day
to Smallame,[194] Stichell, and such place nere about, but many
snapparis thei gate. Some cornes thei brunt, besydis that which the
great host consumed, but small butting thei caryed away. [SN: FALA
RAID.] The King assembled his forse att Falow,[195] (for hie was
advertised that thei had promessed to come to Edinburght,) and tackin
the mustaris all att ane howre, two dayis befoir Alhallow evein,[196]
thair war found with him auchttein thousand able men. Upoun the
bordouris, that awaited upoun the Engliss army, war ten thousand men,
with the Erle of Huntlie, Lordis Erskyn, Seytoun, and Home. These ware
judgeid men ynew to hasard battell, albeit the other war esteamed
fourtie thousand. Whill the King lyis at Fawla, abyding upoun the
gunnes, and upoun advertisment frome the armye, the Lordis begyne to
remember how the King had bene long abused by his flatteraris, and
principallie by the pensionaris of the preastis. It was anes concluded,
that thei wald mack some new remembrance of Lauder-brig[197] to see yf
that wald, for a seassoun, somewhat help the estait of thare cuntrie.
But, becaus the Lordis could nott aggrie amonges thame selfis, upoun the
persones that deserved punishment, (for everie man favored his friend,)
the hole eschaiped; and the purpoise was opened unto the King, and by
him to the Curteouris, who after that, till that thei came to Edinburgh,
stood in no litill feare: But that was suddandly foryett, as we shall
after hear. Whill tyme is thus protracted, the Engliss army, for
skarstye of victualles, (as was bruted,) retearis thame owir Twead upoun
the nycht, and so begynnes to skaill. Whareof the King advertissed,
desyris the Lordis and barronis to assist him, to follow thame in
England. Whose answer was, with one consent, "That to defend his persone
and realme, thei wold hasard lyef and whatsoever thei had; butt to
invaid England, nether had thei so just titill as thei desyred; nether
yit could thei be then able to do any thing to the hurte of England,
considering that thei had long befoir bene absent fra thair houssis,
thare provisioun was spent, thare horse wereyed, and that which was
greatest of all, the tyme of year did utterlie reclame." This thare
answer seamed to satisfie the King; for hie in woordis praised thare
prudent foresight and wyse counsall. But the mynt maid to his
Curteouris, and that bald repulse of his desyres gevin to him in his
awin face, so wounded his proud harte, (for long had hie roung[198] as
him self list,) that he decreed a notable revenge, which, no doubt, he
had not failled to have executed, yf God by his awin hand had not cutted
the coardis of his impietie. He returnes to Edinburgh; the nobilitie,
barones, gentilmen, and commones to thair awin habitationis: And this
was the secund and thrid dayis of November.

Without longar delay, at the Palice of Halyrudhouse, was a new Counsall
convened, a Counsall, we meane, of his abusaris; wharein war
accusationis laide against the most parte of the nobilitie. Some war
heretickis, some favoraris of England, some freindis to the Dowglassis,
and so could thare be none faythfull to the King, in thaire opinioun.
The Cardinall and the Preastis cast fagottis in the fyre with all thare
force; and fynding the King hollie addict to thare devotioun, delivered
unto him ane Scroll,[199] conteanyng the names of such as thei, in thare
inquisitioun, had convict for Heretickis. For this was the ordour of
justice, which these holy fatheris keapt in dampnying of innocent men.
Whosoevir wald delaite any of heresye, he was heard: no respect nor
consideratioun had what mynd the delatour bayre to the persone delated;
whosoever war produced for witnesses war admitted, how suspitious and
infame that ever thei ware; yf two or thre had provin any poynt, that by
thare law was holden heresye, that was ane heretick: rested no moir but
a day to be affixed to his condempnatioun, and to the executioun of
thare corrupted sentence. What man could be innocent, whare such judgeis
was party, the world may this day considder. Trew it is, by fals
judgement and false witnesses, have innocentis bene oppressed from the
begynnyng. Butt this fredome to sched innocent blood gatt never the
Devill but in the kingdome of Antichrist, "that the innocent should dye,
and neyther knaw accusatour nor yitt the witnesses that testifeid
against him." Butt how shall the Antichrist be knowin, yf he shall not
be contrarious to God the Father, and his Sone Christ Jesus, in law,
lief, and doctrin. Butt this we omitt.


The same Scroll had the Cardinall and Prelattis ones[200] presented unto
the King befoir, what tyme he returned frome the Navigatioun about the
Ylis.[201] Butt then it was refuissed by the prudent and stowt counsall
of the Lard of Grange,[202] who opened clearly to the King the practise
of the Prelattis, and the danger that thairof mycht ensew. Which
considered by the King, (for being out of his passioun, he was
tractable,) gave this answer, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse, to the
Cardinall and Prelattis, after that thei had uttered thair malice, and
schew what profit[203] mycht arise to the Croune, yf hie wold follow
thair counsall. "Pack you, Jefwellis:[204] gett yow to your chargeis,
and reforme your awin lyves, and be nott instrumentis of discord betuix
my nobilitie and me; or ellis, I avow to God, I shall reforme yow, not
as the King of Denmark by impreasonment does, neythor yitt as the King
of England does, by hanging and heading; but I shall reforme yow by
scharpe whingaris,[205] yf ever I heir such motioun of yow againe." The
Prelattis dascht and astonyed with this ansure, ceassed for a seassoun
to tempt any farther, by rigour against the nobilitie. But now, being
informed of all proceadingis by thaire pensionaris, Oliver Synclar, Ross
lard of Cragye,[206] and utheris, who war to thame faythfull in all
thingis, thei conclude to hasarde ones[207] agane thare formar suyt;
which was no sonar proponed but as sone it was accepted, with no small
regrate maid by the Kingis awin mouth, that he had so long dyspised
thare counsall; "For, (said hie,) now I plainlie see your woordis to be
trew. The nobilitie neyther desyres my honour nor continuance; for thei
wold nott rydd a myle for my pleasur to follow my ennemyes. [SN: SOLAN
MOSS, HOW IT BEGAN.] Will ye tharefor fynd me the meanes, how that I may
have a Raid maid in England, without thare knawledge and consent, that
may be knawin to be my awin Raide? and I shall bynd me to your counsall
for ever." Thare concurred togitther Achab and his false prophettis;
thare war gratulationis and clappin of handis; thare war promisses of
diligence, closenes, and felicitie. Finally, conclusioun was tackin,
that the West bordour of England, which was moist empty of men and
garresonis, should be invaided; the Kingis awin banner should be thare;
Oliver,[208] the great moynzeoun,[209] should be generall levetenant;
but no man should be pryvey, (except the Counsall that was thare then
present,) of the interprise, till the verray day and executioun
thaireof. The Bischoppes glaidly took the charge of that Raid. Letteris
war sent to such as thei wold charge to meat the King, day and place
appointed. The Cardinall, with the Earle of Errane, war directed to go
to Haddingtoun, to mack a shaw against the East bordour, when the
utheris ware in readdynes to invaid the Weast. And thus neather lacked
counsall, practise, closenes, nor diligence, to sett fordwarte that
interprise: And so, amanges these consultaris, thare was no doubt of ane
good successe; and so was the Scroll thankfullie receaved by the King
him self, and putt into his awin pocket, whare it remaned to the day of
his death, and then was found. In it war conteaned mo then ane hundreth
landed men, besydis otheris of meaner degree, amonges whome was the Lord
Hammyltoun him self,[210] then secound persone of the realme, delaited.

It was bruted, that this Read was devised by the Lord Maxwell;[211] butt
the certaintie thairof we have not. The nyght befoir the day appointed
to the interprise, the King was found at Lowmabane.[212] To him cumis
cumpanyes frome all quarteris, as thei war appointed, no man knowing of
ane uther, (for no generall proclamatioun past, but prevey letteris,)
nether yitt did the multitude know any thing of the purpose till after
mydnycht, when that the trompet blew, and commanded all man to march
fordwart, and to follow the King, (who was constantlye supposed to have
bene in the host.) Guydes war appointed to conduct thame towardis
England, as boith faythfullye and closlye thei did. Upon the point of
day, thei approched to the ennemys ground; and so passes the wattir
without any great resistance maid unto thame. The forrow[213] goes
furth, fyre ryses, herschip mycht have bein sein on everie syd. The
unprovedeid people war all together amased; for brycht day appearing,
thei saw ane army of ten thowsand men; thare cornes and howssis[214]
upoun every syd send flambes of fyre unto the heavin. To thame it was
more then a wonder, that such a multitud could have bene assembled and
convoyed, no knowledge thairof cuming to any of thare Wardanes. For
supporte thei looked nott; and so at the first thei ware utterlie
dispared. And yitt begane thei to assemble togitther, ten in one
company, twenty in ane uther; and so, as the fray proceaded, thare
troopes encreassed, but to no number; (for Carleyle, fearing to have
bein assaulted, suffered no man to ishe out of thare yettis;) and so the
greatast nomber, that ever appeared or approched befoir the
discomfitour, past nott thre or foure hundreth men; and yitt thei maid
hott skarmisching, as in thair awin ground, in such fates,[215] thei ar
most experte. About ten houris, when fyris war kendilled and almost
slokned[216] on every syd, thought Olyver tyme to schaw his glorie; and
so incontinent was displayed the Kingis baner; Oliver upoun spearis lyft
up upoun menis schoulderis, and thair with sound of trompett was he
proclamed generall lievtenneant, and all man commanded to obey him, as
the Kingis awin persone under all hieast panes. Thare was present the
Lord Maxwaill, Wardane, to whome the regiment,[217] in absence of the
King, propirlie apperteaned: he heard and saw all, butt thought more
then he spak. Thare war also present the Erles Glencarne and Cassiles,
with the Lord Flemyng, and many uther Lordis, Baronis, and gentilmen of
Lotheane, Fyf, Anguss, and Mearnes. In this mean tyme did the
skirmishing grow hottar[218] then it was befoir: schouttis war heard on
everie syd. Some Scottismen war stryckin doune; some not knowing the
ground lared, and lost thair horse.[219] Some Engliss horse of purpose
war lett lowse, to provok gready and imprudent men to preak[220] at
thame; as many did, but fand no advantage. Whill such disordour ryses
more and more in the army, men cryed in everie care, "My Lord
Lievetennant, what will ye do." Charge was gevin, that all man should
lyght and go to array; for thei wald fight it. Otheris cryed, "Against
whome will ye feght? Yone men will feght non utherwyise then ye see
thame do, yf ye will stand hear whill the morne." New purpose was
tackin, that the foott men, (thei had with thame certane bandis of
soldeouris,[221]) should softlye retear towardis Scotland, and the
horsemen should tack thare horse agane, and so follow in ordour. Great
was the noyse and confusioun that was heard, whill that everie man
calles his awin sloghorne.[222] The day was neyre spent, and that was
the cause of the greatast fear. The Lord Maxwell perceiving what wold be
the end of such begynnynges, stood upoun his foote with his freandis,
who being admonissed to tack his horse, and provide for him self;
ansured, "Nay, I will rather abyd hear the chance that it shall please
God to send me, then to go home and thare be hanged." And so hie remaned
upoun his foote, and was tackin, whill the multitud fledd, and took the
greattar schame. The ennemeis perceaving the disordour, increassed in
courage. Befoir thei shouted; but then thei strok. Thei schote spearis
and dagged arrowis, whare the cumpanyes war thikest. Some reacuntaris
war maid, but nothing availled. The soldeouris caist from thame thaire
pickis, culveringis, and utheris weaponis fensable; the horsmen left
thair spearis; and so, without judgement, all man fled. The sea was
filling, and so the watter maid great stope; but the fear was such as
happy was hie that mycht gett a tackar. Such as passed the watter and
eschaped that danger, nott weill acquented with the ground, fell into
the Sollen Moss.[223] The entrie thairof was pleasing yneuch, but as
thei proceaded, all that took that way, eyther lost thare horse, or
ellis thame selfis and horse boith. To be schort, a greattar feir and
disconfiture, without cause, hes seldome bein sein. For it is said,
That whare the men war nott sufficient to tack the handis of
presonaris, some rane to houssis, and randred thame selfis to wemen.
Stout Oliver[224] was without strack tackin, fleing full manfully; and
so was his glorie (stincking and foolishe proudnes we should call it,)
suddandly turned to confusioun and schame. In that disconfiture war
tackin the two Erles foirsaid, the Lordis Flemyng, Somervaill, and many
otheris baronis and gentilmen, besydis the great multitud of servandis.
Worldly men may think, that all this came but by mysordour and fortoun,
(as thei terme it;) but whosoever has the least sponk of the knowledge
of God, may as evidentlie see the werk of his hand in this disconfiture,
as ever was sein in any of the battelles left to us in registre by the
Holy Ghost. [SN: 1. REG. 20.] For what more evident declaratioun have
we, that God faught against Benhadab, King of Aram, when he was
disconfited at Samaria, then that we have that God faught with his awin
arme against Scotland? In this formare disconfiture, thare did two
hundreth and thretty personis in the skyrmyshe, with sevin thousand
following them in the great battell, putt to flyght the said Benhadad
with thretty Kingis in his cumpany. But hear thare is, in this
schamefull disconfiture of Scotland, verray few mo then three hundreth
men, without knowledge of any back or battell to follow, putt to flight
ten thowsand men without resistance maide. Thare did everie man
reaconter his marrow, till that the 230 slew such as matched thame. But
heir without slawchter the multitud fled. Thare had those of Samaria the
prophete of God to conforte, to instruct, and to promesse victorie unto
thame. But England, in that persute, had nothing, but as God secreatlie
wrought by his providence in these men that knew nothing of his wirking,
nether yitt of the causes thareof, more then the wall that fell upoun
the rest of Benhadadis army knew what it did. And tharefor, yit agane we
say, that such as in that suddane dejectioun beholdis not the hand of
God, feghting against pride for fredome of his awin litill flock,
injustly persecutted, dois willingly and malitiouslie obscure the glorie
of God. But the end thairof is yitt more notable.

The certane knowledge of the disconfiture cuming to the Kingis earis,
(who wated upoun newes at Lowmaban,[225]) hie was stryckin with ane
suddane feare and astonisment, so that skarslye could hie speak, or
had[226] purpoise with any man. The nycht constrayned him to remane
whare he was, and so yead[227] to bed; but raise without rest or qwyet
sleape. His continuall complaint was, "Oh, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane?
Oh, fled Oliver!" And these woordis in his melancholie, and as it war
caryed away in ane transe, repeated hie from tyme to tyme, to the verray
hour of his death. Upone the morne, which was Sanct Katherins day,[228]
returned he to Edinburgh, and so did the Cardinall from Hadingtoun. But
the one being eschamed of the other, the brute of thare communicatioun
came nott to publict audience. The King maid inventorie of his poise, of
all his juwellis and other substance;[229] and tharefter, as eschamed to
look any man in the face, secreatlie departed to Fyfe, and cuming to the
Hall-yardis,[230] was humanlie receaved of the Ladye[231] Grange, ane
ancient and godly matron, (the Lard at his cuming was absent.) In his
cumpany war only with him Williame Kirkaldy, now Lard of Grange, and
some otheris that wated upoun his chalmer. The Lady at suppar, persaving
him pensive, begane to conforte him, and willed him to tack the werk of
God in good parte. "My portioun, (said he,) of this world is schorte,
for I will nott be with you fyvetene dayis." His servandis reparing unto
him, asked, Whare hie wold have provisioun maid for his Yule?[232]
quhilk then approched. He ansuered, with a disdanefull smyrk, "I can
nott tell: chuse ye the place. Butt this I cane tell you, or Yule
day,[233] ye wilbe maisterless, and the realme without ane King." Becaus
of his displeasur, no man durst mack contradictioun unto him. So after
that hie had visited the Castell of Carny,[234] perteanyng to the Erle
of Crawfurd, whare the said Erles dowghter, ane of his hoores,[235] was,
hie returned to Falkland and took bedd. And albeit thare appeared unto
him no signes of death, yet hie constantly affirmed, befoir such ane
day, "I shalbe dead."


In this meantyme, was the Quene upoun the point of hir delivery in
Linlithqw, who was delivered the awcht day of December,[236] in the
yeare of God J^m. V^c. fourty twa yearis, of MARIE, that then was borne,
and now dois ring for a plague to this realme, as the progress of hir
hole lief hath to this day declaired. The certantie that a dowghter was
borne unto him cuming to his earis, he turned from such as spak with
him, and said, "The devill go with it! It will end as it begane: it came
from a woman; and it will end in a woman." After that, hie spak nott
many woordis that war sensible. But ever hie harped upoun his old song,
"Fy, fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? All is loist." [SN: REGIS EXITUS.] In
this meantyme, in his great extremitie, cumes the Cardinall, (ane apt
confortare for a desperat man.) He cryes in his ear, "Tak ordour, Schir,
with your realme: who shall rewill during the minoritie of your
Dowghter? Ye have knawin my service: what will ye have done? Shall thare
nott be four Regentes chosyn? and shall nott I be principall of thame?"
Whatsoever the King answered, documentis war tackin that so should be,
as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient.[237] As many affirme, a dead
manes hand was maid to subscrive ane blank, that thei mycht wryte above
it what pleased thame best. This finissed, the Cardinall posted to the
Quene, laitly befoir delivered, as said is. At the first sight of the
Cardinall, sche said, "Welcome, my Lord: Is nott the King dead?" What
moved hir so to conjecture, diverse men ar of diverse judgementis. Many
whisper, that of old his parte was in the pott, and that the suspition
thairof caused him to be inhibite the Quenis cumpany. Howsoever it was
befoir, it is plane that after the Kingis death, and during the
Cardinallis lyif, whosoever guyded the Court, he gat his secreat besynes
sped of that gratiouse Lady, eyther by day or by nycht. Howsoever the
tydingis lyked hir, she mended with als great expeditioun of that
dowghter as ever she did befoir of any sone she bayre. The tyme of hir
purificatioun was sonar then the Leviticall law appointes. But she was
no Jewess, and thairefore in that she offended nott.[238]

The noyse of the death of King James divulgat, who departed this lyef,
the threttene day of December, the year of God 1542 foirsaid,[239] the
hartes of men begane to be disclossed. All man lamented that the realme
was left without a male to succeid; yit some rejosed that such ane
ennemy to Goddis treuth was tackin away. Hie was called of some, a good
poore manis King: of otheris hie was termed a murtherare of the
nobilitie, and one that had decreed thair hole destructioun. Some prased
him for the repressing of thyft and oppressioun; otheris disprased him
for the defoulling of menis wyffis and virgines. And thus men spak evin
as affectionis led thame. And yitt none spack all together besydis the
treuth; for a parte of all these foresaidis war so manifest, that as the
verteuis could nott be denyed, so could nott the vices by any craft be
clocked. The questioun of governement was throught this realme
universallie moved. The Cardinall proclamed the Kingis Last Will,[240]
and thairin war expressed foure Protectouris, or Regentis, of whome him
self was the first and principall, and with him war joyned the Erles
Huntley, Ergyle, and Murray.[241] This was done the Mononday at the
Mercat Croce of Edinburgh. But the Mononday following, took the hole
Regentis remissioun for there usurpatioun; for by the stout and wyese
counsall of the Larde of Grange, did the Erle of Errane, then secound
persone to the Croune,[242] causse assemble the nobilitie of the realme,
and required the equitie of thare judgementis in that his just suyt to
the governement of this realm, during the minoritie of hir to whome hie
was to succeid, failling of hir and of hir lauchfull successioun.[243]
His freindis convened, the nobilitie assembled, the day of decisioun is
HAMMYLTONIS.] The Cardinall and his factioun oppones[244] thame to the
governement of one man, and especiallie to the regiment of any called
Hammyltoun: "For who knowis nott, (say the Cardinall,) that the
Hammyltonis ar cruell murtheraris, oppressouris of innocentis, proud,
avaritiouse, duble, and false; and finallie, the pestilence in this
commoun wealth." Whairto the said Erle ansured, "Defraude me not of my
right, and call me what ye please. Whatsoever my freindis have bene,
yitt, unto this day, hes no man caus to complaine upoun me, nether yitt
am I mynded to flatter any of my freindis in thare evill doing; but by
Goddis grace shalbe as fordwarte to correct thare enormities, as any
within the realme cane reassonablie requyre of me. And tharefor, yit
agane, my Lordis, in Goddis name I crave that ye do me no wrong, nor
defraud me not of my just titill befoir that ye have experience of my
governement." At these woordis, war all that feared God or loved
honestie so moved, that with one voce thei cryed, "That petitioun is
most just, and onless we will do against God, justice, and equitie, it
can nott be denyed." And, in dispyte of the Cardinall and his suborned
factioun, was he declaired Governour, and with publict proclamatioun so
denunceid to the people. The Kingis Palace, treasure, jewellis,
garmentis, horse, and plate,[245] war delivered unto him by the
officiaris that had the formar charge; and he honored, feared, and
obeyed more hartlie, then ever any King was befoir, so long as his abood
at God. The caus of the great favor that was borne unto him was, that it
was bruted that hie favored Goddis woord; and becaus it was weall
knowin, that hie was one appointed to have bene persecuted, as the
Scroll found in the Kingis pockat, after his death, did witnesse. These
two thingis to gitther, with ane opinioun that men had of his
simplicitie, bowed the hartes of many unto him in the begynnyng, who
after, with dolour of hartes, war compelled to change thare opinionis:
But heirof will after be spoken. The varietie of materis that occurred
we omitt, such as the ordour tackin for keaping of the young Quene;[246]
of the provisioun for the Mother; the home calling of the Dowglassis;
and other such, as apperteane to ane universall Historye of the tyme:
For, as befoir we have said, we mynd only to follow the progresse of the
Religioun, and of the matteris that cane not be dissevered from the

       *       *       *       *       *

The Governour[247] establissed in governement, godly men repaired unto
him, exhorted him to call to mynd for what end God had exalted him; out
of what danger he had delivered him; and what expectatioun all men of
honestie had of him. At thare instant suyting, more then of his awin
motioun, was Thomas Guylliame,[248] a Blak Freare, called to be
precher. The man was of solid judgement, reassonable letteris, (as for
that age,) and of a prompt and good utterance: his doctrine was holsome,
without great vehemency against superstitioun. Preached also sometymes
Johnne Rowght, (who after, for the veritie of Christ Jesus, sufferred in
England, in the dayis of Marie of curssed memorie,[249]) albeit not so
learned, yett more sempill, and more vehement against all impietie. The
doctrine of these two provoked against thame, and against the Governour
also, the hatterent of all such as more favored darknes then light, and
thare awin bellyes more then God. The Gray Frearis, (and amonges the
rest Frear Scott,[250] who befoir had geavin him self furth for the
greatest professour of Christ Jesus within Scotland, and under that
cullour had disclosed, and so endangered many,) these slaves of Sathan,
we say, rowped as thei had bein ravinis, yea, rather thei yelled and
rored as devillis in hell, "Heresy! heresy! Guylliame and Rought will
cary the Govornour to the Dewill." The Toune of Edinburgh, for the most
parte, was drouned in superstitioun: Edwarte Hope,[251] young Williame
Adamsone, Sibilla Lyndesay, Patrik Lyndesay,[252] Francess Aikman; and
in the Cannogait, Johnne Mackaw, and Ryngzeane Broune, with few otheris,
had the bruyte of knowledge in those dayis. Ane Wilsone, servand to the
Bisehope of Dunkell, who nether knew the New Testament nor the Old, made
a dispytfull rayling ballat against the Preachcouris, and against the
Govenour, for the which he narrowly eschaped hanging. The Cardinall
moved boith heavin and hell to trouble the Governour, and to stay the
preaching; but yitt was the battell stowtlye foughtin for a seassone;
for he was tackin, and was put first in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun. But
at lenth by buddis gevin[253] to the said Lord Seatoun, and to the old
Larde of Lethingtoun,[254] he was restored to Sanctandross,[255] frome
whense he wrought all myscheif, as we shall after heare.

The Parliament approched, which was befoir the Pashe;[256] thare begane
questioun of the abolishing of certane tyrannicall Actes, made
befoir,[257] at devotioun of the Prelattis, for manteanyng of thair
kingdom of darkness, to witt, "That under pane of heresye, no man should
reade any parte of the Scriptures in the Engliss toung, nether yitt any
tractat or expositioun of any place of Scripture." Such articles begane
to come in questioun we say, and men begane to inquyre, yf it was nott
als lauchfull to men that understoode no Latyne, to use the woorde of
thare salvatioun in the toung thei understood, as it was for Latine men
to have it in Latyne, Græcianes or Hebrewis to have it in thare tounges.
It was ansured, That the Kirk first had forbiddin all tounges but thei
three. But men demanded, when that inhibitioun was gevin; and what
counsall had ordeaned that, considering, that in the dayis of
Chrisostome he compleanes, that the people used not the Psalmes, and
other holy bookis, in thare awin toungis? And yf ye will say thei war
Greakis, and understoode the Greak toung; we ansure, that Christ Jesus
commanded his woorde to be preached to all nationis. Now, yf it aught to
be preached to all nationis,[258] it must be preached in the tung thei
understand: Now, yf it be lauchfull to preach it, and to hear it
preached[259] in all tounges, why shall it not be lauchfull to read it,
and to hear it red in all tounges? to the end that the people may trye
the spreittis, according to the commandiment of the Apostill. Beaten
with these and other reassonis, thei denyed not but it may be red in the
Vulgar toung, providit that the translatioun war trew. It was demanded,
what could be reprehended in it? And when much searching was maid,
nothing could be found, but that Luif, say thei, was putt in the place
of Cheritie. When the questioun was asked, What difference was betuix
the one and the other, and yf thei understud the nature of the Greak
terme _Agape_?[260] thei war dume. Ressoned for the party of the
Secularis, the Lord Ruthven, (father to him that prudentlie gave
counsall to tack just punishment upoun that knaif Dawie,[261] for that
he abused the unhappy King Hary[262] in mo cases then one,) a stout and
discreat man in the cause of God, and Maister Henrie Balnevis, ane old
professour: For the parte of the Clargie, Hay, Dene of Restalrige,[263]
and certane old Boses with him.


The conclusioun was, the Commissionaris of browghtis, and a parte of the
Nobilitie requyred of the Parliament, that it mycht be ennacted, "That
it should be lauchfull[264] to everie man to use the benefite of the
translatioun which then thei had of the Bibill and New Testament,
togitther with the benefite of other tractises conteanyng holsome
doctrine, unto such tyme as the Prelattis and Kirk men should geve and
sett furth unto thame ane translatioun more correct." The Clargy hearto
long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by reassonis and by multitud
of votes in thare contrare, thei also condiscended; and so by Act of
Parliament, it was maid free to all man and woman to reid the Scriptures
in thair awin toung, or in the Engliss toung:[265] and so war all Actes
maid in the contrair abolished.

This was no small victorie of Christ Jesus, feghting against the
conjured ennemyes of his veritie; not small conforte to such as befoir
war holdin in such bondage, that thei durst not have red the Lordis
Prayer, the Ten Commandimentis, nor Articules of thare fayth, in the
Engliss toung, but thei should have bene accused of heresye. Then mycht
have bene sein the Byble lying almaist upoun everie gentilmanis table.
The New Testament was borne about in many manis handes. We grant, that
some (alace!) prophaned that blessed wourd; for some that, perchance,
had never red ten sentenses in it, had it maist common in thare hand;
thei wold chope thare familiares on the cheak with it, and say, "This
hes lyne hyd under my bed-feitt these ten yearis." Otheris wold glorie,
"O! how oft have I bein in danger for this booke: How secreatlie have I
stollen fra my wyff at mydnyeht to reid upoun it." And this was done of
many to maik courte thairby; for all man esteamed the Governour to have
bein the most fervent Protestand that was in Europa. Albeit we say that
many abused that libertie granted of God miraculouslye, yitt thairby did
the knowledge of God wonderouslie increase, and God geve his Holy Spreit
to sempill men in great aboundance. Then ware sett furth werkis in our
awin toung, besydis those that came from England, that did disclose the
pryde, the craft, the tyranny, and abuses of that Romane Antichrist.

The fame of our Governour was spred in diverse cuntreis, and many
praised God for him. King Hary send unto him his Ambassadour, Mr.
Saidlar,[266] who lay in Edinburgh a great parte of the sommer. His
commissioun and negotiatioun was, to contract a perpetuall amitie betuix
England and Scotland: the occasion wharof God had so offerred, that to
many men it appeared that from heavin He had declared his good pleasur
in that behalf. For to King Hary, of Jane Somer,[267] (after the death
of Quene Katherin, and of all utheris that mycht haif maid his mariage
suspect,) was gevin a sone, Edwarte the Saxt of blessed memory, eldar
some yearis then our Maistress, and unto us was left a Quene, as befoir
we have heard. This wonderfull providence of God caused men of greatast
judgement to enter in disputatioun with thame self, whither that, with
good conscience, any man mycht repugne to the desyres of the King of
England, considdering that thairby all occasioun of warr mycht be cutt
of, and great commoditie mycht ensew to his realme. The offerris of King
Hary war so large, and his demandis so reassonable, that all that lovith
quyetness war content tharewith. Thare war sent from the Parliament to
King Hary, in commissioun, Schir Williame Hammyltoun,[268] Schir James
Lermont, and Maister Henry Balnevis;[269] who long remaynyng in England,
so travailled that all thingis concernyng the mariage betuix Edwart the
Saxt and Marie Quene of Scottis was aggreed upoun, except the tyme of
hyr deliverance to the custody of Englismen. Upoun the finall
conclusioun of the which head, war added to the formare Commissionaris
Williame Erle of Glencarne and Schir George Dowglasse, to whome was
gevin ample commissioun and good instructionis. In Scotland remaned
Maister Saidlare. [SN: NOTE WEALL.] Advertismentis past so frequentlie
betuix, yea, the handis of our Lordis so liberallie war anoynted,[270]
besydis other commodities promissed, and of some receaved; for diverse
presonaris tackin at Solane Mosse[271] war send home ransome free,
upoun promesse of thair fidelitie, which, as it was keapt, the ishew
will witnesse. Butt in the end, so weall war all ones content, (the
Cardinall, the Quene, and the factioun of France, ever excepted,) that
solempnedlye, in the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, was the contract of mariage
betuix the personis foirsaid, togetther with all the clausis and
conditionis requisite, for the faythfull observatioun tharof, red in
publict audience, subscryved, sealled, approved and allowed of the
Governour for his parte, Nobilitie and Lordis for thare partes; and that
nothing should lack that mycht fortifie the mater, was Christis body
sacrat, (as Papistes terme it,) brokin betuix the said Governour and
Maister Saydlar, Ambassadour, and receaved of thame boyth as a signe and
tockin of the unitie of thare myndis, inviolablye[272] to keap that
contract,[273] in all poyntis, as thei looked of Christ Jesus to be
saved, and after to be reputed men wourthy of credite befoir the world.


The Papistes raged against the Governour, and against the Lordis that
consented, and abaide suyre at the contract foirsaide; and they made a
brag to depose the Governour,[274] and to confund all: And without delay
rased their forces, and came to Linlitliqw, where the yong Quene was
kept.[275] But, upoun the returneyng of the saidis Ambassadouris from
England, pacyficatioun was maid for that tyme; for, by the judgements of
eyght personis for ather party, chosyn to judge, Whitther that any thing
was done by the said Ambassadouris, in the contracting of that mariage,
which to do thei had not sufficient power fra the Counsall and
Parliament, it was found, That all thingis war done according to thare
commissioun, and that so thei should stand: and so war the Seallis of
England and Scotland interchanged. Maister James Fowles,[276] then Clerk
of Registre, receaved the Great Seall of England; and Maister Sadlare
receaved the Great Seall of Scotland. The headis of the contract we pass
by. Those thingis newly ratifeid, the merchantis maid frack[277] to
saill, and to thare trafique, which, by the truble of warris, had some
yearis bein hindered. Frome Edinburgh war frauchted xii schippis richlie
ladin, according to the wares of Scotland. From other tounes and portes
departed other, who all arryved upoun the coast of England, towardis
the south, to witt, in Yarmouht; and without any great necessitie,
entered not only within readis, bot also within portes and places of
commandiment, and whare that schippis mycht be arreisted. And becaus of
the lait contracted amitie, and gentill intertenement that thei found at
the first, thei maid no great expeditioun. Bot being, as thei supposed,
in securitie, in merynes thei spend the tyme, abyding upoun the wynd.

In this meantyme, arryves from France to Scotland the Abbot of
Paislay,[278] called bastard brother to the Governour, (whome yitt many
esteamed sone to the old Bischope of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun,[279])
and with him Maister David Panteyr, (who after was maid Bischope of
Ross.) The brut of the learnyng of these two, and thare honest lyiff,
and of thare fervencye and uprychtnes in religioun, was such, that great
esperance thare was, that thare presence should haif bene confortable to
the Kirk of God. For it was constandlye affirmed of some, that without
delay, the one and the other wald occupy the pulpete, and trewly preach
Jesus Christ. But few dayis disclosed thair hypochrisye; for what
terrouris, what promisses, or what enchanting boxis thei brought fra
France, the commoun people knew not. But schort after, it was sein, that
Frear Guylliame was inhibite to preach, and so departed to England;
Johnne Rowght to Kyle,[280] (a receptakle of Goddis servandis of old.)
The men of counsall, judgement, and godlynes, that had travailled to
promote the Governour, and that gave him faythfull counsall in all
dowtfull materis, war eyther craftely conveyed from him, or ellis, by
threatnyng to be hanged, war compelled to leave him. Of the one nomber,
war the Lard of Grange foirsaid, Maister Henry Balnavis, Maister Thomas
Ballentyne,[281] and Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont;[282] men by whose
laubouris he was promoted to honour, and by whose counsall he so used
him self at the begynnyng, that the obedience gevin to him was nothing
inferiour to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yearis had
befoir him. Yea, in this it did surmont the commoun obedience, that it
proceaded from luif of those vertewis that was supposed to have bene in
him. Off the number of those that war threatned, war Maister Michaell
Durham,[283] Maister David Borthwik,[284] David Foresse, and David
Bothwell; who counsalled him to have in his cumpany men fearing God, and
not to foster wicked men in thare iniquitie, albeit thei war called his
freindis, and war of his surname. This counsall understand by the
foirsaid Abbote, and by the Hammyltonis, (who then repaired to the
Courte as ravenes to the carioun,) in plane wourdis it was said, "My
Lord Governour nor his freandis will never be at qwyetness, till that a
dosone of thire knaiffis that abuse his Grace be hanged." These wourdis
was spokin in his awin presence, and in the presence of some of thame
that had better deserved then so to have bene entracted: the speakar was
allowed for his bold and plane speakin. And so the wicked counsall
deprehended, honest and godly men left the Court and him in the handis
of such, as by thare wicked counsall led him so far from God, that he
falsefeid his promeise, dipt his handis in the bloode of the Sanctes of
God, and brought this commoun welth to the verray poynt of utter
ruyne.[285] And these war the first fructis of the Abbot of Paisley his
godlynes and learnyng: butt heirefter we will hear more.


All honest and godly men banished from the Courte, the Abbot and his
counsall begynnis to lay befoir the inconstant Governour, the dangeris
that mycht ensew the alteratioun and change of religioun; the power of
the King of France; the commoditie that mycht come to him and his house,
by reatenyng the ancient league with France; and the great danger that
he brought upoun him self, yf, in any joyt, he sufferred the authoritie
of the Pape to be violated or called in dowbt within this realme:
considering that thairupoun only stood the securitie of his rycht to the
successioun of the Croune of this realme; for by Goddis word wold not
the devorcement of his father frome Elizabeth Home, his first wyf,[286]
be found lauchfull, and so wald his secound mariage be judgeit null,
and he declaired bastard. Caiaphas spak profesy, and yitt wist not what
he spak; for, at that tyme, thare was no man that trewlie feared God,
that mynded any such thing, but with thare hole force wold have
fortifeid the titill that God had gevin unto him, and wold never have
called in questioun thingis doun in tyme of darknes. But this head we
pas by till God declair his will thairintill. Ane other practise was
used; for the Cardinall being sett at libertie, (as befoir we have
heard,) ceassed not to trafique with such of the nobilitie as he mycht
draw to his factioun, or corrupt by any meanes, to raise a party against
the said Governour, and against such as stoode fast at the contract of
mariage and peace with England; and so assemblit at Linlythqw, the said
Cardinall, the Earlis Ergyle, Huntely, Bothwell, the Bischoppis and
thare bandis; and thairefter thei passed to Striveling, and tooke with
thame bayth the Quenis, the Mother and the Dowghter,[287] and threatned
the depositioun of the said Governour, as inobedient to thare Haly
Mother the Kirk, (so terme thei that harlott of Babilon, Rome.) The
inconstant man, not throwghtlie grounded upoun God, left in his awin
default destitut of all good counsall, and having the wicked ever
blawing in his earis, "What will ye do! Ye will destroy your self and
your house for ever:"--The unhappy man, (we say,) beaten with these
tentationis, randered him self to the appetites of the wicked; for he
qwyetlie stall away from the Lordis that war wyth him in[288] the Palice
of Halyrudhouse, past to Stirling, subjected him self to the Cardinall
and to his counsall, receaved absolutioun, renunced the professioun of
Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, and violated his oath that befoir he had
maid, for observatioun of the contract and league with England.[289]

At that tyme was our Quene crouned,[290] and new promess maid to France.
The certaintie heirof cuming to King Hary, our Schotish schippis war
stayed, the sayles tackin from thare rayes, and the merchantis and
marynaris war commanded to suyre custody. New commissioun was send to
Maister Saidlar, (who then still remaned in Scotland,[291]) to demand
the caussis of that suddane alteratioun, and to travaill by all meanes
possible, that the Governour mycht be called back to his formar godly
purpoise, and that he wold not do so foolishlie and inhonestlye, yea, so
cruelly and unmercyfullie to the realme of Scotland; that he wold not
only lose the commodities offerred, and that war presentlie to be
receaved, but that also he wold expone it to the hasard of fyre and
suord, and other inconvenientis that mycht insew the warr that was to
follow upoun the violatioun of his fayth: but nothing could availl. The
Devill keapt fast the grippe that he gatt, yea, evin all the dayis of
his governement. For the Cardinall gatt his eldast sone in pledge, whom
he keapt in the Castell of Sanctandross, whill the day that Goddis hand
punished his pryde.

King Hary perceaving that all hope of the Governouris reapentance was
lost, called back his Ambassadour, and that with fearfull threatnyngis,
as Edinburgh after felt; denunced warr, maid our schippis pryses, and
merchantis and marynaris lauchfull preasonaris, which, to the browghtis
of Scotland, was no small hearschipp. Butt thairat did the Cardinall and
Preastis lawch, and jestinglye he said, "When we shall conqueise
England, the merchantis shalbe recompenssed." The somar and the harvist
pass ower without any notable thing; for the Cardinall and Abbot of
Paislie parted the pray amonges thame: the abused Governour bayre the
name only.

In the begynnyng of the wynter, came the Erle of Levenox to
Scotland,[292] sent fra France in haterent of the Governour, whome the
King, (by the Cardinallis advise,) promessed to pronunce bastard, and so
to maik the said Erle Governour. The Cardinall forther putt the said
Erle in vane hoipe that the Quene Dowager should marye him. He browght
with him some money, and more he after receaved fra the handis of La
Broche. Butt at lenth, perceaving him self frustrate of all expectatioun
that he had, eyther by France, or yitt by the promeise of the Cardinall,
he concluded to leave France, and to seak the favouris of England, and
so begane to drawe a factioun aganis the Governour; and in haterent of
the otheris inconstancie, many favored him in the begynning; for thare
assembled at the Yule, in the toune of Ayre, the Erles of Anguss,
Glencarne, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwaill, [and Somerville,][293] the
Lard of Drumlangrig, the Schireff of Ayre,[294] with all the force that
thei, and the Lordis that remaned constant at the opinioun of England,
mycht mack; and after the Yule, thei came to Leyth. The Governoure and
Cardinall, with thare forces, keape Edinburgh, (for thei war slaklie
persewed.) Men excuse the Erle of Levenox in that behalf, and layd the
blame upoun some that had no will of Stewartis regiment. Howsoever it
was, such ane appointment was maid, that the said Erle of Levenox was
disapoynted of his purpose, and narrowly eschaiped; and first gat him to
Glasgw, and after to Dumbertane. Schir George Dowglass was delivered to
be keapt as pledge. The Erle his brother,[295] was, in the Lentrane
after, tackin at the sege of Glasgw. It was bruyted, that boyth the
brethren, and otheris with thame, had lossed thare headis, yf by the
providence of God the Engliss army had nott arryved the sonare.

After that the Cardinall had gottin the Governour hole addict to his
devotioun, and had obtened his intent above a parte of his ennemyes, he
begane to practise, how that such as he feared, and thairfoir deadly
haited, should be sett by the earis one against ane other, (for in that,
thowght the carnall man, stood his greatast securitie.) The Lord Ruthven
he haited, be reassone of his knowledge of Goddis woord: the Lord Gray
he feared, becaus at that tyme he used the cumpany of such as professed
godliness, and bare small favour to the Cardinall. Now, thus reassoned
the worldly wise man, "Yf I can putt ennimitie betuix those two, I
shalbe rydd of a great nomber of unfreindis; for the most parte of the
cuntrey will either assist the one or the other; and so will thei be
otherwise occupied, then to watch for my displeasur." He fyndes the
meanes, without longe process; for he laubouris with Johnne Charterowse,
(a man of stout corage and many freindis,)[296] to accept the provostrie
of Sanct Johnestoun, which he purchasses to him by donatioun of the
Governour, with a charge to the said Toune to obey him as thare
lauchfull Provest. Whareat, not only the said Lord Ruthven, but also the
toune, being offended, gave ane negative ansuer, alledging, That such
intrusioun of men in office was hurtfull to thare priviledge and fredom;
which granted unto thame free electioun of thare Provest from year to
year, at a certane tyme appointed, quhilk thei could not nor wold nott
prevent. Heirat the said Johnne offended said, "That he wold occupie
that office by force, yf thei wold not give it unto him of benevolence;"
and so departed and communicat the mater with the Lord Gray, with
Normond Leslie, and with other his freindis; whome he easily persuaded
to assist him in that persuyt, becaus he appeared to have the
Governouris ryght, and had nott only a charge to the toune, as said is,
but also he purchassed letteris to beseige it, and to tack it by strong
hand, yf any resistance war maid unto him. Such letteris, we say, made
many to favour his actioun. The other maid for defence, and so tuk the
Maister of Ruthven (the Lord that after departed in England,)[297] the
mantenance of the toune, having in his cumpany the Lard of
Moncreif,[298] and other freindis adjacent. The said Johnne maid frack
for the persuyt; and upoun the Magdelane day,[299] in the mornyng, anno
1543, approched with his forses; the Lord Gray tacking upoun him the
principall charge. It was appointed, that Normond Leslye, with his
freandis, should have come by schip, with munitioun and ordnance, as
thei war in reddynes. But becaus the tyde served nott so soone as thei
wold, the other thinking him self of sufficient forse, for all that war
in the toune, entered in by the brig, whare thei fand no resistance,
till that the formar parte was entered a pretty space within the Fische
Gate;[300] and then the said Maister of Ruthven, with his cumpany,
stowtlie recountred thame, and so rudlye repulsed the formest, that such
as war behynd gave back. The place of the retear was so straite, that
men that durst not feght, could not flye at thare pleasur, (for the
moist part of the Lord Gray his freindis war upoun the brig;) and so the
slaughter was great; for thare fell in the edge of the suord threescoir
men. The Cardinall had rather that the unhappe had fallen on the other
parte; but howsoever it was, he thowght that such truble was his
conforte and advantage. The knowledge whareof came unto the earis of the
partie that had receaved the disconfiture, and was unto thame no small
greaff; for as many of thame entered in that actioun for his pleasour,
so thowght thei to have had his fortificatioun and assistance, whairof
fynding thame selfis frustrat, thei begane to looke more narrowly to
thame selfis, and did not so much attend upon the Cardinallis devotioun,
as thei had wont to do befoir: and so was a new jelosey engendered
amanges thame; for whosoever wold nott play to him the good vallett, was
reputed amangis his ennemyes. The Cardinall drew the Governour to
Dundye;[301] for he understood that the Erle of Rothess and Maister
Henrie Balnaves war with the Lord Gray in the Castell of Huntlie.[302]
The Governour send and commanded the saidis Erle and Lord, with the
foirsaid Maister Henrie, to come unto him to Dundy, and appointeid the
nixt day, at ten houris befoir none; which hour thei decreid to keap;
and for that purpose assemblet thare folkis at Bawgawy,[303] or thareby.
The Cardinall advertissed of thare nomber, (thei war mo then thre
hundreth men,) thowght it nott good that thei should joyn with the
toune, for he feared his awin estaite; and so he persuaded the Governour
to pas furth of Dundy befoir nyne houris, and to tak the strayth way to
Sanct Johnnestoun.[304] Which perceaved by the foirsaid Lordis, thei
begane to feare that thei war come to persew thame, and so putt thame
selves in ordour and array, and merched fordward of purpose to have
biddin the uttermost. But the craftie fox foirseing, that in feghtting
stood nott his securitie, rane to his last refuge, that is, to manifest
treasone; and so consultatioun was tackin how that the force of the
otheris mycht be brokin. And at the first, war send the Lard of Grange
and the Provest of Sanctandross,[305] (knowing nothing of treason,) to
ask "Why thei molested my Lord Governour in his jorney?" Whairto thei
ansuered, "That thei ment nothing less; for thei came at his Grace's
commandiment, to have keap the hour in Dundy appointed by him, which
becaus thei saw prevented, and knawing the Cardinall to be thare
unfreand,[306] thei could nott butt suspect thare unprovided cuming
furth of the toune; and thairfoir, thei putt thame selfis in ordour not
to invaid, but to defend in caise thei war invaded." This ansure
reported, was send to thame _the Bischope of Sanctandross_,* [SN: THE
ABBOT OF PASLEY[307]*] Maister David Panter, the Lardis of Balclewhe and
Coldinknowis, to desyre certane of the other cumpany to talk with thame;
which thei easelie obteined, (for thei suspected no treasone.) After
long communicatioun, it was demanded, Yf that the Erle and Lord and
Maister Henrie foirsaid, wold nott be content to talk with the
Governour, providit that the Cardinall and his cumpany war of the
ground? Thei ansuerit, "That the Governour mycht command thame in all
thinges lauchfull, but thei had no will to be in the Cardinalles
mercye." Fayre promisses ynew war maid for thare securitie. Than was the
Cardinall and his band commanded to depart; as that he did according to
the purpoise tackin. The Governour remaned and ane certane with him; to
whom came without cumpany the saidis Erle, Lord, and Maister Henrye.
After many fair woordis gevin unto thame all, to witt, "That he wold
have thame aggreed with the Cardinall; and that he wold have Maister
Henrye Balnaves the wyrkar and instrument thairof," he drew thame
fordwartes with him towardis Sanet Johnnestoun, whether to the Cardinall
was ridden. Thei begane to suspect, (albeit it was to lett,) and
tharefor thei desyred to have returned to thare folkis, for putting
ordour unto thame. But it was ansuerid, "Thei should send back fra the
toune, but thei most neidis go fordwart with my Lord Governour." And so,
partlye by flatterye and partlye by force, thei war compelled to obey.
And how sone that ever thei war within the toune, thei war apprehended,
and upoun the morne send all three to the Black Nesse, whare thei
remaned so long as that it pleased the Cardinallis graceless Grace, and
that was till that the band of manrent and of service, sett some of
thame at libertie. And thus the Cardinall with his craft prevalled on
everie syd; so that the Scotesh proverbe was trew in him, "So long
rynnis the fox, as he fute hes."[308]

Whether it was at this his jorney, or at ane other, that that bloody
bowchar executed his crueltye upoun the innocent personis in Sanct
Johnestoun, we can not affirme; neyther yett thairin study we to be
curious; but rather we travall to expresse the veritie, whersoever it
was done, then scrupluslye and exactly to appoint the tymes,[309] which
yitt we omitt nott when the certaintye occurres. The veritie of that
cruell fact is this. At Sanct Paules day,[310] befoir the first burnyng
of Edinburgh, came to Sanct Johnestoun the Governour and Cardinall, and
there, upoun invyous delatioun, war a great nomber of honest men and
wemen called befoir the Cardinall, accused of heresye; and albeit that
thei could be convict of nothing but only of suspitioun that thei had
eittin a guse upoun Fryday, four men war adjudged to be hanged, and a
woman to be drouned; which cruell and most injust sentence was without
mercy putt in executioun. The husband was hanged, and the wyfe, having
ane suckin babe upoun hir breast, was drowned.--"O Lorde, the land is
nott yitt purged from such beastlye crueltye; neyther has thy just
vengence yitt strickin all that war criminall of thare blood: But the
day approchcs when that the punishment of that cruelty and of otheris
will evidentlye appear." The names of the men that war hanged, war James
Huntar, Williame Lambe,[311] Williame Andersoun, James Rannelt,
burgesses of Sanct Johnestoun. At that same tyme war banissed Schir
Henrie Eldar,[312] Johnne Eldar, Walter Pyper, Laurence Pullare, with
diverse utheris, whose names came nott to our knowledge. That sworne
ennemye to Christ Jesus, and unto all in whome any sponk of trew
knowledge appeared, had about that same tyme in preason diverse;
amonges whome was Johne Roger, a Blak Freir, godly, learned, and ane
that had fruetfully preached Christ Jesus, to the conforte of many in
Anguss and Mearnes, whome that bloody man caused murther in the ground
of the Sea-toure of Sanctandross, and then caused to cast him ower the
craig, sparsing a false bruyt, "That the said Johnne, seaking to flie,
had broken[313] his awin craig."

Thus ceassed nott Sathan, by all meanes, to manteane his kingdome of
darkness, and to suppresse the light of Christis Evangell. But potent is
he against whome thei faught; for when thay wicked war in greatast
securitie, then begane God to schaw his anger. For the thride day of
Maij, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xliiij yearis, without knowledge of
any man in Scotland, (we meane of such as should haif had the care of
the realme,) was seene a great navye of schippis arryving towardis the
Firth. The postis came to the Governour and Cardinall, (who boith war in
Edinburgh,) what multitud of schippis ware sene, and what course thei
took. This was upoun the Setterday befoir nune. Questioun was had, what
should thei meane? Borne said, It is no doubt but thei ar Englismen, and
we fear that thei shall land. The Cardinall scripped and said, "It is
but the Island flote: thei ar come to mak a schaw, and to putt us in
feare. I shall lodge all the men-of-ware into my cae,[314] that shall
land in Scotland." Still sittis the Cardinall at his dennare, eavin as
that thare had bene no danger appearing. Men convenis to gase upoun the
schippis, some to the Castell Hill, some to the Craiggis, and other
places eminent. But thare was no questioun, "With what forces shall we
resist, yf we be invadit?" Sone after sax houris at nycht, war arryved
and had casten anker in the Read of Leyth, mo then two hundreth
sailles. Schortlie thare after the Admirall schot a flote boite, which,
frome Grantoun craigis[315] till be east Leyth, sounded the deipe, and
so returned to hir schippe. Heirof war diverse opinionis. Men of
judgement foresaw what it ment. But no credite was geavin to any that
wold say, "Thei mynd to land." And so past all man to his rest, as yf
thei schippis had bene a gard for thare defence.

Upone the poynt of day, upon Sounday, the fourt of Maij, addressed thei
for landing, and ordered thei thare schippis so that a galay or two lade
thare snowttis to the craiggis.[316] The small schippis called pinaces,
and light horsmen approched als neir as thei could. The great schippis
discharged thare souldiouris in the smallare veschellis, and thei by
bottis, sett upon dry land befoir ten houris ten thousand men, as was
judged, and mo. The Governour and Cardinall seing then the thing that
thei could nott, or att least thei wold nott beleve befoir, after that
thei had maid a brag to feght, fled as fast as horse wold cary them; so
that after, thei approched nott within twenty myllis of the danger. The
Erle of Anguss, and George[317] Dowglas war that nycht freed of ward,
(thei war in Blakness.)[318] The said Schir George in merynes said, "I
thank King Hary and my gentill Maisteris of England."


The Engliss army betuix twelf and one hour[319] entered in Leyth, fand
the tables covered, the dennaris prepared, such aboundance of wyne and
victuallis, besydis the other substance, that the lyik riches within the
lyik boundis was nott to be found, neyther in Scotland nor England.
Upone the Mononday the fyft of Maij, came to thame from Berwik and the
Bordour, two thowsand horsmen, who being somewhat reposed, the army,
upoun the Wedinsday marched towardis the Toune of Edinburgh, spoyled and
brynt the same, and so did thei the Palice of Halyrudhouse.[320] The
horsmen took the House of Cragmyllare, and gatt great spoyle tharein;
for it being judged[321] the strongast house near the Toune, other then
the Castell of Edinburgh, all man sowght to saif thare movables thairin.
But the stoutness of the Larde gave it over without schote of
hack-que-boote, and for his reward was caused to merch upoun his foote
to Londoun. He is now Capitane of Dumbar and Provest of Edinburgh.[322]

The Englismen seing no resistance, hurlled by force of men cannounes up
the calsay to the Butter-throne,[323] or above, and hasarded a schoote
at the for-entree of the Castell. Butt that was to thare awin paines;
for thei lying without trinche or gabioun, war exponed to the force of
the hole ordinance of the said Castell, which schote, and that nott all
in vane; for the quheill and extrye of one of the Engliss cannownes war
brokin, and some of thare men slayne; and so thei left with small honour
that interprise, tackin rather of rashnes, then of any advised counsall.
When the most parte of the day thei had spoyled and brynt, towardis the
nyeht thei returned to Leyth, and upoun the morow returned to Edinburgh,
and executed the rest of Goddis judgementis for that tyme. And so when
thei had consumed boyth the Tounes, thai laded the schippis with spoyle
thareof,[324] and thei by land returned to Berwik, using the cuntry for
the most parte at thare awin pleasur.

This was a parte of the punishment, which God took upoun the realme for
infidelitie of the Governour, and for the violatioun of his solempned
oath. Butt this was nott the end; for the realme was devided in two
factionis; the one favored France; the other the league laitly
contracted with England: The one did in no thingis throwghlie credite
the uther; so that the countrey was in extreame calamitie; for to the
Englismen war delivered diverse strenthis, such as Carelaverok, Lowmaben
and Longhame. The maist parte of the Bordouris war confederat with
England. And albeit that first, at Ankrome Mure, in Februare, in the
year of God J^m. V^c. fourty four, was Schir Raif Evers,[325] with many
other Englismen slayne, and the yeare after war some of the saidis
strenthis recovered; yitt was it nott without great loss and detriment
to the commoun wealth. For in the moneth of Junij, in the year of God
J^m. V^c. fourty fyve, Monsoure de Lorge,[326] with bandis of men of
warr, came frome France for a further destructioun to Scotland; for
upoun thare brag was ane army rased. Fordwarte go thei towardis
Wark,[327] evin in the myddist of harvist. The Cardinallis baner was
that day displayed, and all his fecallis war charged to be under it.
Many had befoir promissed, but at the poynt it was left so bayre, that
with schame it was schut up in the pock againe, and thei after a schaw
returned with more schame to the realme, then skaith to thare ennemyes.
The black booke of Hammyltoun maikis mentioun of great vassalege[328]
done at that tyme by the Governour, and the Frenche.[329] But such as
with thare eyis saw the hole progresse, knew that to be a lye, and dois
repute it amonges the veniale synnes of that race, which is to speake
the best of thameselves thei can.

That wynter following, so nurtored the French men, that thei learned to
eatt, (yea, to beg,) caikes which at thare entrie thei skorned. Without
jesting, thei war so miserable entreated, that few returned to France
agane with thare lyves. The Cardinall had then almost fortifeid the
Castell of Sanctandross, which he maid so strong, in his opinioun, that
he regarded neyther England nor France. The Erle of Levenox, as said is,
disapoynted of all thingis in Scotland, past to England, whare he was
receaved of King Hary in protectioun, who gave him to wyffe Lady
Margaret Dowglas,[330] of whome was borne Hary, umquhile husband to our
Jezabell Maistres.

Whill the inconstant Governour was sometymes dejected and sometymes
resed up againe be the Abbot of Paslay,[331] who befoir was called
"chaster then any madyn," begane[332] to schaw him self; for after he
had tackin by craft the Castellis of Edinburgh and Dumbar, he tooke also
possessioun of his Eme's wyiff,[333] the Lady Stennoss:[334] the woman
is and hes bein famouse, and is called Lady Gylton. Hir Ladiship was
holdin alwayis in propertie;[335] but how many wyiffis and virgenes he
hes had sen that tyme in commoun, the world knowis, albeit nott all, and
his bastard byrdis[336] bear some witness. Such is the example of
holynes that the flock may receave of the Papisticall Bischoppis.


In the myddest of all the calamities that came upoun the realme after
the defectioun of the Governour from Christ Jesus, came in Scotland that
blissed Martyre of God MAISTER GEORGE WISHARTE,[337] in cumpany of the
Commissionaris befoir mentionat, in the year of God 1544; a man of such
graces as befoir him war never hard within this realme, yea, and ar rare
to be found yit in any man, nocht withstanding this great lyght of God
that sence his dayis hes schyned unto us. He was not onlye singularlye
learned, aisweall in godlye knowledge, as in all honest humane science;
bot also he was so clearlye illummated with the spreat of prophesye,
that he saw nott only thingis perteanyng to him self, but also such
thingis as some Tounes and the hole Realme afterward felt, which he
foir-spak, nott in secreat, but in the audience of many, as in thare
awin places shalbe declaired. The begynnyng of his doctrin was in
Montrose. Tharefra hie departed to Dundy, whare, with great admiratioun
of all that heard him, he tawght the Epistill to the Romanes, till that,
by procurement of the Cardinall, Robert Myll, then one of the principall
men in Dundye, and a man that of old had professed knowledge, and for
the same had sufferred trublc, gave, in the Quenis and Governouris name,
inhibitioun to the said Maister George, that he should truble thare
toune no more; for thei wold not suffer it. And this was said unto him,
being in the publict place; which heard, he mused a pretty space,[338]
with his eis bent unto the heavin, and thareafter looking sorowfullie to
the speakar, and unto the people, he said, "God is witness, that I never
mynded your truble, but your conforte. Yea, your truble is more dolorous
unto me, then it is unto your selves. But I am assured that to refuse
Goddis Word, and to chase from yow his messinger, shall not preserve yow
frome truble; but it shall bring yow into it. For God shall send unto
yow messingeris, who will not be efinayed of bornyng, nor yitt for
banishment. I have offerred unto yow the woorde of salvatioun, and with
the hasarde of my lyef I have remaned amanges yow. Now ye your selves
refuise me, and tharefoir man I leave my innocencye to be declared by my
God. Yf it be long prosperus with yow, I am nott ledd with the Spreitt
of treuth. Butt and yf truble unlooked for apprehend yow, acknowledge
the caus, and turne to God, for he is mercifull. But yf ye turne not at
the first, he shall viseitt yow with fyre and sword." These woordis
pronunsed, he came doune frome the preaching place. In the kirk present
was the Lord Merschell,[339] and diverse noblemen, who wold have had the
said Maister George to have remaned, or ellis to have gone with him in
the countrey. Butt for no requeast wold he eyther tary in the toune or
on that syd of Tay any longar. Butt with possible expeditioun past to
the west-land, whare he begane to offerr Goddis woord, which was of
many gladlye received, till that the Bischop of Glasgw, Dumbar, by
instigatioun of the Cardinall came with his gatheringis to the toune of
Ayr, to mack resistance to the said Maister George, and did first occupy
the kirk. The Erle of Glencarne being thairof advertissed, repaired with
his freindis to the toune with diligence, and so did diverse gentilmen
of Kyle, (amonges whome was the Lard of Lefnoryss,[340] a man far
different frome him that now lyvith*, [SN: ANNO 1566.*] in maneris and
religioun,) of whome to this day yitt many lyve, and have declared thame
selfis alwayes zelous and bold in the caus of God, as after wilbe heard.
When all war assembled, conclusioun was tackin that thei wold have the
kirk; wharto the said Maister George utterlye repugned, saying, "Lett
him allone; his sermon will nott much hurte: Lett us go to the Merkate
Croce;" and so thei did, whare he made so notable a sermon, that the
verray ennemies thame selves war confounded. [SN: THE BISCHOPE OF
GLASGOW HIS PREACHING IN AYRE.] The Bischope preached to his jackmen,
and to some old bosses of the toune. The summe of all his sermon was:
"Thei say that we shuld preach: why nott? Bettir late thrive then never
thrive: had us still for your Bischop, and we shall provid better for
the next tyme." This was the begynnyng and the end of the Bischoppis
sermon, who with haist departed the toune, butt returned nott agane to
fulfill his promisse.

The said Maister George remaned with the gentilmen in Kyle, till that he
gate suyre knowledge of the estate of Dondye. Hie preached commonlie at
the kirk of Gaston,[341] and used much in the Barr.[342] He was requyred
to come to the kirk of Mauchlyne, as that he did. But the Schiref of
Ayr[343] caused man the kirk, for preservatioun of a tabernakle that was
thare, bewtyfull to the eie. The personis that held the kirk was George
Campbell of Mongaswood, that yitt lyveth,* [SN: ANNO 1566.*] Mongo
Campbell of Brounesyd, George Read in Dawdeling, the Lard of
Tempilland.[344] Some zelous of the parishyne, amangis whome Hew
Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[345] offended that thei shuld be debarred
thare parish kirk, concludit by force to enter. But the said Maister
George withdrew the said Hew, and said unto him, "Brother, Christ Jesus
is as potent upoun the feildis as in the kirk; and I fynd that he him
self often preached in the deserte, at the sea syd, and other places
judged prophane, then that he did in the Tempill of Hierusalem. It is
the woord of peace that God sendis by me: the blood of no man shalbe
sched this day for the preaching of it." And so with drawing the hole
people, he came to a dyck in a mure edge, upoun the sowth-west syd of
Mauchlyne, upoun the which he ascended. The hole multitude stood and sat
about him, (God gave the day pleasing and hote.) He continewed in
preach[ing] more then three houris. In that sermoun, God wrowght so
wonderfullye with him, that ane of the most wicked men that was in that
countrey, named Laurence Ranckin lard of Scheill,[346] was converted.
The tearis rane from his eis in such habundance, that all men wondered.
His conversioun was without hipochrysye, for his lyif and conversatioun
witnessed it in all tymes to come.

Whill this faithfull servand of God was thus occupyed in Kyle, woord
rais that the plague of pestilence was rissen in Dondye,[347] which
begane within foure dayis, after that the said Maister George was
inhibite preaching, and was so vehement, that it almost passed
credibilitie, to hear what nomber departed everie foure and twenty
houris. The certantie understand, the said Maister George tooke his
leave of Kyle, and that with the regrate of many. Bot no requeist could
mack him to remane: his reassone was, "Thei ar now in truble, and thei
nead conforte: Perchance this hand of God will make thame now to
magnifie and reverence that woord, which befoir (for the fear of men,)
thei sett at light price."[348] Cuming unto Dondye, the joy of the
faythfull was exceading great. He delayed no tyme, bot evin upoun the
morow gave significatioun that he wold preache. And becaus the most
parte war eyther seak, or ellis war in cumpany with those that war seak,
he chosed the head of the East Porte of the Toune for his preaching
place; and so the whole sat or stood within, the seik and suspected
without the Porte.[349] The text upoun the which his first sermoun was
made, he took fra the hundreth and sevin Psalme; the sentence thareof,
"He send his woorde and heallod thame;" and tharewith joyned these
woordis, "It is neather herbe nor plaster, O Lord, butt thy woord
healleth all." In the which sermoun, he maist confortablie did intreat
the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis woord; the punishment that cumis for
the contempt of the same; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such as
trewlye turne to him; yea, the great happynes of thame whome God tackis
from this miserie, evin in his awin gentill visitatioun, which the
malice of man cane neyther eak nor paire. By the which sermoun he so
rased up the hartis of all that heard him, that thei regarded nott
death, but judged thame more happy that should departe, then such as
should remane behynd; considering that thei knew nott yf thei shuld have
such a confortar with thame at all tymes. He spared not to viseit thame
that lay in the verray extreamitie; he conforted thame as that he mycht
in such a multitude; he caused minister all thingis necessarye to those
that mycht use meat or drynk; and in that poynt was the Toune wonderouse
beneficiall; for the poore was no more neglected then was the rich.

Whill he was spending his lyve to conforte the afflicted, the Devill
ceassed nott to stirr up his awin sone the Cardinall agane, who
corrupted by money a disperat preast, named Schir Johne Wightone, to
slay the said Maister George, who looked not to him self in all thingis
so circumspectlie as worldlie men wold have wissed. And upoun a day, the
sermoun ended, and the people departing, no man suspecting danger, and
tharefore nott heading the said Maister George, the Preast that was
corrupted stood wating at the foot of the steppis, his goune lowse, and
his whinger drawin into his hand under his gown, the said Maister
George, as that he was most scharpe of eie and judgement, marked him,
and as he came neyr, he said, "My friend, what wald ye do?" And
tharewith he clapped his hand upoun the Preastis hand, wharein the
whingar was, which he tooke from him. The Preast abassed, fell down at
his feitt, and openly confessed the veritie as it was. The noyse rysing,
and cuming to the earis of the seik, thei cryed, "Deliver the tratour to
us, or ellis we will tack him by forse;" and so thei birst[350] in at
the yett. But Maister George took him in his armes, and said, "Whosoevir
trubles him shall truble me; for he has hurte me in nothing, bot he hes
done great conforte boyth to yow and me, to witt, he hes lattin us
understand what we may feare in tymes to come. We will watch better."
And so he appeased boith the one parte and the other, and saved the lyif
of him that soght his.

When the plague was so ceassed, that almost thare war none seak, he
tooke his leave of thame, and said, "That God had almost putt end to
that battell: he fand him self called to ane other." The gentilmen of
the West had written unto him, That he should meitt thame at Edinburgh;
for thei wald requyre disputatioun of the Bischoppis, and that he should
be publictlie heard. Whaireto he willinglye aggreed; but first, he
passed to Montrose, to salute the Kirk thare; whare he remaned occupyed
sometymes in preaching, but most parte in secreat meditatioun, in the
which he was so earnest, that nycht and day he wold continew in it.
Whill he was so occupyed with his God, the Cardinall drew a secreat
drawght for his slawchter. He caused to writt unto him a letter, as it
had bein frome his most familiare friend, the Larde of Kynneyre,[351]
"Desyring him with all possible diligence to come unto him, for he was
strickin with a suddane seakness." In this meantyme, had the tratour
provided thre score men, with jackis and spearis, to lye in wate within
a myll and a half of the toune of Montrose, for his dispatche. The
letter cuming to his hand, he maid haste at the first, (for the boy had
brought a horse,) and so with some honest men, he passes forth of the
toune. But suddandlye he stayed, and musing a space, returned back;
whareat thei wondering, he said, "I will nott go: I am forbiddin of God:
I am assured thare is treasone. Lett some of yow, (sayis he,) go to
yonder place, and tell me what ye fynd." Diligence made, thei fand the
treassone, as it was; which being schawin with expeditioun to Maister
George, he ansured, "I know that I shall finysh this[352] my lief in
that blood-thrusty manis handis; butt it will not be of this maner."

The tyme approching that he had appointed to meit the gentilmen at
Edinburght, he took his leave of Montrose, and, sore against the
judgement of the Lard of Dune,[353] he entered in his jorney, and so
returned to Dondy; but remaned not, but passed to the hous of a
faythfull brother, named James Watsone, who dwelt in Inner Gowrye,
distant frome the said toune two myles, and that nycht, (as informatioun
was gevin to us by Williame Spadin and Johnne Watsoun, both men of good
credyte,) befoir day a litill he passed furth into a yard. The said
Williame and Johne followed previlie, and took head what he did. When he
had gone up and doune into ane alay a ressonable space, with many sobbes
and deape grones, he platt upoun[354] his knees, and setting thareon,
his grones increassed; and frome his knees he fell upoun his face; and
then the personis fornamed heard weaping and, as it war ane indigest
sound, as it war of prayeris, in the which he continewed neyre ane hour,
and after begane to be qwiet; and so arrose and came in to his bed. They
that awated prevented him, as thei had bein ignorant, till that he came
in; and than begane thei to demand whare he had bein? Butt that nycht he
wold ansuer nothing. Upoun the morow, thei urged him agane; and whill
that he dissimuled, thei said, "Maister George, be plaine with us; for
we heard your grones; yea, we heard your bitter murning, and saw yow
boyth upoun your kneis and upoun your face." With dejected visage, he
said, "I had rather ye had bein in your beddis, and it had bein more
profitable to yow, for I was skarse weall occupyed." When thei
instantlie urged him to lett thame know some conforte; he said, "I will
tell yow, that I am assured that my travail is neir ane end; and
tharefor call to God with me, that now I schrink not when the battell
waxis moist hoote." And whill that thei weaped, and said, "That was
small conforte unto thame;" [SN: PROPHECIE SPOKIN BY MAISTER GEORGE
WISHARTE.] he ansured, "God shall send yow conforte after me. This
realme shalbe illuminated with the light of Christis Evangell, as
clearlie as ever was any realme sence the dayis of the Apostles. The
house of God shalbe builded in to it. Yea, it sall not lack, (whatsoever
the ennemye imagyne in the contrare,) the verray cope stone:"[355]
Meanyng that it shuld anes be browght to the full perfectioun. "Neyther,
(said he,) shall this be long to: Thare shall nott many suffer after me,
till that the glorie of God shall evidently appear, and shall anes
triumphe in dispyte of Sathan. Butt, allace! yf the people shall after
be unthankfull, then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues be that
after shall follow." And with these woordis he marched fordwardis in his
jorney towardis Sanct Johnestoun; and so to Fyff, and then to Leyth.
Whare arryved, and hearing no wourd of those that appointed to meitt
him, (to witt, the Erle of Cassilles, and the gentill men of Kyle and
Cunynghame,[356]) keap him self secreat a day or two. But begynnyng to
wax sorowfull in spreit, and being demanded of the caus, of such as war
nott into his cumpany of befoir, he said, "What differ I from a dead
man, except that I eat and drynk? To this tyme God hes used my laubouris
to the instructioun of otheris, and unto the disclosing of darknes; and
now I lurk as a man that war eschamed, and durst not schaw him self
befoir men." By these and lyik woordis, thei that heard him understoode
that his desyre was to preach; and tharefoir said, "Maist confortable it
war unto us to hear yow: but becaus we know the danger wharein ye stand,
we dar not desyre yow." "But dar ye and otheris hear, (said he,) and
then lett my God provide for me, as best pleasith him." Finally, it was
concluded, that the nixt Sounday he should preach in Leyth; as that he
did, and took the text, "The Parable of the Sowar that went furth to saw
sead," Mathæi, 13. And this was upoun a fyvetene dayis[357] befoir Yule.
The sermon ended, the gentill men of Lotheane, who then war earnest
professouris of Christ Jesus, thought not expedient that he shuld remane
in Leyth, becaus that the Governour and Cardinall war schortlie to come
to Edinburgh; and tharefore thei tooke him with thame, and keapt him
sometymes in Brounestoun, sometymes in Langnudry, and sometymes in
Ormestoun; for those thrie[358] diligentlie awated upoun him. The
Sounday following, he preached in the kirk of Enresk,[359] besydis
Mussilburght, both befoir and at after none, whare thare was a great
confluence of people, amonges whome was Schir George Douglass,[360] who
after the sermon said publictlie, [SN: THE WOORDIS OF SIR GEORGE
DOWGLASS.] "I know that my Lord Governour and my Lord Cardinall shall
hear that I have bein at this preaching, (for thei war then in
Edinburght.) Say unto thame that I will avow it, and will nott onlye
manteane the doctrin that I have hard, bot also the persone of the
teachare to the uttermost of my power." Which woordis greatly rejosed
the people and the gentilmen then present.


One thing notable in that sermon we can not pass by. Amonges otheris
thare came two Gray Frearis, and standing in the entrie of the kirk
doore, thei made some whispering to such as came in. Which perceaved,
the preachar said to the people that stoode ney thame, "I hartlye pray
yow to mack roome to those two men: It may be that thei be come to
learne." And unto thame he said, "Come neyr, (for thei stoode in the
verray entrye of the doore,) for I assure yow ye shall heare the woord
of veritie, which shall eyther seall in to yow this same day your
salvatioun, or condempnatioun." And so proceaded he in doctrin,
supposing that thei wold have bein qwyette. But when he perceaved them
still to truble the people that stood ney thame, (for vehement was he
against the false wirschipping of God,) he turned unto thame the secound
tyme, and with ane awfull countenance said, "O sergeantis of Sathan, and
deceavaris of the soules of men, will ye nether hear Goddis trewth, nor
suffer otheris to hear it? Departe and tack this for your portioun,--God
shall schortlie confound and disclose your hipochrisie: Within this
realme ye shall be abhominable unto men, and your places and
habitationis shalbe desolate." This sentence he pronunced with great
vehemeneye, in the myddist of the sermoun; and turneying to the people,
he said, "Yone wicked men have provocked the Spreat of God to angar."
And so he returned to his mater, and proceaded to the end. That dayis
travaill ended, he came to Langnudrye; and the two nixt Soundayis
preached in Tranent, with the lyik grace and lyik confluence of people.
In all his sermonis, after his departure from Anguss, he forespake the
schortnes of the tyme that he had to traval, and of his death, the day
whairof he said approched neyar then any wold beleve.

In the hynder end of those dayis that ar called the Holy dayis of Yule,
past he, by consent of the gentilmen, to Hadingtoun, whare it was
supposed the greatast confluence of people should be, boyth be reassoun
of the toune and of the countrey adjacent. The first day befoir nune the
auditouris[361] was reassonable, and yitt nothing in comparisone of that
which used to be in that kyrk. Butt the after nune, and the nixt day
following befoir nune, the auditure[362] was so selender, that many
wondered. The cause was judged to have bein, that the Erle Bothwell,
who in those boundis used to have great credite and obedience, by
procurement of the Cardinall, had gevin inhibitioun, asweell unto the
toune, as unto the countrey, that thei should nott hear him under the
pane of his displeasur. The first nycht he lay within the toune with
David Forress, now called the Generall,[363] ane man that long hes
professed the trueth, and upoun whom many in that tyme depended. The
secound nycht, he lay in Lethingtoun, the Lard[364] whareof was ever
civile, albeit not persuaded in religioun. The day following, befoir the
said Maister George past to the sermoun, thare came to him a boy with
ane letter from the West land, which receaved and red, he called for
JOHNE KNOX,[365] who had awaited upoun him carefullie frome the tyme he
came to Lotheane; with whome he began to enter in purpose, "that he
weryed of the world:" for he perceaved that men begane to weary of
God.[366] The caus of his complaint was, the gentilmen of the West had
writtin unto him, that thei could nott keape dyet at Edinburgh. The said
Johne Knox wondering that he desyred to keape any purpoise befoir
sermoun, (for that was never his accustomed use befoir,) said, "Schir,
the tyme of sermoun approches: I will leave yow for the present to your
meditatioun;" and so took the bill conteanyng the purpose foirsaid, and
left him. The said Maister George spaced up and doune behynd the hie
altar more then half ane houre: his verray contenance and visage
declared the greaf and alteratioun of his mynd. At last, he passed to
the pulpett, but the auditure was small. He should have begune to have
entreated the secound table of the Law; But thareof in that sermoun he
spak verray litill, but begane on this maner; "O Lord, how long shall it
be, that thy holy woord shalbe despysed, and men shall not regard thare
awin salvatioun. I have heard of thee, Hadingtoun, that in thee wold
have bein at ane vane Clerk play[367] two or three thowsand people; and
now to hear the messinger of the Eternall God, of all thy toune nor
parishe can not be nombred a hundreth personis. Sore and feirfull shall
the plagues be that shall ensew this thy contempt: with fyre and sword
thow shalt be plagued; yea, thow Haddingtoun, in speciall, strangearis
shall possesse thee, and yow, the present inhabitantes shall eyther in
bondage serve your ennemyes, or ellis ye shalbe chassed fra your awin
habitationis; and that becaus ye have not knawin, nor will nott know the
tyme of Goddis mercifull visitatioun." In such vehemency and threatnyng
continewed that servand of God neyr ane hour and ane half, in the which
he declared all the plagues that ensewed, as plainlie as after our eyes
saw thame performed. In the end he said, "I have forgotten my self and
the mater that I should have entraited; but lett these my last woordis
as concernyng publict preaching, remane in your myndis, till that God
send yow new conforte." Thairefter he maid a schorte paraphrasis upoun
the Secound Table, with ane exhortatioun to patience, to the fear of
God, and unto the werkis of mercy; and so putt end, as it war macking
his last testament, as the ischew declaired, that the spreat of trewth
and of trew judgement war both in his harte and mouth. For that same
nycht was he apprehended, befoir mydnycht, in the house of Ormestoun, by
the Erle Bothwell, made for money bucheour to the Cardinall.

The maner of his tackin was thus: departing frome the toune of
Hadingtoun, he tuk his good nyght, as it war for ever, of all his
acquentance, especiallie from Hew Dowglas of Langnudrye. Johne Knox
preassing to have gone with the said Maister George, he said, "Nay,
returne to your barnes, and God blisse yow. One is sufficient for one
sacrifice." And so he caused a twa handed sweard, (which commonly was
caiyed with the said Maister George,) be tackin fra the said Johnne
Knox, who, albeit unwillinglie, obeyit, and returned with Hew Dowglass
of Langnudrye.[368] Maister George having to accompany him the Lard of
Ormestoun, Johnne Sandelandis of Caldar youngar, the Lard of
Brounestoun, and otheris, with thare servandis, passed upoun foote, (for
it was a vehement frost,) to Ormestoun. After suppar he held confortable
purpose of the death of Goddis chosen childrin, and mearely[369] said,
"Methink that I desyre earnestlye to sleap;" and thairwith he said,
"Will we sing a Psalme?" And so he appointed the 51st Psalme, which was
put in Scotishe meter, and begane thus,--

  Have mercy on me now, good Lord,
  After thy great mercy, &c.:[370]

Which being ended, he past to chalmer, and sonar then his commoun dyet
was past to bed, with these wourdis, "God grant qwyet rest." Befoir
mydnycht, the place was besett about that none could eschape to mack
advertisment. The Erle Bothwell[371] came and called for the Lard, and
declaired the purpose, and said, "that it was but vane to maik him to
hold his house; for the Governour and the Cardinall with all thare power
war cuming," (and indead the Cardinall was at Elphinstoun,[372] not a
myle distant frome Ormestoun;) [SN: THE LORD BOTHWELLIS PROMESSE.] "butt
and yf he wald deliver the man to him, he wold promeise upoun his
honour, that he should be saif, and that it should pass the power of the
Cardinall to do him any harme or skaith." Allured with these wordis,
and tackin counsall with the said Maister George, (who at the first word
said, "Open the yettis: the blissed will of my God be doun,") thei
receaved in the Erle Bothwell him self, with some gentilmen with him, to
BOTHWELL.] "I praise my God that sa honorable a man as ye, my Lord,
receavis me this nycht, in the presence of these noble men; for now, I
am assured, that for your honouris saik, ye will suffer nothing to be
done unto me besydis the ordour of law. I am nott ignorant, that thaire
law is nothing but corruptioun, and a clock to sched the bloode of the
sanctes; but yitt I lesse fear to dye openlye, then secreatlye to be
murthered." The said Erle Bothwell ansured, "I shall not onlye preserve
your body frome all violence, that shalbe purposed against yow without
ordour of law, but also I promeisse, hear in the presence of these
gentilmen, that neyther shall the Governour nor Cardinall have thare
will of yow;[373] but I shall reteane yow in my awin handis, and in my
awin place, till that eyther I shall mack yow free, or ellis restoir yow
in the same place whare I receave yow." The Lardis foirsaid said, "My
Lord, yf ye will do as ye have spokin, and as we think your Lordship
will do, then do we hear promesse unto your Lordschip, that not only we
our selfis shall serve yow all the dayis of our lyiff, but also we shall
procure the haill professouris within Lotheane to do the same. And upoun
eyther the preservatioun[374] of this our brother, or upoun his
delyverie agane to our handis, we being reassonable advertissed to
receave him, that we, in the name and behalf of our freindis, shall
deliver to your Lordschip, or to any sufficient man, that shall deliver
to us agane this servand of God, our band of manrent in manor foirsaid."
As thus promesse maid in the presence of God, and handis stracked upon
boith the parties, for observatioun of the premisses,[375] the said
Maister George was delivered to the handis of the said Erle Bothwell,
who immediatlye departing with him, came to Elphinstoun, whare the
Cardinall was; who knowing that Caldar yongar and Brunestoun war with
the Larde of Ormestoun, send back with expeditioun to apprehend thame
also. The noyse of horsmen being hard, the servandis gave advertisment,
that mo then departed, or that war thare befoir, war returned; and whill
that thei disput, what should be the motive, the Cardinallis garison had
ceased both the utter and the inner close. Thei called for the Larde,
and for the Larde of Calder, who presenting thame selves, demanded what
thare commissioun was. "To bring yow two," say thei, "and the Larde of
Brunestoun to my Lord Governour." Thei war nothing content, (as thei had
no cause,) and yitt thei maid fayr contenance, and entreated the
gentilmen to tack a drynk, and to bate thare horse, till that thei mycht
putt thame selves in redynes to ryd with thame. In this meantyme,
Brunestoun convoyed him self, fyrst secreatlye, and then by spead of
foote, to Ormestoun wood, and frome thense to Drundallon,[376] and so
eschaped that danger. The other two war putt in the Castell of
Edinburght, whare the one, to witt Caldar youngar, remaned whill his
band of manrent to the Cardinall was the meanes of his deliverance, and
the other, to witt Ormestoun, fread him self by leapping of the wall of
the Castell, betuix ten houris and allevin befoir none; and so breakin
ward,[377] he eschaped preassone, which he injustlye sufferred.

The servand of God, Maister George Wisharte, was caryed first to
Edinburgh; thareafter browght back, for the fassionis saik, to the hous
of Hales[378] agane, which was the principall place that then the Erle
Bothwell had in Lotheane. But as gold and wemen have corrupted all
wordlye and fleschlye men from the begynning, so did thei him. For the
Cardinall gave gold, and that largelye, and the Quene, with whome the
said Erle was then in the glondouris, promissed favouris in all his
lauchfull suyttis to wemen, yf he wold deliver the said Maister George
to be keap[379] in the Castell of Edinburgh. He made some resistance at
the first, be reassone of his promesse:[380] [SN: _IRONICE._] butt
ane effeminat man cane nott long withstand the assaultes of a gratious
Quein. And so was the servand of God transported to Edinburgh Castell,
whare he remaned nott many dayis. For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall,
ever thrusting the blood of the servand of God, so travailled with the
abused Governour, that he was content that Goddis servand should be
delivered to the power of that tyranne. And so, small inversioun being
maid, Pilate obeyed the petitioun of Cayiaphas and of his fellowis, and
adjugeid Christ to be crucifeid. The servand of God delivered to the
hande of that proude and mercyless tyranne, triumphe was maid by the
preastis. The godly lamented, and accused the foolishnes of the
Governour; for, by the reteanyng of the said Maister George, he mycht
have caused Protestantis and Papistis, (rather proude Romanistis,) to
have served, the ane to the end, That the lyef of thare preachear mycht
have bene saved, the other, For fear that he should have sett him at
libertie agane, to the confusioun of the Bischoppis. But where God is
left, (as he had plainlie renunced him before,) what can counsall or
judgement availl?

How the servand of God was entreated, and what he did frome the day that
he entered within the Sea-tour of Sanctandrose, quhilk was in the end of
Januare, in the year of God J^m. V^c. xlvj, unto the first of Merch[381]
the same year, when he sufferred, we can not certanelye[382] tell,
except we understand that he wrett somewhat being in preason; but that
was suppressed by the ennemyes. The Cardinall delayed no tyme, but
caused all Bischoppis, yea, all the cleargy that had any preheminance,
to be convocat to Sanctandrose against the penult of Februare, that
consultatioun mycht be had in that questioun, which in his mynd was no
less resolved then Christis death was in the mynd of Caiaphas; butt that
the rest should bear the lyek burdein with him, he wold that thei should
befoir the world subscrive whatsoever he did.[383] In that day was
wrought no less a wonder than was at the accusatioun and death of Jesus
Christ, when that Pilate and Herode, who befoir war ennemyes, war maid
freindis, by consenting of thame boith to Christis condempnatioun,
differris nothing, except that Pilate and Herode war brethrene under
thare father the Devill, in the Estaite called Temporall, and these two,
of whome we ar to speak, war brethren (sonnes of the same father the
Devill) in the Estaite Ecclesiasticall. Yf we enterlase merynes with
earnest materis, pardon us, goode Readar; for the fact is so notable
that it deservith long memorye.


The Cardinall was knowin proude; and Dumbare, Archibischope of Glasgw,
was knowin a glorious foole; and yitt, becaus sometymes he was called
the Kingis Maister,[384] he was Chancelour of Scotland. The Cardinall
cumis evin thus same year, in the end of harvest befoir, to Glasgw;
upoun what purpose we omitt.[385] [SN: A QUESTION WORTHY OF SUCH TWO
PRELATTIS.] But whill they remane togither, the one in the toune, the
other in the Castell,[386] questioun ryses for bearing of thare croces.
The Cardinall alledgeid, by reassoun of his Cardinallschip, and that he
was _Legatus Natus_, and Primat within Scotland, in the kingdom of
Antichrist, that he should have the pre-eminence, and that his croce
should not onlye go befoir, but that also it should onlye be borne,
wharesoever he was. Good Gukstoun Glaikstour, the foirsaid Archibischop,
lacked no reassonis, as he thowght, for mantenance of his glorie: He was
ane Archibischope in his awin dioscy, and in his awin Cathedrall seat
and Church, and tharefor awght to give place to no man: The power of the
Cardinall was but begged from Rome, and apperteined but to his awin
persone, and nott to his bischoprik; for it mycht be, that his
successour should nott be Cardinall: Bot his dignitie was annexed with
his office, and did apperteane to all that ever should be Bischoppis of
Glasgw. Howsoever these dowbtis war resolved by the doctouris of
divinitie of boith the Prelattis; yitt the decisioun was as ye shall
hear. Cuming furth, (or going in, all is one,) att the qweir doore of
Glasgw Kirk, begynnes stryving for state betuix the two croce beraris,
so that from glowmyng thei come to schouldering; frome schouldering,
thei go to buffettis, and from dry blawes, by neffis and neffelling; and
then for cheriteis saik, thei crye, _Dispersit, dedit pauperibus_, and
assayis quhilk of the croces war fynast mettall, which staf was
strongast, and which berar could best defend his maisteris pre-eminence;
and that thare should be no superioritie in that behalf, to the ground
gois boyth the croces. And then begane no litill fray, but yitt a meary
game; for rockettis war rent, typpetis war torne, crounis war
knapped,[387] and syd gounis mycht have bene sein wantonly wag from the
one wall to the other: Many of thame lacked beardis, and that was the
more pitie; and tharefore could not bukkill other by the byrse, as[388]
bold men wold haif doune. Butt fy on the jackmen that did nott thare
dewitie; for had the one parte of thame reacontered the other, then had
all gone rycht. But the sanctuarye, we suppose, saved the lyves of many.
How mearelye[389] that ever this be writtin, it was bitter bowrding[390]
to the Cardinall and his courte. It was more then irregularitie; yea, it
mycht weall have bene judged lease majestie to the sone of perdition,
the Papes awin persone; and yitt the other in his foly, as proud as a
packoke, wold lett the Cardinall know that he was a Bischop when the
other was butt Betoun, befoir he gat Abirbrothok.[391] This inemitie was
judged mortall, and without all hope of reconsiliatioun.

Butt the blood of the innocent servand of God buryed in oblivioun all
that braggine and boast. For the Archibischope of Glasgw was the first
unto whome the Cardinall wraitt, signifeing unto him what was done, and
earnestly craving of him, that he wold assist with his presence and
counsall, how that such are ennemye unto thare estaite mycht be
suppressed. And thareto was nott the other slow, but keapt tyme
appointed, satt nixt to the Cardinall, voted and subscrivit first in the
ranck, and lay ower the East blok-house[392] with the said Cardinall,
till the Martyre of God was consumed by fyre. For this we man note, that
as all thei beastis consented in harte to the slawchter of that
innocent, so did thei approve it with thare presence, having the hole
ordinance of the Castell of Sanctandrose bent towardis the place of
executioun, which was ney to the said Castell, reddy to have schote yf
any wold have maid defence, or reskew to Goddis servand.

The maner of his Accusatioun, Process, and Ansueris followis, as we have
receaved the same frome the Book of the Martyres,[393] which, woord by
woord, we have hear inserted, and that becaus the said book, for the
great price thairof, is rare to be had.


With moste tender affection and unfayned hart consider, (gentle Reader,)
the uncharitable maner of the Accusation of Maister George Wischart,
made by the bloudye enemies of Christes fayth. Note also the Articles
whereof he was accused, by order digested, and his meeke answeares, so
farre as he had leave and leysure to speake. Finally, ponder with no
dissemblyng spirite the furious rage, and tragicall cruelnes of the
malignant Churche, in persecuting of this blessed man of God; and, of
the contrarye, his humble, pacient, and most godly answeares, made to
them sodaynely without al feare, not having respect to their glorious
manasinges and boysterous threates, but charitably and without stop
answearing: not movyng his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in
his Accusation hereafter folowyng manifestly shal appeare.]

Upone the last of Februare, was send to the preason, quhare the servand
of God lay, the Deane of the toune, by the commandiment of the Cardinall
and his wicked counsall, and thai summoned the said Maister George, that
he should upoun the morne following appeir befoir the Judge, then and
thare to give accompt of his seditious and hereticall doctrine. To whome
the said Maister George ansuered, "What needith, (said he,) my Lord
Cardinall to summound me to ansuere for my doctrine oppinlie befoir him,
under whose power and dominioun I am thus straitlie bound in irnes. May
not my Lord compell me to ansuer to his extorte power? Or belevith he
that I am unprovided to rander accompt of my doctrine? To manifest your
selves what men ye ar, it is weall done that ye keapt your old
ceremonyes and constitutions maid by men."

Upoun the nixt morne, my Lord Cardinall caused his servandis to address
thame selves in thare most warlyk array, with jack, knapscall, splent,
speir, and axe, more semyng for the war, then for the preaching of the
trew word of God. And when these armed campionis, marching in warlyk
ordour, had conveyed the Bischoppis unto the Abbay Church,
incontinentlye thei sent for Maistor George, who was conveyed unto the
said churche by the Capitane of the Castell, and the nomber of ane
hundreth men, addressed in maner foirsaid, lyik a lambe led thei him to
sacrifice. As he entered in at the Abbay Church doore, there was a poore
man lying vexed with great infirmities, asking of his almouse, to whome
he flang his purse. And when he came befoir the Cardinall, by and by the
Suppriour of the Abbay, called Dene Johne Wynreme,[395] stoode up in the
pulpete, and maid a sermon to all the congregatioun there then
assembled, taking his mater out of the xiij chaptour of Matthew; whose
sermon was devided into four principall partes. The First was, a schorte
and breaf declaratioun of the Evangelist. The Secound, of the
interpretatioun of the good seid; and becaus he called the Word of God
the Good seid, and Heresye the Evill seid, he declaired what Heresye
wes, and how it should be knowin. [SN: BONA HÆRESEOS DEFINITIO.] He
defyned it on this maner: "Heresye is a fals opinioun, defended with
pertinacie, cleirlye repugning to the word of God." The Third parte of
his sermoun was, the caus of Heresye within that realme, and all other
realmes. "The caus of Heresie, (quod he,) is the ignorance of thame
which have the cure of menis saules, to whome it necessarelie belongeth
to have the trew understanding of the word of God, that thei may be able
to wyn agane the fals doctouris of heresyes, with the sword of the
Spreat, which is the word of God; and not only to wyne agane, bot also
to owircum:--as saith[396] Paule, 'A bischope most be faltles, as
becumith the minister of God, not stubburne, not angrie, no drunkard, no
feghtar, not gevin to filthy lucre; but harberous, one that loveth
goodnes, sober mynded, rychteous, holy, temperat, and such as cleaveth
unto the trew word of the doctrine, that he may be able to exhorte with
holsome learning, and to improve that which thei say against him.'" The
Fourte parte of his sermon was, how Heresyes should be knowin. "Heresyes
(quod he) be knawin on this maner: As the goldsmyth knowith the fyne
gold frome the unperfite, by the towch stone, so lyikwyise may we know
heresye by the undowbted towch stone, that is, the trew, syncere, and
undefyled worde of God." At the last, he added, "That heretikis should
he putt down in this present lyef: To the which propositioun the Gospell
appeired to repunge whilk he entreated of, 'Lett thame boith grow unto
the harvist:' The harvest is the end of the world; nevertheles, he
affirmed, that thei should be putt down by the Civile Magistrat and

And when he ended his Sermone, incontinent thei caused Maister George to
ascend into the pulpet, there to heir his Accusatioun and Articles; for
rycht against him stood up one of the fedd flok, a monstere,[397] Johnne
Lawder, ladin full of cursingis, writtin in paper, of the which he took
out a roll boyth long and also full of cursingis,[398] threatnynges,
maledictionis, and wordis of devillesh spyte and malice, saying to the
innocent Maister George so many cruell and abhominable wordis, and hit
him so spytfullie with the Popis thunder, that the ignorant people
dreded least the earth then wold have swallowed him up qwick.
Nochtwythstanding, he stood still with great patience hearing thare
sayingis, not ones moving or changeing his countenance. When that this
fedd sow had red throwghout all his lying minasingis, his face runnyng
doune with sweat, and frothing at the mouth lyik ane bayre, he[399]
spate at Maister George his face, saying, "What ansuerist thow to these
sayingis, thow runnigat, tratour, theef, which we have dewlye proved by
sufficient witnes against thee." Maister George hearing this, satt doune
upoun his kneis in the pulpete, making his prayer to God. When he had
ended his prayer, sweitlye and Christianelie he answered to thame all in
this maner.


     "Many and horrible sayingis unto me, a Christiane man, many wordis
     abhominable for to hear, ye haif spokin heir this day, which not
     only to teach, but also to think, I thowght it ever great
     abhominatioun. Wharefore, I pray your discretionis quietlie to hear
     me, that ye may know what war my sayingis, and the maner of my
     doctrin. This my petitioun, my Lordis, I desyre to be heard for
     three causes: The First is, Becaus throw preaching of the word of
     God, his glorie is maid manifest: it is ressonabill tharefoir, for
     the avanceing of the glorie of God, that ye heare me teaching
     treulye the pure and syncere worde of God, without any
     dissimulatioun. The Second reassone is, Becaus that your helth
     springeth of the worde of God, for he workith all thing by his
     word: it war tharefoir ane unrychteous thing, yf ye should stope
     your earis from me teiching trewlye the word of God. The Thrid
     reason is, Becaus your doctrine speaketh furth many
     pestilentious,[400] blasphemous, and abhominable wordis, not cuming
     by the inspiratioun of God, bot of the devill, on[401] no less
     pearrell then my lyif: It is just tharefoir, and ressonable, your
     discreationis to know what my wordis and doctrine are, and what I
     have ever tawght in my tyme in this realme, that I perish not
     injustlye, to the great perrell of your soulles. Wharfoir, boyth
     for the glorie and honour of God, your awin health, and savegard of
     my lyef, I beseik your discretionis to hear me, and in the meantyme
     I sall recyte my doctrin without any cullour.

     First, and cheiflie, since the tyme I came into this realme, I
     tawght nothing but the Ten Commandimentis of God, the Twelf
     Articles of the Fayth, and the Prayer of the Lord, in the mother
     toung. Moirovir, in Dundy, I tawcht the Epistill of Sanct Paule to
     the Romanes; and I shall schaw your discretionis faythfullie what
     fassion and maner I used when I tawcht, without any humane dread,
     so that your discretionis give me your earis benevolent and

Suddanlie then, with ane heycht voce,[402] cryed the Accusare, the fed
sow, "Thow heretike, runnigate, tratour, and theif, it was not lauchfull
for thee to preach. Thow hes tackin the power at thyne awin hand,
without any autoritie of the Church. We forthink that thow hes bene a
preachar so long." Then said all the hole congregatioun of the
Prelattis, with thare complices, these woordis, "Yf we give him licience
to preach, he is so craftie, and in Holy Scriptures so exercised, that
he will perswaid the people to his opinioun, and rase them against us."

Maister George, seing thare maliciouse and wicked intent, appealed [from
the Lord Cardinall to the Lord Governour, as[403]] to ane indifferent
and equall judge.[404] To whome the Accusare, Johne Lauder foirsaid,
with hoggish voce answered, "Is not my Lord Cardinall the secund persone
within this realme, Chancellar of Scotland, Archibischope of
Sanctandross, Bischope of Meropose, Commendatour of Abirbrothok,
_Legatus Natus, Legatus a Latere_?" And so reciting as many titilles of
his unworthy honouris[405] as wold have lodin a schip, much sonare ane
asse; "Is not he, (quod Johnne Lauder,) ane equall judge apparantlye to
thee? Whome other desyrest thow to be thy judge?"

To whome this humble man answered, saying, "I refuise not my Lord
Cardinall, but I desyre the word of God to be my judge, and the
Temporall Estate, with some of your Lordschippis myne auditoures; becaus
I am hear my Lord Governouris presonar." Whareupone the pridefull and
scornefull people that stood by, mocked him, saying, "Suche man, such
judge," speaking seditious and reprochfull wordis aganis the Governour,
and other the Nobles, meanyng thame also to be Heretykis. And
incontinent, without all delay, thei wold have gevin sentence upoun
Maister George, and that without farther process, had not certane men
thare counselled my Lord Cardinall to reid agane the Articles, and to
heir his ansueris thareupoun, that the people mycht nott complaine of
his wrongfull condemnatioun.

And schortlie for to declair, these war the Articles following, with his
Ansueris, as far as thei wold give him leave to speak; for when he
intended to mitigate thare lesingis, and schaw the maner of his
doctrine, by and by thei stoped his mouth with ane other Article.

                         THE FIRST ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretyk, runiagate, tratour, and theif, deceavar of the
people, dispysest the holy Churches, and in lyik case contemnest my Lord
Governouris authoritie. And this we know for suyrtie, that when thow
preached in Dundye, and was charged be my Lord Governouris authoritie to
desist, nevertheles thow woldest not obey, but persevered in the same.
And tharefoir the Bischope of Brechin curssed thee,[406] and delivered
thee into the Devillis handis, and gave thee in commandiment that thow
souldest preach no more: Yitt nochtwythstanding, thow didest continew

                            THE ANSUER.

My Lordis, I have red in the Actes of the Apostles, that it is not
lauchfull, for the threattis and minacinges of men, to desist from the
preaching of the Evangell.[407] Tharefoir it is writtin, "We shall
rather obey God then men." I have also red [in] the Propheit Malachie,
"I shall curse your blissinges, and bliss your cursingis, sayeis the
Lord:" beleving firmelie, that he wold turne your cursingis into

                         THE SECUND ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike did say, that a preast standing at the altare saying
Masse, was lyik a fox wagging his taill in Julie.

                            THE ANSUER.

My Lordis, I said not so. These war my sayinges: The moving of the body
outward, without the inward moving of the harte, is nocht ellis bott the
playing of ane ape, and nott the trew serving of God; for God is a
secreit searchare of menis hartes: Tharefoir, who will trewlye adorne
and honour God, he must in spreit and veritie honour him.

Then the Accusatour stopped his mouth with ane other Article.

                         THE THRID ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretik preachest aganis the Sacramentis, saying, That thare
ar not Sevin Sacramentis.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, if it[408] be your pleasuris, I tawght never of the nomber of
the Sacramentis, whither thei war sevin, or ane ellevin. So many as ar
instituted by Christ, and ar schawin to us by the Evangell, I professe
opinlie. Except it be the word of God, I dar affirme nothing.

                         THE FOURTE ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike hes oppinlie tawght, that Auriculare Confessioun is
not a blessed Sacrament; and thow sayest, that we should only confess us
to God, and to no preast.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, I say, that Auriculare Confessioun, seing that it hath no
promeis of the Evangell,[409] tharefoir it can not be a Sacrament. Of
the Confessioun to be maid to God, thare ar many testimonyes in
Scripture; as when David sayeth, "I thowght that I wold knowledge my
iniquitie against my self unto the Lord; and he forgave the
trespasses[410] of my synnes." Heir, Confessioun signifieth the secreat
knowledge of our synnes befoir God: when I exhorted the people on this
maner, I reproved no maner of Confessioun. And farther, Sanct James
sayith, "Knowledge your synnes[411] one to ane uther, and so lett yow to
have peace amonge your selfes." Heir the Apostle meaneth nothing of
Auriculare Confessioun, but that we should acknawledge and confesse our
selfis to be synneris befoir our brethrene, and befoir the world, and
not to esteame our selfis as the Gray Freiris dois, thinking thame
selfis allreddy purgeid.[412]

When that he had said these wordis, the horned Bischopis and thare
complices cryed, and girned[413] with thare teith, saying, "See ye not
what colouris he hath in his speich, that he may begile us, and seduce
us to his opinioun."

                         THE FYFT ARTICLE.

Thow Heretike didest say openlye, that it was necessarie to everie man
to know and understand his Baptisme, and that it was contrarie to
Generall Counsallis, and the Estaites of Holy Churche.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, I beleve thare be none so unwyse hear, that will mak
merchandise with ane Frenche man, or any other unknawin stranger, except
he know and understand first the conditioun or promeise maid by the
French man or stranger. So lyikwyse I wold that we understood what thing
we promeis in the name of the infante unto God in Baptisme: For this
caus, I beleve, ye have Confirmatioun.

Then said Maister Bleiter,[414] chaplen, that he had the Devill within
him, and the spreit of errour. Then answered him a cheild,[415] saying,
"The Devill cane not speik such wordis as yonder man doith speik."

                         THE SAXT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike, tratour, and theif, thow saidest that the Sacrament
of the Altare was but a pece of bread, backin upon the asches, and no
other thing elles; and all that is thare done, is but a superstitious
ryte aganis the commandiment of God.

                            THE ANSWER.

Oh Lord God! so manifest lyes and blasphemyes the Scripture doith not
so teach yow. As concernyng the Sacrament of the Altare, (my Lordis,) I
never tawght any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall, (by
Goddis grace,) mak manifest this day, I being ready tharefore to suffer

The lauchfull use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: but the
great abuse of it is verray detestable unto him. But what occasioun thei
have to say such wordis of me, I sall schortlie schaw your Lordschippes.
I once chanced to meitt with a Jew, when I was sailling upoun the watter
of Rhene.[416] I did inqueir of him, what was the caus of his
pertinacie, that he did not beleve that the trew Messias was come,
considering that thei had sene all the prophecyes, which war speking of
him, to be fulfilled: moreover, the prophecyes tackin away, and the
Scepter of Juda. By many other testimonyes of the Scriptour, I vanquest
him, and approved that Messias was come, the which thei called Jesus of
Nazareth. This Jew answered agane unto me, "When Messias cumith, he
shall restore all thingis, and he sall not abrogate the Law, which was
gevin to our fatheris, as ye do. For why? we see the poore almost perish
throw hunger amang yow, yitt yow ar nott moved with pitie towardis
thame; butt among us Jewes, thowght we be puir, thare ar no beggares
found. Secundarly, It is forbiddin by the Law, to faine any kynd of
imagrie of thingis in heavin above, or in the erth beneth, or in the scy
under the erth; but one God only to honour; but your sanctuaries and
churches ar full of idolles. Thridly, A peice of braid backin upone the
aschis, ye adore and wirschip, and say, that it is your God." I have
rehersed hear but the sayingis of the Jew,[417] which I never affirmed
to be trew.

Then the Bischoppis schooke thare headis, and spitted into the earth:
And what he ment in this mater farther, thei wold nott heare.[418]

                         THE SEVINT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike did say, that Extreme Unctioun was not a Sacrament.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lord, forsuyth, I never tawght any thing of Extreme Unctioun in my
doctrine, whetther it war a Sacrament or no.

                         THE EYGHT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike saidest that the Holy Watter is no sa good as wasche,
and suche lyik. Thow contempnest Conjuring, and sayest, that Holy
Churches cursing availled nott.

                            THE ANSWERE.

My Lordis, as for Holy Watter, what strenth it is of, I tawght never in
my doctrine. Conjuringes and Exorzismes, yf thei war conformable to the
word of God, I wold commend thame. But in so far as thei ar not
conformeable to the commandiment and worde of God, I reprove thame.

                         THE NYNT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike and runnagate hast said, that everie Layman is a
Preast; and such lyik thow sayest, that the Pope hath no more power then
any other man.

                            THE ANSWERE.

My Lordis, I tawght nothing but the worde of God. I remember that I
have red in some places in Sanct Johnne and Sanct Petir, of the which
one sayeth, "He hath made us kingis and preastis;" the other sayeth, "He
hath made us the kinglye preasthode:" Wharefoir, I have affirmed, any
man being cuning and perfite in the word of God, and the trew faith of
Jesus Christ, to have his power gevin him frome God, and not by the
power or violence of men, but by the vertew of the word of God, the
which word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Sanct Paule
evidentlie ynewgh. And agane, I say, any unlearned man, and not
exercised in the woord of God, nor yit constant in his faith, whatsoever
estaite or order he be of; I say, he hath no power to bynd or loose,
seing he wanteth the instrument by the which he bindeth or looseth, that
is to say, the word of God.

After that he had said these wordis, all the Bischoppes lawghed, and
mocked him. When that he beheld thare lawghing, "Lawgh ye, (sayeth he,)
my Lordis? Thowght that these my sayingis appeir scornefull and worthy
of derisioun to your Lordschippis, nevertheless thei ar verray weightye
to me, and of a great valow; becaus that thei stand not only upon my
lyif, bot also the honour and glorie of God." In the meantyme many godly
men, beholding the wodness and great crueltie of the Bischoppis, and the
invincible patience of the said Maister George, did greatlie mourne and

                         THE TENT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike saidst, that a man hath no Free Will; but is lyik to
the Stoickis, which say, That it is nott in man's will to do any thing,
but that all concupiscence and desyre cumith of God, of whatsoever kynd
it be of.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, I said nott so, trewlie: I say, that as many as beleve in
Christ firmelie, unto thame is gevin libertie, conformable to the saying
of Sanct Johnne, "If the Sone mak yow free, then shall ye verelie be
free." Of the contrarie, as many as beleve not in Christ Jesus, thei ar
bound servandis of synne: "He that synneth is bound to synne."

                         THE ELLEVINT ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike sayest, It is as lawfull to eitt flesche upoun
Fryday, as on Sonday.

                            THE ANSWERE.

Pleasith it your Lordschippis, I have redd in the Epistles of Sanct
Paule, "That who is cleane, unto thame all thingis is cleane." Of the
contrarie, "To the filthie men, all thingis ar uncleane." A faithfull
man, cleane and holy, sanctifieth by the worde the creature of God; but
the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God: so that a creature may
not sanctifie any impure and unfaithfull man. But to the faythfull man,
all thingis ar sanctifeid, by the prayer of the worde of God.

After these sayingis of Maister George, then said all the Bischoppes,
with thare complices, "Quhat nedeth us any witnesse against him: hath he
nott oppinlie hear spokin blasphemie?"

                         THE TWELTH ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike doest say, That we should nott pray to Sanctes, butt
to God onlye: Say whetther thow hast said this or no: say schortlye.

                            THE ANSWER.

For the weaknes and the infirmitie of the heararis, (he said,) without
doubt plainelie, that Sanctis should not be honored nor incalled upone.
My Lordis, (said he,) thare ar two thingis worthy of note: the one is
certane, and the other uncertane. It is found plainlie and certane in
Scriptures, that we should wirschipe and honour one God, according to
the saying of the first Commandiment, "Thow sall onlie wirschip and
honour thy Lord God with all thy harte." But as for praying to and
honoring of Sanctes, thare is great dowbt amang many, whether thei hear
or no invocatioun maid unto thame. Tharefoir, I exhorted all men
equallye in my doctrine, that thei should laif the unsure way, and
follow the way which was taught us by our Maister Christ:

He is onlye our Mediatour, and maketh intercessioun for us to God his

He is the doore, by which we must enter in:

He that entereth not in by this doore, but clymeth ane other way, is a
theif and a murtherare:

He is the Veritie and Lyef:

He that goeth out of this way, thare is no dowbt but he shall fall into
the myre; yea, verrelye, he is fallin in to it all readdy. This is the
fassioun of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verrelie that
which I have heard and redd in the woorde of God, I taught opinelye and
in no cornerris, and now ye shall witness the same, yf your Lordschippis
will hear me: Except it stand by the worde of God, I dar nott be so bold
to affirme any thing. These sayingis he rehersed diverse tymes.

                         THE XIII ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike has preached plainelie, saying, That thare is no
Purgatorie, and that it is a fayned thing, any man, after this lyfe, to
be punished in Purgatorie.

                            THE ANSWERE.

My Lordis, as I haif oftentymes said heirtofoir, without expresse witnes
and testimonye of Scripture, I dar affirme nothing. I have oft and
divers tymes redd ower the Bible, and yitt such a terme fand I never,
nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thairunto. Tharefore, I was
eschamed ever to teach of that thing, which I could nott fynd in

Then said he to Maister Johnne Lauder, his accusare, "Yf yow have any
testimonye of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place,
schew it now befoir this auditoure."[419] But that dolt had not a worde
to say for him self, but was as doume as a bitle[420] in that mater.

                         THE XIIII ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretyke hast taught plainelie against the vowis of Monkis,
Freiris, Nonnes, and Preastis, saying, That whosoever was bound to such
lyik vowis, thei vowed thame selves to the estate of damnatioun:
Moreover, that it was lauchfull for Preastis to marye wyffis, and not to
leve sole.

                            THE ANSWER.

Of suth, my Lordis, I have redd in the Evangell, that thare ar three
kynd of chast men: some ar gelded frome thare motheris wombe; some ar
gelded by men; and some have gelded thame selfis for the kingdome of
heavinis saik: verrelye, I say, these men ar blessed by the Scripture of
God. But as many as have nott the gyft of Chastitie, nor yitt for the
Evangell have nott owercome the concupiscence of the flesche, and have
vowed chastitie, ye have experience, althowght I suld hold my
toung,[421] to what inconvenience thei have vowed thame selfis.

When he had said these wordis, thei were all doume,[422] thinking better
to have ten concubynes, then one maryed wyfe.

                         THE XV ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike and runnagate, sayest, That thow will not obey our
Generall nor Principale[423] Councellis.

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, what your Generall Counsallis ar, I know not: I was never
exercised in thame; butt to the pure woord of God I gave my laubouris.
Read hear your Generall Counsallis, or ellis give me a book, whairin
thei ar conteaned, that I may reid thame: Yf that thei aggree with the
word of God, I will not disagree.


Then the ravineyng wolves turned into madnes,[424] and said, "Whareunto
lett we him speak any further? Reid furth the rest of the Articles, and
stay not upoun thame." Amonges these cruell tygres, thare was one fals
hypocryte, a seducer of the people, called Johnne Scot,[425] standing
behynd Johnne Lauderis back, hasting him to reid the rest of the
Articles, and nott to tary upone his wittie and godlye ansueris; "For we
may not abyde thame, (quod he,) no more then the Devill may abyde the
sign of the croce, when it is named."

                         THE XVI ARTICLE.

Thow Heretike sayest, That it is vane to buyld to the honour of God
costlie Churches, seing that God remaneth not in Churches made by menis
handis, nor yit can God be in so litill space, as betuix the Preastis

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, Salomon sayith, "Yf that the heavin of heavinis can not
comprehend thee, how much less this house that I have buylded." And Job
consenteth to the same sentence, saying, "Seing that he is heychtar then
the heavins, tharefor what can thow buyld unto him? He is deapar then
the hell, then how sall thow know him? He is longar then the earth, and
breadar then the sea." So that God can nott be comprehended into one
space, becaus that he is infinite. These sayingis, nochtwithstanding, I
said never that churches should be destroyed; bot of the contrarie, I
affirmed ever, that churches should be susteaned and upholdin, that the
people should be congregat in thame to hear the worde of God preached.
Moreover, wharesoever is the trew preaching of the word of God, and the
lauchfull use of the Sacramentes, undoubtedlye thare is God him self. So
that both these sayingis ar trew together: God can nott be comprehended
into any one place: And, "Wharesoever thare ar two or three gathered in
his name, thare is he present in the myddest of thame." Then said he to
his Accusar, "Yf thow thinkest any otherwyise then I say, schaw furth
thy reasonis befoir this auditorie." Then he, without all reassone, was
dome,[426] and could not answer a worde.

                         THE XVII ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike contemnest Fasting, and sayest, thow shouldest not

                            THE ANSWER.

My Lordis, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture; tharefor I
war a sclanderar of the Gospell, yf I contemned fasting. And not so
onlye, but I have learned by experience, that fasting is good for the
health and conservatioun of the body. But God knowith onlye who fastith
the trew fast.

                         THE XVIII ARTICLE.

Thow fals Heretike hes preached opinlie, saying, That the Soulles of men
shall sleip to the latter day of judgement, and shall not obtene lyfe
immortale untill that day.

                            THE ANSWER.

God, full of mercy and goodnes, forgeve thame that sayeth such thingis
of me. I wote and know suirelie by the word of God, that he which hath
begone to have the faith of Jesus Christ, and belevith fermelie in him,
I know suirelie, that the sawll of that man shall never sleape, bot ever
shall leve ane immortall lyef; the which lyef, frome day to day, is
renewed in grace and augmented; nor yitt shall ever perish, or have ane
end, but shall ever leve immortall with Christ thare heid: To the which
lyfe all that beleve in him shall come, and rest in eternall glorie.

       *       *       *       *       *

When that the Bischoppis, with thare complices, had accused this
innocent man, in maner and forme afoirsaid, incontinentlie thei
condemned him to be brynt as are Heretike, not having respect to his
godly answeris and trew reassones which he alledged, nor yitt to thare
awin consciences, thinking verelye, that thei should do to God good
sacrifice, conformable to the sayingis of Jesus Christ in the Gospell of
Sanct Johnne, chapter 16: "Thei shall excommunicat yow; yea, and the
tyme shall come, that he which killeth yow shall think that he hath done
to God good service."

                   THE PRAYER OF MAISTER GEORGE.

"O Immortall God! how long sall thow suffer the woodnes and great
crudelitie of the ungodlie to exercise thare furie upoun thy servandes,
which do further thy word in this world, seing thei desyre to do the
contrarie, that is, to chok and destroy thy trew doctrin and veritie,
by the which thow hast schewed thee unto the world, which was all
drouned in blyndness and mysknowledge of thy name. O Lord, we know
suirlie, that thy trew servandes most neidis suffer, for thy names saik,
persecutioun, afflictioun, and troubles in this present lyef, which is
but a schaddow, as thow hast schewed to us, by thy Propheittis and
Apostles. But yitt we desyre thee, (Mercyfull Father,) that thow
conserve, defend, and help thy Congregatioun, which thow hast chosen
befoir the begynning of the world, and give thame thy grace to hear thy
word, and to be thy trew servandis in this present lyef."

Then, by and by, thei caused the commoun people to remove,[427] whose
desyre was alwyise to hear that innocent speak. And the sonis of darknes
pronunced thare sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgement
of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinall caused his
tormentares[428] to pas agane with the meke lambe unto the Castell,
untill such tyme the fyre was maid reddy. When he was come into the
Castell, then thare came two Gray feindis, Freir Scott and his mate,
saying, "Schir, ye must maik your confessioun unto us." He answered, and
said, "I will mak no confessioun unto yow. Go fetch me yonder man that
preached this day, and I will maik my confessioun unto him." Then thei
sent for the Suppriour of the Abbay,[429] who came to him with all
dilegence; but what he said in this confessioun, I can not schaw.[430]

When the fyre was maid reddy, and the gallowse, at the West parte of the
Castell, neir to the Priorie, my Lord Cardinall, dreading that Maister
George should have bene takin away by his freindis, tharefoir he
commanded to bend all the ordinance of the Castell richit against the
place of executioun, and commanded all his gunnaris to be readdy, and
stand besyde thare gunnes, unto such tyme as he war burned. All this
being done, thei bound Maister George's handis behind his back, and led
him furth with thare soldeouris, from the Castell, to the place of thare
cruell and wicked executioun. As he came furth of the Castell gate,
thare mett him certane beggeris, asking of his almes, for Goddis saik.
To whome he answered, "I want my handis, wharewith I wont to geve yow
almes. But the mercyfull Lord, of his benignitie and aboundand grace,
that fedith all men, votschafe to geve yow necessaries, boith unto your
bodyes and soules." Then afterward mett him two fals feindis, (I should
say, Freiris,) saying, "Maister George, pray to our Lady, that sche may
be a mediatrix for yow to hir Sone." To whome he answered meiklie,
"Cease: tempt me not, my brethrene." After this, he was led to the fyre,
with a rope about his neck, and a chaine of irne about his myddill.

When that he came to the fyre, he sat doun upoun his knees, and rose
agane; and thrise he said these wordis, "O thow Saviour of the warld,
have mercy upon me: Father of heavin, I commend my spreit into thy holy
handis." When he had maid this prayer, he turned him to the people, and
said these wordis: "I beseik yow, Christiane brethrene and sisteris,
that ye be nott offended att the word of God, for the afflictioun and
tormentis which ye see already prepared for me. But I exhorte yow, that
ye love the word of God, your salvatioun, and suffer patientlie, and
with a confortable harte, for the wordis saik, which is your undoubted
salvatioun and everlesting conforte. Moirover, I pray yow, shew my
brethrene and sisteris, which have heard me oft befoir, that thei cease
nott nor leve of to learne the word of God, which I taught unto thame,
after the grace gevin unto me, for no persequutionis nor trubles in
this world, which lestith nott. And schaw unto thame, that my doctrine
was no wyffes fables, after the constitutions maid by men; and yf I had
taught menis doctrin, I had gottin grettar thankis by men. Bot for the
wordis saik, and trew Evangell, which was gevin to me by the grace of
God, I suffer this day by men, not sorowfullie, but with a glaid harte
and mynd. For this caus I was sent, that I should suffer this fyre for
Christis saik. Considder and behold my visage, ye sall not see me change
my cullour. This gryme fyre I fear nott; and so I pray yow for to do, yf
that any persecutioun come unto yow for the wordis saik; and nott to
fear thame that slay the body, and afterwarte have no power to slay the
saule. Some have said of me, that I taught, that the saule of man should
sleap untill the last day; but I know suirlie, and my faith is such,
that my saule sail sowp[431] with my Saviour this nycht, or it be sex
houris, for whome I suffer this." Then he prayed for thame which accused
him, saying, "I beseik the Father of Heavin to forgive thame that have
of any ignorance, or ellis of any evill mynd, forged lyes upone me; I
forgeve thame with all myne hearte: I beseik Christ to forgeve thame
that have condemned me to death this day ignorantlye." And last of all,
he said to the people on this maner, "I beseik yow, brethrene and
sisteris, to exhorte your Prelattis to the learnyng of the word of God,
that thei at the least may be eschamed to do evill, and learne to do
good; and yf thei will not converte thame selves frome thare wicked
errour, thare shall hastelie come upone thame the wrath of God,[432]
which thei sail not eschew."

Many faythfull wordis said he in the meane tyme, takin no head or cair
of the cruell tormentis which war then prepared for him. Then, last of
all, the hangman, that was his tormentour, sat doune upoun his kneis,
and said, "Schir, I pray yow, forgive me, for I am nott guiltie of your
death." To whome he answered, "Come hither to me." When he was come to
him, he kissed his cheik, and said, "Lo! hear is a tokin that I forgeve
thee: My harte, do thyn office." And then by and by, he was putt upoun
the gibbet, and hanged, and there brynt to poulder.[433] When that the
people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, thei mycht not
withhold frome piteous morning and complaining of the innocent lambes

       *       *       *       *       *


After the death of this blissed martyre of God, begane the people, in
plaine speaking, to dampne and detest the crueltie that was used. Yea,
men of great byrth, estimatioun, and honour, at open tables avowed, That
the blood of the said Maister George should be revenged, or ellis thei
should cost lyef for lyef. Amonges whome Johnne Leslye,[435] brother to
the Erle of Rothess, was the cheaf; for he, in all cumpanyes, spared not
to say, "That same whingar, (schawin furth his dager,) and that same
hand, should be preastis to the Cardinall." These bruytis came to the
Cardinalles earis; but he thought him self stout yneuch for all
Scotland; for in Babylon, that is, in his new blok-house, he was suyre,
as he thought; and upoun the feildis, he was able to matche all his
ennemies. And to wryte the trewth, the most parte of the Nobilitie of
Scotland had ether gevin unto him thare bandis of manrent, or ellis war
in confideracye, and promessed amitie with him. He onlye feared thame in
whose handis God did deliver him, and for thame had he laid his neattis
so secreatlie, (as that he maid a full compt,) that thare feit could not
eschap, as we shall after heare; and something of his formare practises
we man reacompt.

After the Pasche he came to Edinburgh, to hold the seinze,[436] (as the
Papistes terme thare unhappy assemblie of Baallis schaven sorte.) It was
bruyted that something was purposed against him, at that tyme, by the
Erle of Anguss and his freindis, whome he mortally hated, and whose
destructioun he sought. But it failled, and so returned he to his
strenth; yea, to his God and only conforte, asweill in heavin as in
earth. And thare he remaned without all fear of death, promissing unto
him self no less pleasur, nor did the riche man, of whome mentioun is
maid by our Maister in the Evangell; for he did nott onlie rejois and
say, "Eitt and be glade, my saule, for thow hast great riches laid up in
HIS DEATH.] bot also he said, "Tush, a feg for the fead, and a buttoun
for the braggyne of all the heretikis and thare assistance in Scotland.
Is nott my Lord Governour myne? Witness his eldast sone[437] thare
pledge at my table? Have I not the Quene at my awin devotioun? (He ment
of the mother to Mary that now myschevouslie regnes.) Is not France my
freind, and I freind to France? What danger should I fear?" And thus, in
vanitie, the carnall Cardinall delyted him self a lytill befoir his
death. But yit he had devised to have cutt of such as he thought mycht
cummer him; for he had appointed the haill gentilmen of Fyff to have
mett him at Falkland, the Mononday after that he was slane upoun the
Setterday. [SN: THE TREASOUN OF THE CARDINALL.] His treasonable purpoise
was nott understand but by his secreat counsall; and it was this: That
Normond Leslie, Schireff of Fyff,[438] and appearing air to his father,
the Erle of Rothess; the said Johnne Leslye, father-brother to Normound;
the Lardis of Grange, eldar and youngar; Schir James Lermound of
Darsye,[439] and Provest of Sanctandrose; and the faythfull Lard of
Raith;[440] should eyther have bene slane, or ellis tane, and after to
have bene used at his pleasur. This interprise was disclosed after his
slawchtter, partlye by letteris and memorialles found in his chalmer,
butt playnlie affirmed by suche as war of the consall. Many purposes war
devised, how that wicked man mycht have bene tackin away. But all
failled, till Fryday, the xxviij of Maij, Anno 1546, when the foirsaid
Normound came at nycht to Sanctandross; Williame Kirkcaldye of Grange
youngar was in the toune befoir, awaitting upoun the purpoise; last came
Johnne Leslye foirsaid, who was most suspected. What conclusion thei
took that nycht, it was nott knawin, butt by the ischew which followed.


But airlie upoun the Setterday, in the mornyng, the 29. of Maij, war
thei in syndree cumpanyes in the Abbay kirk-yard, not far distant frome
the Castell. First, the yettis being oppin, and the draw-brig lettin
doun, for receaving of lyme and stanes, and other thingis necessar for
buylding, (for Babylon was almost finished,)--first, we say, assayed
Williame Kirkcaldy of Grange youngar, and with him sex personis, and
gottin enteress, held purpose with the portare, "Yf My Lord was
walking?" who ansuered, "No." (And so it was in dead; for he had bene
busy at his comptis with Maistres Marioun Ogilbye[441] that nycht, who
was espyed to departe frome him by the previe posterne that morning;
and tharefor qwyetness, after the reuillis of phisick, and a morne
sleap[442] was requisite for My Lord.) Whill the said Williame and the
Portar talked, and his servandis maid thame to look the work and the
workemen, approched Normound Leslye with his company; and becaus thei
war in no great nomber, thei easilie gat entress. Thei address thame to
the myddest of the close, and immediatlie came Johnne Leslye, somewhat
rudlye, and four personis with him. The portar, fearing, wold have
drawin the brig; but the said Johnne, being entered thairon, stayed, and
lap in. And whill the portar maid him for defence, his head was brokin,
the keyis tackin frome him, and he castin in the fowsea;[443] and so the
place was seased. The schowt arises:[444] the workemen, to the nomber of
mo then a hundreth, ran of the wallis, and war without hurte put furth
at the wicked yett.[445] The first thing that ever was done, Williame
Kirkcaldye took the garde of the prevey posterne, fearing that the fox
should have eschaped. Then go the rest to the gentilmenis chalmeris, and
without violence done to any man, thei put mo then fyftie personis to
the yett: The nomber that interprised and did this, was but sextein
personis. The Cardinall, awalkned with the schouttis, asked from his
windo, What ment that noyse? It was answered, That Normound Leslye had
tackin his Castell. Which understand, he ran to the posterne; but
perceaving the passage to be keapt without, he returned qwicklye to his
chalmer, took his twahanded sword, and garte his chalmer child cast
kystes, and other impedimentis to the doore. [SN: THE CARDINALLIS
DEMAND.] In this meane tyme came Johnne Leslye unto it, and biddis open.
The Cardinall askyne, "Who calles?" he answeris, "My name is Leslye." He
re-demandis, "Is that Normond?" The other sayis, "Nay; my name is
Johnne." "I will have Normound," sayis the Cardinall; "for he is my
friend."[446] "Content your self with such as ar hear; for other shall
ye gett nane." Thare war with the said Johnne, James Melven,[447] a man
familiarlie acquented with Maister George Wisharte, and Petir
Caremichaell,[448] a stout gentilman. In this meanetyme, whill thei
force at the doore, the Cardinall hydis a box of gold under coallis that
war laide in a secreat cornar. At lenth he asked, "Will ye save my
lyef?" The said Johnne answered, "It may be that we will." "Nay," sayis
the Cardinall, "Swear unto me by Goddis woundis, and I will open unto
yow." Then answered the said Johnne, "It that was said, is unsaid;" and
so cryed, "Fyre, fyre;" (for the doore was verray stark;) and so was
brought ane chymlay full of burnyng coallis. Which perceaved, the
Cardinall or his chalmer child, (it is uncertane,) opened the doore, and
the Cardinall satt doune in a chyre, and cryed, [SN: THE CARDINALLIS
CONFESSIOUN.] "I am a preast; I am a preast: ye will nott slay me." The
said Johnne Leslye, (according to his formar vowes,) strook him first
anes or twyse, and so did the said Petir. But James Melven, (a man of
nature most gentill and most modest,[449]) perceaving thame boyth in
cholere, withdrew thame, and said, "This worke and judgement of God,
(althought it be secreit,) aught to be done with greattar gravitie;" and
presenting unto him the point of the sweard, said, [SN: THE GODLY FACT
AND WOORDIS OF JAMES MELVEN.[450]] "Repent thee of thy formar wicked
lyef, but especiallie of the schedding of the blood of that notable
instrument of God, Maister George Wisharte, which albeit the flame of
fyre consumed befoir men; yitt cryes it, a vengeance upoun thee, and we
from God ar sent to revenge it: For heir, befoir my God, I protest, that
nether the hetterent of thy persone, the luif of thy riches, nor the
fear of any truble thow could have done to me in particulare, moved, nor
movis me to stryk thee; but only becaus thow hast bein, and remanes ane
obstinat ennemye against Christ Jesus and his holy Evangell." And so he
stroke him twyse or thrise trowght with a stog sweard; and so he fell,
never word heard out of his mouth, but [SN: THE CARDINALLIS LAST
WOORDIS.] "I am a preast, I am a preast: fy, fy: all is gone."[451]

Whill they war thus occupyed with the Cardinall, the fray rises in the
toune. The Provest[452] assembles the communitie, and cumis to the
fowseis syd, crying, "What have ye done with my Lord Cardinall? Whare is
my Lord Cardinall? Have ye slayne my Lord Cardinall? Lett us see my Lord
Cardinall?" Thei that war within answered gentilye, "Best it war unto
yow to returne to your awin houssis; for the man ye call the Cardinall
has receaved his reward, and in his awin persone will truble the warld
no more." But then more enraigedlye, thei cry, "We shall never departe
till that we see him." And so was he brought to the East blok-house
head, and schawen dead ower the wall to the faythless multitude, which
wold not beleve bofoir it saw: How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull
Cardinall.[453] And so thei departed, without _Requiem æternam_, and
_Requiescant in pace_, song for his saule. Now, becaus the wether was
hote, (for it was in Maij, as yo have heard,) and his funerallis could
not suddandly be prepared, it was thowght best, to keap him frome
styncking, to geve him great salt ynewcht, a cope of lead, and a
nuk[454] in the boddome of the Sea-toore, (a place whare many of Goddis
childrene had bein empreasoncd befoir,) to await what exequeis his
brethrene the Bischoppes wold prepare for him.[455]


These thingis we wreat mearelie.[456] But we wold, that the Reader
should observe Goddis just judgementis, and how that he can deprehend
the worldly wyse in thare awin wisdome, mak thare table to be a snare to
trape thare awin feit, and thare awin presupposed strenth to be thare
awin destructioun. These ar the workis of our God, wharby he wold
admonish the tyrantis of this earth, that in the end he will be revenged
of thare crueltye, what strenth so ever thei mack in the contrare. But
such is the blyndnes of man, (as David speakis,) "That the posteritie
does ever follow the footsteppes of thare wicked fatheris, and
principallie in thare impietie;" for how litill differres the cruelty of
that bastarde, that yitt is called Bischope of Sanctandrois,[457] frome
the crueltie of the formar, we will after heare.


The death of this foirsaid tyrant was dolorous to the preastis, dolorous
to the Governour, most dolorous to the Quene Dowager;[458] for in him
perished faythfulnes to France, and the conforte to all gentilwemen, and
especiallie to wantoun wedowis: His death most be revenged. To the
Courte agane repares the Erle of Anguss, and his brother Schir George.
Laubour is maid for the Abbacy of Abirbrothok, and a grant was ones maid
of the samyn, (in memorie whareof George Dowglas,[459] bastard sone to
the said Erle, is yet called Postulat.) Butt it was more proper, (think
the Hammyltonis,) for the Governouris keching, nor for reward to the
Dowglasses. And yitt in esperance thairof, the saidis Erle and George
his brother war the first that voted, that the Castell of Sanctandrois
should he beseiged. The Bischope, to declair the zeall that he had to
revenge the death of him that was his predecessour, (and yit for his
wishe he wold nott haif had him leaving agane,) still blew the coallis.
And first, he caused summound, then denunce accurssed, and then last,
rebelles,[460] not only the first interprisaris, but all such also as
after did accumpany thame.[461] And last of all, the seige was
concluded, which begane in the end of August; (for the 23 day thairof
departed the soldeouris from Edinburgh,) and continewed near to the end
of Januare. At what tyme, becaus thei had no other hope of wynnyng of it
butt by hounger; and thairof also thei war dispared; for thei within had
brockin throwght the east wall, and maid a plaine passage, by ane yron
yett to the sea, which greatly releaved the besegeid, and abased the
beseagearis; for then thei saw that thei could nott stope thame of
victualles, onless that thei should be maisteris of the sea, and that
thei clearlie understood thei could not be; for the Engliss schippis had
ones bein thare, and had browght Williame Kirkcaldy frome London, and
with much difficultie, (becaus the said yett was nott then prepared,)
and some loss of men, had randered him to the Castell agane, and had
tackin with thame to the Courte of England, Johnne Lesly and Maister
Henry Balnavis, for perfyting of all contractes betuix thame and King
SANCTANDROIS IN HIS PROTECTIOUN.] who promissed to tak thame in his
protectioun, upoun conditioun onlye, that thei should keape the
Governouris sone, my Lord of Errane,[462] and stand freindis to the
contract of mariage, whareof befoir we have made mentioun. These thingis
clearly understand, (we say,) by the Governour and his Counsall, the
preastis and the schavin sorte, thei conclude to make ane Appointment,
to the end, that under treuth thei mycht eyther gett the Castell
betrayed, or elles some principall men of the cumpany tackin at
unwarres. In the which head was the Abbot of Dumfermling[463]
principall; and for that purpose had the Lard of Monquhany,[464] (who
was most familiar with those of the Castell,) laubored at foote and
hand, and proceaded so in his trafique, that from entress upoun daylyght
at his pleasur, he gat licience to come upoun the nycht whensoever it
pleased him. But God had nott appointed so many to be betrayed, albeit
that he wold that thei should be punished, and that justlye, as
heirafter we will hear.


     1. That thei should keap the Castell of Sanctandrois, ay and whill
     that the Governour, and the authoritie of Scotland, should gett
     unto thame ane sufficient absolutioun from the Pape, (Antichrist of
     Rome,) for the slawchtter of the Cardinall foirsaid.

     2. That thei should deliver pledges for deliverie of that House,
     how sone the foirsaid absolutioun was delivered unto thame.

     3. That thei, thare freindis, familiaris, servandes, and otheris to
     thame pertenyng, should never be persewed in the law, nor by the
     law,[465] be the authoritie, for the slauchter foirsaid. But that
     thei should bruik[466] commodities spirituall or temporall,
     whatsoever thei possessed befoir the said slauchter, evin as yf it
     had never bein committed.

     4. That thei of the Castell should keape the Erle of Errane,[467]
     so long as thare pledges war keape.--And such lyik Articles,
     liberall yneuch; for thei never mynded to keape word of thame, as
     the ischew did declaire.

The Appointment maid, all the godly war glaid; for some esperance[468]
thei had, that thairby Goddis woord should somewhat bud, as in deid so
it did. For Johnne Rowgh,[469] (who sone after the Cardinalles slawghter
entered within the Castell, and had continewed with thame the hole
seige,) begane to preach in Sanctandrois; and albeit he was nott the
most learned, yit was his doctrin without corruptioun, and tharefoir
weall lyiked of the people.

At the Pasche[470] after, [SN: ANNO 1547.] came to the Castell of
Sanctandrois JOHNNE KNOX, who, weareid of removing from place to place,
be reassone of the persecutioun that came upoun him by this Bischope of
Sanctandros, was determinat to have left Scotland, and to have vesitid
the schooles of Germany, (of England then he had no pleasur, be reassone
that the Paipes name being suppressed, his lawes and corruptionis
remaned in full vigour.) But becaus he had the cair of some gentilmenes
childrene, whome certane yearis he had nurished in godlynes, thare
fatheris solisted him to go to Sanctandrois, that himself mycht have the
benefite of the Castell, and thare childrene the benefite of his
doctrine; and so, (we say,) came he the tyme foirsaid to the said place,
and, having in his cumpanye Franciss Dowglass of Langnudrye, George his
brother,[471] and Alexander Cockburne, eldast sone then to the Lard of
Ormestoun,[472] begane to exercise thame after his accustomed maner.
Besydis thare grammare, and other humane authoris, he redd unto thame a
catechisme, a compt whairof he caused thame geve publictlie in the
parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois. He redd moreover unto thame the Evangell
of Johnne, proceading whare he left at his departing from Langnudrye,
whare befoir his residence was; and that lecture he redd in the chapell,
within the Castell, at a certane hour. Thei of the place, but
especiallie Maister Henry Balnaves and Johne Rowght, preachear,
perceaving the manor of his doctrin, begane earnestlie to travaill with
him, that he wold tack the preaching place upoun him. But he utterlie
refuissed, alledgeing "That he wold nott ryne whare God had nott called
him;" meanyng, that he wold do nothing without a lauchfull vocatioun.


Whareupone thei prively amonges thame selfis advising, having with thame
in counsall[473] Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont, thei concluded, that
thei wold geve a charge to the said Johnne, and that publictlie by the
mouth of thare preachear. And so upoun a certane day, a sermone had of
the electioun of ministeris, What power the congregatioun (how small
that ever it was, passing the nomber of two or three) had above any man,
in whome thei supposed and espyed the giftes of God to be, and how
dangerous it was to refuise, and not to hear the voce of such as desyre
to be instructed. These and other headis, (we say,) declaired, the said
Johnne Rowght,[474] prcachear, directed his wordis to the said Johne
Knox, saying, "Brother, ye shall nott be offended, albeit that I speak
unto yow that which I have in charge, evin from all those that ar hear
present, which is this: In the name of God, and of his Sone Jesus
Christ, and in the name of these that presentlie calles yow by my mouth,
I charge yow, that ye refuise not this holy vocatioun, but that as ye
tender the glorie of God, the encrease of Christ his kingdome, the
edificatioun of your brethrene, and the conforte of me, whome ye
understand weill yneuch to be oppressed by the multitude of laubouris,
that ye tack upoun yow the publict office and charge of preaching, evin
as ye looke to avoid Goddis heavye displeasur, and desyre that he shall
multiplye his graces with yow." And in the end, he said to those that
war present, "Was not this your charge to me? And do ye not approve this
vocatioun?" Thei answered, "It was; and we approve it." Whairat the said
Johnne[475] abashed, byrst furth in moist abundand tearis, and withdrew
him self to his chalmer. His conteanance and behaveour, fra that day
till the day that he was compelled to present him self to the publict
place of preaching, did sufficiently declair the greaf and truble of his
hearte; for no man saw any sign of myrth of him, neyther yitt had he
pleasur to accumpany any man, many dayis togetther.


The necessitie that caused him to enter in the publict place, besydis
the vocatioun foirsaid, was: Dean[476] Johne Annane,[477] (a rottin
Papist,) had long trubled Johnne Rowght in his preaching: The said
Johnne Knox had fortifeid the doctrine of the Preachear by his pen, and
had beattin the said Dean Johne from all defences, that he was compelled
to fly to his last refuge, that is, to the authoritie of the Church,
"Which authoritie, (said he,) damned all Lutherianes and heretikes; and
tharefoir he nedith no farther disputatioun." Johne Knox answered,
"Befoir we hold our selfis, or that ye can prove us sufficientlie
convict, we must defyne the Church, by the; rycht notes gevin to us in
Goddis Scriptures of the trew Church. We must decerne the immaculat
spous of Jesus Christ, frome the Mother of confusioun, spirituall
Babylon, least that imprudentlie we embrase a harlote instead of the
cheast spous; yea, to speak it in plaine wordes, least that we submitt
our selves to Sathan, thinking that we submitt our selfis to Jesus
Christ. For, as for your Romane Kirk, as it is now corrupted, and the
authoritie thairof, whairin standis the hope of your victorie, I no more
dowbt but that it is the synagog of Sathan, and the head thairof, called
the Pape, to be that man of syne, of whome the Apostle speakis, then
that I doubt that Jesus Christ suffurred by the procurement of the
visible Kirk of Hierusalem. [SN: THE OFFER OF JOHNE KNOX FIRST AND LAST
UNTO THE PAPISTIS.] Yea, I offer my selve, by woord or wryte, to prove
the Romane Church this day farther degenerat from the puritie which was
in the dayis of the Apostles, then was the Church of the Jewes from the
ordinance gevin by Moses, when thei consented to the innocent death of
Jesus Christ." These woordis war spokin in open audience, in the parishe
Kirk of Sanctandrois, after that the said Dean Johne Annane had spokin
what it pleasith him, and had refuissed to dispute. The people hearing
the offer, cryed with one consent, "We can not all read your writtingis,
butt we may all hear your preaching: Tharefore we requyre yow, in the
name of God, that ye will lett us hear the probatioun of that which ye
have affirmed; for yf it be trew, we have bene miserable deceaved."


And so the nixt Sounday was appointed to the said Johne, to expresse his
mynd in the publict preaching place. Which day approching, the said
Johne took the text writtin in Daniel, the sevint chapter, begynnyng
thus: "And ane other king shall rise after thame, and he shall be unlyik
unto the first, and he shall subdew three kinges, and shall speak wordis
against the Most Heigh, and shall consome the sanctes of the Most Heigh,
and think that he may change tymes and lawes, and thei shalbe gevin into
his handis, untill a tyme, and tymes, and deviding of tymes."

1. In the begynnyng of his sermon, he schew the great luif of God
towardis his Church, whome it pleaseth to foirwarne of dangeris to come
so many yearis befoir thei come to pas. 2. He breavelie[479] entraited
the estait of the Israelitis, who thane war in bondage in Babylon, for
the most parte; and maid a schorte discourse of the foure Impyres, the
Babyloniane, the Persiane, that of the Greakis, and the fourte of the
Romanes; in the destructioun whairof, rase up that last Beast, which he
affirmed to be the Romane Church; for to none other power that ever has
yitt bein, do all the notes that God hes schawin to the Propheit
appertane, except to it allone; and unto it thei do so propirlie
apperteane, that such as ar not more then blynd, may clearlie see thame.
3. But befoir he begane to opin the corruptionis of the Papistrie, he
defyned the trew Kirk, schew the trew notes of it, whairupoun it was
buylded, why it was the pillare of veritie, and why it could nott err,
to witt, "Becaus it heard the voce of the awin pastor, Jesus Christ,
wold not hear a strangere, nether yitt wold be caryed about with everie
kynd of doctrin."

Every ane of these headis sufficientlie declared, he entered to the
contrar; and upoun the notes gevin in his text, he schew that the Spreit
of God in the New Testament gave to this king other names,[480] to witt,
"the Man of Syn," "the Antichrist," "the Hoore of Babylon." He schew,
that this man of syn, or Antichrist, was not to be restreaned to the
person of any one man onlie, no more then by the fourte beast was to be
understand the persone of any one Emperour. But by sic meanes[481] the
Spreat of God wold forewarne his chosyn of a body and a multitud, having
a wicked head, which should not only be synefull him self, butt that
also should be occasioun of syne to all that should be subject unto him,
(as Christ Jesus is caus of justice to all the membres of his body;) and
is called the Antichrist, that is to say, one contrare to Christ,
becaus that he is contrare to him in lyeff, doctrin, lawes, and
subjectes. And thane begane he to dissipher the lyves of diverse Papes,
and the lyves of all the scheavelynges for the most parte; thare
doctrine and lawes he plainelie proved to repugne directlye to the
doctrin and lawes of God the Father, and of Christ Jesus his Sone. [SN:
proved by conferring the doctrin of justificatioun, expressed in the
Scriptures, which teach that man is "justifyed by faith only;" "that the
blood of Jesus Christ purges us from all our synnes;" and the doctrin of
the Papistes, which attributeth justificatioun to the workis of the law,
yea, to the workis of manis inventioun, as pilgremage, pardonis, and
otheris sic baggage. That the Papisticall lawes repugned to the lawes of
the Evangell, he proved by the lawis maid of observatioun of dayis,
absteanyng from meattis, and frome mariage, which Christ Jesus maid
free; and the forbidding whereof, Sanct Paule called "the doctrin of
devillis." In handilling the notes of that Beast gevin in the text, he
willed men to considder yf these notes, [SN: THE GREAT WOORDIS WHICH THE
ANTICHRIST SPEAKITH.] "Thare shall ane arise unlyk to the other, heaving
a mouth speaking great thinges and blasphemous," could be applyed to any
other, but to the Pape and his kingdome; for "yf these, (said he,) be
not great woordis and blasphemous, 'the Successor of Petir,' 'the Vicare
of Christ,' 'the Head of the Kirk,' 'most holy,' 'most blessed,' 'that
can not err;' that 'may maik rycht of wrong, and wrong of rycht;' that
'of nothing, may mak somewhat;' and that 'hath all veritie in the
schryne of his breast;' yea, 'that hes power of all, and none power of
him:' Nay, 'not to say that he dois wrong, althought he draw ten
thowsand millioun of saules with him self to hell.' Yf these, (said he,)
and many other, able to be schawin in his awin Cannone Law, be not great
and blasphemous woordis, and such as never mortall man spak befoir, lett
the world judge. And yitt, (said he,) is thare one most evident of all,
to wit, Johnne, in his Revelatioun, sayis, 'That the merchandeise of
that Babyloniane harlot, amonges otheris thingis, shalbe the bodyes and
saules of men.' Now, lett the verray Papistes thame selfis judge, yf
ever any befoir thame took upoun thame power to relax the paines of
thame that war in Purgatorie, as thei affirme to the people that daily
thei do, by the merites of thare Messe, and of thare other trifilles."
In the end he said, "Yf any here, (and thare war present Maister Johne
Mayre,[482] the Universitie, the Suppriour,[483] and many Channonis,
with some Freiris of boyth the ordouris,) that will say, That I have
alledgeid Scripture, doctour, or historye, otherwyise then it is
writtin, lett thame come unto me with sufficient witness, and by
conference I shall lett thame see, not onlye the originall whare my
testimonyes ar writtin, but I shall prove, that the wrettaris ment as I
have spokin."

Of this sermon, which was the first that ever Johne Knox maid in
publict, was thare diverse bruyttis. Some said, "Otheris sned[484] the
branches of the Papistrie, but he stryekis at the roote, to destroy the
hole." Otheris said, "Yf the doctouris, and _Magistri nostri_, defend
nott now the Pape and his authoritie, which in thare awin presence is so
manifestlie impugned, the Devill have my parte of him, and of his lawes
boyth." Otheris said, "Maister George Wishart spak never so plainelye,
and yitt he was brunt: evin so will he be." In the end, otheris said,
"The tyranny of the Cardinall maid nott his cause the bettir, nether
yitt the sufferring of Goddis servand maid his cause the worse. And
tharefoir we wold counsall yow and thame, to provide bettir defenses
then fyre and sweard; for it may be that ellis ye wilbe disapointed:
men now have other eyes then thei had than." This answer gave the Lard
of Nydie,[485] a man fervent and uprycht in religioun.

The bastard Bischope, who yit was not execrated, (consecrated[486] thei
call it,) wrait to the Suppriour of Sanctandrois, who (_Sede vacante_)
was Vicare Generall, "That he wondered that he sufferred sic hereticall
and schismaticall doctrin to be tawght, and nott to oppone him self to
the same." Upoun this rebuck, was a conventioun of Gray Freiris and Blak
feindis appointed, with the said Suppriour Dean Johnne Wynrame, in Sanct
Leonardis yardis, whareunto was first called Johne Rowght, and certane
Articles redd unto him; and thairafter was Johnne Knox called for. The
caus of thare conventioun, and why that thei war called, was exponed;
and the Articles war read, which war these:--

I. No mortall man can be the head of the Church.

II. The Pape is ane Antichrist, and so is no member of Christis
misticall body.

III. Man may nether maik nor devise a religioun that is acceptable to
God: butt man is bound to observe and keap the religioun that fra God is
receaved, without chopping or changeing thairof.

IV. The Sacramentis of the New Testament aucht to be ministred as thei
war institut by Christ Jesus, and practised by his Apostles: nothing
awght to be added unto thame; nothing awght to be diminished from thame.

V. The Messe is abominable idolatrie, blasphemous to the death of
Christ, and a prophanatioun of the Lordis Suppar.

VI. Thare is no Purgatorie, in the which the saules of men can eyther be
pyned or purged after this lyef: butt heavin restis to the faythfull,
and hell to the reprobat and unthankfull.[487]

VII. Praying for the dead is vane, and to the dead is idolatrie.

VIII. Thare is no Bischoppes, except thei preach evin by thame selfis,
without any substitut.

IX. The teindis by Goddis law do not apperteane of necessitie to the

"The strangeness, (said the Suppriour,) of these Articles, which ar
gaddered furth of your doctrin, have moved us to call for you, to hear
your awin answeres." John Knox said, "I, for my parte, praise my God
that I see so honorable, and appearandlye so modest and qwyet are
auditure. But becaus it is long since that I have heard, that ye ar one
that is not ignorant of the treuth, I man crave of yow, in the name of
God, yea, and I appell your conscience befoir that Suppreme Judge, that
yf ye think any Article thare expressed contrarious unto the treuth of
God, that ye oppone your self plainelie unto it, and suffer nott the
people to be tharewith deceaved. But, and yf in your conscience ye knaw
the doctrin to be trew, then will I crave your patrocinye thareto; that,
by your authoritie, the people may be moved the rather to beleve the
trewth, whareof many dowbtes be reassone of our yowght."[488]

The Suppriour answered, "I came nott hear as a judge, but only
familiarlie to talk; and tharefore, I will nether allow nor condempne;
butt yf ye list, I will reassone. Why may nott the Kirk, (said he,) for
good causes, devise Ceremonies to decore the Sacramentis, and other
Goddis service?"

                             JOHNE KNOX.

"Becaus the Kirk awght to do nothing, butt in fayth, and awght not to go
befoir; but is bound to follow the voce of the trew Pastor."

                           THE SUPPRIOUR.

"It is in fayth that the ceremonyes ar commanded, and thei have proper
significationis to help our fayth; as the hardis in Baptisme signifie
the rowchnes of the law, and the oyle the softnes of Goddis mercy; and
lyikwyese, everie ane of the ceremonyes has a godly significatioun, and
tharefoir thei boyth procead frome fayth, and ar done into faith."

                            JOHNE KNOX.

"It is not yneucht that man invent a ceremonye, and then geve it a
significatioun, according to his pleasur. For so mycht the ceremonyes of
the Gentiles, and this day the ceremonyes of Mahomeit, be manteaned. But
yf that any thing procead frome fayth, it man have the word of God for
the assurance; for ye ar nott ignorant, 'That fayth cumis by hearing,
and hearing by the word of God.' Now, yf ye will prove that your
ceremonyes procead from fayth, and do pleas God, ye man prove that God
in expressed wordis hes commanded thame: Or ellis shall ye never prove,
That thei proceid from fayth, nor yitt that thei please God; but that
thei ar synne, and do displease him, according to the wordis of the
Apostill, 'Whatsoever is nott of fayth is synne.'"

                           THE SUPPRIOUR.

"Will ye bynd us so strait, that we may do nothing without the expresse
word of God? What! and I ask a drynk? think ye that I synne? and yitt I
have nott Goddis word for me."

This answer gave he, as mycht appear, to schift ower the argument upon
the Freare, as that he did.

                            JOHNE KNOX.

"I wald we should not jest in so grave a mater; nether wold I that ye
should begyn to illud the trewth with sophistrie; and yf ye do, I will
defend me the best that I can. And first, to your drinking, I say, that
yf ye eyther eat or drynk without assurance of Goddis worde, that in so
doing ye displease God, and ye synne into your verray eatting and
drynking. For sayis nott the Apostle, speaking evin of meatt and drynk,
'That the creatures ar sanctifeid unto man, evin by the word and by
prayer.' The word is this: 'All thingis ar clean to the clean,' &c. Now,
let me hear thus much of your ceremonyes, and I sall geve you the
argument; bot I wonder that ye compare thingis prophane and holy thingis
so indiscreatlie togetther. The questioun wes not, nor is nott of meat
or drynk, whairinto the kingdome of God consistis nott; butt the
questioun is of Goddis trew wirschiping, without the quhilk we can have
no societie with God. And, hear it is dowbted, yf we may tack the same
fredome in the using of Christis Sacramentis, that we may do in eatting
and drynking. One meat I may eatt, another I may refuise, and that
without scrupill of conscience. I may change ane with ane other, evin as
oft as I please. Whither may we do the same in materis of religioun? May
we cast away what we please, and reteane what we please? Yf I be weill
remembred, Moses, in the name of God, sayis to the people of Israell,
'All that the Lord thy God commandis thee to do, that do thow to the
Lord thy God: add nothing to it; diminyshe nothing from it.' Be this
rewill, think I, that the Kirk of Christ will measur Goddis religioun,
and not by that which seames good in thare awin eis."

                           THE SUPPRIOUR.

"Forgeve me: I spak it but in mowes, and I was dry. And now, Father,
(said he to the Freir,) follow the argument. Ye have heard what I have
said, and what is answered unto me agane."

                        ARBUCKILL GRAY-FREIR.[489]

"I shall prove plainlye that Ceremonyes ar ordeyned by God."

                            JOHNE KNOX.

"Such as God hes ordeyned we allow, and with reverence we use thame. But
the questioun is of those that God hes nott ordeyned, such as, in
Baptisme, ar spattill, salt, candill, cuide, (except it be to keap the
barne from cald,) hardis, oyle, and the rest of the Papisticall


"I will evin prove these that ye dampne to be ordeyned of God."

                            JOHNE KNOX.

"The pruif thareof I wald glaidly hear."


"Sayis not Sanct Paule, 'That another fundatioun then Jesus Christ may
no man lay.' But upone this fundatioun some buyld, gold, silver, and
precious stones; some hay, stuble, and wood. The gold, sylver, and
precious stones, ar the Ceremonyes of the Church, which do abyd the
fyre, and consumes nott away.' This place of Scripture is most plaine,"
(sayis the foolish Feind.)

                            JOHNE KNOX.

"I prayse my God, throwght Jesus Christ, for I fynd his promeis suyre,
trew, and stable. Christ Jesus biddis us 'Nott fear, when we shalbe
called befoir men, to geve confessioun of his trewth;' for he promisses,
'that it salbe gevin unto us in that hour, what we shall speak.' Yf I
had sowght the hole Scripturis, I could not have produced a place more
propir for my purpose, nor more potent to confound yow. Now to your
argument: The Ceremonyes of the Kirk, (say ye,) ar gold, silver, and
pretious stonis, becaus thei ar able to abyd the fyre; but, I wold
learne of yow, what fyre is it which your Ceremonies does abyd? And in
the meantyme, till that ye be advised to answer, I will schaw my mynd,
and make ane argument against youris, upoun the same text. And first, I
say, that I have heard this text adduced, for a pruf of Purgatorie; but
for defence of Ceremonies, I never heard, nor yitt red it. But omitting
whetther ye understand the mynd of the Apostill or nott, I maik my
argument, and say, That which may abyd the fyre, may abyd the word of
God: But your Ceremonies may not abyd the word of God: _Ergo_, Thei may
not abyd the fyre; and yf they may not abyd the fyre, then ar they not
gold, silver, nor precious stones. Now, yf ye find any ambiguitie in
this terme, Fyre, which I interpret to be the woord, fynd ye me ane
other fyre, by the which thingis buylded upoun Christ Jesus should be
tryed then God and his woord, which both in the Scriptures ar called
fyre, and I shall correct my argument."


"I stand nott thairupoun; but I deny your Minor, to wit, that our
Ceremonies may not abyd the tryall of Goddis woord."

                            JOHNE KNOX.


"I prove, that abydis not the tryall of Goddis word, which Goddis word
condempnes But Goddis word condempnes your Ceremonies: Therefor thei do
not abyd the tryall thairof. But as the theaf abydis the tryall of the
inqueist, and tharby is condempned to be hanged, evin so may your
ceremonies abyd the tryall of Goddis word; but not ellis. And now, in
few wordis to maik plane that wharein ye may seme to dowbt, to wit, That
Goddis woord damnes your Ceremonies, it is evident; for the plaine and
strate commandiment of God is, 'Not that thing which appearis good in
thy eis, shalt thow do to the Lord thy God, but what the Lord thy God
hes commanded thee, that do thow: add nothing to it; diminish nothing
from it'. [SN: DEUTE. 4.] Now onless that ye be able to prove that God
hes commanded your Ceremonies, this his formar commandiment will dampne
boyth yow and thame."

       *       *       *       *       *

The Freir, somewhat abased[490] what first to answer, whill he wanderis
about in the myst, he falles in a fowll myre; for alledgeing that we may
nott be so bound to the woord, he affirmed, "That the Apostles had not
receaved the Holy Ghost, when thei did wryte thare Epistles; but after,
thei receaved him, and then thei did ordeyn the Ceremonies." (Few wold
have thought, that so learned a man wold have gevin so foolishe ane
answer; and yitt it is evin as trew as he bayre a gray cowll.) Johne
Knox, hearing the answer, starte, and said, "Yf that be trew, I have
long bein in ane errour, and I think I shall dye thairintill." The
Suppriour said to him, "Father, what say ye? God forbide that ye
affirme that; for then fayre weall the ground of our fayth." The Freir
astonyed, made the best schift that he could to correct his fall;[491]
but it wold not be. Johne Knox brought him oft agane to the ground of
the argument: but he wold never answer directlie, but ever fled to the
authoritie of the Kyrk. Whairto the said Johnne answered ofter then
ones, "That the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against
the word of God." Then said the Freir, "Yf so be, ye will leave us na
Kirk." "Indead, (said the other,) in David I read that thare is a church
of the malignantis, for he sayis, _Odi ecclesiam malignantium_. That
church ye may have, without the word, and doing many thingis directly
feghtting against the word of God. Of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not
impead[492] yow. Bott as for me, I wilbe of none other church, except of
that which hath Christ Jesus to be pastor, which hearis his voce, and
will nott hear a strangeir."


In this Disputatioun many other thingis war merealy skooft ower;[493]
for the Freir, after his fall, could speak nothing to a purpose. For
Purgatorie he had no better pruf, but the authoritie of Vergile in his
sext Æneidos; and the panes thareof to him was ane evill wyff. How Johne
Knox answered that, and many other thingis, him self did witness in a
treatise that he wrate in the gallayis, conteanyng the some of his
doctrin, and Confessioun of his fayth,[494] and send it to his
familiaris in Scotland; with his exhortatioun, that thei should
continew in the trewth, which thei had professed, nochtwithstanding any
worldly adversitie that mycht ensew thareof. [SN: THE CAUS OF THE
INSERTING OF THIS DISPUTATIOUN.] Thus much of that Disputatioun have we
inserted hear, to the intent that men may see, how that Sathan ever
travellis to obscure the lyght; and yitt how God by his power, in his
weak veschellis, confoundis his craft, and discloses his darkness.


After this, the Papistes nor Frearis had not great heart of farther
disputatioun or reassonyng; butt invented ane other schift, which
appeared to proceid frome godlynes; and it was this. Everie learned man
in the Abbay, and in the Universitie, should preach in the parishe kirk
his Sonday about. The Suppriour began, followed the Officiall called
Spittall,[495] (sermones penned to offend no man,) followed all the rest
in thare ranckes. And so Johne Knox smelled out the craft, and in his
sermonis, which he maid upone the Weak dayis, he prayed to God, that
thei should be als busye in preaching when thare should be more myster
of it, then thare was then. [SN: THE PROTESTATIOUN OF JOHNE KNOX.]
"Allwyise, (said he,) I praise God, that Christ Jesus is preached, and
nothing is said publictlie against the doctrin ye have heard. Yf in my
absence thei shall speak any thing, which in my presence thei do nott, I
protest that ye suspend your judgement till that it please God ye hear
me agane."


God so assisted his weak soldeour, and so blessed his laubouris, that
not onlye all those of the Castell, but also a great nomber of the
toune, openlie professed, by participatioun of the Lordis Table, in the
same puritie that now it is ministrat in the churches of Scotland, wyth
that same doctrin, that he had taught unto thame. Amongis whome was he
that now eyther rewillis, or ellis misrewillis Scotland, to wit, Schir
James Balfour, (sometymes called Maister James,[496]) the cheaf and
principall Protestant that then was to be found in this realme. This we
wryte, becaus we have heard that the said Maister James alledgeis, that
he was never of this our religioun; but that he was brought up in
Martine's[497] opinioun of the Sacrament, and tharefoir he can nott
communicat with us. But his awin conscience, and two hundreth witness
besydes, know that he lyes; and that he was ane of the cheaff, (yf he
had not bein after Coppis,) that wold have gevin his lyef, yf men mycht
credite his wordis, for defence of the doctrin that the said Johnne Knox
tawght. But albeit, that those that never war of us, (as none of
Monquhanye's sones have schawin thame selfis to be,) departe from us, it
is no great wonder; for it is propir and naturall that the children
follow the father; and lett the godly levar of that rase and progeny be
schawen;[498] for yf in thame be eather fear of God, or luf of vertew,
farther then the present commoditie persuades thame, men of judgement ar
deceaved. Butt to returne to our Historye.


The Preastis and Bischoppis, enraged at these proceadingis, that war in
Sanctandrois, ran now upoun the Governour, now upoun the Quene, now
upoun the hole Counsall, and thare mycht have been hard complainetes and
cryes, "What ar we doing? Shall ye suffer this hole realme to be
infected with pernicious doctrin? Fy upoun yow, and fy upoun us." The
Quein and Monsieur Dosell,[499] (who then was _a secretis mulierum_ in
the Courte,) conforted thame, and willed thame to be quyet, for thei
should see remeady or it was long. [SN: THE FIRST CUMING OF THE GALAYES
ANNO 1547.] And so was provin in dead; for upoun the penult day of
Junij, appeared in the sight of the Castell of Sanctandrois twenty ane
Frenche galayis, with a skeife of an army,[500] the lyik whairof was
never sein in that Fyrth befoir. [SN: THE TREASONABLE FACT OF THE
GOVERNOUR AND THE QUEIN DOWAGER.] This treassonable meane had the
Governour, the Bischope, the Quein, and Monsieur Dosell, under the
Appointment drawin. Bot to excuse thare treasone, viij dayis befoir,
thei had presented ane absolutioun unto thame, as sent from Rome,
conteanyng, after the aggravatioun of the cryme, this clause,
_Remittimus Irremissibile_, that is, We remitt the cryme that can nott
be remitted. Which considdered by the worst of the company[501] that was
in the Castell, answer was gevin, [SN: THE ANSWER GEVIN TO THE GOVERNOUR
the Governour and Counsall of the Realme had promissed unto thame a
sufficient and assured absolutioun, which that appeared nott to be; and
tharefor could thei nott deliver the house, nether thought thei that any
reassonable man wald requyre thame so to do, considering that promeis
was nott keapt unto thame." The nixt day, after that the galayis
arryved, thei summoned the hous, which being denyed, (becaus thei knew
thame no magistrattis in Scotland,) thei prepared for seage. And, first
thei begane to assalt by sey, and schote two dayis. Bott thairof thei
nether gat advantage nor honour; for thei dang the sclattis of houssis,
but neyther slew man, nor did harme to any wall. [SN: THE GUNNARRIS
GODDESS.] But the Castell handilled thame so, that Sancta Barbara, (the
gunnaris goddess,) helped thame nothing; for thei lost many of thare
rowaris, men chained in the galayis, and some soldeouris, bayth by sea
and land. And farther, a galay that approched neyar then the rest, was
so doung with the cannoun and other ordinance, that she was stopped
under watter, and so almost drowned, and so had bein, war nott that the
rest gave hir succourse in tyme, and drew hir first to the west sandis,
without the schot of the Castell, and thaireftir to Dondye, whare thei
remaned, till that the Governour, who then was at the seige of
Langhope,[502] came unto thame, with the rest of the French factioun.
The seige by land was confirmed about the Castell of Sanctandrois, the
xviiij day of Julij. The trenchess war cast; ordinance was planted upoun
the Abbay Kirk, and upoun Sanct Salvatouris Colledge, and yitt was the
steaple thairof brunt; which so noyed the Castell, that neyther could
thei keape thare blok-houssis, the Sea-tour head, nor the west wall; for
in all these places war men slaine by great ordinance. Yea, thei monted
the ordinance so height upoun the Abbay Kirk, that thei mycht discover
the ground of the close[503] in diverse places. Moreover, within the
Castell was the pest,[504] (and diverse thairin dyed,) which more
effrayed some that was thairin, then did the externall force without.
WAS WON.] But Johne Knox was of ane other judgement, for he ever said,
"That thare corrupt lyef could nott eschape punishment of God;" and that
was his continuall advertisment, fra the tyme that he was called to
preache. When thei triumphed of thare victorie, (the first twenty dayis
thei had many prosperous chances,) he lamented, and ever said, "Thei
saw not what he saw." When thei bragged of the force and thicknes of
thare walles, he said, "Thei should be butt eggeschellis."[505] When
thei vanted, "England will reskew us," he said, "Ye shall not see thame;
but ye shalbe delivered in your ennemyis handis, and shalbe caryed to
ane strange countrey."


Upone the penult of Julij,[506] at nycht, was the ordinance planted for
the battery; xiiij cannons, whareof four was cannons royall, called
double cannons, besydis other peices. The battery begane att iiij houris
in the mornyng, and befoir ten houris of the day, the haill sowth
qwarter, betuix the foir tour and the East blok-house, was maid
saltable. The lawer transe was condempned, diverse slane into it, and
the East blok-house was schote of fra the rest of the place, betuix ten
houris and ellevin. Thare fell a schour of rane, that continewed neir
ane hour, the lyek wharof had seldom bein sein: It was so vehement, that
no man myeht abyd without a house: The cannounes war left allone. Some
within the Castell war of judgement, that men should have ished, and
putt all in the handis of God. But becaus that Williame Kirkcaldy was
commonyng[507] with the Priour of Cappua,[508] who had the commissioun
of that jorney from the King of France, nothing was interprysed. And so
was appointment maid, and the Castell randered upone Setterday, the last
of Julij.


The headis of the Appointment war; "That the lyefis of all within the
Castell should be saved, alsweall Engliss as Scottish; That thei should
be saiflie transported to France; and in case that, upoun conditionis
that by the King of France should be offerred unto thame, thei could
nott be content to remane in service and fredome thare, thei should,
upoun the King of France expenssis, be saiflie conveyed to what contrey
thei wold requyre, other then Scotland." Wyth the Governour thei wold
have nothing ado, neyther yitt with any Scottishe man; for thei had all
tratorouslye betrayed them, "Which," said the Lard of Grange eldar, (a
man sempill, and of most stout corage,) "I am assured God shall revenge
it, or it be long."


The galayes, weall furnessed with the spoyle of the Castell foirsaid,
after certane dayis, returned to France; and eschaping a great danger,
(for upon the back of the sandis thei all schopped,) thei arryved first
at Fekcam,[509] and thareafter past up the watter of Sequane,[510] and
lay befoir Rowane; whare the principall gentilmen, who looked for
fredome, war dispersed and putt in syndrie preasonis. The rest war left
in the galayis, and thare miserable entreated, amonges whome the
foirsaid Maister James Balfour was, with his two brethrein, David and
Gilbert, men without God. Which we wryt, becaus that we hear, that the
said Maister James, principall mysgydar now of Scotland, denyes that he
had any thing to do with the Castell of Sanctandrois, or yet that ever
he was in the galayis. Then was the joy of the Papistis boyth of
Scotland and France evin in full perfectioun; for this was thare song of

  Preastis content yow now; Preastis content yow now;
  For Normond and his cumpany hes filled the galayis fow.

The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and so did he to the
Governour of Scotland, thanking thame hartlie for the tacking panes to
revenge the death of his kynd creature, the Cardinall of Scotland;
desyring thame to continew in thare begune severitie, that such thingis
after should not be attemptat. And so war all these that war deprehended
in the Castell dampned to perpetuall preasone; and so judged the
ungodly, that after that in Scotland should Christ Jesus never have
triumphed. One thing we can not pass by: From Scotland was send a famous
clerk, (lawghe not, readar,) Maister Johnne Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[511]
with credite to the King of France, and unto the Cardinall of Lorane,
(and yitt he nether had French nor Latine, and some say his Scottishe
toung was nott verray good.) The sume of all his negotiatioun was, That
those of the Castell should be scharplie handilled. In which suyt, he
was heard with favouris, and was dispatched fra the Courte of France
with letteris, and great credyte, which that famouse clark foryett by
the way; for passing up to the craig[512] of Dumbertane, befoir his
letteris war delyvered, he brack his nek; and so God took away a proude
ignorant ennemye. Butt now to our Historie.


These thingis against promeissis, (but Princes have no fidelitie farther
then for thare awin advantage,) done at Rowane,[513] the galayes
departed to Nantes, in Bartainzie, whare upone the watter of Lore[514]
thei lay the hole wyntar.

In Scotland, that somer, was nothing but myrth; for all yead[515] with
the preastis eavin at thare awin pleasur. The Castell of Sanctandrois
was rased to the ground,[516] the block houssis thairof cast doune, and
the walles round about demolissed. Whitther this was to fulfill thare
law, which commandis places whare Cartlinalles ar slane so to be used;
or ellis for fear that England should have takin it, as after thei did
Broughty Crage, we remitt to the judgement of such as was of counsall.


This same year, in the begynnyng of September, entered in Scotland ane
army of ten thowsand men from England, by land, some schippes with
ordinance came by sea. The Governour and the Bischope, heirof
advertissed, gathered togetther the forces of Scotland, and assembled at
Edinburgh. The Protectour of England,[517] with the Erle of Warwik, and
thare army, remaned at Preastoun, and about Preastoun Pannes:[518] for
thei had certane offerres to have bein proponed unto the Nobilitie of
Scotland, concernyng the promeissis befoir maid by thame, unto the which
King Hary befoir his death gentillye required thame to stand fast; and
yf thei so wald do, of him nor of his Realme thei should have no truble,
but the helpe and the conforte that he could maike thame in all thingis
lauchfull. And heirupoun was thare a letter direct to the Governour and
Counsall;[519] which cuming to the handis of the Bischope of
Sanctandros, he thought it could nott be for his advantage that it
should be divulgat, and thairfoir by his craft it was suppressed.


Upone the Fryday, the [ixth[520]] of September, the Engliss army marched
towardis Leyth, and the Scottishe army marched from Edinburgh to
Enresk.[521] The hole Scottishe army was nott assembled, and yitt the
skirmissing begane; for nothing was concluded but victorie without
strok. The Protectour, the Erle of Warwik, the Lord Gray, and all the
Engliss Capitanes, war played[522] at the dyce. No men war stowttar then
the Preastis and Channounes, with thare schaven crownes and blak
jackis. [SN: FRYDAYIS CHASE.] The Erle of Warwik and the Lord Gray, who
had the cheaf charge of the horsmen, perecaving the host to be molested
with the Scotishe preakaris,[523] and knowing that the multitud war
nether under ordour nor obedience, (for thei war devided fra the great
army,) sent furth certane troupes horsmen, and some of thare Borderaris,
eyther to feght thame, or ellis to putt thame out of thare syght, so
that thei mycht not annoy the host. The skarmuch grewe hote, and at
lenth the Scottishmen gave back, and fled without gane turne. The chase
continewed far, bayth towardis the East and towardis the Weast; in the
which many war slayne, and he that now is Lord Home was tane, which was
the occasioun, that the Castell of Home[524] was after randered to the
Engliss men. [SN: BRAGGIS.] The lose of these men neyther moved the
Governour, nor yitt the Bischope, his bastard brother: Thei should
revenge the mater weall yneuch upoun the morne; for thei war handis
ynew, (no word of God;) the Engliss heretyckis had no faces; thei wald
not abyd.


Upone the Setterday, the armyis of boyth sydis past to array. The
Engliss army tackis the mydd parte of Fawsyd hill,[525] having thare
ordinance planted befoir thame, and having thare schippes and two
galayis brought as neir the land as watter wald serve. The Scottishe
army stood first in ane ressonable strenth and good ordour, having
betuix thame and the Engliss army the Watter of Esk, (otherwyese called
Mussilburgh Watter;) butt at length a charge was gevin in the
Governouris behalf, with sound of trumpett, that all men should merche
fordwarte, and go ower the watter.[526] Some say, that this was procured
by the Abbote of Dumfermeling,[527] and Maister Hew Rig,[528] for
preservatioun of Carbarry. Men of judgement lyeked not the jorney; for
thei thought it no wisdome to leave thare strenth. But commandiment
upoun commandiment, and charge upoun charge, was gevin, which urged
thame so, that unwillinglie thei obeyed. The Erle of Anguss,[529] being
in the vantgard, had in his cumpany the gentilmen of Fyfe, of Anguss,
Mernes, and the Westland, with many otheris that of luif resorted to
him, and especiallie those that war professouris of the Evangell; for
thei supposed, that England wold not have maid gret persuyt of him. He
passed first throwght the watter, and arrayed his host direct befoir the
ennemies. Followed the Erle of Huntlie, with his Northland men. Last
came the Duke, having in his cumpany the Erle of Ergyle,[530] with his
awin freindis, and the body of the realme. The Englesmen perceaving the
danger, and how that the Scottishe men intended to have tane the tope of
the hill, maid hast to prevent the perrell. The Lord Gray was commanded
to geve the charge with his men of armes, which he did, albeit the
hasard[531] was verray unliklye; for the Erle of Anguss host[532] stood
evin as a wall, and receaved the first assaultairis upon the pointis of
thare spearis, (which war longar then those of the Englismen,) so
ruidlye, that fyftie horse and men of the first rank lay dead at ones,
without any hurte done to the Scottishe army, except that the spearis of
the formar two rankis war brokin. Which discomfitur receaved, the rest
of the hors men fled; yea, some passed beyound Fawsyd hill. The Lord
Gray him self was hurte in the mouth, and plainelie denyed to charge
agane; for he said, "it was alyik as to ryne against a wall." The
galayis and the schippes, and so did the ordinance planted upoun the
mydd hill, schote terriblye. But the ordinance of the galayis schooting
longis the Scotish army effrayed thame wonderuslye.[533] And whill that
everie man laubouris to draw from the north, whense the danger appeired,
thei begyne to reyll, and with that war the Engliss foot men marching
fordwarte, albeit that some of thare horsmen war upoun the flight. The
Erle of Anguss army stood still, looking that eyther Huntlie[534] or the
Duke should have recountered the nixt battell; but thei had decreid that
the favoraris of England, and the Heretickis, (as the Preastis called
thame,) and the Englismen should parte it betuix thame for the day.

The fear ryses, and at ane instant thei, which befoir war victouris, and
war nott yitt assaulted with any force, (except with ordinance, as said
is,) cast frome thame thare spearis and fled. So that Goddis power was
so evidentlie sein, that in one moment, yea, at one instant tyme, boyth
the armyes war fleing. The schout came from the hill frome those that
hoped no victorie upone the Engliss parte; the schout ryses, (we say,)
"Thei flye, thei flie;" but at the first it could nott be beleved, till
at the last it was clearlie sein, that all had gevin backis, and then
begane a cruell slawchtter, (which was the greattar be reassone of the
lait displeasur of the men of armes.) The chase and slaughter lasted
till ney Edinburght, upoun the one parte, and be-west Dalkeith, upon the
other.[535] The number of the slane upoun the Scotishe syd war judged
ney ten thowsand men. The Erle of Huntley was tackin, and caryed to
London; but he releved him self, being suyrtie for many ransonis,
honestlie or unhonestlie[536] we know nott; but, as the bruyt past, he
used pollicye with England. In that same battell was slane the Maister
of Erskin,[537] deirlie beloved of the Quein, for whome she maid great
lamentatioun, and bayre his death many dayis in mind. When the
certaintie of the disconfiture came, sche was in Edinburgh abyding upon
tydinges; but with expeditioun she posted that same nycht to Stryveling,
with Monsieur Dosell, who was als fleyed as "a fox when his hole is
smoked." And thus did God tak the secound revenge upoun the perjured
Governour, with such as assisted him to defend ane injust qwerrell;
albeit that many innocentis fell amonges the myddest of the wicked. The
Engliss army came to Leyth, and thare tackin ordour with thare
preasonaris and spoile, thei returned with this victorie, (which thei
looked nott for,) to England.

That wynter following was great heirschippes maid upoun all the
Bordouris of Scotland. Browghty crag[538] was tane by the Englismen,
beseiged by the Governour, but still keapt; and at it was slane Gawen,
the best of the Hammyltonis,[539] and the ordinance left. Whareupon,
the Englismen encouraged, begane to fortifie upoun the hill above
Broughty hous, which was called the Forte of Broughty, and was verray
noysome to Dondy, which it brunt and laid waist; and so did it the moist
parte of Anguss, which was not assured, and under freindschipe with

That Lentran[540] following, [SN: 1548.] was Haddingtoun fortified by
the Engliss men. The maist parte of Lothiane, from Edinburgh east, was
eyther assured or laid wast. Thus did God plague in everie qwarter; butt
men war blynd, and wald nott, nor could nott, considder the cause. The
Lardes Ormestoun[541] and Brunestoun[542] war banissed, and after
forfalted,[543] and so war all those of the Castell of Sanctandrois.
The suyre knowledge of the trubles of Scotland cuming to France, thare
was prepared a navy and army. The navy was such as never was sein to
come fra France, for the supporte of Scotland; for besydis the galayis,
being twenty twa then in nomber, thei had threscoir great schippis,
besydis vittallaris. Howsone soever thei took the playne seas, the read
lyoun of Scotland was displayed, and thei holdin as rebelles unto
France, (such pollicye is no falsett in Princes,) for good peax stoode
betuix France and England, and the King of France approved nothing that
thei did. The cheaf men, to whome the conducting of that army was
committed, war Monsieur Dandelot, Monsieur de Termes, and Peir de
Strois. In thare jorney thei maid some hereschepe upoun the coast of
England; but it was nott great. [SN: 1549.] They arryved in Scotland in
Maij, anno 1549.[544] The galayis did visitt the forte of Browghty, but
did no more at that tyme. Preparationis war maid for the seig of
Hadyngtoun; but it was ane other thing that thei ment, as the ischew
declared. [SN: THE PARLIAMENT ATT HADINGTOUN.] The hole body of the
realme assembled, the forme of a Parliament was sett to be holdin thare,
to witt, in the Abbay of Haddingtoun.[545] The principall head was the
mariage of the Princess (by thame befoir contracted to King Edwarte,) to
the King of France, and of hir present deliverie, be reassone of the
danger that she stood into, by the invasioun of our old ennemies of
England. Some war corrupted with buddis, some deceaved by flattering
promessis, and some for fear war compelled to consent; for the French
soldartis war the officiaris of armes in that Parliament. The Lard of
Balclewcht,[546] a bloody man, with many Goddis woundis, sware, "Thei
that wold nott consent should do war." The Governour gat the Duchry of
Chattellerawlt,[547] with the Ordour of the Cokill, and a full discharge
of all intromissionis with King James the Fyft his treasure and
substance whatsoever, with possessioun of the Castell of Dumbertane,
till that ischew should be sein of the Quenis body. [SN: THE DUKIS FACT,
AND WHAT APPEARIS TO FOLLOW THAREOF.] With these, and other conditionis,
stood he content to sell his Soverane furth of his awin handis, which in
the end wilbe his destructioun; God thairby punishing his formar
wickedness, (yf speady reapentance prevent not Goddis judgementis, which
we hartly wishe.) Huntley, Ergyle, and Anguss, was lykwiese maid
Knyghtis of the Cockill;[548] and for that and other good deid
receaved, thei sold also thare parte. [SN: EXPERIENCE HES TAWGHT, AND
FARTHER WILL DECLAIR.] Schortlie, none was found to resist that injust
demand; and so was she sold to go to France, to the end that in hir
youth she should drynk of that lycour, that should remane with hir all
hir lyfetyme, for a plague to this realme, and for hir finall
destructioun. And tharefoir, albeit that now a fyre cumes out frome hir,
that consumes many, lett no man wonder, she is Goddis hand, in his
displeasur punishing our formare ingratitude. [SN: _PERFICE QUOD CEPISTI
patientlie abyd, and turne unto thare God, and then shall he eyther
destroy that hoore in hir hurdome, or ellis he shall putt it in the
harttis of a multitude, to tak the same vengeance upoun hir, that hes
bein tane of Jesabell and Athalia, yea, and of otheris, of whome
prophane historyis mak mentioun; for greattar abominatioun was never in
the nature of any woman, then is in hir, whareof we have but sein only
the buddis; butt we will after taist of the rype frutt of hir impietie,
yf God cutt not hir dayis schorte. [SN: WRITTIN THE ---- OF APRILE, ANNO
1566.] But to returne to our Historie.


This conclusioun tackin, that our Quein, (butt farther delay,) should be
delivered to France, the seig continewis, great schooting, but no
assaulting; and yitt thei had fair occasioun offered unto thame. For
the Englismen approching to the toune, for the conforting of the
beseiged, with powder, vittalles, and men, lost ane army of sax thowsand
men. [SN: TUESDAYIS CHASE.] Schir Robert Bowes[550] so was tane, and the
most parte of the Borderaris war eyther tackin or slane. And so mycht
the Toune justlye have dispared of any farther succourse to have bein
loked for; butt yit it held good; for the stout corage and prudent
governement of Schir James Wolfurd,[551] generall, who did so encorage
the hole capitanes and soldartis, that thei determined to dye upon thare
wallis. But from the tyme that the Frenche men had gottin the bone for
the which the dog barked, the persuyt of the toune was slow. The seig
was rased, and she was convoyed by the Weast seas to France,[552] with
four galayis, and some schippis; and so the Cardinall of Lorane gatt
hir in his keping, a morsall, assuyre yow,[553] meit for his awin mouth.

We omitt many thingis that, occurred in this tyme; as the sitting doun
of the schip called the Cardinall, (the farest schip in France,) betuix
Sanct Colmes Inch and Crawmond,[554] without any occasioun, except
negligence, for the day was fair, and the wetther calme; but God wold
schaw, that the countrie of Scotland can bear no Cardinallis. In this
tyme also, was thare a combate betuix the galayis and the Engliss
schippis; thei schote fracklie a whill. Ane Engliss schip took fyre, or
ellis the galayis had come schorte hame, and, as it was, thei fled
without mercy, till that thei war abuf Sanct Colmes Inch.[555] The
Capitanes left the galayes, and took a forte maid upoun the Inch for
thare defence. But the Engliss schippis maid no persuyt, (except that
thei brunt the Cardinall whare that she lay,) and so the galayis and the
galay-men did boyth eschape.

Ordoure was lackin, that nixt September, that some galayes should remane
in Scotland, and that the rest should returne to France; as that thei
did all, except one that was tackin by ane Engliss schip, (by one
Engliss schip onlye, we say,) as that thei war passing betuix Dover and

That wynter remaned Monsieur De Arfe[556] in Scotland, with the bandis
of French men. Thei fortified Enresk, to stay that the Engliss should
not invaid Edinburgh and Leyth. Some skarmessis[557] thare war betuix
the one and the other, butt no notable thing done, except that the
French had almost tackin Hadingtoun; the occasioun whareof was this.

The French men thinking thame selfis moir then maisteris in all partes
of Scotland, and in Edinburgh principallie, thought that thei could do
no wrong to no Scottishe man; for a certane French man delivred a
coulvering to George Tod, Scottisman, to be stocked, who bringing it
throwght the streat, ane other French man clamed it, and wold have reft
it from the said George; but he resisted, alledgeing that the Frenche
man did wronge. And so begane parties to assemble, asweall to the
Scottishman, as to the French; so that two of the French men war
stryckin doune, and the rest chassed from the Croce to Nudrye's Wynd
head.[558] The Provost being upoun the streat, apprehended two of the
French, and was carying thame to the Tolbuyth; but from Monsieur de
Essie's loodgeing and close isched furth French men, to the nomber of
threscoir persones, with drawin sweardis, and resisted the said Provest.
But yitt the toune assembling repulsed thame, till that thei came to
the Nether Bow;[559] and thare Monsieur La Chapell, with the hole bandis
of French men enarmed, rencontered the said Provest, and[560] repulsed
him, (for the toune war without weapones, for the maist parte,) and so
maid invasioun upoun all that thei mett. [SN: THE SLAUGHTER OF THE
CAPITANE OF THE CASTELL OF EDINBURGH] And first, in the throt of the
Bow, war slane David Kirk and David Barbour, (being at the Provostes
back,) and thareafter war slane the said Provest himself, being Lard of
Stannoss, and Capitane of the Castell,[561] James Hammyltoun his
sone,[562] Williame Chapman, a godly man, Maister Williame
Stewarte,[563] Williame Purvess, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewarte;
and thareafter taryed within the toune, by force, from fyve houris, till
after sevin at nycht, and then reteared to the Cannogat, as to thare
receptackle and refuge.


The hole Toun, yea, the Governour and Nobilitie commoved at the
unwoorthynes of this bold attemptat, craved justice upoun the
malefactouris, or ellis thei wold tack justice of the hole. The Quein,
crafty yneweht, Monsieur de Essye, and Monsieur Dosel, laubored for
pacificatioun, and did promeise, "That onless the French men, by thame
selfis allone, should do such ane act, as mycht recompense the wrong
that thei had done, that then thei should not refuise, but that justice
should be executed to the rigour." These fayre woordis pleased our
foollis, and so war the Frenche bandis the nixt nycht direct to
Hadingtoun,[564] to the which thei approched a lytill after mydnycht, so
secreatlye, that thei war never espyed, till that the formar war within
the basse courte, and the haill cumpany in the church yard, nott two
payre of boot lenthis distant frome the toune. The soldartis,
Englishmen, war all a sleape, exceapt the watch, the which was sklender,
and yitt the schowt arises, "Bowes and billes: Bowes and billes;" which
is significatioun of extreame defence, to avoid the present danger, in
all tounes of warr. The effrayed aryses: weapones that first come to
hand serve for the nead. One[565] amongis many cumes to the East porte,
whare lay two great pieces of ordinance, and whare the ennemies war
knowin to be, and cryed to his fellowes that war at the yett macking
defence, "Ware befoir;" and so fyres a great peace, and thareafter
another, which God so conducted, that after thame was no farther persuyt
maid; for the bullates redounded fra the wall of the Freir Kirk, to the
wall of Sanct Katherine's Chapell, which stood direct foiranent it, and
fra the wall of the said Chapell to the said Kirk wall agane, so oft,
that thare fell mo then ane hundreth of the French, att those two
schottis only. Thei schott oft, but the French reteired with diligence,
and returned to Edinburgh, without harme done, except the destructioun
of some drynkin bear, which lay in the saidis Chappell and Kirk. And
this was satisfactioun more then yneuht,[566] for the slawchter of the
said Capitane and Provest, and for the slawghter of such as war slane
with him. This was the begynnyng of the French fruittis.


This wynter, in the tyme of Christen Masse, was the Castell of Home
recovered from the Engliss, by the negligence of the Capitane named


This wynter also did the Lard of Rayth most innocentlie suffer, and
after was forfalted, becaus that he wrait a bill to his sone, Johne
Melvin,[568] who then was in England, which was alleged to have bein
found in the house of Ormestoun; but many suspected the pauckis[569] and
craft of Ringzen Cockburne, (now called Capitane Ringzeane,[570]) to
whome the said letter was delivered. Butt howsoever it was, thei cruell
beastis, the Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of Dumfermling, ceassed
nott, till that the head of the said noble man was strickin from him;
especiallie becaus that he was knawin to be ane that unfeanedlie favored
the treuth of Goddis word, and was a great freind to those that war in
the Castell of Sanctandrois; of whose deliverance, and of Goddis
wonderouse wyrking with thame during the tyme of thare bondage, we man
now speak, least that in suppressing of so notable a wark of God, we
mycht justlie be accused of ingratitude.


And, first, the principalles being putt in severall houssis, as befoir
we have said, great laubouris was maid to mack thame have a good
opinioun of the Messe. But cheaflie travail was takin upoun Normond
Leslye,[571] the Lard of Grange, and the Lard of Petmyllie,[572] who war
in the Castell of Scherisburgh,[573] that thei wold come to the Messe
with the Capitane: Who answered, "That the Capitane had commandiment to
keape thare bodyes, but he had no power to command thare conscience."
The Capitane replyed, "That he had power to command and to compell thame
to go whare he yead." Thei answered, "That to go to any lauchfull place
with him, thei wold nott refuise; but to do any thing that was against
thare conscience thei wold not, nether for him, nor yitt for the King."
The Capitane said, "Will ye nott go to the Messe?" Thai answered, "No;
and yf ye wald compell us, yitt will we displease yow farther; for we
will so use our selfis thare, that all those that ar present shall knaw
that we dispite it." These same answeris, (and somewhat scharpar,)
Williame Kirkcaldye, Petir Carmichaell, and such as war with thame in
Mont Sanct Michaell, gave to thare Capitane; for thei said, "Thei wold
nott only hear Messe everie day, but that thei wold help to say it,
provided that thei mycht stick the preastis, or ellis thei wold nott."
Maister Henry Balnaves,[574] who was in the Castell of Rowane, was most
sharplie assaulted of all; for becaus he was judged learned, (as he was,
and is, in deid,) tharefoir learned men war appointed to trawall with
him, with whome he had many conflictes; but God so ever assisted him,
that thei departed confounded, and he, by the power of Goddis Spreit,
remaned constant in the trewth and profession of the same, without any
wavering or declynyng to idolatrie. In the preasone he wrait a most
profitable Treatise of Justificatioun,[575] and of the workis and
conversatioun of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know
nott. These that war in the galayis war threatned with tormentis, yf
thei wold not geve reverence to the Messe, (for at certane tymes the
Messe was said in the galay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in[576]
presence of the forsaris;) butt thei could never mack the poorest of
that cumpanye to geve reverence to that idole. Yea, when upoun the
Setterday at nycht, thei song thare _Salve Regina_, the hole Scottishmen
putt on thare cappes, thare hoodis, or such thing as thei had to cover
thare headis; and when that otheris war compelled to kyss a paynted
brod, (which thei called "Nostre Dame,") thei war not preassed after
ones; for this was the chance. [SN: MEARY FACT.] Sone after the arrivall
at Nances,[577] thare great _Salve_ was song, and a glorious painted
Lady was brought in to be kissed, and, amongis otheris, was presented to
one of the Scotishmen then cheyned. He gentillye said, "Truble me nott;
such ane idole[578] is accurssed; and tharefoir I will not tuich it."
The Patron and the Arguesyn, with two officeris, having the cheaf charge
of all such materis, said, "Thow salt handill it;" and so thei
violentlie thrust it to his face, and putt it betuix his handis; who
seing the extremitie, tooke the idole, and advisitlie looking about, he
caist it in the rivare, and said, "Lett our Lady now saif hir self: sche
is lycht aneuch; lett hir learne to swyme." After that was no Scotish
man urged with that idolatrie.

These ar thingis that appear to be of no great importance; and yit yf we
do rychtlie considder, thei expresse the same obedience that God
requyred of his people Israell, when that thei should be caryed to
Babylon; for he gave charge unto thame, that when thei should see the
Babylonians wirschipe thare goddis of gold, silver, mettall, and woid,
that thei should say, [SN: JERE. 10.] "The goddis that have nott maid
the heavin and the earth shall perish frome the heavin, and out of the
earth." That confessioun gave that hole nomber, during the tyme of thare
bondage: in the which, wald God thei had continewed in thare fredome;
for then had nott Maister James Balfour bein Officiall,[579] neyther
yitt borne a cope[580] for pleasur of the Bischope. But to proceid. The
said Maister James and Johne Knox being intill one galay, and being
wounderous familiare with him, wold often tymes ask his judgement, "Yf
he thought that ever thei should be delivered?" Whose answer was ever,
fra the day that thei entered in the galayis, "That God wald deliver
thame from that bondage, to his glorie, evin in this lyef." [SN: _QUÆVIS
MULTA SINT JUSTORUM MALA._] And lyeing betuix Dundye and Sanctandrois,
the secound tyme[581] that the galayis returned to Scotland, the said
Johne being so extreamlye seak, that few hoped his lyeff, the said
Maister James willed him to look to the land, and asked yf he knew it?
Who answered, "Yes: I knaw it weall; for I see the stepill of that
place, whare God first in publict opened my mouth to his glorie, and I
am fullie persuaded, how weak that ever I now appear, that I shall nott
departe this lyif, till that my toung shall glorifie his godlie name in
the same place." This reported the said Maister James in presence of
many famous witness, many zearis befoir that ever the said Johne sett
his futt in Scotland, this last tyme, to preache.


Williame Kirkcaldy, then of Grange, youngar, Petir Carmichaell, Robert
and Williame Leslyes, who war altogetther in Mont Sanct Michaell,[582]
wrait to the said Johnne, asking his counsall, "Yf thei mycht with saif
conscience break thare preasone?" Whose answer was, "That yf without the
blood of any sched of spilt by thame for thare deliverance, thei mycht
sett thame selfis at fredome, that thei mycht saiflye tak it: but to
sched any manes bloode for thare fredome, thairto wold he never
consent." Adding farther, "That he was assured that God wold deliver
thame, and the rest of that cumpany, evin in the eis[583] of the world;
but not by such meanes as we had looked for, that was by the force of
freindis, or by thare other labouris." By such meanes he affirmed thei
should nott be delivered, but that God wold so wirk in the deliverance
of thame, that the praise thairof should redound to his glorie onlye. He
willed, tharefoir, everie one to tack the occasioun that God offerred
unto thame, providing that thei committed nothing against Goddis
expresse commandiment, for deliverance of thame selves. He was the more
earnest in geving his counsall, becaus that the old Larde of
Grange,[584] and otheris, repugned to thare purpoise, fearing least that
the eschaping of the otheris should be ane occasioun of thare warse
entreatment. Whareunto the said Johnne answered, "That such fear
proceided nott from Goddis Spreat, but only from ane blynd luif of the
self; and tharefor, that no good purpoise was to be stayed for thingis
that war in the handis and power of God." And added, "That in one
instant God delivered all that cumpany in the handis of unfaythfull men,
but so wald he nott releave thame. But some wald he deliver by one
meanes, and at one tyme, and otheris must abyd for a season upon his
good pleasur." This counsall in the end embrased, upoun the Kinges
Evin,[585] when French men commonlie use to drynk liberallie, the
foirsaid four personis, having the helpe and conducting of a boy of the
house, band all those that war in the Castell, putt thame in syndrie
houssis, locked the doores upon thame, took the keyis from the Capitane,
and departed, without harme done to the persone of any, or without
tueching of any thing that apparteaned to the King, the Capitane, or the


Great search was maid throweh the hole countrey for thame.[586] But it
was Goddis gud pleasur so to conduct thame, that thei eschaped the
handis of the faithless, albeit it was with long travaill, and grait
pane and povertie susteaned; for the French boy left thame, and took
with him the small poise that thei had; and so nether having money, nor
knawledge of the countrey, and farther fearing that the boy should
discrive thame, (as that in verray dead he did,) thei took purpose[587]
to devid thame selfis, to change thare garmentis, and to go in sindrie
partes. The two brethrein, Williame and Robert Leslyes,[588] (who now ar
become, the said Robert especiall, ennemies to Christ Jesus and to all
vertew,) came to Rowane. Williame Kirkcaldy and Petir Carmichael, in
beggaris garment, came to Conqwet,[589] and by the space of twelf or
threttein weakis, thei travalled as poore marinaris, frome porte to
porte, till at lenth thei gat a French schipe, and landed in the Weast,
and from thense came to England, whare thei mett befoir thame the said
Johne Knox, who that same wynter was delivered, and Alexander Clerk[590]
in his cumpany.

The said Johne[591] was first appointed preachar to Berwik, then to
Newcastell; last he was called to London, and to the sowth partes of
England, whare he remaned to the death of King Edwart the Sext.[592]
When he left England, then he passed to Geneva, and thare remaned at his
privat study, till that he was called by the Engliss[593] congregatioun,
that then was assembled at Franctfoorde, to be preachear to thame:
Which vocatioun he obeyed, (albeit unwillinglye,) at the commandiment of
that notable servand of God, JOHNE CALVYNE. At Franctfoord he remaned,
till that some of the learned, (whose names we suppress,) moir gevin to
unprofitable ceremonies,[594] then to synceritie of religioun, began to
qwerrall with the said Johnne; and becaus thei dispared to prevaill
befoir the Magistrat thare, for the establissing of thare corruptionis,
thei accused him of treasone committed against the Emperour, and against
thare Soverane Quein Marie, that in his ADMONITIOUN TO ENGLAND,[595] he
called the one lytill inferiour to Nero, and the other more cruell then
Jezabell. The Magistrat perceaving thare malice, and fearing that the
said Johnne should fall in the handis of his accusatouris, by one meane
or by other, gave advertisment secreatlie to him to departe thare citie;
for thei could not saif him yf he ware required by the Emperour, or by
the Quein of England in the Emperouris name; and so the said Johne
returned to Geneva, from thense to Deape, and thairafter to Scotland, as
we shall after hear.

The tyme and that wynter that the galayes remaned in Scotland, war
delivered Maister James Balfour, his twa brethrein, David and Gilbert,
Johne Auchinlek, Johnne Sibbald, Johne Gray, William Gutthery, and
Stevin Bell.[596] The gentilmen that remaned in preasonis war, by the
procurement of the Quein Dowager, to the Cardinall of Lorane and to the
King of France, sett at libertie in the moneth of Julij, Anno 1550; who
schorte tharefter war called to Scotland,[597] thare peax proclamed, and
thei thame selfis restored to thare landis, in dyspite of thare
ennemies. And that was done in hatterent of the Duck, becaus that then
France begane to thrist to have the regiment of Scotland in thare awin
handis. How soever it was, God maid the heartis of thare ennemyes to
sett thame at libertie and fredome. Thare rested a nomber of commoun
servandis yitt in the galayes, who war all delivered upoun the contract
of peace that was maid betuix France and England, after the tackin of
Bullon; and so was the haill cumpany sett at libertie, none
perishing,[598] (no nott befoir the world,) except James Melvin, who
departed from the miserie of this lyif in the Castell of Byrst in


This we wryte to lett the posteriteis to come understand, how potentlye
God wrought in preserving and delivering of these that had butt a small
knowledge of his trewth, and for the luif of the same hasarded all; that
yf that eyther we now in our dayis, having grettar lycht, or our
posteriteis that shall follow us, shall see ane fearfull dispersioun of
such as oppone thame selfis to impietie, or tack upoun thame to punishe
the same, otherwiese then lawis of men will permite: yf, (we say,) we or
thei[600] shall see such left of men, yea, as it war, dispyssed and
punished of God; yit lett us nott dampne the personis that punish vice,
(and that for just caussis;) nor yitt dispare, butt that the same God
that dejectes, (for causes unknawin to us,) will raise up agane the
personis dejected, to his glorye and thare conforte. And to lett the
world understand in plane termes what we meane, that great abusar of
this commoun wealth, that pultron and vyle knave Davie, was justlie
punished, the nynt of Merch, in the year of God[601] J^m. V^c. threscore
fyve, for abusing of the commoun wealth, and for his other villany,[602]
which we list nott to express, by the counsall and handis of James
Dowglas, Erle of Morton, Patrik Lord Lyndesay, and the Lord Ruthven,
with otheris assistaris in thare cumpany, who all, for thare just act,
and most worthy of all praise, ar now unworthely left of thare
brethrein, and suffer the bitterness of banishement and exyle. But this
is our hope in the mercyes of our God, that this same blynd generatioun,
whither it will or nott, shalbe compelled to see that he will have
respect to thame that ar injustlye persewed; that he will apardoun thare
formar offenses; that he will restore thame to the libertie of thare
countrey and common wealth agane; and that he will punish, (in dispyte
of man,) the head and the taill, that now trubles the just, and
manteanes impietie. [SN: THE REULARIS OF MARY, ANNO 1566, AND THAIRE
PREDICTIOUN.] The head is knawin: the taill hes two branches; the
temporall Lordis that manteane hir abhominationis, and hir flattering
counsallouris, blasphemous Balfour, now called Clerk of Register,[603]
Sinclar Deane of Restalrige and Bischope of Brechin, blynd of ane eie in
the body, but of boithe in his saule,[604] upoun whome God schortlie
after took vengeance; [John[605]] Leslye, preastis gett,[606] Abbot of
Londorse and Bischope of Ross, Symon Preastoun of Craigmyllare,[607] a
right epicureane, whose end wilbe, or it be long, according to thare
warkis. Butt now to returne to our Historye.

       *       *       *       *       *

Haddingtoun being keapt,[608] and much hearschipe done about in the
countrey, (for what the Engliss men destroyed nott, that was consumed by
the French,) God begynnis to feght for Schotland; for in the toun he
send a peast so contagious, that with great difficultie could thei have
thare dead buryed. Thei war oft refresched with new men, but all was in
vane. Hunger and pest within, and the persuyt of the ennemy with a campe
volant lay about thame, and intercepted all victuallis, (except when
thei war brought by ane convoy from Berwik,) so constrayned thame that
the Counsall of England was compelled in spring tyme to call thare
forses from that place; and so spuilzeing and burnyng some parte of the
toune, thei left it to be occupyed to such as first should tack
possessioun,--and those war the Frenchmen, with a meane nomber of the
ancient inhabitantis. And so did God performe the woordis and threatnyng
of his servand, Maister George Wisharte, who said, "That for thare
contempt of Goddis messinger, thei should be visited with sweard and
fyre, with pestilence, strangearis, and famyne;" which all thei fand in
such perfectioun, that to this day yitt, that toune hes neyther
recovered the formar beautie, nor yit men of such wisdome and
habilitie, as then did inhabite it.

Hearafter was Peace contracted betuix France and England and
Scotland;[609] yea, a severall Peace was contracted betuix Scotland and
Flanderis, togetther with all the Easterlingis; so that Scotland had
peace with the world.[610] Butt yitt wold thare Bischopcs maik warr
against God; for how sone that ever thei gat any qwyetness, thei
apprehended Adame Wallace,[611] alias Fean, a sempill man, without great
learnyng, but ane that was zelous in godlynes and of ane uprycht lyeff.
He, with his wyif Beatrice Levingstoun, frequented the cumpany of the
Lady Ormestoun,[612] for instructioun of hir childrein, during the
truble of hir husband, who then was banissed. This bastard, called
Bischope of Sanctandrois, took the said Adame furth of the place of
Wyntoun,[613] (men supposed that thei thowght to have apprehended the
Lard,) and caryed him to Edinburgh; whare, after certane dayis, he was
presented to judgement in the Kirk of the Blak thevis alias
Freiris,[614] befoir the Duik, the Erle of Huntley, and diverse otheris
besydis, the Bischoppes and thare rable. Thei begyn to accuse him,
(Maister Johnne Lauder[615] was Accusatour,) [SN: THE ACCUSATIOUN OF
ADAME WALLACE AND HIS ANSWERIS.] "That he took upoun him to preach." He
answered, "That he never judged himself worthy of sa excellent a
vocatioun, and tharefoir he never took upoun him to preach; but he wold
not deny, butt sometymes at the table, and sometymes in other prevey
places, he wald reid, and had red the Scriptures, and had gevin such
exhortatioun as God pleaseth to geve to him, to such as pleased to hear
what have ye to do to medle with the Scriptures?" "I think, (said he,)
it is the dewitie of everie Christiane to seak the will of his God, and
the assurance of his salvatioun, whare it is to be found, and that is
within his Old and New Testament." "What then, (said ane other,) shall
we leave to the Bischoppis and Kirkmen to do, yf everie man shalbe a
babler upoun the Byble?" "It becumith[616] yow, (said he,) to speak more
reverentlie of God, and of his blessed worde: Yf the judge war
uncorrupt, he wald punish yow for your blasphemye. But to your
questioun, I answer, That albeit ye and I, and other fyve thowsand
within this realme, should read the Byble, and speak of it what God
should geve us to speak, yitt left we more to the Bischoppes to do, nor
eyther thei will or yit can weill do; for we leave to thame publictly to
preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to fead the flock, which he
hath redeamed by his awin bloode, and hes commanded the same to the
cayre of all trew pastouris. And when we leave this unto thame, me think
we leave to thame a heavy burdein; and that we do unto thame na wrong,
althowght we search our awin salvatioun whare it is to be found,
considdering that thei ar but dum doggis, and unsavery salt, that hes
altogither lost the seasson." The Bischoppes heirat offended, said,
"What pratting is this? Lett his accusatioun be redd."

And than was begun, "False tratour, heretik, thow baptised thy awin
barne: Thow said, thare is no Purgatorie: Thow said, that to pray to
Sanctes and for the dead is idolatrie and a vane superstitioun, &c. What
sayis thow of these thinges?" He answered, "Yf I should be bound to
answer, I wold requyre an uprycht and indifferent judge." The Erle of
Hunteley[617] disdanefullie said, "Foolishe man, wilt thow desyre ane
uther judge nor my Lorde Dukis Grace, great Governour of Scotland, and
my Lordis the Bischoppes, and the Clargy hear present?" Whairto he
answered, "The Bischoppes can be no judges to me; for thei ar oppen
ennemyes to me and to the doctrin that I professe. And as for my Lord
Duck, I can not tell yf he hes the knowledge that should be in him that
should judge and decerne betuix lyes and the trewth, the inventionis of
men and the trew wirschipping of God. I desyre Goddis word (and with
that he produced the Byble) to be judge betuix the Bischoppes and me,
and I am content that ye all hear, and yf by this book, I salbe convict
to have tawght, spokin, or done, in materis of religioun, any thing that
repugnes to Goddis will, I refuise not to dye; but yf I can nott be
convict, (as I am assured by Goddis woord I sall nott,) then I in Goddis
name desyre your assistance, that malicious men execut not upoun me
injust tyranny." The Erle of Hunteley said, "What a babling foole is
this? Thow shalt gett none other judges then those that sitt heir."
Wharunto the said Adam ansured, "The good will of God be done. But be ye
assured, my Lord, with sic measur as ye mett to otheris, with the same
measur it shalbe mett to yow agane. I know that I shall dye, but be ye
assured, that my blood shalbe requyred of your handis."


Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[618] yitt alyve, said to the Bischope of
Orknay,[619] and otheris that satt ney him, "Tack yow yon, my Lordis of
the Clargye;[620] for hear I protest, for my parte, that I consent nott
to his death." And so, without fear, prepared the said Adam to answer.
And first, to the baptising of his awin child, he said, "It was and is
als lauchfull to me, for lack of a trew minister, to baptise my awin
child, as that it was to Abraham to circumcise his sone Ismael and his
familie. And as for Purgatorie, praying to Sanctes, and for the dead, I
have oft redd, (said he,) boith the New and Old Testamentis, but I
nether could find mentioun nor assurance of thame; and tharefoir, I
beleve, that thei ar but mear inventionis of men, devised for
covetousnes saik." "Weall, (quod the Bischope,) ye hear this, my
Lordis." "What sayis thow of the Messe?" spearis the Erle of Huntley. He
ansuered, "I say, my Lord, as my master Jesus Christ sayis, 'That which
is in greatast estimatioun befoir men, is abomination befoir God.'" [SN:
LUCÆ. [16.]] Then all cryed out, "Heresye! heresye!" And so was the
sempill servand of God adjudged to the fyre; which he patientlie
susteaned that same day, at after nune, upoun the Castell-hill.[621]

And so began thei agane to pollute the land, which God had laitlie
plagued; for yitt thare iniquitie was nott come to so full rypnes, as
that God wold that thei should be manifested to this hole realme, (as
this day thei ar,) to be faggottis prepared for the everlesting fyre,
and to be men whome nether plagues may correct, nor the light of Goddis
woorde converte from thare darknes and impietie.

The Peace, as said is, contracted, the Quein Dowager past by sea to
France, with galayes,[622] that for that purpose war prepared, and took
with hir diverse of the nobilitie of Scotland, to witt, the Erles
Huntley, Glencarne, Marschell, Cassilles, the Lordis Maxwell, Fleyming,
Schir George Dowglass, togither with all the Kinges Sonnes, and diverse
baronis and gentillmen of ecclesiasticall estait, the Bischope of
Galloway, and many otheris, with promisses that thei should be richely
rewarded for thare good service. What thei receaved we can nott tell;
but few maid ruse at thare returnyng. The Dowager had to practise
somewhat with hir brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and the Cardinall of
Lorane, the weght wharof the Governour after felt: for schortly after
hir returnyng, was the Governour deposed of the governement, (justly by
God, but most injustly by men,) and she maid Regent in the year of God
J^m. V^c. fyfty four;[623] and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye
a sight, (yf men had eis,) as to putt a sadill upoun the back of ane
unrewly kow. And so began she to practise practise upoun practise, how
France mycht be advanced, hir freindis maid riche, and sche brought to
immortall glorie: for that was hir commoun talk, "So that I may procure
the wealth and honour of my freindis, and a good fame unto my self, I
regard nott what God do after with me." And in verray deid, in deap
dissimulatioun, to bring hir awin purpose to effect, sche passed the
commoun sorte of wemen, as we will after heare. Butt yit God, to whose
Evangell she declared hir self ennemye, in the end frustrat hir of all
hir devises.


Thus did light and darknes stryve within the realme of Scotland; the
darknes ever befoir the world suppressing the light, from the death of
that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, unto the death
of Edwarde the Saxt, that most godly and most verteous King that hath
bein knowin to have rounge in England, or elles whare, these many
yearis bypast, who departed the miserie of this lyef the vj of Julij,
Anno, &c., 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented of all the godly
within Europe; for the graces gevin unto him of God, as weall of nature
as of eruditioun and godlines, passed the measur that accustomablye
useth to be gevin to other Princes in thare grettast perfectioun, and
yitt exceaded he nott sextein yearis of aige. What gravitie abuf age,
what wisdome passing all expectatioun of man,[624] and what dexteritie
in answering in all thingis proponed, war into that excellent Prince,
the Ambassadouris of all countreeis, (yea, some that war mortall
ennemyes to him and to his realme, amonges whome the Quein Dowager of
Scotland was not the least,) could and did testifie; for the said Quein
Dowager, returnyng from France throwght England, commoned with him at
lenth,[625] and gave record when sche came to this Realme, "That sche
fand more wisdome and solidd judgement in young King Edward, then she
wold have looked for in any three Princes that war then in Europe." His
liberalitie towardis the godly and learned, that war in other realmes
persecuted, was such as Germanes, Frenchmen, Italianes, Scottis,
Spainzardis, Polonianes, Grecianis, and Hebrewis borne, can yitt geve
sufficient document; for how honorablie war Martyn Buceir,[626] Petir
Martyre, Joannes Alasco, ...[627] Emanuel Gualterus,[628] and many
otheris, upoun his publict stipendis interteaned, thare patentis can
witnesse, and thei thame selfis during thare lyffis wold never have

After the death of this most verteous Prince, of whome the godless
people of England, (for the most parte,) was nott worthy, Sathan
intended nothing less then the light of Jesus Christ utterly to have
bein extinguissed, within the hole Ile of Britannye; for after him was
rased up, in Goddis hote displeasur, that idolatress Jesabel, mischevous
Marie, of the Spaynyardis bloode;[629] a cruell persecutrix of Goddis
people, as the actes of hir unhappy regne can sufficiently
witnesse.[630] And in to Scotland, that same tyme, (as we have
hard,[631]) rang that crafty practisar, Marie of Lorane, then named
Regent of Scotland; who, bound to the devotioun of hir two brethrein,
the Duck of Gueise, and Cardinall of Lorane, did onlye abyd the
oportunitie to cutt the throttis of all those in whome she suspected any
knowledge of God to be, within the realme of Scotland. And so thought
Sathan, that his kingdome of darkness was in qwietness and rest, asweall
in the one realme, as in the other: but that provident eie of the
Eternall our God, who continually watches for preservatioun of his
Church, did so dispone all thingis, that Sathane schorte after fand him
self far disapointed of his conclusioun tackin. For in that cruell
persecutioun, used by that monstour, Marie of England, war godlie men
dispersed in diverse nationis, of whom it pleaseth the goodnes of our
God to send some unto us, for our conforte and instructioun.


And first cam a sempill man, WILLIAME HARLAW,[632] whose eruditioun,
althowght it excell nott, yit for his zeill, and diligent plainess in
doctrin, is he to this day worthy of praise, and remanes a fruitfull
member within the Church of Scotland. After him cam that notable man,
JOHNE WILLOK,[633] as one that had some commissioun to the Quein Regent,
from the Duchess of Emden. Butt his principall purpose was to assay what
God wald wirk by him in his native countrey. These two did sometymes, in
severall cumpanyes, assemble the brethrein, who by thare exhortationis
begane greatlie to be encoraged, and did schaw that thei had ane earnest
thrist of godlines.


And last came JOHNE KNOX,[634] in the end of the harvest, in the year
of God J^m. V^c. fyfty fyve; who first being loodged in the house of
that notable man of God, James Syme, begane to exhorte secreatly in that
same house; whareunto repared the Lard of Dun, David Forress, and some
certane personages of the toune, amonges whome was Elizabeth Adamsoun,
then spous to James Barroun,[635] burges of Edinburgh, who be reasson
that she had a trubled conscience, delyted much in the cumpany of the
said Johne, becaus that he, according to the grace gevin unto him,
opened more fullie the fontane of Goddis mercyes, then did the commoun
sorte of teachearis that sche had hard befoir, (for sche had heard none
except Freiris,) and did with such gredynes drynk thairof, that at hir
death she did expresse the frute of hir hearing, to the great conforte
of all those that repared to hir; for albeit that she sufferred most
grevous torment in hir body, yitt out of hir mouth was heard nothing but
praising of God, except that somtymes she wold lament the trubles of
those that war trubled by hir. Being somtymes demanded by hir Sisteris,
"What she thought of that pane, which she than sufferred in body, in
respect of that wharewith sometymes she was trubled in spreit?" She
ansuered, "A thowsand year of this torment, and ten tymes more joyned
unto it, is not to be compared to the qwarter of ane hour that I
sufferred in my spreit. I thank my God, throught Jesus Christ, that hes
delivered me from that most fearfull pane; and welcome be this, evin so
long as it pleassed his godlie Majestie to exercise me thairwith." A
litill befoir hir departuyre, she desyred hir Sisteris, and some otheris
that war besyd hir, to sing a psalme, and amonges others, she appointed
the 103. Psalme, begynnyng, "My saule praise thow the Lord
alwyes;"[636] which ended, sche said, "At the teaching of this Psalme,
begane my trubled soule first effectually to taist of the mercy of my
God, which now to me is more sweat and precious, then[637] all the
kingdomes of the earth war gevin to me to possesse thame a thowsand
yearis." The Preastis urged hir with thare ceremonies and
superstitionis; to whome she answered, "Depart from me, ye
sergeantis[638] of Sathan; for I have refused, and in your awin presence
do refuise, all your abominationis. That which ye call your Sacrament
and Christes body, (as ye have deceaved us to beleve in tymes past,) is
nothing but ane idole, and hes nothing to do with the rycht institutioun
of Jesus Christ; and thairfor, in Goddis name, I command yow nott to
truble me." Thei departed, allegeing, That she raved, and wist not what
sche said. And she short thereafter sleapt in the Lord Jesus, to no
small conforte of those that saw hir blessed departing. This we could
nott omitt of this wourthy woman, who gave sa notable a confessioun,
befoir that the great lycht of Goddis word did universallie schyne
throwght this realme.

At the first cuming of the said Johne Knox, he perceaving diverse who
had a zeall to godlynes maik small scrupill to go to the Messe, or to
communicat with the abused Sacramentis in the Papisticall maner, begane
alsweall in privy conferance as in doctrin, to schaw the impietie of the
Messe, and how dangerous a thing it was to communicat in any sort with
idolatrie. Wharewith the conscience of some being effrayed, the mater
began to be agitat fra man to man, and so was the said Johne called to
suppar by the Lard of Dun, for that same purpose, whare war conveaned
David Forress, Maister Robert Lockart, Johne Willock, and Williame
Maitland of Lethingtoun youngar, a man of good learnyng, and of scharpe
witt and reassonyng. The questioun was proponed, and it was answered by
the said Johne, "That no-wyise it was lauchfull to a Christiane to
present him self to that idoll." Nothing was omitted that mycht maik for
the temperisar,[639] and yitt was everie head so fullie ansuered, and
especially one whairinto thei thought thare great defence stood, to wit,
"That Paule at the commandiment of James, and of the eldaris of
Jerusalem, passed to the tempill and fanzeid him self to pay his vow
with otheris." This, we say, and otheris, war so fullye ansuered, that
Williame Maitland concluded, saying, "I see perfytlye, that our schiftis
will serve nothing befoir God, seing that thei stand us in so small
stead befoir man." The answer of Johne Knox to the fact of Paule, and to
the commandiment of James, was, "That Paule's fact had nothing to do
with thare going to the Messe; for to pay vowes was sometymes Goddis
commandiment, and was never idolatrie: but thare Messe, from the
originall, was and remaned odiouse idolatrie; tharefor the factes war
moist unlyik. Secundarly, (said he,) I greatly dowbt whitther eyther
James's commandiment or Paule's obedience proceaded frome the Holy
Ghost. We knaw thare counsall tended to this, That Paule should schaw
him self one that observed the verray small pointes of the law, to the
end that he mycht purchase to him the favouris of the Jewes, who war
offended at him be reassone of the bruittis that war sparsed, that he
tawght defectioun from Moses. Now, whill he obeyed thare counsall, he
fell into the most disperat danger that ever he susteaned befor, whareof
it was evident, that God approved nott that meane of reconciliatioun;
but rather that he plainelie declaired, 'That evill should not be done
that good mycht come of it.' Evill it was to Paule to confirme those
obstinat Jewes in thare superstitioun by his exampill; worse it was to
him to expone him self, and the doctrin which befoir he had tawght, to
sklander and mockage; and tharefoir, (concluded the said Johne,) that
the fact of Paule, and the seqwell that tharof followed, appeired
rather to feght against thame that wold go to the Messe, than to geve
unto thame any assurance to follow his example, onless that thei wold,
that the lyik truble should instantlye apprehend thame that apprehended
him, for obeying worldly wyise counsall." After these and lyik
reassonynges, the Messe began to be abhorred of such as befoir used it
for the fassioun, and avoiding of sclander, (as then thei termed it.)

Johne Knox, at the request of the Lard of Dun,[640] followed him to his
place of Dun, whare he remaned a moneth, dalye exercised in doctrin,
whairunto resorted the principall men of that countrey. After his
returnyng, his residence was most in Calder,[641] whare repared unto him
the Lord Erskin that now is,[642] the Erle of Argyle, then Lord of
Lorne,[643] and Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois,[644] and now
Erle of Murray; whare thei hard and so approved his doctrin, that thei
wissed it to have bein publict. That same wynter[645] he tawght commonly
in Edinburgh; and after the Youle, by the conduct of the Lard of Barr,
and Robert Campbell of Kingyeancleucht, he came to Kyle,[646] and tawght
in the Barr, in the house of the Carnell, in the Kingyeancleuch, in the
toune of Air, and in the houssis of Uchiltrie, and Gathgyrth, and in
some of thame ministrat the Lordis Table. Befoir the Pasche,[647] the
Erle of Glencarne send for him to his place of Fynlastoun;[648] whare,
after doctrin, he lyikwiese ministrat the Lordis Table, whairof besydis
him self war parttakaris, his Lady, two of his sonnis, and certane of
his freindis; and so returned he to Calder, whare diverse frome
Edinburgh, and frome the countrey about, convened, asweall for the
doctrin, as for the rycht use of the Lordis Table, which befoir thei had
never practised. From thense he departed the secound tyme to the Lard of
Dun; and teiching then in grettar libertie, the gentilmen required that
he should ministrat lyikwiese unto thame the Table of the Lord Jesus,
whairof war partakaris the moist parte of the gentilmen of the Mernse;
who, God be praised, to this day constantlie do remane in the same
doctrin which then thei professed, to witt, that thei refuissed all
societie with idolatrie, and band thame selfis,[649] to the uttermost
of thare poweris, to manteane the trew preaching of the Evangell of
Jesus Christ, as God should offer unto thame preachearis and

The bruyt heirof sparsed, (for the Freiris from all qwarteris flokked to
the Bischoppes,) the said Johne Knox was summond to compeir in the Kirk
of the Black Freiris in Edinburgh, the xv day of Maij [1556,] which day
the said Johne decread to keape; and for that purpose Johne Erskin of
Dun, with diverse otheris gentilmen, convened to the toune of Edinburgh.
Butt that dyet held nott; for whitther that the Bischoppis perceaved
informalitie in thare awin proceidyngis, or yf thei feared danger to
ensew upoun thare extremitie, it was unknown unto us. But the Setterday
befoir the day appointed, thei caist thare awin summondis; and the said
Johne, the same day of the summondis, tawght in Edinburgh in a greattar
audience then ever befoir he had done in that toune: The place was the
Bischope of Dunkellis his great loodgeing, whare he continewed in
doctrin ten dayis, boyth befoir and after nune. The Erle of Glencarne
allured the Erle Merschall,[650] who with Harye Drummound,[651] (his
counsallour for that tyme,) heard ane exhortation, (but it was upone
the nycht,) who war so weall contented with it, that thei boyth willed
the said Johne to wrait unto the Quein Regent somwhat that mycht move
hir to heir the word of God. He obeyed thare desyre, and wrait that
which after was imprinted, and is called "THE LETTER TO THE QUEIN
DOWAGER;"[652] which was delivered into hir awin handis by the said
Alexander Erle of Glencarne. Which letter, when sche had redd, within a
day or two, she delivered it to that proud Prelate, Betoun,[653]
Bischope of Glasgw, and said in mockage, "Please yow, my Lord, to reid a
pasqwill." Which woordis cuming to the earis of the said Johne, war the
occasioun that to his Letter he maid his additionis,[654] as yitt may be
sein. [SN: _NOTA._] As concernyng the threatnyngis pronunccd against hir
awin persone, and the most principale of hir freindis, lett thare verray
flatteraris see what hath failled of all that he hes writtin. And
tharefor it war expedient that hir Dochtter, now mischevouslye rynging,
should look to that which hath passed befoir, least that in following
the counsallis of the wicked, she end more miserablie then hir crafty
Mother did.

Whill Johne Knox was thus occupyed in Scotland, letteris came unto him
from the Engliss Kirk that was assembled in Geneva, (which was separated
from that superstitious and contentious cumpany that war at
Franckfoord,) commanding him in Goddis name, as he that was thare chosin
pastor, to repayre unto thame, for thare conforte. Upone the which, the
said Johne took his leave from us, almost in everie congregatioun whare
befor he had preached, and exhorted us to prayaris, to reading of the
Scriptures, and mutuall conference, unto such tyme as God should geve
unto us grettar libertie. And hearupon he send befoir him to Deape, his
mother in law Elizabeth Bowes,[655] and his wyef Marjory, with no small
dolour to thare hartes, and unto many of us. He him self, by procurement
and laubouris of Robert Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[656] remaned behynd
in Scotland, and passed to the old Erle of Ergyle,[657] who then was in
the Castell of Campbell,[658] whare he tawght certane dayis. The Lard of
Glenurquhare,[659] (which yit liveth,) being one of his auditouris,
willed the said Erle of Ergyle to reateane him still; but he, purposed
upoun his jorney, wold not att that tyme stay for no requeast, adding,
"That yf God so blessed thei small begynnynes, that thei continewed in
godlyness, whensoever thei pleased to command him, thei should fynd him
obedient;" but said, "That ones he must neadis visit that lytill flock
which the wickedness of men had compelled him to leave." And so in the
moneth of Julij he left this realme, and past to France, and so to
Geneva. Immediatly after, the Bischoppis summoned him, and for none
compeirance, brunt him in effigie at the Croce of Edinburgh, in the year
of God 1555.[660] Fra the which injust sentence the said Johnne maid his
APPELLATIOUN, and caused to print the same, and direct it to the
Nobilitie and Commounes of Scotland,[661] as yitt may be redd.


In[662] the wynter that the said Johne aboad in Scotland, appeired a
comet, the course whairof was from the south and south-west, to the
north and north-east. It was sein the monethis of November, December,
and Januare. It was called "The fyrie boosome."[663] Sune after dyed
Christierne, King of Denmark: And warr raise betuix Scotland and
England; for the Commissionaris of boyth realmes, who almost the space
of sex monethis entraitted upoun the conditionis of peace, and war upoun
a neyr point of conclusioun [war disappointed.] The Quein Regent with
hir Counsall of the French factioun decreatted war at Newbattil,[664]
without geving any advertisment to the Commissionaris for the parte of
Scotland. Such is the fidelitie of Princes, guyded by Preastis, when
soever thei seik thare awin affectionis to be served.


In the end of that nixt harvest, was sein upoun the Bordouris of England
and Scotland a strange fyre, which discended from the heavin, and brunt
diverse cornes in boyth the realmes, but most in England. Thare was
presented to the Quein Regent, by Robert Ormestoun, a calf having two
headdis, whareat sche scripped, and said, "It was but a commoun thing."
The warr begane in the end of the harvest, as said is, and conclusioun
was tackin that Wark[665] should be asseged. The army and ordinance past
fordwarte to Maxwell Heucht.[666] The Quein Regent remaned in the
Castell of Home,[667] and thinking that all thingis war in assurance,
Monsieur Dosell, then Lieutenant for France, gave charge that the
cannonis should be transported ower the watter of Twead, which was done
with expeditioun, (for the French in such factes ar experte;) [SN: THE
of Scotland nothing content of such proceadingis, after consultatioun
amongis thame selfis, past to the palzeon[668] of Monsieur Dosell, and
in his awin face declared, "That in no wiese wald thei invade England,"
and tharefoir command the ordinance to be reteired; and that it was,
without farther delay.[669]

This putt ane effray in Monsieur Dosell his breathe,[670] and kendilled
such a fyre in the Quein Regentis stomak, as was nott weall slockened
till hir braith failled. And thus was that enterprise frustrate. Butt
yitt warre continewed, during the which the Evangell of Jesus Christ
begane wonderouslye to floriss; for in Edinburgh begane publictlie to
exhorte, Williame Harlaw; Johnne Dowglass,[671] who had (being with the
Erle of Ergyle) preached in Leyth, and sometymes exhorted in Edinburgh;
Paule Meaffen begane publictly to preach in Dondye; and so did diverse
otheris in Anguss and the Mernse.


And last, at Goddis good pleasur, arryved Johnne Wyllok the secound tyme
from Emden;[672] whose returne was so joyfull to the brethrein, that
thare zeall and godly courage daly encreassed. And albeit he contracted
a dangerous seaknes, yitt he ceassed nott from laubouris, but tawght and
exhorted from his bed: some of the nobilitie, [SN: LORD SETOUN ANE
APOSTAT.] (of whome some ar fallen back, amongis whome the Lord
Setoun[673] is cheaf,) with many baronis and gentilmen, war his
auditouris, and by him war godly instructed, and wonderouslie conforted.
Thei keapt thare conventionis, and held counsallis with such gravitie
and closnes, that the ennemyes trembled. [SN: THE ABOLISHING OF IMAGES
AND TRUDLE THAREFOIR.] The images war stollen away in all partes of the
countrie; and in Edinburgh was that great idole called Sanct Geyle,[674]
first drouned in the North Loch,[675] after brunt, which rased no small
truble in the toun. For the Freiris rowping lyik reavins upoun the
Bischoppes, the Bischoppes ran upoun the Quein, who to thame was
favorable yneweh, but that she thowght it could not stand with hir
advantage to offend such a multitud as then took upon thame the defence
of the Evangell, and the name of Protestantes. [SN: THE PREACHARIS
SUMMONED.] And yitt consented sche to summond the Preachearis; whareat
the Protestantis neyther offended, neyther yitt thairof effrayed,
determined to keape the day of summondis,[676] as that thei did. [SN:
the Prelattis and Preastis, thei procured a proclamatioun to be
publictlie maid, "That all men that war come to the toune without
commandiment of the authoritie, should with all diligence repayre to the
Bordouris, and thare remane xv dayis:" for the Bischope of
Galloway,[677] in this maner of ryme, said to the Quein, "MADAME,

  Becaus thei ar come without ordour,
  I red ye, send thame to the Bordour."


Now so had God provided, that the qwarter of the West-land, (in to the
which war many faythfull men,) was that same day returned from the
Bordour; who understanding the mater to procead from the malice of the
Preastis, assembled thame selfis together, and maid passage to thame
selfis, till thei came to the verray prevey chalmer, whare the Quein
Regent and the Bischoppes war. The Gentilmen begane to complane upoun
thare strange intertenement, considdering that hir Grace had found into
thame so faithfull obedience in all thingis lauchfull. Whill that the
Quein begane to craft, a zelous and a bold man, James Chalmeris of
Gaitgyrth,[678] said, "Madame, we know that this is the malice and
devise of thei Jefwellis, and of that Bastard, (meanyng the Bischope of
Sanctandrois,) that standis by yow: We avow to God we shall maik ane day
of it. Thei oppresse us and our tennantis for feading of thare idill
bellyes: thei truble our preacheris, and wold murther thame and us:
Shall we suffer this any longare? Na, Madame: It shall nott be." And
tharewith everie man putt on his steill bonet. Thare was hard nothing of
the Quenis parte but "My joyes, my hartes, what ailes yow? Me[679]
meanes no evill to yow nor to your preachearis. The Bischoppes shall do
yow no wrong. Ye ar all my loving subjectes. Me knew nathing of this
proclamatioun. The day of your preachearis shalbe discharged, and me
will hear the controversie that is betuix the Bischoppes and yow. Thei
shall do yow no wrong. My Lordis," said she to the Bischoppes, "I forbid
yow eyther to truble thame or thare preachearis." [SN: O CRAFTY
FLATTERAR!] And unto the gentilmen who war wonderouslye commoved, she
turned agane, and said, "O my heartis, should ye nott love the Lord your
God with all your harte, with all your mynd? and should ye nott luif
your nychtbouris as your selfis?" With these and the lyik fair wordis,
she keapt the Bischoppes from buffattis at that tyme.


And so the day of summondis being discharged, begane the brethrein
universallie to be farther encoraged. But yit could the Bischoppes in no
sorte be qwyet; for Sanct Geillis day approcheing, thei gave charge to
the Provest, Baillies, and Counsall of Edinburgh, eyther to gett agane
the ald Sanct Geile, or ellis upoun thaire expenssis to maik ane new
image. [SN: THE ANSWER OF EDINBURGH.] The Counsall answered, "That to
thame the charge appeired verray injust; for thei understood that God in
some plaices had commanded idolles and images to be distroyed; but
whare he had commanded ymages to be sett up, thei had nott redd; and
desyred the Bischope to fynd a warrant for his commandiment." [SN:
Whareat the Bischope offended, admonissed under pane of curssing; which
thei prevented by a formall Appellatioun;[680] appelling from him, as
from a parciall and corrupt judge, unto the Pape's holynes; and so
grettar thingis schortly following, that passed in oblivioun. Yit wold
nott the Preastis and Freiris cease to have that great solempnitie and
manifest abhominatioun which thei accustomablie had upoun Sanct Geillis
day,[681] to witt, thei wold have that idole borne; and tharefor was all
preparatioun necessar deuly maid. A marmouset idole was borrowed fra the
Gray Freiris, (a silver peise of James Carmichaell[682] was laid in
pledge:) It was fast fixed with irne nailles upon a barrow, called thare
fertour. [SN: TRIUMPH FOR BEARING OF STOCK GEILL.] Thare assembled
Preastis, Frearis, Channonis, and rottin Papistes, with tabornes and
trumpettis, banerris and bage-pypes, and who was thare to led the ring,
but the Quein Regent hir self, with all hir schaivelingis, for honour of
that feast. West about goes it, and cumis doun the Hie Streat, and doun
to the Canno Croce.[683] The Quein Regent dyned that day in Sandie
Carpetyne's housse, betuix the Bowes,[684] and so when the idole
returned back agane, sche left it, and past in to hir dennar. The
heartes of the brethrein war wonderouslie inflammed, and seing such
abominatioun so manifestlie manteaned, war decreed to be revenged. Thei
war devided in severall cumpanyes, wharof not one knew of ane other.
Thare war some temperisaris that day, (amonges whome David Forress,
called the Generall,[685] was one,) who, fearing the chance to be dune
as it fell, laubored to stay the brethrein. Butt that could not be; for
immediatlie after that the Quein was entered in the loodgeing, some of
those that war of the interprise drew ney to the idole, as willing to
helpe to bear him, and getting the fertour upon thare schulderis, begane
to schudder, thinking that thairby the idole should have fallin. [SN:
that was provided and prevented by the irne nailles, as we have said;
and so, begane one to cry "Doun with the idole; doun with it;" and so
without delay it was pulled doun. Some brag maid the Preastis patrons at
the first; but when thei saw the febilness of thare god, (for one took
him by the heillis, and dadding his head to the calsay, left Dagon
without head or handis, and said, "Fye upon thee, thow young Sanct
Geile, thy father wold haif taryed four such:") this considdered, (we
say,) the Preastis and Freiris fled faster then thei did at Pynckey
Clewcht.[686] Thare mycht have bein sein so suddane a fray as seildome
hes bein sein amonges that sorte of men within this realme; for doun
goes the croses, of goes the surpleise, round cappes cornar with the
crounes. The Gray Freiris gapped, the Blak Frearis blew, the Preastis
panted, and fled, and happy was he that first gate the house; for such
ane suddan fray came never amonges the generatioun of Antichrist within
this realme befoir. [SN: A MEARY ENGLISMAN.] By chance thare lay upoun a
stare a meary Englissman, and seing the discomfiture to be without
blood, thought he wold add some mearynes to the mater, and so cryed he
ower a stayr, and said, "Fy upoun yow, hoorsones, why have ye brockin
ordour! Doun the streat ye passed in array and with great myrth. Why
flie ye, vilanes, now, without ordour? Turne and stryk everie one a
strok for the honour of his god. Fy, cowardis, fy, ye shall never be
judged worthy of your wages agane!" But exhortationis war then
unprofitable; for after that Bell had brokin his neck, thare was no
conforte to his confused army.

The Quein Regent lade up this amonges hir other mementoes, till that
sche mycht have sein the tyme proper to have revenged it. Search was
maid for the doaris, but none could be deprehended; for the brethrein
assembled thame selfis in such sorte, in companyes, synging psalmes, and
prasing God, that the proudast of the ennemies war astonied.


This tragedy of Sanct Geill was so terrible to some Papistes, that Dury,
sometymes called for his filthines Abbot Stottikin, and then intitulat
Bischope of Galloway,[687] left his rymyng wharewith he was accustumed,
and departed this lyef, evin as that he leved: For the articles of his
beleve war; "I Referr: Decarte yow: Ha, ha, the four Kinges and all
maid: The Devill go with it: It is but a varlett:

  Fra France we thought to have gottin a Rooby;[688]
  And yit is he nothing but a cowhuby."


With such faith and such prayeris, departed out of this lyeff that
ennemy of God, who had vowed and plainelie said, "That in dispyte of
God, so long as thei that then war Prelattis lyved, should that word
(called the Evangell) never be preached within this realme." [SN: THE
DEATH OF DAVID PANTER.] After him followed that belly-god, Maister David
Panter,[689] called Bischope of Ross, evin with the lyik documentis,
exceapt that he departed eatting and drynking, which, togitther with the
rest that tharupoun dependis, was the pastyme of his lyef.


The most parte of the Lordis that war in France at the Quenis mariage,
althought that thei gat thare congie fra the Courte, yit thei forget to
returne to Scotland.[690] For whitther it was by ane Italiane posset, or
by French fegges, or by the potage of thare potingar, (he was a French
man,) thare departed fra this lyef the Erle of Cassilles,[691] the Erle
of Rothose,[692] Lord Flemyng,[693] and the Bischope of Orknay, whose
end was evin according to his lyfe:[694] For after that he was dryvin
back by a contrarious wynd, and forced to land agane at Deape,
perceaving his seiknes to encrease, he caused maik his bed betuix his
two cofferis, (some said upoun thame:) such was his god, the gold that
tharein was inclosed, that he could not departe tharefra, so long as
memorie wold serve him. The Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois, had
(by all appearance) lyked of the same bust[695] that dispatched the
rest, for thareof to this day his stomack doeth testifie: but God
preserved him for a bettir purpose. This same Lord James, now Erle of
Murray, and the said Bischope, war commonlye at debate for materis of
religioun; and tharefoir the said Lord, hearing of the Bischoppis
disease, came to visitt him, and fynding him not sa weall at a point as
he thowght he should have bein, and as the honour of the country
requyred, said unto him, "Fy, my Lord, how ly ye so? Will ye not go to
your chalmer, and not ly hear into this commoun house?" [SN: ORKNAYIS
ANSWER, AND HIS FREINDIS WHOME.] His answer was, "I am weall whare I am,
my Lord, so long as I can tary; for I am neir unto my freindis, (meanyng
his cofferis and the gold tharein.) But, my Lord, (said he,) long have
ye and I bein in pley for Purgatory: I think that I shall know or it be
long whetther thare be such a place or not." Whill the other did exhorte
him to call to mynd the promisses of God, and the vertew of Christis
death; he answered, "Nay, my Lord, lett me allon; for ye and I never
aggreid in our lyiff, and I think we shall nott aggree now at my death;
and tharefor lett me allone." The said Lord James departed to his
loodgeing, and the other schort after departed this lyef; whitther, the
great day of the Lord will declare.


When the word of the departing of so many patrons of the Papistrye, and
of the maner of thare departing, cam unto the Quein Regent, after
astonisment and musing, she said, "What shall I say of such men? Thei
lieved as beastis, and as beastis thei dye: God is not with thame,
nether with that which thei interprise."


Whill these thingis war in doing in Scotland and France, that perfyt
hipocryte Maister Johne Sinclare, then Dene of Restalrige,[697] and now
Lord President and Bischope of Brechin, begane to preache in his Kirk
of Restalrig; and at the begynnyng held himself so indifferent, that
many had opinion of him, that he was nott far from the kingdom of God.
But his hypochrisie could nott long be clocked; for when he understood
that such as feared God began to have a good opinioun of him, and that
the Freiris and otheris of that sect begane to whisper, "That yf he took
not head in tyme to him self, and unto his doctrin, he wold be the
destructioun of the hole estait of the Kirk." This by him understand, he
appointed a sermon, in the which he promissed to geve his judgement
upoun all such headis as then war in controversie in the materis of
religioun. The bruyte heirof maid his audience great at the first; but
that day he so handilled him self, that after that, no godly man did
creditt him; for not only ganesaid he the doctrin of Justificatioun and
of Prayer which befoir he had tawght, but also he sett up and manteaned
the Papistrie to the uttermost prick; yea, Holy Watter, Pilgramage,
Purgatory, and Pardonis war of such vertew in his conceit, that without
thame he looked not, to be saved.


In this meantyme, the Clargye maid a brag that thei wald disput. But
Maister David Panter,[698] which then lived and lay at Restalrig,
dissuaded thame tharefra, affirmyng, "That yf ever thei disputed, but
whare thame selfis war bayth judge and party, and whare that fyre and
swerd should obey thare decrie, that then thare caus was wracked for
ever; for thare victorie stood neyther in God, nor in his word, but in
thare awin willis, and in the thingis concluded by thare awin
Counsallis, (togitther with sword and fyre,) whareto, (said he,) these
new starte-up fellowis will give no place. But thei will call yow to
your compt booke, and that is to the Bible; and by it ye will no more be
found the men that ye ar called, then the Devill wilbe approvin to be
God. And therefor, yf ye love your selfis, enter never in disputatioun;
nether yitt call ye the mater in questioun; but defend your possessioun,
or ellis all is lost." Cayaphas could not geve ane bettir counsall to
his companizeons; but yitt God disapointed boith thame and him, as after
we shall hear.

       *       *       *       *       *


At this same tyme, some of the Nobilitie direct thare letteris to call
JOHNE KNOX from Geneva, for thare conforte, and for the conforte of
thare brethrein the preachearis, and otheris that then couragiouslye
faught against the ennemyes of Goddis trewth. The tenour of thare lettre
is this:

       _Grace, Mercy, and Peace, for Salutatioun, &c._

     DEIRLIE BELOVED in the Lord, the Faithfull that ar of your
     acquentance in thir partes, (thankis be unto God,) ar stedfast in
     the beleve whareinto ye left thame, and hes ane godly thrist and
     desyre, day by day, of your presence agane; quhilk, gif the Spreat
     of God will sua move and permitt tyme unto yow, we will hartly
     desyre yow, in the name of the Lord, that ye will returne agane in
     thir partes, whare ye shall fynd all faithfull that ye left behynd
     yow, not only glaid to hear your doctrin, but wilbe reddy to
     jeopard lyffis and goodis in the forward setting of the glorie of
     God, as he will permitt tyme. And albeit the Magistraittis in this
     countrey be as yitt but in the staite ye left thame, yitt at the
     maiking heirof, we have na experience of any mair crueltie to be
     used nor was befoir; but rather we have beleve, that God will
     augment his flock, becaus we see daly the Freiris, ennemyes to
     Christis Evangell, in less estimatioun, baith with the Quenis
     Grace, and the rest of the Nobilitie of our realme. This in few
     wordis is the mynd of the faithfull, being present, and otheris
     absent. The rest of our myndis this faythfull berare will schaw you
     at lenth. This, fair ye weill in the Lord.

     Off Striveling, the tent of Marche, Anno 1556.[699] (This is the
     trew copy of the bill, being subscrived by the names underwrittin,)

                        _Sic subscribitur_,   GLENCARNE.
                                              LORNE, (now ERGYLE.)
                                              JAMES STEWART.

These letteris war delivered to the said Johne in Geneva, by the handis
of James Sym, who now resteth with Christ, and of James Barroun, that
yit liveth,[700] in the moneth of Maij immediatlie tharefter. Which
receaved, and advised upoun, he took consultatioun alsweall with his
awin church as with that notable servand of God, Johne Calvin, and with
other godlie ministers, who all with one consent, said, "That he could
nott refuise that Vocatioun, onless he wald declair him self rebellious
unto his God, and unmercyfull to his contrie." And so he returned
answer, with promessis to visite thame with ressonable expeditioun, and
so sone as he mycht putt ordour to that dear flock that was committed to
his charge. And so, in the end of the nixt September after, he departed
from Geneva, and came to Deape, whare thare mett him contrare letteris;
as by this his answer thareto we may understand.

     _The Spreit of wisdom, constancie, and strenth be multiplied with
     yow, by the favour of God our Father, and by the grace of our Lord
     Jesus Christ._

     According to my promeis, Rycht Honorable, I came to Deape, the
     xxiiij of October, of full mynd, by the good will of God, with the
     first schippes to have visited yow. Bot becaus two letteris, not
     verray pleassing to the flesche, wer there presented unto me, I was
     compelled to stay for a tyme. The one was directed to myself from a
     faithfull brother, which maid mentioun, that new consultatioun was
     appointed for finall conclusioun of the mater befoir purposed, and
     willed me tharefoir to abyd in these partes, till the
     determinatioun of the same. The other letter was direct from a
     gentilman to a friend, with charge to advertise me, that he had
     communed with all those that seamed most frack and fervent in the
     mater, and that into none did he fynd such boldness and constancie,
     as was requisite for such ane interprise; bot that some did (as he
     writteth) reapent that ever any such thing was moved; some war
     partlie eschamed; and otheris war able to deny, that ever thei did
     consent to any such purpose, yf any triall or questioun should be
     tackin thareof, &c. Which letteris, when I had considdered, I
     partlie was confounded, and partlye was persed with anguise and
     sorrow. Confounded I was, that I had so far travelled in the mater,
     moving the same to the most godly and the most learned that this
     day we know to lyve in Europe, to the effect that I mycht have
     thare judgements and grave counsalles, for assurance alsweall of
     your consciences as of myne, in all interprises: And then that
     nothing should succead so long consultatioun, can not but redound
     eyther to your schame or myne; for eyther it shall appear; that I
     was mervelouse vane, being so solist whare no necessitie requyred,
     or ellis, that such as war my moveris thareto lacked the rypnes of
     judgement in thare first vocatioun. To some it may appear ane small
     and lycht mater, that I have cast of, and as it war abandoned,
     alsweall my particulare care, as my publict office and charge,
     leaving my house and poore familie destitut of all head, save God
     only, and committing that small (but to Christ deirlie belovit)
     flock, ower the which I was appointed one of the ministeris, to the
     charge of ane other. This, I say, to worldly men may appear a small
     mater, but to me it was, and yit is such, that more worldly
     sustance then I will expresse, could not have caused me willinglie
     behold the eies of so many grave men weape at ones for my caus, as
     that I did, in tackin of my last good nycht frome thame. To whome,
     yf it please God that I returne, and questioun be demanded, What
     was the impediment of my purposed jorney? judge yow what I shall
     answer. The caus of my dolour and sorrow (God is witnes) is for
     nothing pertenyng eyther to my corporall contentment or worldly
     displeasur; butt it is for the grevouse plagues and punishmentis of
     God, which assuredly shall apprehend nott only yow, but everie
     inhabitant of that miserable Realme and Ile, except that the power
     of God, by the libertie of his Evangell, deliver yow from bondage.
     ARRYVED.] I meane not only that perpetuall fyre and torment,
     prepared for the Devill, and for such as denying Christ Jesus and
     his knawin veritie, do follow the sones of wickednes to perditioun,
     (which most is to be feared;) butt also that thraldome and miserie
     shall apprehend your awin bodyes, your childrein, subjectis, and
     posteritie, whome ye have betrayed, (in conscience, I can except
     none that bear the name of Nobilitie,) and presentlie do feght to
     betray thame and your Realme to the slavrie of strangeris. The warr
     begune, (althocht I acknawledge it to be the wark of God,) shalbe
     your destructioun, unless that, be tyme, remedy be provided. God
     opin your eis, that ye may espy and considder your awin miserable
     estaite. My wordis shall appeir to some scharpe and undiscreitlie
     spokin; but as charitie awght to interpreit all thingis to the
     best, so awght wyse men to understand, that a trew friend can nott
     be a flatterar, especiallie when the questions of salvatioun, boith
     of body and saule, ar moved; and that nott of one nor of two, but
     as it war of a hole realme and natioun. What ar the sobbes, and
     what is the affectioun[701] of my trubled heart, God shall one day
     declare. But this will I add to my formar rigour and severitie, to
     wit, yf any perswad yow, for feir of dangeris that may follow, to
     faint in your formar purpose, be he never esteamed so wyse and
     freindly, lett him be judged of yow boith foolish and your mortall
     ennemy: foolishe, for becaus he understandeth nothing of Goddis
     approved wisedome; and ennemye unto yow, becaus he lauboureth to
     separat yow from Goddis favour; provoking his vengeance and
     grevouse plagues against yow, becaus he wald that ye should prefer
     your worldly rest to Goddis prase and glorie, and the freindschipe
     of the wicked to the salvatioun of your brethrein. [SN: LETT THE
     PROCEAD.] "I am nott ignorant, that feirfull trubles shall ensew
     your enterprise, (as in my formar letters I did signifie unto yow;)
     but O joyfull and confortable ar those trubles and adversities,
     which man susteaneth for accomplishment of Goddis will, reveilled
     by his woord! For how terrible that ever thei appear to the
     judgement of the naturall man, yit ar thei never able to devore nor
     utterlie to consume the sufferraris: For the invisible and
     invincible power of God susteaneth and preserveth, according to his
     promeis, all such as with simplicitie do obey him." The subtell
     craft of Pharao, many years joyned wyth his bloody cruelty, was not
     able to destroy the male childrein of Israell, nether war the
     watteris of the Redd Sea, much less the rage of Pharao, able to
     confound Moses and the cumpany which he conducted; and that because
     the one had Goddis promisse that thei should multiplie, and the
     other had his commandiment to enter into such dangeris. I wold your
     Wisedomes should considder, that our God remaneth one, and is
     immutable; and that the Church of Christ Jesus hath the same
     promeis of protectioun and defence that Israell had of
     multiplicatioun; and farther, that no less caus have ye to enter in
     your formar interprise, then Moses had to go to the presence of
     Pharao; for your subjectis, yea, your brethrein ar oppressed, thare
     bodyis and saules haldin in bondage: and God speaketh to your
     consciences, (onles ye be dead with the blynd warld,) [SN: THE
     DEUTIE OF THE NOBILITIE.] that yow awght to hasard your awin lyves,
     (be it against Kingis or Empriouris,) for thare deliverance; for
     only for that caus ar ye called Princes of the people, and ye
     receave of your brethrein honour, tribute, and homage at Goddis
     commandiment; not be reasson of your birth and progenye, (as the
     most parte of men falslie do suppose,) but by ressoun of your
     office and dewtie, which is to vindicat and deliver your subjectes
     and brethrein from all violence and oppressioun, to the uttermost
     Advise diligentlie, I beseik yow, with the pointis of that Letter,
     which I directed to the hole Nobilitie, and lett everie man apply
     the mater and case to him self; for your conscience shall one day
     be compelled to acknowledge, that the Reformatioun of religioun,
     and of publict enormities, doith appertene to mo then to the
     Clargie, or cheaf reularis called Kingis. [SN: GOD GRANT THAT OUR
     NOBILITIE WOULD YITT UNDERSTAND.] The mychtie Spreit of the Lord
     Jesus rewle and guyde your counsellis, to his glorie, your eternall
     conforte, and to the consolatioun of your brethrene. Amen.

      From Deape, the 27 of October 1557.

These letteris receaved and redd, togetther with otheris direct to the
hole Nobilitie, and some particular gentilmen, as to the Lardis of Dun
and Pettarrow, new consultatioun was had what was best to be done: and
in the end it was concluded, that thei wold follow fordwart thare
purpose anes intended, and wold committ thame selfis, and whatsoever God
had gevin unto thame, in his handis, rather then thei wold suffer
idolatrie so manifestlie to regne, and the subjectes of that Realme so
to be defrauded, as long thei had bein, of the only food of thare
saules, the trew preaching of Christes Evangell. And that everie ane
should be the more assured of other, a commoun Band was maid, and by
some subscrived, the tennour whareof followis:--

     "We, perceaving how Sathan in his memberis, the Antichristis of our
     tyme, cruelly doeth rage, seaking to dounethring and to destroy the
     Evangell of Christ, and his Congregatioun, aught, according to our
     bonden deuitie, to stryve in our Maisteris caus, evin unto the
     death, being certane of the victorie in him. The quhilk our dewitie
     being weall considdered, We do promesse befoir the Majestie of God,
     and his congregatioun, that we (be his grace,) shall with all
     diligence continually apply our hole power, substance, and our
     verray lyves, to manteane, sett fordward, and establish the most
     blessed word of God and his Congregatioun; and shall laubour at our
     possibilitie to have faythfull Ministeris purely and trewlie to
     minister Christis Evangell and Sacramentes to his people. We shall
     manteane thame, nuriss thame, and defend thame, the haill
     congregatioun of Christ, and everie membour thairof, at our haill
     poweris and waring of our lyves, against Sathan, and all wicked
     power that does intend tyranny or truble against the foirsaid
     congregatioun. Onto the quhilk holy woord and congregatioun we do
     joyne us, and also dois forsaike and renunce the congregatioun of
     Sathan, with all the superstitious abominatioun and idolatrie
     thareof: And moreover, shall declare our selfis manifestlie
     ennemies thairto, be this oure faithfull promesse befoir God,
     testifeid to his Congregatioun, be our subscriptionis at thir

     "At Edinburgh, the thrid day of December, the year of God J^m. V^c.
     fyfty sevin yearis: God called to witnesse.[702]

                     (_Sic subscribitur_,) A. ERLE OF ERGILE.
                                           ARCHIBALD LORD OF LORNE.
                                           JOHNNE ERSKYNE OF DOUN.[703]
                                               _Et cetera_.


Befoir a litill that this Band was subscryved, by the foirwrittin and
many otheris, letteris war direct agane to Johne Knox fra the said
Lordis, togitther with thare letteris to Maister CALVIN, craving of him,
that by his authoritie he wold command the said Johne anes agane to
visit thame. These letteris war delivered by the handis of Maister Johne
Gray,[704] in the moneth of November, the yeir of God J^m. V^c. fyfty
awght, who at that same tyme past to Rome for expeditioun of the
bowes[705] of Ross to Maister Henry Sinclare.[706]

Immediatlie after the subscriptioun of this foirsaid Band, the Lordis
and Barons professing Christ Jesus, conveined frequentlie in counsall;
in the which these Headis war concluded:--

     First, It is thought expedient, devised, and ordeaned, that in all
     parochines of this Realme the Commoun Prayeris[707] be redd owklie
     on Sounday, and other festuall dayis, publictlie in the Paroche
     Kirkis, with the Lessonis of the New and Old Testament, conforme to
     the ordour of the Book of Common Prayeris: And yf the curattis of
     the parochynes be qualified, to cause thame to reid the samyn; and
     yf thei be nott, or yf thei refuise, that the maist qualifeid in
     the parish use and read the same.

     Secoundly, It is thought necessare, that doctrin, preacheing, and
     interpretatioun of Scriptures be had and used privatlie in qwyet
     houssis, without great conventionis of the people tharto, whill
     afterward that God move the Prince to grant publict preacheing be
     faithfull and trew ministeris.

       *       *       *       *       *

These two Headis concernyng the religioun, and some otheris concernyng
the Polecy, being concluded, the old Erle of Ergile took the mantenance
of Johne Dowglass, caused him preache publictlie in his hous, and
reformed many thingis according to his consall. The same boldness took
diverse otheris, alsweall within townes as to landwarte; which did not a
litle truble the Bischoppis and Quein Regent, as by this lettre and
credite, committed to Sir David Hammyltoun [708] fra the Bischope of
Sanctandrois to the said Erle of Ergile, may be clearlic understand.


     MY LORD, After maist hartlie commendatioun. This is to advertise
     your Lordship, we have direct this berar, our Cousing, towart your
     Lordschipis, in sick besynes and effaris as concernes your
     Lordschipis honour, proffeitt, and great weall; lyk as the said
     berar will declare your Lordsehipe at mare lenth. Praying your
     Lordschipe effectuously to adverte thairto, and geve attendance to
     us, your Lordschipis freindis, that ay hes willed the honour,
     proffeit, and uter wealth of your Lordschipis house, as of our
     awin; and credite to the berar. And Jesu haif your Lordschipe in
     everlesting keaping.

     Of Edinburgh, the XXV day of Merche, Anno 1558.

            (_Sic subscribitur_,) Your Lordschippes att all power,
                                                         J. SANCTANDROIS.

Erle of Ergile, in my behalf, and lett him see and heare everie

     _In primis_, To repeit the ancient blood of his House, how long it
     hes stand, how notable it hes bein, and so many noble men hes bein
     Erles, Lordis, and Knychtis thairof; how long thei have rong in
     thei partes, ever trew and obedient bayth to God and the Prince,
     without any smote to thir dayis in any maner of sorte: and to
     remember how many notable men ar cuming of his house.

     Secoundly, To schaw him the great affectioun I bear towardis him,
     his blood, house, and freindis, and of the ardent desyre I have of
     the perpetuall standing of it in honour and fame, with all thame
     that ar come of it: quhilk is my parte for many and diverse
     caussis, as ye shall schaw.

     Thridly, To schaw my Lord, how havy and displeasing[709] it is to
     me now to hear, that he, wha is and hes bein sa noble a man, should
     be seduced and abused by the flattery of sick ane infamet person of
     the law[710] and mensworne apostate, that under the pretense that
     he geves him self furth as a preachcar of the Evangell and veritie,
     under that cullour settis furth schismes and divisionis in the Haly
     Kirk of God, with hereticall propositions, thinkand that under his
     mantenance and defence, to infect this countrey with heresy,
     perswading my said Lord and otheris his barnes and freindis, that
     all that he speakis is Scripture, and conforme thairto, albeit that
     many of his propositionis ar many yearis past condempned be
     Generall Counsallis and the haill estaite of Christiane people.

     4. To schaw to my Lord, how perrelous this is to his Lordschip and
     his house, and decay thareof, in caise the Authoritie wold be
     scharpe, and wold use conforme bayth to civile and cannon, and als
     your awin municipall law of this Realme.

     5. To schaw his Lordschipe, how wa[711] I wold be eyther to hear,
     see, or knaw any displeasur that mycht come to him, his Sone, or
     any of his house, or freindis, and especiallie in his awin tyme and
     dayis; and als how great displeasur I have ellis to hear great and
     evill bruyte of him, that should now in his aige, in a maner vary
     in[712] his fayth; and to be alterat tharein, when the tyme is that
     he should be maist suir and firme thairin.

     6. To schaw his Lordschipe, that thare is dilatioun of that man,
     called Dowglass or Grant, of syndrie Articules of heresye, quhilk
     lyes to my charge and conscience to put remeady to, or ellis all
     the pestilentious doctrin he sawes, and siclyik all that ar corrupt
     be his doctrin, and all that he drawes fra our fayth and Christiane
     religioun, will ly to my charge afoir God, and I to be accused
     befoir God for ower seing of him, yf I putt nott remedy tharto, and
     correct him for sick thingis he is delaited of. And tharefor that
     my Lord considder, and weay it weall, how heychtlie it lyes bayth
     to my honour and conscience: for yf I thole him, I wilbe accused
     for all thame that he infectis and corruptis in heresye.

     Heirfor, I pray My Lord, in my maist hartly manor, to tack this
     mater in the best parte, for his awin conscience, honour, and weall
     of him self, hous, freindis, and servandis; and sick lyik for my
     parte, and for my conscience and honour, that considdering that
     thare ar diverse Articules of heresey to be laid to him that he is
     delated of, and that he is presentlie in my Lordis cumpany, that my
     Lord wold, be some honest way, departe with this man, and putt him
     fra him and fra his Sonnes cumpanye; for I wold be richt sory that
     any being in any of thare cumpanyes should be called for sick
     causses, or that any of thame should be bruited to hold any sick
     men. And this I wold advertise my Lord, and have his Lordschippis
     answer and resolutioun, ere any summondis passed upoun him,
     togitther with my Lordis answer.

     _Item_, Yf my Lord wald have a man to instruct him trewlie in the
     fayth, and preache to him, I wold provide a cunning man to him,
     wharefoir I shall answer for his trew doctrin, and shall putt my
     saule tharefoir, that he shall teach nathing but trewly according
     to our Catholik faith.

     Off Edinburgh, this last of Merch, 1558.

                        (_Sic subscribitur_,)
                                                   J. SANCTANDROIS.[713]


     _Item_, Attour, your Lordschipe shall draw to good remembrance, and
     wey the great and havye murmur against me, bayth be the Quenis
     Grace, the Kirk men, Spirituall and Temporall Estaitis, and weall
     gevin people, meanyng, crying, and murmuring me greattumlie, that I
     do nott my office to thole sick infamouse persons with sick
     perversett doctrin, within my Diosey and this Realme, be ressoun of
     my Legasey and Primacey;[714] quhilkis I have rather susteaned and
     long sufferred, for the great luif that I had to your Lordschip and
     posteritie, and your freindis, and your house; als beleving suyrly
     your Lordschippis wisedom should not have manteaned and mulled with
     sick thingis that mycht do me dishonour or displeasur, considdering
     I being reddy to have putt good ordour thairto alwayes; but hes
     allanerlie absteaned, for the luif of your Lordschip and house
     foirsaid, that I bear trewly, knawing and seing the great skaith
     and dishonour and lack appeirandlye that mycht come tharthrowght,
     incaise your Lordschip remeid not the samyn haistelly, whareby we
     mycht bayth be qwyet of all danger, quhilkis dowbtless will come
     upoun us bayth, yf I use nott my office, or that he be called, the
     tyme that he is now with your Lordschip, and under your
     Lordschippis protectioun.

                      (_Subserivit agane_,)
                                                  J. SANCTANDROIS.

By these formar Instructions, thow may perceave, Gentill Readar, what
was the cayre that this pastor, with his complices, took to fead the
flock committed to thare charge, (as thei alledge,) and to ganestand
fals teachearis. Hear is oft mentioun of conscience, of heresy, and
suche other termes, that may fray the ignorant, and deceave the sempill.
But we hear no cryme in particulare laid to the charge of the
accused;[715] and yit is he dampned as ane mensworne apostate. This was
my Lordis conscience, which he learned of his fatheris, the Pharesies,
old ennemyes to Christ Jesus, who damned him befoir thei hard him. But
who rewlled my Lordis conscience, when he took his Eme's wyff, Lady
Giltoun?[716] Considder thow the rest of his persuasioun, and thow
shall clearlie see, that honour, estimatioun, luif to housse and
freindis, is the best ground that my Lord Bischope hes, why he should
persecut Jesus Christ in his members. We thowght good to insert the
Answeris of the said Erle, which follow:--

The most remarkable notice of this lady occurs in the Records of the
Town Council of Edinburgh, 26th November 1561, on which day the Provost
and other members of Council ordained "actis to be set furth, charging
Grizzell Simpill Lady Stanehous adulterar, to remuif her self furth of
the town betuix and Mununday nixt, under the panys contenit in the
proclamation set furth aganis adulteraris." As the Archbishop of St.
Andrews had a residence in Edinburgh, it was no doubt her living openly
with him, that occasioned this peremptory enactment. Without enlarging
further, it may be added, that she acquired the lands of Blair, in the
lordship of Culross, and was sometimes called "Lady Blair." She died in
October 1575, and in the Confirmation of her Testament Dative, she is
styled "ane honorabill Lady Gryssell Sympill, Lady Stanehous."

     MEMORANDUM.--This present wryte is to mak Answer particularly to
     everilk Article, directed be my LORD OF SANCTANDROIS to me, with
     SCHIR DAVID HAMMYLTOUN; quhilkis Articles ar in nomber IX, and hear
     repeted and answered as I traist to his Lordschippis contentment.

     1. The First Article puttis me in remembrance of the ancianitie of
     the blood of my Hous, how many Erles, Lordis, and Knychtes, hes
     bein thairof; how many Noble men discended of the same hous, how
     long it continewed trew to God and the Prince, without smot in
     thare dayis, in any maner of sorte.

     [ANSWER.]--Trew it is, my Lord, that thare is weall long
     continewance of my Hous, be Goddis providence and benevolence of
     our Princes, whome we have served, and shall serve trewly nixt to
     God: And the lyik obedience towardis God and our Princes remanes
     with us yitt, or rather bettir, (praised be the Lordis name,)
     nother know we any spot towardis our Princess and hir dew
     obedience. And yf thare be offence towardis God, he is mercifull to
     remitt our offences; for "He will not the death of a synnar." Lyik
     as, it standis in his Omnipotent power to maik up housses, to
     continew the samyn, to alter thame, to maik thame small or great,
     or to extinguish thame, according to his awin inscrutable wisedome;
     for in exalting, depressing, and changeing of houssis, the laude
     and praise most be gevin to that ane eternall God, in whais hand
     the same standis.

     2. The Secound Article bearis the great affectioun and love your
     Lordschip bearis towardis me and my House; and of the ardent desyre
     ye have of the perpetuall standing thairof in honour and fame, with
     all thame that is cuming of it.

     [ANSWER.]--Forsuyth, it is your dewitie to wische good unto my
     Hous, and unto thame that ar cuming of the same, not allanerlie for
     the faythfulnes, amitie, and societie, that hes bein betuix our
     foirbearis, but also for the lait conjunction of blood[717] that is
     betuix oure saidis Houssis, gif it be Goddis pleasur that it have
     success; quhilk should give sufficient occasioun to your Lordschip
     to wische good to my Housse, and perpetuitie with Goddis gloir,
     without quhilk nothing is perpetuall, unto whome be praise and
     wirschipe for ever and ever. Amen.

     3. Thridly, your Lordschip declares how displeasand it is to yow,
     that I should be seduced be ane infamed persone of the law,[718]
     and be the flatterie of ane mensworne apostate, that, under
     pretence of his furth geving, maikis us to understand, that he is
     ane preachear of the Evangell, and tharewith rases schismes and
     divisionis in the haill Kirk of God; and be our mantenance and
     defence, wald infect this countrey with heresye; alledgeand that to
     be Scripture, whilk thir many yearis bygane, hes bein condemned as
     heresye be the Generall Counsallis and haill estate of Christiane

     ANSURE.--The God that creatted heavin and earth, and all that
     thairin is, preserve me fra seduceing; and I dread otheris many
     under the cullour of godlynes ar seduceid, and thinkis that thei do
     God a pleasur, when thei persecute ane of thame that professes his
     name. What that man is of the law we know nott: we hear nane of his
     flatterie: his mensworne aith of apostasie is ignorant to us. But
     yf he had maid ane unlefull aith, contrair Goddis command, it war
     bettir to violate it then to observe it. He preaches nathing to us
     but the Evangell. Giff he wald otherwiese do, we wold nott beleve
     him, nor yitt ane angell of heavin. We hear him sawe na schismes
     nor divisiones, but sic as may stand with Goddis word, whilk we
     shall caus him confesse in presence of your Lordschip and the
     Clargie, when ye requyre us thairto. And as to it that hes bein
     condempned be the Generall Counsallis, we traist ye knaw weall that
     all the Generall Counsalles hes bein at diversitie amanges thame
     selfis, and never twa of thame universallie aggreing in all
     pointis, in samekle as thei ar of men. But the Spreit of veritie
     that bearis testimony of our Lord Jesus hes nott, nether can not,
     err; "for heavin and earth shall perishe or ane jote of it
     perishe." By this, my Lord, nether teaches he, nether will we
     accept of him, but that whilk aggreis with Goddis synceir word,
     sett furth be Patriarkis, Prophetis, Apostles, and Evangelistis,
     left to our salvatioun in his expresse word. And swa, my Lord, to
     condempne the doctrin not examinat is not requyred; for when your
     Lordschip pleassis to hear the confessioun of that manis faith, the
     maner of his doctrin, which aggreis with the Evangell of Jesus
     Christ, I will caus him to assist to judgement, and shalbe present
     thairat with Goddis pleasur, that he may rander recknyng of his
     beleve and our doctrin, to the superiour-poweris, according to the
     prescriptioun of that blood of the eternall Testament, seilled be
     the immaculate Lambe, to whome, with the Father, and the Holy
     Spreit, be all honour and glorie, for ever and ever. Amen.

     4. The Ferd Article puttis me in remembrance, how dangerous it is,
     gif the authoritie wald putt at me and my House, according to
     civile and cannon lawes, and our awin municipale lawis of this
     Realme, and how it appeareth to the decay of our house.

     ANSURE.--All lawis ar (or at the least should be) subject to Goddis
     law, whilk law should be first placed and planted in everie manes
     hearte; it should have na impediment: men should not abrogat it for
     the defence and upsetting of thare awin advantage. Gif it wald
     please Authorities to put at our housse, for confessing of Goddis
     word, or for mantenance of his law, God is mychtie yneuch in his
     awin caus: He should be rather obeyed nor man. I will serve my
     Princess with bodye, harte, goodis, strenth, and all that is in my
     power, except that whilk is Goddis dewitie, quhilk I will reserve
     to him self alone: That is, to wirschipe him in trewth and
     veritie, and als near as I can, conforme to his prescrived worde,
     to his awin honour and obedience of my Princess.

     5. The Fyft Article puttis me in remembrance how wa your Lordschip
     wald be to hear, see, or know any displeasur that mycht come to me,
     my sone, or any of my house, and speciallie in my tyme and dayis,
     and als to hear the great and evill bruyte of me that should now in
     my aige in a maner begyn to warie fra[719] my faith, and to be
     altered thairin, when the tyme is, that I should be maist suir and
     firme thairin.

     ANSURE.--Youre Lordschippis gud will is ever maid manifest to me in
     all your Articles, that wald not hear, see, or knaw my displeasur,
     for the quhilkis I am bound to rander your Lordschip thankis, and
     shall do the samyn assuredly. But as for wavering in my faith, God
     forbyd that I should sa do; for I beleve in God the Father,
     Almyghtie maikar of heavin and earth, and in Jesus Christ his onlie
     Sone our Salveour. My Lord, I vary not in my faith; bot I praise
     God that of his goodnes now in my latter dayis hes of his infinit
     mercy oppynned his bosome of grace to me, to acknawledge him the
     Eternall Wisedome, his Sone Jesus Christ, my omnisufficient
     satisfactioun to refuise all maner of idolatrie, superstitioun, and
     ignorance, whairwyth I haif bein blynded in tymes bygane, and now
     belevis that God wilbe mercyfull to me, for now he hes declared his
     blessed will clearlie to me, befoir my departing of this
     transitorie lyiff.

     6. The Sext Article declaired that thare ar delationis of syndrie
     pointis of heresye upoun that man, called Dowglas or Grant, whilk
     lyes to your charge and conscience to putt remeady to, or ellis
     that all the pestilentiouse doctrin he sawis, and all whome he
     corruptes with his seid, wilbe requyred at your handis, and all
     whome he drawes fra your Christiane faith; and yf ye should thole
     him, that ye wilbe accused for all thame whome he infectes with
     heresey; and tharefoir to regard your Lordschippis honour and
     conscience heirintill.

     ANSURE.--What is his surname I knaw nott, but he calles him self
     Dowglas;[720] for I know nother his father nor his mother. I have
     heard him teache na Articles of heresye; bot that quhilk aggreis
     with Goddis word; for I wold manteane na man in heresey or errour.
     Your Lordschip regardis your conscience in the punishement thairof.
     I pray God that ye sua do, and examyn weall your conscience. He
     preaches aganis idolatrie: I remit to your Lordschippis conscience
     yf it be heresye or not. He preaches aganis adulterie and
     fornicatioun: I referr that to your Lordschippis conscience. He
     preaches aganis hypocrisye: I referr that to your Lordschippis
     conscience. He preaches aganis all maner of abuses and corruptioun
     of Christes synceir religioun: I refer that to your Lordschippis
     conscience. My Lord, I exhorte yow, in Christis name, to wey all
     thir effaris in your conscience,[721] and considder yf it be your
     dewitie also, not only to thole this, but in lyk maner to do the
     same. This is all, my Lord, that I varye in my aige, and na uther
     thing, but that I knew nott befoir these offenses to be abhominable
     to God, and now knowing his will be manifestatioun of his word,
     abhorres thame.

     7. The Sevint Article desyres me to way thir materis in maist
     hartlie maner, and to tack thame in best parte, for the weall of
     bayth our consciences, my Hous, freindis, and servandis, and to put
     sic ane man out of my cumpany, for feir of the cummer and bruyt
     that should follow thairupoun, be reasson he is dilated of sindry
     hereseyis: and that your Lordschip wald be sory to hear ony of our
     servandis delated or bruited for sic caussis, or for halding of any
     sic men; and that your Lordschip wald understand my ansuer
     hearintill, or ony summondis passed thairupoun.

     ANSURE.--I thank your Lordschip greatlie that ye ar so solist for
     the weall of me and my House, and is sa humane as to maik me the
     advertisment befoir ye have summoned, of your awin good will and
     benevolence; and hes weyed thir materis, als heychtlie as my
     judgement can serve me, bayth for your Lordschippis honour and myn.
     And when I have reassoned all that I can do with my self in it, I
     think it ay best to serve God, and obey his manifest word, and nott
     be obstinat in his contrarie: syne to give thare dew obedience to
     our Princes, rewllaris, and magistratis, and to hear the voce of
     Goddis propheittis, declairing his good promisses to thame that
     reapentis, and threatnyng to obstinat wicked doaris, everlesting
     destructioun. Your Lordschip knawis weall the man: he hes spoking
     with your Lordschip: I thought yow content with him. I heard na
     occasioun of offence in him. I can nott weall want him, or some
     preachar. I can nott put away sic ane man, without I knew him ane
     offendar, as I know nott; for I hear nothing of him, but sic as
     your Lordschippis self heard of him, and sick as he yitt will
     professe in your presence, whenever your Lordschip requires. Sic
     ane man that is readdy to assist him self to judgement, should not
     be expelled without cognitioun of the cause; for lyik as I answered
     befoir in ane other Article, when your Lordschip pleassis that all
     the spirituall and temporall men of estaite in Scotland beis
     convened, I shall caus him render ane accompt of his beleve and
     doctrin in your presences: Then gif he deserves punishment and
     correctioun, lett him so suffer; give he be found faythfull, lett
     him leve in his faith.

     8. The Aucht Article proponis to me, that your Lordschip wald tack
     the laubour to gett me a man to instruct me in your Catholick
     faith, and to be my preachear, for whais doctrine ye wald lay your
     saule, that he wald teach nathing but trewly conforme to your

     ANSURE.--God Almychtie send us many of that sorte, that will
     preache trewlie, and nathing but ane Catholik universall Christiane
     faith; and we Heland rud people hes mister of thame. And yf your
     Lordschip wald gett and provid me sic a man, I should provid him a
     corporall leving, as to my self, with great thankis to your
     Lordschip; for trewly, I and many ma hes great myster of sick men.
     And becaus I am able to susteane ma nor ane of thame, I will
     requeist your Lordschip earnestlie to provid me sic a man as yo
     wrait; "for the harvist is great, and thare ar few lauboraris."

     9. The last and Nynt Article puttis me in remembrance, to considder
     what murmour your Lordschip thollis, and great bruyt, at many manis
     handis, bayth Spirituall and Temporall, and at the Quenis Grace
     hand, and utheris weall gevin people, for nott putting of ordour to
     thir effaris; and that your Lordschip hes absteaned fra executioun
     heirof, for luif of my house and posteritie, to the effect that my
     self should remaid it, for feir of the dishonour mycht come upoun
     us bayth for the same; whilk beand remeaded, mycht bring us out of
     all danger.

     ANSURE.--My Lord, I knaw weall what murmur and indignatioun your
     Lordschip thoillis at ennemies handis of all estaitis, for
     non-persewing of pure sempill Christianes; and I know, that gif
     your Lordschip wald use thare counsall, that wald be blud-schedding
     and burnyng of pure men, to maik your Lordschip serve thare wicked
     appetites. Yit your Lordschip knawis your awin dewitie, and should
     not feare the danger of men, as of him whom ye professe. And
     verrely, my Lord, thare is nathing that may be to your Lordschippis
     releaf in this behalf, bot I will use your Lordschippis counsall
     thairintill, and further the samyn, Goddis honour being first
     provided, and the treuth of his eternall word having libertie. And
     to absteane for my luif fra persuyt, as your Lordschip hes
     signified, I am addetted to your Lordschip, as I have writtin
     diverse tymes befoir. But thare is ane above, for whais fear ye man
     absteane fra blude-schedding, or ellis, my Lord, knok on your
     conscience. Last of all, your Lordschip please to considder, how
     desyrous some ar to have sedition amongis freindis; how mychtie the
     Devill is to saw discord; how that mony wald desyre na better game
     but to hunt us at uther. I pray your Lordschip begyle thame: we
     will aggree upoun all purpose, with Goddis pleasur, standing to his
     honour. Thare ar diverse Houssis in Scotland by us, that professe
     the same God secreatly. Thei desyre but that ye begyn the bargane
     at us; and when it begynnis at us, God knawis the end thairof, and
     wha sall byd the nixt putt. My Lord, considder this: mak na
     preparative of us. Lett nott the vane exhortatioun of thame that
     regardis litill of the weall and strenth of bayth our Houssis,
     sture up your Lordschip, as thei wald to do aganis God, your awin
     conscience, and the weall of your posteritie for ever. And
     thairfoir now in the end, I pray your Lordschip, wey thir thingis
     wysely; and gif ye do utherwyise, God is God, wes, and shalbe God,
     when all is wrocht that man can wirk.

This ansuer receaved, the Bischope and his complices fand thame selfis
somewhat disapointed; for the Bischoppes looked for nothing less then
for such ansueris frome the ERLE OF ERGILE; and thairfoir thei maid
thame for thare extreame defence; that is, to corrupt and by buddis to
styre up the Quein Regent in our contrare; as in the Secound Booke we
shall more plainly heare.

Schorte after this, God called to his mercy the said Erle of Ergyle from
the miseries of this lyef;[722] whareof the Bischoppis war glaid; for
thei thowght that thare great ennemye was takin out of the way: but God
disapointed thame. For as the said Erle departed most constant in the
trew faith of Jesus Christ, with a plane renunciatioun of all impietie,
superstitioun, and idolatrie; so left he it to his Sone in his
Testament, "That he should study to set fordwarte the publict and trew
preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to suppress all
superstitioun and idolatrie, to the uttermost of his power." In which
poynt small falt can be found with him[723] to this day. God be
mercifull to his other offensses. Amen. [SN: 10 MAIJ, ANNO 1566.[724]]

               ---------------------------------- [725]

The Bischoppis continewed in thare Provinciall Counsall[726] evin unto
that day that JOHNE KNOX arryved in Scotland.[727] And that thei mycht
geve some schaw to the People that thei mynded Reformatioun, thei
sparsed abrod a rumor thairof, and sett furth somewhat in print, which
of the People was called "The Twa-penny Fayth."[728]

1. Amonges thare Actes, thare was much ado for cappes, schavin crounes,
tippettis, long gounes, and such other trifilles.

2. _Item_, That nane should enjoy office or benefice ecclesiasticall,
except a Preast.


3. _Item_, That na Kirk-man should nuriss his awin barnes in his awin
cumpanye: but that everie one should hold the childrein of otheris.

4. That none should putt his awin sone in his awin benefice.

5. That yf any war found in open adultery, for the first falt, he should
lose the thrid of his benefice; for the secound cryme, the half; and for
the thrid, the hole benefice.

But hearfra appelled the Bischope of Murray,[729] and otheris Prelattis,
saying, "That thei wold abyd at the Cannoun law." And so mycht thei
weall yneuch do, so long as thei remaned interpretouris, dispensatouris,
maikaris, and disannullaris of that law. But lett the same law have the
trew interpretatioun and just executioun, and the Devill shall als
schone be provin a trew and obedient servand unto God, as any of that
sorte shalbe provin a Bischope, or yit to have any just authoritie
within the Church of Christ Jesus. But we returne to oure Historye.


The persecutioun was decreid, asweall by the Quein Regent as by the
Prelattis; but thare rested a point, which the Quein Regent and France
had nott at that tyme obteaned; to witt, That the Croune Matrimoniall
should be granted to Frances, husband to our Soverane, and so should
France and Scotland be but one kingdome, the subjectes of boyth realmes
to have equall libertie, Scotismen in France, and French men in
Scotland. The glister of the proffeit that was judged heirof to have
ensewed to Scotishmen at the first sight, blynded many menis eyis. But a
small wynd caused that myst suddantlye to vaniss away; for the greatast
offices and benefices within the Realme war appointed for French men.
Monsieur Ruby[730] keapt the Great Seall. Vielmort was
Comptrollar.[731] Melrose and Kelso[732] should have bein a Commend to
the poore Cardinall of Lorane. The fredomes of Scotish merchantis war
restreaned in Rowan, and thei compelled to pay toll and taxationis
otheris then thare ancient liberties did bear. To bring this head to
pass, to witt, to gett the Matrimoniall Croune, the Quein Regent left no
point of the compas unsailled. With the Bischoppis and Preastis, sche
practised on this maner: "Ye may clearlie see, that I can not do what I
wald within this Realme; for these heretickis and confidderatis of
England ar so band togitther, that thei stop all good ordour. Butt will
ye be favorable unto me in this suyt of the Matrimoniall Croune to be
granted to my Dowghtaris housband, then shall ye see how I shall handill
these heretickis and tratouris or it be long." And in verray dead, in
these hir promessis, sche ment no deceat in that behalf. Unto the
Protestantis she said, "I am nott unmyndfull how oft ye have suyted me
for Reformatioun in religioun, and glaidly wald I consent thairunto;
but ye see the power and craft of the Bischop of Sanctandrois,
togetther with the power of the Duck, and of the Kirkmen, ever to be
bent against me in all my proceadingis: So that I may do nothing, onless
the full authoritie of this Realme be devolved to the King of France,
which can nott be butt by donatioun of the Croune Matrimoniall; which
thing yf ye will bring to passe, then devise ye what ye please in
materis of religioun, and thei shalbe granted."

Wyth this commission and credytt was Lord James, then Priour of
Sanctandrois, direct to the Erle of Ergyle, with mo other promessis then
we list to reherse. By such dissimulatioun to those that war sempill and
trew of harte, inflambed sche thame to be more fervent in hir petitioun,
then hir self appeared to be. And so at the Parliament, haldin at
Edinburght in the moneth of October,[733] the yeir of God 1558, it was
clearlie voted, no man reclamyng, (except the Duck[734] for his
entress;[735]) and yitt for it thare was no better law produced, except
that thare was ane solempned Messe appointed for that purpose in the

This head obteaned, whaireat France and sche principallie schote, what
faith sche keapt unto the Protestantis, in this our Secound Book shalbe
declared: In the begynnyng whairof, we man more amplie reherse some
thingis, that in this our First ar summarly tweiched.

                     THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.



Oure purpose was to have maid the begynnyng of our Historie from the
thingis that war done from the year of God J^m. V^c. fyfty aucht yearis,
till the Reformatioun of Religioun, which of Goddis mercy we anes
possessed;[736] and yitt, in doctrin and in the rycht use of
administratioun of Sacramentis, do possesse. But becaus diverse of the
godlie, (as befoir is said,) earnestlye requyred, that such Personis as
God raised up in the myddis of darknes, to oppone thame selfis to the
same, should nott be omitted; we obeyed thare requeast, and have maid a
schorte rehersall of all such materis as concerne Religion, frome the
death of that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik Hammyltoun, unto
the foirsaid year, when that it pleased God to look upoun us more
mercyfullie then we deserved, and to geve unto us greattar boldness and
better (albeit not without hasard and truble) successe in all our
interprises then we looked for, as the trew Narratioun of this Secound
Book shall witness: The Preface whareof followis.


Least that Sathan by our long silence shall tak occasioun to blaspheym,
our fact tendit rather to seditioun and rebellioun, then to
reformatioun of maners and abuses in Religioun; we have thocht
expedient, so trewlie and brievlie as we can, to committ to writting the
causes moving us, (us, we say, are great parte of the Nobilitie and
Baronis of the Realme,) to tak the sweard of just defence against those
that most injustly seak our destructioun. And in this our Confessioun we
shall faithfullie declair, what moved us to putt our handis to the
Reformatioun of Religioun; how we have proceaded in the same; what we
have asked, and what presentlie we requyre of the sacrat authoritie; to
the end, that our caus being knawen, alsweall our ennemeis as our
brethren in all Realmes may understand how falslie we ar accused of
tumult and rebellioun, and how unjustlie we ar persecuted by France and
by thare factioun: as also, that our brethren, naturall Scottismen, of
what religioun so evir thei be, may have occasioun to examinat thame
selfis, yf thei may with salf conscience oppone themselfes to us, who
seak nothing bot Christ Jesus his glorious Evangell to be preached, his
holy Sacramentis to be trewlie ministrat, superstitioun, tyrannye, and
idolatrie to be suppressed in this Realme; and, finallie, the libertie
of this our native countrie to remane free from the bondage and tyranny
of strangeris.

       *       *       *       *       *

Whill that the QUEIN REGENT practised with the Prelattis, how that
Christ Jesus his blessed Evangell mycht utterlie be suppressed within
Scotland, God so blessed the laubouris of his weak servandis, that na
small parte of the Baronis of this Realme begane to abhorre the tyranny
of the Bischoppes: God did so oppin thare eyis by the light of his
woord, that thei could clearelie decerne betuix idolatrie and the trew
honoring of God. [SN: THE FIRST DOUBTE.] Yea, men almost universallie
begane to dowbt whetther that thei myght, (God nott offended,) give
thare bodelye presence to the Messe, or yitt offer thare childrein to
the Papisticall Baptisme. To the which dowbtes, when the most godlie and
the most learned in Europe had answered, both by word and writt,
affirmyng, [SN: THE SECOUND.] "That neather of both we mycht do, without
the extreame perrell of our saulles," we began to be more trubled; for
then also began men of estimatioun, and that bare rewill amanges us, to
examinat thame selfis concernyng thare dewities, alsweall towardis
Reformatioun of Religioun, as towardis the just defence of thare
brethren most cruelly persecuted. And so begane diverse Questionis to be
moved, to witt, "Yf that with salf conscience such as war Judgeis,
Lordis, and rewlaris of the people, mycht serve the uppare powers in
maynteanyng idolatrie, in persecuting thare brethrein, and in
suppressing Christes trewth?" Or, "Whitther thei, to whome God in some
caisses had committed the sweard of justice, mycht suffer the bloode of
thare brethrein to be sched in thare presence, without any declaratioun
that such tyrannye displeased thame?" [SN: SCRIPTURIS ANSWERING THE
DOUBTIS.] By the plane Scriptures it was found, "That a lyvelie faith
requyred a plane confessioun, when Christes trewth is oppugned; that not
only ar thei gyltie that do evill, bot also thei that assent to evill."
And plane it is, that thei assent to evill, who seing iniquitie openly
committed, by thare silence seame to justifie and allow whatsoever is

These thingis being resolved, and sufficientlie provin by evident
Scriptures of God, we began everie man to look more diligentlie to his
salvatioun: for the idolatrie and tyranny of the clargie, (called the
Churchmen,) was and is so manifest, that whosoever doth deny it, declair
him self ignorant of God, and ennemy to Christ Jesus. We thairfore, with
humbill confessioun of our formar offenses, with fasting and
supplicatioun unto God, begane to seak some remeady in sa present a
danger. And first, it was concluded, "That the Brethren in everie toune
at certane tymes should assemble togidder, to Commoun Prayeris, to
Exercise and Reading of the Scripturis, till it should please God to
give the sermone of Exhortatioun to some, for conforte and instructioun
of the rest."

And this our weak begynnyng God did so bless, that within few monethis
the hartes of many war so strenthned, that we sought to have the face of
a Church amanges us, and open crymes to be punished without respect of
persone. And for that purpose, by commoun electioun, war eldaris
appointed, to whome the hole brethren promissed obedience: for at that
tyme we had na publict ministeris of the worde; onlie did certane zelous
men, (amonges whome war the Lard of Dun, David Forress, Maister Robert
Lokharte, Maister Robert Hammylton, Williame Harlay,[737] and
otheris,[738]) exhorte thare brethrein, according to the giftes and
graces granted unto thame. [SN: THIS WAS CALLED THE PREVYE KIRK.] Bot
schort after did God stirre up his servand, Paule Methven,[739] (his
latter fall[740] aught not to deface the work of God in him,) who in
boldnes of spreit begane opinlie to preache Christ Jesus, in Dundie, in
diverse partes of Anguss, and in Fyffe; and so did God work with him,
that many began opinly to abrenunce thare ald idolatrie, and to submitt
thame selfis to Christ Jesus, and unto his blessed ordinances; insomuch
that the toune of Dundee began to erect the face of a publict churche
Reformed, in the which the Worde was openlie preached, and Christis
Sacramentcs trewlie ministrat.

In this meantyme did God send to us our deare brother, Johne
Willock,[741] ane man godly, learned, and grave, who, after his schorte
abode at Dundie, repared to Edinburgh, and thare (notwithstanding his
long and dangerous seiknes) did so encorage the brethren by godly
exhortationis, that we began to deliberat upoun some publict
Reformatioun; for the corruptioun in religioun was such, that with salf
conscience we could na langar susteane it. Yitt becaus we wold attempt
nothing without the knowledge of the sacrate authoritie,[742] with one
consent, after the deliberatioun of many dayes, it was concluded, that
by our publict and commoun Supplicatioun, we should attempt the
favouris, supporte, and assistance of the Quein then Regent, to a godly
Reformatioun. [SN: THE LARD OF CALDAR ELDAR.] And for that purpoise,
after we had drawin our oraisoun and petitionis, as followeth, we
appointed from amanges us a man whose age and yearis deserved reverence,
whose honestie and wirschip mycht have craved audience of ony magistrate
on earth, and whose faithfull service to the authoritie at all tymes had
bein suche, that in him culd fall no suspitioun of unlawfull
disobedience. This Oratour was that auncient and honorable father, Schir
James Sandelandes of Calder, knycht,[743] to whome we geve commissioun
and power in all our names then present, befoir the Quein Regent thus to

                      OF SCOTLAND TO THE QUEIN REGENT.

     Albeit we have of long tyme conteyned our selfis in that modestie,
     (Maist Noble Princess,) that neyther the exile of body, tynsall of
     goodis, nor perishing of this mortall lyif, wes able to convein us
     to ask at your Grace reformatioun and redress of those wrangis, and
     of that sore greaff, patientlie borne of us in bodyes and myndes of
     so long tyme; yitt ar we now, of verray conscience and by the fear
     of our God, compelled to crave at your Grace's feit, remeady
     against the most injust tyranny used against your Grace's most
     obedient subjectes, by those that be called the Estate
     Ecclesiasticall. [SN: CONTROVERSYE IN RELIGIOUN.] Your Grace can
     not be ignorant what controversie hath bein, and yit is, concernyng
     the trew religioun, and rycht wirschipping of God, and how the
     Cleargye (as thei wilbe termed) usurpe to thame selfes suche empyre
     above the consciences of men, that whatsoever thei command must be
     obeyed, and whatsoever thei forbid must be avoided, without farder
     respect had to Godis plesour, commandiment, or will, reveilled till
     us in his most holy worde; [SN: THE TYRANNYE OF THE CLEARGIE.] or
     ellis thare abydeth nothing for us but faggot, fyre, and sweard, by
     the which many of our brethrene, most cruellie and most injustlie,
     have bein strickin of laitt yearis within this realme: which now we
     fynd to truble and wound our consciences; for we acknowledge it to
     have bein our bound dewities befoir God, eyther to haif defended
     our brethren from those cruell murtheraris, (seing we ar a parte of
     that power which God hath establessed in this realme,) or ellis to
     haif gevin open testificatioun of our faith with thame, which now
     we offer our selfis to do, least that by our continewall silence we
     shall seame to justifie thare cruell tyranny; which doeth not onlie
     displease us, but your Grace's wisdome most prudentlie doeth
     foirsee, that for the quieting of this intestine dissentioun, a
     publict Reformatioun, alsweall in the religioun as in the temporall
     governement, war most necessarie; and to the performance thairof,
     most gravelie and most godlie, (as we ar informed,) ye have
     exhorted alsweall the Cleargy as the Nobilitie, to employ thare
     study, diligence, and care. We tharefoir of conscience dar na
     langar dissemble in so weighty a mater, which concerneth the glorie
     of God and our salvatioun: Neather now dar we withdraw our
     presence, nor conceill our petitionis, least that the adversaries
     hearefter shall object to us, that place was granted to
     Reformatioun, and yit no man suited for the same; and so shall our
     silence be prejudiciall unto us in tyme to come. And tharefoir we,
     knowing no other order placed in this realme, but your Grace, in
     your grave Counsall, sett to amend, alsweall the disordour
     Ecclesiasticall, as the defaultes in the Temporall regiment, most
     humblie prostrat our selfes befoir your featt, asking your justice,
     and your gratious help, against thame that falslie traduce and
     accuse us, as that we war heretickis and schismatikis, under that
     culour seiking our destructioun; [SN: THE PETITIOUN.] for that we
     seak the amendment of thare corrupted lyeffis, and Christes
     religioun to be restored to the originall puritie. Farther, we
     crave of your Grace, with opin and patent earis, to heare these our
     subsequent Requestis; and to the joy and satisfactioun of our
     trubled consciences, mercifullie to grant the same, onless by
     Goddis plane worde any be able to prove that justlie thei awght to
     be denyed.

                           THE FIRST PETITIOUN.

     First, Humblie we ask, that as we haif, of the Lawes of this
     realme, after long debaite, obteaned to reade the Holy bookes of
     the Old and New Testamentes in our commoun toung,[744] as
     spirituall foode to our soullis, so from hensfurth it may be
     lauchfull that we may convene, publictlie or privatlie, to our
     Commoun Prayeris, in our vulgar toung; to the end that we may
     encrease and grow in knowledge, and be induceid, in fervent and oft
     prayer,[745] to commend to God the holye Church universall, the
     Quoin our Soverane, hir honorable and gratiouse Husband, the
     habilitie[746] of thare succcssioun, your Grace Regent, the
     Nobilitie, and hole Estait of this Realme.

     Secundly, Yf it shall happin in oure saidis conventionis any hard
     place of Scripture to be redd, of the which no proffeit arysith to
     the convenaris, that it shalbe lauchfull to any qualifiit personis
     in knowledge, being present, to interpreit and open up the saidis
     hard places, to Goddis glorie and to the proffeit of the auditour.
     And yf any think that this libertie should be occasioun of
     confusioun, debait, or heresie; we ar content that it be providit,
     that the said interpretatioun shall underly the judgement of the
     most godly and most learned within the realme at this tyme.

     Thridly, That the holy Sacrament of Baptisme may be used in the
     vulgare toung; that the godfatheris and witnesses may nott onlie
     understand the poyntes of the league and contract maid betuix God
     and the infant, bot also that the Churche then assembled, more
     gravelie may be informed and instructed of thare dewiteis, whiche
     at all tymes thei owe to God, according to that promeise maid unto
     him, when thei war receaved in his houshold by the lavachre[747] of
     spirituall regeneratioun.

     Ferdlie, We desyre, that the holy Sacrament of the Lordis Suppare,
     or of his most blessed body and bloode, may lykwyise be ministred
     unto us in the vulgare toung; and in boyth kyndis,[748] according
     to the plane institutioun of our Saviour Christ Jesus.

     And last, We most humblie requyre, that the wicked, sklanderous,
     and detestable lyiff of Prelates, and of the State Ecclesiasticall,
     may be so reformed, that the people by thame have nott occasioun
     (as of many dayis thei have had) to contempne thare ministerie, and
     the preaching wharof thei shuld be messingeris.[749] And yf thei
     suspect, that we, rather invying thare honouris, or coveting thare
     riches and possessionis, then zelouslie desyring thare amendment
     and salvatioun, do travell and labour for this Reformatioun; [SN:
     THE OFFER.] we ar content not onlie that the rewllis and preceptis
     of the New Testament, bot also the writtinges of the ancient
     Fatheris, and the godly approved lawis of Justiniane the Emperour,
     decyd the contraversie betuix us and thame: And if it salbe found,
     that eyther malevolentlie or ignorantlie we ask more then these
     three foirnamed have requyred, and continewlie do requyre of able
     and trew ministeris in Christes Church, we refuise not correctioun,
     as your Grace, with right judgement, shall think meit. Bot and yf
     all the foirnamed shall dampne that whiche we dampne, and approve
     that whiche we requyre, then we most earnestlie beseik your Grace,
     that notwithstanding the long consuetude which thei have had to
     live as thei list, that thei be compelled eyther to desist from
     ecclesiastical administratioun, or to discharge thare dewities as
     becumeth trew ministeris; So that the grave and godlie face of the
     primitive Churche reduced, ignorance may be expelled, trew doctrine
     and good maneris may ones agane appeare in the Churche of this
     Realme. These thingis we, as most obedient subjectis, requyre of
     your Grace, in the name of the Eternall God, and of his Sone,
     Christ Jesus; in presence of whose throne judiciall, ye and all
     other that hear in earth bear authoritie, shall geve accomptes of
     your temporall regiment. The Spreit of the Lord Jesus move your
     Grace's harte to justice and equitie. Amen.

       *       *       *       *       *


These oure Petitionis being proponed, the Estate Ecclesiasticall began
to storme, and to devise all maner of leys to deface the equitie of our
caus. Thei bragged as that thei wald have publict disputatioun, which
also we most earnestlie requyred, two thingis being provided; the
formare, that the plane and writtin Scriptures of God shuld decyde all
contraversie; [SN: DISPUTATIOUN WITH CONDITIONIS.] Secoundlie, that our
brethrene, of whom some war then exiled, and by them injustlie dampned,
myght have free accesse to the said disputatioun, and salf conduct to
returne to thair duelling places, nochtwithstanding any processe whiche
befoir had bene led aganis thame in materis concernyng religioun. [SN:
THE OFFER OF THE PAPISTIS.] But these being by thame utterlie denyed,
(for no judge wold thei admitt bot thame selfis, thare Counsallis, and
Cannon law,) thei and thare factioun began to draw certane Articles of
reconciliation, promissing unto us, yf we wold admitt the Messe, to
stand in hir formare reverence and estimatioun, grant Purgatorie after
this lyiff, confesse Prayer to Sanctes and for the dead, and suffer
thame to enjoye thare accustomed renttis, possession, and honour, that
then thei wold grant unto us to pray and baptize in the vulgare toung,
so that it war done secreatlie, and nott in the open assemblie. But the
grosness of these Articles wes suche, that with ane voce we refused
thame; and constantlie craved justice of the Quein Regent, and a
reasonable answer of our formare Petitionis. [SN: THE GRANT OF THE QUEIN
REGENT.] The Quein, then Regent, ane woman crafty, dissimulate, and
fals, thinking to mak hir proffeit of both parteis, gave to us
permissioun to use our selfis godlye according to our desyres, providit
that we should not maik publict assembleis in Edinburgh nor Leyth; and
did promeise hir assistance to our Preacheouris, untill some uniforme
ordour myght be established by a Parliament. To thame, (we meane to the
Cleargy,) she quietlie gave significatioun of hir mynd, promissing that
how sone any oportunitie should serve, she should so putt ordour in
thare materis, that after thei should not be trubled; for some say thei
gave hir a large purse,[750] 40,000 lib., sayis the Chronicle,[751]
gathered by the Lard of Erleshall.[752] We, nothing suspecting hir
dowblenes nor falshode, departed, fullelie contented with hir answer;
and did use our selfis so qwietlie, that for hir pleasour we putt
silence to Johne Dowglass, who publictlie wold have preached in the
toune of Leyth; for in all thingis we soght the contentment of hir mynd,
so far furth as God should not be offended against us for obeying hir in
thingis unlawfull.


Schortlie after these thingis, that cruell tyrant and unmercyfull
hypocrite, falselie called Bischope of Sanctandrois, apprehended that
blessed martyre of Christ Jesus WALTER MYLN;[753] a man of decrepite
age, whome most cruellie and most unjustlie be put to death by fyre in
Sanctandrois, the twenty awcht day of Aprile, the year of God J^m. V^c.
fyfty aught yearis: Whiche thing did so heighlie offend the hartis of
all godlye, that immediatlie after his death began a new fervencie
amongis the hole people; yea, evin in the toune of Sanctandrois, begane
the people plainelie to dampne suche injust crueltie; and in
testificatioun that thei wold his death should abide in recent memorie,
thare was castin together a great heape of stones in the place whare he
was brynt. The Bischope and Preastis thairat offended, caused ones or
twyse to remove the same, with denunciatioun of Cursing, yf any man
should thare lay ony stone. Bott in vane was that wynd blowen; for still
was the heape maid, till that Preastis and Papistis did steall away by
nycht the stones to big thare walles, and to uther thare privat


We suspecting nothing that the Quein Regent wes consenting to the
foirnamed murther, most humilie did complayne of suche injust crueltie,
requiring that justice in suche cases should be ministrate with
greattare indifference. Sche, as a woman borne to dissemble and deceave,
began with us to lament the crueltie of the Bischope, excusing hir self
as innocent in that caus; for that the sentence was gevin without hir
knowledge, becaus the man sometymes had bene ane Preast; tharefoir the
Bischop's Officiare[755] did proceid upon him without any commissioun of
the civile authoritie _Ex officio_, as thei terme it.

We yit nothing suspectand hir falsheid, requyred some ordour to be
tackin against such enormities, whiche sche promissed as oft befoir. Bot
becaus schorte after thare wes a Parliament to be haldin, for certane
effares pertenyng rather to the Quenis proffeit particulare, nor to the
commoditie of the commoun wealth, we thocht good to expone our mater
unto the hole Parliament, and by thame to seak some redress. We
tharefoire, with one consent, did offer to the Quein and Parliament[756]
a Lettir in this tennour:--


     "Unto youre Grace, and unto yow, Rycht Honorable Lordis of this
     present Parliament, humlie meanes and schawes your Grace's
     faithfull and obedient Subjectis: That quhare we ar dalie molested,
     sklandered, and injured be wicked and ignorant personis,
     place-haldaris of the ministers of the Churche, who most untrewlie
     cease nott to infame us as Heretickis, and under that name thei
     most cruellie haif persecuted diverse of our brethrein; and farder
     intend to execute thare malice against us, onles be some godlie
     ordour thare fury and raige be brydilled and stayed; and yitt in us
     thei ar able to prove no cryme worthy of punishment, onless that to
     read the Holie Scriptures in our assembleis, to invocat the name of
     God in publict prayeris, with all sobrietie to interprete and open
     the places of Scripture that be redd, to the farther edificatioun
     of the brethrein assembled, and trewlie according to Christ Jesus
     his holy institutioun to minister the Sacramentes, be crymes
     worthy of punishment. Other crymes, (we say,) in us thei ar not
     abill to convict. And to the premisses ar we compelled; for that
     the saidis place-haldaris discharge no parte of thare deuiteis
     rychtlie till us, nether yitt to the people subject to us; and
     thairfoir, onless we should declair our selfis altogether
     unmyndfull of our awin salvatioun, we ar compelled, of verray
     conscience, to seak how that we and our brethrein may be delivered
     from the thraldome of Sathan. [SN: PROTESTATIOUN.] For now it hath
     pleased God to open our eyes, that manifestlie we see, that without
     extreame danger of our sowlles, we may in no wyise communicat with
     the damnable idolatrie, and intolerable abuses of the Papisticall
     Churche; and thairfoir most humblie requyre we of your Grace, and
     of yow Rycht Honorable Lordis, Baronis, and Burgesses assembled in
     this present Parliament, prudentlie to wey, and as it becum[757]
     just judges, to grant these our maist just and reasonable

     "First, Seing that the contraversie in religioun, which long hath
     continewed betuix the Protestants of Almany, Helvetia, and other
     provinces, and the Papisticall Churche, is not yitt decyded by a
     lauchfull and Generall Counsall; and seing that our consciences ar
     lyikwyes towcheit with the fear of God, as was thares in the
     begynnyng of thare contraversie, we most humlie desyre, that all
     suche Actes of Parliament, as in the tyme of darknes gave power to
     the Churche men to execute thare tyranny aganis us, be reasoun that
     we to thame wor delated as Heretiques, may be suspended and
     abrogated, till a Generall Counsall lawfullie assembled have
     decyded all contraverseis in religioun.

     "And least that this mutatioun shuld seame to sett all men at
     libertie to lyve as thame list, We Secundarelie requyre, That it be
     enacted by this present Parliament, that the Prelattis and thare
     Officiaris[758] be removed from place of judgement; onlie granting
     unto thame, nocht the less, the place of accusatouris in the
     presence of a temporall judge, befoir whom the Churche men
     accusatouris salbe bundin to call any by thame accused of heresye,
     to whome also thei salbe bundin to deliver ane authentik copy of
     all depositionis, accusationis, and process led against the persone
     accused; the judge lykewyis delivering the same to the partie
     accused, assignyng unto him a competent terme to answer to the
     same, after he hath takin sufficient cautioun _de judicio sisti_.

     "Thridly, We requyre, that all lawfull defences be granted to the
     personis accused; as yf he be able to prove, that the witnesses be
     personis unable by law to testifie aganis thame, that then thare
     accusationis and depositionis be null according to justice.

     "_Item_, That place be granted to the partie accused, to explane
     and interprite his awin mynd and meanyng; which confessioun we
     requyre be inserted in publict Actes, and be preferred to the
     depositionis of any witnesses, seing that nane owght to suffer for
     religioun, that is not found obstinat in his damnable opinioun.

     "Last, We requyre, that our brethrene be not dampned for
     Hereticques, onles, by the manifest word of God, thei be convicted
     to have erred from that faith whiche the Holy Spreit witnesseth to
     be necessarie to salvatioun; and yf so thei be, we refuise nott bot
     that thei be punished according to justice, onles by holsome
     admonitioun thei can be reduced to a better mynd.

     "These thingis requyre we to be considered of yow, who occupy the
     place of the Eternall God, (who is God of ordour and trewth,) evin
     in suche sorte as ye will answer in the presence of his throne
     judiciall: Requyring farder, that favorablie ye will have respect
     to the tendernes of our consciences, and to the truble which
     appeareth to follow in this commoun wealth, yf the tyranny of the
     Prelattis, and of thare adherentis, be nott brydilled by God and
     just lawis. God move your hartes deeplie to considder your awin
     dewiteis and our present trubles."

These our Petitionis did we first present to the Quein Regent, becaus
that we war determined to interprise nothing without hir knowledge, most
humlie requyring hir favorable assistance in our just actioun. Sche
spared nott amyable lookis, and good wordes in aboundance; bot alwayis
sche keaped our Bill close in hir pocket. When we requyred secreatlie of
hir Grace, that our Petitionis should be proponed to the hole Assemblie,
sche ansured, "That sche thought nott that expedient; for then wold the
hole Ecclesiasticall Estate be contrarie to hir proceadingis, which at
that tyme war great;" for the Matrimoniall Croune was asked, and in that
Parliament granted.[759] "Bot, (said sche,) how sone ordour can be
tacken with these thingis, which now may be hyndered by the Kirk men, ye
shall know my goode mynd; and, in the meantyme, whatsoevir I may grant
unto yow, shall glaidlie be granted."

We yitt nothing suspecting hir falshode, was content to geve place for a
tyme to hir pleasour, and pretended reasoun; and yitt thocht we
expedient somewhat to protest befoir the dissolutioun of the Parliament;
for our Petitionis war manifestlie knowen to the hole Assemblie, as also
how, for the Quenis pleasour, we ceassed to persew the uttermost. Our
Protestatioun was formed in manor following:--


     "It is not unknawin to this honorable Parliament, what contraversie
     is now laitlie rissin betuix those that wilbe called the Prelattis
     and rewlarris of the Church, and a great number of us, the
     Nobilitie and commonaltie of this Realme, for the trew
     wirschipping of God, for the dewitie of Ministeris, for the rycht
     administratioun of Christ Jesus holie Sacramentis: how that we have
     complained by our publict supplicationis to the Quene Regent, that
     our consciences ar burdened with unprofitable ceremonies, and are
     compelled to adhear to idolatrie; that such as tack upoun thame the
     office Ecclesiasticall, discharge no parte thareof, as becumith
     trew ministeris to do; and finallie, that we and our brethrein ar
     most unjustlie oppressed by thare usurped authoritie. And also we
     suppose it is a thing sufficientlie knowin, that we wer of mynd at
     this present Parliament to seik redress of suche enormiteis; bot,
     considering that the trubles of the tyme do nott suffer suche
     Reformatioun as we, by Goddis plane word, do requyre, we ar
     enforced to delay that which most earnestlie we desyre; and yitt,
     least that our silence should geve occasioun to our adversaries to
     think, that we repent our formare interprise, we can not cease to
     protest for remedy against that most unjust tyranny, which we
     heirtofoir most patientlie have susteaned.

     "And, First, We protest, that seing we can not obtene ane just
     Reformatioun, according to Goddis worde, that it be lauchfull to us
     to use oure selfis in materis of religioun and conscience, as we
     must ansuer unto God, unto suche tyme as our adversaries be able to
     prove thame selfis the trew ministers of Christes Churche, and to
     purge thame selfis of suche crymes as we have already layed to
     thare charge, offering our selfis to prove the same whensoever the
     Sacrat Authoritie please to geve us audience.

     "Secundlie, We protest, that nether we, nor yit any other that
     godlie list to joyne with us in the trew faith, whiche is grounded
     upoun the invincible worde of God, shall incure any danger in lyiff
     or landis, or other politicall paines, for nott observing suche
     Actes as heirtofoir have passed in favouris of our adversaries,
     neyther yit for violating of suche rytes as man without God's
     commandiment or worde hath commanded.

     "We, Thridly, protest, that yf any tumult or uproare shall aryise
     amanges the membres of this realme for the diversitie of religioun,
     and yf it shall chance that abuses be violentlie reformed, that the
     cryme thairof be not impute to us, who most humlie do now seak all
     thinges to be reformed by ane ordour: [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS
     OBSERVE.] Bot rather whatsoever inconvenient shall happin to follow
     for lack of ordour tacken, that may be imputed to those that do
     refuise the same.

     "And last, We protest, that these our requeastis, proceading from
     conscience, do tend to none other end, bot to the Reformatioun of
     abuses in Religioun onlie: Most humilie beseiking the Sacred
     Authoritie to tak us, faithfull and obedient subjectis, in
     protectioun against our adversaries; and to schaw unto us suche
     indifferencie in our most just Petitionis, as it becumeth God's
     Lievetenentis to do to those that in his name do call for defence
     against cruell oppressouris and bloode thrustie tyrantes."[760]


These our Protestationis publictlie redd, we desyred thame to have bene
inserted in the commoun Register; bot that by laubouris of ennemies was
denyed unto us. Nochttheles, the Quein Regent said, "Me will remember
what is protested; and me shall putt good ordour after this to all
thingis that now be in contraversie." And thus, after that sche be craft
had obteaned hir purpoise, we departed in good esperance of hir
favouris, praysing God in our hartes that sche was so weall enclyned
towardes godlynes. The goode opinioun that we had of hir synceritie,
caused us not onlie to spend our goodis and hasarde our bodyes at hir
pleasour, bot also, by our publict letters writtin to that excellent
servand of God JOHNE CALVINE, we did prayse and commend hir for
excellent knowledge in Goddis worde and good will towarttis the
advancement of his glorie; requyring of him, that by his grave counsall
and godlie exhortatioun he wald animat hir Grace constantlie to follow
that which godlie sche had begune. We did farther charplie rebuike,
boith by word and writting, all suche as appeired to suspect in hir any
vennoum of hypochrisie, or that war contrare to that opinioun which we
had conceaved of hir godlie mynd. Bott how far we war deceaved in our
opinioun, and abused by hir craft, did suddandlie appeare: for how sone
that all thingis perteanyng to the commoditie of France war granted by
us, and that peace was contracted betuix King Philip and France, and
England and us,[761] sche began to spew furth, and disclose the latent
vennome of hir dowble harte. Then began sche to frowne, and to look
frowardlie to all suche as sche knew did favour the Evangell of Jesus
Christ. Sche commanded her houshold to use all abhominationis at Pasche;
and sche hir self, to geve exampill to utheris, did communicat with that
idole in open audience: Sche comptrolled hir houshold, and wold know
whare that everie ane receaved thare Sacrament. And it is supposed, that
after that day the Devill took more violent and strong possessioun in
hir[762] then he had befoir; for, from that day fordwarte, sche appeared
altogether altered, insomuche that hir countenances and factes did
declair the vennome of hir harte. For incontinent sche caused our
preachearis to be summoned;[763] for whome, when we maid intercessioun,
beseiching hir Grace not to molest thame in thare ministerie, onles any
man war able to convict thame of fals doctrin, sche could not bryddill
hir toung from open blasphemy, but proudlie sche said, [SN: SCHE HAD
GOTTIN HIR LESSOUN FROM THE CARDINALL.] "In dispite of yow and of your
ministeris boith, thei shalbe banisshed owt of Scotland, albeit thei
preached als trewlie as evir did Sanct Paule." Which proud and
blasphemous ansuer did greatlie astoniss us; and yit ceassed we not
moist humilie to seak hir favouris, and by great diligence at last
obteaned, that the summoundis at that tyme war delayed. For to hir wer
send Alexander Erle of Glencarne, and Sir Hew Campbell of Loudoun
knycht, Schiref of Air, to reassoun with hir, and to crave some
performance of hir manifold promisses. [SN: QUENE REGENTIS ANSURE.] To
whome sche ansured, "It became not subjectis to burden thare Princess
with promisses, farther then it pleaseth thame to keape the same." Boith
thei Noble men faythfullie and boldly discharged thare dewitie, and
plainlie foirwarned hir of the inconvenientis that war to follow;
wharewyth sche somewhat astonied said, "Sche wald advise."[764]


In this meantyme did the toune of Perth, called Sanct Johnestoun,
embrase the trewth, which did provok hir to a new fury; in which sche
willed the Lord Ruthven, Provest of that toune,[765] to suppress all
suche religioun thare. [SN: LORD RUTHVEN HIS ANSURE.] To the which, when
he ansured, "That he could maik thare bodyes to come to hir Grace, and
to prostrate thame selfis befoir her, till that sche war fullie satiate
of thare bloode, bot to caus thame do against thare conscience, he could
not promeise:" Sche in fury did ansure, "That he was too malaperte to
geve hir suche ansure," affirmyng, "that boyth he and thei should
repent it." Sche solisted Maister James Halyburtoun, Provest of
Dundie,[766] to apprehend Paule Methven,[767] who, fearing God, gave
secreat advertisement to the man to avoid the toune for a tyme. Sche
send furth suche as sche thought most able to perswade at Pasche, to
caus Montrose, Dundie, Sanct Johnestoun, and otheris suche places as had
receaved the Evangell, to communicat with the idole of the Messe; bot
thei could profeit nothing: the heartis of many war bent to follow the
trewth reveilled, and did abhore superstitioun and idolatrie. Whareat
sche more heighlie commoved, did summound agane all the preachearis to
compear at Striveling, the tent day of Maij, the year of God 1559. Which
understand by us, we, wyth all humble obedience, sowght the meanes how
sche myght be appeased, and our preachearis not molested: bot when we
could nothing prevaill, it was concluded by the hole brethrein, that the
Gentilmen of everie cuntrie should accumpany thare Preachouris to the
Whareto all men war most willing; and for that purpose the toune of
Dundy, the gentilmen of Anguss and Mernis, passed fordwarte with thare
preachearis to Sanct Johnestoun, without armour, as peciable men,
mynding onlie to geve confessioun with thare preachearis. And least that
suche a multitude should have gevin fear to the Quein Regent, the Lard
of Dun, a zelous, prudent, and godly man, passed befoir to the Quein,
then being in Striveling, to declare to hir, that the caus of thare
convocatioun was onlie to geve confessioun with thare preachearis, and
to assist thame in thare just defence. Sche understanding the fervencie
of the people, began to craft with him, solisting him to stay the
multitude, and the preachearis also, with promeise that sche wald tak
THE PREACHEARIS.] He, a man most gentill of nature, and most addict to
please hir in all thingis not repugnant to God, wret to those that then
war assembled at Sanct Johnestoun, to stay, and nott to come fordwarte;
schawand what promess and esperance he had of the Quenis Grace favouris.
At the reading of his letteris, some did smell the craft and deceat, and
persuaded to pas fordwarte, unto the tyme a discharge of the formare
summondis should be had, alledgeing, that otherwyis thare process of
horning or rebellioun, should be executed against the preachearis; and
so should not onlie thei, bot also all suche as did accumpanye thame, be
involved in a lyik cryme. Otheris did reassone, that the Quenes
promeisses was not to be suspected, neyther yitt the Lard of Dun his
requeast to be contempned; and so did the hole multitude with thare
preacheris stay.

In this meanetyme that the Preacheouris ware summoned, to wit, the
secound of Maij 1559, arryved JOHNE KNOX from France,[768] who ludgeing
two nychtis onlie in Edinburgh, hearing the day appointed to his
brethren, repared to Dundee, whare he earnestlie requyred thame, "That
he myght be permitted to assist his brethrein, and to geve confessioun
of his faith with thame:" which granted unto him, [he] departed unto
Sanct Johnestoun with thame; whare he began to exhorte, according to the
grace of God granted unto him. The Quein, perceaving that the
preachearis did nott compeir, began to utter her malice; and
notwythstanding any requeist maid in the contrarie, gave commandiment
to putt thame to the horne, inhibiting all men under pane of thare
rebellioun to assist, conforte, receave, or maynteane thame in any
sorte. Whiche extremitie perceaved by the said Lard of Dune, he
prudentlie withdrew himself, (for otherwyes by all appearance he had not
eschaped empresonement;) for the Maister of Maxwell,[769] ane man zelous
and stout in God's caus, (as then appeired,) under the cloak of ane
uther small cryme, was that same day committed to warde, becaus he did
boldlie affirme, "That to the uttermost of his power, he wold assist the
preachearis and the congregatioun; notwythstanding any sentence whiche
injustlie was, or should be, pronunced against thame. The Lard of Dun,
cuming to Sanct Johnestoun, expounded the caise evin as it was, and did
conceill nothing of the Quenis craft and falshode. Whiche understand,
the multitud was so enflammed, that neyther could the exhortatioun of
the preacheare, nor the commandiment of the magistrat, stay thame from
distroying of the places of idolatrie.


The maner whairof was this:[770] The preacheouris befoir had declaired,
how odiouse was idolatrie in God's presence; what commandiment he had
gevin for the destructioun of the monumentis thairof; what idolatrie and
what abhominatioun was in the Messe. It chanced, that the next day,
whiche was the ellevint of Maij, after that the Preachearis wer exyled,
that after the sermoun whiche was vehement against idolatrie, that a
preast in contempt wold go to the Messe; and to declair his malapert
presumptioun, he wold opin up ane glorious tabernacle which stoode upoun
the Hie Altare. Thare stoode besyde, certane godly men, and amonges
otheris a young boy, who cryed with a lowd voce, "This is intollerable,
that when God by his Worde hath planelie damned idolatrie, we shall
stand and see it used in dispyte." The preast heirat offended, gave the
chyld a great blow; who in anger took up a stone, and casting at the
prcast, did hytt the tabernacle and brack doune ane ymage; and
immediatlie the hole multitude that war about cast stones, and putt
handis to the said tabernacle, and to all utheris monumentis of
idolatrie; whiche thei dispatched, befoir the tent man in the toune war
advertist, (for the moist parte war gone to dennar:) Whiche noysed
abroad, the hole multitude convened, not of the gentilmen, neyther of
thame that war earnest professouris, bot of the raschall multitude, who
fynding nothing to do in that Churche, did run without deliberatioun to
the Gray and Blak Freris; and nochtwythstanding that thei had within
thame verray strong gardis keapt for thare defence, yitt war thare gates
incontinent brust upe. The first invasioun was upoun the idolatrie; and
thareafter the commoun people began to seak some spoile; and in verray
deid the Gray Freiris[771] was a place so weall provided, that oneles
honest men had sein the same, we wold have feared to have reported what
provisioun thei had. Thare scheittis, blancattis, beddis, and
covertouris wer suche, as no Erle in Scotland hath the bettir: thair
naiprie was fyne. [SN: THAIR PROVISIOUN.] Thei wer bot awght personis in
convent, and yitt had viij punscheonis of salt beaff, (considder the
tyme of the yeare, the ellevint day of Maij,) wyne, beare, and aill,
besydis stoare of victuallis effeiring thareto. The lyik haboundance
was nott in the Blak Frearis;[772] and yitt thare was more then becam
men professing povertie. The spoile was permitted to the poore: for so
had the preacheouris befoir threatned all men, that for covetousnes saik
none shuld putt thare hand to suche a Reformatioun, that no honest man
was enriched thairby the valew of a groate. Thare conscience so moved
thame, that thei suffered those hypocreattis tak away what thei could,
of that whiche was in thare places. The Priour of Charter-howse was
permitted to tack away with him evin so muche gold and silver as he was
weall able to cary.[773] So was menis consciences befoir beattin with
the worde, that thei had no respect to thare awin particulare proffeit,
bot onlie to abolishe idolatrie, the places and monumentis thareof: in
which thei wer so busye, and so laborious, that within two dayis, these
three great places, monumentis of idolatrie, to witt, the Gray and Blak
theves,[774] and Charter-housse monkis, (a buylding of a wonderouse
coast and greatness,[775]) was so destroyed, that the walles onlie did
remane of all these great edificationis.


Whiche, reported to the Quein, sche was so enraged that sche did avow,
"Utterlie to destroy Sanct Johnestoun, man, woman, and child, and to
consume the same by fyre, and thairafter to salt it, in signe of a
perpetuall desolatioun." We suspecting nothing suche creweltie, bot
thinking that suche wordis myght eschape hir in choler, without purpose
determinate, becaus sche was a woman sett a fyre by the complaintes of
those hypocrytes who flocked unto hir, as ravennis to a carioun; We, (we
say,) suspecting nothing suche beastlie crueltie, returned to our awin
housses; leaving in Sanct Johnestoun Johne Knox to instruct, becaus thei
war young and rude in Christ. Bott sche, sett a fyre, partlie be hir
awin malice, partelie by commandiment of hir freindis in France, and not
a litill by brybes, whiche sche and Monsieur Dosell receaved from the
Bischoppes and the Preastis heir at home, did continew in hir rage. [SN:
THE COMPLAINT OF THE QUEIN REGENT.] And first, sche send for all the
Nobilitie, to whome sche complaned, "That we meaned nothing bot a
rebellioun." Sche did grevouslie aggreage the destructioun of the
Charter-howse,[776] becaus it was a Kingis fundatioun; and thare was
the tumbe of King James the First; and by suche other perswasionis sche
maid the most parte of thame grant to persew us. And then incontinent
send sche for hir Frenchemen; for that was and hath ever bein hir joy to
see Scottishmen dip one with anotheris bloode. No man was at that tyme
more frack against us then was the Duke,[777] lead by the crewell beast,
the Bischope of Sanctandrois, and by these that yitt abuse him, the
Abbot of Kilwynnyng,[778] and Matthew Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[779] two
cheaf ennemeis to Christ Jesus; yea, and ennemeis[780] to the Duke and
to his hole house, bot in sa far as thairby thei may procure thair awin
particulare proffeitt. These and suche other pestilent Papistes ceassed
nott to cast faggotis on the fyre, continewalie cryeing, "Fordwarte
upoun these Heretiques; we shall ones rydd this realme of thame."

The certantie heirof cuming to our knowledge, some of us repaired to the
Toune agane, about the 22 day of Maij, and thare did abyde for the
conforte of our brethrein. Whare, after invocatioun of the name of God,
we began to putt the Toune and ourselfis in suche strenth, as we thought
myght best for our just defence. And, becaus we war nott utterlie
dispared of the Quenis favouris, we cawsed to forme a lettir to hir
Grace, as followeth:--


     "As heirtofoir, with jeopard of our lyves, and yitt with willing
     hartes, we haif served the Authoritie of Scotland, and your Grace,
     now Regent in this Realme, in service to our bodyes dangerous and
     painefull; so now, with most dolorous myndis we ar constraned, by
     injust tyrannye purposed against us, to declair unto your Grace,
     That except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome, we wilbe
     compelled to tak the sweard of just defence aganis all that shall
     persew us for the mater of religioun, and for our conscience saik;
     whiche awght not, nor may nott be subject to mortale creatures,
     farder than be God's worde man be able to prove that he hath power
     to command us. We signifie moreover unto your Grace, That yf by
     rigour we be compelled to scale the extreme defence, that we will
     nott onlie notife our innocencie and petitionis to the King of
     France, to our Maistres and to her Housband, bot also to the
     Princes and Counsall of everie Christiane Realme, declairing unto
     thame, that this cruell, injust, and most tyrannicall murther,
     intended aganis townes and multitudis, wes, and is the onlie caus
     of our revolt from our accustomed obedience, whiche, in God's
     presence, we faythfullie promeise to our Soverane Maistres, to hir
     Husband, and unto your Grace Regent; provided, that our consciences
     may lyve in that peace and libertie whiche Christ Jesus hath
     purchassed till us by his bloode; and that we may have his worde
     trewlie preached, and holie Sacramentis ryghtlie ministrat unto us,
     without whiche we fermelie purpose never to be subject to mortall
     man: [SN: O WHAIR IS THIS FERVENCIE NOW!] For better, we think, to
     expone our bodyes to a thowsand deathis, then to hasarde our soules
     to perpetuall condemnatioun, by denying Christ Jesus and his
     manifest veritie, whiche thing not onlie do thei that committ open
     idolatrie, bot also all suche as seing thare brethrene injustlie
     persewed for the caus of religioun, and having sufficient meanes to
     conforte and assist thame, do nott the less withdraw frome thame
     thair detfull supporte. [SN: O WALD GOD THAT THE NOBILITIE SHULD
     YITT CONSIDERE.] We wald nott your Grace should be deceaved by the
     fals persuasionis of those cruell beastis, the Churche men, who
     affirme, That your Grace nedith nott greatlie to regarde the losse
     of us that professe Christ Jesus in this realme. Yf (as God forbid)
     ye gif care to thare pestilent counsall, and so use against us this
     extremitie pretended; it is to be feared, that neyther ye, neyther
     yitt your posteritie, shall at any tyme after this fynd that
     obedience and faithfull service within this realme, whiche at all
     tymes yow have found in us. We declair our judgementis frelie, as
     trew and faithfull subjectis. God move your Graces harte favorablie
     to interpreite our faythfull meanyng. Further advertissing your
     Grace, that the self same thing, together with all thingis that we
     have done, or yitt intend to do, we will notifie by our letteris to
     the King of France; asking of yow, in the name of the eternall God,
     and as your Grace tenderis the peace and qwyetness of this realme,
     that ye invaid us nott with violence, till we receave ansur from
     our Maistres, hir Husband, and from thare advised counsall thare.
     And this we committ your Grace to the protectioun of the

     "Frome Sanet Johnestoun the 22 of Maij 1559.

     (_Sic subscribitur_,) Your Grace's obedient subjectis in all
     thingis not repugnant to God,
                              IN SCOTLAND."

In the same tennour we wrate to Monsieur Dosell in Frenche, requiring of
him, that by his wisdome he wold mitigate the Quenis raige, and the
raige of the Preastis; otherwyis that flambe, whiche then begane to
burne, wold so kendle that quhen some men wold, it culd not be
slokenned; adding farder, that he declairit him self[781] no faithfull
servand to his maister the King of France, yf for the plesour of the
Preistis he wald persecut us, and so compell us to taik the sweard of
just defence. In lyke maner we wrait to Capitane Serra la Burse, and to
all uther Capitanis and Frenche soldiouris in generall, admonischeing
thame that thair vocatioun was nocht to fyght aganis us naturall
Scottishmen; nather yit that thai had any suche commandiment of thair
maister. We besowght thame thairfoir nocht to provok us to inemitie
aganest thame, considdering, that thay had found us favorable in thair
most extreme necessiteis. We declairit farther unto thame, that yf thay
enterit in hostilitie and bloody warre aganest us, that the same sould
remane langar than thair and oure lyves, to witt, evin in all
posteriteis to come, so lang as naturall Scottishmen suld have power to
revenge suche crewelty, and maist horribill ingratitude.

Thease letteris war causit be spred abroade in great habundance, to the
end that sum myght cume to the knawlege of men. The Quene Regent hir
letter was layed upoun hir cussing in the Chapell Royall at Striveling,
quhair sche accustomit to sitt at Messe. Sche looked upoun it, and put
it in the pocket of hir goune. Monsieur Dosell and the Capitanis
receavit thairis deliverit evin be thair awin soldiouris, (for sum
amongis thame war favoraris of the treuth,) quho efter the reading of
thame, began to ryve thair awin beardis; for that was the modest
behaveour of Monsieur Dosell, quhen treuth was told unto him, so that it
repugne to his fantasie. These our letteris war suppressed to the
uttermost of thair power, and yit thay come to the knowlege of mony. Bot
the raige of the Quene and Preistis culd nocht be stayed; bot fordwart
thay move against us, quho than war bot are verrie few and meane number
of gentilmen in Sanct Johnestoun. We perceaving the extremitie to
approche, did wrytt to all bretherin, to repair towardis us for our
releve; to the quhiche we fand all men so readie bent, that the work of
God was evidentlie to be espyed. And becaus that we wold omitt na
diligence to declair our innocencie to all men, we formit ane letter to
those of the Nobilitie who than persecuted us, as efter followeth:--


     "Becaus we ar nocht ignorant, that the Nobilitie of this realme who
     now persecute us, employing thair hole study and force to manteyne
     the kingdome of Sathan, of superstitioun and idolatrie, ar yit
     nochttheles devidit in opinioun; We, the Congregatioun of Christ
     Jesus by yow injustlie persecuted, have thocht good, in one letter,
     to write unto yow severallie. Ye ar devidit, we say, in opinioun;
     for sum of yow think that we who have tackin upoun us this
     interpryise to remove idolatrie, and the monumentis of the same, to
     erect the trew preaching of Chryst Jesus in the boundis committit
     to our chargis, ar Heretickis, seditious men, and trubilleris of
     this commone wealth; and thairfoir that no punischment is
     sufficient for us: and so, blyndit with this rage, and under
     pretens to serve the Authoritie, ye proclame warre, and threattin
     distructioun without all ordour of law aganis us. To yow, we say,
     that nather your blynd zeale, nather yit the colour of authoritie,
     sall excuse yow in Godis presence, who commandeth "None to suffer
     death, till that he be opinlie convictit in jugement, to have
     offendit against God, and against his law writtin," whiche no
     mortall creature is able to prove against us: for quhatsoevir we
     have done, the same we have done at Godis commandiment, who
     planelie commandis idolatrie, and all monumentis of the same to be
     destroyed and abolisshed, Oure ernist and long requeist hath bein,
     and is, that in opin assemblie it may be disputit in presence of
     indifferent auditouris, [SN: THE PERPETUALL REQUEIST OF THE
     PROTESTANTIS OF SCOTLAND.] "Whether that theis abhominationis,
     namit by the pestilent Papistis, religioun, whiche thay by fyre and
     sweard defend, be the trew religioun of Christ Jesus or not?" Now,
     this our humbill requeast denyed unto us, our lyves ar sought in
     most crewell maner. And ye, the Nobilitie, (whose dewetie is to
     defend innocentis, and to brydle the fury and raige of wicked men,
     wer it of Princes or Emperouris,) do nochtwithstanding follow thare
     appetytis, and arme your selfis against us, your bretherin, and
     naturall cuntriemen; yea, against us that be innocent and just, as
     concerning all suche crymes as be layid to our chargis. Yf ye think
     that we be criminall becaus that we dissent from your opinioun,
     considder, we beseiche yow, that the Prophetis under the law, the
     Apostles of Christ Jesus efter his Assentioun, his primitive
     Churche, and holy Martyris, did disassent from the hole world in
     thare dayis; and will ye deny bot that thair actioun was just, and
     that all those that persecuted thame war murtheraris befoir God?
     May nocht the lyek be trew this day? What assurance have ye this
     day of your religioun, whiche the warld that day had nocht of
     thairis? Ye have a multitude that aggre with yow, and so had thay.
     Ye have antiquitie of tyme, and that thay lacked nocht. Ye have
     counsales, lawis, and men of reputatioun that have establisshed all
     thingis, as ye suppose: Bot none of all these can maik any
     religioun acceptable unto God, whiche onelie dependeth upon his
     awin will, revealled to man in his most sacred word. Is it nocht
     than a wonder that ye sleip in so deadlie a securitie, in the mater
     of your awin salvatioun, considdering that God gevith unto yow so
     manifest tockens, that ye and your leaderis ar boith declynit from
     God? [SN: PROBATIOUN AGAINST THE PAPISTIS.] For yf "the tree salbe
     judgit by the fruit," (as Christ Jesus affirmeth, that it must be,)
     than of necessitie it is that your Prelattis, and the hole rable of
     thair clergie, be evill treeis. For yf adultrie, pryde, ambitioun,
     dronknes, covetousnes, incest, unthankfulnes, oppressioun, murther,
     idolatrie, and blasphemye, be evill fructis, thare can none of that
     generatioun, whiche clame to thame selfis the title of Churche
     men,[782] be judged gud treeis; for all these pestilent and wicked
     fruittis do they bring furth in greittest habundance: And gif thai
     be evill treis, (as ye your selfis must be compelled to confes thay
     ar,) advise prudentlie with what consciences ye can manteyne thame,
     to occupy the roume and place in the Lordis vyne yarde. Do ye nocht
     considder, that in so doing ye labour to manteyne the servandis of
     syne in thair filthie corruptioun; and so consequentlie ye labour,
     that the Devill may regne, and still abuse this realme, by all
     iniquitie and tyrannye, and that Chryst Jesus and his blessed
     Evangell be suppressed and extinguesshed?


     "The name and the cloke of the Authoritie, whiche ye pretend, will
     nothing excuse yow in Godis presence; but rather sall ye beir duble
     condempnatioun; for that ye burdeane God, as that his good
     ordinance wer the caus of your iniquitie. All authoritie quhilk God
     hath establisshed, is good and perfyte, and is to be obeyed of all
     men, yea under the pane of damnatioun. [SN: DIFFERENCE BETUIX THE
     PERSONE AND THE AUTHORITIE.] But do ye nocht understand, that thair
     is a great difference betuix the authoritie quhiche is Goddis
     ordinance, and the personis of those whiche ar placit in
     authoritie? The authoritie and Goddis ordinance can never do wrang;
     for it commandeth, That vice and wickit men be punischit, and
     vertew, with verteous men and just, be maynteaned. But the corrupt
     Persone placed in this authoritie may offend, and most commonelie
     doeth the contrare heirof; and is than the corruptioun of the
     persone to be followed, be ressone that he is cled with the name of
     the authoritie? Or, sall those that obey the wicked commandiment of
     those that ar placed in authoritie be excusable befoir God? Nocht
     so; nocht so. Bott the plagues and vengeances of God tackin upoun
     Kingis, thair servandis, and subjectis, do witnes to us the plane
     contrarie. Pharao was a King, and had his authoritie of God, who
     commandit his subjectis to murther and torment the Israelites, and
     at last most crewellie to persecut thair lyves. But was thare
     obedience, (blynd raige it should be called,) excusable befoir God?
     The universall plague doeth planelie declair, that the wicked
     commander, and those that obeyed, war alyke giltie befoir God. [SN:
     THE FACT OF KING SAULE.] And yf the example of Pharao shalbe
     rejected, becaus he was ane Ethnik, than lat us considder the
     factis of Saule: He was a King anoynted of God, appoynted to regne
     ower his people, he commanded to persecut David, becaus (as he
     alledged) David was a traytour and usurper of the Crowne; and
     lyekwyis commanded Abimelech the Hie Preast and his fellowis to be
     slane: But did God approve any parte of this obedience? Evident it
     is that he did nott. And think ye, that God will approve in yow
     that whiche he did dampne in otheris? Be nocht deceaved: with God
     thair is no suche partialitie.[783] Yf ye obey the injust
     commandimentis of wicked rewlaris, ye sall suffer Goddis vengeance
     and just punishment with thame. And thairfoir as ye tender your
     awin salvatioun, we most earnistlie requyre of yow moderatioun,
     and that ye stay your selfis, and the furye of utheris, from
     persecuting of us, till our cause be tryed in lauchfull and opin

     "And now, to yow that ar perswaded of the justice of our cause,
     that sumtyme have professed Chryst Jesus with us, and that also
     have exhorted us to this interpryse, and yit have left us in our
     extreme necessitie, or at the least look throw your fingaris, in
     this our truble, as that the matter apperteaned nocht unto yow; we
     say, that onles (all fear and warldlie respectis sett asyde) ye
     joyne your selffis with us, that as of God ye ar reputed
     traytouris, so shall ye be excomunicated from our societie, and
     from all participatioun with us in the administratioun of
     Sacramentis. The glorie of this victorie, quhilk God shall geve to
     his Churche, yea evin in the eyis of men, shall nocht apperteane to
     yow; bot the fearfull judgement, whiche apprehended Ananias and his
     wyfe Sapphyra, sall apprehend yow and your posteritie. [SN: LETT
     THE CAUS OF THE INNOCENTIS.] Ye may perchance contempne, and
     dispyise the excomunicatioun of the Churche now by Godis myghtie
     power erected amongis us, as a thing of no force; bot yit doubt we
     nothing, but that our Churche, and the trew ministeris of the same,
     have the same power whiche our Maister, Christ Jesus, granted to
     his Apostles in these wordis, "Whose synnis ye sall forgeve, shalbe
     forgevin; and whose synnis ye shall reteane, shall be reteaned;"
     and that, becaus thay preiche, and we beleve the same doctryne
     whiche is conteyned in his most blessed wourd. And thairfoir except
     that ye will contempne Chryst Jesus, ye nether can despyise our
     threatnyng, nether yit refuise us calling for your just defence.
     your faynting, and by extracting of your support, the enimeis ar
     incoraged, thinking, that thay shall find no resistance: In whiche
     point, God willing, thay salbe deceaved. For gif thay war ten
     thowsand, and we bot are thowsand, thai sall nocht murther the
     least of our bretherin, but we (God assisting us) shall first
     committ our lyves in the handis of God for thair defence. But this
     shall aggravat your damnatioun; for ye declair your selfis boith
     traytouris to the treuth ones professed, and murtheraris of us, and
     of your bretherin, from whome ye draw your detfull and promisshed
     support, whome your onelie presence (to manis judgement) myght
     preserve from this danger. For our enimeis looke nocht to the power
     of God, bot to the force and strenth of man. When the nomber is
     mean to resist thame, than rage thay as bloody wolvis; bot a party
     equall or able to resist thame in apperance, doeth brydill thair
     fury. Examinat your awin consciencis, and wey that sentence of our
     Maister, Chryst Jesus, saying, "Whosoevir denyeth me, or is
     aschamed of me befoir men, I shall deny him befoir my Father." Now
     is the day of his battell in this realme: Yf ye deny us, your
     bretherin, suffering for his name's saik, ye do also deny him, as
     him self doeth witnes in these wordis, "Whatsoevir ye did to any of
     these litill ones, that ye did to me; and what ye did nocht to one
     of those litill ones, that ye did nocht to me." Gif these sentencis
     be trew, as concerning meat, drink, cloithing, and suche thingis as
     apperteane to the body, shall thai not be lykewyis trew in these
     thingis that apperteane to the preservatioun of the lyves of
     thowsandis, whose bloode is now sought, for professioun of Christ
     Jesus? And thus schortlie leave we yow, who sumtymes have professed
     Christ Jesus with us, to the examinatioun of your awin consciencis.
     And yit ones agane, of yow, who, blynded by superstitioun persecute
     us, we requyre moderatioun, till our cause may be tryed, whiche gif
     ye will nocht grant unto us for Godis cause, yit we desyre yow to
     have respect to the preservatioun of our commone cuntree, whiche we
     can not sonnar betray in the handis of strangeris, than that one of
     us distroy and murther ane uther. Considder our petitionis, and
     call for the spreit of richteous judgement."

These our Letteris being divulgat, some man began to reasoun whether of
conscience thai myght invaid us or not, considdering that we offered dew
obedience to the Authoritie; requiring nothing bot the libertie of
conscience, and our religioun and fact to be tryed by the word of God.
Oure Letteris came with convenient expeditioun to the handis of the
bretherin in Cuninghame and Kyle, who convened at the Kirk of
Craggie,[784] whare, efter some contrarious reassonis, Alexander Erle of
Glencarne, in zeall, burst furth in these wordis, "Lat everie man serve
his conscience. I will, by Goddis grace, see my bretherin in Sanct
Johnestoun: yea, albeit never man should accumpany me, I will go, and
gif it war bot with a pick upoun my shulder; for I had rather dye with
that cumpany, nor leve efter thame." These wordis so encoraged the rest,
that all decreed[785] to go fordward, as that thai did so stoutlie, that
when Lyoun Herault, in his coat armour, commanded all man under the pane
of treassone to returne to thair housses by publict sound of trumpett in
Glasgw, never man obeyed that charge, but all went fordward, as we will
efter hear. When it was clearlie understand that the Prelattis and thair
adherantis, suppressing our petitionis so far as in thame lay, did
kindill the furye of all men against us, it was thoght expedient to
writt unto thame sum declaratioun of our myndis, whiche we did in this
forme following:--


     "To the end that ye shall not be abused, thinking to eschaipe just
     punishment, efter that ye in your blind fury have caused the bloode
     of many to be sched, this we notifie and declair unto yow, that yf
     ye proceid in this your malicious creweltie, ye shalbe entreated,
     wharesoevir ye shalbe apprehended, as murtheraris and oppin
     enimeis to God and unto mankind; and thairfoir, betymes cease from
     this blind raige. Remove first from your selfis your bandis of
     bloody men of warre, and reforme your selffis to a more quiet lyve;
     and thairefter mitigat ye the authoritie whiche, without cryme
     committed upoun our parte, ye have inflammit aganis us; or ellis be
     ye assured, that with the same measure that ye have measured
     against us, and yit intend to measure to utheris, it salbe measured
     unto yow: That is, as ye by tyranny intend nocht onelie to destroy
     our bodyis, bot also by the same to hold our sowllis in bondage of
     the Devill, subject to idolatrie, so shall we with all force and
     power, whiche God shall grant unto us, execut just vengeance and
     punishment upoun yow. Yea, we shall begyn that same warre whiche
     God commanded Israell to execut aganis the Cananites; that is,
     contract of peace shall never be maid, till ye desist from your
     oppin idolatrie and crewell persecutioun of Godis childrein. And
     this we signifie unto yow in the name of the eternall God, and of
     his Sone Christ Jesus, whose veritie we profess, and Evangell we
     will have preached, and holy Sacramentis ryghtlie minstrat, so long
     as God will assist us to ganestand your idolatrie. Tak this for
     Advertisment, and be nocht deceaved."


These our requeistis and advertismentis nochtwithstanding, Monsieur
Dosell and his Frenchemen, with the Preastis and thair bandis, marched
fordward against Sanct Johnestoun, and approched within ten myles to the
town. Than repaired the bretherin from all quartaris for our releaff.
The gentilmen of Fyffe, Anguss, and Mernis, with the town of Dundie, war
thay that first hasarded to resist the enimie; and for that purpoise was
chosin a platt of ground,[786] a myle and more distant from the town. In
this meantyme the Lord Ruthven, Provest of the town of Sanct Johnestoun,
and a man whome many judged godlie and stout in that actioun, (as in
verray dead he was evin unto his last breath,[787]) left the town, and
depairtit first to his awin place, and efter to the Quene: whose
defectioun and revolt was a great discoragement to the hartis of many;
and yit did God so confort,[788] that within the space of tuelf houris
efter, the hartis of all men war erected agane; for those that war than
assembillit did nocht so muche houp victorie by thair awin strenth, as
by the power of Him whose veritie they professed; and began one to
confort another, till the hole multitude was erected in a reasonable
esperance. The day efter that the Lord Ruthven depairted, whiche was the
24 of Maij, cam the Erle of Argyle, Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois,
and the Lord Sempill, directed from the Quene Regent to inquire the caus
of that convocatioun of liegis thare. To quhome, quhen it was ansuered,
that it was onelie to resist that crewell tyranny devised against that
poore town, and the inhabitants of the same, thay asked, "Gif we myndit
nocht to hold that town against the authoritie, and against the Quene
Regent?" To the whiche questioun ansuered the Lairdis of Dun and
Pittarro, with the Congregatioun of Anguss and Mernis, the Maister of
Lyndesay, the Lairdis of Lundy, Balvaird,[789] and otheris Barronis of
Fyffe, "That gif the Quenis Grace wald suffer the religioun thare begun
to proceid, and nocht truble thair bretherin and sisteris that had
professed Christ Jesus with thame, that the town, thay thame selffis,
and quhatsoevir to thame perteaned, should be at the Quenis
ansuer understand,[790] the Erle of Ergyle and the Priour (quho boith
war than Protestantis) began to muse, and said planelie, that thay war
far utherwayis informed by the Quene, to witt, "That we mentt no
religioun, but a plane rebellioun." To the whiche when we had answered
simplie, and as the treuth was, to wit, "That we conveaned for none
other purpose, bot onelie to assist our brethrein, who than war most
injustlie persecuted; and thairfoir we desyred thame faithfullie to
report our answer, and to be intercessouris to the Quene Regent, that
suche creweltie suld nocht be usit against us, considering that we had
offered in our former letteris, alsweill to the Quenis Grace, as to the
Nobilitie, our mater to be tryed in lauchfull judgement." Thay promesed
fidelitie in that behalff, whiche also thay keipt.

The day efter, whiche was the 25 day of Maij, befoir that the saidis
Lordis depairted, in the morning Johne Knox desyred to speak with the
same Lordis; whiche grantit unto him, he was conveyed to thair ludgeing
by the Laird of Balvaird,[791] and thus he began:--


     "The present trublis, Honorable Lordis, owght to move the hartis,
     nocht onlie of the trew servandis of God, bot also of all suche as
     beare any favour to thare cuntree, and naturall cuntreymen, to
     discend within thame selfis and deiplie to considder quhat shalbe
     the end of this pretended tyranny. The raige of Sathan seaketh the
     destructioun of all those that within this realme professe Christ
     Jesus; and thay that inflambe the Quenis Grace, and yow the Nobles
     aganis us, regard nocht who prevaill, provided that thay may abuse
     the warld, and leve at thair pleasour, as heirtofoir thay have
     done. Yea, I fear that some seak nothing more than the effusioun of
     Scottis bloode, to the end that thair possessionis may be more
     patent to utheris. Bot, becaus that this is nocht the principall
     whiche I have to speak, omitting the same to be considderit by the
     wisdome of those to quhome the cair of the commone wealth

     "1st. I most humbillie require of yow, my Lordis, in my name, to
     say to the Quenis Grace Regent, that we, who sche in hir blynd
     raige doeth persecute, ar Goddis servandis, faithfull and obedient
     subjectis to the authoritie of this realme; that that religioun,
     whiche sche pretendeth to maynteyne by fyre and sweard, is nott the
     trew religioun of Christ Jesus, bot is expres contrarie to the
     same; a superstitioun devised be the brane of man; whiche I offer
     my selff to prove aganis all that within Scotland will maynteane
     the contrarie, libertie of towng being granted unto me, and Godis
     writtin word being admitted for judge.


     "2d. I farder require your Honouris, in my name, to say unto hir
     Grace, that as of befoir I have writtin, sa now I say, that this
     hir interpryise shall nocht prosperouslie succeid in the end; and
     albeit for a tyme sche truble the sanctis of God, for sche feghteth
     nocht aganis man onelie, bot against the eternall God and his
     invincible veritie; and thairfoir, the end shalbe hir confusioun,
     oneles betymes sche repent and desist.

     "These thingis I require of yow, in the name of the eternall God,
     as from my mouth, to say unto hir Grace; adding, that I have bein,
     and am a more assured friend to hir Grace, than thay that either
     flattering hir ar servandis to hir corrupt appetytes,[792] or ellis
     inflambe hir against us, who seik nothing bot Goddis glorie to be
     advanceit, vice to be suppressed, and veritie to be maynteaned in
     this poore realme."


Thei all three did promese to report his wordis sa fer as thai culd,
whiche efterwardis we understoode thai did. Yea, the Lord Semple[793]
him self, a man sold under syne, enymye to God and to all godlynes, did
yit maik suche report, that the Quene was sumquhat offended, that any
man suld use suche libertie in hir presence. Sche still proceaded in hir
malice; for immediatelie thairefter sche send hir Lyoun Herauld,[794]
with letteris, straitlie chargeing all man to avoid the toun, under the
pane of treasone. Whiche letteris, efter he had declaired thame to the
cheife men of the Congregatioun, he publictlie proclamed the same, upoun
Sounday, the 27 [28th] of Maij.[795] In this mean tyme, come sure
knawlege to the Quene, to the Duke, and to Monsieur Dosell, that the
Erle of Glencarne, the Lordis Uchiltrie and Boyd, the young Schiref of
Air, the Lairdis of Cragy Wallace, Sesnock, Carnell, Barr,
Gaitgirth,[796] and the hole Congregatioun of Kyle and Cuninghame,
approched for our releve; and in verray dead thay came in suche
diligence, and suche a nomber, that as the enymie had just caus to fear,
so have all that professe Christ Jesus just matter to praise God for
thair fidelitie and stout corage in that nead; for by thair presence was
the tyranny of the enymie brydilled. Thare diligence was suche, that
albeit the passage by Striveling, and sex myles above, was stoppit, (for
thair lay the Quene with hir bandis, and gart cutt the brigis upoun the
watter of Forth, Gwdy and Teath,[797] above Striveling,) yit maid thay
suche expeditioun throw desert and montane, that thay prevented the
enymie, and approched within sex myles to our campe, whiche than lay
without the town, awaiting upoun the enymie, befoir that any assured
knawlege come to us of thair cunning. Their number was judged to[798] to
tuentie fyve hundreth men, whairof thair was 12 hundreth horsmen. The
Quene understanding how the said Erle and Lordis, with thair cumpany
approched, causit to besett all wayis, that na advertisment should come
to us, to the end that we, dispared of support, myght condiscend to
suche appointment as sche required; and send first to require, that some
discreat men of our number wald cum and speik the Duke and Monsieur
Dosell, (who than with thair armye did lye at Auchterardour,[799] ten
myles fra Sanct Johnestoun,) to the end that some reasonable appointment
myght be had. Sche had perswaded the Erle of Ergyle, and all utheris,
that we ment nothing bot rebellioun; and thairfoir had he promisshed
unto hir, that in case we should nocht stand content with ane reasonable
appointment, he should declair him self plane enymie unto us,
nochtwithstanding that he professed the same religioun with us. From us
war send the Laird of Dun,[800] the Lard of Inverquharitie,[801] and
Thomas Scot of Abbotishall,[802] to heir quhat appointment the Quene
wald offer. The Duke and Monsieur Dosell required, "That the town should
be maid patent, and that all thingis should be referred to the Quenis
JOHNESTOUN.] To the whiche thai answered, "That nather had thay
commissioun so to promese, nather durst thay of conscience so perswaid
thair bretherin. Bot yf that the Quenis Grace wald promeise, that no
inhabitant of the town should be trublit for any suche crymes as myght
be alledged aganis thame for the lait mutatioun of religioun, and
abolishment of idolatrie, and for douncasting the places of the same; yf
sche wald suffer the religioun begun to go fordward, and leif the town
at hir depairting free from the garysonis of Frenche soldiouris, that
thay wald labour at the handis of thair bretherin that the Quene should
be obeyed in all thingis." Monsieur Dosell perceaving the danger to be
great, yf that are suddane appointment should nocht[803] be maid; and
that thay war nocht able to execut thair tyranny against us, after that
the Congregatioun of Kyle (of quhose cuming we had no advertisment)
should be joyned with us; with gud wordis dismissed[804] the saidis
Lairdis to perswaid the bretherin to quiet concord. To the whiche all
men war so weill mynded, that with one voce thay cryed, "Curssed be thay
that seak effusioun of bloode, war, or dissentioun. Lett us possess
Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his Evangell, and none within Scotland
shalbe more obedient subjectis than we shalbe." With all expeditioun war
send from Striviling agane, (efter that the cuming of the Erle of
Glencarne was knawin, for the enymie for fear quaiked,) the Erle of
Ergyle and Lord James foirsaid, and in thair cumpany a crafty man,
Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning,[805] who war send by the
Quene to finishe the appointment foirsaid. Bot befoir that thay came,
was the Erle of Glencarne and his honorable cumpany arryved in the town;
and then began all men to praise God, for that he had so mercifullie
hard thame in thare maist extreme necessitie, and had send unto thame
suche releafe as was able, without effusioun of bloode, to stay the
raige of the ennemy. The Erle of Ergyle and Lord James did earnistlie
perswaid the agreement,[806] to the whiche all men was willing. But sum
did smell the craft of the adversarie, to wit, that thay war mynded to
keip no point of the promeise longar than thay had obteanit thair


With the Erle of Glencarne come our loving brother Johne Willok; Johne
Knox was in the town befoir. These two went to the Erle of Ergyle and
Priour, accusing thame of infidelitie, in sa fer as thay had defrauded
thair brethering of thair debtfull support and confort in thair greatest
necessitie. Thay ansuered boith, "That thair hart was constant with
thair bretherin, and that thay wald defend that caus to the uttermost of
thair power. Bot becaus thay had promesed to laubour for concord, and to
assist the Quene, in case we refuised ressonable offerris, of conscience
and honour, thay culd do na less than be faithfull in thair promeise
maid: And thairfoir thay required that the bretherin myght be perswaided
to consent to that reassonable appointment; promesing, in Goddis
presence, that yf the Quene did break in ony joit thairof, that thay,
with thair hole poweris, wald assist and concur with thair bretherin in
all tymes to cum." [SN: THE PROMEISE OF THE FOIRSAIDIS.] This promeise
maid, the Preacheouris appeased the multitude, and obteaned in the end
that all men did consent to the appointment foirsaid, whiche thay
obteaned nocht without great labouris. And no wonder, for many foirsaw
the danger to follow; yea, the Preacheouris thame selfis, in oppin
sermone, did affirme planelie, "That thay war assuredlie perswaided that
the Quene mentt no treuth: Bot to stop the mouth of the adversarie, who
injustlie did burthein us with rebellioun, thay moist earnistlie
requyred all men to approve the appointment, and so to suffer hypocresie
to discloise the selff."

This appointment was concluded the 28th of Maij, and the day following,
at tua efter none, depairted the Congregatioun from Sanct Johnestoun,
after that Johne Knox had, in his sermone, exhorted all men to
constancie, and unfeanedlie to thank God, for that it had pleased his
mercie to stay the raige of the ennemy, without effusioun of bloode;
also, that no brother should weary nor faint to support suche as should
efter be lykewyis persecuted, "For, (said he,) I am assured, that no
pairt of this promeise maid shalbe longar keipit than the Quene and hir
Frenchemen have the upper hand." Many of the ennemeis war at the same
sermone; for after that the appointment was maid, they had free entres
in the town to provide ludgeingis.

Befoir the Lordis depairted, was this Band made, quhose tenour followis,
as it was writtin and subscryved.--

     "At Perth, the last day of Maij, the yeir of God J^m. V^c. fiftie
     nyne yeiris, the Congregationis of the West cuntrey, with the
     Congregationis of Fyfe, Perth, Dundie, Anguss, Mearnis, and
     Munross, being conveaned in the town of Perth, in the name of Jesus
     Christ, for furthsetting of his glorie; understanding na thing mair
     necessar for the samin than to keap ane constant amitie, unitie,
     and fellowschipe togidder, according as thay ar commanded be God,
     ar confederat, and become bundin and obleast in the presence of
     God, to concur and assist together in doing all thingis required of
     God in his Scripture, that may be to his glorie; and at thair haill
     poweris[807] to distroy, and away put, all thingis that dois
     dishonour to his name, so that God may be trewlie and puirelie
     wirschipped: And in case that any truble beis intended aganis the
     saidis Congregationis, or ony part, or member[808] thairof, the
     haill Congregatioun shall concur, assist, and conveane togidder, to
     the defence of the samin Congregatioun, or persone trubled; and
     shall nocht spair laubouris, goodis, substancis, bodyis, and lyves,
     in manteaning the libertie of the haill Congregatioun, and everie
     member thairof, aganis whatsomevir power that shall intend the said
     trubill, for caus of religioun, or ony uther caus dependand
     thairupoun, or lay to thair charge under pretence thairof, althocht
     it happin to be coloured with ony uther outward caus. In witnessing
     and testimony of the quhilkis, the haill Congregationis foirsaidis
     hes ordeyned and appointit the Noblemen and personis underwrittin
     to subscrive thir presentis.

      (_Sic subscribitur_,)
          ARCH. ERGYLE.                        GLENCARNE.
          JAMES STEWART.                       R. LORD BOYD.


The tuenty nine day of Maij entered the Quene, the Duke, Monsieur
Dosell, and the Frenchemen, who, in dischargeing thair voley of
hacquebuttis, did weill mark the hous of Patrik Murray,[810] a man
fervent in religioun, and that baldlie had susteaned all dangeris in
that trubill; against whose stair thay directed vj or vij schott, evin
aganis the faces of those that war thare lyand. All man eschaped, except
the sone of the said Patrik, a boy of ten or tuelf yearis of aige, who
being slane, was had to the Quenis presence. Bot sche understanding
whose sone he was, said in mokage, "It is a pitie it chanced on the
sone, and nocht on the father; bot seing that so is chanced, me can
nocht be against fortune." This was hir happie entress to Sanct
Johnestoun, and the great zeall sche tendeth to justice. [SN: IDOLATRIE
ERECTED AGAINST THE APPOINTMENT.] The swarme of Papistis that entered
with hir began streyght to mak provisioun for thair Messe; and becaus
the altaris war nocht so easy to be repaired agane, thay provided
tables, whairof sum befoir used to serve for drunkards, dysaris, and
carteris;[811] bot thay war holy aneuch for the Preast and his padgean.
The Quene began to raige against all godlie and honest men; thair
housses was oppressed by the Frenchemen; the lauchfull Magistratis,
alsweall Provest as Bailies, war injustlie, and without all ordour,
deposed from thair authoritie. A wicked man, void of Godis fear, and
destitut of all vertew, the Lard of Kinfawnse, was intrused by hir
Provest above the town,[812] wharat all honest men was offended. Thay
left thair awin housses, and with thair wyeffis and childrein sought
amongis thare bretherin some resting place for a tyme. [SN: AGAINST THE
APPOINTMENT THE SECUND TYME.] Sche tuk ordour that four ensenzeis of the
soldiouris should abyde in the town to maynteane idolatrie, and to
resist the Congregatioun. Honest and indifferent men asked, Why sche did
so manifestlie violat hir promeise? [SN: SECUND ANSUER OF QUENE REGENT.]
Sche answered, "That sche was bundin to keap na promeise to Hereticques:
and moreover, that sche promeist onelie to leave the town free of
Frenche soldiouris, whiche, (said sche,) sche did, becaus that those
that thairin war left war Scottishmen." Bot when it was reasoned in hir
contrair, That all those that took waiges of France, war counted Frenche
soldiouris: [SN: THE THRID ANSUER.] sche answered, "Princes must nocht
so straitlie be bundin to keap thair promesses. Myself, (said sche,)
wold mak litill conscience to tak from all that sorte thair lyves and
inheritance, yf I myght do it with als honest ane excuise." And than
sche left the town in extreme bondage, efter that hir ungodlie Frenche
men had most crewelly entreated the maist parte of those that remaned in
The Erle of Argyle, and Lord James foirsaidis, perceaving in the Quene
nothing but meare tyrranny and falshode, myndfull of thair former
promesses maid to thair bretherin, did secreidlie convey thame selfis
and thair cumpanyeis of the town; and with thame departed the Lord
Ruthven, (of whome befoir mentioun is maid,) the Erle of Menteith, and
the Laird of Tullibardin;[813] who, in Godis presence, did confiderat,
and bynd thame selfis togidder, faithfullie promessing one to assist and
defend another against all personis that wald persew thame for
religionis saik; and also that thay, with thair hole force and power,
wald defend the bretherin persecuted for the same caus. The Quene,
heyghlie offended at the suddane departure of the personis foirsaidis,
send charge to thame to returne, under the heighest pane of hir
displeasour. [SN: THE ANSUER OF THE ERLL OF ERGYLE.] Bot thay ansuered,
"That with saif conscience thay culd nocht be partakaris of so manifest
tyrranny as by hir was committed, and of so great iniquitie as thay
perceaved devised, by hir and hir ungodlie Counsale the Prelattis."

This ansuer was gevin to hir the first day of Junij, and immediatlie the
Erle of Ergyle and Lord James repaired toward Sanctandrois, and in thair
jorney gaif advertisment, by wrytting, to the Laird of Dun, to the Laird
of Pittarrow, to the Provest of Dundie,[814] and otheris, professouris
in Anguss,[815] to visite thame in Sanctandrois the feird[816] of Junij,
for Reformatioun to be maid thair. Whiche day thay keap, and broght in
thair cumpany Johne Knox, who, the first day, after his cuming to Fyfe,
did preache in Carraill, the nixt day in Anstruther, mynding the thrid
day, whiche was the Sounday,[817] to preache in Sanctandrois. The
Bischope, hearing of Reformatioun to be maid in his Cathedrall Churche,
thoght tyme to sturr, or ellis never; and thairfoir assembled his
collegis[818] and confederat fellowis, besydis his uther freindis, and
came to the town upoun the Setterday at night, accumpanyed with a
hundreth spearis, of mynd to have stopped Johne Knox to have preached.
The two Lordis and gentilmen foirsaid war onlie accumpanyed with thair
quyet housholdis, and thairfoir was the suddane cuming of the Bischope
the more fearfull; for than was the Quene and hir Frenchmen departed
from Sanct Johnestoun, and war lying in Falkland, within tuelf myles of
Sanctandrois; and the town at that tyme had not gevin professioun of
Christ, and thairfoir could nocht the Lordis be assured of thair
freindschip. Consultatioun being had, many war of mynd that the
preaching should be delayed for that day, and especiallie that Johne
Knox should nocht preache; for that did the Bischope affirme that he
wald nocht suffer, considdering that by his commandiment the picture of
the said Johne was befoir brunt. [SN: THE BISCHOPE HIS GOOD MYNDE TOWARD
JOHNE KNOX.] He willed, thairfoir, ane honest gentillman, Robert Colvile
of Cleishe,[819] to say to the Lordis, "That in case Johne Knox
presented him selff to the preaching place, in his town and principall
Churche, he should gar him be saluted with a dosane of culveringis,
quherof the most parte should lyght upoun his nose." After long
deliberatioun had, the said Johne was called, that his awin judgement
might be had. When many perswationis war maid that he should delay for
that tyme, and great terrouris gevin in caise he should interpryse suche
a thing, as it war in contempt of the Bischope. He ansuered, "God is
witnes that I never preached Christ Jesus in contempt of any man, nather
mynd I at any tyme to present my selff to that place, having ather
respect to my awin privat commoditie, eyther yit to the warldlie hurt of
any creature; but to delay to preache the morrow, (onless the bodie be
violentlie withholdin,) I can nocht of conscience: for in this Town and
Churche began God first to call me to the dignitie of a preacheour, from
the whiche I was reft by the tyrranny of France, by procurement of the
Bischopis, as ye all weall aneuch know: How long I continewed prisoneir,
what torment I susteaned in the galaies, and what war the sobbes of my
harte, is now no tyme to receat: This onelie I can nocht conceall,
whiche mo than one have hard me say, when the body was far absent from
Scotland, that my assured houp was, in oppin audience, to preache in
Sanctandrois befoir I depairtod this lyeff. And thairfoir (said he,) My
Lordis, seing that God, above the expectatioun of many, hath brocht the
body to the same place whair first I was called to the office of a
preacher, and from the whiche most injustlie I was removed, I beseak
your Honouris nocht to stop me to present my selff unto my bretherin.
And as for the fear of danger that may come to me, lett no man be
solist; for my lyef is in the custody of Him whose glorie I seak; and
thairfoir I can nocht so fear thair boast nor tyrranny, that I will
cease from doing my dewetie, when of his mercie[820] He offereth the
occasioun. I desyre the hand nor weapone of no man to defend me; onelie
do I crave audience; whiche, yf it be denyed heir unto me at this tyme,
I must seak farther whare I may haif it."


At these his wordis,[821] the Lordis war fullie content that he should
occupie the place; which he did upoun Sounday, the 10 [11th] of Junij,
and did entreat of the ejectioun of the byaris and the sellaris furth of
the Tempill of Jerusalem, as it is writtin in the Evangelistis Mathow
and Johne; and so applyed the corruptioun that was thair[822] to the
corruptioun that is in the Papistrie; and Christis fact, to the dewetie
of those to whome God geveth power and zeall thairto; that alsweill the
magistratis, the Provest and Bailies, as the communaltie for the most
parte, within the town,[823] did aggree to remove all monumentis of
idolatrie, whiche also thay did with expeditioun.


The Bischope advertisshed heirof, departed that same day to the Quene,
who lay with hir Frenchmen, as said is, in Falkland. The hote furie of
the Bischope did so kendill hir choler, (and yit the luif was verrie
cold betuix thame,) that without farder delay, conclusioun was taikin to
invaid Sanctandrois, and the two young Lordis foirsaidis,[824] who than
war thare verrie sklendarlie accumpanyed. Postis war send from the Quene
with all diligence to Cowper, distant onelie sex myles from
Sanctandrois, to prepair ludgeingis and victuallis for the Quene and hir
Frenchemen. Ludgeingis war sygned, and furiouris[825] war send befoir.
Whiche thing understand, counsale was gevin to the Lordis to marche
fordward, and to prevent thame befoir thay came to Cowper; whiche thay
did, geving advertisment to all bretherin with possible expeditioun to
repair towardis thame; whiche thay also did, with suche diligence, that
in thair assemblie the wonderous wark of God myght have bene espyed: for
when at nyght the Lordis came to Cowper, thay war nocht a hundreth
horse, and a certane footmen, whom Lord James brocht fra the coast syde;
and yit befoir the nixt day at 12 houris, (whiche was Tyisday, the 13 of
Junij,) thair number passed three thowsand men, whiche by Godis
providence came unto the Lordis; from Lowthiane, the Lairdis of
Ormestoun, Calder, Haltoun, Restalrig, and Coilstoun,[826] who, albeit
thay understood at thair depairting from thair awin houssis no suche
truble, yit war thay by thair good counsale verrie confortable that day.
The Lord Ruthven came from Sanct Johnestoun, with some horsmen with him.
The Erle of Rothess, Schireff of Fyffe, came with a honest cumpany. The
townis of Dundie and Sanctandrois declaired thame selffis boith stout
and faithfull. Cowper, becaus it stoode in greatest danger, assisted
with the hole force. Finallie, God did so multiplie our number, that it
appeared as men had rayned from the cloodis. The ennemy understanding
nothing of our force, assured thame selffis of victorie. Who had bene in
Falkland the nicht befoir, mycht have sene embrasing and kyssing betuix
the Quene, the Duke, and the Bischope. [SN: MAISTER GAVINE HAMMILTOUNIS
VOW.] Bot Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, gapare for the Bischoprik of
Sanctandrois, above all other was lovinglie embrased of the Quene; for
he maid his solempne vow, "That he wald feght, and that he should never
returne till he had brought those traytouris to hir Grace, eyther quick
or dead." And thus, befoir midnyght, did thay send fordward thair
ordinance; thame selffis did follow befoir three houris in the morning.

The Lordis heirof advertised, assembilled thair cumpany airelie in the
morning upoun Cowper Mure;[827] whare by the advise of Maister James
Halyburtoun, Provest of Dundie, was chosen a place of ground convenient
for our defence; for it was so chosen, that upoun all sydis our
ordinance mycht have bett the ennemie, and yit we have stand in
saiftie,[828] gif we had bene persewed, till we had cumed to hand
straikis. The Lord Ruthven tuik the charge of the horsmen, and ordered
thame so, that the ennemy was never permitted to espy our nomber: the
day was dark, whiche helpit thairto. The enemy, (as befoir is said,)
thinking to have fundin no resistance, after that thay had twyis or
thryis practised with us, as that thay wald retyre, marched fordward
with great expeditioun, and approched within a myle befoir that evir
thair horsmen stayed; and yit thay keipit betuix us and them a wattir
for thair strenth. It appeared to us that ather thay marched for Cowper
or Sanctandrois; and thairfoir our horsmen in thare trowpe, and a parte
of the footemen, with the ordinance,[829] marched somewhat alwayis
befoir thame for safetie of the town: The Lordis, with the gentilmen of
Fyffe, and sa many of Anguss and Mearnes as war present, keape thame
selffis close in a knott, neye to the nomber of a thowsand speiris.

The townis of Dundie and Sanctandrois war arrayed in ane uther battell,
who come nocht to the sight of the ennemy, till that efter xij houris
the mist began to evanish, and than passed some of thair horsmen to a
montane, from the height whairof thay mycht discerne our nomber. Whiche
perceaved by thame, thare horsmen and footemen stayed incontinent.
Postis ran to the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, to declair our nomber, and
what ordour we keaped; and than was mediatouris send to maik
appointment. But thay war nocht suffered to approche neye to the Lordis,
neyther yit to the view of our camp; whiche put thame in greatter fear.
[SN: FIRST ANSWER AT COWPER MURE.] Answer was gevin unto thame, "That as
we had offended no man, so wald we seak appointment of no man; bot yf
any wald seak our lyves, (as we war informed thay did,) thay should find
us, yf thay pleased to mak diligence." This answer receaved, war send
agane the Lord Lyndesay and Laird of Wauchtoun,[830] who earnestlie
requeasted us to concord, and that we wold nocht be the occasioun that
innocent bloode should be sched. [SN: THE SECUND ANSUER.] We ansuered,
"That nather had we querrall against any man nather yit sought we any
manis bloode; onelie we war conveaned for defence of our awin lyves
injustlie sought by uther." We added forther, "That yf thay culd find
the meane that we and our bretherin myght be free from the tyrranny
devised against us, that thay should reasonabillie desyre nothing whiche
should be denyed for our parte."

This ansuer receaved, the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, haveing commissioun
of the Quene Regent, required that Assurance mycht be taikin for eight
dayis, to the end that indifferent men in the meantyme micht commone
upoun sum finall aggrement of those thingis whiche than war in
controversie. Heirto did we fullie consent, albeit that in nomber and
force we war far superiour; and for testificatioun heirof, we send unto
thame our hand-writtis, and we lykewyis receaved thairis, with promess
that within two or three dayis some discreat men should be send unto us,
to Sanctandrois, with farther knawlege of the Quenis mynd. The tennour
of the Assurance was this:--

                             THE ASSURANCE.

     "We, JAMES DUKE OF CHATTELLERAULT, Erle of Arrane, Lord Hammiltoun,
     &c., and MY LORD DOSELL, Lievtenant for the King in thir partis,
     for our selffis, our assistaris and partakeris, being presentlie
     with us in cumpany, be the tennour heirof promittis faithfullie of
     OF THE PRIORIE OF SANCTANDROIS, to thair assistaris and partakeris,
     being presentlie with thame in cumpany; That we, and our cumpany
     foirsaidis, shall reteir incontinent to Falkland, and shall, with
     diligence, transport the Frenchemen and our uther folkis now
     presentlie with us; and that na Frencheman, or other souldiouris of
     ouris, shall remane within the boundis of Fyffe, bot sa mony as
     befoir the raising of the last armye lay in Disart, Kirkcaldy, and
     Kinghorne, and the same to ly in the same places onelie, yf we
     shall think goode: And this to have effect for the space of eight
     dayis following the dait heirof _exclusive_, that in the meantyme
     certane Noble men, be the advise of the Quenis Grace, and rest of
     the Counsale, may conveane to talk of sick thingis as may maik
     goode ordour and quyetnes amongis the Quenis liegis. And further,
     we, nor nane of our assistaris, being present with us, shall
     invade, truble, or inquyet the saidis Lordis, nor thair
     assistaris, dureing the said space: And this we bind and obleise
     us, upoun our lautie, fidelitie, and honour, to observe and keape
     in everie point above writtin, but fraude or gyle. In witnes
     whairof we have subscrivit thir presentis with our handis.

     "At Garlabank,[831] the xiij daij of Junii 1559.

     [Signed] [Signed]

     _The uther subscriptioun we culd nocht read, bot the simile is


And, this receaved, we departed first, becaus we war thairto requeasted
be the Duke, and so we returned to Cowper, lawding and praising God for
his mercie schewed; and thairefter everie man departed to his duelling
place. The Lordis, and a great part of the gentilmen, passed to
Sanctandrois, who thair abode certane dayis, still looking for those
that war promessed to come frome the Quene, for appointment to be maid.
Bot we perceaving hir craft and disceat, (for under that assurance sche
ment nothing ellis, but to convey hir selff, hir ordinance, and Frenche
men, over the wattir of Forth,) took consultatioun what should be
done[833] for delivering of Sanct Johnestoun from these ungodlie
soldiouris, and how our bretherin, exiled from thair awin housses, mycht
be restored agane.


It was concluded, that the bretherin of Fyffe, Anguss, Mearnis, and
Stratherin, should convene at Sanct Johnestoun, the 24 day of Junij for
that purpoise; and in the meantyme, war these letteris writtin be the
Erle of Ergyle and Lord James, to the Quene than Regent.


     "Madame,--Efter our hartlie commendationis of service, this shalbe
     to schaw your Grace, that upoun the 13 day of Junij, we war
     informed by thame that war communeris betuix my Lord Duke, Monsieur
     Dosell, and us, that we should have spoken irreverentlie of your
     Grace, whiche we beseik your Grace, for the trew service that we
     have maid, and ar reddy to maik at all tymes to your Grace; that of
     your goodnes ye will lat us knaw the sayeris thairof, and we shall
     do the dewetie of trew subjectis to defend our awin innocencie; as
     we tak God to witnes of the gud zeale and love we beir towardis
     yow, to serve yow with trew hartis and all that we have, alsweill
     landis as goodis, desyring na uther thing for our service bot the
     libertie of our conscience, to serve our Lord God as we will ansuer
     to him, whiche your Grace aucht and should geve to us frelie
     unrequired. Mairover, please your Grace, that my Lord Duik, and the
     Noble men being in Striveling for the tyme, be your Gracis avise,
     solisted us to pass to the Congregatioun convened at the town of
     Perth, to commoun of concord, whair we did our exact diligence, and
     brocht it to pas, as your Grace knawis. And thair is a point that
     we plane is nocht observed to us, whiche is, that na soldiour
     should remane in the town, after your Grace departing. And suppois
     it may be inferred, that it was spokin of Frenche soldiouris
     allanerlie, yit we tuik it utherwais, lyik as we do yit, that
     Scottishmen, or any uther natioun, takand the King of Francis
     waiges, ar repute and haldin Frenche soldiouris. Thairfoir, sen we
     of good will and mynde brocht that matter to your Gracis
     contentment, it will please your Grace, of your goodnes, to remove
     the soldiouris and thair Capitanes, with utheris that hes gottin
     charge of the town, that the same may be guyded and reulled frelie,
     as it was befoir, be the Baillies and Counsale, conforme to thair
     infeftmentis gevin to thame be the ancient and maist excellent
     Kingis of this realme, to elect and cheise thair officiaris at
     Michelmess, and thai to indure for the space of one yeir, conforme
     to the auld ryte and consuetude of this realme; whiche being done
     be your Grace, we traist the better success shall follow thairupoun
     to your Grace contentatioun,[834] as the bearar will declair at
     mair lenth to your Grace; whome God preserve."


To Sanct Johnestoun, with the Gentilmen befoir expressed, did conveane
the Erle of Menteath,[835] the Lard of Glenurquhar,[836] and diverse
utheris who befoir had nocht presented thame selffis for defence of
thair bretherin. When the hole multitude was conveaned, a trumpet was
send by the Lordis, commanding the Capitanes and thair bandis to avoid
the town, and to leave it to the ancient libertie and just inhabitantis
of the same; alsua commanding the Laird of Killfaunes,[837] insett
Provest be the Quene, with the Capitanes foirsaidis, to cast up the
portis of the town, and maik the same patent to all our Soveraneis
liegis, to the effect, that alsweill trew religioun now aneis begun
thairin may be maynteaned, and idolatrie utterlie suppressed; as alsua
the said town mycht joise and brooke thair ancient lawis and liberteis
unoppressed by men of wear, according to thair old privilegis granted to
thame be the ancient Princes of this realme, and conforme to the
provisioun conteaned in the Contract of Mariage maid be the Nobilitie
and Parliament of this realme with the King of France, beirand, that
nane of our aid lawis nor liberteis should be alterat: adding thairto,
gif they folishlie resisted, and thairin happined to commit murther,
that thay should be entreated as murtheraris. To the whiche thay
ansuered prowdlie, "That thay wald keap and defend that town, according
to thair promess maid to the Quene Regent."


This answer receaved, preparatioun was maid for the seage and assault;
for amangis all it was concluded, that the town should be sett at
libertie, to what dangeris soever thair bodyis should be exponed. Whill
preparatioun was in making, came the Erle of Huntlie, the Lord Erskin,
and Maister Johne Bannatyne, Justice Clerk,[838] requireing that the
persute of the town should be delayed. To speak thame war appointed the
Erle of Ergyle, Lord James, and Lord Ruthven, who, perceaving in thame
nothing but a drift of tyme, without any assurance that the former
wrangis should be redressed, gave unto thame schort and plane ansuer,
"That thay wald nocht delay thair purpoise ane hour; and thairfoir
willed thame to certifie the Capitanes in the town, that gif by pryde
and foolishnes thay wald keape the town, and in so doing slay any of
thair bretherin, that thay should everie one dye as murtheraris." The
Erle of Huntlie displeased at this ansuer, departed, as hielie offended
that he culd nocht dress suche appointment as should have contented the
Queue and the Preastis. After thair departing, the town was agane
summondit; bot the Capitanes, supposing that na suddane persute should
be maid, and looking for releif to have bein send from the Quene, abode
in thair former opinioun. And so upoun Setterday, the 25 [24th] of
Junij, at ten houris at nycht, commanded the Lord Ruthven, who beseaged
the west quarter, to schoote the first voley; whiche being done, the
town of Dundie did the lyke, whose ordinance lay upoun the eist syde of
the brig. The Capitanes and soldiouris within the town, perceaving that
thai war unable long to resist, required assurance till xij houris upoun
the morne, promessing, "That gif or that hour thair came unto thame na
releaf frome the Quene Regent, that thay wald rander the town, providing
that thay should be suffered to departe the town with ensenzie
displayed." We, thrusting the bloode of no man, and seaking onlie the
libertie of our bretherin, condiscended to thair desyris, albeit that we
mycht have executed against thame jugement without mercie, for that thay
had refused our former favouris, and had slane one of our bretherin, and
hurt two in thair resistance;[839] and yit we suffered thame freelie to
depart without any forther molestatioun.


The Town being delivered from thare thraldome, upoun Sounday the 26
[25th] of Junij, thankis war gevin unto God for his great benefite
receaved, and consultatioun was taikin what was forder to be done. In
this meantyme, four[840] zealous men, considdering how obstinat, prowde,
and dispitefull the Bischope of Murray[841] had bein befoir; how he had
threatned the town be his soldiouris and freindis, who lay in
Skune,[842] thought good that some ordour should be taikin with him and
with that place, whiche lay neir to the town end. The Lordis wrait unto
him, (for he lay[843] within two myles to Sanet Johnestoun,) "That
oneles he wald cum and assist thame, thay nather culd spair nor save his
place." He ansuered be his writing, "That he wold cum, and wold do as
thay thoght expedient; that he wold assist thame with his force, and
wald vote with thame against the rest of the Clargie in Parliament." Bot
becaus this ansuer was slaw in cuming, the town of Dundie, partelie
offended for the slauchter of thair man, and especiallie bearing no
goode favour to the said Bischope, for that he was and is cheif ennemy
to Christ Jesus, and that by his counsale alone was Walter Mylne our
brother put to death, thay marched fordward. To stay thame was first
send the Provest of Dundie, and his brother Alexander Halyburtoun,
Capitane, who litill prevaling, was send unto thame Johne Knox; bot
befoir his cuming, thay war entered to the pulling down of the ydollis
and dortour. And albeit the said Maister James Halyburtoun, Alexander
his brother, and the said Johne, did what in thame lay to have stayed
the furie of the multitude, yit war thay nocht able to put ordour
universalie; and tharfoir thay send for the Lordis, Erle of Ergyle, and
Lord James, who, cuming with all diligence, laboured to have saved the
Palace and the Kirk. [SN: THE DISTRUCTIOUN OF SCONE.] Bot becaus the
multitude had fundin, bureid in the Kirk, a great number of idollis, hid
of purpose to have preserved thame to a bettir day, (as the Papistis
speak,) the townis of Dundie and Sanct Johnestoun culd nocht be
satisfeit, till that the hole reparatioun and ornamentis of the Churche,
(as thay terme it,) war distroyed. And yit did the Lordis so travell,
that thay saved the Bischopis Palace, with the Churche and place, for
that nicht: for the two Lordis did nocht depart till thay brocht with
thame the hole nomber of those that most sought the Bischopis
displesour. The Bischope, greatlie offended that any thing should have
bein interprised in Reformatioun of his place, asked of the Lordis his
band and hand-writting, whiche nocht two houris befoir he had send to
thame. Whiche delivered to his messinger, Sir Adame Brown,[844]
advertisment was gevin, that yf any farder displesour chanced unto him,
that he should nocht blame thame. The Bischopis servandis, that same
nycht, began to fortifie the place agane, and began to do violence to
some that war careing away suche baggage as thay culd cum by. The
Bischopis girnell was keapt the first nycht by the laubouris of Johne
Knox, who, by exhortatioun, removed suche as violentlie wald have maid
irruptioun. That same nycht departed from Sanct Johnestoun the Erle of
Ergyle, and Lord James, as efter shalbe declaired.


The morrow following, some of the poore, in houp of spoyle, and sum of
Dundie, to considder what was done, passed up to the said Abbay of
Scone; whairat the Bischopis servandis offended, began to threattene and
speak proudlie: and, as it was constantlie affermed, one of the
Bischopis sonis stogged throuch with a rapper one of Dundie, for becaus
he was looking in at the girnell door. This brute[845] noysed abrode,
the town of Dundie was more enraged than befoir, who, putting thame
selffis in armour, send word to the inhabitants of Sanct Johnestoun,
"That onles thay should supporte thame to avenge that injurie, that thai
should never after that day concur with thame in any actioun." The
multitud easelie inflambed, gave the alarme,[846] and so was that Abbay
and Palace appointit to saccag; in doing whairof thay took no lang
deliberatioun, bot committed the hole to the merciment of fyre; wharat
no small nomber of us war offended, that patientlie we culd nocht speak
till any that war of Dundie or Sanct Johnestoun. [SN: SPEAKING OF ANE
ANCIENT MATRONE WHEN SCONE WAS BURNING.] A poore aged matrone, seing the
flambe of fyre pas up samichtelie, and perceaving that many war thairat
offended, in plane and sober maner of speaking, said, "Now I see and
understand that Goddis judgementis ar just, and that no man is able to
save whare he will punische. Since my remembrance, this place hath bein
nothing ellis bot a den of hooremongaris. It is incredible to beleve how
many wyffes hath bein adulterat, and virginis deflored, by the filthie
beastis whiche hath bein fostered in this den; bot especiallie by that
wicked man who is called the Bischope. Yf all men knew alsmuche as I,
thay wald praise God; and no man wald be offended." This woman duelt
into the toun, neye unto the Abbay; at whose wordis war many pacifeid;
affirming with hir, that it was Goddis just judgement. And assuredlie,
yf the laubouris or travell of any man culd have saved that place, it
had nocht bein at that tyme destroyed;[847] for men of greattest
estimatioun lawboured with all diligence for the savetie of it.


Whill these thingis war done at Sanct Johnestoun, the Quene, fearing
what should follow, determinat to send certane bandis of Frenche
soldiouris to Striveling, for purpose to stop the passage to us that
than war upoun the north syde of Forth. Whiche understand, the Erle of
Ergyle and Lord James departed secreatlie upoun the nycht, and with
great expeditioun, preventing the Frenchemen, thay took the town,
(befoir whose cuming the rascheall multitude put handis in the thevis, I
should say, frearis places and utterlie distroyed thame;) wharat the
Quene and hir factioun nocht a litill affrayed, with all diligence
departed from Edinburgh to Dumbar. And so we with reasonable diligence
merched fordwart to Edinburgh, for Reformatioun to be maid thair, whare
we arrived the 29 of Junij. [SN: LORD SEYTOUN.] The Provest for that
tyme, the Lord Seytoun, a man without God, without honestie, and
oftentymes without reasone, had befoir greatlie trubled and molested
the bretherin; for he had taikin upoun him the protectioun and defence
of the Blak and Gray Frearis; and for that purpose did nocht onelie lye
him self in the one everie nicht, bot also constraned the most honest of
the town to wache those monstouris, to thair great greaf and truble.
suddane cuming, he abandoned his charge, and had left the spoile to the
poore, who had maid havock of all suche thingis as was movable in those
placis befoir our cuming, and had left nothing bot bair wallis, yea,
nocht sa muche as door or windok; wharthrow we war the less trubilled in
putting ordour to suche places.

After that certane dayis we had deliberat what was to be done, and that
ordour was tackin for suppressing of all monumentis of idolatrie within
that town, and the places nixt adjacent, determinatioun was taikin, to
send some message[848] to the Quene, than Regent; for sche had bruted,
(as hir accustomed maner was, and yit hir Dochteris is, ever to forge
lyes,) that we sought nothing bot hir lyef, and a plane revoltment from
the lawfull obedience dew to our Soverane, hir authoritie, as by the
tennour of these Letteris may be sene:--

     "FRANCES AND MARIE, be the Grace of God, King and Quene of Scottis,
     Daulphine and Daulphines of Viennois, to our lovittis, Lyoun King
     of Armes, &c., our Schireffis in that parte, conjunctlie and
     severallie, specialie constitute, greting: For sa mekle as our
     darrest moder Marie, Quene Dowager, Regent of our Realme, and
     Lordis of our Secreat Counsale, perceaving the seditious tumult
     rased be ane parte of our liegis, nameing thame selffis THE
     CONGREGATIOUN, who, under pretense of religioun, have putt thame
     selffis in armes;[849] and that hir Grace, for satisfeing of everie
     manis conscience, and pacifeing of the saidis trubles, had
     offerred unto thame to affix ane Parliament to be haldin in Januare
     nixt to cum, (this was a manyfest leye, for this was nether
     offerred, nor by hir ancis thought upoun, till we required it,) or
     sonnar, gyf thay had pleased, for establissing of ane universall
     ordour in matteris of religioun, be our advise and Estatis of our
     Realme;[850] and, in the meantyme, to suffer everie man to leaf at
     libertie of conscience, without truble, unto the tyme the said
     ordour war tackin be advise of our foirsaid [Estates.[851]] And at
     last, becaus it appeared mekle to stand upoun our burght of
     Edinburght, offerred in lyke maner to latt the inhabitants thairof
     chease what maner of religioun thai wald sett up and use for that
     tyme; swa that na man mycht alledge that he was forsed to do
     against his conscience: Quhilk offer the Quenis Grace, our said
     darrest Moder, was at all tymes, and yit is, ready to fulfill.
     Nochttheles, the said Congregatioun being of mynd to receave no
     reasonable offerris, hes sensyne, by oppin dead, declaired, that it
     is na religioun, nor any thing thairto perteaning, that thai seak,
     bot onelie the subversioun of our authoritie, and usurpatioun of
     our Crown; in manifest witnessing whairof, thay daylie receave
     Inglismen with messagis unto thame, and sendis siclyk in Ingland;
     and last of all, have violentlie intrometted with, taikin, and yit
     withhaldis the irnis of our Cunzee hous,[852] quhilk is ane of the
     cheife pointis that concernis our Crown; and siclyke lies
     intrometted with our Palice of Halirudhouse. Oure will is heirfoir,
     &c., that ye pas to the Mercat Croce of our said burght of
     Edinburght, or any uther publict place within the same, and thair,
     be oppin proclamatioun in our name and authoritie, command and
     charge all and sindrie personis of the said Congregatioun, or yit
     being presentlie within our said burght other than the inhabitantis
     thairof, that thay, within sex houris nixt efter our said charge,
     depart furth of the same under the pane of treasone; and als, that
     ye command and charge all and sindrie personis to leave thair
     cumpany, and adhear to our authoritie; with certificatioun to suche
     as do the contrare, shalbe repute and haldin as manifest traytouris
     to our Crowne, &c."

These letteris did nocht a litill greave us, who most injustlie war
accused; for thare is never a sentence of the narrative trew, except
that we stayed the irnes, and that for most just causses, to witt,
because that daylie thair was suche nomber of Hard-headis printed,[853]
that the basenes thairof maid all thingis exceiding dear; and thairfoir
we war counsaled by the wysest to stay the irnes,[854] whill farther
ordour mycht be tackin. Sche, with all possible diligence, posted for
hir factioun. Maister James Balfour was nocht ydill in the meantyme. The
Lordis, to purge thame of these odious crymes, wrait unto hir a letter,
in forme as efter followeth:--


     "Pleas your Grace, be advertist, it is cum to our knowlcge, that
     your Grace hath sett furth, be your letteris openelie proclamed
     that we, called by name THE CONGREGATIOUN, under pretence and
     colour of religioun, convene togidder to na uther purpose bot to
     usurpe our Soveraneis authoritie, and to invaid your persone
     representand thairis at this present: Quhilkis thingis appeiris to
     have proceidit of sinister informatioun, maid to your Grace be our
     ennemeis, considdering that we never mynded sic thing, bot onelie
     our mynd and purpose was and is to promote and sett furth the
     glorie of God, maynteane and defend the trew preacharis of his
     word; and according to the same, abolish and put away idolatrie and
     false abuses, whiche may nocht stand with the said word of God:
     Beseaking your Grace to bear patientlie thairwith, and interpone
     your authoritie to the furtherance of the same, as is the dewetie
     of everie Christiane Prince and good magistrat. For as to the
     obedience of our Soveraneis authoritie in all civile and politick
     matteris, we ar and shalbe als obedient as ony uther your Gracis
     subjectis within the realme; and that our Conventioun is for na
     uther purpose bot to save our preacheouris and thair auditouris fra
     the injurie and violence of our enymeis, quhilk should be mair
     amplie declaired be some of us in your Gracis presence, yf yow war
     nocht accumpanyed with such as hes persewit our lyves and sought
     our bloode. Thus, we pray Almyghtie God to have your Hienes in his
     eternall tuitioun.

     "At Edinburght, the secund of Julij 1559."

And for farther purgatioun heirof, it was thocht necessar that we should
sempillie expone, alsweill to hir Grace as to the hole people, what war
our requeastis and just petitionis. And for that purpoise, after that
salf conduct was purchessed and granted, we directed unto hir two grave
men of our counsale, to witt, the Lardis of Pittarrow and
Cuninghamheid,[855] to whame we gaif commissioun and power, First, To
expone our hole purpose and intent, whiche was none other than befoir at
all tymes we had required, to witt, That we mycht injoy the libertie of
conscience. Secundlie, [That] Christ Jesus mycht be trewlie preached,
and his holie Sacramentis rychtlie ministrat unto us. [Thirdly,] That
unable ministeris micht be removed from ecclesiasticall
administratioun; and that our preacheouris mycht be relaxit from the
horne, and permitted to execut thair chargis without molestatioun, unto
such tyme as ather by a Generall Counsale, lauchfullie convened, or by a
Parliament within the realme, the contraverseis in religioun wer
decided. And, for declaratioun that hir Grace was heirto willing, that
the bandis[856] of Frenche men, who than war a burthein untollerable to
the cuntrey, and to us so fearfull, that we durst nocht in peaciable and
quiet maner hant the places whare thay did lye, should be send to
France, thair native cuntrey: Whiche thing is granted, hir Grace should
have experience of our accustomed obedience.


To these headis sche did answer at the first so plesandlie, that sche
put boith our Commissioneris in full esperance that all should be
granted; and for that purpose, sche desyred to speak with sum of
greatter authoritie, promesing, that yf thay wald assure hir of thair
detfull[857] obedience, that sche wald deny nothing of that whiche was
required. For satisfactioun of hir mynd, we send agane the Erle of
Glencarne, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord Uchiltrie, and the said Lard of
Pittarrow, with the same commissioun as of befoir. Bot than sche began
to handill the matter more craftelie, compleaning that sche was nocht
sought in a gentill maner; and that thay in whome sche had put maist
singular confidence, had left hir in hir greattest neid; and suche uther
thingis, perteaning nothing to thair commissioun, proponed sche, to
spend and dryve the tyme. Thai answered, "That, by injust tyranny
devised aganis thame and thair bretherin, (as hir Grace did weill know,)
thay war compelled to seak the extreme remedie; and thairfoir, that hir
Grace aucht nocht to wonder thocht godlie men left the cumpany whare
thai nether fand fidelitie nor treuth." In the end of this communing,
whiche was the xij day of Julij 1559, sche desyred to have talked
privelie with the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, Priour of
Sanctandrois, "For ellis, (as sche alledged,) sche culd nocht bot
suspect that thai pretendit to some uther hiear purpose nor religioun."
[SN: ACCUSATIONIS.] Sche and hir craftie Counsale had abuesd the Duke,
perswaiding unto him, and unto his freindis, that the saidis Erle and
Priour had conspyred, first to deprive our Soverane hir dochter of hir
authoritie, and thairefter the Duke and his successioun of thair titill
to the Crown of Scotland. By these invented lyes, sche inflambed the
hartis of many against us, in so muche that some of our awin number
began to murmur; whiche perceaved, alsweall the preacheouris, in thair
publict sermonis, as we our selffis, by our publict proclamationis, gave
purgatioun and satisfactioun to the people, planelie and simplie
declairing what was our purpose, tacking God to witnes, that no suche
crymes ever entered in our hartis as most injustlie was layed to our
charge. The Counsale, efter consultatioun, thocht nocht expedient that
the saidis Erle and Priour should talk with the Quene in ony sort; for
hir former practises put all men in suspitioun, that some deceat lurked
under suche colorat commoning. Sche had befoir said, That yf sche culd
by any meane sunder those two from the rest, sche was assured schortlie
to cum by hir hole purpose; and one of hir cheaf Counsale in those
dayis, (and we fear bot over inward with hir yit,) said, "That or
Michelmess day, thay two should leaf thair headis;" and thairfoir all
men feared to committ two suche young plantis to hir mercie and
fidelitie. It was, thairfoir, finallie denyed that thai should talk
[with] the Quene, or ony to hir apperteaning, bot in places void of all
suspitioun, whare thay should be equall in nomber with those that should
talk [with] thame.


The Quene perceaving that hir craft culd nocht prevaill, was content
that the Duke's Grace and the Erle of Huntlie, with utheris by hir
appointed, should convene at Prestoun, to commone [with] the saidis
Erle and Priour, and suche utheris as the Lordis of the Congregatioun
wald appoint, to the nomber of ane hundreth on the syde, of the whiche
nomber aucht personis onelie should meit for conference. The
principallis for thair partie war, the Duke, the Erle Huntlie, the
Lordis Erskin and Somervell, Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, and the Justice
Clerk.[858] From us war directed the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the
Lordis Ruthven, Lord James, Boyd, and Uchiltrie, the Lairdis Dun and
Pittarrow, who, conveaning at Prestoun, spak the hole day without any
certane conclusioun: For this was the practise of the Quene, and of hir
factioun, by dryft of tyme to weary our cumpany, who, for the most
parte, had bein upoun the feildis from the tent day of Maij, that we
being dispersed, sche mycht cum to hir purpose. In whiche sche was nocht
altogidder deceaved; for our commonis war compelled to skaill for lack
of expenssis, and our gentilmen, partelie constraned be lack of
furnessing, and partlie houping sum small appointment, after so many
communingis, returned for the most parte to thair duelling places, for
reposing of thame selffis.


The Quene, in all these conventionis, seamed that sche wald geve
libertie to religioun, provided, "That wharesoever sche was, our
Preacheouris sould cease, and the Masse sould be maynteaned." We
perceaving hir malitious craft, ansuered, "That as we wald compell hir
Grace to no religioun, so could we nocht of conscience, for the pleasur
of any earthlie creature, put silence to Godis trew messingeris; nather
culd we suffer that the rycht administratioun of Christis trew
sacramentis should gif place to manifest idolatrie; for in so doing, we
should declair ourselffis ennemeis to God, to Christ Jesus his Sone, to
his eternall veritie, and to the libertie and establishment of his
Churche within this realme; for your requeist being granted, there can
no Kirk within the same be so estableshit but at your pleasour, and by
your residence and remaning thare ye myeht overthrow the samin." [SN:
answer we send unto hir with the Lord Ruthven and Laird of Pittarrow;
requiring of hir Grace, in plane wordis, to signifie unto us what houpe
we myeht have of hir favouris toward the outsetting of religioun. We
also required that sche wald remove hir Frenchemen, who war a fear to
us, and a burthein most grevouse to our cuntrey: And that sche wald
promess to us, in the word of a Prince, that sche wald procure no mo to
be send in; and than should we nocht onelie support, to the uttermost of
our poweris, to furnish schippis and victuallis for thair transporting,
bot also, upoun our honouris, should we tak hir body in our protectioun;
and should promess, in the presence of God and the hole realme, to serve
our Soverane hir Dochter, and hir Grace Regent, als faithfullie and als
obedientlie as ever we did Kingis within Scotland: That, moreover, we
should caus our Preacheouris geve reasone of thair doctrin in hir
audience, till any that pleased till impugne any thing that thay did or
taught: Finallie, that we should submit our selflis to a lauchtfull
Parliament, provided that the Bischoppis, as the party accused, and our
plane ennemeis, should be removed from judgement.


To no point wald sche answer directlie; bot in all thingis sche was so
generall and so ambigua, that hir craft appeared to all men. Sche had
gottin assured knowlege that our cumpany was skailled, (for hir
Frenchemen war daylie amongis us, without molestatioun or hurt done unto
thame,) and thairfoir sche began to discloise hir mynde, and said, "The
Congregatioun hes roung these two monethis bypast: me my selff wald ring
now other two." The malice of hir hart being planelie perceaved,
deliberatioun was had what was to be done. It was concluded, that the
Lordis, Barronis, and gentilmen, with thare substantious housholdis,
should remane in Edinburgh that hole winter, for establissing of the
Church[859] thair. [SN: THE CAUS QUHY THE IRNES STAYED.] And becaus it
was found, that by the corrupting of our money, the Quene maid to hir
selff immoderat gaines for maynteaning of hir soldiouris, to the
distructioun of our haill commone weill, it was thocht necessar[860]
that the printing irnes, and all thingis to thame perteaning, should be
stayed, for fear that sche should privelie caus transport thame to


In this meantyme came the assured word, first, that the King of France
was hurt, and after, that he was dead[861] whiche, albeit it aucht to
have put hir in mynd of hir awin estait and wicked interprise: for he
that same tyme, in the fulnes of his glorie, (as sche hir self useth to
speak,) had determined most crewell persecutioun aganis the sanctis of
God in France, evin as sche hir selff was heir persecutand in Scotland:
and yit he so perished in his pryde, that all men mycht see that Godis
just vengeance did stryke him, evin quhen his iniquitie was cumed to
full rypenes. Albeit, (we say,) that this wonderouse wark of God in his
suddane death, aucht to have dantoned hir furie, and gevin unto hir
admonitioun, that the same God culd nocht suffer her obstinat malice
against his treuth long to be unpunished; yit culd hir indurat hart
nothing be moved to repentance: for hearing the staying of the printing
irnes, sche raiged more outragiouslie than of befoir, and sending for
all suche as wer of hir factioun, exponed hir grevous complaint,
aggredging the same with many lyes, to wit, "That we had declaired that
whiche befoir sche suspected; for what culd we meane ellis, bot
usurpatioun of the Crown, when we durst put handis to the Cunze-hous,
whiche was a portioun of the patrimony of the Crown." Sche farther
alleged, "That we had spoyled the Cunze-house of great sowmes of money."
To the whiche we ansuered, boith by our letteris send to hir, and hir
Counsale, and by publict proclamatioun to the people, that we, without
usurpatioun of any thing justlie perteaning to the Crown of Scotland,
did stay the printing irnes, in consideratioun that the commone wealth
was greatlie hurt by corrupting of our money; and becaus that we war
borne counsalouris of this realme, sworne to procure the proffite of the
same, we culd do no less of dewetie and of conscience than to stay that
for a tyme, whiche we saw so abused, that oneles remedy war fundin,
should turne to the detriment of the hole body of this realme. And as to
hir fals accusatioun of spuilzie, we did remit us to the conscience of
Maister Robert Richesone[862], Maister of the Cunze-hous, who from our
handis receaved silver, gold, and mettall, alsweill cunzeit as
uncunzeit; so that with us thair did nocht remane the valour of a

This our declaratioun and purgatioun nochtwithstanding, sche, partelie
by hir craft and policie, and partelie by the lawbouris of the Bischopis
of Sanctandrois and Glasgw; procured the hole nomber that war with hir
to consent to persew us with all creweltie and expeditioun, befoir that
we culd haif our cumpany (whiche than was dispersed for new furnessing)
assembled agane. The certantie heirof cuming to our knawlege, the
Setterday at nycht, the 25. [22d] of Julij, we did in what us lay to gif
advertisment to our bretherin; bot impossible it was that those of the
West, Anguss, Mearnis, Stratherin, or Fyeff, in any nomber culd come to
us; for the ennemie marched from Dumbar upoun the Sounday, and approched
within two myles of us befoir the sone-rysing upoun Monunday; for thay
verrelie supposed to have found no resistance, being assured that the
Lordis onelie with certane gentillmen remaned, with thair privat
housses. Calling upoun God for counsale in that straytt, we soght what
was the nixt defence. We mycht have left the town, and mycht have
reteired our selffis without any danger; bot than we should have
abandoned our bretherin of Edinburgh, and suffered the ministrie thairof
to have decayed, whiche to our hartis was so dolorous, that we thocht
better to hasard the extreamitie than so to do. For than the most parte
of the town appeared rather to favour us than the Quenis factioun; and
did offer unto us the uttermost of thair support, whiche for the most
parte thay did faithfullie keap. [SN: LEYTH LEFT THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The
same did the town of Leyth, bot thay keapit nocht the lyek fidelitie;
for when we war upoun the feild, marching fordward for thair support,
(for the Frenche marched neye to thame,) thai randered thame selffis,
without ferther resistance. And this thay did, as was supposed, by the
treasone of some within thame selffis, and by the perswasioun of the
Lard of Restalrig,[864] who of befoir declaired himselff to have bein
one of us, and nochtwithstanding,[865] that day randered him selff
undesyred to Monsieur Dosell. Thair unprovided and suddane defectioun
astonished many; and yit we retyred quyetlie to the syde of
Cragingatt,[866] which place we tooke for resisting the ennemie.

In the meantyme, diverse mediatouris passed betuix, amongis whome the
Lord Ruthven, for our parte, wes principall. Alexander Erskin[867] did
muche travell to stay us and our soldiouris, that we should nocht joyne
with thame of Leyth, till that thay, as said is, had randered thame
selffis to the Frenche. The said Alexander did oft promese, That the
Frenche wald stay, provided that we wold nocht joyne with these of
Leyth. Bot efter that thai war randerit, we hard nothing of him bot
threatning and disconfortable wordis. Befoir it was eight houris in the
morning, God had gevin unto us boith curage, and a reasonable nomber to
withstand thair furie. The town of Edinburght, sa mony as had subject
thame selffis to discipline, and diverse utheris besydis thame, behavit
thame selffis boith faithfullie and stoutlie. The gentilmen of
Lowthiane, especiall Caldar, Haltoun, and Ormestoun, war verrey
confortable, alsweill for thair counsale as for thair hole assistance.
Some gentilmen of Fiffe prevented the Frenche men; otheris war stopped,
be reasone that the Frenche had possessed[868] Leyth. Alwais the ennemie
tooke suche a fear, that thai determined nocht to invaid us whare we
stoode, bot tooke purpose to have passed to Edinburgh, by the other syde
of the Watter of Leyth, and that becaus thay had the Castell to thair
freind, whiche was to us unknawin; for we supponed the Lord Erskin,
Capitane of the same, ather to have bein our freind, or at the least to
have bein indifferent. [SN: THE LORD ERSKIN AND HIS FACT.] Bot when we
had determined to feght, he send word to the Erle of Ergyle, to Lord
James, his sister sone,[869] and to the uther Noble men,[870] that he
wald declair him selff boith ennemie to thame and to the town, and wald
schoote at boith, gif thay maid any resistance to the Frenche men to
enter in the town. This his treasonable defyence, send unto us by the
Lard of Ricartoun,[871] did abait the corage of many; for we culd nocht
feght nor stop the ennemie, bot under the mercie of the Castell and hole
ordinance thairof.

Heirupoun was consultatioun tackin; and in conclusioun, it was found
less domage to tak ane Appointment, albeit the conditionis war nocht
suche as we desyred, than to hasard battall betuix two suche ennemeis.
After lang talkin, certane Headis war drawin by us, whiche we desyred to
be granted:--

     "First, That no member of the Congregatioun should be trubled in
     lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis by the Quene, hir Authoritie,
     nor any uther Justice within the realme, for any thing done in the
     lait innovatioun, till a Parliament (whiche should begin the tent
     of Januar nixt) had decyded thingis in contraversie.

     "2. That idolatrie should nocht be erected, whare it was at that
     day suppressed.

     "3. That the preacheouris and ministeris should nocht be trubled in
     thair ministrie, whare thai war alreadie establessed, nather yit
     stopped to preache, wharesoever thai should chance to come.

     "4. That no bandis of men of warr should be layed in garneshing
     within the town of Edinburght.

     "5. That the Frenche men should be send away at a reasonable day,
     and that none uther should be broght in the cuntrey without consent
     of the haill Nobilitie and Parliament."

But these our Articles[872] war altered, and ane uther forme disposeth,
as efter followeth:[873]--


     "In the first, the Congregatioun and thair cumpany, utheris than
     the inhabitants of the said Town, shall remove thame selffis furth
     of the said town, the morne at ten houris befoir none, the 25. of
     Julij, and leaf the same void and red of thame and thair said
     cumpany, conforme to the Quenis Grace pleasour and desyre.

     "_Item_, The said Congregatioun shall caus the irnes of the
     Cunze-hous,[874] tacken away be thame, be randered and delivered to
     Maister Robert Richardsone; and in lykewyis the Quenis Grace
     Palace[875] of Halirudhous to be left and randered agane to Maister
     Johne Balfour, or ony uther haveand hir Grace sufficient power, in
     the same maner as it was receaved, and that betuix the making of
     thir Articles and the morne at ten houris.--(For observing and
     keaping of thir tua Articles abovewrittin, the Lord Ruthven and the
     Lard of Pittarrow hes entered thame selffis pledges.)

     "_Item_, The saidis Lordis of Congregatioun, and all the memberis
     thairof, shall remane obedient subjectis to our Soverane Lord and
     Ladyis authoritie, and to the Quenis Grace Regent in thair place;
     and shall obey all lawis and lovable consuetudis of this realme, as
     thai war used of befoir the moving of this tumult and contraversie,
     exceptand the caus of religioun, whiche shalbe heirafter specifeid.


     "_Item_, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame, shall nocht
     truble nor molest a Kirk-man be way of dead, nor yit shall maik
     thame any impediment in the peaciable bruiking, joising, and
     uptaking of thair rentis, proffittis, and deweties of thair
     benefices, bot that thai may frelie use and dispone upoun the same,
     according to the lawis and consuetude of this realme, to the tent
     day of Januar nixt to cum.

     "_Item_, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame, shall in no
     wayis from thynefurth use ony force or violence, in casting down of
     kirkis, religious placis, or reparrelling thairof, bot the same
     sall stand skaithles of thame, unto the said tent day of Januar.

     "_Item_, The town of Edinburght shall, without compulsioun, use and
     cheise what religioun and maner thairof thay please to the said
     day; sua that everie man may have fredome to use his awin
     conscience to the day foirsaid.

     "_Item_, The Quenis Grace sall nocht interpone hir authoritie, to
     molest or truble the preacheouris of the Congregatioun, nor thair
     ministrie, (to thame that pleasis to use the same,) nor na uther of
     the said Congregatioun, in thair bodyis, landis, goodis, or
     possessionis, pensionis, or whatsumever uther kynd of goodis thai
     possess; nor yit thoill the Clargie, or any uther haveand
     spirituall or temporall jurisdictioun, to truble thame, in ony
     maner of sort, privatlie or openelie, for the caus of religioun, or
     uther actioun depending thairupoun, to the said tent day of Januar
     within writtin; and that everie man in particular leife in the
     meantyme according to his awin conscience.

     "_Item_, That na man of warr, Frenche nor Scottis, be layed in
     daylie garnesoun within the town of Edinburght, bot to repair
     thairto to do thair lefull besynes, and thairefter to reteir thame
     to thare garnesounis."[876]

This alteratioun in wordis and ordour was maid without knowledge and
consent of those whose counsale we had used in all cases befoir. For sum
of thame perceaving we began to faynt, and that we wald appoint with
inequall conditionis, said, "God hath wonderfullie assisted us in our
greatest dangeris: He hath strikin fear in the hartis of our ennemeis,
when thai supposed thame selffis most assured of victorie: our case is
nocht yit sa disperat that we nead to grant to thingis unreasonable and
ungodlie; whiche, yf we do, it is to be feared that thingis sall nocht
so prosperouslie succeid as thai have done heirtofoir."


When all thingis war commoned and aggreed upoun by myd personis, the
Duke and Erle of Huntlie, who that day war against us, desyred to speak
the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the Lord James, and utheris of our
partie: who obeying thare requeastis, mett thame at the Querrell
Hollis,[877] betuix Leyth and Edinburght, who in conclusioun promest to
our Lordis, "That yf the Quene breake to us any one joyt of the
Appointment than maid, that thai should declair thame selffis plane
ennemeis unto hir, and freindis to us." Alsmuche promeshed the Duke
that he wold do, in case that sche wald nocht remove hir Frenche men at
are reasonable day; for the oppressioun whiche thai did was manifest to
all men.

This Appointment maid and subscrived by the Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and
the Erle of Huntlie, the 25. of Julij, we returned to the town of
Edinburght, whare we remanit till the nixt day at none; when, efter
sermone, dennar, and a proclamatioun maid at the Mercat Croce in forme
as followeth, we departed.


     "Forasmuche as it hath pleased God, that Appointment is maid betuix
     the Quene Regent and us the Lordis, hole[878] Protestantis of this
     Realme, we have thocht good to signifie unto yow the cheafe Headis
     of the same, whiche be these:--

     "1. First, That no member of the Congregatioun shalbe trubled in
     lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis, by the Quene, by hir
     Authoritie, nor by any uther Justice within this realme, for any
     thing done in this lait innovatioun, till that a Parliament hath
     decyded thingis that be in contraversie.

     "2. That idolatrie shall nocht be erected, whare it is now at this
     day suppressed.

     "3. That the preachearis and ministeris shall nocht be trubled in
     the ministratioun, whare thai ar already established, nather yit
     stopped to preache whairsoevir thai shall happin to travaill within
     this realme.

     "4. That no bandis of men of warr shalbe layed in garnesoun within
     the town of Edinburght.

     "These cheafe headis of Appointment concerning the libertie of
     religioun and conservatioun of our bretherin, we thoght goode to
     notifie unto yow, by this our Proclamatioun, that in case wrong or
     injurie be done, by any of the contrarie factioun, to any member of
     our body, complaint may be maid to us, to whome we promese, as we
     will ansuer to God, our faitlifull support to the uttermost of our


At this proclamatioun, maid with sound of trumpett, war offended all the
Papistis: for, first, Thai alledged it was done in contempt of the
Authoritie: secundarlie, That we had proclamed more than was conteaned
in the Appointment: and last, That we, in our proclamatioun, had maid no
mentioun of any thing promished unto thame. To suche mummeris[879] we
answered, "That no just Authoritie culd think the selff contempned,
becaus that the treuth was by us maid manifest unto all, who utherwayis
mycht have pretendit ignorance. Secundlie, That we proclamed nathing,
whiche [was] nocht finallie aggreit upoun in word and promeiss betuix us
and thame with quhame the Appointment was maid, whatsoevir thair
scribeis had efter writtin, quha in verray deid had alterit, bayth in
wordis and sentenceis, oure Articles, as thay war first consavit; and
yitt, gif thair awin writtingis war diligentlie examinit, the self same
thing sall be found in substance. And last, To proclame any thing in
thair favouris, we thocht it nocht necessarie, knawing that in that
behalf thay thame selfis sould be diligent aneweh." And in this we war
not desavit; for within fyftene dayis efter, thair was not ane
schaveling in Scotland, to wham teyndis, or any uthor rentis pertenit,
bot he had that Article of the Appointment by hart, "That the Kirk men
sould be ansuerit of teyndis, rentis, and all uthir dewties, and that no
man sould trubill nor molest thame."

We depairting from Edinburgh, the 26. of Julij, came first to Lynlythqw,
and efter to Striviling; whair, efter consultatioun, the band of
defence, and mentenance of religioun, and for mutuall defence, evere ane
of uther, was subscrivit of all that war thair present. The tennour of
the Band was this:--

     "We foirseing the craft and slycht of our adversaries, tending all
     maner of wayis to circumvene us, and be prevy meanis intendis to
     assailzie everie ane of us particularie be fair hechtis and
     promisses, thairthrow to separat ane of us frome ane uthir, to oure
     utter rewyne and destructioun: for remedy heirof, we faythfullie
     and trewlie byndis us, in the presence of God, and as we tender the
     mentenance of trew Religioun, that nane of us sall in tymeis cuming
     pas to the Queneis Grace Dowriare, to talk or commun with hir for
     any letter [or] message send be hir unto us, or yitt to be send,
     without consent of the rest, and commone consultatioun thairupoun.
     And quhowsone that ather message or writt sall cum fra hir unto us,
     with utter diligence we sall notifie the same ane to ane uther; swa
     that nathing sall proceid heirin without commune consent of us all.

     "At Striveling, the first day of August 1559."

This Band subscrivit, and we foirseing that the Quene and Bischopis
menit nathing bot desait, thocht guid to seik ayde and support of all
Christiane Princeis against hir and hir tyrrannie, in caise we sould be
mair schairplie persewit. And becaus that Ingland was of the same
religioun, and lay nixt unto us, it was jugeit expedient first to prove
thame; quhilk we did be ane or twa messingeris, as heirefter,[880] in
the awin place, mair ampill sall be declairit.

Efter we had abiddin certane dayis in Striviling, the Erle of Argyle
depairtit to Glasgw; and becaus he was to depairt to his awin cuntrey,
(with wham also past Lord James,) to pacifie sum trubill quhilk, be the
craft of the Quene, was rasit in his absens, he requyreit the Erle of
Glencairne, Lord Boyde, Lord Uchiltre, and utheris of Kyle, to meit
thair, for sum ordoure to be taikin, that the brethren sould not be
oppressit; quhilk with ane consent thay did, and appoyntit the tent of
September for the nixt Conventioun at Striveling.


Quhill thir thingis war in doing at Glasgw, letteris and ane servand
came fra the Erle of Arraine[881] to the Duik his father, signifeing
unto him, that be the providence of God, he had eschaipit the Frensche
Kyngis handis, quha maist treason abillie and maist crewellie had socht
his lyfe, or at leist to have committit him to perpetuall presoun: [SN:
LET THIS BE NOTIT.] for the same tyme, the said Frensche King, seing he
could [not] have the Erle him self, gart put his youngar brother,[882]
ane bairne of sick aige as could not offend, in strait presoun, quhair
he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the moneth of October, the yeir of God
J^m. V^c. lix yeiris: quhilk thingis war done be the craft and policie
of the Quene Dowager, quhat tyme the Duik and his freyndis war maist
frack to sett fordwart hir caus. Thir letteris resavit, and the estait
of his twa soneis knawin, of whame the ane was escaipit, and the uthir
in vyle preassoun cassin,[883] the Duke desyreit communing of the Erle
of Argyle, quha, pairtlie against the will of sum that lovit him, raid
unto the Duik fra Grlasgw to Hammiltoun; quhair, abyding ane nycht, he
declairit his jugement to the Duik and to his freindis, especiallie to
Maister Gawyne Hamyltoun. The Duik requyreit him and the Lord James to
write thair freindlie and confortabill letteris to his sone, quhilk thay
baith maist willinglie did, and thairefter addressit thame to thair
jornay. Bot the verray day of thair depairting, came one
Bowtencourt,[884] from the Quene Regent, with letteris, as was allegeit,
from the Kyng and Quene of France to Lord James, whilk he delyverit with
ane braggin countenance and many threatning wordis. The tennour of his
letteris was this:--

     "_Le Roy._

     "My Cousing, I have bein greittumlie mervellitt, having understand
     the trubillis that ar happinnit in thir pairtis; and yit mair
     mervell that ye, of wham I had ane haill confidence, and alsua hes
     this honour to be sua neir the Quenis Grace, my wiffe, and hes
     resavit of umquhile the Kyngis Grace my father, hir Grace, and me,
     sick graceis and favouris, that ye sould be sa forgetfull as to mak
     youre self the heid, and ane of the principall begynnaris and
     nureischaris of the tumultis and seditiounis thar ar sene thair.
     The quhilk, becaus it is sa strange as it is, and syne against the
     professioun that ye at all tymeis have maid, I can not gudlie
     beleif it; and gif it be sa, I can not think bot ye have bene
     entyseit and led thairto be sum personis that haif seduceit and
     caussit yow commit sic ane falt, as I am assureit ye repent of
     alreddy, quhilk will be ane greit emplesour[885] to me, to the
     effect I mycht lose ane pairt of the occasioun I have to be
     miscontent with yow, as I will yow to understand I am, seing sua
     far ye have dissavit the esperance I had of yow, and your
     effectioun towart God, and the weill of our service, unto the
     quhilk ye knaw ye ar als mekill and mair obleist nor ony uther of
     the Lordis thair. For this cause, desyrand that the materis mycht
     be dutelie[886] amendit, and knawand quhat ye may heirintill, I
     thocht gude on this maner to write unto yow, and pray yow to tak
     heid to returne to the guid way, from quhilk ye ar declyneit, and
     caus me knaw the samin be the effectis that ye have ane uther
     attentioun nor this quhilk thir folies bipast makis me now to
     beleif; doing all that ever ye can to reduce all thyngis to thair
     first estait, and put the samin to the rycht and gud obedience that
     ye knaw to be dew unto God and unto me: [SN: BRAGGIS NOW.[887]]
     Utherwayis, ye may be weill assureit, that I will put to my hand,
     and that in gud eirnest, that ye and all thay have done, and dois
     as ye, sall[888] feill, (throw thair awin falt,) that quhilk thay
     have deservit and meritit; evin as I have gevin charge to this
     Gentilman, present beirar, to mak yow knaw mair largelie of my
     pairt; for quhilk caus, I pray yow creddeit him, evin as ye wald
     do my selff. Prayand God, my Cousing, to haif yow in his holy and
     worthy protectioun.

     "Writtin at Pareis, the xvij day of July 1559."

The samyn messinger brocht alssua letteris frome the Quene our Soverane,
mair scharp and threatning than the former; for hir conclusioun was,
"_Vous senteras la poincture a jamais_."[889]

This creddeit was, "That the Kyng wald spend the Croun of France, or
that he war not revengeit upoun sick seditious personis. That he wald
never have suspectit sick inobedience and sick defectioun frome his awin
sister in him." To the quhilk the said Lord James ansuerit, first by
word, and than by writting, as followis:--


     "My dewtie rememberit. Your Majestieis letter I resavit frome
     Pareis, the xvij of Julij last, proporting in effect, that your
     Majestie sould mervell that I, being forgetfull of the graceis and
     favouris schawing me be the King, of blissitt memorie, your
     Majestieis Father, and the Quenis Grace, my Soverane, sould declair
     my selff heid, and ane of the principall begynnaris of the allegeit
     tumultis and seditioun in thir pairtis, desaving thairby your
     Majestieis expectatioun at all tymis hard of me; with assurance,
     that gif I did not declair by contrarie effectis my repentance, I,
     with the rest that had put, or yitt putis handis to that wark,
     sould resave the rewaird quhilk we had deservit and meritit.

     "Schir, it grevis me heavelie that the cryme of ingratitude sould
     be laid to my charge be your Hienes, and the rather that I persave
     the same to haif proceidit of sinister informatioun, of thame
     quhais pairt it was not sua to have reportit, gif trew service
     bigane had bene regairdit. And as tuiching the repentance, and
     declaratioun of the same be contrar effectis,[890] that your
     Majestic desyris I schaw, my conscience perswaidis me in thir
     proceidingis to have done na thing aganeis God, nor the
     debtfull[891] obedience towartis your Hienes and the Queneis Grace
     my Soverane, utherwayis it sould have bene to repent, and als
     amendit allreddy, according to your Majestieis expectatioun of me.
     Bot your Hienes being treulie informeit, and perswaidit that the
     thyng quhilk we have done makis for the advancement of Godis
     glorie, (as it dois in deid,) without ony maner derogatioun to your
     Majesteis dew obedience, we dowt not bot your Majestie sall be
     weill contentit with our proceidingis, quhilk being groundit upoun
     the commandiment of the eternall God, we dar [nocht] leif the samyn
     unaccompleischeit; onelie wisching and desyreing your Majestie did
     knaw the same, and treuth thairof, as it is perswaidit to our
     conscience, and all thame that ar treulie instructit in the
     eternall word of our God, upoun quham we cast our cair for all
     daingearis that may follow the accompleisment of his eternall will;
     and to quham we commend your Hienes, beseiking him to illuminat
     your hart with the evangell of his eternall trewth, to knaw your
     Majestieis dewtie towartis[892] your pure subjectis, Godis chosin
     pepill, and quhat ye aucht to craif justlie of thame agane; for
     than we sould haif na occatioun to feir your Majestieis wraith and
     indignatioun, nor your Hienes suspitioun in our inobedience. The
     samyn God mot[893] have youre Majestie in his eternall saifgard.

     "At Dumbartane, the 12 of August 1559."

This answer, directit to the Quene our Soverane, and to Francis hir
husband, the Quene Dowager resavit, and was bold upoun it, as sche mycht
weill yneuch; for it was suppoisit that the former letteris war forgeit
heir at hame in Scotland. The answer red by hir, sche said, "That sua
proud ane answer was never gevin to King, Prince, or Princess." And yitt
indifferent men thocht that he mycht have answerit mair schairplie, and
not have transgressit modestie nor treuth. For quhair thay burding him
with the greit benefitis quhilk of thame he had resavit, gif in plane
wordis he had purgeit him self, effirming, that the greitest benefit
that ever he receavit of thame was to spend in thair service, that
quhilk God be utheris had providit for him, na honest man wald have
accusit him, and na man wald have bene abill to have convickit him of
ane lye. Bot Princeis must be pardonit to speik quhat thay pleise.


For confort of the brethren, and contynewance of the Kyrk in Edinburgh,
was left thair our deir brother Johnne Willock, quha, for his faithfull
laubouris and bald curage in that battell, deserves immortall prayse.
For quhan it was fund dangerous that Johnne Knox, quha befoir was
electit Minister[894] to that Kyrk, sould contynew thair, the brethren
requeistit the said Johnne Willock to abyde with thame, least that, for
laik of ministeris, idolatrie sould be erectit up agane. To the quhilk
he sua glaidlie consentit, that it mycht evidentlie appeir, that he
preferrit the confort of his brethren, and the contynewance of the Kirk
thair, to his awin lyiff. One pairt of the Frensche men war appointtit
to ly in garnesoun at Leith, (that was the first benefit thai gat for
thair confideracie with thame,) the uthir pairt war appointit to ly in
the Cannogait; the Quene and hir tryne abydeing in the Abbay. Oure
brother Johnne Willock, the day efter our departure, prechit in Sanct
Geillis Kirk, and ferventlie exhortit the brethren to stand constant in
the trewth quhilk thay had professit. At this and sum uther sermondis
was the Duke, and diverse utheris of the Queneis factioun. This libertie
and preching, with resort of all pepill thairto, did hielie offend the
Quene and the uther Papistis. And first thay began to gif terrouris to
the Duke; affirmyng, that he wald he repute as ane of the Congregatioun,
gif he gaif his presence to the sermondis. Thairefter thay begould[895]
to requyre that Messe sould be sett up agane in Sanct Geillis kirk, and
that the pepill sould be sett at libertie to chuse what religioun thay
wald; for that, say thay, was contenit in the Appointmentt, that the
town of Edinburgh sould cheis quhat religioun thay list. For obtening
heirof, was send to the Tolbuith,[896] the Duke, the Erle of Huntlie,
and the Lord Seytoun, to solist all men to condiscend to the Quenis
mynd; quhairin the twa last did laubour that thay could, the Duik not
sa, bot as ane behalder, of quham the brethren had guid esperance. And
efter many perswationis and threatningis maid be the saidis Erle and
Lord, the brethren, stoutlie and valiantlie in the Lord Jesus, ganesaid
thair maist injust petitionis, reasonyng, "That as of conscience thay
mycht nocht suffr idolatrie to be credit quhair Christ Jesus was treulie
precheit, sua could nocht the Quene nor thay requyre any sick thyng,
unless sche and thay wald plainlie violat thair faith and cheif article
of the Appointment; for it is planelie appointit, That na member of the
Congregatioun sall be molestit in any thing that, the day of the
Appointment, be peaceabillie possessit. Bot sua it was that we, the
Brethren and Protestantis of the toun of Edinburgh, with oure
ministeris, the day of the Appointment, did peaceabillie possess Sanct
Geilis Kirk,[897] appointit for us for preching of Christis trew
Evangell, and rycht ministratioun of his holy Sacramentis. Thairfoir,
without manifest violatioun of the Appointment, ye can not remove us
thairfra, quhill ane Parliament have decydit the contraversie."


This answer gevin, the haill brethren depairtit, and left the foirsaid
Erle, and Lord Seytoun the Provest of Edinburgh, still in the Tolbuyth;
quha persaving that thay could not prevaill in that maner, bot began to
entreat that thay wald be quyett, and that thay wald sa far condiscend
to the Quenis plesour, as that thay wald chuse thame ane uthir Kirk[898]
within the toun, or at the least be contentit that Messe sould be said
ather efter or befoir thair sermonis. To the quhilk, ansuer was gevin,
"That to gif place to the Devill, (quha was the cheif inventar of the
Messe,) for the plesour of ony creature, thay could not. Thay war in
possessioun of that Kirk, quhilk thay could not abandone; nether could
thay suffer idolatrie be erectit in the samyn, unless be violence thay
sould be constrancit sa to do; and than thay war determinit to seik the
nixt remedy." Quhilk ansuer resavit, the Erle of Huntlie did lovinglie
intreat thame to quyetnes; faithfullie promissing that in na sort thay
sould be molestit, sa that thay wald be quyett, and mak na farther
uproir. To the quhilk thay war maist willing; for thay socht onlie to
serve God as he had commandit, and to keip thair possessioun, according
to the Appointment; quhilk be Goddis grace thay did till the moneth of
November, nochtwithstanding the greit bosting of the ennemy. For thay
did not onlie convene to the preching, dailie supplicatiounis, and
administratioun of Baptisme, bot alssua the Lordis Tabill was
ministratt, evin in the eyis of the verray ennemy, to the greit confort
of mony afflictit conscience. And as God did potentlie wirk with his
trew Minister, and with his trubillit Kirk, so did nocht the Devill
cease to enflamb the malice of the Quene, and of the Papistis with hir.
For schort efter hir cuming to the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, sche caussit
Messe to be said, first in hir awin Chapell, and efter in the Abbay,
quhair the altaris befoir war cassin doun. Sche dischargit the Commoun
Prayeris, and foirbad to gif ony portioun to sick as war the principall
young men quha redd thame. Hir malice extendit in lik maner to
Cambuskynneth;[899] for thair sche dischargeit the portionis of als many
of the Channonis as had forsaikin Papistrie. Sche gaif command and
inhibitioun, that the Abbot of Lundoris[900] sould be[901] ansuerit of
any pairt of his leving in the North, becaus he had submitit him self to
the Congregatioun, and had put sum reformatioun to his place. Be hir
consent and retrahibitioun[902] was the preching stuleis brokin in the
Kirk of Leith, and idolatrie was erectit in the samyn, quhair it was
befoir suppressit. Hir Frensche Capitaneis, with thair suldiouris in
greit companeis, in tyme of preching and prayeris, resortit to Sanct
Geillis Kirk in Edinburgh, and maid thair commune deambulatour thairin,
with sick lowd talking, as na perfyte audience could be had; and
althocht the Minister was ofttymes thairthrow compellit to cry out on
thame, praying to God to red thame of sick locustis; thay nevirtheless
continewit still in thair wickit purpoise, devisit and ordaneit be the
Quene, to have drawin our brethren of Edinburgh and thame in cummer; swa
that sche mycht have had ony cullorat occatioun to have brokin the
liegue with thame. Yitt, be Goddis grace, thay behaveit thame selfis
swa, that sche could fynd na falt with thame; albeit in all thir thingis
befoir nameit, and in every ane of thame, sche is worthelie comptit to
have contravenit the sayd Appointment. We pass over the oppressing done
of oure brethren in particular, quhilk had bene sufficient to have
provin the Appointment to have bene playne violatit; for the Lord
Seytoun, without ony occasioun offerrit unto him, brak a chaise upoun
Alexander Quhitelaw,[903] as he came frome Prestoun, accumpaneit with
Williame Knox,[904] towartis Edinburgh, and ceassit not to persew him
till he came to the toun of Ormestoun: And this he did, supposing that
the said Alexander Quhitelaw had bene Johnne Knox. In all this menetyme,
and quhill that ma Frensche men arryvit, thay ar not abill to pruif that
we brak the Appointment in any jote, except that ane hoirnit capp was
taikin of ane proud preistis heid, and cut in four quarteris,[905]
becaus he said he wald weir[906] it in dispyte of the Congregatioun.


In this menetyme, the Quene, then Regent, knawin assuredlie quhat force
was schortlie to cum unto hir, ceassit not, by all meneis possibill, to
cloik the incuming of the Frensche, and to enflamb the hartis of oure
cuntrey men aganis us. And for that purpoise, sche first wrait to my
Lord Duike, in forme as followis:--

     "My Lord and Cousing,

     "Efter hartlie commendatioun; We ar informit that the Lordis of the
     Westland Congregatioun intendis to mak ane conventioun and
     assembillie of thair kyn and freyndis upoun Govane Mure, besyde
     Glasgw, on Monnunday cum viij dayis, the [21st] day[908] of August
     instant, for sum hie purpoise aganeis us, quhilk we can nott
     skantlie beleve,[909] considdering thay have na occasioun upoun our
     pairt sa to do. And albeit ye knaw the Appointment was maid be our
     avise,[910] yitt we acceptit the samin at your desyre, and hes
     sensyne maid na cause quhairby thay mycht be movit to cum in the
     contrair thairof. Lyke as we ar yitt myndit to keip firme and
     stabill all thingis promesit be yow in our behalf. We think, on the
     uther pairt, it is your dewatie to requyre tham, that thay
     contravene not thair pairt thairof in na wyise;[911] and in caice
     thay meane ony evill towartis us, and sua will breck thaire
     promeise, we beleif ye will, at the uttermost of your power,
     convene with us, and compell tham to do that thing quhilk thay
     aucht, gif thay will nocht. Praying yow to have your selff, your
     kin and freyndis, in reddynes to cum to us, as ye sall be
     adverteist be proclamatioun, in caise the Congregatioun assembill
     tham selffis for any purpoise aganeis us, or the tennour of the
     said Appointment: assureand yow, without thay gadder, and mak first
     occasioun, we sall nott put yow to any paneis in that behalf; and
     that ye adverteis us in writt, quhat we may lippin to heirin with
     this beirar, quha will schaw yow the fervent mynd we beir to have
     concord with the said Congregatioun, quhat offeris we haif maid to
     thame, and how desyrous we ar to draw thame to the obedience of our
     Soveranis authoritie, to quham ye sall gif creddeit; and God keip

     "At Edinburgh, the tent day of August 1559."


The lyke letter sche wrait to everie Lord, Barroun, and Gentilman, of
this tennour:--


     "Efter hartlie commendatioun; We dowt nott bot ye have hard of the
     Appointment maid besyde Leith, betuix my Lord Duik, the Erle of
     Huntlie, and Monsieur Dosell, on the ane pairt, and the Lordis of
     the Congregatioun, on the uther syde; quhilk Appointment we have
     approvit in all poyntis, albeit it was taikin by our avise; and is
     myndit to observe and keip all the contentis thairof for our pairt.
     Nochtheless, we ar informeit, the saidis Lordis of the
     Congregatioun intendis schortlie to convene all sick personeis as
     will assist to thame, for interprysing of sum heycht purpoise
     aganis us, our authoratie, and tennour of the said Appointment,
     quhilk we can not beleif, seing thay nather haif, nor sall have,
     ony occasioun gevin thairto on our pairt, and yit thinkis not
     reassonabill, in caise thay meane ony sick thing: and thairfoir
     have thocht it guid to gif wairning to oure speciall freyndis of
     the adverteisment we have gottin, and amangis the rest, to yow,
     quham we esteme of that nomber. Praying yow to have your self,
     youre kin, and folkis in reddynes to cum to us."--And sua furth, as
     in the uthir letter above sent to the Duike, word efter word.


Efter that by thir letteris, and by the dissaitfull furnissing of hyr
solistaris, sche had sumquhat steirit up the hairtis of the pepill
against us, than sche began oppinlie to complayne, "That we war of mynd
to invaid hir persone; that we wald keip na pairt of the Appointment;
and thairfoir sche was compellit to crave the assistance of all men
against our injust persute." And this practise sche usit, as befoir is
said, to abuse the simplicitie of the pepill, that thay sould not
suddanlie espy for quhat purpois sche brocht in hir new bandis of men of
weir, quha did arryve about the middis of August to the nomber of ane
thousand men. The rest war appointit to cum efter, with Monsieur de la
Broche,[912] and with the Bischop of Amiance,[913] quha arryvit the
nynetene day of September following, as gif thay had bene Ambassadouris:
[SN: THE ARRYVELL OF THE FRENSCHE.[914]] bot quhat was thair
negotiatioun, the effect did declair, and thay thame selffis could not
long conceill; for baith be tung and pen thay utterit, "That thay war
send for the utter exterminatioun of all thame that wald not professe
the Papisticall religioun in all pointis." The Quenis practise nor craft
could not blynd the eyeis of all men; nether yitt could hir subtiltie
hyde hir awin schame, bot that many did espy hir desait: and sum spairit
not to speik thair jugement liberallie; quha foirseing the dainger gaif
adverteisment, requyring that provisioun mycht be fund, befoir that the
evill sould exceid our wisdome and strenth to put remedy to the same;
for prudent men foirsaw, that sche prctendit ane plane conqueist. Bot to
the end, that the pepill sould not suddanlie stur, sche wald nocht bring
in hir full force at aneis, (as befoir is said,) bot by continewall
traffique purposit to augment hir army, so that in the end we sould not
be abill to resist. Bot the greitest pairt of the Nobilitie, and many of
the pepill, war so enchantit by hir treassonabill solistaris, that thay
could not heir, nor creddeit the treuth planelie spokin. The Frensche
than, efter the arryvell of thair new men, began to brag: [SN: THE
devyde the landis and lordschippis according to thair awin fantaseis;
for ane was styleit Monsieur de Ergyle; ane uther, Monsieur le Priour;
the thrid, Monsieur de Ruthven; yea, thay war assureit, in thair awin
opinioun, to possesse quhatsoever thay list, that sum askit the
rentallis and revenewis of dyverse mennis landis, to the end that [thay]
mycht chuse the best. And yitt in this menetyme, sche eschame nott to
sett out ane Proclamatioun, in this forme:--


     "Forsamekle as we understand that certane seditious personis hes
     inventit and blawin abrod dyvers rumouris and evill brutis, tending
     thairby to steir up the hartis of the pepill, and swa to stope all
     reconciliatiounis betuix us and our subjectis, being of the nomber
     of the Congregatioun, and consequentlie to kyndill and nureise
     continewall stryfe and devisioun in this realme, to the manifest
     subvertioun of the haill Estaitis thairof; and amangis uther
     purpoisses, hes maliciouslie devisit for that effect, and hes
     perswaidit too many, that we haif violatit the Appointment laitlie
     tane, in sa far as ony ma Frensche men sensyne ar cumit in: and
     that we ar myndit to draw in greit forceis of men of weir furth of
     France, to suppres the libertie of this realme, oppres the
     inhabitantis thairof, and mak up straingaris with thair landis and
     goodis: Quhilk reportis ar all (God knawis) maist vayne, fenzeit,
     and untrew. For it is of treuth, that nathing hes bene done on oure
     pairt sen the said Appointment, quhairby it may be allegeit, that
     ony point thairof hes bene contravenit: nor yitt was at that tyme
     any thing communit or concludit to stope the sending in of Frensche
     men; as may cleirlie appeir be inspectioun of the said Appointment,
     quhilk the beirar heirof hes presentlie to schaw. [SN: LETT THE
     FRANCE, WITNESS THAT.[916]] Quhat[evir] nomber of men of weir be
     arryveit, we [have] sick regaird to our honour, and quyetnes of
     this realme, that in caise in the rowme of everie ane Frensche man
     that is in Scotland thair war ane hundreth at our command, yitt
     sould not for that any joyt that is promesit be brokin, or any
     alteratioun be maid be oure provocatioun; bot the said
     Appointment[917] treulie and surelie observit in everie point, gif
     the said Congregatioun will in lyk maner faithfullie keip thair
     pairt thairof. Nor yitt meane we to truble any man in the
     peaceabill possessioun of thair guidis and rowmes, nor yitt to
     enreache[918] the Crowne, and far less any strangear, with your
     substance; for our derrest sone and dochter, the King and Quene, ar
     by Godis provisioun placeit in the rowme, quhair all men of
     jugement may weill considder thay have na neid of any manis guidis.
     And for our self, we seik na thing bot debtfull obedience unto
     thame, sick as guid subjectis aucht to gif to thair Soveraneis,
     without deminutioun of your liberteis and priveleigeis, or
     alteratioun of your lawis.[919] Thairfoir, we thocht guid to
     notifie unto yow our guid mynd foirsaid, and desyreis yow not to
     gif eir nor creddeitt to sic vayne imaginationis, quhairof, befoir
     God, no pairte ever enterit in our consait; nor suffer your selfis
     be thairby led frome youre dew obedience; assureing yow, ye sall
     ever fynd with us trewth in promeisses, and ane moderlie luif
     towartis all; yow behaifand your selffis our[920] obedient
     of one thing we gif yow wairning, that quhairas sum Prechearis of
     the Congregatioun, in thair publict sermonis, speikis irreverentlie
     and sklanderouslie, alsweill of Princeis in generall, as of our
     self in particulare, and of the obedience to the hiear poweris;
     induceing the pepill, be that pairt of thair doctrine, to
     defectioun frome thair dewatie, quhilk pertenis na thing to
     religioun, bot rather to seditioun and tumult, thingis direct
     contrar to religioun: thairfoir we desyre yow to tak ordour in
     youre toun and boundis, that quhan the Prechearis repairis thair,
     thay use thame selfis mair modestlie in thay behalfis, and in thair
     precheing not to mell sa mekle with civill policie and publict
     governance, nor yit name us, or uther Princeis, bot with honour and
     reverence, utherwayis it will nocht be sufferrit. [SN: JESABELL
     WALD BE HONOURIT, BOT HELIAS WALD NOTT.] Attour,[921] sen ye haif
     presentlie the declaratioun of our intentioun, we desire to knaw
     lykwayis quhat sall be your pairt to us, that we may understand
     quhat to lippin for at your handis; quhairof we desire ane playne
     declaratioun in writt, with this beirar, without excuise or delay.

     "At Edinburgh, the twentie aucht of August 1559."

This proclamatioun sche send be hir messingeris throwch all the cuntrey,
and had hir solistaris in all pairtis, quha paynefullie travellit to
bring men to hir opinioun; amangis quham thir war the principallis, Sir
Johnne Bellenden, Justice Clerk; Maister James Balfour, Officiall of
Lowthiane, Maister Thomas and Maister Williame Scottis, sonnis to the
Laird of Balwerie,[922] Sir Robert Carnegy, and Maister Gawane
Hammiltoun; quha for faynting of the bretheris hairtis, and drawing many
to the Queneis factioun against thair natyve cuntrey, have declairit
thame selfis ennemeis to God, and traytouris to thair commune wealth.
Bot abuiff all utheris Maister James Balfour, Officiall for the tyme,
aucht to be abhoirrit; for he, of ane auld professoure, is becum ane new
denyare of Christ Jesus, and manifest blasphemar of his eternall
veritie, aganis his knawlege and conscience; seiking to betray his
brethren and natyve cuntrey in the handis of ane crewell and unfaithfull

The answer to this former proclamatioun was maid in forme as followis:--


     "The love of oure natyve cuntrey craifis, the defence of oure
     honouris requyreis, and the synceritie of oure conscienceis
     compellis us, (derrest Brethren,) to answer sum pairt to the last
     writtingis and proclamatiounis sett furth be the Queneis Grace
     Regent, no less to mak us and oure caus odiouse, than to abuse your
     simplicitie to youre finall destructioun, conspyreit of auld, and
     now alreaddy put to wark. And first, quhair sche allegeis certane
     seditious personeis have of malice inventit and blawin abrod
     diverse rumouris, [tending] thairby (as sche allegeis) to steir up
     the hartis of the pepill to seditioun, be reassone that the
     Frensche men ar croppin in of lait in our cuntrey; trew it is,
     (deir Brethren,) that all sick as beir naturall lufe to thair
     cuntrey, to yow, thair brethren, inhabitantis thairof, to our
     housses, wyffis, bairneis, the esperance of your posteratie, and
     schortlie to your commun-wealth, and the ancient lawis and
     libertieis thairof, can not bot in hart lament, with mowth and
     teiris complayne, the maist craftie assaultis devisit and
     practisit, to the utter rewyne of all thir thyngis foirnameit; and
     that sua manifestlie is gane to wark, that evin in our eyeis oure
     derrest brethren, trew memberis of oure commun-welth, ar maist
     crewellie oppressit by strangearis; in sa far that sum ar baneissit
     thair awin housses, sum robbit and spuilzeit of thair substance,
     conqueist by thair just laubouris in the sweit of thair browis; sum
     crewellie murtherit at the pleasour of thir inhumane souldiouris;
     and altogidder have thair lyvis in sick feir and dreddour, as gif
     the ennemy war in the myddis of thame; so that nathing can seme
     plesand unto thame, quhilk thay possess in the bowellis of thair
     natyve cuntrey; sa neir jugeis everie man, (and not but just caus,)
     the practise usit upoun thair brethren to approche nixt unto thame
     thair selffis, wyffeis, bairneis, housses, and substanceis, quhilk
     altogidder ar cassin at the feit of straingearis, men of weir, to
     be by thame thus abusit att thair unbrydillit lustis desyre. Now,
     if it be seditioun, (deir Brethren,) to complane, lament, and pour
     furth befoir God the sorrowis [and] sobbis of oure dolorouse
     hartis, crying to him for redress of thir enormyteis, (quhilk ellis
     quhair is not to be found;) and thir altogidder dois [proceid] of
     the unlauchfull halding of strange suldiouris over the heidis of
     oure brethren; gif this to complayne be sedition, then indeid,
     (deir Brethren,) can nane of us be purgeit of that cryme; for as in
     verray hart we dampne sick inhumayne creweltie, with the wickit and
     craftie pretence thairof, sua can we, nor dar we nott, neather be
     mouthis speiking, nor yitt by keiping of silence, justifie the
     same. Neather do we heir aggrege the breking of the Appointmentt
     maid at Leith, (quhilk alwayis hes manifestlie bene done;) bot
     quhan we remember quhat aith we have maid to our commun-welth, and
     how the dewatie we aucht to the same compellis us to cry outt, that
     hir Grace, be wickit and ungodlie counsall, gais maist craftelie
     about utterlie to oppress the same, and ancient lawis and
     libertieis thairof, alsweill aganeis the King of Francis promeise,
     hir awin dewatie, in respect of the heich promotionis that sche
     resavit thairby, quhilk justlie sould have caussit hir to have bene
     indeid that quhilk sche wald be callit, (and is nathing less in
     veritie,) to wit, ane cairfull mother ovir this commun-wealth; bot
     quhat motherlie cair sche hes usit towardis yow, ye can not be
     ignorant. [SN: LETT THE NOBILITIE JUGE HEIROF.] Haif ye nocht bene,
     evin frome the first entres of hir regne, ever smytit and oppressit
     with unaccustomit and exhorbitant taxatiounis, [more] than ever war
     usit within this realme? Yea, and how far was it socht heir to have
     bene brocht in upoun yow and your posteritie, under cullour to have
     bene laid up in stoir for the weiris? The inquisitioun tane of all
     your guidis, movable and immovabill, be way of testament; the
     seiking of the haill coill and saltt of this realme, to have bene
     laid up in stoir and gernall, and sche allane to have bene merchant
     thairof, dois teache yow be experience sum of her motherlie cair.

     "Agane, Quhat cair ower your commun-wealth dois hir Grace
     instantlie beir, quhan evin now presentlie, and of ane lang tyme
     bygane, be the ministerie of sum, (quha better deserve the
     gallowis, than ever did Cochrane,[923]) sche dois sua corrupt the
     layit[924] money, and lies brocht it in sick basenes, and sic
     quantatie of scruiff, that all men that hes thair eyis oppin may
     persaif ane extreme beggarie to be brocht thairthrow upoun the
     haill realme, swa that the haill exchange and traffique to be had
     with forane natiounis, (ane thing maist necessarie in all
     commun-wealthis,) sall thairby be utterlie extinguissitt; and all
     the ganeis resavit thairby is, that sche thairwith intertenis
     strangearis upoun oure heidis. For, Brethren, ye knaw that hir
     money hes servit for na uther purpoise in our commun-wealth this
     lang tyme bigane; and the impunitie of thir wickit ministeris,
     (quhame laitlie we spak of,) hes brocht the mater to sick ane
     licentious enormitie, and plane contempt of the commun-wealth, that
     now thay spair not planelie to brek doun and convert the guid and
     stark money, cunzeit in our Soveraneis less age, into this thair
     corruptit skruiff and baggage of Hard-heidis and Non Suntis,[925]
     maist lyik that sche and thay had conspyreit to destroy all the
     haill gud cunzey of this realme, and consequentlie that pairt of
     the commun-wealth. [SN: LETT SIR ROBERT RICHARTSOUN, AND
     UTHERIS,[926] ANSWER TO THIS.] Besydeis all this, thair clyppit
     and rowngeit soussis,[927] quhilk had no passage thir three yeiris
     past in the realme of France, ar commandit to have course in this
     realme, to gratifie thairby hir new cumit suldiouris. And all thir
     thingis togidder, ar done without the avise or consent of the
     Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme, and manifestlie thairthrow,
     against our ancient lawis and liberteis.

     "Thridlie, Hir last and maist wechty proceiding, mair fullie
     declairis hir motherlie cair hir Grace beiris to our commun-wealth
     and us, quhan in tyme of peace, but any occatioun of forane weiris,
     thowsandis of strangearis ar layd heir and thair upoun the neckis
     of our pure memberis of this commun-wealth; thair idill bellyis fed
     upoun the pure substance of the communitie, conqueist by thair just
     laubouris in the panefull sueit of thair browis. Quhilk to be trew,
     Dumbar, North-Berwick, Tranent, Prestounpanis, Mussilburgh, Leith,
     Cannogait, Kingorne, Kirkcaldy, Dysert, with the depauperat saullis
     that this day dwell thairin, can testifie; quhais oppressioun, as
     doutless it is enterit in befoir the justice sait of God, sa aucht
     it justlie to move oure hartis to have reuth and compassioun upoun
     thir oure pure brethren, and at oure poweris to provide remedy for
     the same. And albeit hir strangearis had bene garneissit with
     money, (as ye knaw weill thay war nott,) yitt can thair heir lying
     be na wayis bot maist hurtfull to our commun-wealth, seing that the
     fertilitie of this realme hes never bene sa plenteouse, that it was
     abill of any continewance to sustene the self, and inhabitantis
     thairof, without support of forane cuntreis; far less abill,
     besydeis the same, to susteane thowsandis of strangeris quhairwith
     it is burdenit, to the derthing of all viweris,[928] as the murmour
     and complaint of Edinburgh this day dois testifie. Bot to quhat
     effect the commun-wealth is this way burdenit, the end dois
     declair; for schortlie war thair brocht to the feyldis against our
     Soveraneis trew liegeis, even us youre Brethren, quha, (God
     knawis,) socht not ellis bot peace of conscience, under protectioun
     of oure Soverane, and reformatioune of thir enormiteis, for na
     uther caus bot that we wald nott renunce the Evangell of Jesus
     Chryst, and subdew oure neckis under the tyranie of that man of
     syn, the Romane Antichrist, and his foirsworne schavillingis, quha
     at all tymeis moist tyrannicalie oppressit oure saullis with hunger
     of Goddis trew word, and reft oure guidis and substanceis, to waist
     the same upoun thair foull lustis and stynking harlottis.

     "Bot, (O deir Brethren,) this was nocht the cheif pretence and
     finall scope of hir proceidingis, (as thir dayis do weill declair;)
     for had not God gevin in oure hartis to withstand that oppressioun
     with weaponis of maist just defence, thow, O Sanct Johnestoun and
     Dundie, had bene in na better estait nor youre sister of Leyth is
     this day. For thocht we in verray deid (God is witnes) menit then
     na thing bot, in the simplicitie of oure hartis, the mentenance of
     trew religioun, and saiftie of oure brethren professouris of the
     same, yit lay thair ane uther serpent lurking in the breist of our
     adversareis, as this day, (prayse to God,) is planelie oppinnit to
     all that list behald, to witt, to bring yow and us baith under the
     perpetuall servitude of strangearis; for we being appointit, as ye
     knaw, tuiching religioun to be reassonit in the Counsall at the day
     affixt, and na occatioun maid to brek the same on our syde, (as is
     weill knawin,) yitt come thair furth writtingis and complayntis,
     that this day and that day we war prepairit to invaid hir Graceis
     persone, (quhan in verray treuth thair was never sic thing thocht,
     as the verray deid hes declairit;) bot becaus sche was befoir
     deliberatt to bryng in Frensche men to bayth oure destructionis,
     that ye sould nott stur thairwith, sche maid yow to understand,
     that thay bandis came onlie for the saiftie of hir awin persone. O
     craft, Brethren! O subtiltie! Bot behald the end. [SN: THE CAUS OF
     (yitt not sa mony, na, not the saxt pairt that sche desyreit and
     lukit for,) and how?[929] Not onlie with weaponis to defend hir
     Graceis persone, bot with wyffis and bairneis, to plant in youre
     natyve rowmeis,[930] as thay have alreddy begun in the toun of
     Leith, the principall port and stapill of all this realme, the
     gernall and furnitour of the Counsall and Sait of Justice: and heir
     will thay duell, quhill thay may rainforce thame with greitar
     nomber of thair fallow suldiouris, to subdew than the rest, gif God
     withstand not. And yitt hir Grace feirit nor eschamit not to write,
     'Gif thay war ane hundreth Frensche men for everie ane of thame
     that is in Scotland, yitt thay sould harme na man.' Tell thow now,
     Leith! gif that be trew: gif this be not ane crafty entrie to ane
     manifest conqueist, foirthocht of auld, juge yow, deir Brethren!
     Thus to forte our tounis, and evin the principall port of our
     realme, and to lay sa strang garnisouns[931] of straingearis
     thairin, without any consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this
     realme, bot expres aganeis thair mynd, (as our writtingis send to
     hir Grace beiris record,) gif this be not to oppres the ancient
     lawis and libertieis of oure realme, lett all wise men say to
     it.[932] And farther, to tak the barne-yairdis new gatherrit, the
     gernallis replenischeit, the houssis garnissit, and to sitt doun
     thairin, and be force to putt the just possessouris and ancient
     inhabitantis thairfra, with thair wyffis, bairneis, and servandis,
     to schyft [for] thame selfis in begging, gif thair be na uthir
     meaneis, thay being trew Scottis men, memberis of our
     commun-wealth, and our deir brethren and sisteris, borne, fosterit,
     and brocht up in the bowellis of oure commune and natyve cuntrey:
     gif this be not the manifest declaratioun of thair auld pretence
     and mynd to the haill Scottis natioun, lett your awin conscience,
     (Brethren,) be juge heirin. Was all Leith of the Congregatioun? Na,
     I think nott; yitt war all alyk servit.

     "Let this motherlie cair than be tryit be the fruttis thairof:
     First, Be the greit and exhorbitant taxatiounis usit upoun yow, and
     yitt ten tymeis greittar preissit at, as ye knaw. Secundlie, The
     utter depravatioun of our counzie, to conqueiss tharby money to
     interteyne strangearis, Frensche suldiouris, upoun yow, to mak
     thame strong haldis, leist ye sould sumtyme expell thame out of
     your natyve rowmeis.[933] Thridlie, Be the daylie rainforceing of
     the said Frensche souldiouris, in strenth and nomber, with wyffis
     and bairneis, planting in your brethrenis houssis and possessiouns.
     Indeid, hir Grace is, and lies bene at all tymes cairfull to
     procure be hir craft of fair wordis, fair promeissis, and sumtyme
     buddis, to allure your simplicitie to that poynt, to joyne your
     self to hir suldiouris, to dantoun and oppres us, that ye the
     remanent, (we being cut of,) may be ane easie pray to hir slychtis,
     quhilk God, of infinite gudnes, lies now discoveritt to the eyeis
     of all that list to behald. Bot credeit the warkis, (deir
     Brethren,) gif ye will not creddeit us; and lay the exampill of
     forane natiouns, yea, of your awin brethren, befoir your eyis and
     procure not your awin rewyne willinglie. Yff ye tender trew
     religioun, ye see how hir Grace beiris hir[self] plane ennemy
     thairto, and mentenis the tyrannie of thair idill bellies, the
     Bischopis, aganeis Godis Kirk. Giff religioun be nott perswaidit
     unto yow, yit cast ye not away the cair ye aucht to have ower your
     commun-welth, quhilk ye see manifestlie and violentlie rewyneit
     befoir your eyis. Gif this will nott move yow, remember your deir
     wyffis, children, and posteratie, your ancient heretageis and
     houssis; and think weill thir strangearis will regaird na mair
     your rycht thairunto, than thay have done your brethrenis of Leyth,
     quhan ever occatioun sall serve. Bot gif ye purpoise, as we dout
     not bot that all thay that ather haif wit or manheid will declair
     and prove indeid, to bruik your ancient rowmeis and heretageis,
     conquerit maist valiantlie, and defendit be your maist nobill
     progenitouris against all strangearis, invaidaris or the same, as
     the Frenscheis pretendis planelie this day; gif ye will not he
     slavis unto thame, and to have your liffis, your wiffis, your
     bairnes, your substance, and quhatsoever is deir unto yow, cassin
     at thair feitt, to be usit and abusit at the plesour of strange
     suldiouris, as ye see your brethrenis at this day befoir your
     eyeis; gif ye will not have experience sum day heirof in your awin
     personeis, (as we suppone the least of yow wald not glaidlie have,
     bot rather wald chuse with honour to die in defence of his awin
     natyve rowme, than leif and serve sa schamefull ane servitud;)
     than, Brethren, let us joyne our forceis, and baith with witt and
     manheid resist thir begynningis, or ellis our libertieis heirefter
     sall be deirar bocht. [SN: ANE PROVERB.] Lett us surelie[934] be
     perswaidit, 'Quhan our nychtbouris house be on fyre, that we duell
     nott without daingear.'[935] Lett na man withdraw himself heirfra:
     and gif any will be sa unhappy and myschevous, (as we suppone nane
     to be,) let us altogidder reput, hald, and use him, (as he is
     indeid,) for ane ennemy to us, and to him self, and to his
     commun-weill. The eternall and omnipotent God, the trew and onlie
     revengear of the oppressit, be oure confort and oure protectour
     against the fury and raige of the tyrantis of this warld; and
     especiallie frome the insaciabill covetousnes of the
     Guisianeis[936] generatioun. AMEN."

Besydis this, our publict letter, sum men answerit certane heidis of hir
proclamatioun on this maner:--

     "Gyff it be seditious to speik the treuth in all sobrietie, and to
     complayne quhan thay ar woundit, or to call for help against unjust
     tyrannie befoir that thair throttis be cutt, than can we not deny,
     bot we ar criminall and giltie of tumult and seditioun. For we have
     said that our commun-wealth is oppressit, that we and our brethren
     ar hurt be the tyrrannie of strangearis, and that we feir bondage
     and slaverie, seing that multitudeis of cruell murtheraris ar
     daylie brocht in our cuntrey, without our counsall, or knawlege and
     consent. We dispuit not sa mekill quhidder the bringing in of ma
     Frensche men be violating of the Appointment, (quhilk the Quene nor
     hir factioun can not deny to be manifestlie brokin be thame, in ma
     caisses than ane,) as that we wald knaw, gif the heipping of
     strangearis upoun strangearis above us, without our counsall or
     consent, be ane thing that may stand with the libertie of our
     realme, and with the proffitt of our commun wealth. It is not
     unknawin to all men of jugement, that the fruitis of our cuntrey,
     in the maist commun yeiris, be na mair than sufficient reassonabill
     to nureis the borne inhabitantis of the same. Bot now, seing that
     we have bene vexit with weiris, taikin upoun us at the plesour of
     France, by the quhilk the maist fruttfull portioun of our cuntrey
     in corneis hes bene waistit; quhatt man is sa blynd bot that he may
     see, that sic bandis of ungodlie and idill suldiouris can be na
     thing ellis bot ane occatioun to fameis our pure brethren? and in
     this poynt we refuise nott, (quhilk is the cheif,) the jugement of
     all naturall Scottis men."

     The Quene Regent allegeit, "That althocht thair war ane hundreith
     Frensche men for ane in Scotland, yitt sche is not myndit to
     trubill any in his just possessioun." Quhairto we answer, "That we
     disput not quhat sche intendis, (quhilk nochttheless, be probabill
     conjectouris, is to be suspectit;) bot alwayis we affirme, that
     sick ane multitude of Frensche men is ane burding, not onlie
     unproffitabill, bot alssua intollerabill to this pure realme,
     especiallie being intreatit as thay ar be hir and Monsieur Dosell;
     for gif thair waigeis be payit out of France, than ar thay baith
     (the Quene, we say, and Monsieur Dosell,) traytouris to the Kyng
     and Counsall; for the pure communis of this realme have sustenit
     thame with the sweit of thair browis, sence the contracting of the
     peace, and sumquhat befoir.

     "Quhat motherlie effectioun sche hes declairit to this realme, and
     to the inhabitantis of the same, hir warkis have evidentlie
     declairit, evin sence the first houre that sche hes borne
     authoritie; and albeit men will not this day see quhat daingear
     hyngis over thair heidis, yitt feir we, that or it be long,
     experience sall teich sum that we feir not without cause. The
     crewell murthar and oppressioun usit be thame quham now sche
     fosteris, is till us ane sufficient argument, quhatt is to be
     luikit for, quhan hir nomber is sa multipleit, that oure force sall
     not be abill to gainestand thair tyranie.


     "Quhair sche complenis of our Prechearis, affirmyng that
     irreverentlie thay speik of Princeis in generall, and of hir in
     particular, induceing the pepill thairby to defectioun frome thair
     dewatie, &c., and thairfor that sick thing can nott be sufferit:
     Becaus this occatioun is had aganis[938] Godis trew Ministeris, we
     can not bot witnes quhat tred and ordour of doctrine thay have
     keipitt and yitt keip in that poynt. In publict prayeris thay
     commend to God all Princeis in generall, and the Magistrattis of
     this our natyve realme in particular. In oppin audience thay
     declair the auctoratie of Princeis and Magistratis to be of God;
     and thairfoir thay affirme, that thay aucht to be honourit, feirit,
     obeyit, evin for conscience saik; providit that thay command nor
     requyre nathing expreslie repugning to Godis commandiment and
     plane will, reveillit in his holy worde. Mairover, thay affirme,
     that gif wickit personeis, abusing the auctoratie estableischet be
     God, command thingis manifestlie wickit, that sick as may and do
     brydill thair inordinatt appetyteis of Princeis, can not be accusit
     as resistaris of the aucthoratie, quhilk is Godis gud ordinance. To
     brydill the fury and raige of Princeis in free kingdomes and
     realmeis, thay affirme it appertenis to the Nobilitie, sworne and
     borne Counsallouris of the same, and allsua to the Barronis and
     Pepill, quhais voteis and consent ar to be requyreit in all greit
     and wechty materis of the commun-welth. Quhilk gif thay do not,
     thay declair thame selffis criminall with thair Princeis, and sa
     subject to the same vengeance of God, quhilk thay deserve, for that
     thay pollute the sait of justice, and do, as it war, mak God author
     of iniquytie. Thay proclame and thay cry, that the same God quha
     plaigit Pharoo, repulsit Senacherib, struik Herod with wormes, and
     maid the bellies of dogis the grave and sepulchrie of despytefull
     Jesabell, will nott spair the crewell Princeis, murtheraris of
     Chrystis memberis in this our tyme. On this maner thay speik of
     Princeis in generall, and of youre Grace in particular. [SN: LETT
     WRYTTING AND PUBLICATIOUN HEIROF.[939]] This onlie we have hard ane
     of oure Prechearis say, rebuiking the vane excuise of sick as
     flatter thame selffis, be reassone of the auctoratie; 'Many now a
     dayis, (said he,) will have na uther religioun nor faith than the
     Quene and the authoratie hes.'[940] Bot is it [not] posseble, that
     the Quene be sa far blyndit that sche will haif na religioun, nor
     na uther fayth, than may content to the Cardinall of Lorane? and
     may it nott lykwyise be abill, that the Cardinall be sua corrupt,
     that he will admitt na religioun quhilk dois nott establische the
     Paip in his kingdome: Bot plane it is, that the Paip is lievetenent
     to Sathan, and ennemy to Chryst Jesus, and to his perfyte
     religioun. Lett men thairfoir considder quhat daingear thay stand
     in, gif thair salvatioun sall depend upoun the Queneis faith and
     religioun. Farder we have never hard any of oure Prechearis speik
     of the Quene Regent, nether publictlie nor privatlie. Quhair hir
     Grace declairis, 'It will nocht be sufferit that oure prechearis
     mell with policie, nor speik of hir nor of uther Princeis bot with
     reverence,' we answer, 'That as we will justifie and defend nathing
     in oure prechearis, quhilk we fynd not God to have justifeit and
     allowit in his messingeris befoir thame; sua dar we not forbid
     thame oppinlie to reprehend that quhilk the Spreit of God, speiking
     in the Propheitis and [SN: THE PROPHETTIS HAIF MIDDILLIT WITH
     reprehendit befoir thame. Helias did personallie reprove Achab and
     Jesabell of idolatrie, of avarice, of murther; and sicklik Esaias
     the Propheit callitt the magistrattis of Jerusalem in his tymeis
     companzeounis to thevis, princeis of Sodome, brybe-takeris, and
     murtheraris: He complenit that thair silver was turnit in to dross,
     that thair wyne was myngleit with watter, and that justice was
     bocht and sauld. Jeremias said, 'That the baneis of King Jehoiakim
     sould widder with the sone.' Christ Jesus callit Herod a fox; and
     Paul callit the Hie Preist ane payntit wall, and prayit unto God
     that he sould strike him, because that against justice he commandit
     him to be smyttin. Now gif the lyk or greittar corruptiounis be in
     the warld this day, quha dar interprise to put silence to the
     Spreit of God, quhilk [will] not be subject[941] to the appetyteis
     of wickit Princeis?"


We have befoir said, that the tent day of September was appointit for
ane Conventioun to be haldin at Striveling, to the quhilk repairit the
maist pairt of the Lordis of the Congregatioun. At that same tyme
arryvitt the Erle of Arrane, quha, efter that he had salutit his Father,
came with the Erie of Ergyle and Lord James to Striviling to the said
Conventioun. In quhilk diverse godlie men complenit upoun the tyrranie
usit against thair brethren, and especiallie that ma Frensche men wer
brocht in to oppress thair cuntrey. Efter the consultatioun of certane
dayis, the principall Lordis, with my Lord of Arrane and Erie of Ergyle,
past to Hammyltoun, for consultatioun to be taikin with my Lord Duikis
Grace. And in this menetyme came assureit word that the Frensche men war
begun to fortifie Leith; quhilk thing, as it did mair evidentlie
discover[943] the Queneis craft, sua did deiplie greiff the hartis of
the haill Nobilitie thair, quha, with ane consentt, aggreit to write
unto the Quene, in forme as followis:--


     "At Hammyltoun, the xix[944] day of September 1559.

     "Pleise Your Grace,

     "We ar credibillie informeit, that your army of Frensche men sould
     instantlie begin to plant in Leith, to fortifie the same, of mynd
     to expell the ancient inhabitants thairof, our brethren of the
     Congregatioun; quhairof we marvell not a littill, that your Grace
     sould sua manifestlie brek the Appointment maid at Leith, but ony
     provocatioun maid be us and our brethren. And seing the samyn is
     done without ony maner consent of the Nobilitie and Counsale of
     this realme, we esteme the same nocht onlie oppressioun of our pure
     brethren, indwellaris of the said town, bot allsua verray
     prejudiciall to the commun-wealth, and playne contrair to oure
     ancient lawis and libertieis: Heirfoir desyreis your Grace to caus
     the samyn warke interprysit, be stayit; and nott to attempt sua
     raschlie and manifestlie against your Graceis promeis, against the
     commun-wealth, the ancient lawis and libertieis thairof, (quhilk
     thingis, besyde the glorie of God, ar maist deir and tender unto
     us, and onlie our pretence;) utherwayis, assuring your Grace, we
     will complayne to the haill Nobilitie and Communitie of this
     realme, and maist eirnistlie seik for redress thairof. And thus,
     recommending oure humyll service unto youre Hienes, your Graceis
     answer maist eirnistlie we desire, quham we committ to the eternall
     protectioun of God.

     "At Hammyltoun, day and yeir forsaid. Be youre Graceis humyll and
     obedient Servitouris."

(This letter was subscrivit with the handis of my Lord Duik, the Erie of
Arrane, Argyle, Glencairne, and Menteith; be the Lordis Ruthwen,
Uchiltre, Boyd, and by utheris diverse, Barronis and Gentilmen.)--To
this requeist sche wald nott answer be writt, bot with ane letter of
creddeit sche send Sir Robert Carnegy[945] and Maister David
Boirthick,[946] tua, quham amangis many utheris, sche abusit, and by
quham sche corruptit the hartis of the sempill. They travellit with the
Duik, to bring him agane to the Queneis factioun. La Broche and the
Bischop of Amiance were schort befoir arryvit; and, as it was brutit,
war directit as ambassadouris; bot thay keipitt cloise thair haill
commissioun: Thay onlie maid large promeisses to thame that wald be
thairis, and leif the Congregatioun. The Quene did grevouslie complayne,
that we haid intelligence with Ingland. [SN: THE PETITIOUN OF
LABROCHE.] The conclusioun of thair commissioun was to solist my Lord
Duike to put all in the Queneis will, and than wald sche be gratious
aneuch. [SN: THE ANSWER.] It was answerit, "That na honest men
durst committ thame selfis to the mercie of sick thrott-cuttaris[947] as
sche had about hir; quham, gif sche wald remove, and joyne to hir ane
Counsall of naturall Scottismen, permitting the religioun to have fre
passage, than sould nane in Scotland be mair willing to serve hir Grace
than sould the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun be."


At the same tyme, the Duik his Grace and the Lordis wrait to my Lord
Erskin, Capitane of Castell of Edinburgh, in forme as followis:


     "Efter oure hartlie commendatioun, this present is to adverteise
     yow, that we ar credibillie informeit, the army of Frensche men
     instantlie in this realme, but ony avise of the Counsale of
     Nobilitie, ar fortifieand, of ellis schortlie intendis to fortifie
     the town of Leith, and expell the ancient inhabitantis thairof;
     quhairby thay proclame to all that will oppin thair eiris to heir,
     or ene to se, quhat is thair pretence. And seing the faithfulnes of
     youre antecessouris, and especiallie of your Father, of honorabill
     memorie, was sa recommendit and experimentit to the Estaitis and
     Counsallouris of this realme, throwch affectioun thay persawit in
     him towartis the commun-wealth thairof, that thay doubtit not to
     gif in his keiping the key, as it war, of the Counsall, the
     Justice, and Policey of this realme, the Castellis of Edinburgh
     and Striveling;[948] we can not bot beleif ye will rather augment
     the honorabill favoure of your housse, be steidfast favour and
     lawtie to your commun-wealth, than throuch the subtell persuatioun
     of sum, (quhilk cair not quhat efter sail cum of yow and your
     house,) at the present wald abuse yow, to the performance of thair
     wickit interprysis and pretensis against oure commun-wealth,
     utterlie to destroy the same. And heirfoir, seing that we haif
     writtin to the Queneis Grace, to desist fra that interpryse,
     utherwise that we will complane to the Nobilitie and Communitie of
     the realme, and seik redress thairof. We lykwise beseik yow, as our
     tender freynd, brother, and member of the same commun-wealth with
     us, that ye on na wayis mell or assent to that ungodlie interpryise
     aganeis the commun-wealth; and lykwyise, that ye wald saif your
     body, and the jewell of this countrey commitit to yow and your
     predicessouris lawtie and fidelitie toward youre natyve countrey
     and commun-wealth, gif ye think to be repute heirefter ane of the
     samyn, and wald rather be brother to us, nor to strangers; for we
     do gather by the effectis, the secreitis of menis hartis,
     utherwayis inserceabill unto us. This we write, nott that we ar in
     dout of yow, bot rather to wairne yow of the daingear, in caise ye
     thoill your self to be enchantit with fair promeissis and craftie
     counsalouris. For lett na man flatter him selff: We desyre all man
     [to] knaw, that thocht he war our father, (sen God hes oppinnit
     oure eyes to se his will,) be he ennemy to the commun-wealth,
     quhilk now is assailzeit, and we with it, and all trew memberis
     thairof, he sall be knawin (and as he is in deid) ennemy to us, to
     oure lyvis, housses, babis, heretageis, and quhat sumevir is
     contenit within the same. For as the schip perischeing, quhat can
     be saif that is within?[949] Sua the commun-wealth being betrayit,
     quhat particular member can leif in quyetnes? And thairfoir in sa
     far as the saidis Castellis ar commitit to your credeitt, we desyre
     yow to schaw youre faithfulnes and stoutnes, as ye tender us, and
     quhatsumevir appertenis to us. And seing we ar assureit ye will be
     assailzeit bayth with craft and force, as now be wairnyng we help
     yow against the first, sua against the last ye sall not myss in all
     possibill haist to have oure assistance. Onlie schaw your selff the
     man. Saiff your persone by wisdome, strenth your selff against
     force, and the Almychtie God assist yow in baith the ane and the
     uther, and oppin youre eyis[950] understanding, to see and persaif
     the craft of Sathan and his suppoistis.

        "At Hammyltoun, the xix day[951] of September 1559. Be your
           Brethren, &c."


The Duike and Lordis understanding that the fortificatioun of Leith
proceidit, appointit thair haill forceis to convene at Striviling the xv
day of October, that frome thence thai mycht marche fordwart to
Edinburgh, for the redress of the greit enormyteis quhilk the Frensche
did to the haill cuntrey, quhilk be thame was sua oppressitt that the
lyfe of all honest man[952] was bitter unto him.

In this meintyme, the Lordis directit thair letteris to diverse pairtis
of the cuntrey, makand mentioun quhat dangear did hing ower all men,
giff the Frensche sould be sufferit to plant in this cuntrey at thair
plesoure. Thay maid mentioun farder, how humblie thay had socht the
Queue Regent, that sche wald send away to France hir Frensche men, quha
war ane burding unproffitable and grevous to thair commun-wealth; and
how that sche nochtwithstanding did daylie augment hir nomber, brynging
wyffis and bairneis; a declaratioun of ane plane conqueist, &c.

The Quene, than Regent, perseving that hir crafte began to be espiit, be
all meaneis possebill travellit to blynd the pepill. And first, sche
send furth hir pestilent postis foirnameit in all pairtis of the
cuntrey, to perswaid all man that sche offerit all thingis reassonabill
to the Congregatioun; and that thay refusing all reassoun, pretendit na
religioun, bot ane plane revolt frome the Authoratie. Sche temptit every
man in particular, alse weill thay that war of the Congregatioun, as
thame that war neutrallis. Sche assaultit everie man, as sche thocht
maist easelie he mycht have bene ovircum. To the Lord Ruthven sche send
the Justice Clerk and his wiff, quhn, is dochter to the wife[953] of the
said Lord. Quhat was thair commissioun and creddeit, is na farther
knawin than the said Lord hes confessit, quhilk is, that large
promeisses of proffitt was offerrit, gif he wald leiff the
Congregatioun and be the Queneis. To Lord James, Priour of Sanctandrois,
was send Maister Johnne Spense of Condy, with ane letter and creddeit,
as followis:--

                   THE THRETTY DAY OF SEPTEMBER.

"1. Ye sall say, that hir[955] greit favour towartis yow movis hir
      to this.

"2. That sche now knawis, that the occatioun of your depairting frome
hir was the favoure of the word and of religioun; with the quhilk albeit
sche was offendit, yitt knawing your hart and the hartis of the uther
Lordis firmelie fixit thairupoun, sche will beir with yow in that
behalf, and at youre awin sychtis sche will sett fordwart that caus at
hir power, as may stand with Goddis word, the commun policey of this
realme, and the Princeis honour. (Note, Gud reiddar, quhat vennoum
lurkis heir; for plane it is, that the policey quhilk sche pretendit,
and the Princeis honour, will never suffer Christ Jesus to ring in this

"3. To say, that the occasioun of the assembling of thir men of weir,
and fortifeing of Leith, is, that it was gevin hir to understand be sum
about hir, that it is not the advancement of the word and religioun
quhilk is socht at this tyme, bot rather ane pretense to owerthraw, or
alter the authoratie of your Sister, of the quhilk sche belevis still
that ye ar nott participant; and considdering the tendernes betuix yow
and your Sister, sche trestis mair in yow in that behalf than in any
befoir the Erle of Arrane arryvit, and that the Duke depairtit frome hir
factioun, sche ceassit not contynewallie to cry, that the Priour socht
to mak him self King; and sua not onlie to depryve his sister to mak him
selff King, bot alssua to defraude the Lordis Duikeis Grace and his
housse: bot foirseing ane storme, sche began to seik ane new wynd.)

     "Sche farther willit, to offer the way-sending of the men of weir,
     gif the former suspitioun could be removit. Sche lamentit the
     trubill that appeirit to follow gif the mater sould lang stand in
     debait. Sche promeist hir faithfull laubouris for reconciliatioun,
     and requyreit the samyn of him; requiring farther, faith, favour,
     and kyndnes, towartis his Sister; and to adverteise for his pairt
     quhat he desyreit, with promeise that he mycht obtene quhat he
     plesit to desyre, &c."

To this letter and creddeit, the said Lord James answerit as followis:--


     "I resavit your Hienes writting, and have hard the creddeit of the
     beirar; and fynding the busynes of sick importance, that
     daingerouse it war to gif haistie answer, and alssua your
     petitionis ar sua, that with my honour I can nott answer thame
     privatlie be my selff: I have thocht guid to delay the same till
     that I may have the jugement of the haill Counsall. For this poynt
     I will not conceill frome youre Grace, that amangis us thair is ane
     solempnit aith, that nane of us sall trafique with youre Grace
     secreitlie; nether yitt that any of us sall mak ane [ad]dress for
     him selff particularlie; quhilk aith, for my pairt, I purpoise to
     keip inviolatit to the end. Bot quhan the rest of the Nobillmen
     sall convene, I sall leif nathing that lyis in my power undone that
     may mak for the quyetnes of this pure realme, providing that the
     glorie of Christ Jesus be nott hinderit by oure concord. And gif
     youre Grace sall be found sua tractabill as now ye offer, I doutt
     nott to obteyne of the rest of my brethren sick favouris towartis
     youre service, as youre Grace sall have just occatioun to stand
     content. For God I tak to record, that in this actioun I have
     nether socht, nether yitt seikis, any uther thing than Godis glorie
     to encrease, and the libertie of this pure[957] realm to be
     mentenit. Farther, I have schawin to youre messinger quhat thingis
     have myslykeit me in youre proceidingis, evin frome sick ane hart
     as I wald wysche to God ye and all men did knaw. And this with
     hartlie commendatioun of service to youre Grace, I hartlie commit
     your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of the Omnipotent.

       "At Sanctandrois, the first of October.
          (_Sic subscribitur_,)
              "Your Graceis humyll and obedient servitour,
                                                       J. ST."[958]

This answer resaivet, sche raigeit as hypocrasie usis, quhan it is
prickit; and persaving that sche could nott wirk quhat sche wald at the
handis of men particularie, sche sett furth ane Proclamatioun,
universallie to be proclameit, in the tennour as followis:--

     "Forsamekle as it is understand to the Queneis Grace, that the Duke
     of Chastellerault hes laitlie directit his missyveis in all pairtis
     of this realme, makand mentioun that the Frensche men lait arryvit,
     with thair wyffis and bairneis, ar [begunne][959] to plant in
     Leith, to the rewyne of the commun-welth, quhilk he and his
     pairttakeris will not pas ower with patient behalding, desyring to
     knaw quhat will be everie manis pairt; and that the fortificatioun
     of Leith is[960] ane purpoise devysit in France, and that thairfoir
     Monsieur de La Broche and the Bischop of Amiance ar cumit in this
     cuntrey; ane thing sa vaine and untrew, that the contrarie thairof
     is notour to all men of free jugement: Thairfoir hir Grace, willing
     that the occatiouns quhairby hir Grace was movit sa to do be maid
     patent, and quhat hes bene hir proceidingis sen the Appointment
     last maid on the Linkis besyde Leith, to the effect that the treuth
     of all thingis being maid manifest, everie man may understand how
     injustlie that will to suppres the libertie of this realme is laid
     to hir charge, hes thocht expedient to mak this discours

     "Fyrst, Althocht efter the said Appointment, dyverse of the said
     Congregatioun, and that not of the meaneast sort, had contravenit
     violentlie the pointis thairof, and maid sundrie occatiouns of new
     cummer, the samyn was in ane pairt wynkit att and ower-luikit, in
     hoip that thay with tyme wald remember thair dewatie, and abstene
     fra sick evill behaviouris, quhilk conversioun hir Grace ever
     sochtt, rather than any puneisment, with sick cair and solicitud be
     all meaneis, quhill, in the menetyme, na thing was providit for hir
     awin securitie. Bot at last, be thair frequent messageis to and fra
     Ingland, thair intelligence than was persavit: yit hir Grace
     trestis the Quene of Ingland (lett thame seik as thay pleise) will
     do the office of ane Christiane Princes in tyme of ane sworne peax;
     throw quhilk force was to hir Grace (seand sua greit defectioun of
     greit personageis,) to have recourse to the law of nature; and lyk
     as ane small bird, being persewit, will provide sum nest, sua hir
     Grace could do na less, in caise of persute, nor provide sum sure
     retrait for hir selff and hir cumpany; and to that effect, chusit
     the toun of Leith, as place convenient thairfoir; becaus, first, it
     was hir derrest dochteris propertie, and na uther persone could
     acclame tytle or enteress thairto, and als becaus in tyme afoir it
     had bene fortifeit. About the same tyme that the seiking support of
     Ingland was maid manifest, arryvit the Erle of Arrane, and adjoinit
     him selff to the Congregatioun, upoun farder promisses nor the[961]
     pretendit quarrell of religioun that was to be sett up be thame in
     authoratie, and sua to pervert the haill obedience. [SN: FALSE
     LEYING TOUNG, GOD HAS CONFOUNDIT THEE!] And as sum of the said
     Congregatioun at the samyn tyme had putt to thair handis, and takin
     the Castell of Brochty, put furth the keiparis thairof: immediatlie
     came fra the said Duike to hir Grace unluikit for, ane writing,
     beside many uther,[962] compleneand of the fortificatioun of the
     said toun of Leith, in hurt of the ancient inhabitantis thairof,
     brether of the said Congregatioun, quhairof he than professit him
     self ane member; and albeit that the beirar of the said writting
     was ane unmeitt messinger in ane mater of sick consequence, yitt
     hir Grace direc[ted] to him twa personeis of guid creddeit and
     reputatioun with answer, offerrand, gif he wald caus ane mendis be
     maid for that quhilk was commitit aganeis the lawis of the realme,
     to do further nor could be cravit of reassone, and to that effect
     to draw sum conference, quhilk for inlaik of him and his collegis,
     ACCUSATIOUN.] Nochttheles thay continewallie sensyne contynewis in
     thair doingis, usurping the Authoratie, commanding and chargeing
     free Borrowis to cheise Provestis and officiaris of thair nameing,
     and to assyst to thame in the purpoise thay wald be att; and thatt
     thay will nocht suffer provisioun to be brocht for sustentatioun of
     hir Graceis housseis; and greit pairt hes sa planelie sett asyde
     all reverence and humanitie, quhairby everie man may knaw that it
     is na mater of religioun, bot ane plane usurpatioun of authoratie,
     and na dout bot sempill men, of gude zeall in tymeis bigane,
     thairwith falslie hes bene desavit. Bot as to the Queneis Grace
     pairt, God, quha knawis the secreitis of all hartis, weill kennis,
     and the warld sall see be experience, that the fortificatioun of
     Leith was devisit for na uther purpoise bot for recourse to hir
     Hienes and hir cumpany, in caise thay war persewit. Quhairfoir, all
     gud subjectis that hes the feir of God in thair hartis, will not
     suffer thame selffis be sick vaine perswatiouns to be led away from
     thair dew obedience, bot will assist in defence of thair Soveraneis
     quarrel aganeis all sick as will persew the same wrangouslie.
     Thairfoir, hir Grace ordaneis the officiaris of armeis to pas to
     the Mercat-Croceis of all heid Borrowis of this realme, and thair
     be oppin proclamatioun command and charge all and sundrie the
     liegeis thairof, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to put thame
     selfis in armeis, nor tak pairt with the said Duke or his
     assistaris, under the pane of treassone."

Thir letteris being devulgatt, the hartis of many war steirit; for thay
jugeit the narratioun of the Queue Regent to have bene trew: uthiris
understanding the samin to be utterlie false. Bot becaus the Lordis
desyreit all man [to] juge in thair cause, thay sett out this
Declaratioun subsequent:--


     "We ar compellit unwillinglie to answer the grevouse accusatiouns
     maist injustlie laid to our chargeis be the Quene Regent and hir
     perverst Counsall, quha cease not, by all craft and malice, to mak
     us odiouse to our darrest brethren, naturall Scotismen; as that we
     pretendit na uther thing bot the subversioun and owerthraw of all
     just authoritie, quhan, God knawis, that we thocht na thing bot
     that sick authoratie as God approvis by his word, be establischeit,
     honourit, and obeyit amangis us. Trew it is that we have complenit,
     (and continewallie must complene,) till God send redress, that our
     commun cuntrey is oppressit with strangearis; that this inbringing
     of suldiouris, with thair wiffis and children, and planting of men
     of weir in oure free tounis, appeiris to us ane reddy way to
     conqueist: And we maist eirnistlie requyre all indifferent
     personeis to juge betwix us and [the] Quene Regent in this
     cause,[963] to wit, quhidder that our complaynt be just or nott;
     for, for quhat uther purpoise sould sche this multiplie strangearis
     upoun us, bot onlie in respect of conqueist; quhilk is ane thing
     not of lait devisit be hir and hir avaritiouse House. [SN: THE
     AVARICE OF THAME OF LORANE AND GWEISE.] We ar not ignorant, that
     sax yeris past, the questioun was demandit, of ane man of honest
     reputatioun, quhat nomber of men was abill to dantoun Scotland, and
     to bring it to the full obedience of France. She allegeis, that to
     say the fortificatioun of Leith was ane purpoise devisit in France,
     and that for that purpoise war Monsieur de La Broche, and the
     Bischop Amiance send to this cuntrey, is ane thing sa vaine and
     untrew, that the contrarie thairof is notour to all men of fre
     jugement. Bot evident it is, quhatsoever sche allegeis, that sence
     thair arryvall, Leith was begun to be fortifeit. Sche allegeis,
     that sche, seing the defectioun of greit personageis, was
     compellitt to have recourse to the law of nature, and lyk ane small
     bird persewit,[964] to provide for sum sure retreitt to hir selff
     and hir cumpany. Bot quhy dois sche not answer, for quhatt purpoise
     did sche bring in hir new bandis of men of weir? Was thair any
     defectioun espyit befoir thair arryvall? Was not the Congregatioun
     under appointment with hir? quhilk, quhatsoever sche allegeis, sche
     is not abill to prove that we haid contravenit in any chief poynt,
     befoir that her new throt-cuttaris arryvit, yea, befoir that thay
     began to fortifie Leith; ane place, says sche, maist convenient
     for hir purpoise, as in verray deid it is for the resaving of
     strangearis at hir plesour: for gif sche haid fearit the persute of
     hir body, sche haid the Insche, Dumbar, Blaknes, fortis and
     strenthis alreddy maid. Yea, bot they could not sa weill serve hir
     turne as Leith, becaus it was hir Dochteris propertie, and na uther
     could haif tytill to it, and becaus it had bene fortifeit of
     befoir. That all men may knaw the just tytle hir Dochter and sche
     hes to the toun of Leith, we sall in few wordis declair the trewth.

     "It is not unknawin to the maist pairt of this realme, that thair
     hes bene ane auld haitrent and contentioun betuix Edinburght and
     Leith;[965] Edinburgh seiking continewallie to possess that
     libertie, quhilk be donatioun of kyngis thay have lang injoyit; and
     Leith, be the contrary, aspyring to ane libertie and fredome in
     prejudice of Edinburgh. [SN: THE TITLE THAT THE QUENE [HAD] OR
     HES[966] TO LEITH.] The Quene Regent, ane woman that could mak hir
     proffitt of all handis, was nott ignorant how to compass hir awin
     mater; and thairfoir secreitlie sche gaif adverteisment to sum of
     Leith, that sche wald mak thair Toun fre, gif that sche mycht do it
     with any cullour of justice. [SN: THE LAIRD OF RESTALRIG SUPERIOUR
     TO LEITH.] Be quhilk promeise, the principall men of them did
     travell with the Laird of Restalrig,[967] ane man nether prudent
     nor fortunat, to quhome the superioratie of Leyth appertenit, that
     he sould sell his haill tytle and rycht to our Soverane, for
     certane sowmeis of money, quhilk the inhabitantis of Leith payit,
     with ane large taxatioun mair, to the Quene Regent, in hoip to have
     bene maid free in dispite and defraud of Edinburgh. Quhilk rycht
     and superioratie, quhan sche haid gottin, and quhan the money was
     payit, the first fruittis of thair libertie thay now eitt with
     bitternes, to wit, that strangearis sall possess thair town. This
     is hir just tytle quhilk hir Dochter and sche may clame to that
     Towne. And quhair sche allegeis that it was fortifeit befoir, we
     ask, gif that [was] done without consent of the Nobilatie and
     Estaitis of the realme, as sche now, and hir craftie Counsallouris
     do in dispyte and contempt of us the lauchfull heidis[968] and
     borne counsallouris of this realme.

     "How far we have socht support of Ingland, or of ony uther Princes,
     and how just cause we haid, and haif sa to do, we sall schortlie
     mak manifest unto the warld, to the prayse of Godis haly name, and
     to the confusioun of all thame that sclander us for sa doing. For
     this we feir nott to confess, that as in this oure interpryse
     against the Devill, idolatrie, and the mentenance of the same, we
     cheiflie and onlie seik Godis glorie to be notifeit unto man, synne
     to be puncisit, and vertew to be mentenit; sua quhair power faillis
     of oure self, we will seik quhair soever God sall offer the same;
     and yitt in sa doing, we ar assureit, nether till offend God,
     nether yitt to do any thing repugnant to our dewiteis. We hartlie
     prayse God, quha movit the hart of the Erle of Arrane to joyne him
     selff with us, his persecuteit brethren; bot how maliciouse ane
     ley it is, that we have promesit to sett him up in authoratie, the
     ischew sall declair. God we tak to record, that na sick thing hes
     to this day enterit in oure hartis. Nether yitt hes he, the said
     Erie, nather any to him appertenyng, movit unto us ony sick mater;
     quhilk, gif thay sould do, yitt ar we not sa sklender in jugement,
     that inconsidderatlie we wald promeis that quhilk efter we mycht
     repent. We speik and write to Goddis glorie:[969] The leist of us
     knawis better quhat obedience is dew to ane lauchfull authoritie,
     than sche or hir Counsall dois practise the office of sick as
     worthelie may sitt upoun the sait of justice; for we offer, and we
     performe, all obedience quhilk God hes commandit; for we nether
     deny toll, tribute, honour, nor feir till hir, nor till hir
     officiaris: We onlie brydill hir blynd raige, in the quhilk sche
     wald erect and mentene idolatrie, and wald murther oure brethren
     quha refusses the same. Bott sche dois utterlie abuse the
     authoratie establischeitt by God: sche prophaneis the throne of his
     Majestie in erth, making the Saitt of justice, quhilk aucht to be
     the sanctuary and refuge of all godlie and vertuouse personeis,
     injustlie afflictit, to be ane den and receaptakle to thevis,
     murtheraris, idolateris, huremongaris, adulteraris, and
     blasphemaris of God and all godlynes. [SN: THE WICKITNESS OF THE
     BISCHOPIS.[970]] It is mair than evident, quhat men thay ar, and
     lang have bene, quham sche by hir power mentenis and defendis; and
     alssua quhat hes bene our conversatioun sence it hes plesit God to
     call us to his knawlege, quham now in hir fury sche crewellie
     persecuteis. We deny nocht the taking of the House of
     Brouchty;[971] and the cause being considderit, we think that na
     naturall Scottisman will be offendit at oure fact. Quhan the
     assureit knawlege came unto us that the fortificatioun of Leith was
     begun, everie man began to inquyre quhat daingear mycht ensew to
     the rest of the realme, giff the Frensche sould plant in dyverse
     placeis, and quhat war the placeis that mycht maist [annoy]
     conclusioun it was found, that the taking of the said housse be
     Frensche men sould be destructioun to Dundie, and hurtfull to Sanct
     Johnnstoun, and to the haill cuntrey; and thairfoir it was thocht
     expedient to prevent the daingear, as that we did for preservatioun
     of oure brethren and commun cuntrey. It is nocht unknawin quhat
     ennemyis thir twa Tounis have, and quhow glaidlie wald sum haif all
     guid ordour and pollecey owerthrawin in thame. The conjectureis
     that the Frensche war of mynd schortlie to have takin the same, war
     not obscure. Bot quhatsoever thay pretendit, we can nott repent
     that we (as said is) have preventit the daingear; and wald God that
     our power haid bene in the same maner to have foircloissit thair
     entres to Leith; for quhat trubill the pure realme sall endure
     befoir thatt thay murtheraris and injust possessouris be removit
     from the same, the ischew will declair. [SN: LETT ALL MAN JUGE.]
     Giff hir accusatioun against my Lord Duikis Grace, and that we
     refusit conference, be trewlie and sempillie spokin, we will nott
     refuise the jugement of thay verray men, quham sche allegeis to be
     of sa honest a reputatioun. [SN: THE DUIKEIS ANSWER.] Thay knaw
     that the Dukeis Grace did answer, that gif the realme mycht be sett
     at libertie frome the bondage of thay men of weir quhilk presentlie
     did oppress it, and was sa feirfull to him and his brethren, that
     thay war compellit to absent thame selfis from the placeis quhair
     sche and thay maid residence; thatt he and the haill Congregatioun
     sould cum and gif all debtfull[974] obedience to oure Soverane hir
     dochter, and unto hir Grace, as Regent for the tyme. Bot to enter
     in conference, sa lang as sche keipis above him and his brethren
     that feirfull scourge of crewell strangearis, he thocht na wyise
     man wald counsall him. And this his answer we approve, adding
     farther, That sche can mak us no promeis quhilk sche can keip nor
     we can creddeit, sa lang as sche is forceit with the strenth, and
     reuillit be the counsall of Frensche.[975] We ar not ignorant that
     princeis think it guid policey to betray thair subjectis be breking
     of promeissis, be thay never so solempnitlie maid. We have nott
     forgett quhat counsall sche and Monsieur Dosell gaif to the Duike
     against thame that slew the Cardinall, and keip the Castell of
     Sanctandrois: And it was this, "That quhat promeis thay list to
     requyre sould be maid unto thame: bot how sone that the Castell was
     randerit, and thyngis brocht to sick pass as was expedient, that he
     sould chope the heidis frome everie ane of thame." To the quhilk
     quhan the Duike answerit, "That he wald never consent to sa
     treassonabill ane act, bot gif he promesit fidelitie, he wald
     faithfullie keip it." Monsieur Dosell said, in mockage to the
     Quene, in Frensche, "That is ane guid sempill nature, bot I knaw na
     uther prince that wald swa do." Gif this was his jugement in sa
     small ane mater, quhat have we to suspect in this oure caus: [SN:
     _NOTA._] For now the question is not of the slauchter of ane
     Cardinall, bot of the just abolisching of all that tyrannie quhilk
     that Romane Antechryst hes usurpit above us, of the suppressing of
     idolatrie, and of the reformatioun of the haill religioun, by that
     verming of schavelingis utterlie corruptit. [SN: THE QUARRELL
     slauchter of ane Cardinall be ane syn irremissebill,[976] as thay
     thair selffis affirme, and gif faith aucht not to be keipit to
     heretykes, as thair awin law speikis, quhat promeise can sche that
     is reullit be the counsall and commandyment of ane Cardinall, mak
     to us, that can be sure?

     "Quhair sche accusis us, that we usurp authoritie, to command and
     charge free Browchis to cheise Provestis and officiaris of our
     nameing, &c., we will that the haill Browchis of Scotland testifie
     in that caise, quhydder that we have usit ony kynd of violence, bot
     lovinglie exhortit sick as askit support, to cheise sick in office
     as had the feir of God befoir thair eyis, luffitt equitie and
     justice, and war nott notit with avarice and brybing. Bot wonder it
     is, with quhatt face sche can accuse us of thatt quhairof we ar
     innocent, and sche sua oppinlie criminall, that the haill realme
     knawis hir iniquities. In that caise, hes sche nott compellit the
     toun of Edinburgh to reteane ane man to be thair Provest,[977] [SN:
     THE LORD SEYTOUN UNWORTHY OF REGIMENT.[978]] maist unworthy of ony
     regiment in ane weill rewlit commun-wealth? Hes sche nott
     enforceitt thame to tak Baillies of hir appoyntment, and sum of
     thame sua meitt for thair office, in this trubilsum tyme, as ane
     sowtar is to saill[979] ane schip in ane stormy day? [SN: _OPTIMA
     COLLATIO._] Sche compleneis thatt we will nott suffer provisioun to
     be maid for hir House. In verray deid we unfeinzeitlie repent, that
     befoir this we tuik nott better ordour that thir murtheraris and
     oppressouris, quham sche pretendis to nureise, for oure
     destructioun, had not bene disapointit of that greit provisioun of
     victuallis quhilk sche and thay have gadderit, to the greit hurt of
     the haill cuntrey. Bot as God sall assist us in tymeis cuming, we
     sall do diligence sum-quhatt to frustrat thair devillysche
     we[980] pretend, we dout not bot God, quha can not suffer the
     abuse of his awin name lang to be unpunischeit, sall one day
     declair; and unto him we feir nott to committ oure cause. Nether
     yitt feir we in this presentt to say, that against us sche makis
     ane maist maliciouse ley. [SN: THE LEY TO THE QUENE REGENT.] Quhair
     that sche sayis, that it is na religioun that we ga about, bot ane
     plane usurpatioun of the Authoritie, God forbid that sick impietie
     sould enter into oure hartis, that we sould mak his holie religioun
     ane cloik and covertour of oure iniquitie. Frome the begynning of
     this contraversie, it is evidentlie knawin quhat have bene oure
     requeistis, quhilk gif the rest of the Nobilitie and communitie of
     Scotland will caus be peformeit unto us, giff than ony sygne of
     rebellioun appeir in us, lett us be reputit and punisit as
     traytouris. Bot quhill strangearis ar brocht in to suppres us, our
     commun-welth, and posteritie, quhill idolatrie is mentenit, and
     Christ Jesus his trew religioun dispysit, quhill idill bellies and
     bludy tyrantis, the Bischopis, ar mentenit, and Christis trew
     messingeris persecutit; quhill, fynallie, vertew is contemnit, and
     vice extollit, quhill that we, ane greit pairt of the Nobilitie and
     communaltie of this realme, ar maist injustlie persecuteit, quhat
     godlie man can be offendit that we sall seik reformatioun of thir
     enormiteis, (yea, evin be force of armes, seing that uthirwayis it
     is denyit unto us;) we ar assureit that nether God, neather nature,
     neather ony just law, forbiddis us. [SN: THE CAUS THAT MOVIT THE
     hes maid us counsallouris be birth of this realme; nature byndis us
     to luiff our awin cuntrey; and just lawis commandis us to support
     oure brethren injustlie persecutit. Yea, the aith that we have
     maid, to be trew to this commune-wealth, compellis us to hasard
     quhatsoever God hes gevin us, befoir that we see the miserabill
     rewyne of the same. Gif ony think this is not religioun quhilk now
     we seik, we answer, That it is nathing ellis, bot the zeall of the
     trew religioun quhilk movis us to this interpryse: [SN: THE SAME
     MYND REMANIS TO THIS DAY.] For as the ennemy dois craftelie foirsee
     that idolatrie can not be universalie mentenit, onless that we be
     utterlie suppressit, sua do we considder that the trew religioun
     (the puritie quhairof we onlie requyre) can not be universalie
     erectit, unless strangearis be removit, and this pure realme
     purgeit of thir pestilencis quhilk befoir have infectit it. And
     thairfoir, in the name of the eternall God, and of his Sone Chryst
     Jesus, quhais caus we sustene, we requyre all oure brethren,
     naturall Scottis men, prudentlie to considder oure requeistis, and
     with judgment to decerne betuix us and the Quene Regent and hir
     factioun, and not to suffer thame selfis to be abused by her craft
     and deceat, that eather thei shall lift thair weaponis against us
     thair brethren, who seik nothing butt Godis glorie, eyther yitt
     that thei extract frome us thare just and detfull[981] supporte,
     seing that we hasard our lyves for preservatioun of thame and us,
     and of our posteritie to come: Assuring suche as shall declair
     thame selves favoraris of her factioun, and ennemeis unto us, that
     we shall repute thame, whensoever God shall putt the sword of
     justice in our handis, worthie of such punishment, as is dew for
     such as studie to betray thair countree in the handis of

This our Answer was formed, and divulgat in some places, but not
universallie, be reassone of our day appointit to meitt at Striveling,
as befoir is declaired. In this meantyme, the Quene her postes ran with
all possible expeditioun to draw men to her devotioun; and in verray
deid, sche fand mo favoraris of her iniquitie then we suspected. For a
man that of long tyme had bene of our nomber in professioun, offered (as
himself did confesse) his service to the Quene Regent, to travaill
betuix hir Grace and the Congregatioun for concord. Sche refused nott
his offer; bott knowing his simplicitie, sche was glad to employ him for
her advantage. The man is Maister Robert Lockart,[983] a man of whome
many have had and still have good opinioun, as tweiching his religioun;
bott to enter in the dresse of suche affaris, nott so convenient, as
godlie and wyise men wold requyre. He travailled nocht the less
earnestlie in the Quene Regentis affares, and could nott be perswaded
bot that sche ment sincerlie, and that sche wold promote the religioun
to the uttermost of her power. He promissed in hir name, that sche wald
putt away hir Frensche men, and wald be reulled by the counsall of
naturall Scottismen. When it was reassoned in his contrary, "That yf
sche war so mynded to do, sche could have found mediatouris a great
deall more convenient for that purpose." He feared nott to affirme,
"That he knew more of her mynd then all the Frenche or Scottis that war
in Scotland, yea more then her awin brethren that war in France." He
travailled with the Erle of Glencarne, the Lordis Uchiltrie and Boid,
with the Larde of Dun, and with the Preacheouris, to whome he had
certane secreat letteris, which he wald not deliver, onless that thei
wald maik a faithfull promeise, that thei should never reveill the thing
conteaned in the same. To the whiche it was answered, "That in no wyise
thei could maik suche a promeise, be reassone that thei war sworne one
to another, and altogetther in one body, that thei should have no
secreat intelligence nor dress with the Quene Regent, bot that thei
should communicat with the Great Counsall whatsoever sche proponed unto
thame, or thei did answer unto her." As by this Answer, written by Johne
Knox to the Quene Regent, may be understand,[984] the tennour whairof


     "My dewitie moist humilie premissed: Your Grace's servand, Maister
     Robert Lockard, maist instantlie hes requyred me and otheris, to
     whome your Graceis letteris, as he alledged, war directed, to
     receave the same in secreat maner, and to geve to him answer
     accordinglie. Bot becaus some of the nomber that he required war
     and ar upoun the Great Counsall of this realme, and thairfoir ar
     solempnedlie sworne to have nothing to do in secreate maner,
     neather with your Grace, neather yitt with any that cumis fra yow,
     or fra your Counsall; and swa thei could not receave your Grace
     letteris with sick conditionis as the said Maister Robert required;
     and thairfoir thocht he good to bring to your Grace agane the said
     letteris close. And yitt becaus, as he reportis, he hes maid to
     your Grace some promeise in my name; att his requeist, I am content
     to testifie by my letter and subscriptioun, the sume of that quhilk
     I did communicat with him. In Dondie, after many wourdis betuix him
     and me, I said, that albeit diverse sinister reportis had bene maid
     of me, yitt did I never declair any evident tockin of haiterent nor
     inmitie against your Grace. For yf it be the office of a verray
     freind to geve trew and faythfull counsall to thame whome he seis
     ryn to destructioun for lack of the same, I could nott be provin
     ennemye to your Grace, bot rather a freind unfeaned.[986] For what
     counsall I had gevin to your Grace, my writtingis, alsweall my
     Letteris and Additioun to the same, now prented,[987] as diverse
     otheris quhilkis I wrait fra Sanct Johnestoun, may testifie. I
     farther added, that sick ane ennemye was I unto yow, that my tung
     did bayth perswaid and obteane, that your authoritie and regiment
     should be obeyed of us in all thingis lawchfull, till ye declaired
     your self open ennemye to this commoun-wealth, as now, allace! ye
     have done. This I willed him moreover to say to your Grace, that yf
     ye, following the counsall of flatterand men, having no God bot
     this world and thair bellies, did proceid in your malice against
     Christ Jesus his religioun, and trew ministeris, that ye should do
     nothing ellis but accclerat and haste Godis plague and vengeance
     upoun your self and upoun your posteritie: and that ye, (yf ye did
     not change your purpose hastelie,) should bring your self in sick
     extreame danger, that when ye wold seak remeady, it should nott be
     sa easy to be found, as it had bene befoir. This is the effect and
     sume of all that I said at that tyme, and willed him, yf he
     pleased, to communicat the same to your Grace. And the same yitt
     agane I notifie unto your Grace, by this my letter, writtin and
     subscryved at Edinburgh, the 26 of October 1559.

           (_Sic subscribitur_,)
                  "Your Grace's to command in all godlynes.
                                                      "JOHN KNOX.

     "_Postscriptum._--God move your harte[988] yitt in tyme to
     considder, that ye feght nott against man, bot against the eternall
     God, and against his Sone Jesus Christ, the onlie Prince of the
     kingis of the earth."

       *       *       *       *       *

At whiche answer, the said Maister Robert was so offended, that he wald
nott deliver his letteris, saying, "That we wer ungodlie and injuriouse
to the Quene Regent yf we suspected any craft in hir." To the whiche it
was answered, by one of the preacheouris, "That tyme should declair,
whitther he or thei war deceaved. Yff sche should nott declair hir self
ennemye to the trew religioun whiche thei professed, yf ever sche had
the upper hand, then thei wald be content to confesse that thei had
suspected her sinceritie without just cause. Bot and yf sche should
declair her malice no less in tymes cuming than sche had done befoir,
thei required that he should be more moderat then to dampne thame whose
conscience he knew nott." And this was the end of the travaill for that
tyme, after that he had trubled the conscience of many godlie and qwiet
personis. For he and other who war her hyred postes, ceassed nott to
blaw in the earis of all man, that the Quene wes hevelie done to; that
sche required nothing bot obedience to her Doghtter; that sche was
content that the trew religioun should go fordwarde, and that all abuses
should be abolished; and be this meane thei broght a gruge and divisioun
amang our selfis. For many (and our brethrene of Lowthiane especiallie)
began to murmur, that we soght another thing than religioun, and so
ceassed to assist us certane dayis, after that we wer cumed to
Edinburgh, whiche we did according to the former diet, the 16 day of
October. This grudge and truble amangis our selfis was not reased by the
foirsaid Maister Robert[989] onlye, bot by those pestilentis whome
befoir we have expressed, and Maister James Balfour especiallie, whose
vennemouse tounges against God and his trew religioun, as thei deserve
punishement of men, so shall thei not escheap Godis vengeance, onless
that spedelie thei reapent.


After our cuming to Edinburgh the day foirnamed, we assembled in
counsall, and determined to geve new advertisement to the Quenis Grace
Regent, of our Conventioun, and in suche sorte; and so with commoun
consent we send unto her our requeast, as followis:--


     "It will pleise your Grace reduce to your remembrance, how at our
     last Conventioun at Hammyltoun, we required your Hienes, in our
     maist humbill maner, to desist from the fortifeing of this town of
     Leyth, then interprysed and begone, quhilk appeared to us (and yitt
     does) ane entree to ane conqueist, and overthrow to our liberties,
     and altogidder against the lawis and custumes of this realme,[991]
     seing it was begune, and yit continewis, without any advise and
     consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme. Quhaifoir
     now, as of befoir, according to our dewitie to our commoun-wealth,
     we most humelie requyre your Grace to caus your strangearis and
     soldiouris whatsumever to departe of the said town of Leyth, and
     maik the same patent, not onlye to the inhabitantis, bot also to
     all Scottishmen, our Soverane Ladyes liegis. Assureand your Hienes,
     that yf, refusand the samyn, ye declair thairby your evill mynd
     toward the commoun-weill and libertie of this realme, we will (as
     of befoir) mene and declair the caus unto the haill Nobilitie and
     communaltie of this realme; and according to the oath quhilk we
     have sworne for the mantenance of the commoun-weall, in all maner
     of thingis to us possible, we will provid reamedy: thairfoir
     requyring most humblie your Grace answer in haist with the berar,
     becaus in our eyis the act continewallie proceadis, declaring ane
     determinatioun of conquest, quhilk is presumed of all men, and not
     without caus. And thus, after our humill commendatioun of service,
     we pray Almychttie God to have your Grace in his eternall

       *       *       *       *       *

These our letteris receaved, our messinger was threatned, and withholdin
a whole day. Thairefter he was dismissed, without ony other answer bot
that sche wald send ane answer when sche thocht expedient.

In this meantyme, becaus the rumour ceassed nott, that the Duke his
Grace usurped the Authoritie, he was compelled, with the sound of
trumpete, at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, to maik his purgatioun, in
forme as followis, the xix day of October:


                     THE PURGATIOUN OF THE DUIK.

     "Forsamekle as my Lord Duik of Chastellerault, understanding the
     fals reporte maid be the Quene Regent against him, that he and his
     sone, my Lord of Arrane, should pretend usurpatioun of the Croune
     and Authoritie of this realme, when in verray deid he nor his said
     sone never anis mynded sic thingis, bott allanerlie in simplicitie
     of heart, movit partlie be the violent persute of the religioun and
     trew professouris thairof, partlie by compassioun of the
     commoun-wealth and poore communitie of this realme, oppressed with
     strangearis, he joyned him self with the rest of the Nobilitie,
     with all hasard, to supporte the commoun caus of that ane and of
     that uther; hes thoght expedient to purge him self and his said
     Sone, in presence of yow all, as he had done in presence of the
     Counsall, of that same cryme, of auld, evin be summondis, laid to
     his charge the secound year of the regne of our Soverane Lady.
     Quhilk malice hes continewed ever against him, maist innocent of
     that cryme, as your experience bearis witness; and planelie
     protestis, that neather he nor his said Sone suittis and seikis any
     pre-eminence,[993] eather to the Croune or Authoritie, bot als far
     as his puissance may extend, is readdy, and ever shalbe, to concur
     with the rest of the Nobilitie his brethren, and all otheris whais
     hartis ar tweichet to manteane the commoun caus of religioun and
     liberty of thair native cuntrey, planelie invaded be the said
     Regent and hir said soldiouris, wha onlye does forge sick vane
     reportis to withdraw the heartis of trew Scottisemen from the
     succour thai aught of bound dewitie to thair commoun-weall opprest.
     Quharefoir [he] exhortis all men that will manteane the trew
     religioun of God, or withstand this oppressioun or plane conquest,
     interprysed be strangearis upoun our native Scottisemen, nott to
     credyte sick fals and untrew reportis, bot rather concurr with us
     and the rest of the Nobilitie, to sett your countree at libertie,
     expelling strangearis thairfra; whiche doing, ye shall schaw your
     self obedient to the ordinance of God, whiche was establisshed for
     mantenance of the commoun-weall, and trew members of the same."

The xxi day of October, cam fra the Quene then Regent Maister Robert
Forman,[994] Lyoun King of Armes, who broght unto us ane writting in
this tennour and credit:--

     "Eftir commendatioun: We have receavit your letter of Edinburgh the
     xix of this instant, whiche appeared to us rather to have cumit fra
     ane Prince to his subjectis, nor fra subjectis to thame that bearis
     authoritie: For answer whairof, we have presentlie directed unto
     yow this berar, Lyon Herald King of Armes, sufficientlie instructed
     with our mynd, to whome ye shall geve credence.

     "At Leyth, the 21 of October 1559.

                                (_Sic subscribitur_,)
                                                           "MARIE R."


His Credit is this:--

     "That sche woundered how any durst presume to command her in that
     realme, whiche neaded not to be conquest by any force, considering
     that it was allready conqueissed by marriage; that Frenche men
     could nott be justlie called strangearis, seing that thei war
     naturalized; and thairfoir that sche wald neather maik that Toun
     patent, neather yitt send any man away, bot as sche thocht
     expedient. Sche accused the Duik of violating his promeise: Sche
     maid long protestatioun of her love towardis the commoun-wealth of
     Scotland; and in the end commanded, that under pane of treassone,
     all assistaris to the Duke and unto us, should departe from the
     toune of Edinburgh."[995]

This answer receaved, credite heard, preconceaved malice sufficientlie
espyed, consultatioun was tacken what was expedient to be done. And for
the first it was concluded, that the Herauld should be stayed till
farder determinatioun should be tacken.


The haill Nobilitie, Baronis, and Broughes, then present, wer commanded
to convene in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the same xxj day of October,
for deliberatioun of these materis. Whare the hole caus being exponed by
the Lord Ruthven, the questioun was proponed, "Whetther sche that so
contempteouslie refuissed the most humill requeist of the borne
Counsallouris of the realm, being also bott a Regent, whose pretenses
threatned the boundage of the hole commoun-wealth, awght to be sufferred
so tyrannouslie to impyre above tham?" And because that this questioun
had nott bene befoir disputed in open assemblie, it was thoght
expedient that the judgement of the Preachearis should be required; who
being called and instructed in the caise, Johne Willok, who befoir had
susteaned the burthen of the Churche in Edinburgh, commanded[996] to
speik, maid discourse, as followeth, affirmyng:--


     "First, That albeit Magistratis be Goddes ordinance, having of him
     power and authoritie, yitt is not thair power so largelie extended,
     but that is bounded and limited by God in his word.

     "And Secundarlie, That as subjectis ar commanded to obey thair
     magistratis, so ar magistratis commanded to geve some dewitie to
     the subjectis; so that God by his word, hes prescribed the office
     of the one and of the other.

     "Thridlie, That albeit God hath appointed magistratis his
     lievtennentis on earth, and hes honored thame with his awin title,
     calling thame goddis, that yitt he did never so establess any, but
     that for just causses thei mycht have bene depryved.

     "Fourtlie, That in deposing of Princes, and those that had bene in
     authoritie, God did nott alwyise use his immediate poware; but
     sometymes he used other meanis whiche his wisedome thocht good and
     justice approved, as by Asa he removed Maacha his awin mother from
     honour and authoritie, whiche befoir sche had brooked; by Jehu he
     destroyed Joram, and the haill posteritie of Achab; and by diverse
     otheris he had deposed from authoritie those whome befoir he had
     establesshed by his awin worde." [SN: The causes.] And heirupoun
     concluded he, "That since the Quene Regent denyed her cheaf dewitie
     to the subjectis of this realme, whiche was to minister justice
     unto thame indifferentlie, to preserve thair liberties from
     invasioun of strangearis, and to suffer thame have Godis word
     freelie and openlie preached amanges thame; seing, moreover, that
     the Quene Regent wes ane open and obstinat idolatress, a vehement
     manteanare of all superstitioun and idolatrie; and, finallie, that
     sche utterlie dispysed the counsall and requeistis of the
     Nobilitie, he could see no reassone why they, the borne
     Counsallouris, Nobilitie, and Baronis of the realme, mycht nott
     justlie deprive her from all regiment and authoritie amanges

[SN: The judgement of Johne Knox, in the dispositioun of the Quein

Heirefter was the judgement of Johne Knox required, who, approving the
sentence of his Brother, added,--

     "First, That the iniquitie of the Quene Regent, and mysordour owght
     in nowyis to withdraw neather our heartis, neather yitt the heartis
     of other subjectis, from the obedience dew unto our Soveranis.

     "Secundarly, That and yf we deposed the said Quene Regent rather of
     malice and privat invy, than for the preservatioun of the
     commoun-wealth, and for that her synnes appeared incurable, that we
     should nott escheap Godis just punishment, howsoever that sche had
     deserved rejectioun from honouris.

     "And Thridlie, He required that no suche sentence should be
     pronunced against her, bott that upoun her knawin and oppen
     reapentance, and upoun her conversioun to the commoun-wealth, and
     submissioun to the Nobilitie, place should be granted unto her of
     regresse to the same honouris from the whiche, for just causses,
     sche justlie might be deprived."

The votes of everie man particularlie by him self required, and everie
man commanded to speik, as he wald ansure to God, what his conscience
judged in that mater, thair was none found, amonges the hole number, who
did nott, by his awin toung consent to her deprivatioun. Thairefter was
her process[997] committed to writt, and registrat, as followeth:--


     "At Edinburgh, the twenty one day of October 1559. The Nobilitie,
     Baronis, and Broughes convenit to advise upoun the affairis of the
     commoun-weall, and to ayde, supporte, and succour the samyn,
     perceaving and lamenting the interprysed destructioun of thair said
     commoun-weall, and overthrow of the libertie of thair native
     cuntree, be the meanes of the Quene Regent, and certane strangearis
     her Prevey Counsallouris, plane contrarie oure Soveranes Lord and
     Ladyis mynd, and direct against the counsall of the Nobilitie, to
     proceid by litill and litill evin unto the uttermost, sa that the
     urgent necessitie of the commoun-weall may suffer na langare delay,
     and earnestlie craves our supporte: Seing heirfoir that the said
     Quene Regent, (abusing and owir passing our Soveranes Lord and
     Ladyis commissioun, gevin and granted to her,) hes in all her
     proceidingis, persewit the Baronis and Broughes within this realme,
     with weapones and armour of strangearis, butt ony process or ordour
     of law, thei being oure Soverane Lord and Ladyis trew liegis, and
     never called nor convict in any cryme be ony judgement lauchfull;
     as first at Sanct Johnestoun, in the moneyth of Maij, sche
     assembled her army against the towne and inhabitantis thairof,
     never called nor convict in any cryme, for that thei professed trew
     wirschip of God, conforme to his moist sacrat worde; and lyikwyis
     in the moneyth of Junij last, without any lauchfull ordour or
     calling going befoir, invaded the persones of syndre Noble men and
     Baronis with force of armes convenit at Sanctandrois, onlie for
     caus of religioun, as is notoriouslie knawin, thei never being
     callit nor convict in ony cryme: Attour layed garnisonis the same
     moneth upoun the inhabitantis of the said toun of Sanct Johnestoun,
     oppressing the liberties of the Quenis trew lieges; for feir of
     whiche her garnisones, ane great parte of the inhabitantis thairof,
     fled of the towne, and durst nott resorte agane unto thair housses
     and heretages, whill thei war restored be armes, thei
     notwithstanding never being called nor convict in any cryme. And
     farder, that samyn tyme did thrust in upoun the headis of the
     inhabitantis of the said towne Provest and Baillies, against all
     ordour of electioun; as laitlie, in this last moneth of September,
     sche had done in the townes of Edinburgh and Jedburgh, and diverse
     utheris plaices, in manifest[998] oppressioun of our liberties.
     Last of all, declairing her evill mynd toward the Nobilitie,
     commountie,[999] and haill natioun, hes brocht in strangearis, and
     dalie pretendis to bring in grettar force of the samyn; pretending
     ane manifest conqueast of our native rowmes and countree, as the
     deid it self declaires: in sa far as sche heaving brocht in the
     saidis strangearis, but ony advise of the said Counsall and
     Nobilitie, and contrair thair expresse mynd send to her Grace in
     writt, hes plaicet and planted her saidis strangearis in ane of the
     principall townis and portis of the realme, sending continewallie
     for grettar forces, willing thairby to suppress the commoun-weall,
     and libertie of our native countree, to mak us and our posteritie
     slaves to strangearis for ever: Whiche, as it is intollerable in
     commoun-wealthis and free cuntreis, sa is it verray prejudiciall to
     our Soverane Ladye, and her airis quhatsumever, in caise our
     Soverane Lord deceise butt airis of hir Grace's persone; and to
     perfurneise hir wicked interpises,[1000] consavit (as appeiris) of
     inveterat malice against our cuntree and natioun, causes (but any
     consent or advise of the Counsall and Nobilitie) cunzie
     layit-money, sa base, and of sick quantitie, that the hole realme
     shalbe depauperat, and all traffique with forane nationis evertit
     thairby; And attour, her Grace places and manteanes, contrair the
     pleasour of the Counsall of this realme, are strangear in ane of
     the greattest offices of credite within this realme, that is, in
     keaping of the Great Seall[1001] thairof, quhairintill great
     parrellis may be ingenerat to the commoun-weall and libertie
     DELIVERED THE GREATT SEALL.[1002]] And farder, laitlie send the
     said Great Seall furth of this realme be the said strangeare,
     contrair the advise of the said Counsall, to what effect God
     knawis; and hes ellis be his meanes alterat the auld law and
     consuetude of our realme, ever observit in the graces and pardonis
     granted be our Soveranes to all thair liegis being repentand of
     thair offenses committed against thair Hienes or the liegis of the
     realme; and hes introducit a new captiouse styill and forme of the
     saidis pardonis and remissionis, attending to the practise of
     France, tending thairby to draw the saidis liegis of this realme,
     be process of tyme, in a deceavable snair; and farder, sall creipe
     in the haill subversioun and alteratioun of the remanent lawis of
     this realme, in contrair the contentis of the Appointment of
     Marriage; and als peace being accordit amanges the Princes,
     reteanes the great armye of strangearis after command send be the
     King of France to reteyre the same, maiking excuise that thei war
     reteaned for suppressing of the attemptatis of the liegis of this
     realme, albeit the haill subjectis thairof, of all estaitis, is
     and ever hes bene reddy to give all debtfull obedience to thair
     Soveranis, and thair lawchfull ministeris, proceiding, be Godis
     ordinance: And the said armye of strangearis not being payed of
     waiges, was layed be her Grace upoun the neckis of the poore
     communitie of our native countree, who was compelled be force to
     defraude tham selfis, thair wyffis, and barnes, of that poore
     substance quhilk thei mycht conqueiss with the sweit of thair
     browis, to satisfie thair hungar and necessiteis, and quyte the
     samyn to susteane the idill bellies of thir strangearis. Throw the
     whiche in all partis raise sick havye lamentatioun, and complaint
     of the communitie, accusing the Nobilitie and Counsall of thair
     slewth, that as the same oppressioun we dowbt nott hes entered in
     befoir the justice-seat of God, sa hes it movit our heartis to
     rewth and compassioun. And for redressing of the samyn, with other
     great offenses committed against the publict weall of this realme,
     we have convened hear, as said is; and as oft tymes of befoir, hes
     maist humblie, and with all reverence, desyred and required the
     said Quene Regent, to redress the saidis enormities, and
     especiallie to remove her strangearis from the neckis of the poore
     communitie, and to desist fra interprysing or fortificatioun of
     strenthis within this realme, against the express will of the
     Nobilitie and Counsall of the same: Yitt we being convened the mair
     stark for feir of her strangearis, whome we saw presume na other
     thing bot with armes to persew our lyves and possessiounis, besoght
     hir Grace to remove the feare of the samyn, and mak the Towne
     patent to all our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis; the same on
     nawyise wald her Grace grant unto; but when some of our cumpany in
     peciable maner went to view the said towne, thair wes boyth great
     and small munitioun schot furth at thame. And seing thairfoir that
     neather access was granted to be used, nor yitt her Grace wald
     joyne her self to us, to consult upoun the effairis of our
     commoun-weall, as we that be borne Counsallouris to the same, be
     the ancient lawis of the realme; but fearing the judgement of the
     Counsall wald reforme, as necessitie requyred, the foirsaid
     enormities, sche refuisses all maner of assistance with us, and be
     force and violence intendis to suppresse the liberties of our
     commoun-weall, and of us the favoraris of the samyn: WE, thairfoir,
     sa mony of the Nobilitie, Barones, and Provest of Burrowes, as ar
     tweichet with the cair of the commoun-weall, (unto the whiche we
     acknowledge our self nott onlie borne, bot alswa sworne
     protectouris and defendaris, against all and whatsomever invaidaris
     of the same,) and moved be the foirsaidis proceidingis notorious,
     and with the lamentable complaynt of oppressioun of our communitie,
     our fallow memberis of the samyn: perceaving farder, that the
     present necessitie of our commoun-weill may suffer na delay, being
     convenit (as said is) presentlie in Edinburgh, for supporte of our
     commoun-weall, and ryplie consulted and advisit, taking the fear of
     God befoir our eyis, for the causses foirsaidis, whiche ar
     notorious, with one consent and commoun vote, ilk man in ordour his
     judgement being required, In name and authoritie of our Soverane
     Lord and Lady, Suspendis the said Commissioun granted be our saidis
     Soveranis to the said Quene Dowager; dischargeing her of all
     administratioun or authoritie sche hes or may have thairby, unto
     the nixt Parliament to be sett be our advise and consent; and that
     becaus the said Quene, be the foirsaidis faltis notorious,
     declairis hir self ennemye to our commoun-weall, abusing the power
     of the said authoritie, to the destructioun of the samyn. And
     lyikwyise, we discharge all members of her said authoritie fra
     thinfurth; and that na cunze be cunzeit fra thinfurth without
     expresse consent of the said Counsall and Nobilitie, conforme to
     the lawis of this realme, whiche we manteane: And ordanis this to
     be notifeid and proclamed be Officiaris of Armes, in all head
     Burghis within the realme of Scotland. In witnes of the whiche,
     our commoun consent and free vote, we have subscrivit this present
     Act of Suspensioun with our handis, day, yeare, and place

            [(_Sic subscribitur_,)

                     OF THE CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.][1003]

After that this our Act of Suspensioun was by sound of trumpett divulgat
at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herauld with this


     "We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of
     Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill
     mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie
     of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our
     dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended
     your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your Grace
     may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, your
     proceidingis[1004] ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis
     will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the
     hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott
     acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones
     and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we
     acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005] or lauchfull Magistrat unto
     us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis
     commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie
     reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie
     of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this
     our commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with
     hasard of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006] at libertie, whairin
     ye have most wrangouslie planted[1007] your soldiouris and
     strangearis, for the reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother
     to our Soverane Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your
     persone thairfra, seing we ar constrayned,[1008] for the necessitie
     of the commoun-weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of
     the libertie thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir.
     Attour, your Grace wald caus departe with yow out of the said
     towne, ony persone havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick
     be, or in lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all
     Frenchemen, soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we
     thrust nott, becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the
     realme of France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the
     mariage of our Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should
     rather increase nor decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and
     thame bayth to do within the space of twenty four houris, for the
     reverence we awcht unto your persones. And thus recommending our
     humill service to your Grace, we committ your Hienes to the
     eternall protectioun of God.

       "At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009] of October 1559.
                                 "Your Graces humile Servitouris."[1010]

The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of
trumpet, in forme as followeth:--

     "I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and
     of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and
     Frenche men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei
     departe of this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris,
     and maik the samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis
     liegis; for seing we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or
     that other,[1011] that we thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for
     that ane is our naturall brother, borne, nurished, and broght up
     within the bowellis of ane commoun countree; and with that other,
     our natioun hes continewed lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa
     shall do sa lang as swa thei list to use us, and nott suite to maik
     slavis of freindis, whiche this strenthnyng of oure townis
     pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie desyres that ane and that
     uther, to desist frome fortifeing and manteanyng of this towne, in
     our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis name, desyres thame to maik
     the same free within the space of xij houris."


Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great slawchtter.
Preparatioun of scailles[1012] and ledderis was maid for the assault,
whiche was concluded by commoun consent of the Nobilitie and Barones.
The scailles war appointed to be maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that
preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a little greve the Preachearis,
and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared not openlie to say,
"That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be
prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt
of God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for
suche preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris
and unto preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie
trubled all that[1013] tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges
us) gave occasioun to the Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott
suffer suche contempt of his worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be
unpunished." The Quene had amangis us her assured espiallis, who did not
onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait, bot also what was our
counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin company war
vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our
secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James
Balfour,[1014] was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist
secreat thing was devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis
whiche war thocht[1015] to have bene knawin but to a verray few.


By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes frustrat, bot
also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin and changed. The Dukis
freindis geve unto him suche terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled;
and by his fear war trubled many otheris. [SN: THE UNGODLIE SOLDIOURIS.]
The men of warr (for the maist parte wer men without God or honestie)
made a mutiney, becaus thai lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had
done the same in Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun,
"That thei wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up
the Messe agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland
men, and slew one of the principall children of his chalmer; who
notwithstanding behaved him self so moderatlie, and so studiouse to
pacifie that tumult, that many woundered alsweill of his prudent
counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his cumpany. The
ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in thair
mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016] and uther Noble
men, who cohorted thame to quyetness. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS
PRACTISES.] All these trubles war practised by the Quene, and putt in
executioun by the tratouris amangis our selff; who, albeit they then
lurked, and yitt ar not manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God
shall utter thame to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To
pacifie the men of warr, a collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer
poore, and some wer nigardis and avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient
sowme be obteined. [SN: THE FACT OF THE COUNSALL.] It was thocht
expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie Noble man should
cunzie his silver work to supplie the present necessitie; and thairthrow
David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017] and utheris who befoir had charge of
the Cunzie-house,[1018] did promeise thair faythfull lawbouris. [SN: THE
TREASOUN OF JOHNE HEART.] Bot when the mater come to the verray point,
the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall away, and tuk
with thame the instrumentis apt for thair purpose. Whetther this was
done by the falsheid and feablenes of the said Johnne, or the practising
of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no hoip amangis our selfis
that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was concluded, by a
few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff Saidlair, and
Schir James Croftis,[1019] then having charge at Berwik, should be
tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that
urgent necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun
directed unto thame in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our
counsall was disclosed to the Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell,
(as him selff confessed,) to wait upoun the returnyng of the said Lard,
as that he did with all diligence; and so being assuredlie informed by
what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell foirsett[1020] his way, and
cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that he was evill
wounded in the heid;[1021] for nether could he gett his led horse, nor
yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand
crownis of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James
moist lovinglie had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to
our earis, oure dolour was dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the
money, as for the tynsall of the gentilman, whome we suspected to have
bene slane, or at the least that he should be delivered to the Quenis
handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane, the Lord James,
the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen, took
purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in
Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had
reteared him self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact
treassonable, becaus that thrie dayis befoir he had send his especiall
servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to Edinburgh, to purchese of
the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak us; whiche we
granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he should
neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he
should writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or
He gave us farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the
Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this meantyme, he
crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the noble man foirsaid.
Albeit that the departure and counsall of the Erle of Arrane and Lord
James, with thair cumpany foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt
was the Erle Bothwell,[1022] then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and
so eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the
Capitane of his house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang
persuyte,) confessed and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght
redress, soght rather his saiftie and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun
and haitrent thei committed his house to the custody of a capitane, to
witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all soldiouris thair left, was
gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found within the said
hous of Crychttoun,[1023] (which war putt in inventorie in presence of
the Lordis,) should be keipt till that the Erle Bothwell should geve
answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment
was granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the

In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day
that thei departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and
towne of Dundye, togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the
toune of Edinburgh, and caryed with thame some great ordinance to
schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace, the Erle of Glencarne, and the
rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing, whair thei continewed
to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane named[1024]
Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent, and
that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great
expeditioun came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid. [SN: THE
FIRST DEFAIR[1025] OF THE CONGREGATIOUN.] The towne of Dundye, with a
few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair ordinance as
haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and feable soldiouris, who
fled without strok offered or gevin, thei war compelled to give back,
and so to leave the ordinance to the ennemyis, who did farder persew the
fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the Cannogaite, and to the fute of
Leyth Wynd. [SN: THE CRUELTIE OF THE FRENCHE.] Thair crewelty then began
to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the women and
childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, then did the strang
man, who maid resistance.

It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some
treassoun. For when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for
releve of thair brethren, whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and
at least we mycht have saved the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait
from danger; for we wer anis merched fordwarte with bold curage, but
then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased amonges our selfis, (God will
discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That the hole Frenche
cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis." What clamor and
misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse with
multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to
have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the
enteress of the Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun;
the wicked and malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the
Justice Clerk, Schir Johne Bannatyne[1026] was,) fledd without mercye:
With great difficultie could thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte.
Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027] cryed with a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye
have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the clamour of our fray,
followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no great
nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thair _infantes perdues_.[1028] For
in that meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance. [SN:
THE ERLE OF ERGYLE.] The Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that
stopped the fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened
efter that it was schoot. [SN: LORD ROBERT STEWART.] Bott in verray
deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,[1029] Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first
that isched out. After him followed many upoun the backis of the
Frenche. At last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor
was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse,
and tooke some spuilzie from the poores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a
Papist and dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a
woman gevin sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of
ten. Certane wer tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and]
Maister Charles Geddes, servitour to the Maister of Maxwell.


The Castell[1030] that day schot ane schott at the Frenche, declairing
thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; bott he suddanelie
repented of weall-doing. [SN: THE QUEIN REGENTIS REJOSING, AND
UNWOMANLIE BEHAVIOUR.] The Queyn glad of victorye, sat upoun the
ramparte to salute and welcome hir victorious suddartis.[1031] One
brought a kirtill, one uther ane pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane;
and of invy more then womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye
your ware? _Je pense_[1032] _que vous l'aves achete sans argent._"[1033]
This was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the truble
of the poore subjectis of this realme.


The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun of this
our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any restitutioun; and so
within two dayis after was his house spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis
of ony great importance, his evidentis and certane clothing excepted.
Frome that day back, the curage of many was dejected. With great
difficultie could men be reteaned in the towne; yea, some of the
greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to leave the
interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a
verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The
Maister of Maxwell,[1034] a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger,
desyrit moist gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane
to the terrour of the ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame
selfis with thair ordinance and baneris displeyed in ordour. But the
wittis of men being dasched, no counsall could prevaill. Thus we
continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till Mononday the
fyft of November,[1035] never two or thrie abyding ferme in one opinioun
the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis
practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair
maliciouse craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused
two godlie and fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and
Cesfurd,[1036] who ones had glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to
withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis: The same thei did to the Erle
Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never planelie joyne. Thei
intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in caise we war
persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less pestiferous
against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and his
discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to
thair malice."


Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037] of November, did the Frenche ische out of
Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038] of the victuallis whiche should have
cumed to us. We being trubled amanges our selfis, and, as said is,
devided in opinionis, wer neather circumspect when thei did ische,
neather yitt did we follow with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for
men that wald have sought our advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie
be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of Arrane, Lord James, and a
certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man then followed, and maid
suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to retear somewhat
effrayedlie. The rest that ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger of
thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and
Lord James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect,
did compell the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney,
that eyther thei must neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche
men, (and that under the mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei
must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow cure.[1039] For our men warr
approched ney[1040] to Restalrig. The one parte of the Frenche wer upoun
the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome Leyth to
Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten neather
cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir
to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the
formare cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne,
befoir that we could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have
cutted us of from the entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as
appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the Lard of Grange and Alexander
Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed boith thair horsemen and
thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us, perceaving that we
reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the nomber of
thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us
having the myre of Restalrig[1041] betuix us and thame, so that in no
wise we could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042]
so that in nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed
upoun our taillis, and slew diverse; our awin[1043] horsemen over-rode
our futemen; and so be reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair
was no resistance maid. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, in great
danger, lyghted amanges the footmen, exhorting thame to have some
respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair brethren, whome, by thair
fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall of thair deth.
Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed with
certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was
first schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris
wounded him in diverse partis to the death.[1044] And yit, as it war by
the power of God, he was brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit
most plane wordis, he gave confessioun of his fayth, testifeing, "That
he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy, purchassed to him by the bloode of
Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented, that it pleased God to maik
him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in the defence of so
And thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter,
(we dowt nott,) in that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter
that we war defait.[1045] Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four
or thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of
Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George
Luvell of Dundie,[1046] and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar,
Lieutennent to Capitane Mowet.[1047] Capitane David Murray had his horse
slane, and him self hurte[1048] in the leg.


Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow Evin,[1049]
Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050] Secreattar to the Quene,
perceaving him self not onlye to be suspected as one that favored our
parte, bot also to stand in danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane
amangis sa ungodlie a cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in
questioun, he spaired not to speik his conscience; whiche libertie of
toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did heyghlie disdane.
Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a mornyng, and
randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who cuming to
us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair
was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have
reteaned the Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair
eyis the dangearis that myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot
fear and dolour had so seazed[1051] the hartis of all, that thei could
admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and Lord James, offered to
abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with thame. Bott men did so
steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame. Yea, some of the
greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd. [SN: THE LORD
the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto us no favouris. But
said, "He most neidis declair himself freind to those that war able to
supporte and defend him." Whiche answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052]
discoraged those that befoir had determined to have biddin the
uttermost, rather then to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell
wald have stand[1053] thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie
man took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within
the towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to
spew furth the vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte.
The godly, alsweall those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the
towne, wer so trubled, that some of thame wald have preferred death to
lyve, at Godis pleasur. For avoiding of danger, it was concludit that
thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid provisioun for his
ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left to the
cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that
whiche appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy. [SN: THE DISPYTE OF
THE PAPISTIS OF EDINBURGH.] The dispytfull toungis of the wicked raylled
upoun us, calling us traytouris and heretiques: everie ane provoked
other to cast stanes at us. One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane
other, "Fye, give advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come,
and we shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques."
And thus, as the sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the
cogitationis and formar determinationis of many heartis then reveilled.
belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen could have wisshed our
destructioun so unmercifullie, and have so rejosed in our adversitie:
God move thair heartis to repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose
caus we susteane sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell
strangearis, in whose handis thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We
stayed nott till that we came to Striveling, whiche we did the day efter
that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that thair
consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt remeady in so desperat
a mater.


The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054] Johnne Knox
preached, (Johne Willock was departed to England, as befoir he had
appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 versicules of the
Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in the persoune of the afflicted people
of God, speaketh thus:[1055] The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the
God of hostis, how long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy
people. 5. Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to
us tearis to drynk in great measure. 6. Thow hest maid us a stryf unto
our nychtbouris, and our ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame
selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us agane: maik thy face to schyne, and
we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a vine out of Egypte: thow hes
cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056] &c.


This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war foirseing
our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not obscurelie speik,
butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was assured of trubles
suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted all men to prayeris. He
entreated the three first versicles in Edinburgh, to the conforte of
many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme, affermeing for his
judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the spreitt of
prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie
after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience
of Juda; for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim,
Benjamin, and Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt,
becaus that thei came first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair
awin inheritance, whill that Juda yitt possessed the kingdome. He
confessed that justlie thei war punished for idolatrie committed. But he
affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair remaned some trew
wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis send,
alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of
deliverance, and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame.


He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In the
ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the lamentable
complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. Thare prayer was,
"That God should convert and turne thame; that he should maik his face
to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair formar
dignitie." The groundis and fundationis of thair prayeris ware, 1. That
God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had
tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin
his habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome
bondage and thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with
many notable benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these

First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any
externall appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome
God becumis not onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more
seveirlie intreated, then those nationis whair verray ignorance and
contempt of God reigneth.

Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any
people by his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who,
albeit thei suffered for a tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the
end thei fand conforte, and felt in verray experience, that Godis
promisses ar nott in vane.

Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy
Ghost, befoir thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame
that God, by whose Spreit the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the
same in the myddis of thair calamities.

The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in
Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In
the expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered
his chosin flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to
appeiring destructioun; to witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of
Godis indignatioun; that thei may knaw how litill strenth is in thair
selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the generationis following,
alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis people, as of the
mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far other
meanes then man can espye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall
thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired,
How dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that
God turned away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis
then to comprehend and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun:
whiche temptatioun no flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie
Spreit of God interpone the self suddanelie.

The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear
his prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that
temptatioun, he planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by
the secreat power of Goddis Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit
that he appeared to contempt thair prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the
sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a maner evin to feght with
God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with his Angell. Butt
the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis hand,
do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie
commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei
seik at the Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God.

In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature
of ouris not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth
victorye; and thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun
should be brocht to the knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that,
puffed up with vane confidence, he maik ane idoll of his awin strenth,
as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie disput upoun the nature of
the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie rejosed when God
did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour, becaus the
reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the
wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and
rejosing of the warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith
to suddane destructioun, as the ryatouse banquetting of Balthasar
declaireth. Applying these headis to the tyme and personis, (he said,)
yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us the same injureis that
presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear intollerable;
suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that
those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie
complane of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us
have ofter then ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and
heard the travaill and trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057] But whiche
of us, eather in reading or hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did
so discend in to oure selfis that we felt the bitterness of thair
passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht us to some
experience in our awin personis.


But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be more
propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche plainnes as
God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day confounded, oure
ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and yitt thei
remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to be
the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our
synnes and formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I
spack more generalie then necessitie required: for when the synnes of
men ar rebucked in generall, seldome it is that man discendeth within
him self, accusing and dampnyng in him self that whiche most displeaseth
God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a cause, whiche befoir God is no
cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis, feghting against the tribe
of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of fourtie thowsand
men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we fynd nott
that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes
the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei
dowted that to have bene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had
commanded: for thei ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our
brethren, the sonnes of Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident,
that thei supposed that the caus of thair overthrow and discomfeit was,
becaus thei had lifted the sword against thair brethren and naturall
countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment of God that wes gevin
unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that caise. And yitt, no
dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God gave thame
so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send thame,
by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis.
[SN: LETT SCOTLAND YITT TACK HEAD.] Suche as do weall mark the
historye and the estait of that people, may easilie see the caus why God
wes offended. All the haill people had declyned from God; idolatrie was
manteaned by the commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text
sayeth, "Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis." In
this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto
him self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of
Gibeah, died under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed
the heartis of the hole people to taik vengeance upoun that
abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended not; but in this thei failled,
that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked, without any
reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and
defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude,
and the other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin
strenth, and thought thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose,
without any invocatioun of the name of God. Bot after that thei had
twise provin the vanitie of thair awin strenth, thei fasted and prayed,
and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a more favorable answer, ane
assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be amangis us, albeit
suddanelie we do nott espye it. And to the end that everie man may the
bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of
men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have
susteaned the commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those
whiche laitlie be joyned to our fallowschip. In the one and in the
other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found that God should thus have
humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the first hearing,
yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his
conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my
sentence. Lett us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in
this battell. When we war a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes,
when we had neather Erle nor Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we
called upoun God; we tooke him for our protectour, defence, and onlie
refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of multitude, of our strenth,
nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect to the equitie of
our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye. Butt
since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my
Lord Duik[1058] his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us,
thair was nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth
spearis: this man hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this
Erle be ouris, no man in suche a boundis will truble us." And thus the
best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent hand to be our defence,
hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt whairin yit hathe
my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be that, as we
haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair
awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059] I see a cause most just, why
the Duik and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of
thair brethren. I have nott yit forgottin what was the dolour and
anguishe of my awin hearte, when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and
Edinburgh Crages, those crewell murtheraris, that now hath putt us to
this dishonour, threatned our present destructioun: my Lord Duik his
Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes, wes to thame a great
conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and authoritie did
more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea,
without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with
the Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis
Grace hath unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those
murtheraris unjustlie persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath
reapented of that innocent bloode of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche
was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that so he hath done, (as I hear
that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis and Brethren of the
Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit his
freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis
whiche we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And
thairfoir hath God justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this
confusioun at ones: us, for that we putt our trust and confidence in
man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill in thair awin hearttis how
bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk befoir thame.
[SN: _CONCLUSIO._] Restis that boith thei and we turne to the
Eternall oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may
raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse deliverance,
to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no more
dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned
into joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye
to the Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye
thei war repulsed and doung back. [SN: LETT THE PAPISTIS AND
GREATEST ENNEMYIS WITNESS.] Yea, whatsoever shall become of us and of
our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that this caus, (in dyspite of
Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is the
eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill,
howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall plague
some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for warldlye
respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest
children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather
shall the one nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it
shall triumphe.

       *       *       *       *       *

This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to
amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the
myndis of men began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after
dennare, the Lordis passed to Counsall,[1060] unto the whiche the said
Johnne Knox was called to mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for
other preachearis war nane with us at that tyme.) In the end it was
concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061] foirsaid should pas to Londoun
to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and Counsall, and that
the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene day of
December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in
Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie


_Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar
brought evin to the deape of the dongeoun._




                                 No. I.



Page 1, line 5. (_This title and Preface are not contained in Buchanan's

5, l. 20. _Instead of the words_, "In the Scrollis of Glasgw," &c., _it
begins_, In the Records of Glasgow is found mention of one whose name
was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, scholler to Wickliff: He was
accused as an Heretike, by one Lawrence Lindors in Scotland, and burnt
for having said, That the Pope was not the Vicar of Christ, and that a
man of wicked life was not to be acknowledged for Pope. This fell out
Anno 1422. Farther our Chronicles make mention, That _in the
dayis_,[1063] &c.

6, l. 23. _injust accusatioun and condemnatioun._ Both these godly men,
Resby and Craw, suffered Martyrdom for Christ his truth, by Henry
Wardlaw, Bishop of St. Andrewes, whom the Prelates place amongst their
Worthies. But that their wicked _practise did not greatly advance_,
&c.--l. 25.

7, l. 11. Helene Chalmer, Lady Pokellie, Isabelle Chambers, Lady Stairs.

8, l. 4. _ar not to be had_ in the Kyrk, nor to be worshipped.--9. _That
it is not_ lawfull to fight for the faith, nor to defend the faith by
the sword, if we be not driven to it by necessity, which is above all
law.--12. _gave power to Peter_, as also to the other Apostles, and not
to the Pope his pretended successour, _to binde_, &c.--14. _to
consecrate_ as they do in the Romish Church these many yeers.--19. _were
then called_, to wit, wholly, but a part to the poor, widow, or orphans,
and other pious uses.

9, l. 5. _is a preast_, in that sence that they are called by the
Apostle Saint John, Apoc. i. 6, v. 10, xx. 6.--7. _coming of Christ_;
and truely it was but late since Kings were anointed, namely in
Scotland, for Edgar was the first anointed King in Scotland, about the
year 1100.--12. _the souls_, who in those dayes were said to be _in
Purgatory_.--25. _not to be feared_, if there be no true cause for
it.--26. _to swear_, to wit, idly, rashly, and in vain.--27. _Priests_
may have wives, _according to the constitution of the law_, and of the
primitive Christian Church.--30. _every day_ by Faith.--31. _be
contracted_ and consummate, the Kyrk may make, &c.--32. _bindes not_ if

10, l. 1. _to miracles_, to such namely as the Romish were then, and are
to this day.--3. _to God onely_, since he onely hears us, and can help
us.--12. _are murtherars_ of souls.--13. _That they which are called_
Princes and Prelates in the Church, _are theives and robbers_.

16, l. 14. _upon the_ morrow after brought forth to judgment.

19, l. 10. into vulgar language.--11. (_This title and Fryth's Preface
are not contained in Buchanan's editions._)

36, l. 18. _was ane called_ Will. Arithe.

37, l. 2. _his_ parasites and jackmen.

38, l. 12. _and cryes_, Anne has lost hir spindle.--13. _flaill stollin_
behinde the barne.

39, l. 9. _he said_--she said.--13. _that look_ over our ditch.--17. _we
hold_ the Bishops the cheapest servant.

41, l. 12. _for the_ other Friers fearing.

42, l. 6. _in_ hollow cellars, for the smoke of.

43, l. 2, _He_ leapt up merrily upon the scaffold, and, casting a
gambade, said.

49, l. 1. thy Majesties sometime servant.--(_In this Letter of
Seaton's_, your Grace is _uniformly changed to_ Majestie.)

51, l. 11. _to put_ out _thy_.

52, l. 15. _could greatly_ availl.--17. _fostered the_ unadvised _Prince
in all_ dissolutenesse, by which means they made him obsequious unto

53, l. 7, 8. _ten yearis or_ thereabout.--11. _realme_ in these
times.--_intestine and_ cruell.--15. _Levenax_--Lenox, who was sisters
son to the Earle of Arran.

54, l. 7. _of Rome_; commanded the Bible to be read in English;
_suppressed_.--8. _of Idolatrie_, with their idols, which gave great
hope.--(_In the margin_,) 1534. 1538. The civil troubles give some rest
to God's flock for a time.--20. _craftynes of_ Gardner, Bishop of.--23.
_but that_ God potently had assisted him in all his life, _but_.

56, l. 12. _maid_ he _them_.

57, l. 1. _Johnne Stewart_ of Leyth.--3. _Johnestoun_, Advocate.

59, l. 11. _Laird of Dun_, Areskin.--20. _as one_ revived, cast

61, l. 8. _whome war_ those of Dundie.--12. _Borthwik_, Provost of
Lithcow.--(_In the margin_,) Lesly writes this done 1540. John Borthwick
fled into England, from whence Henry sent him into Germanie to the
Protestant Princes.

62, l. 4. _Frearis_ and _Monks_, as of _Channons_.

64, l. 1. Alexander _Kennedy_.--2. _excellent_ wit in vulgar _poesy_.

66, l. 17-22. _so far had_ they blinded and corrupted the inconsiderate
Prince, that he gave _himself to obey the tyrannie of those bloodie
beasts_, and he _made a solemne vow_.

67, l. 6. _suddane_ punishment.--7. _upon him_, if _he did not repent_,
and amend his _life_.

68, l. 5. _and deid_, not saying one _worde_, _that same day that_, in

70, l. 8. _forgevance_ of the said _Thomas_.

71, l. 1-4. _change or_ alter the heart of the infortunate and misled
Prince, but still he did proceed in his accustomed wayes. _For in the
midst of these_ evills.

72, l. 2. _eschaping_, (the keepers being asleep, he went out at the
window.)--5. _espy_ and detest.--10. Earle of Glevearne.

76, l. 1-5. After _God had given unto that_ mis-informed _Prince
sufficient documents_, _that his_ warring _against his blessed_ Gospel
_should not prosperously succeed_, _he_ raised up _against him_ warres,
as he did of old against divers Princes that would not hear his voice,
_in the which he_ lost himself, _as we shall_ here_after heare_.

77, l. 18. _our kingdome_ of Abbots, Monks, &c., _and_.

79, l. 9. _Forresse war runne upon_--Forces were sent up and down to.

80, l. 12. _to skaill_ and sunder.--26. _wounded his_ high
stomacke.--29. _had not_ cut the dayes of his life.

81, l. 9. _Preastis_--Prelats.

82, l. 2. _what tyme_--at that time when.--3. _Yles_, in the yeere
1534.--13. _Jefwellis_--Juglers.

83, l. 4. _I shall_ reproove _you by sharpe_ punishments.--16. _honour
nor continuance_--honour nor countenance.

84, l. 2. _Thare concurred ... prophettis_, (_omitted._)--4. _closenes
and_ fidelity among them.--7. _should be_ theirs.--11. _that Raid_--that
device.--23-25. _amonges whome was_ the Erle of Arran, notwithstanding
his siding with the current of the Court, and his neernesse in blood to
the King. _It was bruited._

85, l. 15. _The_ foreward _goeth forth_, feare _rises_.--18. _thousand
men_; their beacons _on every side_.

86, l. 5, 6. _experte_. _About ten houris_--expert, about ten hours.--8,
9. _baner_; and he upholden by two spears, _lift up_.--18. _and Mearns_.
_In this_ mountain _did_.--27. _array_ in order.

87, l. 2. _softlye_--safely.

88, l. 1. _to tack the_ bandis.--7. _Somervaill_ and Oliphant, _and
many_.--9. _Worldly men_ say that.

89, l. 21. who waited upon news at Lochmaban.--(_In the margin_,) Others
say, at Carlaverock, neere by the place where the defeat was given,
called Solway Mosse.

90, l. 25. _ane of his_ mistresses.

91, l. 6. _for a_ scourge.--11. _it will end_ with _a woman_. From Mary,
daughter to Robert Bruse, married to Walter Stuart, he feared that his
daughter should be married to ane of another name and family; but yow
see by God's providence, the Crown remains in one and the same family
and name to this day, notwithstanding the many plots of the pretenders
to the Crowne both at home and abroad.--15. _ane_ fit _comforter_.--21.
_that so_ it _should be_.

92, l. 3. _best_. The Cardinal having hired one Henry Balfour, a priest,
to make a false Testament; which was done accordingly, but in vain.--6.
(_In the margin_,) Marke the Queenes mourning for the King. (_And a few
lines lower down_,) Others stick not to say, That the King was hastned
away by a potion. Levit. 12.--Divers characters of the King arise: post
funera virtus.

93, l. 4, 5. _disprased him for_ being much given to women. The Prelats
and Clergie feared a change in the King's mind, as he had expressed
himself some few years before.--10. _cloked_. Yet to speak truth of him,
his vices may justly be attributed to the times, and his breedeing, and
not any wickednesse in his nature; for he gave many expressions of a
good nature, namely, in his sobriety and justice, &c. _The
question._--23. _he_ pretended _to succeid_.--26. _oppones thame_, and
are against _the governement_.

94, l. 16. _against_ God's _justice_.--17. _And_ so, _in despite_.

95, l. 1. _heirof_ we _will after_ speak.--8. severed.--9. _The_ Erle of
Arran thus being _established in_ the _governement_.--11. _exalted him_
to be Governour, _out of what danger he had delivered him_, he being in
the bloody scroll, as wee saw before; _and what expectation all men of
honesty had of him_, because they saw him a soft man, they conceited
goodnesse of him.

97, l. 2. _drouned_--devoured.

98, l. 6. _Scriptures in the_ vulgar _tongue_.--9. _als_,
(_omitted_.)--13. _the Kirk_--the Church, he means the Prelats,
_first_.--14. _thei three_--but the three, viz., Hebrew, Greek, and

99, l. 3. _people used not_--people used the Psalmes.--27. _old
Boses_--old Bishops.

100, l. 5. _had of the_ Old and New.--12, 13. _thair awin_ vulgar
_toung_, _and so war_.--19. _in the_ vulgar _toung_.--22. (_In the
margin_,) Note the hypocrisie of worldlings.

101, l. 5. _to maik courte_, and curry favour _thairby_.--25. (_In the
margin_,) Nothing could be said against the lawfulnes of Edward's birth.
Katharine of Spain and Anne Bullen being dead before his mother was
married to his father.

102, l. 5. _ensew to_ this _realme_.--18. _Maister_ Radulph _Saidlair_.

103, l. 5. _contract of marriage_ made _betuix_.--19. _abaide suyre
at_--abode fast to.

105, l. 10. _Abbot of Paislay_, called now of late John Hamilton,
_bastard brother_, &c.--(_In the margin there is added_,) He was before
sometimes called Cunningham, sometimes Colwan, so uncertaine was it who
was his father.--18. _one_ or the other would go to _the pulpit_.

107, l. 6. _then_ to have been so used--8. _deprehended_--followed.--14.
_his_ counterfeit _godlynes_.--15. _heirefter_--heirof.--22. _any
joyt_--one jote.--25. _his rycht_--his pretended right.--26. _For by
Goddis word_ could not be good the divorcement of his father from
Elizabeth Hume, sister to the Lord Hume, his lawfull wife, and
consequently his marriage with Beton, neece to James Beton, Bishop of
St. Andrews, (Elizabeth Hume being alive,) must be null, and he declared
bastard. _Caiaphas spake_, &c.

109, (_To this marginal note is added_,) Renouncing his religion in the
Gray Friers.

110, l. 23. _Governour_; First, because he himselfe was borne by Beton,
his father's lawfull wife, Elizabeth Humes being yit alive; Next,
because his grandfather was borne by Mary Stuart to James Hammilton,
when her lawfull husband Thomas Boyd was yet alive. So the Earle of
Lennox did not only pretend to be lawfully next to the Crowne, as the
late King James the Fifth did often declare, That if he died without
heire male, he would settle the Crowne upon him, but also lawfull heire
of the Earledome of Arran, as being descended from Margaret Hamilton,
borne to Mary Stuart and James Hammilton after the death of Thomas Boyd,
her former husband, (now by this time the inconstant Earle of Arran had
given himselfe wholly to the Cardinall.) _The Cardinall_, &c.--(_In the
margin_,) All this was then said by the Cardinal. _Penes authorem fides

111, l. 4. _Ayre_--Ayre, Campbell.--6. _to Leyth_--to light.--18. _the
sonare_--in time.

112, l. 15. _that he wold_ take.--16. _wold not_ grant.--17.

113, l. 4, 5. _the Magdelane day_--Saint Magdalen's day.--6. _Gray
tacking_--Gray took.

114, l. 2. _had his fortificatioun_--had fortification.--5. _so much
attend_--so attend.--7, 8. _play_ the good servant unto him, was reputed
his enemy.--17. _thei war_ no more then 300.--(_In the margin_,) As they
went to Dundee, they said they were going to burn the readers of the New
Testament, and that they would stick to the Old, for Luther, said they,
had made the New.

115, l. 7. _to have_ kept.--(8. prevented, _i.e._ anticipated.)--9.
_thare_ friend.--13. _was_ sent to the Bischop of Saint Andrews, the
Abbot of Paisley.--20. _war_ on the place.

116, l. 1. _ane certane_ number.--7. _whether to_--whereto.--19. _his
craft_ perswaded.

119, l. 6. _ower the craig_--over the wall.--8. _broke his
craig_--broken his owne neck.

120, l. 7. _thei_--the ships.

121, l. 9. _other then_--after the Castle.

123, l. 9. _feallis war_--Files war charged to be.

124, l. 1, 2. _Hary_, sometime husband to our Queen and Mistresse.--8.
_Eme's wyiff_--enemies _wife_.--10. _in propertie_--in povertie.

125, l. 1. _he hes had_ since, and that _in common_.

126, l. 14. _hornyng_--burning.--27. _with him_--with them.

127, l. 8, and 128, l. 4. _In anno_ 1566, (_inserted in the text thus_,)
that now liveth in the year of our Lord 1566.

129, l. 24. _Porte_ or gate.

130, l. 6. _intreat_ of.--11. _neyther eak_--neither maid.--18. _thame
as_ he could; being _such_.--28. _wold have_ used.

131, l. 3. _whingar_--dagger.--12, 13. _may feare_, in time to come, we
will.--19. _another_--another place.

133, l. 3, 4. _sound_ of prayers.--6. _prevented_--came before.--11, 12.
_grones; yea, we heard your bitter_--(_omitted_.)

136, l. 7. _awfull_--irefull.--11. _hypocrisie_ within this realme; ye

137, l. 26. _verray countenance_--weary countenance.

138, l. 27. _declared_ fully. The Spirit of Truth.

139, l. 7, 8, and 9. _And so_ the said John Knox, _albeit_, &c., (_the
intermediate words being omitted_.)

142, l. 1. _premisses_--promise.--5. _the Larde_--Johan Cockburne,

144, l. 1. _transported to Edinburgh_, where the Cardinall then had a
Convention of Prelats, wherein somewhat was said of redressing the
abuses of the Church, and reforming the lives of the Clergie; but it
took no effect. M. Wischarde remained but few dayes in Edinburgh: _For
that bloody wolfe the Cardinall_, ever thirsting after the blood _of the
servand of God_.--8. _to be crucified._ The Cardinall, seeing it was
forbidden by the Canon Law to Priests to sit as judges upon life and
death, although the crime were heresie, sent to the Governour, desiring
him to name some lay-judge to pronounce sentence against M. Wischarde.
The Governour had freely condescended to the Cardinall's request,
without delay, if David Hamilton of Preston, a godly and wise man, had
not remonstrated unto him, That he could expect no better end then Saul,
since he persecuted the saints of God, for that truth which he professed
once with such a shew of earnestnesse; the profession thereof being the
only cause of his advancement to that high degree wherein he was: The
Governour, moved at this speech of David Hamilton's, answered the
Cardinall, That he would not meddle with the blood of that good man; and
told him, That his blood should be on him, for he himselfe would be free
of it. At this the Cardinall was angry, and said he would proceed, and
that he had sent to the Governour of meere civility, without any need.
And so.--28. _penult_,--the seven and twentieth day.

148, l. 19, _have receaved_ from certaine records, which we relate
truely, as neere as possibly we can. _Upon the last._

151, l. 9. _as saith Paule_ to Timothy.--14. _be able_ with wholsome
learning, and to impugne.--23. _the Gospell_ he treated of appeareth not
to repugne.--30. _Lawder_, a priest.

152, l. 2. _full of_ outrages, threatnings.

156, l. 24. _My Lords_, it is not so by your pleasures.

159, l. 15. _I vanquest him_--I witnessed to him.

160, l. 1. _and spitted_ on the ground.--22. _Layman_--man.

165, l. 3. _our Generall_ or Provinciall Counsells.

168, l. 13. _innocent_ man speak.--19. _two_ feinds, two Gray
Friers.--25-28. _came to him with all diligence._ And conferred with him
a pretty while, at last, burst forth in tears, but so soon as he was
able to speak, he asked him, If he would receive the Communion? Master
Wischarde answered, He would most willingly, if he could have it
according to Christ's institution, under both kinds. The Sub-Prior went
to the Cardinall and his Prelats, he told them, That Master Wischarde
was an innocent man; which he said, not to intercede for his life, but
to make known the innocency of the man unto all men, as it was known to
God. At these words the Cardinall was angry, and said to the Sub-Prior,
Long agoe we knew what you were. Then the Sub-Prior demanded, Whether
they would suffer M. Wischarde to receive the Communion or not? They
answered, No. A while after M. Wischarde had ended with the Sub-Prior,
the Captaine of the Castle, with some other friends, came to him, and
asked him, If he would break fast with them? He answered, Most
willingly, for I know you to be most honest and godly men; so all being
ready, he desired them to sit downe, and heare him a while with
patience. Then he discoursed to them about halfe an houre concerning the
Lord's Supper, his sufferings and death for us. He exhorteth them to
love one another, laying aside all rancor, envie, and vengeance, as
perfect members of Christ, who intercedes continually for us to God the
Father. After this, he gave thanks, and blessing the bread and wine, he
took the bread and brake it, and gave to every one of it, bidding each
of them, Remember that Christ had died for them, and feed on it
spiritually; so taking the cup, he bade them, Remember that Christ's
blood was shed for them, &c.; and after, he gave thanks and prayed for
them. When he had done, he told them, That he would neither eat nor
drink more in this life; and so retired to his chamber. Immediately
after came to him (sent from the Cardinall) two executioners; one
brought him a coat of linnen died black, and put it upon him; the other
brought some bags full of powder, which they tied to severall parts of
his body. Then having dressed him, they brought him to an outer roome,
neere to the gate of the Castle. Then the fire was made ready, and the
stake at the west port of the Castle, neere to the Priory. Over against
the place of execution, the Castle windows were hung with rich hangings,
and velvet cushions, laid for the Cardinall and Prelats, who from thence
did feed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man. _The
Cardinal dreading._

169, l. 6. _and led_--and with sound of trumpet led.--17. _tempt me
not_, I intreat you. _After this._--25. _words: I beseik you_--words,
having obtained leave to speak a little, I beseech you.

171, l. 3. _Then_ the executioner, _that was his tormentor_.--8. _And
then by and by_ the trumpet sounding, he was tyed to the stake, and the
fire kindled. The Captaine of the Castle, for the love he bore to M.
Wischarde, drew so neer to the fire, that the flame thereof did him
harme; he wished M. Wischarde to be of good courage, and to beg from God
the forgivenesse of his sins; to whom M. Wischarde answered thus: This
fire torments my body, bot no wayes abates my spirit. Then M. Wischarde,
looking towards the Cardinall, said, He who in such state, from that
high place, feedeth his eyes with my torments, within few dayes shall be
hanged out at the same window, to be seen with as much ignominy, as he
now leaneth there in pride. Then with this, the executioner drawing the
cord, stopt his breath; presently after, the fire being great, he was
consumed to powder. The Prelats would not suffer any prayers to be made
for him, according to their custome. After the death of Master
Wischarde, the Cardinall was cryed up by his flatterers, and all the
rabble of the corrupt Clergie, as the onely defender of the Catholike
Church, and punisher of Hereticks, neglecting the authority of the
sluggish Governour: And it was said by them, That if the great Prelates
of latter dayes, both at home and abroad, had been so stout and zealous
of the credit of the Catholike Church, they had not onely suppressed all
Hereticks, but also kept under the lay-men, who were so forward and
stubborne. On the other side, _when that the people beheld the great
tormenting of that innocent, they could not withhold from piteous
mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's slaughter_. _After the
death_, &c.

172, l. 3. _or_ else it _should cost life for life_; and that in a short
time they should be like hogs kept for slaughter, by this vitious
Priest, and wicked monster, which neither minded God, nor cared for men.
Amongst those that spake against the Cardinall's cruelty, _John Leslie,
brother to the Earle of Rothes, was chief_, with his cozen Norman
Lesley, who had been a great follower of the Cardinall, and very active
for him but a little before, fell so foule with him, that they came to
high reproaches one with another. The occasion of their falling out was
a private businesse, wherein Norman Lesley said he was wronged by the
Cardinall. On the other side, the Cardinall said he was not with respect
used by Norman Lesley his inferiour. The said John Lesley, _in all
companies, spared not to say_, That that same dagger, (shewing forth his
dagger,) and that same hand, should be put in the Cardinall's brest.
_These brutes came_, &c.--14. _and promessed amitie with him_, and so he
gave his bastard eldest daughter in marriage to the Earle of Crawford
his eldest son and heir, and caused the wedding to be celebrate with
such state, as if she had been a Princes lawfull daughter. _He only
feared_, &c.

173, l. 10. _not only_ say.--12. _fead_--fooles.--17. _Mary that now
mischevouslie regnes_--Mary that now, 1566, raignes.--25. _but by his
secreat counsall_, (_omitted_.)

175, l. 6. _in no great number_--in great number.

177, (_In the margin_,) The fact and words of James Melvin.

178, l. 3. _fowseis syde_--house side--13, 14. _How miserably lay David
Betoun, cairfull Cardinall_, (_these words are omitted_.)

180, l. 15. _The death of this aforesaid tyrant_, as it was pleasing to
some, to wit, to those who had received the Reformation of religion, for
they were mightily afraid of him, and also to sundry Romanists whom he
kept under as slaves; so on the other side, it _was dolorous to the

181, l. 5. _besieged._ Divers gentlemen of Fife went into the Castle,
and abode there with the Leslies during the first siege; and John Rough
was preacher to them.--7. _and for his_ riches _he would not_.

184, l. 24. _the hole seige_, having left the Castle, because he could
do little good upon those that were with him; so addicted were they to
their evil wayes, _begane to preach in_ the city of S. Andrews.

186, l. 22. _any man_, namely, in the time of need, as that was.

190, l. 17. _kynd of doctrine_--wind of doctrine.

196, l. 32. _Whither may we do the same in matters of religion?_

197, l. 18. _that God hes_ ordained.

203, l. 8. _for upoun the_ nine and twentieth _day_.--10. _with a_ great
army.--11. _in that_ haven before.

204, l. 14. _The seige by_ sea and land was laid about the Castle of S.
Andrews, the three and twentieth day of July.--18. _brunt_; and some
upon the street that leads to the Castle.--23. _ground of the_ court of
the Castle.--27. _corrupt lyef_, having fallen into all kinde of
licentiousnesse, puft up with pride of their successe, and relying upon
England for help in case of need, _could not escape_.

205, l. 7. _Upone the_ nine and twentieth of July.--8. _xiiij_--thirteen
cannons.--14. _place._ Betwixt ten of the clock and eleven, there fell.

206, l. 17. _men without God_, (omitted.)--20. _gallayis_, among others
John Knox was in the galleys all the winter.

212, l. 14. _schooting longis_--shooting amongst.--17. _began to
reyll_--begin to faile.

215, l. 12. _forfaulted_--sore assaulted.

217, l. 11. _Ordour of the Cokill_, and a pension of 12,000 lib. Turn.
_with a full discharge_.

218, l. 5. _hir finall destruction_--her own ruine.--9. _Lett men
patientlie abyd_ God's appointed tyme, and turn unto him with hearty
repentance, then God will surely stop the fire that now comes from her,
by sudden changing her heart to deal favourably with his people; or else
by taking her away, or by stopping her to go on in her course by such
meanes as he shall think meet in his wisdom, for he having all in his
hand disposeth of all, and doth with all according to his own will, unto
which we must not onley yeald, but also be heardily pleased with it,
since it is absolutely good, and both by sacred and prophane history we
ar taught to do so; for in them we finde that Princes have been raised
up by his hands to punish his people; but when they turned unto him with
hearty repentance, he either turned the heart of the Prince to deal
kindly with his people; or else did take him away; or at least did stop
his violent course against his people. Of this the examples are so
frequent, that we spare to name them heere. _But to returne to our

222, l. 9. _a godly man_, (_omitted_.)

223, l. 24. _in the saidis Chappell_, &c.--in the Sands, Chappell, &c.

227, l. 1. _of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know
nott_--of a man justified, which is extant to this day.--(_In the
margin_,) with a smudge?] Note: This booke was printed 1584, at
Edinburgh, by Tho. Utrover: (_in the 4to edit_.) Tho. Voutroler.

229, l. 10. _meanes as_ they looked for.

230, l. 18. _discrive_--discover.

233, l. 11. _the Duck_ Hamilton: (_also, at page_ 238, l. 4.)

235, l. 20. _the temporal Lordis that_ maintain such abominations as we
see, and flattering Counsellors of State, _blasphemous_.

238, l. 5. _others besydis._ The Bishops and their rable, they _begin_.

239, l. 11. _thei will_ do, or can do.

240, l. 26. _Tack you yon_--Take heed all you.

242, l. 5. _but few_ were made rich.

244, l. 2. _thare patentis_--their parents.--9. _displeasur, that_
idolatrous and mischievous Marie.--24. _cruell persecution, used by_
Queen Marie of England.

247, l. 24. _as in doctrin_--as in preaching.

251, l. 1. _and_ bent themselves.

252, l. 6. _was_ published, which we have caused to be printed at the
end of this book, _and is called_.--17 to 20. _And tharefor_, &c., (_the
whole of this sentence is omitted_.)

254, l. 16. _both realmes_ were disappointed _who_.

259, l. 15. Instead of, _Thare assembled Preastis_--Their asses, bloody
Priests, Friers, &c.

265, l. 1. _thareof to this day_--thareof to his death.--2. _now
Erle_--after Earle.--25. _Thei lieved as beastis_--They left me as

272, l. 32. _to his glorie_--to your eternall glorie.

274, l. 13. _many others_--many other letters.

276, l. 21. _and geve attendance to us, your_--and to have care to use.

279, l. 5. _together ... answer_, (_omitted_.)--27. _hes
allanerlie_--has modestlie _absteaned_.

280, l. 8. _this pastor_, or rather impostour.--18. _his Eme's
wyff_--his cousin's wife.

283, l. 18. _What that_ man of the law is.

284, l. 2. _nether can_ err.--5. _synceir_, (_omitted_.)--20.
_cannon_--common _law_.

287, l. 10. _cummer_--rumour.

289, l. 26. _by_ (_i.e._ beside) _us_--neer us.

                            BOOK SECOND.

292, l. 17. (_In the margin_,) Note. Here is a solecisme in State
expression, newly invented by the Court Parasites.

294, l. 20. (_In the margin_,) Note. To call the Crown-Matrimoniall, is
an absurd solecisme, newly then invented at Court.

297, l. 4. (_In the margin_,) Note. And now in these latter days it hath
pleased God in his goodnesse to grant the pure and primitive Discipline
also unto the Church of Scotland.--20. _long_, (_omitted_.)

298, l. 21. _the libertie of_, (_omitted_.)

299, l. 5. _the extreme_, (_omitted_.)

300, l. 2. _to give the_ gift of exhortation by sermon.

302, l. 8. _to convein us_--to make us.

303, l. 10. _our presence_, or counsell, or petitions.--26.
_mercifullie_--bountifullie.--28. _The first petition_--Here beginneth
the particular demands.

304, l. 11. _of the which_, without explanation, hardly can arise any
profit to the hearers.

305, l. 23. _to live_ at their lust.

307, l. 12. _a large purse_, 40,000 l. _Turn._ or _Scots_, gathered,
(_livres Tournois?_)--20. _in things_ as we thought _unlawfull_.

309, l. 16. _Lords_, Barons, and Burgesses _of this_.

312, l. 27. _in Parliament_ holden at Edinburgh, Anno 1558.

313, l. 28. _any other_ of the godly that list.

315, l. 22. _And it_ appeared, that after that day that malice took more
violent and strong possession in hir then it did before.

318, l. 6. _Quenis_ favour.

319, l. 2. _thare rebellioun_--high rebellion.

321, l. 2. _vehement_--very vehement.

324, l. 11. _to instruct_ the people.

325, l. 7. _Duke_ Hamilton.--9, 10. now cheaf, &c., (_same reading as in
Vautrollier's edit., quoted in note 4._)--21. _best for_--best serve

327, l. 15. _your Grace's_--your Princely.

328, l. 11. _extreme necessiteis_--most great extremities.--13. _thair
and oure lyves_--their owne lives.

329, l. 15. _espyed._ The tenour whereof followeth. _And._--22. _that_
ye _the Nobilitie_.

331, l. 5. _Is it nocht_, &c.--It is not.--16. _judged_ to be _gud

332, l. 7. _doth_ contrary to this authority.--8, 9. _he is cled_--it is

336, l. 28. _war thay that first_--war there, they that first.--30.
_platt of ground_--place of ground.

337, l. 6. _war erected_--were set up.--7, 8. _hope_ of _victorie_.

339, l. 4. _that we_ in whom _she_.--24. _ar servandis_--as servants.

340, l. 20. _gart cutt the brigis_--caused the bridges to be cut.

345, l. 5. _Teringland_--Tarmganart.

351, l. 2, 3. _Cowper, ... assisted_--Cowper, ... was assisted.--28.
_practised with us_--made shew unto us.

354, l. 1. _truble, or_ disquiet.--7. _Subscrived_, &c.--

                                 Subscribed,         JAMES HAMILTON,
                                                     MENEITS DOSELL.

356, l. 21. _plane_--plainly see.

357, l. 16. _cast up the portis_--open the gates.--25,
_beirand_--bearing, namely.

358, l. 20. _departed, as hielie_--departed, and was highly.

359, l. 14. _the_ 26--the six and twentieth.--16. _four_, (_omitted_.)

360, l. 4. _wald vote_--would consent.--21. _Palace and the
Kirk_--place, and the place and the Church.--22. _idollis, hid_--hid

361, l. 2. _unto him_, he would _that_.--8.
_irruption_--interruption.--15. _stogged_--thrust.

363, l. 4. _in the one_--in one of the Colledges.--13. _was to be done,
and that ordour_--was best to be done, and what order.--18. _and yit hir
Dochteris is_--by advice of hir Counsell.--30. _hir Grace_--our Mother.

364, l. 1. _to affix_--to appoint.--6. _our Realme_--our religion.

365, l. 6. _to suche_--that such.--15. _Sche_--The Queen Regent.--17.
_thame_selves.--19. _advertist_, That.

367, l. 25. _nothing to_ the commission, she proposed.

368, l. 5. _abused_ Duke Hamilton, perswading him.--8. _his_ successors
of their pretended title.--16. _crymes_ were ever entred into.--25.
_should leaf_--should lose.--33. _the Duke's Grace_--Duke Hamilton.

369, l. 18. _small appointment_--finall appointment.--26. _earthlie_

370, l. 7. _outsetting_--upsetting.--11. _no mo_--no man.

371, l. 1. _substantious housholdis_--chief domesticks.

373, l. 3. _bawbie_, or fartheing.--13. _those of_, (_omitted_.)

374, l. 15. _Restalrig_--Lestarrig.

376, l. 17. _Januar_ had decreed.

377, l. 2. _thai war_--they are.--15. _In the first_ Congregation.

378, l. 1. _maner_--matter.--23. _skaithles_--harmless.--34.

379, l. 1. _other haveand spirituall_--other, either spiritual.--3.
_religioun, or_ any other.--13. _in all_ such causes.--24. _to speak_

380, l. 12. _the Lordis_ Protestants.--13. _unto_ the chief heads of the
Appointment, _whiche be these_.--30. _this_ our _Proclamatioun_.

382, l. 1. _adversaries_, who trie _all maner_.--19. _and hir_,

383, l. 15. _quhat tyme_--at the time that.

384, l. 7. _baith_, (_omitted_.)--_Le Roy_, (_omitted_.) (_Title
inserted_,) The King his letter to the Lord James.--15. _bein_,

385, l. 1. _father_, from the Queen my wife, and from _me_.--5.
_strange_ to me, and so farre _against_.--6. _gudlie_ well.--19, 20. _ye
ar declyneit_--ye have declined.--21. _attention_--intention.--28.

386, l. 7. _Vous senteras_--Vous en sentires.--15. _Schir_,
(_omitted_.)--The Lord James his letter to the King.--16. _My_ most
humble _dewtie_.--17. _last_, importing.--18. _Majestie_ doth.--24.
_hard_--had.--28. _grevis me_ very _heavilie_.

387, l. 8. _sould_ not _have_.--18, 19. _as_ we were perswaded in
_our_.--21. _cair_ from.

388, l. 14. _na man_ could.

389, l. 2. _benefit_ which.--9. _libertie_ of.--19. _Tolbuith_--Town.

391, l. 1. _nether_ yet.--19. _For schort_--For that _after_.

392, l. 9. _deambulatour_--deambulation.--18. _falt_ in.--20.
_worthelie_--justlie.--21. _done_, (_omitted_.)

394, l. 7. _thair kyn_--your kin.--18. _contravene_--violate.--27. _mak_
first--give first.

395, l. 1. _lippin_--trust.--2. _to have_ good.--16. _taikin_
without.--18. _saidis_, (_omitted_.)--23. _our pairt._ But in case
against all reason they should mean any such thing, We _have
thocht_.--31. _furnissing_--surmising.

397, l. 3. _put_ fit _remedy_.--10. _could_--would.--17. _list_, so that
some asked for.--19. _sche_ was not ashamed _to sett_.--22. _personis_
have of malice.--24. _stope all_ manner of reconciliations.--28.
_Estaitis_--State.--31. _ar cumit_--came.--_ar myndit_--do mind.

398, l. 7. _ony_ part thereof _contravenit_.--8.
_communit_--commovit.--13. _ane_, (_omitted_.)

399, l. 2. _ever_, (_omitted_.)--10. _obedience_ of _higher_.--13.
_direct_ quite.--19. _with_ reverence.

401, l. 2. _simplicitie_, and to _work your finall_.--11. _of_ our
_posteritie, and_ to be short, to our _commun-wealth_.--15.
_foirnameit._ This is so _manifestly_.--34. _is not to be_--is to be.

403, l. 1. _brocht it_ to such basenesse, and such a deale of strife
_that all men_.--14. _guid and_ weighty _money_.

405, l. 9. _that_ wicked _man_.--10. _quha at_ that tyme.--27.
_reassonit_ with all _in the_.

406, l. 19. _thairin_, not only _without_.--25. _the houssis garnissit_,

407, l. 24. _yea_, even of our brethren.

408, l. 29. _covetousnes of the_ Cardinall of Guyse and the Hamiltons.

409, l. 32. _trubill any_ unjust _possession_.

410, l. 14. _over_ our _heads_.--25. _tred_--course.

411, l. 3. _personis ... be God_, move Princes to _command_.--7. _of_
misled _Princes_.--13. _thair_ misled _Princes_.--20. _crewell_ misled
Princes, who authorize the _murtherar_.

412, l. 20. _murther_, and such like: _Esaias_.--32. _appelyteis of_
misled _Princeis_.

413, l. 12. _my Lord Dukis Grace_--the Duke.

414, l. 10-12. _Hienes, quham ... God_, expecting earnestly your answer.

415, l. 29. _experimentit_--dear.

416, l. 3. _lawlie_ to our.--18. _of the_ same: And that ye would

417, l. 16. _Onlie_ to shew.

418, l. 6. _to_ this _commun-wealth_.--8. _a_ plain _declaratioun_.

420, l. 20. _Pleis your Grace_--Madame.--29, 30. _sall_ treat or deal
_for himself_.

421, l. 14. _ye_ knew fully, and all men else.--20, 21. The Queen's

425, l. 10. _thing not of lait_--thing of lait.

426, l. 1. _as in_ deed _it is_.--3. _haid_ Inche, Colme, _Dumbar_.--4.
_maid_; yet all these _could_.--9. _the trewth_, (_omitted_.)--12.
_seiking_ constantly _to possesse_ the _libertie_ of Leith, which _be
donation of_ ancient _Kingis thay have long_ enjoyed.

427, l. 9. _to wit_--is.--22. _mentenance_--mantainers.

428, l. 3, 4. _to this day_, (_omitted_.)--8. _write to_ the praise of
_Goddis_.--13. _honour_, (_omitted_.)

429, l. 13. _our_, (_omitted_.)--20. _be of_ such _reputatioun_.

430, l. 14. _quhan_, (_omitted_.)

431, l. 7. _support_--our _support_.

432, l. 4. _presentt_ day, _that_.--_maist_, (_omitted_.)

433, l. 2. _onlie_--openlie.--10. _deceat, that_ to _lift thair weaponis
against thair brethren_.--12. _glorie_, or _yet_.

434, l. 26. _thame_, so they did answer unto her, _as by_.

435, l. 2. _moist_, (_omitted_.)

436, l. 7. _self and_ those that followeth you. _And that._

437, l. 28. _It will ... remembrance_--Your Majestie may call to minde,
_how at_.

438, l. 12. _we will_ (as befoir) move _and declair_.--20. _humbill_,

439, l. 3. _maid_ by these about _the Quene_.--6. _never anis_ hath made
any shew of any such thing, _bott_ only _in_.--10. _poore_
commonalty.--17. _Lady_: Which accusation hath continued ever against
him, as guilty of that crime; he therefore now openly _and plainlie_

---- (_Opposite to line 8, the first marginal note begins_,) Now the
Duke seeing the Queen's partie decline, and the Protestant party grow
strong, he once more changeth the profession of his religion, and
joyneth with the Protestants, as strongest.--(_And at line 24,_) How
true this is, the constant course of the family can tell.

440, l. 3. _your_--our.--(_Marginal note_,) _Let this bee noted, and let
all men judge of the purpose of the Frenche_, and how good and wise
patriots they were, who sold our Soveraign to France for their private
profit, and they by name were the Hamiltons.

441, l. 21. _so_ tyranically to domineer over them.

442, l. 3. _called and_, (_omitted_.)--9. _that_ it _is_.--17. _never
so_ firmly establish any, but at his pleasure, he seeing just cause,
might deprive them.--22. _used_--useth second _means_.

443, l. 3. _idolatrie_, as also she openly declares the countrie to be
conquest, and no more free. _And finallie_.--9. (_Marginal note_,) _in
the disposition_--in the deposition.--11, 12. _and_ disorder.--14. _our_
Soveraigne.--31. _awin_, (_omitted_.)

444, l. 10. _uttermost_ ruine, _so that_.--22. _for that_--only
because.--24. _lauchfull_, (_omitted_.)--30. _of Sanct Johnestoun_,

445, l. 4. _in this_ last _moneth_.--5. _in_ other _townes_.--21.
_Soverane Lord_ deceased without heirs of her _persone_.--24. _our_
whole _cuntree_.--_causes_--caused ... to coine lead-_money_.

445, l. 28. _And attour, her Grace places_--Again, she so placeth.

446, l. 5. _be his_--by this.--11. _remissionis_, conform _to the

448, l. 2. _fearing_ lest _the_.

449, l. 9. _Pleise your Grace_--Madame.

450, l. 2. _Lord and_ Lady their _true_.--7. _for_ worthy
_reasons_.--16. _sute_--follow.--17, 18. _maid_ oft before. Again we
desire you _cause_.

451, l. 1. _xxiii of October_--24 of October.--10. _that thei_,
(_omitted_.)--18. _sa lang as_ they use us as friends, and not strive
_to make_.

453, l. 2. _name_, requiring thame.--15. _The ungodlie soldiouris_, in
hatred of goodnesse and good men, continuing in their disorder, mocke
_the Laird_.--22. _shall_ make them know me.

458, l. 9. _without_ delay.

459, l. 6. The Captain of _the Castle_.--27. _desyred_,
(_omitted_.)--21. _back, the_ carriage of money _was dejected_.

460, l. 21. _betimes_ in the morning for keeping.

461, l. 24, 462, l. 1. _so that in no wise we could charge thame_,

463, l. 7. _after_ our departure.

464, l. 28. _before lurked_--there lurked.

465, l. 9. _Alas if I might see_ another defie given: _Give

466, l. 22. _continewalie_, (_omitted_.)

468, l. 18. _altogitther_, (_omitted_.)

469, l. 23. _I_ speak _more generallie then_ the present _necessity_
requireth: _for_.

470, l. 25. _thair_ own _formar offences_.

471, l. 9. _himself_, I _speik_.

472, l. 10 and 12. _uncertane_--certaine.--19. _when_ their blinde fury
_pursued us_.--l. 16. (_In the margin_,) Let the House of Hamilton
remember this.

473, l. 20. _thair_ home and _quiet_.--23. With this we end _the Second
Book of the History_, &c.


                            No. II.


In tracing the History of the Reformation, we must always revert to a
much earlier period than that of Luther. The chief witnesses against the
corrupt ceremonies and discipline of the Church of Rome belonged to two
distinct sects, but entertaining nearly the same sentiments--the
Albigenses, who were chiefly settled about Toulouse and Albigeois, in
Languedoc; and the Valdenses, who inhabited the mountainous tract of
country, (known as the Cottian Alps,) in the provinces of Dauphine and
Provence, in the south of France, and in Piedmont, in the north of
Italy. Both sects may be considered as descendants of the primitive
Christians, and the long series of persecutions which they endured, may
have conduced to spread their opinions in other lands, and to keep alive
a spirit of religious inquiry and freedom.

The great English Reformer John Wykliffe, died in the year 1380. The
persecutions which arose after his death, drove many of his adherents
into exile, and brought some of them to the western parts of Scotland,
who, having settled in Ayrshire, obtained the name of the Lollards of
Kyle. Any notices respecting them that have been preserved are
unfortunately very scanty, but should not be overlooked in a work like
the present.

Andrew of Wyntoun, Prior of Lochlevin, the author of a Metrical
Chronicle, written about the year 1420, when recording the appointment
of Robert Duke of Albany as Governor of Scotland, in the year 1405,
commends him for his opposition to Lollards and Heretics:--

"He was a constant Catholike,
 All Lollard he hatyt, and Hereticke."--(vol. ii. p. 419.)

It was during his administration, that the first Martyr of the Reformed
religion was committed to the flames at Perth, for alleged heresy, in
the year 1406 or 1407. This was eight or nine years previously to the
death of John Huss, that "generous and intrepid Martyr and confessor of
Christ," as Luther justly calls him.

Walter Bower, the continuator of Fordun, is probably the only original
historian who has preserved an account of Resby, of which the following
is an extract:--


"Eodem anno [MCCCCVI] die combustus est JACOBUS RESBY, Presbyter
Anglicus de schola Johannis Wykliff, hæreticus condemnatus in concilio
cleri sub magistro Laurentio de Lundoris, inquisitore hæreticæ
pravitatis, solidissimo clerico et famoso theologo, vitæ sanctitate
quamplurimum collaudato. Qui quidem Jacobus, quamvis interdum
celeberrimus reputabatur simplicibus prædicatione, periculosissimas
tamen conclusiones intersperserat in sua dogmatizatione. Quarum prima
fuit, quod Papa de facto non est Christi vicarius. Secunda, Nullus est
Papa, nec Christi vicarius, nisi sit sanctus. De consimilibus, vel
pejoribus, tenuit quadraginta conclusiones. Cujus tam Scripta quam
auctorem Inquisitor confutavit, et ad ignem applicavit et incineravit.
Hujusmodi errores excerpti sunt de hæresibus dicti Johannis Wykliff
hæresiarchæ, damnati Londoniis in Anglia, anno Domini MCCCLXXX, per
primatem Angliæ, et tredecim episcopos, ae magistros in sacra theologia
triginta, ex dialogo, trialogo, et aliis suis libris. Conclusiones et
libelli istius hæretici adhuc a nonnullis Lolardis habentur in Scotia,
et curiose servantur, ex instinctu Diaboli, per tales quibus aquæ
furtivæ dulciores sunt, et panis absconditus suavior."--(Vol. i. p.

The several abbreviates of the Scotichronicon notice Resby's fate. Law's
MS. places it in 1406; but the larger "Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie,"
gives the year 1407, nor omits the circumstance "De talibus et pejoribus
xl. Conclusiuncs; _cujus liber adhuc restant curiose servantur per
Lolardos in Scocie_." Among later writers who mention Resby, Spotiswood
says, "John Wickliffe in England, John Hus and Jerome of Prague in
Bohemia, did openly preach against the tyranny of the Pope, and the
abuses introduced in the Church; and in this countrey, one called
Joannes [James] Resby an Englishman, and _de schola_ Wickliffi, as the
story speaketh, was brought in question for some points of doctrine
which he taught, and condemned to the fire. He was charged by Master
Laurence Lendores with 40 heretical opinions; whereof we have two only
mentioned; one, That the Pope was not Christ's Vicar; the other, That he
was not to be esteemed Pope, if he was a man of wicked life. For
maintaining these two points, he suffered in the year 1407."--(History
of the Church, p. 56.) This date is also given in the Breve Cronicon,
(apud Registrum Glasguense, p. 316.) "Combustio Jacobi Henrici [Resby]
apud Perth, A.D. 1407."

The prevalence of such opinions is still more evident from the oath
which Masters of Arts were required to take, in the newly founded
University of St. Andrews; it being enacted at a Congregation, held on
the 10th of June 1416, that all who commenced Masters of Arts should
swear, among other things, that they would resist all adherents of the
sect of LOLLARDS. "Item, Jurabitis quod ecclesiam defendetis contra
insultum Lollardorum, et quibuscunque eorum secte adherentibus pro posse
vestro resistetis."--(MS. Records of the University, quoted by Dr.
M'Crie, Life of Melville, vol. i. p. 419.)

Knox commences his History with referring to some person whose name did
not appear in the Scrollis or Registers of Glasgow, who suffered in that
city in the year 1422. David Buchanan and Petrie have rather hastily
concluded that Resby was the person referred to, overlooking both the
difference of time and the place of his execution.

Another proof of the increase of the Lollards in Scotland, is furnished
by an Act in the Parliament of King James the First, held at Perth, on
the 12th March 1424-5, soon after his return from his long captivity in


"Item, Anentis Heretikis and Lollardis, that ilk Bischop sall ger inquyr
be the Inquisicione of Heresy, quhar ony sik beis fundyne, ande at thai
be punyst as Lawe of Haly Kirk requiris: Ande, gif it misteris, that
Secular power be callyt tharto in suppowale and helping of Haly
Kirk."--(Acta Parl. Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 7.)

The prevalence of reformed opinions is also clear from the appointment
of a dignified Churchman as Heretical Inquisitor. Such an office would
obviously never have been contemplated, unless for the wide spread of
what was deemed to be heresy. Laurence of Lindores, Abbot of Scone, in
1411, was the first Professor of Law in the newly erected University of
St. Andrews, and he is described as "solidissimus clericus et famosus
theologus, vitæ sanctitate quamplurimum collaudatus." But the title of
HAERETICÆ PRAVITATIS INQUISITOR, formed his highest distinction; and he
is said to have given no peace or rest to heretics or Lollards. Whether
Laurence of Lindores resigned his situation as Abbot on obtaining other
preferment, is uncertain. In July 1432, when elected Dean of the Faculty
of Arts, at St. Andrews, he is styled Rector of Creich, Master of Arts,
Licentiate in Theology, Inquisitor for the Kingdom of Scotland, &c. This
office of Dean he held till his death, when (post mortem felicis memoriæ
Magistri Laurencii de Lundoris,) Mr. George Newton, Provost of the
Collegiate Church of Bothwell, was elected his successor, 16th September
1437.--(Registers of the University.) Lindores is said to have written
"Examen Hæreticorum Lolardorum, quos toto regno exegit."

The next Martyr was Paul Craw or Crawar, a native of Bohemia, by old
Scotish writers called Beum. As Knox seems to have had before him the
brief notice contained in the first edition of Foxe's "Actes and
Monuments," the passage from that edition may here be quoted:--


"The same yere [1431] also was Paul Craws a Bohemian taken at s. Andrews
by the Bishop Henry, and delivered over to the seculer power to be
burnt, for holdyng contrary opinions vnto the church of Rome, touching
the sacrament of the Lords supper, the worshipping of sainctes,
auriculer confessyon, with other of Wycleffes opinions."--(Foxe, p. 360,
first edit., 1564, folio.)

The earlier notices given of this Martyr by Bower the Continuator of
Fordun, and Hector Boece, may also be quoted, the latter in the words of
his translator John Bellenden, Archdean of Murray, in the reign of James
the Fifth. It will be observed that Bower mentions Laurence of Lindores
as Inquisitor, whereas Boece says it was John Fogo, his successor in
that office, who acted on this occasion, which some authorities place in
1431, others in 1432, or in the following year.


"Anno sequenti [MCCCCXXXIII] accusatus est Paulus Crawar Teutonicus,
xxiij. die mensis Julij, apud Sanctum Andream, et hæreticus obstinatus
repertus, convictus est et condemnatus, et ad ignem applicatus et
incineratus. Hic, ut dicitur, missus fuit ab hæreticis Pragensibus de
Bohemia, qui tune in maleficiis nimium prævalebant, ad inficiendum
regnum Scotorum, recommissus per ipsorum literas, tanquam præcellens
arte medicine. Hic in sacris literis et in allegatione Bibliæ promptus
et exercitatus inveniebatur; sed ad insipientiam sibi, omnes quasi illos
articulos erroneos Pragenses et Wiklivienses pertinaciter tenebat: sed
per venerabilem virum magistrum Laurentium de Londoris, inquisitorem
hæreticæ pravitatis, qui nusquam infra regnum requiem dedit hæreticis,
vel Lolardis, confutatus est."--(Scotichronicon, vol. ii. p. 495.)

Bower, after this extract, in the remainder of the chapter, and the two
following ones, has given some account of the rise and opinions of these
Heretics, and the mode of confuting them; which are too long for
quotation. Bellenden's briefer notice is as follows:--

"Nocht lang efter was tane in Sanct Androis ane man of Beum namit Paule
Craw, precheand new and vane superstitionis to the pepyl, specially
aganis the sacrament of the alter, veneration of sanctis, and confession
to be maid to Priestis. At last he was brocht afore the Theologis, and
al his opinionis condampnit. And because he perseuerit obstinatly to the
end of his pley, he was condampnit and brint. He confessit afore his
death that he was send out of Beum to preiche to Scottis the heresyis of
Hus and Wiccleif. The King commendit mekyl this punition, and gaif the
Abbacy of Melros to Johne Fogo, for he was principall convikar of this
Paule."--(Bellenden's Cronyklis of Scotland, fol. ccxlvij of orig.

It is a mistake, however, to say that Fogo was thus rewarded for the
zeal he displayed in convicting Paul Crawar of heresy in 1432. Dr. John
Fogo was Abbot of Melrose in the year 1425, when he was sent to Rome on
an embassy from King James the First. He was the King's Confessor, and
was present at the Council of Basil in 1433.--(Morton's Monastic Annals,
pp. 236, 237.) Sir James Balfour treats him with very little
ceremony:--"This zeire 1433, (he says,) the King, at the earnist
sollicitatione of the clergey, bot especially of Henrey Wardlaw, Bishope
of St. Andrewes, bestowed the Abbey of Melrosse upone a luberdly mounke
of the Cisteauxe order, quho had wretten a blasphemous pamphlet against
Paull Crau's heresy, named Johne Fogo."--(Annals, vol. i. p. 161.)

But it was not obscure men or strangers who were occasionally subjected
to the charge of heresy. In the reign of James the Third, the case of
the Primate of Scotland is worthy of special notice. In 1466, Patrick
Graham, son of Lord Graham, and nephew of James the First, was
translated from the See of Brechin to St. Andrews. Graham proceeded to
Rome to obtain his confirmation, but the enmity of the Boyds during
their power at Court occasioned him to delay for some years his return
to Scotland. During this period, the Archbishop of York having renewed
an old contested claim as Metropolitan of the Scotish Church, Graham
succeeded in obtaining from Pope Sixtus the Fourth a sentence, whereby
it was declared "a thing unfitting that an English Prelate should be the
Primate of Scotland, by reason of the warres that might break forth
betwixt the two kingdoms."--The King, in 1470, calls him "Consanguineo
nostro carissimo;" and in the same year is styled as "Conservator
Privilegiorum Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ." He is said to have returned in the
year 1472; and both Buchanan and Spottiswood have given a minute and
interesting account of the troubles in which he was involved.

In 1471, Pope. Sixtus the Fourth erected the See of St. Andrews into an
Archbishoprick, and thus Graham became Primate, Pope's Nuncio, and
Legatus a latere. But his zeal and innovations in reforming abuses,
excited the envy and opposition both of the clergy and persons in civil
authority; and darkened the latter days of his life to such a degree,
that he was brought to trial, and by the Pope's Legate, named Huseman,
who came to Scotland for that purpose, he was degraded from his
dignities, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment, as a HERETIC,
schismatic, &c.; and was put under the custody of William Schevez,
Archdean of St. Andrews, who was appointed his coadjutor and successor.
Bishop Lesley (p. 318,) places Graham's trial in 1477, and says, he was
first imprisoned in Inchcolm, then removed to Dunfermling, and soon
after to the Castle of Lochleven, where he died in 1478. See also Sir
James Balfour's Annals, vol. i. p. 200. "This end (says Spottiswood) had
that worthy man, in virtue and learning inferior to none of his time,
oppressed by the malice and calumny of his enemies, chiefly for that
they feared reformation of their wicked abuses by his means."

       *       *       *       *       *

Of the LOLLARDS mentioned by Knox as summoned for trial before James the
Fourth in 1491, no additional information has been obtained. Alexander
Alesius, in 1534, takes notice of John Campbell of Cesnock having also
been summoned and acquitted: see Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals, vol. ii.
p. 400; John Davidson's Memoriall of Two Worthie Christians, &c., p. 10,
Edinb. 1595, 8vo; and Calderwood's History, vol. i. p. 54. In "The
Praise of Aige," a poem, written about that time by Walter Kennedy, a
younger son of Gilbert Lord Kennedy, the progenitor of the Earls of
Cassilis, we find these lines:--

  "This warld is sett for to dissaive us evin,
     Pryde is the nett, and cuvatece is the trane;
   For na reward, except the joy of hevin,
     Wald I be yung in to this warld agane.
   _The Schip of Faith, tempestuous wind and rane
   Dryvis in the see of Lollerdry that blawis_;
     My yowth is gane, and I am glaid and fane,
   Honour with aige to every vertew drawis."

The same author, in his Flyting or poetical contest with William Dunbar,
among other terms of reproach, styles his antagonist "Lamp Lollardorum;"
and also, "Judas Jow, Juglour, LOLLARD Lawreat."--(Dunbar's Poems, vol.
ii. pp. 85, 90, 440.)

                              No. III.


In collecting some notices of this memorable person, it may be remarked,
that Knox has passed over his history much more briefly than likely he
would have done, had he himself been at St. Andrews at the time of his
execution. It has been customary to give a rather exaggerated account of
Hamilton's birth and family connexions. Bishop Burnet says, "The first
who suffered in this age (in Scotland) was Patrick Hamilton, a person of
very noble blood: his father was brother to the Earl of Arran, and his
mother sister to the Duke of Albany: so nearly was he on both sides
related to the King. He was provided of the Abbey of Fern in his youth;
and being designed for greater preferments, he was sent to travel,"
&c.--(Hist. of the Reform., vol. i. p. 291.) Similar terms are employed
by later writers.

This notion to Hamilton's high descent and parentage requires to be
somewhat modified. His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavel, was an
illegitimate son of James first Lord Hamilton, by a daughter of
Witherspoon of Brighouse, and died in 1479. Sir Patrick afterwards
obtained a letter of legitimation under the Great Seal, 20th January
1512-13; and in a charter of the settlement of the Hamilton estates
about the same time, by the Earl of Arran, he was called next in
succession, (failing the Earl's lawful issue,) after Sir James Hamilton
of Fynnart, who was the natural son of James second Lord Hamilton,
created Earl of Arran in 1503, and who was legitimated on the same day
with Sir Patrick. The latter was slain in a conflict on the streets of
Edinburgh, 30th April 1520. His wife was Catharine Stewart, daughter of
Alexander Duke of Albany, the second son of King James the Second. She
is also described as a natural daughter; the marriage of her parents
having been dissolved on alleged propinquity of blood, by a sentence of
divorce, pronounced 2d March 1477-8. It is proper however to observe,
that illegitimation caused by the dissolution of such marriages, in
conformity with the complicated rules of the Canon Law, was not
considered to entail disgrace on the children, nor did it always
interrupt the succession either in regard to titles or property. Their
children were,--

1. James Hamilton of Kincavel, Sheriff of Linlithgowshire, and Captain
of Blackness in 1525. He was summoned on a charge of heresy in 1534, but
escaped to England. (See note 139.) He obtained permission to return in
1540, and was the means of accomplishing the downfall of his cousin, Sir
James Hamilton of Fynnart, (ib. p. 66.) The sentence given against him
by the Popish Clergy at Holyrood House, 26th August 1534, was reversed
and annulled by the General Assembly in June 1563.

2. Patrick Hamilton the Martyr.

3. Katharine Hamilton, who is mentioned in a letter, 29th March 1539,
(ib. p. 66, note,) as wife of the late Captain of Dunbar Castle. The
reference in that letter may have been not to her brother Patrick, who
was _brent_ in 1528, but to James, who was condemned for heresy in 1534.
The word _brent_ therefore might be read _banished_.

PATRICK HAMILTON was born about the year 1503. Being intended for the
Church, he no doubt received a liberal education, and the influence of
his family connexions was sure to obtain for him high preferment. The
time when he was promoted to the Abbacy of Ferne, in the county of Ross,
is nowhere stated, except in the vague, general terms, "in his youth."
It is however quite certain that Ferne was held, along with the Abbacy
of Kelso _in commendam_, by Andrew Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, who
died in 1517. Sir Robert Gordon, in his Genealogy of the Earls of
Sutherland, (p. 93,) says, that on "The 17th day of June 1518 yeirs,
Andrew Stuart, Bishop of Catheneys, commendator of the Abbayes of Kelso
and Ferne, died at his Castle of Skibo," &c. (p. 93.) A manuscript
Calendar of Ferne, which may be held as the best authority, places the
Bishop's death in 1517. But although this benefice was conferred on
Patrick Hamilton, there is no evidence to show that he was ever in
Priest's orders, as he necessarily, at the time of this condemnation,
would have been degraded, or deprived of such orders. He appears however
to have prosecuted his studies at St. Andrews, and to have taken his
Master's degree, according to the following entry in the Registers of
that University:--

"Congreg. tenta, 3 Oct. 1524. Mag^r. Patricius Hamilton Abbas de Ferne
Rossen. Dioc. in facultatem est receptus."

It was probably in the following year that Hamilton went abroad, in the
farther prosecution of his studies, visiting Wittenberg and Marburg, and
becoming acquainted with Luther, Melancthon, and Francis Lambert. From
the sentence pronounced by the Archbishop and his assistants, it is
evident that before Hamilton's visit to the Continent he had been
suspected of cherishing heretical opinions. At the University of
Marburg, he publicly set forth certain Conclusions or Theses for
disputation, on the subject of Faith and Good Works. His Theses may have
been printed at the time: they have been preserved, in the English
translation, by John Fryth, of which there are several editions,
sometimes under the title of 'Patrick's Places,' and are also inserted
in Knox's History, and in Foxe's Book of Martyrs.

Hamilton returned to Scotland in 1527, impelled by a zeal to impart to
his countrymen the knowledge of the truth which he had acquired: the
result of which is well known; having been apprehended and taken
prisoner to the Castle of St. Andrews, tried by Archbishop Beaton, and
condemned for heresy, and suffering at the stake on the last of February

       *       *       *       *       *

Some extracts from contemporary writers, relating to Patrick Hamilton,
may here be quoted. The first extract is taken from the dedication of
Lambert's work, which has been oftener mentioned than examined in recent
times. It was first published in the year 1528; but the following
extract is from an edition bearing the following title, "EXEGESEOS
FRANCISCI LAMBERTI Avenionensis, in sanctam divi Ioannis Apocalypsim,
Libri VII. Basileae per Nicolaum Brylingerum. Anno M.D.XXXIX." 8vo. It
occurs in the dedication to "the illustrious Prince Philip, Landgrave of
Hesse." Unfortunately it does not give the date.--

"Habuisti anno supeiriore in tua nova Academia Marpurgensi ex Scotia
unum, qui vere suam in Dei Ecclesiam attulit gloriam, PATRICIUS
HAMMILTON, ex illustrissima Hammiltonum familia, quæ ex summis Regni
Scotiæ; ae Regi, sanguine proximius junctis, est. ls cum esset annorum
circiter trium et viginti, eruditionisque non vulgaris, et in Dei
sermonibus, iudicij, et certissimi et solidissimi, ab illo mundi angulo,
nempe Scotia, venit ad tuam Academiam, ut abundantius in Dei veritate
confirmaretur, de quo veruntamen testor, me vix alium repperisse, qui de
eloquiis Dei, spiritualius, ac syncerius loqueretur. Sæpe enim mecum de
cisdem contulit. Præterea et is primus fuit, qui post erectam a tua
sublimitate Academiam, in eadem Christianissima aliquot axiomata palam
et doctissime, me hoc illi consulente, asseruit. Ubi autem robustior in
pietatis doctrina factus est, assumpto uno ex tribus quos secum huc
veniens duxerat, rediit in Scotiam, et palam Christum docuit, factus
Scotorum primus et idem inclytus, +apostolos+. Mox principes Sacerdotum
cum Satrapis suis, apud Sancti Andreæ urbem convenerunt in unum,
adversus dominum, et Christum, illiusque Apostolum Patritium, et ilium
quantumvis sanguine clarum, et (ut puto) Rege adhue puero, ab eis
seducto (neque enim metu cognatorum eius quidquam alioqui ausi fuissent
in cum) vocarunt in concilium suum, in Calen. Martias, huins anni. At
ille in Christi confessione ardens totus tempus ipsum prævenit, et
pridie cal[=e]. Martij mane, illis pinguibus Samariæ vaccis adfuit, et ab
illis velut a Judæis Christus, damnatus mox, et morti adjudicatus est,
atque a prandio ipsiusmet dici combustus, et factus Deo in hostiam
sanctam, et vivam. Is vere allulit in Dei Ecclesiam non solum gloriam
suam, sed et vitam. Hune veluti suavissimum florem, maturumque fructum,
ab ipso initio protulit, noua et foelix illa Academia tua. Non es
fraudatus desiderio tuo. Idcirco enim maxime illam erexisti, quod
cuperes ut intrepidi Christi confessores, et constantes veritatis
assertores ex ea prodirent. Ecce jam unum habes, et eundem quidem
inclytum multis nominibus, alij, cum domino visum fuerit, sequentur."

In a work still less known, and indeed of which only one solitary copy
is known to be preserved, we find an interesting allusion to Hamilton.
The author, John Gau or Gaw, will afterwards be noticed among the
Protestant Exiles, Appendix, No. VI. The volume has this title within an
ornamented border:--

     "The richt bay to the kingdome of hevine is techit heir in the x
     commandis of God / And in the Creid / and Pater noster / In the
     quhilk al chrissine man sal find al thing yat is neidful and
     requirit to onderstand to the saluation of the saul."

     (Colophon,) "Prentit in Malmw / Be me Jhone Rochstraten the xvi day
     of October / Anno M.D.XXXiii."

The allusion to Hamilton's fate occurs in "Ane Epistil to the nobil
Lordis and Baronis of Scotland," in which the Author complains of "the
blynd giders and pastors quhilk sekis bot the mylk and wow of the
scheip, quhilk alsua thinkkis na scheyme to cal thayme selff vicars of
Christ and successours of the Apostlis," and says, "The thrid and
principal causs (viz. of the want of religious instruction) is the
sekkis N. and N. quhilk ar rissine laitlie in the Kirk and prechis
dremis and fablis and the tradicions of men, and notht the Vangel, and
giff ony amangis thayme wald prech it and notht thair tradicions thay ar
haldine for heritikis, as ye knaw be experience of PATRIK HAMMILTONE

       *       *       *       *       *

The next extracts are from Foxe's Martyrology; and it may be proper to
be more particular in describing the early editions of that well known
work, as Knox's reference to it, at one period, was held to be a proof
that the History of the Reformation was not composed by him. During
Foxe's exile, he published at Strasburgh a small Latin work, entitled
"Commentarii Rerum in Ecclesia Gestarum, maxi-marumque, per totam
Europam persecutionum, a Vuicleui temporibus ad hanc vsque ætat[=e]
descriptio. Liber primus. Autore Ioanne Foxo Anglo. Argentorati, exc.
Vuendelinus Rihelius, Anno M.D.LIIII." Small 8vo. Dedicated to
Christopher Duke of Wurtemberg.

Five years later, at Basil, he published a large folio, also under the
title of "Rerum in Ecclesia Gestarum, &c., Commentarii," dedicated to
Thomas Duke of Norfolk, from Basil, 1st Sept. 1559. In this work, at
pages 121-123, is a short account of Patrick Hamilton, with a reference
to Francis Lambert's work on the Apocalypse. But it is to Foxe's great
English work, in 1564, that Knox refers, and as the First Book of his
History was not written until 1566, no anachronism can be discovered in
such a reference. The succession of Queen Elizabeth to the English
Throne, evidently suggested the propriety of putting upon record a
detailed history of the fearful sufferings and persecutions which had
been endured. The first edition bears the following title:--

                        "ACTES AND MONUMENTS

     of these latter and perillous dayes, touching matters of the
     Church, wherein ar comprehended and described the great
     persecutions & horrible troubles, that have bene wrought and
     practised by the Romishe Prelates, speciallye in this Realme of
     England and Scotlande, from the yeare of our Lorde a thousande,
     unto the tyme nowe present. Gathered and collected according to the
     _true copies & wrytinges certificatorie, as wel of the parties
     themselves that suffered, as also out of the Bishops Registers,
     which wer the doers thereof, by_ IOHN FOXE.

                   ¶ Imprinted at London by Iohn Day,
                      _dwellyng ouer Aldersgate_.
                    Cum priuilegio Regiæ Maiestatis."

This edition has no date; but the "Kalender" and "Almanacke for 31
yeares," commencing in 1563, shows that it was printed in that year,
although not actually published till 1564.

The following is a literal copy of the account of Hamilton's trial and
execution contained in this rare edition:--

     "[Illustration: Hand pointing right] PATRIKE HAMELTON A SKOT.

     "Like as there was no place, neyther of Germanye, Italye, or
     Fraunce, wherin there was not some impes or braunches spr[=o]ge out
     of that mooste frutefull rote and foundation of Luther. So likewise
     was not this Ile of Brittaine without his frute and braunches:
     amongst whom Patricke Hamelton a skottishman borne, being a yong
     man of an excellent nature and towardnes, but muche more
     commendable and praise worthye, for that he was of the kynges bloud
     and family, being the most ancient and noble stocke and name in all
     Scotlande. The tender florishing age of this noble yonge man made
     his deathe so muche the more horrible, which of it selfe was but to
     muche cruell and detestable, for that skarse xxiii. yeres old, wh[=e]
     he was burned by Dauid Beton Cardinall of Saint Andrewes, and his
     fellow Byshoppes. Which yong manne if he had chosen to leade his
     life, after the manner of other Courtiers in all kinde of
     licentious riotousnes, he should peradventure haue found praise
     without pearill or punishment in that his florishinge age: but for
     so much as he joyned godlinesse wyth his stock, and vertue with
     his age, he coulde by no meanes escape the hands of the wicked. So
     that in all thinges and in al ages, the saying of S. Paule is
     verified. Whosoeuer dooth desire and studye to liue godlye in
     Christe, he shall suffer persecution as a companion of his

     "For there is nothinge safe or sure in thys world, but wickednesse
     and synne. Who euer sawe the Cardinals or bishoppes rage wyth their
     cruell inquisitions, againste aduoutrye, riot, ambition, unlawfull
     gaming, dronkennesse, rapines, and wilfulnesse to doo all kinde of
     mischeues. Anye man that list for all them, maye exercise vsurye,
     make tumultes, haunt whores, sweare and forsweare, and deceiue at
     his owne will and pleasure.

     "But if any man were truely addict to the desire and study of
     godlines, confessing Christ to be his only patrone and aduocate,
     excludynge the merites of saintes, acknowledginge fre iustification
     by faith in Christ, denying purgatory (for these articles Hamelton
     was burned) in these poyntes they nether spare age or kinred,
     nether is there any so great power in y^e world that may withstand
     their maiesty or autority. How great an ornament might so noble,
     learned and excellent a yong man haue bene vnto that realme, being
     endued with so great godlines, and such a singular wit and
     disposition, if the Skots had not enuied their owne commodity? What
     and how great commendation there was of that yong man, what hope of
     his disposition, his singuler learning and doctrine, and what a
     maturitye and ripenese of iudgemente was in him, did appeare
     amongste the Germains whereas he might declare him self. For in the
     vniuersity of Marpurge, which was then newlye erect by Phillip
     prince of Hessia, he openlye proceding: handled him selfe so,
     intreating and iudging matters of the Church, with such praise and
     commendation, passynge al expectation for his age, that he made not
     only the common people, but also the learned to haue him in great
     admiration. Beat[=o] whych n[=o]ber, when as many delighted in his
     princely wit, amongest all other, it appeared firste in Fraunces
     Lambert, who in the preface dedicatory, of his work vpon the
     Apocalips, maketh euident mention of this Patricke.

    "At the last wh[=e] as by the vse and familiarity of learned men, he
    daily profited more and more, his minde being enflamed with
    godlinesse, he began to consider with him selfe, touching his
    returne into his countrye, thinkinge (as hys mind greatly desired)
    that it wold come to pas that like a godly marchaunt he would
    delyuer some frute and light of that learning, whyche he had
    received and gotten abrode. In this his thought and purpose, taking
    vnto him a companion, he returned home without any l[=o]ger delay, vpon
    a godly and holy purpose and entent, but not with like successe. For
    this ingenious yong manne beinge lightened bothe in spirite and
    doctrine, not susteining or suffring the filthinesse and blindnes of
    his co[=u]try, was first accused of heresy, and afterward constantly
    and stoutly disputing with the cardinal and his band, at the last he
    was oppressed by the c[=o]spiracy of his enemies, and efter sentence of
    cond[=e]nation geuen against him, the same daye after dinner he was
    caried to the fire & burned, the King being yet but a child; wheras
    by y^e most grave testimony of his bloud, he left the verity & truth
    of God, fixed and confirmed in y^e harts and mindes of manye."
    (Page 460.)

Foxe survived till April 1587, and published four successive editions of
his "Actes and Monuments." The second edition appeared in the year 1570,
and the third in 1576. In the passages relating to the Scotish Martyrs,
he has furnished ample details, which are not to be found in the first
edition; and for these he gives as his authority "Ex Scripto testimonio
Scotorum." His enlarged account of Hamilton, from the 1576 edition, may
therefore be quoted; although it contains a few repetitions.

               THE STORY OF M. PATRICKE HAMELTON. 1527.


Iames Beton, Archb. of S. Andrew. M. Hew Spens, deane of diuinitie in
the vniuersitie of S. Andrew. M. Iohn Weddell, Rector of the
Vniuersitie. Iames Symson, Officiall. Tho. Ramsay, Chan[=o], and Deane of
the Abbey of S. Andrewes. Allane Meldrum, Chanon. Iolm Greson,
Principall of the Blacke Friers. Iohn Dillidaffe, Warden of the Gray
Friers. Martin Balbur, Lawyer. Iohn Spens, Lawyer. Alexander Young,
baccheler of Diuinitie, Chanon. Frier Alex. Chambell, Priour of the
Blacke Friers, &c.


Patricke Hamelton. At St. Andrewes in Scotland. An. 1527.

                              The Causes.

Patrike Hamelton a Scottish man borne, of an high and noble stock, and
of the kynges bloud, yong and of flourishing age, and excellent
towardnes, of 23. yeares called Abbot of Ferme first commyng out of his
country with thre companions, to seeke godly learning, went to the
uniuersitie of Marpurge in Germanye, which university was then newly
erected by Phillip Lantgraue of Hesse: where he vsing conference and
familiaritie with learned men, namely M. Franciscus Lambertus, so
profited in knowledge, and mature iudgement in matters of religion, that
he through the incitation of the sayd Lambert, was the first in al the
Vniuersitie of Marpurge, which publickely dyd set vp conclusions there
to be disputed of, concernyng fayth and workes: arguyng also no lesse
learnedly then feruently vppon the same, what these propositions and
conclusions were, partly in his treatise hereafter followyng, called
Patrike Places, may appeare.

Thus the ingenious wyt of this learned Patrike increasing haply more and
more in knowledge, and inflamed with godlynes, at length began to
reuolue with himselffe, touchyng his returne into his countrey, beyng
desirous to importe vnto hys countrye men, some fruite of the
understandyng, which he had receaued abroad. Wherupon persisting in his
godly purpose, he toke one of the iij. whom he brought out of Scotland,
and so returned home without any longer delay.[1064] Where he, not
susteinyng the miserable ignoraunce and blyndnes of that people, after
he had valiauntly taught and preached the truth, and refelled their
abuses, was first accused of heresie, and afterward, constantly and
stoutly susteinyng the quarell of Gods Gospell, against the high priest,
and Archbyshop of S. Andrew, named James Beton, was cited to appeare
before him and his Colledge of Priests, the first day of March 1527. But
he beyng not onely forward in knowledge, but also ardent in spirite, not
tarying for the houre appoynted, prenented the time, and came very early
in the mornyng, before he was looked for, and there mightely disputyng
against them, when he could not by the Scriptures be conuicted, by force
he was oppressed: and so, the sentence of condemnation beyng giuen
agaynst him, the same day after dyner, in all the hoate hast, he was had
away to the fire, and there burned, the kyng beyng yet but a child,
which made the Byshops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton, the
blessed seruaunt of God, without all iust cause, made away by cruell
aduersaries, yet not without great fruite to the Church of Christ, for
the graue testimony of his bloud, left the verity and truth of God, more
fixed and confirmed in the hartes of many, then euer could after be
pluckt away: in so much that diuers afterward standing in his quarel,
susteined also the lyke Martyrdome, as hereafter (Christ willyng) shall
appeare, as place and tyme shall require.

In the meane season we thinke good to expresse here his Articles, and
order of his processe as we receaued them from Scotland, out of the


     That man hath no free will.

     That there is no Purgatory.

     That the holy Patriarkes were in heauen, before Christes passion.

     That the Pope hath no power to loose and bynde: neither any Pope
     had that power, after S. Peter.

     That the Pope is Antichrist, and that euery Priest hath the power
     that the Pope hath.

     That M. Patrike Hamelton was a Byshop.

     That it is not necessary to obteine any Bulles from any Byshop.

     That the vow of the Popes religion, is a vow of wickednes.

     That the Popes lawes be of no strength.

     That all Christians worthy to be called Christians, do know that
     they be in the state of grace.

     That none be saued, but they are before predestinate.

     Whosoeuer is in deadly sinne, is vnfaythfull.

     That God is the cause of sinne, in this sence, that is, that he
     withdraweth hys grace from men, whereby they sinne.

     That it is deuilishe doctrine, to enioyne to any sinner, actuall
     penaunce for sinne.

     That the sayd M. Patrike himself doubteth whether all children
     departing incontinent after their Baptisme, are saued or condemned.

     That auricular confession is not necessary to saluation.

These Articles aboue written, were geuen in, and layd agaynst M.
Hamelton, and inserted in their registers, for the which also he was
condemned, by them which hated him, to death. But other learned men,
which commoned and reasoned with hym, do testifie, that these Articles
folowyng were the very Articles for the which he suffered.[1066]

1. Man hath no free will.

2. A man is onely iustified by fayth in Christ.

3. A man, so long as he liueth, is not without sinne.

4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which beleueth not that he
is in grace.

5. A good man doth good workes: good workes do not make a good man.

6. An euill man bringeth forth euil workes: euil workes, being
faithfully repented, do not make an euill man.

7. Fayth, hope, and charitie be so lynked together, that one of them can
not be without an other, in one man, in this life.

¶ And as touching the other Articles, whereupon the Doctours gaue their
iugementes, as diuers do report, he was not accused of them before the
Byshop. Albeit in priuate disputation, he affirmed and defended the most
of them.


Christi nomine Inuocato: We Iames, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of
Saint Andrew, Primate of Scotland, wyth the counsaile, decree, and
authoritie of the most reuerend fathers in God, and Lordes, Abbottes,
Doctoures of Theologie, professors of the holy Scripture, and maisters
of the Uniuersitie, assisting us for the tyme, sitting in iudgement
within our Metropolitane Church of S. Andrew, in the cause of hereticall
prauitie, agaynst M. Patrike Hamelton, Abbot or pensionarie of Ferne,
being summoned to appeare before vs, to aunswere to certeine Articles
affirmed, taught, and preached by hym, and so appearyng before vs, and
accused, the merites of the cause beyng ripely weyde, discussed, and
understanded by faythful inquisition made in Lent last passed: we haue
fonnde the same M. Patrike, many wayes infamed wyth heresie, disputing,
holding, and maintaynyng diuers heresies of Martin Luther, and hys
folowers, repugnant to our fayth, and which is already[1067] condemned
by generall Councels, and most famous Vniuersities. And he being vnder
the same infamie, we decernyng before, hym to be summoned and accused
vpon the premisses, he of euill mynde (as may be presumed) passed to
other partes, forth of the Realme, suspected and noted of heresie. And
beyng lately returned, not beyng admitted, but of his owne head, without
licence or priuiledge, hath presumed to preach wicked heresie.

We have found also, that, he hath affirmed, published, and taught diuers
opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to
appeare before vs and our councell:[1068] That man hath no free wyll:
That man is in sinne so long as he lyueth: That children incontinent
after their baptisme, are sinners: All Christians that be worthy to be
called Christians, do know that they are in grace: No man is iustified
by workes, but by fayth onley: Good workes make not a good man, but a
good man doth make good workes: That fayth, hope, and charitie, are so
knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the
one of them, wanteth the rest, &c., wyth diuers other heresies and
detestable opinions: and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that
by no counsaile nor perswasion, he may be drawen therefrom, to the way
of our right fayth.

All these premisses being considered, we hauing God and the integritie
of our fayth before our eyes, and followyng the counsaile and aduise of
the professours of the holy Scripture, men of law, and others assistyng
vs, for the tyme:[1069] do pronounce, determine, and declare, the sayd
M. Patrike Hamelton, for his affirmyng, confessing, and maintayning of
the foresayd heresies, and his pertinacitie (they beyng condemned
already by the Church, general Councels, and most famous Vniuersities)
to be an hereticke, and to haue an euil opinion of the fayth, and
therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemne, and define
hym to be punished, by this our sentence definitiue, depriuyng and
sentencyng him, to be depriued of all dignities, honours, orders,
offices, and benefices of the Church: and therfore do iudge and
pronounce him to be deliuered ouer to the secular power,[1070] to be
punished, and his goodes to be confiscate.

This our sentence definitiue, was geuen and read at our Metropolitan
Churche of S. Andrewes, the last day of the moneth of February, an.
1527, beyng present, the most reuerend fathers in Christ, and Lordes,
Gawand Bishop of Glasgow, George Byshop of Dunkelden. Iohn, Byshop of
Brecham. William, Byshop of Dunblane. Patrike, Prior of Saint Andrew.
Dauid, Abbot of Abirbrothok. George, Abbot of Dunfermelyng. Alexander,
Abbot of Caunbuskyneth. Henry, Abbot of Lendors. Iohn, Prior of
Pittynweme. The Deane, and Subdeane of Glasgow. M. Hew Spens. Thomas
Ramsay. Allane Meldrum, &c. In the presence of the Clergy and the

After the condemnation and Martyrdome of this true Saint of God was
dispatched, by the Bishops and Doctours of Scotland, the rulers and
Doctours of the Uniuersitie of Louane hearyng therof, receaued such ioyc
and consolation, at the shedyng of that innocent bloud, that for the
aboundance of hart, they could not stay their penne, to vtter condigne
thankes, applaudyng and triumphyng in their letters, sent to the
forcsayd Byshop of S. Andrewes, and Doetours of Scotland, at the worthy
and famous descruynges of their atchieued enterprise, in that behalfe:
as by the tenour of their sayd letter may appeare, which here foloweth.


Your excellent vertue (most honourable Bishop) hath so deserued, that
albeit we be farre distant, both by sea and land, without coniunction of
familiaritie, yet we desire with all our hartes, to thanke you for your
worthy deede, by whose workes, that true faith which, not long ago, was
tainted with heresie, not onely remaineth vnhurt, but also is more
confirmed. For as our deare frend M. Alexander Galoway, Chanon of
Aberdon, hath shewed vs, the presumption of the wicked hereticke Patrike
Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you haue cut
him of, when there was no hope of amendement, &c.

The which thyng, as it is thought commendable to vs, so the manor of the
procedyng was no lesse pleasant, that the matter was performed by so
great consent of so many estates, as of the Clergy, nobility, and
vulgare people, not rashely, but most prudently, the order of law beyng
in all poynts obserued. We haue sene the sentence which ye pronounced,
and alway do approue the same, not doubtyng but that the Articles which
be inserted, are erroneous: so that whosoeuer wil defend for a truth,
any one of the same, with pertinacitie, should be esteemed an enemy to
the fayth, and an aduersary to the holy[1071] Scripture. And albeit one
or two of them appeare to be without errour, to them that will consider
onely the bare wordes: as (for example) good workes make not a good man,
but a good man worketh good workes, yet there is no doubt, but they
conteine a Lutheran sense, which, in a maner, they signifie: to witte,
that workes done after fayth, and justification, make not a man the
better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Beleue not, that this
example shall haue place onely among you, for there shalbe among externe
nations, which shall imitate the same, &c.

Certainly, ye haue geuen vs great courage, so that now we acknowledge
your Vniuersitie,[1072] which was founded accordyng to the example of
our Vniuersitie of Louane, to be equall to ours, or els aboue: and would
God occasion were offered of testifying our myndes toward you. In the
meane tyme, let vs labour with one consent, that the rauenyng Wolues may
be expelled from the shepefold of Christ, while we haue tyme. Let vs
study to preach to the people more learnedly hereafter, and more wisely.
Let vs have Inquisitours, and espyers of bookes, containyng that
doctrine, especially that is brought in from farre countreys, whether by
apostatiue Monkes, or by Marchauntes, the most suspected kynde of men in
these dayes. It is sayd, that since Scotland first embraced the
Christian fayth, it was neuer defiled with any heresie. Perseuer
therfore, beyng moued thereunto by the example of England, your next
neighbour, which in this most troublous tyme, is not chaunged, partly by
the workyng of the Byshops, among the which[1073] Roffensis hath shewed
hymselfe an Euangelicall Phoenix, and partly of the Kyng, declaryng
hymselfe to be an other Mathias of the new law: pretermittyng nothyng
that may defend the law of his realme. The which, if your most renowned
Kyng of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himselfe eternal
glory. Further, as touchyng the condigne commendation, due for your part
(most Reuerend Byshop) in this behalfe, it shal not be the least part of
your prayse, that these heresies haue bene extinct sometymes in
Scotland, you beyng Primate of Scotland and principal authour therof:
Albeit that they also which haue assisted you, are not to be defrauded
of their deserued prayse, as the Reuerend Byshop of Glasgow, of whose
erudition, we haue here geuen vs partly to understand, and also the
Reuerend Byshop of Aberden, a stoute defender of the fayth, together
with the rest of the Prelates, Abbots, Priours, and professours of holy
Scripture. Let your reuerend fatherhode take this litle testificate of
our duety toward you, in good part, whom we wish long and happely well
to fare in Christ. From Louane, an. 1528, Aprill 21.


¶ In this Epistle of the Louaniane Doctours, I shall not neede (gentle
Reader) to note vnto thee, what a pernitious thyng in a common wealth,
is blynd ignoraunce, when it falleth into cruell hartes. Which may well
be compared to a sword put in the handes of one, that is both blynd and
mad. For as the blynd man, hauyng no sense to see and iudge knoweth not
whom he striketh: so the madde man, beyng cruell and furious, hath no
compassion in sparyng any. Wherupon it happeneth many tymes with these
men, as it dyd with the blynd furious Phariseis, that as they hauyng the
sword of authoritie in their handes, in stede of malefactours and false
Prophetes, slue the true Prophetes of God, and at last crucified the
kyng of glory: so these Catholicke Louanians and folowers of their
Messias of Rome, take in their handes the sworde of iurisdiction, who
neither seyng what to spare, nor caryng whom they smite, vnder the stile
and pretense of heretiques, murther and blaspheme without mercy, the
true preachers of the Gospell, and the holy annoynted of the Lord.

       *       *       *       *       *

"But to returne to the matter agayne of M. Hamelton, here is moreouer to
be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the yeare of the Lord
1564, in the which yeare this present history was collected in Scotland,
there were certaine faythfull men of credite then alyue, who beyng
present the same tyme, when M. Patrike Hamelton was in the fire, heard
him to cite and appeale the blacke Frier called Campbel, that accused
him, to appeare before the hygh God, as generall iudge of all men, to
aunswere to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was
iust or not, betwene that and a certaine day of the next moneth, which
he there named. Moreouer by the same witnes it is testified, that the
sayd Frier dyed immediatly before the sayd day came, without remorse of
conscience, that he had persecuted the Innocent. By the example wherof
diuers of the people the same tyme, much mused, and firmely beleued the
doctrine of the foresayd M. Hamelton, to be good and iust.

"Hereunto I thought good to adioyne a certaine godly and profitable
Treatise of the sayd M. Patrike Hamelton, written first by him in
Latine, and afterward translated by John Frith into English, which he
names Patrikes Places; not vnprofitable in my mynde, to be sene and
read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine conteined in the
same, as not onely by the treatise it selfe may appeare, but also by the
preface of the sayd John Frith, prefixed before; which also I thought
not inconuenient to insert with the same, as here foloweth."

       *       *       *       *       *

The "brief Treatise," translated by John Fryth, which immediately
follows the above extracts from Foxe, has already been included in the
present volume: see pages 19 to 35.

It appears from some payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, in 1543, that
Patrick Hamilton had left an illegitimate daughter named Isobell. Some
readers perchance may think that such a fact should have remained
unnoticed, as casting a blemish on his hitherto pure and immaculate
character; but a regard to what may be called historical justice, will
not allow such a circumstance to be concealed, while the habitual
licentious conduct of the highest dignitaries of the Church at that time
are, in the course of the present work, so frequently alluded to.

"Item, the x day of Aprile deliuerit to be ane gowne to Issobell
Hammiltoun, _dochter to umquhill Patrik Abbot of Fern_, four elnis
Frenche blak, price of the eln xxxiiij s.... Summa, vj lib. xvj s.

"Item, deliuerit to be hir are kirtill, thre elnis Frenehe brown, price
of the eln xxx s.... Summa, iiij lib. x s.

"Item, deliuerit to hir to walt the samin, and to be hir pertlettis, ane
eln blak veluet, price thairof, ... lvj s."

In the following month of May 1543, another gown was furnished to
Isobell Hamilton.

                             No. IV.

                     AT TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE.

In a note to page 16, I expressed some doubt as to the accuracy of the
statement that King James the Fifth was sent in pilgrimage to the Shrine
of St. Duthack, immediately previous to the trial and condemnation of
Patrick Hamilton. Had the Treasurer's Accounts for 1528, or the
Household Book between July 1526 and August 1528, been preserved, they
might have enabled us to trace the King's movements. But the statement
is highly improbable in itself. Mr. Tytler has shown that James only
escaped from the thraldom of the Douglasses at the end of May 1528, or
nearly three months after Hamilton's sentence; and it was most unlikely
from the vigilant restraint under which the King was kept that he would
have been allowed to traverse a great part of the country upon such an
errand. It may also be kept in view, that if an application had been
made to James, before he assumed the reins of government, it is scarcely
probable his interference would have had any effect in preventing the
sentence of the Ecclesiastical Courts from being carried into execution.

       *       *       *       *       *

Want of space prevents me from inserting here, as I intended, a series
of extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts during the reign of James the
Fourth, in connexion with his visits to that celebrated shrine. I shall
therefore merely notice, that the public registers furnish some evidence
to shew that he made an annual pilgrimage to St. Duthack's chapel, in
Ross-shire. On more than one occasion the King rode unattended from
Stirling across the mountain pass of the Grampians, leading from
Fettercairn to the north side of the Dee, and from thence to Elgin,
Inverness, and Tain. These repeated visits to a distant shrine may have
been performed as an act of penance, the chapel having been founded by
his father, James the Third. Such a journey, with a few attendants, he
appears to have made in August 1513, or only one month previously to his
setting out on his calamitous expedition, when he was slain at Floddon.

                              No. V.


The fate of Henry Forress or Forrest seems to have excited much less
attention than might have been expected. In the note to page 52, I
suggested that the probable time of his martyrdom may be placed in 1532;
and he may thus be regarded as the second victim in the cause of the
Reformed faith in Scotland. The strict inquisition which took place, and
caused a number of persons to forsake their native country, whilst
others met with a similar fate as his own in the course of a few years,
may have contributed to this comparative silence. Even Foxe, to whom we
are chiefly indebted for preserving an account of his fate, seems to
have been ignorant of it in 1564; as in the following short paragraph,
from the first edition of his work, he refers to those who suffered in
Edinburgh in 1534, as the next in succession to the Abbot of Ferne:--

                   "¶ FIVE BURNT IN SKOTLAND.

"Seuen yeres after Patrik Hamelton, whose history is before passed,
there were v. burnte in Skotland, in the city of Edenborow, being the
Metropolitike citye of al Skotlande, of the which fiue two were
dominicane Friers, one Priest, one Gentleman, and the fifthe was a
channon: whose iudges and inquisitors were these: Jhon Maior, Archbishop
of S. Androwes, Petrus Chappellanus, and the Franciscane friers, whose
labor and diligence is never wanting in such matters." (Page 525.)

       *       *       *       *       *

At the same time I suggested that Henry Forrest was the son of Thomas
Forrest of Linlithgow, who was in the employment of King James the
Fourth. Since that sheet was printed, I find the name of "HENIRICUS
FORRUS" in the list of students who were incorporated, that is, became
Bachelors of Arts, at the University of Glasgow, in the year 1518. If
this was the martyr, we may presume that at the time of his martyrdom he
must have been upwards of thirty years of age. This however may have
been another person of the same name, as we find "HENRICUS FORREST," as
a Determinant in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1526, which
leaves no doubt of his having, two years later, witnessed the fate of
Patrick Hamilton.

The following is Foxe's account from his enlarged edition of his "Actes
and Monuments," in 1576:--

                      "HENRY FOREST, MARTYR.


Iames Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. Frier Walter Laitig, bewrayer of
the confession of this Henry Forest.


Henry Forest. At. S. Andrewes in Scotland.

                            The Causes

Within few years after martydome of M. Patrike Hamelton, one Henry
Forest, a yong man borne in Lithquow, who a little before, hand receyued
the orders of Benet and Colet (as they terme them) affirmed and sayd,
that M. Patrike Hamelton died a martyr, and that his articles were true:
for the which he was apprehended, and put in prison by James Beton,
Archbishop of Saint Andrewes. Who shortly after, caused a certaine Frier
named Walter Laing, to heare his confession. To whom when Henry Forest
in secret confession had declared his conscience how he thought M.
Patrike to bee a good man and wrongfully to be put to death, and that
his articles were true and not hereticall: the Frier came and vttered to
the Bishop the confession that he had hearde, which before was not
thoroughly known. Whereupon it followed that his confession beyng
brought as sufficient probation agaynst him, he was therfore conuented
before the councell of the clergy and doctors, and there concluded to
bee an hereticke, equall in iniquity with M. Patricke Hamelton, and
there decreed to be geuen to the secular indges to suffer death.

"When the day came of hys death, and that he should first be degraded,
and was brought before the cleargy in a grene place, beyng betwene the
castle of S. Andrews, and another place called Monymaill, as sone as he
entred in at the dore, and saw the face of the Clergy, perceiuing
wherunto they tended, he cryed with a loude voyce, saying: Fie, on
falshoode: Fye on false friers, reuealers of confession: after this day,
let no man euer trust any false Friers, contemners of God's word and
deceiuers of men. And so they proceding to degrade him of hys small
orders of Benet and Collet, he sayd with a loud voyce, take from me not
onely your owne orders, but also your owne baptisme, meaning thereby,
whatsoeuer is besides that which Christ hymselfe instituted, whereof
there is a great rablement in Baptisme. Then after hys degradation, they
condemned hym as an heretike equal with M. Patrike aforesaide: and so he
suffred death for his faythfull testimony of the truth of Christ, and of
hys Gospell, at the Northchurch stile of the Abbey church of S. Andrew,
to the entent that all the people of Anguishe [Angus] might see the
fire, and so might be the more feared from falling into the like
doctrine, whiche they terme by the name of heresie. _Ex Scripto
testimonio Scotorum_."

       *       *       *       *       *

Foxe next proceeds to narrate the persecution of James Hamilton, brother
of Patrick, of Katherine Hamilton, their sister, and of a woman at
Leith. This must have occurred in 1534, as Hamilton was in England early
in 1535. See note 157; and the Rev. Christopher Anderson's Annals of the
English Bible, vol. ii. p. 471. Foxe joins with this an account of the
martyrdom of David Straton and Norman Gourlay, as follows:--



Iames Hay, bishop of Rose and commissioner of Iames Beton, Archbishop of
S. Andrewes. M. Iohn Spens, Lawyer.


Iames Hamelton, brother to M. Patrike. Katherine Hamelton, A wyfe of
Lieth. Dauid Straton. M. Norman Gurlay.

                           The Causes.

Within a yere after the martirdom of Henry Forest, or there about, was
called James Hamelton of Kyntlitgow, hys sister Katherine Hamelton the
spouse of the captain of Dunbar, also an other honest woman of Leith,
Dauid Straton of the house of Lawristonne, and M. Norman Gurlay. These
were called the Abbey Church of Halyrowdhouse in Edenburgh by James Hay,
B. of Rose, commissioner to James Beton Archbishop, in presence of K.
James the V. of that name: who upon the day of theyr accusation was
altogether clad in red apparel. James Hamelton accused as one that
mainteaned the opinions of M. Patricke, hys brother.

To whome the Kyng gaue counsaile to departe, and not to appeare: for in
case he appeared he could not help him, because the Byshops had
persuaded him, that the cause of heresie did in no wise appertayne vnto
him, and so James fled and was condemned as an heretike, and all his
goods and landes confiscat, and disposed vnto others.

Catherine Hamilton hys Sister, appeared vpon the schaffold, and beyng
accused of an horrible heresie, to witte, that her owne workes could not
saue her, she graunted the same, and after longe reasoning betwene her
and M. John Spens the Lawyer, she concluded in this maner: Work here,
worke there: what kinde of workyng is al this? I know perfectly that no
kynde of workes can saue mee, but onely the workes of Christ my Lord and
Sauiour. The kyng hearing these wordes, turned hym about and laught, and
called her vnto hym and caused her to recant, because she was hys aunt,
and she escaped.

The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the mydwife in tyme of
her labour, bad her say our Ladye helpe mee: She cryed, Christe helpe
me, Christ helpe me, in whose helpe I trust. Shee also was caused to
recant, and so escaped, without confiscation of her goodes, because she
was maryed.

Maister Norman Gurlay, for that he sayd, there was no such thyng as
Purgatory, and that the Pope was not a Byshop, but Antichrist, and had
no Jurisdiction in Scotland.

Also Dauid Straton, for that he sayd, there was no Purgatorie, but the
Passion of Christe, and the tribulations of this world, and because
that, when M. Robert Lowson Vicare of Eglesgrig asked his tieth fishe of
hym, he dyd cast them to him out of the boate, so that some of them fell
into the Sea: therefore he accused him, as one that shoulde haue sayd,
that no tithes should be payed. These two, because after great
solicitation made by the kyng, they refused to abiure and recant, were
therefore condemned by thee Byshop of Rose as heretickes, and were
burned vpon the grene side, betwene Leith and Edenburgh, to the entent
that the inhabitaunts of Fiffe, seyng the fyre, might be stricken with
terrour and feare, not to fall into the lyke. _Ex eodem Scripto._

¶ And thus much touchyng those Martyrs of Scotland, whiche suffered
vnder James Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. After whom succeded Dauid
Beton in the same Archbyshopprike, vnder whom diuers other were also
martyred, as hereafter (God willyng) in their order shall appeare."


"Thus hauyng finished the tyme and rase of kyng Henry the Eight, it
remayneth nowe according to my promise made before, here to place and
adjoine so much as hath come to our handes, touchyng the persecution of
Scotland, and of the blessed Martyrs of Christ, whiche in that countrey
likewise suffred for the true religion of Christ, and testimony of their

To proccede therefore in the history of these Scotlandc matters, next
after the mention of Dauid Straton and M. Nicholas Gurlay, with whom we
ended before, pag. 956, the order of tyme woulde require nexte to
inferre the memorye of Sir John Borthwike Knight, commonly called
Captayne Borthwyke. Who beyng accused of heresie (as the Papistes call
it) and cited therfore, an. 1540, and not appearyng, and escaping out
into other countreys, was condemned for the same, being absent, by the
sentence of Dauid Beaton Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, and other
prelates of Scotland, and all his goodes confiscate, and his picture at
last burned in the open market place, &c. But for so muche as the storye
of hym, with his articles obiected against hym, and his confutation of
the same, is already expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of
Actes and Monuments, and because he being hapily deliuered out of their
handes, had no more but onely his picture burned, referring the reader
to the booke aboue mentioned, we wyll now (the Lord willing) prosecute
suche other as followed, begynnyng firste in order with Thom. Forret and
his felowes. Their story is this.


Dauid Beton, Bishop and Cardinal of Saint Andrewes. George Creichton,
Bishop of Dunkelden.


Tho. Forret, priest. Fryer Iohn Kelowe. Fryer Benarage. Duncan Sympson,
priest. Rob. Foster, a gentleman, with three or foure other men of
Striuelyng, Martyrs.

                           The Causes.

Not long after the burnyng of Dauid Strutton, and M. Gurlay aboue
mentioned, in the dayes of Dauid Beaton Bishop and Cardinall of S.
Andrewes, and George Creichton Bishop of Dunkelden, a Canon of S. Colmes
Inche, and vicar of Dolone, called Deane Thomas Forret, preached euery
Sonday to his parishners, the Epistle or Gospel, as it fell for the
tyme: whiche then was a great noueltie in Scotlande, to see anye man
preach, except a Blacke fryer, or a gray frier: and therefore the Fryers
enuyed hym, and accused hym to the Bishop of Dunkelden (in whose Dioces
he remayned) as an heretike and one that shewed the mysteries of the
scriptures to the vulgare people in Englishe, to make the Clergie
detestable in the sight of the people. The Bishop of Dunkelden moued by
the Fryers instigation, called the sayde Deane Thomas, and saide to hym:
My joye Deane Thomas, I loue you well, and therefore I must geue you my
counsayle, how you shal rule and guide your selfe. To whom Thomas sayd,
I thanke your Lordship hartily. Then the Bishop begun his counsaile on
this manner.

My joy Deane Thomas, 1 am enfourmed that you preache the Epistle or
Gospell euery Sonday to your Parishners, and that you take not the kowe,
nor the vpmoste cloth from your Parishners, whiche thyng is very
preiudiciall to the Churche men: and therefore my joye Deane Thomas, I
would you tooke your kowe and your vpmost cloth, as other church men do,
or els it is too much to preach euery Sonday, for in so doyng you may
make the people think that we shoulde preache likewise. But it is enough
for you, when you finde any good Epistle, or any good Gospel, that
setteth foorth the libertie of the holy church, to preache that, and let
the rest be.

Thomas answeared: My Lorde, I thinke that none of my parishners wyl
complaine that I take not the kow nor the vpermost cloth, but wyll
gladly geue me the same together with any other thing that they haue,
and I wyll geue and communicate with them any thyng that I haue, and so
my Lord we agree right wel, and there is no discord among vs.

And where your Lordship sayth, it is too muche to preache euery Sonday:
in deede I thinke it is too litle, and also woulde wishe that your
Lordshyp dyd the like. Nay, nay, Deane Thomas (sayth my Lord) let that
bee, for we are not ordeyned to preache. Then said Thomas, when your
Lordship byddeth me preach, when I finde any good Epistle, or a good
Gospell, truely my Lorde, I haue readde the Newe Testament and the Olde,
and all the Epistles and the Gospels, and among them all I coulde neuer
finde any euyl Epistle, or any euyl Gospel: but if your Lordship wil
shewe me the good Epistle and the good Gospell, and the euyll Epistle
and the euyll Gospel, then I shall preache the good, and omyt the euyl.

Then spake my Lord stoutly, and said, I thanke God that I neuer knewe
what the Olde and Newe Testament was, (and of these wordes rose a
Prouerbe which is common in Scotland: Ye are like the Bishop of
Dunkelden, that knewe neither newe nor olde lawe:) therefore Deane
Thomas, I wyll know nothyng but my Portous and my Pontifical. Go your
way, and let be al these fantasies: for if you perseuer in these
erroneous opinions, ye wyl repent it when you may not mende it.

Thomas said, I trust my cause be iust in the presence of God, and
therefore I passe not muche what doo folowo thereupon, and so my Lorde
and he departed at that tyme. And soone after a Summons was directed
from the Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and the said Bishop of Dunkelden
vpon the said Deane Thomas Forret, vpon two blacke Fryers called fryer
John Kelow, and an other called Benarage, and vpon one priest of
Striueling called Duncane Sympson, and one Gentleman called Robert
Foster in Striuelyng, with other three or foure, with them of the towne
of Striuelyng: who at the day of their appearaunce after their
summonyng, were condemned to the death without any place of recantation,
because (as was alleged) they were heresiarkes or chiefe heretikes and
teachers of heresies, and especially because many of them were at the
bridal and marriage of a Priest, who was vicar of Twybodye beside
Striuelyng, and dyd eate fleshe in Lent at the said brydal, and so they
were altogether burnt vpon the castle hyll of Edenbrough, where they
that were first bounde to the stake, godly and marueylously dyd comfort
them that came behynde.



Dauid Beton, Bishop and Cardinall of St. Andrewes.


Robert Lambe. William Anderson. Iames Hunter. Iames Raueleson. Iames
Founleson. Hellen Stirke, his wyfe.

                           The Causes.

First there was a certayne Acte of Parlamente made in the gouernment of
the Lorde Hamleton Earle of Arran, and Gouernour of Scotlande, geuyng
priuilege to all men of the Realme of Scotlande, to reade the scriptures
in their mother tongue, and language, secluding neuerthelesse all
reasonyng, conference, conuocation of people to heare the scriptures
readde or expounded. Which liberty of priuate reading being graunted by
publike proclamation, lacked not his own fruit, so that in sundry partes
of Scotlande thereby were opened the eyes of the elect of God to see the
truth, and abhorre the papistical abominations. Amongst the which were
certane persons in Saint Johnston, as after is declared.

At this tyme there was a Sermon made by Fryer Spense, in Saint Johnston,
_alias_ called Perth, affirmyng prayer made to saintes to be so
necessarye, that without it there coulde be no hope of saluation to man.
Whiche blasphemous doctrine a Burges of the saide towne called Robert
Lambe, could not abide, but accused hym in open audience, of erroneous
doctrine, and adiured hym in Gods name to vtter the truth. The which the
Fryer beyng striken with feare, promised to do, but the trouble, tumult,
and sturre of the people encreased so, that the fryer could haue no
audience, and yet the saide Robert with great daunger of his life
escaped the handes of the multitude, namely of the women, who contrary
to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty agaynst hym.

At this tyme in the yeare of our Lord, 1543, the enemies of the truth
procured John Chartuous, who fauoured the truth, and was Prouost of the
saide citie and towne of Perth, to be deposed from his office by the
sayd Gouernours authoritie, and a Papist called Master Alexander
Marbecke to be chosen in his roum, that they might bring the more easily
their wicked enterprise to an ende.

After the deposing of the former Prouost, and election of the other, in
the moneth of January the yeare aforesaid, on Saint Paules day, came to
Saint Johnston, the Gouernour, the Cardinall, the Earle of Argile
Justice, Sir John Campbel of Lunde knight, and Justice Depute, the Lord
Borthwyke, the bishop of Dunblane, and Orkney, with certeyne others of
the Nobilitie. And although there were many accused for the crime of
heresie (as they terme it) yet these persons were only apprehended vpon
the said Saint Paules day, Rob. Lambe, Wil. Anderson, James Hunter,
James Raueleson, James Founleson, and Hellen Stirke his wife, and cast
that night in the Spay tower of the said citie, the morowe to abide

Upon the morow, when they appeared and wer brought forth to judgement in
the towne, was laid in general to all their charge, the violatyng of the
act of parlament before expressed, and their conference and assemblies
in hearing and expoundyng of scripture against the tenour of the saide
acte. Robert Lambe was accused in speciall for interruptyng of the fryer
in the pulpit: which he not only confessed, but also affirmed
constantly, that it was the dutie of no man, which vnderstood and knew
the truth, to heare the same impugned without contradiction, and
therfore sundry which there wer present in judgement, who hyd the
knowledge of the truth, should beare their burden in Gods presence for
consenting to the same.

The said Robert also with William Anderson, and James Raueleson, were
accused for hanging vp the image of Saint Fraunces in a corde, nailyng
of Rammes hornes to his head, and a Cowes rumpe to his taile, and for
eating of a Goose on Alhalow euen.

James Hunter being a simple man, and without learnyng, and a Fletcher by
occupation, so that he coulde be charged with no greate knowledge in
Doctrine, yet because he often vsed the suspect companye of the rest, he
was accused.

The woman Hellen Stirke was accused, for that in her chyldbed shee was
not accustomed to cal vpon the name of the virgine Mary, beyng exhorted
thereto by her neighbours, but onely vpon God, for Jesus Christes sake,
and because shee saide in like maner, that if shee her selfe had ben in
the tyme of the virgin Mary, God might haue loked to her humilitie and
base estate, as he dyd to the virgins, in making her the mother of
Christe, thereby meaning, that ther was no merites in the virgin, which
procured her that honor, to be made the mother of Christ, and to be
preferred before other women, but Gods only free mercy exalted her to
that estate. Which wordes were counted most execrable in the face of the
Clergie and whole multitude.

James Raueleson aforesaid building a house, set vpon the round of his
fourth stayre, the three crowned Diademe of Peter carued of tree, which
the Cardinal tooke as done in mockage of his Cardinals hat, and this
procured no fauor to the said James at their handes.

These forenamed persons vpon the morow after Saint Paules' day were
condemned and iudged to death, and that by an assise, for violatyng (as
was alleged) the act of parlament, in reasoning and conferring vpon
scriptures, for eatyng flesh vpon dayes forbidden, for interruptyng the
holy fryer in the pulpit, for dishonoring of Images, and blasphemyng of
the virgin Mary, as they alleged.

After sentence geuen, their hands were bound, and the men cruelly
entreated. Which thyng the woman beholding desired likwise to be bound
by the sergeantes with her husband for Christes sake.

There was great intercession made by the towne in the meane season for
the lyfe of these persons aforenamed, to the Gouernour, who of him self
was wyllyng so to haue done, that they might haue bene deliuered. But
the Gouernour was so subiect to the appetite of the cruel priestes, that
he could not do that which he would. Yea, they manaced to assist his
enemyes, and to depose hym, except he assisted their cruelty.

There were certaine priestes in the citie, who dyd eate and drinke
before in these honest mens houses, to whom the priestes were much
bounden. These priestes were earnestly desired to entreate for their
hostesse, at the Cardinalles handes: but they altogether refused,
desiryng rather their death then preseruation. So cruell are these
beastes from the lowest to the highest.

Then after, they were caryed by a great band of armed men (for they
feared rebellion in the towne, except they had their men of warre) to
the place of execution, whiche was common to al theeues, and that to
make their cause appeare more odious to the people.

Robert Lambe at the gallowes foote made his exhortation to the people,
desiryng them to feare God, and leaue the leauen of papistical
abominations, and manifestly there prophesied of the ruine and plague
whiche came vppon the Cardinall thereafter. So euery one comfortyng an
other, and assuring them selues to sup together in the kingdome of
heauen, that nyght commended them selues to God, and dyed constantly in
the Lord.

The woman desired earnestly to dye with her husband, but shee was not
suffered: yet folowyng hym to the place of execution, shee gaue hym
comfort, exhortyng hym to perseuerance and pacience for Christes sake,
and partyng from hym with a kysse, sayd on this maner: Husband, reioyce,
for we haue lyued together many ioyful dayes: but this day, in which we
must dye, ought to be most ioyful to vs both, because we must haue ioy
for euer. Therfore I wyll not byd you good night, for we shall
sodaynely meete with ioy in the kyngdome of heauen.

The woman after was taken to a place to be drowned, and albeit shee had
a chyld sucking on her breast, yet this moued nothyng the vnmerciful
hartes of the enemies. So after she had commended her children to the
neighbors of the towne for Gods sake, and the suckyng barne was geuen to
the nurse, shee sealed vp the truth by her death. _Ex Registris et
instrumentis a Scotia missis._"

                               No. VI.


Dr. M'Crie, in his Life of Knox, Appendix, vol. i., and the Rev.
Christopher Anderson, in his Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii., have
collected nearly all the information that can be gleaned respecting the
chief persons who became Exiles on account of their religious sentiments
at this early period. I shall, therefore, content myself with giving
little more than a simple enumeration of their names.

       *       *       *       *       *

ALEXANDER ALESSE, (in Latin, ALESIUS,) as mentioned in a note to page
55, was a native of Edinburgh, born in the year 1500, and educated at
St. Andrews. The Rev. Christopher Anderson in his Annals of the English
Bible, has introduced a variety of interesting notices of Alexander
Alesse, with extracts from some of his earlier publications. According
to a statement in one of his works, he fled from Scotland in the year
1529, and his conversion was owing to his interviews with Patrick
Hamilton when under confinement. A collection of his writings, if
carefully translated, and accompanied with a detailed Memoir of his
life, would form a very suitable and valuable addition to the series of
the Wodrow publications. He became Professor of Divinity in the
University of Leipzig, where he died on the 17th of March 1565.

JOHN ELDER, according to his own information, was a native of Caithness,
and had spent twelve years as a student at the Universities of
Aberdeen, St. Andrews, and Glasgow. He fled to England probably in 1541
or 1542; and about two years later, he addressed a letter to Henry the
Eighth, with a Plan or Description of Scotland, containing a project for
the Union of the two Kingdoms. The letter written in 1543 or 1544,
contains a bitter invective against Beaton and "the proud papisticall
bishops" in Scotland. It was printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol.
i., from the original MS. preserved in the British Museum. Elder was
patronized by the Earl of Lennox, and became tutor to Henry Lord
Darnley. In 1555, he published a "Letter sent into Scotland, &c.," on
occasion of the marriage of Philip and Mary. This very curious tract,
which is now of great rarity, he dedicated to Robert Stuard, Bishop of
Caithness. In 1561, he was in France, as we learn from a letter
respecting him, inserted in Stevenson's Illustrations of Scotish
History, (printed for the Maitland Club,) p. 101; and which mentions
that he had shewn to Queen Mary the hand-writing of Darnley, when eight
years of age. It ends with remarking of Elder, what was probably true
enough: "he hath wit to play the aspye (spy) where he listeth."

JOHN FYFE: see page 55, where it is noticed that he prosecuted his
studies under Gawin Logye, at St. Andrews. He may no doubt be identified
with the person styled JOANNES FIDELIS, a native of Scotland, who
obtained considerable academical distinction abroad. Bishop Burnet, and
other writers, state that Fyfe accompanied Alesse to Leipzig, where he
was professor; but, in reference to this statement, a passage in the
Acta Eruditorum, p. 386, Lipsiæ 1684, asserts, that the Registers of
that University having been carefully examined, no mention of his name
could be discovered. If we substitute Francfort instead of Leipzig, the
notice would be substantially correct, as Alesius had for a short time
been Professor there before his removal to Leipzig; and while there he
published amongst other tracts an Academical Oration, "De Restituendis
Scholis Oratio, habita in celebri Academiæ Francofordiana ad Oderam, An.
1540, Mense Iunio." The name of John Fidelis Scotus, as Professor of
Philosophy and Divinity, was inscribed in the Registers of the
University of Francfort, in 1547. He was created Doctor, and chosen
Rector in 1551; and he died on the 28th of March 1562, in the 72d year
of his age. (Notitia Universitatis Francofurtanæ, pp. 49, 56, folio.)
This notice does not confirm the report mentioned by Calderwood, that
Fyfe had returned to Scotland, and died at St. Leonard's, soon after the
Reformation, in 1560.

JOHN GAW has already been mentioned at page 504, as author of a rare
work entitled "The Richt Way to Hevin," which bears to have been printed
at Malmoe, (in Sweden,) in the year 1533. Many years ago, in passing
through that town, the seat of a University, I had the curiosity to
inquire in their Library if any copy of that volume was preserved--but
it was altogether unknown. The author appears to have attended the
University of St. Andrews; as we find the name of Johannes Gall,
(_Scotice_ Gaw,) among the Determinants, in the year 1510; but of his
subsequent history no information has been obtained.

JAMES HARRYSON, a native of the south of Scotland. The work mentioned
under a Latin title by Dr. M'Crie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374,) as
described by Bale, was written in English, and printed at the time under
this title--"An Exhortation to the Scottes to conform themselves to the
honorable, expedient, and godly Union betweene the two Realmes of
Englande and Scotlande. Lond. in aedibus Ric. Grafton, 1547," small 8vo.
The preface, dedicated to Edward Duke of Somerset, is signed "James
Harryson Scottyshman."

HENRY HENRYSON: see page 57, note 3.

WILLIAM JOHNSTONE, Advocate: see page 57, note 2. Dr. Patrick Anderson,
in his MS. History mentions Neill Johnstone, a brother of William
Johnstone, among the persons who were accused of heresy, 1536. Whether
the Advocate continued in his adherence to the Catholic faith may be
held doubtful; as after his death, we find, in the proceedings of the
General Assembly, 29th December 1563, that Mr. Andrew Johnstone,
brother-german _to umquhill Mr. William Johnstone_, required process for
reduction of the sentence pronounced by umquhill James [Beaton]
Archbishop of St. Andrews, against him and his brother for alleged
heresies. This request was referred to the Superintendent of Lothian and
the Session of Edinburgh to follow the same process as had been led in
previous cases. On the 27th December 1564, this matter was again brought
before the Assembly, when it was declared that the articles referred to
were not heretical, and the judges formerly appointed were ordained to
proceed to a final decision of the said action. (Booke of the Kirk, vol
i. pp. 41, 56.)

GAWIN LOGYE, Principal of St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, from 1523
to 1534, has been noticed at page 36; of his subsequent history no
particulars have been discovered.

DR. JOHN MACALPYNE, who is best known by his Latin name MACHABAEUS, was
born before the close of the 15th century. It is unnecessary to repeat
the notices given by Dr. M'Crie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 372.) He took
his Master's degree at one of the Universities, but I have not observed
his name either in the Registers of St. Andrews, or Glasgow. John
Macalpyne was Prior of the Dominican Convent at Perth, from 1532 to
1534. (Rev. James Scott's MS. Extracts, and Mr. Parker Lawson's Book of
Perth, p. 33.) His flight therefore to England may be placed in 1535
rather than in 1532. Spottiswood, (Hist. p. 661,) and Burnet, (Hist, of
Reform, vol. i. p. 294,) say he was liberally entertained by Nicholas
Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury; and Myles Coverdale, some time Bishop of
Exeter, was his brother-in-law. After visiting Wittenberg, he received
an invitation to settle in Denmark, in the year 1542, and became
Professor in the University of Copenhagen, and one of the chaplains of
Christian the Second, King of Denmark. He assisted in translating the
Bible into that language, which was published in the year 1550. Some of
his writings are indicated in Nyerup's Dansk-Norsk Litteratur Lexicon,
vol. ii. p. 367. The Earl of Rothes having been sent as ambassador to
Denmark, in the spring of 1550; in the Treasurer's Accounts, among other
payments connected with this embassy, we find 7s. was paid on the 9th of
March that year, to "ane boy sent to Sanctandrois to my Lord of Rothes
thair, with writingis of my Lord Gouernouris, _to be given at his
arriving in Denmark to Maister Johne Makcalpyne_ and Alexander Lyell
there." Dr. Machabaeus, or Macalpyne, died at Copenhagen, 5th December

JOHN MACKBRAIR is mentioned by Spottiswood as "a gentleman of Galloway,
who forsaking the country for religion, became a preacher in the English
Church; in the time of Queen Marie's persecution he fled to Francford,
and served the English Congregation as Minister. Afterwards called by
some occasion to the charge of a church in the Lower Germany, he
continued there the rest of his days."--(History, p. 97.) It is very
certain, however, that Mackbriar was in Priest's orders before retiring
to the Continent. He was incorporated in St. Salvator's College, St.
Andrews, in 1530, and became a Determinant in 1531. On the 16th July
1550, John Lokart of Bar, and two others were denounced rebels, &c., for
assistance rendered, in May last, to Mr., _alias_ Sir John M'Brair,
formerly Canon of Glenluce, in breaking ward of the Lord Governor's
Castle of Hammiltoune, where he was imprisoned, being charged for sundry
great and odious crimes, Heresies, &c., and conducting him to the House
of Bar.--(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 352*.) This addition to
his name signifies an uncertainty whether he had taken his degree as
Master or only that of Bachelor of Arts. Archbishop Hamilton, in a
letter, without date, but probably in 1551, refers to his having
expelled from the house of Ochiltree the apostate Macbraire, and
inflicted heavy fines on his followers. The name of John Makebray is
included in the list of the principal persons who escaped from England
to the Continent, in 1553, after the accession of Queen Mary. In 1554,
he appears from the "Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort," to
have taken an active share in the proceedings of the English
Congregation there. He afterwards became Pastor of a Congregation in
Lower Germany, and according to Bale, he wrote an account of the
formation and progress of that Church. On the accession of Queen
Elizabeth, Mackbrair returned to England and officiated as a preacher;
and on the 13th of November 1568, he was inducted to the vicarage of St.
Nicholas, in Newcastle. He survived for many years, and was buried on
the 16th of November 1584.--(See M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374,
and the authorities there quoted.)

JAMES MACKDOWELL: see page 55, note 4.

ROBERT RICHARDSON studied in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, where
he became, in 1520, a Canon Regular and Sacrist of the Holy Cross; and
in 1530, a Canon of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth. In that year he
published at Paris a Latin work, an Exegesis on the Rule of St.
Augustine. There is no reason to doubt that he was the same person as
the Sir Robert Richardson, a priest, mentioned in 1543 by Sadler,
(Letters, vol. i. p. 217.) Sadler, in a letter to Henry VIII, dated 16
November 1543, again commends Richardson who had been forced to flee
from Scotland for fear of persecution, having "done very honestly and
diligently in his calling," "in the setting furth and true preaching of
the word of God."--(State Papers, vol. i. p. 344.) But this Priest must
be distinguished from his namesake, the Prior of St. Mary's Isle, who
has been noticed at page 372; and who took his degree as Master of Arts
at St. Andrews, in 1533.

JAMES WEDDERBURN, the eldest son of James Wedderburn, a merchant in
Dundee, was one of a family distinguished by their poetical genius. He
was educated at St. Andrews, being incorporated in that University in
1514. In Calderwood's History, vol. i. p. 141, will be found an
interesting account of his life, and notices of his writings, of which
unfortunately there are none preserved.

JOHN WEDDERBURN, a younger brother, was also educated at St. Andrews,
being a Determinant, in 1526, and a Licentiate in 1528. He was appointed
Vicar of Dundee. At a later period, having been licensed of heresy, the
escheat of the goods belonging to Mr. John Wedderburn, "convict. de
certis criminibus heresieos," was granted to his brother Henry
Wedderburn, for a composition of 40s. in 1538 or 1539, (M'Crie's Life of
Knox, vol. i. p. 358.) In March 1538-9, a pursuivant was directed to
pass to Dundee and search James Rollokkis gudes, and Maister John
Wedderburn, (ib. p. 359.) John Wedderburn is said to have gone to
Germany, where he became acquainted with Luther and Melanethon. While
residing abroad he translated some of their works or "dytements" into
Scotish verse; and the metrical version of various Psalms, included in
the volume of "Gude and Godly Ballates:" see page 139. It is also
stated, that after the death of James the Fifth, he returned to
Scotland, but was again compelled to expatriate himself; and that he
died in England, in 1556.--(Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 14.)

                              No. VII.

                         ALEXANDER SEYTON.

In mentioning Alexander Seyton, Calderwood says, "He was of a quicke
ingyne, and tall stature;" and adds, "I find in Mr. John Davidson's
scrolles, that he was brother to Ninian Seton Laird of Tough."--(Hist.
vol. i. p. 93.) In this case he must have been the youngest son of Sir
Alexander Seyton of Touch and Tillybody in Stirlingshire; and the
pedigree of that family may in part be thus exhibited:--

     I. Sir Alexander Seyton of Touch and Tillybody in Stirlingshire.
     Married Lady Elizabeth Erskine, daughter of Thomas second Earl of

     II. Sir Alexander, his son and successor, had a charter of the
     barony of Tulchfrasere on the forfeiture of Murdoch Earl of Fyfe,
     in 1510. He was killed at Floddon in 1513. He married Elizabeth,
     daughter of Alexander Lord Home.

     III. Sir Ninian Seyton, his son and successor, on the 26th of
     August 1516, obtained a divorce from his wife Matilda Grahame.
     (Liber Ofliciulis S. Andreæ, p. 8.) He was alive in 1534: David
     Seyton was probably another son, as well as Alexander. They
     prosecuted their studies at the same time at St. Andrews.

     IV. Walter Seyton, son and heir of Sir Ninian Seyton of Tullibody,
     had a charter of the barony of Touchfraser and Tullibody, 14th
     January 1535-6; and another, 4th May 1546.

Among Wodrow's Biographical Collections at Glasgow, are "Collections
upon the Life of Alexander Seaton, Dominican Frier, Confessor to King
James the Fifth, and afterwards Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk in
England;" which are printed in the Appendix to "The History of the House
of Seytoun," pp. 113-118, Glasgow 1829, 4to. But Wodrow's account
consists of little else than mere extracts from Knox, Foxe, and

Alexander Seyton, as already stated, was educated at St. Andrews. A
person of the same name became a Licentiate in 1501; but the Confessor
may more probably be identified with Alexander Seyton, who, with David
Seyton, appear among the Determinants in 1516, and the Intrants in 1518,
as _potentes_, who paid the highest fees.

At page 48 I have suggested that the year of Seyton's flight to England,
when he addressed his Letter to King James the Fifth, may have been 1535
or 1536. According to Knox, Seyton remained in England, and taught the
Gospel in all sincerity; which drew upon him the power of Gardyner
Bishop of Winchester, and led to his making a recantation or final
declaration at Paul's Cross, in opposition to his former true doctrine.
This was published at the time in a small tract, of which a copy is
preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth. It is entitled, "The
Declaracion made at Paules Crosse in the Cytye of London, the fourth
Sonday of Advent, by Alexander Seyton, and Mayster Willyam Tolwyn,
persone of S. Anthonyes in the sayd Cytye of London, the year of our
Lord God M.D.XLI., newly corrected and amended." (The colophon,)
"Imprinted at London in Saynt Sepulchre's parysshe, in the Olde Bayly,
by Rychard Lant. Ad imprimendum solum." 12mo. eight leaves.

An account is given by Foxe of Seyton's examination, or "Certaine places
or articles gathered out of Seyton's sermons by his adversaries;" which,
he says, he "exhibits to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not
only what true doctrine Seyton then preached consonant to the
Scriptures, but also what wrangling cauillers can do, in depraining that
is right, or in wrastyng that is well ment, &c."--1177, edit. 1576.

Bale informs us that Seyton died in the year 1542, in the house of
Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, to whose household he officiated as
Chaplain.--(Script. Bryt. Cent. xiv. p. 224.)

                               No. VIII.

                          SIR JOHN BORTHWICK.

Sir John Borthwick was a younger son of William third Lord Borthwick,
who was slain at Floddon in 1513. Sir Ralph Sadler mentions "Captain
Borthwick, Lieutenant of the French King's guard," as one of the persons
who were appointed by James the Fifth, to accompany the English
Ambassador when presented at Court in February 1539-40.--(State Papers,
vol. i. p. 19.)

On the 28th of May 1539-40, or immediately after the baptism of Prince
James, and after James the Fifth had purposed setting out on his voyage
round the Western Isles, Borthwick had been cited to appear before
Cardinal Beaton and other prelates at St. Andrews, on a charge of
heresy. In the Cardinal's absence, who accompained the King in this
expedition, Gawin Archbishop of Glasgow, and Lord Chancellor of
Scotland, presided; but Borthwick having escaped to England, he was
condemned, and excommunicated, and his effigy burnt at the market-cross
of St. Andrews.

Soon after this Borthwick wrote a defence of himself, in the form of
answers to the several articles of his accusation. It has been preserved
by Foxe, in his Latin Commentaries printed at Basil, in 1559, folio, pp.
166-179, with the title of "Actio, Processus, seu Articuli contra D.
Joan. Borthuicum, Equitem Auratum in Scotia, &c.," [1540,] to which is
prefixed an address "D. Borthuichus ad Lectorem." In the first edition
of Foxe's English "Actes and Monuments," 1564, pp. 574-586, and in 8vo.
edit. 1838, vol. v. pp. 607-621, it occurs under this title, "The Act or
Processe, or certain Articles agaynst Syr Jhon Borthuike knight, in
Scotland; with the answer and confution of the said Borthuicke; whose
Preface to the Reader here followeth, &c." But Foxe, when republishing
his work, says, "For as muche as the storye of hym, with his Articles
objected against hym, and his confutation of the same is already
expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of Actes and Monuments, and
because he being happily deliuered out of their handes had no more but
onely his picture burned, referring the reader to the booke above
mentioned, we wyll now, (the Lord willing,) prosecute such other as
followed, &c."--(3d edition, 1576, p. 1230.)

After the Reformation, Borthwick brought an action of Declarator before
John Wynram, Superintendent of Fife, (who, as Sub-prior of St. Andrews,
had sat, in 1540, as one of his judges,) 20th of August 1561, and on the
5th of September following, the Articles and Sentence were reversed. The
Process of Declarator, embodying the original Sentence and Articles
extracted from the Register of Cardinal Beaton, is printed in the
Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 251-263. See also Calderwood's Hist.
vol. i. pp. 114-123; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 20; Lyon's St. Andrews,
vol. i. pp. 288-290.--"This worthie knight, (says Calderwood,) ended his
aige with fulnesse of daies at St. Andrewes." This took place before
1570, when William Borthwick is mentioned as son and heir of the late
Sir John Borthwick of Cinery.

                             No. IX.

                   GEORGE WISHART THE MARTYR.

Calderwood states, that "Mr. George Wishart was a gentleman of the house
of Pittarrow."--(Hist. vol. i. p. 185.) And in the Wodrow Miscellany, in
an introductory notice, I have said, "He was born in the early part of
the 16th century, and is believed to have been a younger son of James
Wishart of Pittaro, who was admitted Justice Clerk, in December 1513,
and continued till between 1520 and 1521."--(vol. i. p. 5.) Further
inquiries have failed in ascertaining this point; and it must have been
through some collateral branch if any such relationship existed. A note
of various early charters relating to the Wisharts of Pittaro, was most
obligingly communicated by Patrick Chalmers of Auldbar, Esq.; and
several others are contained in the Register of the Great Seal; but the
want of space, and their not serving to throw any light upon the
Martyr's parentage, causes me to omit such notices. There is a fine old
portrait, not unworthy of Holbein, said to be of George Wishart, in the
possession of Archibald Wishart, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh, which bears the
date, M.D.XLIII. Ætat. 30. If this portrait can be identified, the date
would fix his birth to the year 1513. But his early history and
education are quite unknown. The facts discovered relating to his
history may briefly be stated.

       *       *       *       *       *

1538. Wishart had been employed as master of a school in Montrose; but
being summoned by John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, on a charge of
heresy, for teaching his scholars the Greek New Testament, he fled to
England. See Petrie's History of the Catholick Church, part 2, p. 182.
Hague 1662, folio.

1539. He was at Bristol, preaching against the worship and mediation of
the Virgin Mary; but he was led to make a public recantation, and burnt
his faggot in the Church of St. Nicholas in that city, in token of his
abjuration. It was probably immediately after this humiliating act that
he went abroad.

1542. He appears to have remained in Germany and Switzerland till after
the death of James the Fifth. He mentions in his Examination, (see
supra, page 159,) a conversation he had with a Jew, while sailing on the
Rhine. About the same time he translated "The Confession of Faith of the
Churches of Switzerland," which was printed a year or two after his
death, and which has been reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i.
pp. 1-23.

1543. This year he was residing us a member of Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge, according to the interesting account of his habits and
acquirements by his pupil Emery Tylney, which is preserved in Foxe's

1544, or in the following year, he returned to Scotland; and he
continued to preach in different parts of the country; at Montrose,
Dundee, and in Ayrshire, and subsequently at Leith, and in East-Lothian.

1546. On the 16th of January he was apprehended at Ormiston, carried
prisoner first to Edinburgh, and then to St. Andrews. His trial was on
the 28th of February, and his execution on the 1st of March: (see supra,
page 144.) Three months later Cardinal Beaton was assassinated.

       *       *       *       *       *

In a work like the present, it is desirable to avoid all controversial
remarks; but I hope to be excused in offering a few words in regard to
what has been considered a serious charge against George Wishart.

The precise date of Wishart's return to Scotland is very doubtful. Knox,
(supra, page 125,) places it in 1544, but joins this with an explanation
which might carry it back to July 1543, and with the defeat of the
Governor, which belongs to a later period. Mr. Tytler, (Hist. vol. v. p.
343,) says, "From the time of his arrival in the summer of 1543, _for
more than two years_ Wishart appears to have remained in Scotland,
protected by the barons who were then in the interest of Henry, and who
favoured the doctrines of the Reformation." Yet nevertheless, according
to Mr. Tytler, and later authorities, he was employed as a messenger in
May 1544, conveying letters from Crichton of Brunstone to the Earl of
Hertford at Newcastle, and from thence, with other letters, to Henry the
Eighth, in relation to a projected scheme devised by the Laird of
Brunstone for the assassination of Cardinal Beaton; and after having had
an interview with the King at Greenwich, returning first to Newcastle,
and then to Scotland. This employment--which has been held up as a
notable discovery--proceeds upon the fact of "a Scotishman, _called
Wyshart_," being mentioned as the bearer of the letters referred to; and
the Laird of Brunstone having been Wishart's "great friend and
protector," in 1546, hence it is concluded that the person employed was
George Wishart the Martyr. Among the Wisharts of that time the name of
_George_ was not peculiar to him. _George Wischart_ was one of the
bailies of Dundee, 3d May 1560, and for several years previously; and in
the Protocol book of Thomas Ireland, notary public in Dundee, belonging
to that borough, I observed the copy of a deed, in which "_Georgius
Wischart_, frater-germanus Joannis Wischart de Pettarrow," was one of
the procurators in a matter concerning "_Georgius Wischart_, armiger
Crucis regis Galliæ," 14th June 1565.

Now, in reply to the above argument, I beg to remark, that there is no
certain evidence of George Wishart having returned to Scotland earlier
than 1544 or 1545; that if the name of _George Wishart_ had been
specified in the letters, there were other persons of that name who
might equally have been employed in such services; and that if it had
been ascertained beyond all doubt that he possessed a full knowledge of
the plots against Beaton devised by Crichton of Brunstone, even then,
according to the terms of the Earl of Hertford's letter, and confirmed
by the letter in reply from the English Council, the attempt was to be
confined to the _arrestment of the Cardinal_, while passing through
Fife--the proposal of _sleeing him_, having been suggested only as an
alternative, in case of necessity.

But to say nothing of the uncongenial nature of the employment, to a man
such as described by his devoted pupil Emery Tylney, who had been under
his tuition at Cambridge, for twelve months, in 1543, it may further be

1. That Wishart had no occasion to entertain a personal animosity to the
Cardinal; and that being denounced, or put to the horn, and liable to
summary arrestment and execution, he could not have undertaken the task
at such a time, of carrying letters and messages between the

2. That the plots against Beaton being well known, even to the Cardinal
himself, if Wishart had in any way been concerned in them, it would
unquestionably have formed a leading accusation against him in his
trial,--but no allusion to such a charge was ever whispered.

And lastly,--That the actual enterprise, by which the Castle of St.
Andrews was taken, and the Cardinal murdered, on the 29th of May, was in
a great measure a scheme hastily arranged and executed, mainly in
revenge of the Martyr's own fate, and ALTOGETHER UNCONNECTED AND
UNINFLUENCED by any former plots devised by Crichton of Brunstone, but
which have been employed to implicate the irreproachable character of

                                No. X.

                             JOHN ROUGH.

A brief notice of this very zealous preacher is given at page 187. I
regret that only a portion can be added in this place of the interesting
account of his examination and death in December 1558, as preserved in
Foxe's "Actes and Monuments." Calderwood's account of Rough's martyrdom,
(Hist. vol. i. p. 251,) is abridged from the same authority.


In this furious time of persecution, were also burned these twoo
constaunt and faithfull Martyrs of Christe, John Rough a Minister, and
Margarette Mearyng.

This Rough was borne in Scotland, who (as him selfe confesseth in his
aunsweres to Boners Articles) because some of his kinsfolke woulde haue
kept him from his right of inheritaunce which he had to certaine landes,
did at the age of xvij. yeares, in despite (and the rather to displease
his frendes) professe hym selfe into the order of the blacke Friers at
Sterlyng in Scotland: where he remained the space of xvi. yeares, vntill
suche tyme as the Lorde Hamulton, Earle of Arren, and Gouernour of the
Realme of Scotlande aforesaid (castyng a fauour vnto hym) did sue vnto
the Archbishop of S. Andrewes, to haue him out of his professed order,
that as a secular Priest he might serue hym for his Chaplaine. At whiche
request the Archbishop caused the Prouinciall of that house, hauyng
thereto authoritie, to dispence with hym for his habite and order.

This sute beeyng thus by the Earle obtained, the said Rough remained in
his seruice one whole yeare: during which time it pleased God to open
his eyes, and to geue hym some knowledge of his truthe, and thereupon
was by the said Gouernour sent to preache in the freedome of Ayre, where
he continued four yeares, and then after the death of the Cardinall of
Scotland, hee was appointed to abide at S. Andrewes, & there had
assigned vnto hym a yearely pension of XX. pound from kyng Henry the
eight, kyng of England. Howbeit, at last waiyng with him selfe his owne
daunger, and also abhorryng the Idolatrie and superstition of his
countrey, and hearyng of the freedome of the Gospell within this Realme
of England, hee determined with hym selfe not to tary any longer there:
And therefore soone after the battaile of Musclebourough, he came first
vnto Carliell, and from thence vnto the Duke of Somerset, then Lord
Protectour of England, and by his assignement had appointed vnto him out
of the kinges treasury XX. poundes of yearely stipend, and was sent (as
a preacher) to serue at Carliell, Barwicke, and Newcastell. From whence
(after he had there, according to the lawes of God, and also of this
Realme, taken a countrey woman of his to wife) he was called by the
Archbishop of Yorke that then was, vnto a benefice nigh in the towne of
Hull: where hee continued vntill the death of that blessed and good
king, Edward VI.

But in the beginnyng of the reigne of Queene Mary (perceauyng the
alteration of Religion, and the persecution that would thereupon arise,
and feelyng hys owne weakenes) he fled with his wife into Friseland, and
dwelt there at a place culled Morden, labouryng truely for his liuyng,
in knittyng of Cappes, hose, and suche like thinges, till about the ende
of the moneth of October last before his death. At whiche tyme, lackyng
yearne and other such necessary prouision for the mainteinaunce of his
occupation, he came ouer againe into England, here to prouide for the
same, and the x. day of Nouember arriued at London. Where hearyng of the
secrete societie, and holy congregation of Gods children there
assembled, he ioyned himselfe vnto them, and afterwardes beyng elected
their Minister and Preacher, did continue moste vertuously exercised in
that Godly fellowship, teaching and confirmyng them in the truth and
Gospell of Christe. But in the ende such was the prouidence of God, who
disposeth all thinges to the best, the xij. daye of December, he with
Cutbert Simson and others, through the crafty and traiterous suggestion
of a false hipocrite and dissembling brother called Roger Sargeaunt, a
taylor, were apprehended by the Vicechamberlaine of the Queenes house,
at the Saracens heade in Islington: where the Congregation had then
purposed to assemble themselues to their godly and accustomable
exercises of prayer, and hearyng the word of God: which pretence, for
the safegard of all the rest, they yet at their examinations, couered
and excused by hearing of a play that was then appointed to be at that
place. The Vice Chamberlaine after he had apprehended them, caried Rough
and Simson vnto the Counsell, who charged them to haue assembled
together to celebrate the communion or supper of the Lord, and therefore
after sundry examinations and aunsweres, they sent the saide Rough vnto
Newgate: but his examinations they sent vnto the Bishop of London, with
a Letter signed with their handes, the copy whereof followeth.


     After our hartye commendations to your good Lordship, we sende you
     here inclosed the examination of a Scotish man, named Iohn Rough,
     who by the Queenes Maiesties commaundement is presently sent to
     Newgate, beeyng of the chief of them that vpon Sondaie laste, vnder
     the colour of commyng to see a Play at the Saracen's head in
     Islington, had prepared a Communion to be celebrated and received
     there among certaine other seditious and hereticall persons. And
     forasmuche as by the sayd Roughes examination, contayning the
     storie and progresse of his former life, it well appeareth of what
     sort he is: the Queenes highnes hath willed vs to remit him vnto
     your Lordship, to the end that beyng called before you out of
     prison, as oft as your Lordship shall thinke good, ye maie
     proceede, both to his further examination, and otherwise orderyng
     of him, accordyng to the lawes, as the case shall require.

     And thus we bid your Lordship hartely wel to fare. From S. James
     the XV. of December, 1557.

                        Your Lordships louyng frendes.

                                                   NICHOLAS EBOR.
                                                   F. SHREWSBERY.
                                                   EDWARD HASTINGES.
                                                   ANTONY MOUNTAGUE.
                                                   IOHN BOURNE.
                                                   HENRY IERNEGAM.

Boner now minding to make quicke dispatch, did within three dayes after
the receite of the letter (the xviij. day of December) send for thys
Rough out of Newgate, and in his palace at London ministered vnto him
xij. Articles: Many whereof because they containe onely questions of the
profession and religion of that age, wherein both he and his parentes
were christened (which in sundry places are already mentioned) I do here
for breuitie omit: minding to touch such onely, as pertayne to matters
of faith now in controuersie, and then chiefely obiected agaynst the
Martyrs and Saintes of God, which in effect are these."

       *       *       *       *       *

For these Articles against John Rough, and his Answers, and also a
Letter written by him in prison, with a further notice of his appearance
before Bishop Bonner, the reader must be referred to Foxe's own work.
His fellow-sufferer Margaret Mearyng, was one of his flock: after being
condemned and degraded, both of them were "led vnto Smithfield the xxij.
daye of December 1558, and there most joyfully gave up their lives for
the profession of Christes Gospell."

                                No. XI.

                             NORMAN LESLEY.

Norman Lesley, the eldest son of George Earl of Rothes, (see page 176,)
is first named in the Parliamentary proceedings against the murderers of
Cardinal Beaton; and a dagger, the sheath of silver richly chased, and
the handle of ivory, preserved at Leslie House, according to tradition,
was made use of by him on that occasion. Although he may be considered
as the leader in that enterprise, there is no evidence to shew that he
was actually one of the perpetrators. The cause of his hostility is said
to have thus originated. The lands of Easter Wemyss in Fife, became
annexed to the Crown by the forfeiture of Sir James Colville, (then
deceased,) 18th March 1541; and were given by James the Fifth to the
Rothes family. After the King's death, the forfeiture was reduced in
Parliament on the 12th December 1543, under the direction of Cardinal
Beaton; which so offended the Master of Rothes, that it is said to have
been the proximate cause of the Cardinal's murder.--(Senators of the
College of Justice, p. 25.)

After Lesley's forfeiture and imprisonment in France, he visited various
countries, and also returned to Scotland. On the 10th of May 1553, the
Lairds of Phillorth, Fyvie, Meldrum, and others, were summoned "to
underly the law for the resset of Normond Leslie."--(Treasurer's
Accounts.) His subsequent history is thus related by Spottiswood:--

"After his release from captivity he returned into Scotland, but fearing
the Governour he went into Denmark, where not finding that kind
reception he expected, he betook himself to England, and had an
honourable pension allowed him; which was thankfully answered during the
reign of Edward the Sixt. Queen Mary succeeding, he found not the like
favour, and thereupon went to France, where he had a company of men of
Armes given him, with which he served the French King in his warres
against the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and in pursuing the enemy whom
he had in chase, was wounded with the shot of a pistoll, whereof he died
the day after, at Montreul. He was a man of noble qualities, and full of
courage, but falling unfortunately in the slaughter of the Cardinal,
which he is said at his dying to have sore repented, he lost himself and
the expectation which was generally held of his worth."--(History, p.

It appears that Norman Lesley at the time he entered the service of the
King of France, had obtained absolution from the Court of Rome for his
share in the Cardinal's murder. A particular account of his death is
preserved by Sir James Melville, and may here be quoted:--

"Bot the King drew langis the frontiers toward a gret strenth callit
Renty, wher he planted his camp and beseigit the said strenth, quhilk I
hard the Constable promyse to delyuer vnto the K. before the end of
aucht dayes. Quhilk promyse was not keped, for themperour cam in persone
with his armye for the releif therof.... At quhilk tym Normond Lesly
maister of Rothes wan gret reputation. For with a thretty Scotis men he
raid up the bray vpon a faire grey gelding; he had aboue his corsellet
of blak veluet, his cot of armour with tua braid whyt croises, the ane
before and thother behind, with sleues of mailze, and a red knappisk
bonet vpon his head, wherby he was kend and sean a far aff be the
Constable, Duc of Augien and Prince of Conde. Wher with his thretty he
chargit vpon threscore of ther horsmen with culuerins, not folowed with
seuen of his nomber; wha in our sicht straik v of them fra ther horse
with his speir, before it brak; then he drew his swerd and ran in amang
them, not caring ther continuell schutting, to the admiration of the
behalders. He slew dyuers of them; at lenth when he saw a company of
speirmen comming doun against him, he gaif his horse the spurris, wha
carried him to the Constable and fell doun dead, for he had many
schotis: and worthy Normond was also schot in dyuers partis, wherof he
died xv dayes efter. He was first caried to the Kingis awin tent, wher
the Duc of Augyen and Prince of Conde told his Maiestie that Hector of
Troy was not mair vailzeand them the said Normond: whom the K. wald so
dressit with his awen serurgiens, and maid gret mean for him; sa did the
Constable and all the rest of the Princes. Bot na man maid mair dule nor
the Lard of Grange, wha cam to the camp the nyxt day efter, fra a quyet
raid wher he had been directed."--(Memoirs, p. 25, Bannatyne Club
edition, Edinb. 1827, 4to.)

       *       *       *       *       *

Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, married Issobel Lindesay, daughter of
John fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, but left no issue; and, as stated
in note 588, the title, on his father's death, in 1558, devolved on
Andrew, the son of a second marriage.

                                No. XII.

                             ADAM WALLACE.

John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley and Bishop-Elect of Dunkeld, was
nominated by his brother the Governor to the See of St. Andrews, as
Beaton's successor, in 1546; and after a considerable period, his
appointment was confirmed at the Court of Rome. On the 19th March
1546-7, in the name of the Bishops and Kirkmen, he presented a
Supplication to the Governor and Council, for "help and remeid against
the Sacramentaris and those infected with the pestilential hersie of
Luther;" while others, it is added, "abjurit and relapsit, baneist of
auld, now comes pertlie [openly] without any dreidour, nocht allenarly
in the far parts of the Realme, but als to the Court and presens of your
Lordships, and sometimes preaches opinlie, and instructs utheris in the
said dampnable heresies."--(Keith's History, vol. i. p. 147.) During his
negociations with the Court of Rome, Hamilton transmitted an
Information, urging his claims as Primate and _Legatus Natus_. He refers
in it to the increasing number of heretics in the diocese of Glasgow,
both in the time of the late Archbishop, (Gawin Dunbar, who died in
1547,) and during the vacancy in that See, and assumes credit to himself
for having visited that diocese and purged it of many obnoxious
heretics; and in particular, for having expelled that apostate
Macbraire, from the house of Ochiltree, and inflicted heavy fines on his
adherents, and for having caused (Vallasius) Wallace, a native of that
diocese, after he had been convicted and condemned for heresy, before a
convention of the nobility and clergy, to be delivered over to the
secular power, to the flames. (Mackeson's MS. as quoted in M'Crie's Life
of Knox, vol. ii. p. 292.)

In addition to note 3 at page 237, it may be mentioned, that Wallace had
been employed in the family of Cockburn of Ormiston, in teaching his
children after they had been deprived of Knox's instructions, and while
Cockburn himself was forfeited and in exile.

The following account of Wallace's trial and condemnation is copied from
Foxe's Actes and Monuments, and may be compared with that given by Knox,
at pages 237-241. In reference to the formidable array of prelates and
the nobility assembled in the Church of the Blackfriars' Monastery, to
the trial of this "simple man," whom Knox celebrates as "zealous in
godliness, and of an upright life," I find in the Treasurer's Accounts,
that between July and September 1550, the sum of £2, 17s. 4d. was paid
to James Dalyell, (who was "one of the Masters of Work,") "quhilk he
debursit in preparing of ane scaffald the tyme of the accusatioun of


"There was set vpon a scaffold made hard to the Chauncellary wall of the
blacke Friers Church in Edinbrough on seates made thereupon, the Lord
Gouernour. Aboue him at his backe sat M. Gawin Hamelton Deane of
Glasgue, representing the Metropolitane Pastor thereof. Upon a seat on
his right hand sat the Archbishop of S. Andrewes. At his backe, and
aside somewhat stoode the Officiall [of] Lowthaine. Next to the Byshop
of S. Andrewes, the bishop of Dumblane, the byshop of Murray, the Abbot
of Dunfermling, the Abbot of Glenluce, wyth other Churchmen of lower
estimation, as the Official of S. Andrewes and other Doctours of that
nest and Citie. And at the other end of the seat sat Maister [of]
Uchiltrie. On his left hand sat the Earle of Argyle Justice, with his
deputye Syr John Campbell of Lundy vnder his feete. Next hym the Earle
of Huntly. Then the Earle of Anguish, the Byshop of Gallaway, the Prior
of S. Andrewes, the Bishop of Orknay, the Lord Forbes, Dane John Wynrime
Suppriour of S. Andrewes, and behinde the seates stoode the whole
senate, the Clarke of the Register, &c.

At the further end of the Chauncelary wall in the pulpit was placed M.
John Lauder Parson of Marbottle, Accuser, clad in a surplice, and a red
hood, and a great Congregation of the whole people in the body of the
Church, standing on the ground. After that, Syr John Ker Prebendary of
S. Gyles Church was accused, conuicted, and condemned, for the false
making and geuing forth of a sentence of diuorce, and thereby falsly
diuorced and parted a man and hys lawfull wyfe, in the name of the Deane
of Roscalrige [Restalrig], and certayne other Judges appointed by the
holy Father the Pope. He graunted the falshood, and that neuer any such
thing was done in deede, nor yet ment nor moued by the foresayd Judges;
and was agreed to be banished the realmes of Scotland and England for
hys lyfe tyme, and to lose his right hand if he were found or
apprehended therin hereafter, and in the meane time to leaue his
benefices for euer, and they to be vacant.

After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poore man in
appearance, conueyed by John of Cunnoke seruant to the Bishop of S.
Andrewes, and set in the middest of the scaffold, who was commaunded to
looke to the accuser: who asked him what was hys name. He aunswered,
Adam Wallace. The accuser said he had an other name, which he graunted,
and sayd he was commonly called Feane. Then asked he where he was borne;
Within two myle of Fayle (sayd he) in Kyle. Then sayd the accuser, I
repent that euer such a poore man as you should put these noble Lordes
to so great encumbrance thys day by your vayne speakyng. And I must
speake (sayd he) as God geueth me grace, and I beleue I haue sayd no
euill to hurt any body. Would God (sayd the Accuser) ye had neuer
spoken, but you are brought forth for so horrible crimes of heresie, as
neuer was imagined in thys countrey of before, and shall be sufficiently
proued, that ye cannot deny it: and I forethinke that it should be
heard, for hurting of weak consciences. Now I wyll ye thee no more, and
thou shalt heare the pointes that thou art accused of.

Adam Wallace, alias Feane, thou art openly delated and accused for
preaching, saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and abominable
heresies vnderwritten. In the first, thou hast sayd and taught, that the
bread and wyne on the altar, after the wordes of consecration, are not
the body and bloud of Jesu Christ. He turned to the Lord Gouernour, and
Lords aforesayd, saying: I sayd neuer nor taught nothyng, but that I
found in this booke and writte (hauyng there a Bible at his belte, in
French, Dutch, and English) which is the worde of God, and if you will
be content that the Lord God and his worde be Judge to me and this his
holy writ, here it is, and where I haue sayd wrong, I shall take what
punishment you will put to me: for I neuer said nothyng concerning this
that I am accused of, but that which I found in this writte.

What diddest thou say, sayd the Accuser? I sayd (quoth he) that after
our Lord Jesus Christ had eaten the Pascall Lambe in hys latter Supper
wyth his Apostles, and fulfilled the ceremonies of the olde law, he
instituted a new Sacrament in remembrance of his death then to come. He
tooke bread, he blessed, and brake it, and gaue it to hys Disciples, and
sayde: "Take ye, eate ye, thys is my bodye, which shall be broken and
geuen for you: And lykewise the cuppe, blessed, and badde them drinke
all therof, for that was the cup of the new testament, which shoulde be
shedde for the forgeuing of many. How oft ye do thys, do it in my
remembraunce." (Matth. 26.)

Then sayd the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and the Officiall of Lowthaine,
with the Deane of Glasgue, and many other Prelates: We know this well
enough. The earle of Huntly sayd: Thou aunswerest not to that which is
laide to thee: say either yea or nay therto. He aunswered, If ye wyll
admitte God and his word spoken by the mouth of hys blessed sonne Jesus
Christ our Lord and Sauiour, ye wyll admit that I haue sayd: for I haue
sayd or taught nothing, but that the word, which is the triall and
touchstone, sayth, whiche ought to be Judge to me, and to all the world.

Why (quoth the Earle of Huntly) hast thou not a Judge good enough; and
trowest thou that we know not God and his worde; Aunswere to that is
spoken to thee: and then they made the accuser speake the same thyng
ouer agayne. Thou saydest (quoth the accuser) and hast taught, that the
bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the
consecration, are not ye body and bloud of our Sauiour Jesus Christ.

He aunswered: I sayd neuer more then the write sayth, nor yet more then
I haue sayd before. For I know well by S. Paule when he sayth: Whosoeuer
eateth this bread, and drinketh of this cup vnworthely, receaueth to
himselfe damnation. (1 Cor. xi.) And therfore when I taught (which was
but seldome, and to them onely which required and desired me) I sayd,
that if the Sacrament of the aultar were truly ministred, and vsed as
the sonne of the liuyng God did institute it, where that was done, there
was God himselfe by his divine power, by the which he is ouer all.

The Byshop of Orkney asked him: Beleuest thou not (sayd he) that the
bread and wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the
consecration, is the very body of God, flesh, bloud, and bone?

He aunswered: I wot not what that word consecration meaneth. I haue not
much Latin, but I beleue that the sonne of God was conceaued of the holy
Ghost, and borne of the virgine Mary, and hath a naturall body with
handes, feete, and other members, and in the same body hee walked vp and
downe in the world, preached, and taught, he suffered death vnder
Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried, and that by his godly
power hee raysed that same body agayne the thyrd day: and the same body
ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father,
whiche shall come agayne to iudge both the quicke and the dead. And that
this body is a naturall body with handes and feete, and can not be in
two places at once, hee sheweth well him selfe: For the whiche
euerlastyng thankes be to hym that maketh this matter cleare. When the
woman brake the oyntment on hym, aunsweryng to some of his Disciples
whiche grudged thereat, hee sayd: The poore shall you haue alwayes with
you, but me shall you not haue alwayes, (Math. 26.) meanyng of his
naturall body. And likewise at his Ascension sayd he to the same
Disciples that were fleshly, and would euer haue had him remainyng with
them corporally: It is needefull for you that I passe away, for if I
passe not away, the comforter the holy Ghost shall not come to you (John
16.) (meanyng that his naturall body behoued to be taken away from
them): But be stoute and of good cheare, for I am with you vnto the
worldes end. (Math. 28. John 16.) And that the eatyng of his very flesh
profiteth not, may well be knowen by his wordes whiche he spake in the
vj. of John, where after that he had sayd: Except ye eate my flesh and
drinke my bloud, ye shal not haue life in you: they murmuryng thereat,
he reproued them for their grosse & fleshly takyng of his wordes, and
sayd: What will ye thinke when ye see the sonne of man ascend to the
place that it came fro? It is the spirite that quickneth, the flesh
profiteth nothyng, (John. 6,) to be eaten as they tooke it, and euen so
take ye it.

It is an horrible heresie, sayd the Byshop of Orknay. When he began to
speake agayne, and the Lord Gouernour iudge if hee had right by the
write, the Accuser cryed: Ad Secundam. Nunc ad Secundam, aunswered the
Archbyshop of S. Andrewes.

Then was he bidden to heare the Accuser, who propounded the second
Article, and sayd: Thou saydedst lykewise, and openly byddest teach,
that the Masse is very Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God.

He aunswered and sayd: I haue read the Bible and word of God in three
tounges, and haue vnderstand them so farre as God gaue me grace, and yet
read I neuer that word Masse in it all: but I found (sayd he) that the
thyng that was hyghest and most in estimation amongest men, and not in
the word of God, was Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God. And
I say the Masse is holden greatly in estimation, and hygh amongest men,
and is not founded in the word, therefore I sayd it was Idolatry and
abhominable in the sight of God. But if any man will finde it in the
Scripture, and proue it by Gods word, I will graunt myne errour, and
that I haue fayled: otherwise not, and in that case I will submit me to
all lawfull correction and punishment. Ad Tertiam, sayd the Archbyshop.

Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast sayd and openly taught that the GOD
which we worshyp, is but bread, sowen of corne, growyng of the earth,
baked of mens handes, and nothyng els.

He aunswered, I worshyp the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, three
persons in one Godhead, whiche made and fashioned the heauen and earth,
and all that is therein of naught, but I know not which God you
worship: and if you will shewe me whom you worship, I shall shewe you,
what he is, as I can by my iudgemene.

Beleuest thou not (sayd the Accuser) that the sacrament of the alter,
after the wordes of the consecration betwixt the Priestes handes, is the
very body and bloud of the sonne of God, & God hymself? What the body of
God is, sayd he, & what kynde of body he hath, I haue shewed you, so
farre as I haue found in scripture.

Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast preached, sayd, and openly taught
diuers and sundry other great errours and abhominable heresies agaynst
all the vij. sacraments, which for shortnes of tyme I pretermit and ouer
pass. Whether doest thou graunt thy foresayd Articles that thou art
accused of, or no, and thou shalt heare them shortly? and then repeted
the accuser the iij. Articles aforesayde shortly ouer, and asked him
whether he graunted or denied them.

He aunswered that before he had said of his aunsweres, and that he sayd
nothyng, but agreeing to the holy word as he vnderstoode, so God iudge
him, and his owne conscience accuse hym, and thereby woulde he abide
vnto the tyme he were better instructed by scripture, and the contrary
proued, euen to the death: and said to the Lord Gouernour and other
Lordes: if you condemne me for holding by Gods word, my innocent bloud
shalbe required at your handes, when ye shalbe brought before the
iudgement seat of Christ, who is mightie to defend my innocent cause,
before whome ye shall not denye it, nor yet be able to resiste hys
wrath: to whom I referre the vengeaunce, as it is written: "Vengeaunce
is myne, and I will rewarde." (Heb. 10.)

Then gaue they forth sentence, and condemned him by the lawes, and so
left him to the secular power, in the handes of Syr John Campbell
Justice deputie, who deliuered hym to the Prouost of Edenbrough to be
burnt on the Castlehill; who incontinent made hym to be put in the
vppermost house in the towne wyth irons about his legges and necke, and
gaue charge to Syr Hew Terrye to keepe the key of the sayde house, an
ignoraunt minister and impe of Sathan, and of the Byshops; who by
direction, sent to the poore man two Gray Friers to instructe hym, wyth
whom he woulde enter into no commoning. Soone after that was sent in two
blacke Friers, an Englishe Frier & an other subtile sophister called
Arbircromy, with the which Englishe Frier he would haue reasoned and
declared hys fayth by the scriptures. Who aunswered, he had no
commission to enter in disputation with hym, and so departed and left

Then was sent to hym a worldly wise man, and not vngodly in the
vnderstanding of the truth, the Deane of Roscalrige,[1074] who gaue hym
Christian consolation, amongest the which he exhorted him to beleue the
realtie of the sacrament after the consecration. But he would consent to
nothing that had not euidence in the holy scripture, and so passed ouer
that night in singing, and lauding God to the eares of diuers hearers,
hauing learned the Psalter of Dauid without booke, to his consolation:
For before they had spoyled hym of hys Bible, which alwaies til after he
was condemned, was with him where euer he went. After that, Syr Hew knew
that he had certaine bookes to read and comfort his spirit, who came in
a rage & tooke the same from him, leauing him desolate (to his power) of
all consolation, and gaue diuers vngodly & injurious prouocations by his
deuilishe venome, to haue peruerted him a poore innocent, from the
patience & hope he had in Christ hys Sauiour: but God suffered him not
to be moued therewith, as plainely appeared to the hearers and seers for
the tyme.

So all the next morning abode this poore man in yrons, and prouision was
commaunded to be made for his burnyng agaynst the next day. Which day
the Lord Gouernour, and all the principall both spirituall and temporall
Lords departed from Edenbrough to their other busines.

After they were departed, came the Deane of Roscalrige to him againe &
reasoned with him after his wit. Who aunswered as before, he would say
nothing concerning his faith, but as the scripture testifieth, yea
though an Aungell came from heauen to perswade him to the same: sauing
that he confessed himselfe to haue receaued good consolation of the said
Deane in other behalfes, as becommeth a Christian.

Then after came in the said Terry again & examined him after his old
maner, and said he would garre deuils to come forth of him ere euen. To
whom he aunswered: you should be a godly man to geue me rather
consolation in my case. When I knewe you were come, I prayed God I myght
resiste your temptations, which I thanke him, he hath made me able to
doe: therefore I pray you let me alone in peace. Then he asked of one of
the Officers that stoode by, Is your fire makyng ready? Who tolde hym it
was. He aunswered, as it pleaseth God: I am ready soone or late, as it
shall please him: and then he spake to one faythfull in that company, &
bad him commend him to all the faythfull, beyng sure to meete together
with them in heauen. From that tyme to his forth commyng to the fire,
spake no man with him.

At his forth commyng, the Prouost with great manasing wordes forbad him
to speake to any man or any to him, as belyke he had commaundement of
his superiours. Commyng from the towne to the Castle hill, the common
people sayd, God haue mercy vpon him. And on you to (sayd he). Beyng
beside the fire he lifted vp his eyn to heauen twise or thrise, and sayd
to the people: Let it not offend you, that I suffer the death this day,
for the truthes sake, for the Disciple is not aboue his Master. Then was
the Prouost angry that he spake. Then looked he to heauen agayne, and
sayd: They will not let me speake. The corde beyng about hys necke, the
fire was lighted, and so departed he to God constauntly, and with good
countenaunce to our sightes. _Ex testimonijs & literis e petitis,
an. 1550._"

                               No. XIII.

                             WALTER MYLN.

The trial and condemnation of this venerable priest has been noticed by
all our ecclesiastical historians--including George Buchanan, and
Lindesay of Pitscottie. See Knox, supra, p. 308; Calderwood, vol. i. p.
337; Spottiswood, p. 95; Howie's Scots Worthies, &c. The account
preserved by Foxe, is however the most minute and interesting.

In his earlier years Myln had travelled in Germany, and afterwards
became priest of the church of Lunan, in Angus. Information having been
laid against him for refusing to say Mass in the time of Cardinal
Beaton, he abandoned his cure; but after many years had elapsed, he was
taken in the town of Dysart, in Fife, and carried to St. Andrews, where
after the trial, as recorded in the following extracts, he was condemned
to the flames, on the 28th April 1558. Buchanan, who calls him "a priest
of no great learning," erroneously places his death in April 1559. All
the authorities concur in describing him as a decrepit old man of
eighty-two years of age; but no notice is taken of the circumstance that
during the later period of his life, probably while in retirement, he
had married; and that his widow survived him many years. This appears
from a payment in the Accounts of the Collector General of Thirds of
Benefices, 1573, when there was paid "To the relict of umquhile Walter
Myln, according to the allowance of the old comptis, £6, 13s. 4d."


"Among the rest of the Martyrs of Scotland, the marueilous constancie of
Walter Mille is not to be passed ouer with silence. Out of whose ashes
sprang thousandes of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who
altogether chose rather to dye, then to be any longer ouertroden by the
tyranny of the foresayd, cruell, ignoraunt, and beastly Byshops, Abbots,
Monkes, and Friers, and so began the congregation of Scotland to debate
the True Religion of Christ agaynst the Frenchmen and Papistes, who
sought alwayes to depresse and keepe downe the same: for it began soon
after the Martyrdome of Walter Mille, of the which the forme hereafter

In the yeare of our Lord, 1558, in the tyme of Mary Duches of Longawayll
Queene Regent of Scotland, and the sayd John Hamelton beyng Byshop of S.
Andrewes, and Primate of Scotland, this Walter Mille (who in his youth
had bene a papist) after that he had bene in Almaine, & had heard the
doctrine of the Gospell, he returned agayne into Scotland, and setting
aside all Papistry and compelled chastitie, maryed a wife, whiche thyng
made him vnto the Byshops of Scotland to be suspected of heresie: and
after long watchyng of hym hee was taken by two Popishe Priestes, one
called sir George Straqwhen, and the other sir Hew Turry,[1075]
seruauntes to the sayd Byshop for the tyme, within the town of Dysart in
Fiffe, and brought to S. Andrewes and imprisoned in the Castle thereof.
He beyng in prison, the Papistes earnestly trauailed and laboured to
haue seduced him, and threatned him with death and corporall tormentes,
to the entent they would cause him to recant and forsake the truth. But
seyng they could profit nothyng thereby, and that he remained still
firme and constaunt, they laboured to perswade him by fayre promises,
and offere vnto hym a Monkes portion for all the dayes of his lyfe, in
the Abbaye of Dunfermelyng, so that hee would denye the thynges he had
taught, and graunt that they were heresie: but he continuyng in the
truth euen vnto the end, despised their threatnynges and fayre promises.

Then assembled together the byshops of S. Andrewes, Murray, Brechin,
Caitnes, and Atheins, the Abbots of Dunfermelyng, Landors, Balindrinot,
and Cowper, with Doctours of Theologie of S. Andrewes, as John Greson
Blacke Frier, and Dane John Uynrame Suppriour of S. Andrewes, William
Cranston Provost of the old Colledge, with diuers others, as sondry
Friers black & gray. These being assembled and hauyng consulted
together, he was taken out of prison and brought to the Metropolitane
church where he was put in a Pulpit before the Bishops to be accused,
the 20. day of Aprill. Beyng brought vnto the church and climyng vp to
the Pulpit, they seyng him so weake and feeble of person, partly by age
and trauaile, & partly by euill intreatment, that without helpe he could
not clime vp, they were in dispayre not to haue heard him for weakenesse
of voyce. But when he began to speake, he made the Churche to ryng and
sounde agayne, with so great courage & stoutnes, that the Christians
which were present, were no lesse rejoyced, then the aduersaries were
confounded and ashamed. He beyng in the Pulpit, and on his knees at
Prayer, sir Andrew Oliphant one of the Byshops Priestes, commanded hym
to arise and to aunswere to his Articles, saying on this manner: sir
Walter Mille, arise and aunswere to the Articles, for you hold my Lord
here ouer long. To whom Walter after he had finished his prayer,
aunswered saying: we ought to obey God more then men, I serue one more
mighty, euen the omnipotent Lord: and where you call me Sir Walter, they
call me Walter, and not Sir Walter, I haue bene ouer long one of the
Pope's Knightes. Now say what thou hast to say.

                     AUNSWERS VNTO THE SAME.

OLIPHANT. What thincke you of Priestes mariage.

MILLE. I hold it a blessed band, for Christ himselfe maintained it, and
approued the same, and also made it free to all men: but ye thinke it
not free to you: ye abhorre it, and in the meane tyme take other mens
wiues and daughters, & will not keepe the bande that God hath made. Ye
vow chastitie, & breake the same. S. Paule had rather marry than burne:
the whiche I haue done, for God forbad neuer mariage to any man, of what
state or degree so euer he were.

OLIPH. Thou sayest there is not vij. sacramentes.

MILLE. Geue me the Lordes supper and Baptisme, and take you the rest, &
part them among you: For if there be vij. why haue you omitted one of
them, to wit, mariage, & geue your selues to sclaunderous and ungodly

OLIPH. Thou art agaynst the blessed sacrament of the aultar, and sayest,
that the Masse is wrong, and is Idolatry.

MILLE. A Lord or a Kyng sendeth & calleth many to a dyner, and when the
dyner is in readynesse, he causeth to ryng a bell, and the men come to
the hall, and sit downe to be partakers of the dyner, but the Lord
turnyng his backe vnto them eateth all himselfe, and mocked them: so do

OLIPH. Thou denyest the sacrament of the aultar to be the very body of
Christ really in flesh and bloud.

MILLE. The very scripture of God is not to be taken carnally but
spiritually, and standeth in fayth onely: & as for the Masse, it is
wrong, for Christ was once offered on the Crosse for mans trespasse, and
will neuer be offered agayne, for then he ended all sacrifice.

OLIPH. Thou denyest the office of a Byshop.

MILLE. I affirme that they whom ye call Byshops, do no Byshops workes,
nor vse the offices of bishops, (as Paul byddeth writyng to Timothy,)
but lyue after their owne sensuall pleasure and take no care of the
flocke, nor yet regarde they the word of God, but desire to be honored
and called, my Lordes.

OLIPH. Thou speakest agaynst pilgrimage, and callest it a pilgrimage to

MILLE. I affirm that, and say that it is not commanded in the scripture,
and that there is no greater whoredome in no places, then at your
pilgrimages, except it be in common brothells.

OLIPH. Thou preachest quietly and priuatly in houses and openly in the

MILLE. Yea man, and on the sea also sailyng in shyp.

OLIPH. Wilt thou not recant thyne erroneous opinions, and if thou wilt
not, I will pronounce sentence agaynst thee.

MILLE. I am accused of my lyfe: I know I must dye once, & therfore as
Christ said to Judas: _Quod facis, fac citíus_. Ye shall know that I wil
not recant the truth, for I am corne, I am no chaffe, I wil not be
blowen away with the winde nor burst with the flaile, but I will abyde

       *       *       *       *       *

These thynges rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to
augment their finall accusation, and then Sir Andrew Oliphant pronounced
sentence agaynst him that he should be deliuered to the temporall judge,
and punished as an hereticke, which was to be burnt. Notwithstandyng his
boldnes and constauncie moued so the hartes of many, that the Byshop's
Stuard of his regalitie, Prouest of the towne called Patrike Learmond,
refused to be his temporall judge: to whom it appertained if the cause
had been just. Also the Byshop's Chamberlaine beyng therewith charged,
would in no wise take vppon hym so vngodly an office. Yea the whole
Towne was so offended with his unjust condemnation, that the Byshop's
seruauntes could not get for their money so much as one cord to tye him
to the stake, or a tarre barrell to burne him, but were constrained to
cut the cordes of their maistors owne pauillon to serue their turne.

Neuerthelesse one seruaunt of the Byshop's more ignoraunt and cruell
then the rest, called Alexander Symmerwyll, enterprising the office of a
temporall judge in that part, conueyed him to the fire, where agaynst
all naturall reason of man, his boldnes and hardynes did more & more
increase: so that the spirite of GOD workyng miraculously in hym, made
it manifest to the people that his cause and Articles were just and he
innocently put downe.

Now when all thynges were ready for his death and he conueyed with armed
men to the fire, Oliphant bad hym passe to the stake: and he sayd, nay,
but wilt thou put me vp with thy hand and take part of my death, thou
shalt see me passe vp gladly, for by the law of God I am forbydden to
put handes vpon my selfe. Then Oliphant put him vp with his hand, and he
ascended gladly, saying; _Introibo ad altare Dei_, and desired that he
might haue place to speake to the people, the which Oliphant and other
of the burners denyed, saying that he had spoken ouer much, for the
Bishops were altogether offended that the matter was so long continued.
Then some of the young men committed both the burners, & the Byshops
their maisters to the deuill, saying that they beleued that they should
lament that day, and desired the sayd Walter to speake what he pleased.

And so after he had made his humble supplication to God on his knees, he
arose, and standyng vpon the coales sayd on this wise. Deare frendes,
the cause why I suffer this day is not for any crime layed to my charge
(albeit I be a miserable sinner before God) but onely for the defence of
the fayth of Jesus Christ, set forth in the new and old Testament vnto
vs, for which the as the faythful Martyrs haue offered them selues
gladly before, beyng assured after the death of their bodyes of eternall
felicitie, so this day I prayse God that he hath called me of his mercy
among the rest of his seruaunts, to seale vp his truth with my life:
which as I haue receaued it of hym, so willingly I offer it to his
glory. Therfore as you will escape the eternall death, be no more
seduced with the lyes of Priestes, Monkes, Friers, Priours, Abbots,
Byshops, and the rest of the sect of Antichrist, but depend onely vpon
Jesus Christ and his mercy, that ye may be deliuered from condemnation.
All that while there was great mournyng and lamentation of the
multitude, for they perceiuyng his patience, stoutnes, and boldnes,
constancie, and hardynes, were not onely moued and styrred vp, but
their hartes also were so inflamed, that hee was the last Martyr that
dyed in Scotland for the Religion.

After his prayer, he was hoysed vp on the stake, and beyng in the fire,
he sayd: Lord haue mercy on me: Pray people while there is tyme, and so
constauntly departed.


  Non nostra impietas aut actæ crimina vitæ
    Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces.
  Sola fides Christi sacris signata libellis,
    Quæ vitæ causa est, est mihi causa necis.

After this, by the just judgement of God, in the same place where Walter
Mille was burnt, the Images of the great Church of the Abbey, which
passed both in number and costlynes, were burnt in tyme of reformation.
_Ex fideli testimonio è Scotia misso._

And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such Martyrs as
suffered in the Realme of Scotland for the faith of Christ Jesus, and
testimony of his truth."

The Epitaph, quoted in the above extracts from Foxe, was written by
Patrick Adamson, who became Archbishop of St. Andrews.

                               No. XIV.


At this period, in England as well as in Scotland, the title of SIR was
usually applied to Priests, obviously derived from the Latin _Dominus_.
But the origin of this application, or rather the peculiar class of the
Priesthood to whom it was applicable, has not been well defined. It was
to distinguish them from persons of civil or military knighthood that
they were popularly called Pope's Knights, and not as some writers have
supposed, because the title was conferred on the secular clergy by the
Bishop of Rome. In the account of the trial of Walter Myln, who was
burnt for heresy in 1558, (see this Appendix, No. XIII.) it is related,
that when his accusers addressed him as "Sir Walter Myln," he answered,
"And where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir
Walter: _I have been ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes._" Sir David
Lyndesay says,--

  "The pure Priest thinkis he gets na richt
   Be he nocht stylit like ane Knicht,
   And callit _Schir_ befoir his name,
   As Schir Thomas and Schir Williame."

Dr. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, (v. _Pope's Knights_,) has collected
much curious information on this head, but says, he could assign no
reason why this designation, "is more frequently given to one called a
Chapellan than to any other; sometimes to the exclusion of a parson or
parish priest, who is mentioned at the same time as Maister."

The reason for this, perhaps, may be accounted for without much
difficulty, if the suggestion should be correct, (as I apprehend it is,)
that it denoted the academical rank or degree which had been taken; and
was not intended to designate an inferior order of the priesthood. This
title of Sir was never applied to laymen, and appears to have been given
both to the regular and secular clergy, or persons in Priests orders who
had taken their Bachelor's degree; but it was not an academical title in
itself. Those priests who received the appointment of chaplains, were
chiefly persons who, either from want of means or influence, had not
been able to prosecute their studies the full time at a University, to
obtain the higher rank as Master of Arts; and therefore the title of Sir
was given them, but simply to mark the absence of that academical rank,
which was long held in great respect, and led to the practice, both
among the clergy and laity, until the close of the 17th century, of
signing Master before their names.

Thus, in the present volume, we have _Sir_ George Clapperton, who was
Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal, (p. 45,) _Sir_ Duncan Symsoun, (p. 62,)
and _Sir_ William Layng, as Chaplains, (p. 75,) and many others, besides
_Sir_ John Knox, (p. xiv.); and I believe it cannot be shown that any of
the persons alluded to had taken the degree of Master of Arts. On the
other hand, ecclesiastics of all ranks, from Archbishops and Abbots, to
Friars and Vicars, who are known to have done so, are never styled
_Sir_, but have always _Master_ prefixed to their baptismal names, in
addition to the titles of their respective offices. For instance, we
have Maister James Beton, who became Primate, (p. 13,) Maister Patrick
Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, (p. 38,) Maister James Beton, Archbishop
of Glasgow, (p. 252,) Maister David Panter, Secretary and Bishop of
Ross, (p. 262,) and a hundred others, who held different ecclesiastical
appointments. In one instance, (see page 549,) we find "Sir _alias_ Mr.
John Macbrair," from an uncertainty as to his proper designation. On the
institution of the College of Justice, one half of the Judges belonged
to the spiritual side; and at the first Sederunt, 27th May 1532, when
their names and titles are specified, the churchmen have, with one
exception, _Magister_ prefixed to their names,--the exception being
_Dominus_ Joannes Dingwell, Provost of Trinity College, near Edinburgh.
It cannot be said he was so styled from holding any situation in the
Church inferior to the Rectors of Eskirk, and Finevin, or the Provost of
Dunglass, three of his brethren who then took their seats on the bench
as Judges. (See note 86.)

The Sederunt of the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, 27th November
1549, as published by Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 46, exhibits the usual
designations and the order of precedency among the dignitaries of the
church. They are, after giving Archbishop Hamilton his titles, ranked
under the following heads:--"Episcopi.--Vicarii Generales sedium
vacantium.--Abbates, Priores, et Commendatarii.--Doctores in Theologia,
Licentiati et Bacalaurei.--Ordines Praedicatorum.--Ordines
Conventualium: Ordines S. Augustini: Ordines Sanctissimae Trinitatis de
redemptione captivorum: Ordines Carmeletarum." In this list the higher
clergy are styled simply William Bishop of, &c., Quintin Abbot of, &c.,
Alexander Prior of, &c., William Commendator of, &c. Among those who had
taken degrees in Theology, as Doctors, Licentiates, or Bachelors, there
are seven with the title of Master, and three with F. or _Frater_
prefixed to their names. Of the Preaching Friars, there were four, all
designed F. or _Frater_. The Conventual and other Orders, included
Provosts of Collegiate churches, Deans, Archdeacons, Subdeacons,
Rectors, Canons, and Subpriors; of whom there are fifteen with the title
of M. or _Magister_, and only six with D. or _Dominus_, so usual was it
to find that a regular academical course of study was requisite for
obtaining promotion in the Church, even when the weight of family
interest might have been supposed sufficient otherwise to have secured

       *       *       *       *       *

This opportunity may be taken to add a few explanatory words on the
Academical designations which so frequently occur in the footnotes to
this volume. There is likewise considerable difficulty in defining such
titles; and the following explanations may require to be modified. The
three Universities in Scotland founded during the course of the 15th
century, were formed on the model of those of Paris and Bologna. The
general name applied to students of all ranks was _Supposita_, or
_Supposts_; implying that they wore subject to the Provost and Masters
in the University. The _Incorporati_ were persons who upon entering the
College had taken the oaths, and were matriculated in the registers; but
this was not confined to students who first entered upon their studies
at College, as it might include persons of advanced life, who had been
educated and obtained their degrees at some other University. The usual
course extended over four years, and was devoted to the study of
philosophy, including rhetoric, dialectics, ethics, and physics. In the
middle of the third year, students were allowed to propose themselves as
candidates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts; and for this purpose,
those who had completed or _determined_ their course of study, during
the _trivium_ or period of three years, obtained the name of
_Determinantes_; and such as acquitted themselves were confirmed
_Bachelors_ by the Dean of Faculty. The _Intrantes_ or Licentiates were
a class farther advanced, and denoted that they were prepared to enter
or take their _Master's_ degree. For obtaining this a more extended
examination took place before they were _laureated_, or received the
title of Master of Arts, which qualified them to lecture or teach the
seven liberal arts.--See article Universities, in the last edit, of the
Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. xxi.; Statuta Universitatis Oxoniensis;
M'Crie's Life of Melville, 2d edit. vol. ii. p. 336, _et seq._; and
Principal Lee's Introduction to the Edinburgh Academic Annual for 1840.

                               No. XV.


It has not been ascertained in what way ST. ÆGIDIUS or ST. GILES became
the tutelar Saint of our Metropolis. Regarding the Saint himself, as
there prevails less diversity of opinion than usual, we may assume that
St. Giles flourished about the end of the Seventh Century. According to
Butler, and other authorities,--"This Saint, whose name has been held in
great veneration for several ages in France and England, is said to have
been an Athenian by birth, and of noble extraction. His extraordinary
piety and learning, (it is added,) drew the admiration of the world
upon him in such a manner, that it was impossible for him to enjoy, in
his own country, that obscurity and retirement which was the chief
object of his desires on earth." Having sailed for France, he spent many
years in the wild deserts near the mouth of the Rhone, and afterwards in
a forest in the diocese of Nismes. The Bollandists have shewn that this
district belonged to the French, towards the beginning of the Eighth
Century when St. Giles died; and that his body remained there till the
13th Century: "when, (as we are informed by the anonymous author of
'Lives of Saints,' printed at London 1739, 4 vols. 4to.,) "the
Albigenses being very troublesome in that country, it was thought proper
to remove it to Toulouse, where it is still kept in St. Saturnin's
Church.... His name occurs on the first of September in the Calendars of
the English Church before the Reformation; that, and two antient
churches in London, are a sufficient proof of his being known and
honoured by our devout ancestors."--(Lives, &c. vol. iv. p. 314.)

Maitland, the historian of Edinburgh, has collected much curious matter
connected with the Metropolitan Church of St. Giles; and observes, it is
beyond dispute that St. Giles's was the first Parish Church in the city,
although he was unable to determine at what time or by whom it was
founded. Notices of _a Parish Church_, distinct from the more ancient
Church of St. Cuthbert's, may be traced back to the 11th or 12th
Century; and there exists a Charter of David II., under the Great Seal,
15th December 1359, granting the Lands of Upper Merchiston to the
Chaplain officiating at the Altar of St. Katherine's chapel in _the
Parish Church_ of St. Giles, Edinburgh. It is so designed in subsequent
deeds, in the years 1380 and 1387; the latter being an Indenture for
building some additional chapels and vaults in the Church. In the
following Century a great many separate altarages were endowed; and in
the year 1466, it was erected by James the Third, into a Collegiate
Church, consisting of a provost, a curate, sixteen prebendaries, a
sacristan, a minister of the choir, and four choristers. (Maitland's
Hist. p. 272.)

We may easily suppose that the possession of an undoubted relic of the
Patron Saint, would, in those days, be regarded as an inestimable
treasure. An obligation granted by the Provost and Council of Edinburgh,
to William Preston of Gortoun, on the 11th June 1454, is still
preserved, and records the fact, that "the Arme bane of Saint Gele, the
quhilk bane he left to our Mother Kirk of Saint Gele of Edinburgh," had
been obtained, after long entreaty and considerable expense, through the
assistance of the King of France.

Another historian of our city in referring to this donation, says--"The
Magistrates of the City, in gratitude for the donation made to their
Church, granted a charter in favour of the heirs of Preston of Gortoun,
(whose descendants, he adds, are to this hour proprietors of that estate
in the county of Edinburgh,) entitling the nearest heir of the donor,
being of the name of Preston, to carry this sacred relique in all
processions. The Magistrates at the same time, obliged themselves to
found in this church an altar, and to appoint a chaplain for celebrating
an annual mass of requiem for the soul of the donor; and that a tablet,
displaying his arms, and describing his pious donation, should be put up
in the chapel. The relique, embossed in silver, was kept among the
treasure of the Church till the Reformation."--(Arnot's Hist. of Edinb.
p. 268.)

It was customary on the 1st of September, the festival day of the Patron
Saint, to have a solemn procession through the streets of Edinburgh. A
figure of St. Giles, carved in wood, the size of life, had hitherto
formed a conspicuous object in this procession. In the year 1558,
notwithstanding the progress which the Reformed opinions had made, it
was resolved to celebrate this festival with more than ordinary
solemnity; and several persons accused of heresy, instead of being sent
to the flames on the Castlehill, were reserved to form part of the
procession, and to abjure their opinions, while the Queen Regent was to
countenance it with her presence. On such occasions it had been
customary to deck the image of the Saint. Thus in September 1554, the
Dean of Guild paid 10s. "for paynting of Sanct Geill;" in 1555, the
charge paid to Walter Bynning for doing this was 6s. In the accounts of
1556, 6s. was paid by the Dean of Guild "for paynting of Sanct Geill;"
and 6d. for "beiring of him to the painter, and fra;" and, at the same
time, "for mending and polishing Sanct Gelis arme, 12d.;" and also a sum
"to Alexander Robesoun tailzeour, for mending of Sanct Gelis capis."

But previously to the day of procession in 1558, Knox states, that "the
images were stollen away in all parts of the countrey; and _in Edinburgh
was that great idoll called Sanct Geyle_, first drowned in the North
Loch, after burnt, which raised _no small trouble_ in the Town." Sir
James Balfour in his Annals, says, this image "was a grate log of wood
or idoll, which the priests called Sant Geilles." The trouble referred
to was no doubt the injunction of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, to have
this image replaced; and various payments by the City Treasurer, in
1557-8, refer to the appellation by the Town of Edinburgh against the
sentence of Archbishop Hamilton, obliging the Town to have the image of
St. Giles replaced. From this we may infer that the image had been
stolen in the year 1557.

Knox's account of the tumult that ensued is by far the most minute and
amusing: see pages 258-261. Bishop Lesley is much more concise. After
mentioning the circumstance that several persons had been accused of
heresy at a Convocation or Provincial Council of the whole Prelates and
Clergy assembled at Edinburgh, at the end of July, he adds--"bot nane
was executed or punished in thair bodeis, bot ordanit to abjure thair
errouris at the Mercatt Croce of Edinburgh, apoun Sainct Gelis day, the
first of September; bot thair was so gret a tumult rased that day on the
Hie Street of Edinburgh, that thay quha was appointed to do open
pennance war suddantlie careid away, and the haill processioun of the
Clergie disperced; the image of Sanct Geill being borne in processione,
was taikin perforce fra the beraris thairof, brokin and distroyed;
quhairwith the Quene Regent was heichlie offendit; and for stanchinge of
the lyk trouble in tyme cuming, she appointed the Lorde Setoun to be
provest of the Toun of Edinburgh, quha keped the same in resonable guid
ordour quhill the nixt symmer thaireftir."--(History, p. 266.)

Saint Geill, however, never recovered from his degradation on that day:
and in June 1562, the Magistrates directed the portraiture of the Saint,
which had served as their emblem, to be cut out of the city standard,
_as an idol_, and a Thistle to be inserted, "emblematical (as a recent
writer remarks) of rude reform, but leaving the Hind which accompanied
St. Giles, as one of the heraldic supporters of the city
arms."--(Caledonia, vol. ii. p. 773.)

The jewels, silver-work, vestments, and other articles belonging to the
Church of St. Giles, were sold by authority of the Magistrates, in 1562,
as will be taken notice of in a subsequent volume.

                              No. XVI.


Respecting the Meetings of the Provincial Councils in Scotland before
the Reformation, it may be sufficient in this place to refer to the well
known tract by Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, entitled "Historical
Memorials concerning the Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy,
from the earliest accounts to the area of the Reformation." Edinb. 1769,
4to. It is reprinted in the 3d edition of his Annals of Scotland, vol.
iii. pp. 221-271, Edinb. 1819, 3 vols. 8vo. The reader may also consult
with advantage, Dr. M'Crie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 163, 166, 416,
&c.; and Bishop Keith's History, vol. i. p. 149, &c.

                             No. XVII.

                MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559.

Calderwood, when noticing the arrival of the Sieur de Bethancourt in
Scotland, speaks of his bringing "forged letters" to Lord James Stewart;
but the whole of his account (vol. i. p. 498,) was evidently derived
from Knox, but whose words are, "with letteris, as was allegit:" see
supra, page 384. Spottiswood, on the other hand, throws no doubt on
their genuineness, but says the bearer was Monsieur Crock; and he
inserts (Hist. p. 130,) a different version of that of Francis the
Second, from the one which Knox has given, and also the following
letter, of which Knox, at page 386, only makes mention to quote the
concluding phrase. "The letter (says Spottiswood) sent by the Queen, was
of the tenor following:--


     "I cannot, my Cousin, wonder enough, how you that are nighest us in
     bloud, and greatly benefitted by our liberality, as yourself
     knoweth, should be so presumptuous and wickedly disposed, as by one
     and the same fact to violate the Majesty of God and the authority
     belonging to me and my husband; for to me it is a wonder that you,
     who being with me did complain of the Duke of Chattellerault, and
     divers others for dismissing my authority, should now be the leader
     of a faction in matters of greatest weight, wherein not only the
     honour of God is touched, but my authority all utterly taken away:
     which I would have more easily believed of any other of my subjects
     than of you, for I had a speciall hope of your fidelity, and am not
     a little grieved that you should have deceived me; Though yet I
     can scarse be perswaded, that you are gone so far from truth and
     reason, as to be carried away with such blinde errours which I wish
     were not, as any in the world else, beseeching God to illuminate
     you with his light, that returning into the right way you may shew
     your self (by doing things contrary to that you have already
     performed) a good man, and obedient to our lawes; whereof by these
     letters I thought good to admonish you, and withall earnestly to
     intreat you to amend your by-gone faults, with better deeds in time
     coming; that the anger which I and my husband have conceived
     against you, may by that means be mitigated. Otherwise I would have
     you understand, that we will take such punishment of you, that you
     shall ever remember us, which shall be to me a most grievous thing.
     God I beseech to keep you from all danger.

     _Paris the 24. of July, 1559._"

                              No. XVIII.


David Forrest, General of the Mint, was probably a native of
East-Lothian. His name first occurs in 1546, as entertaining George
Wishart, in his house in the town of Haddington. Knox speaks of him,
when mentioning this circumstance, as "ane man that long hes professed
the truth," (p. 137.) He had retired to England soon afterwards, as Sir
Ralph Sadler, when noticing that Forrest had come to England, along with
William Maitland of Lethington, and Mr. Henry Balnaves, in November
1559, he adds,--"who departed out of England in the beginning of the
reign of Queen Mary for cause of religion, and now retuurneth agayn
because of these troubles in Scotland, as he sayeth."--(Letters, vol. i.
p. 585.)

After the Reformation, when the want of qualified persons for the
ministry was deeply felt, Forrest was one of several laymen, who, from
having previously given proofs of their sincere zeal and piety, were
nominated at the first General Assembly, in December 1560, as "thought
apt and able to minister." On the 3d July 1562, David Forrest was
specially requested by the Assembly "to tak on the ministerie." On the
next day, his answer to that request "was referred to the
Superintendent of Lothian and Kirk of Edinburgh." Again, on the 29th
December 1562, "David Forrest, notwithstanding he objected his owne
inabilitie, was charged by the whole Assemblie, as he would avoide
disobedience to their voices, without farther delay, to addresse himself
to enter in the ministerie, where he salbe appointed, seeing it was
knowen sufficientlie that he was able for that function."--(Booke of the
Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 4, 18, 28.)

Although Forrest did not comply with this injunction, he continued to be
a member of Assembly for several years, and was named on committees "for
the decision of questions," and for other matters. His promotion as
General of the Mint may possibly have had its influence in his refusing
to take upon himself the office of the ministry. He appears to have long
been connected with the Mint. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 15 June
1554-5, David Forres is styled "Magister Cone;" but he must have been
superseded, as the office of "Maister Cunzeour," was filled by John
Achesoun, from at least 1559 to 1563. But Forrest again appears in
1564-5; and for several years, (between 1565 and 1572,) we find monthly
payments in the Treasurer's Accounts to the principal Officers of the
Mint, viz., to David Forrest, General of the Cunzie-house, £12, 10s.
Andrew Henderson, Wardane, £4, 3s. 4d. Maister John Balfour, Comptar
Wardane, £3, 6s. 8d., (who, in October 1570, was succeeded by David
Adamesoun, with the same monthly fee or salary of £3, 6s. 8d.) James
Mosman, Assayer, (succeeded in April 1572, by Thomas Achesoun,) £3, 6s.
8d. And James Gray, Sinckar of the Irnis, £5, with an additional sum,
"for brisseling, grynding, neilling, and tempering the Irnis," of £3,
6s. 8d. In the Treasurer's Accounts 1572, we also find that different
sums were allowed us "feis extraordinar" to most of these officials, for
services rendered "in the tyme of troubill."


[1] That Lord Torphichen's picture at Calder House is a portrait of
Knox, cannot be doubted, and it may have been copied from an older
painting; but at best it is a harsh and disagreeable likeness, painted
at least a century after Knox's death. It was engraved for Dr. M'Crie's
work; and, on a large scale, there is a most careful engraving of it, by
a very ingenious and modest artist, Mr. William Penny of Mid-Calder.

[2] The ornamented border in the original is very rudely cut: here it is
given only in outline. A French translation of Beza's volume appeared in
1581, with several additional portraits; but it is somewhat remarkable
that a totally different portrait should have been substituted in place
of that of Knox. This, I think, may be explained, from the circumstance
of the original cut having been either injured or lost; and not from the
other exhibiting a more correct likeness of the Scotish Reformer. From
its marked resemblance, I am convinced, that the portrait substituted
was intended for William Tyndale.--When the engraved pseudo-portraits of
Knox are brought together, it is quite ludicrous to compare the
diversity of character which they exhibit. Besides the ordinary
likeness, with the long flowing beard, copied from bad engravings to
worse, we have the Holyrood one, not unworthy of Holbein, of a
mathematician, with a pair of compasses; the head at Hamilton Palace,
which might serve for the Hermit of Copmanhurst; and others that would
be no unsuitable illustrations to any account of the fools and jesters
entertained at the Scotish Court.

[3] I state this from having lent him Verheiden's work, for the purpose
of his copying Knox's portrait. Perhaps the fine arts sustained by the
death of this eminent Painter, no greater loss than in his leaving
unfinished the most exquisite design of "Knox dispensing the Sacrament,"
which, in its half-finished state, has fortunately been secured by the
Royal Scotish Academy. His previous painting of "Knox preaching to the
Lords of the Congregation," is sadly disfigured by the extravagant
action and expression of the Reformer.

[4] This MS. when rebound, at some early time, was unfortunately too
much cut in the edges. Its present ragged state suggested a minute
examination, which shows that the volume consists of seventeen sets or
quires, each of them, with two exceptions, having twenty-two or
twenty-four leaves. Six of those quires, judging from the hand-writing
and the colour of the ink, were apparently written somewhat later than
the rest:--viz., the 7th set, fol. 137-158; the 9th and 10th, fol.
181-228; the 12th, fol. 253-272; the 14th, fol. 295-309; and the last
set, fol. 359 to the end. What renders this the more evident is, that
while the first page of each set runs on continuously from the previous
page, as if there was no interruption, the catchword on the last page of
these rewritten sets or quires, often stops in the middle of the page,
or the beginning of a line, leaving the rest blank, owing to the style
of writing, or the matter contained in these sets having varied from
those which they had replaced.

[5] The following is the title of a work on the Harmony of the Gospels,
with a fac-simile of the signature referred to: "In nomine dnj. Nostrj
Jesu Chrj Anno Salutis humanæ 1581. Contextus historiæ Euangelicæ
Secundum tres Euangelistas Mat. Mar. et Lucam.--Septembris 4."

[6] App. No. VI. pp. 358-363. Lond. 1702, 8vo. Nicolson, in giving some
account of the History, considers the question of the Authorship, which
was then reckoned doubtful, and referring particularly to the Glasgow
Manuscript, he says, it "was lately presented to the College by Mr.
Robert Fleming, a late preacher at Rotterdam, now at London, Mr. Knox's
great-grandchild; who having several of his said ancestor's papers in
his hand, pretends to assure them, that this very Book is penn'd by the
person whose name it commonly bears. For the better proof of this matter
he sends them the preface of another book, written in the same hand,
wherein are these words:--'_In nomine Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, &c.,
Septembris_ 4^o, M. Jo. Knox, _August_ 18, _A_^o 1581.' There might
indeed have been some strength in this evidence, were we not assur'd
that the famed Knox dy'd in 1572; so that nothing could be written by
him in 1581. There was one Mr. John Knox, who was Moderator of the Synod
of Merse in 1586; who perhaps is Mr. Fleming's true ancestor, as well as
the transcriber of this book, and might be one of the assistants in the
revising of it."--(Ib. p. 192.) These remarks gave considerable offence
to Fleming, who answers them, at some length, but without throwing any
new light on the subject, in the preface to his "Practical Discourse on
the Death of King William III. &c.," p. xii; Lond. 1702, 8vo. Fleming
was not a descendant of Knox. It is indeed true that his grandfather
married Knox's daughter; but his father was the issue of a subsequent
marriage. These facts are plainly stated in a letter from R. Fleming to
Wodrow, dated at London, on the 6th of June 1702.

[7] In the footnotes, the errors and mistakes in Vautrollier's edition
are occasionally pointed out. A sample of them may here be brought

P. 40. Aue hes tuit aue spurtill.
 41. priests of whordome--trystis of whoredome.
 44. Andrewe Balsone--Balfour.
 52. Baltlewich, Lyniltquilk, Lemax--Balcleueh, Lynlithgow, Levenax.
 54. the time thereof--the teind thereof.
 55. paying such losses--paying such teinds.
 62. Earle of gleuearne--Earle of Glencarne.
 78. appoints--oppones.
 97. the Cardinal skipped--the Cardinal scripped.
113. taken from--given to.
116. inversion--intercession.
122. entracted--entreated.
142. enduer him--cummer him.
143. receiving of limes and staues--receiving of lime and stanes.
 _ib._ in great number--in no great number.
144. cryed I am Leslie a priest--cryed, I am a priest.
146. the Queen's daughter--the Queen Dowager.
149. Langundrie--Langnidrie.
166. the Gouernoures--the Gunnar's.
169. should be--should not be.
170. Scotish preachers--Scotish prikers.
177. scarcenesse--scarmishing.
180. some drunken beare, which laye in the saudes chappell and
     church--some drynkin bear, which lay in the syidis Chappell and
182. were pressed--were not pressed.
186. Silbard--Sibbald.
187. and for his other William--and for his other villany.
192. Lordes Maxwell flying--Lords Maxwell, Fleming.
195. Wilbock--Willock.
199. Meruses--Mernes.
200. hearie--Harie.
226. according to comely and common lawes--according to the civile and
     cannon lawes.
249. auow your graces hart--move your Graces heart.
280. Ancheddirdour--Auchterarder.
281. should be--should not be.
301. estates of our religion--estates of our realme.

[8] See "Areopagitica; a Speech of Mr. JOHN MILTON for the Liberty of
Unlicens'd Printing," addressed to the Parliament of England, London,
1644, 4to. In arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the
Press, he says, "Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any
deceased Author, though never so famous in his lifetime, and even to
this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if
there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered in
the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not be the dictate
of a divine Spirit,) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of
spake it, they will not pardon him their dash: the sense of that great
man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the
presumptuous rashnesse of a prefunctory licenser. And to what an Author
this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest
consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall
forbear till a more convenient season."--(page 22.)

[9] In following the MS. of 1566, I have discarded all contractions, and
generally avoided the old form of using _u_ and _w_ for _v_, or _v_ for
_u_; _i_ for _j_. In order to avoid distracting the attention of an
ordinary reader, such words in the MS. as _hie_ for _he_, _on_ for
_one_, _cane_ for _can_, _don_ for _done_, are printed in the usual
form; but indeed the orthography of the MS. is very irregular, and might
have justified much greater innovations.

[10] This Preface is not contained in either of the editions by David
Buchanan of the History printed in 1644.

[11] In MS. G, "cloude."

[12] In MS. I, "whairby idolatrie."

[13] In MS. G, "eyis."

[14] Ib.

[15] In the MS. "trawalled."

[16] That is, the year 1558.

[17] Mary Queen of Scots arrived from France on the 19th of August 1561.

[18] The author's original intention, as here stated, was, that the
History should merely embrace the limited period from 1558 to 1561. That
portion was probably revised and enlarged, to form Books Second and
Third, when this introductory Book was added in 1566.

[19] This phrase was not uncommon: see page 10. But MS. I. makes it,
"some faythfull brethrene, concerning that which was thought."

[20] That is, the Civil Policy.

[21] In the MS. "wane."

[22] This title occurs as a marginal note in the MS.

[23] In the MS. it was originally written "mentioun of one N.," the
words, "whais name is not expressed," being afterwards added on the
margin. The letter N., it may be observed, was an abbreviation of _Non
nemo_, i.e. _aliquis_, or Somebody, a mode adopted from the Canon Law,
when the name of a person was not ascertained.

[24] From the collation of David Buchanan's text, it will be seen that
he has here inserted the words "One whose name was James Resby, an
Englishman by birth, schollar to Wickliff: he was accused as a
hereticke, by one Laurence Lindores," &c. Buchanan overlooks the
circumstance that Resby suffered martyrdom at Perth, fifteen years
before the person referred to by Knox. See Appendix, No. I.,
"Interpolations in Knox's History by David Buchanan."--In the Appendix,
No. II., some notices will be given of Resby and other Lollards in
Scotland, during the 15th century.

[25] Bower, the continuator of Fordun, calls him Paul Crawar, and fixes
the date of his execution on the 23d of July 1433. (See Appendix No.

[26] In MSS. G, A, &c., "a Bohemian."

[27] In the MS. "wach."

[28] Robert Blackader, on the 5th of June 1480, was styled Prebendary of
Cardross, in the Cathedral Church of Glasgow, (Registrum Episcopatus
Glasguenis, p. 443.) On the 23d of that month, he sat among the Lords of
Council, as Bishop elect of Aberdeen, which seems to discredit the
statement of Keith and other writers, of his having been consecrated at
Rome by Pope Sixtus IV., upon the death of Bishop Spens. (Registrum
Episcopatus Aberdonensis, Mr. Innes's Preface, page xlii. note.)
Blackader, however, was much employed in public negotiations with
England and other countries. He was translated to the See of Glasgow,
previously to February 1484; and during his Episcopate, that See was
erected into an Archbishopric. As stated in a following page, Blackader
died on the 28th of July 1508. See page 12.

[29] The shire of Ayr in former times was locally divided into the three
districts of Carrick, Kyle, and Cunningham; and those districts are
still retained, but without any political or judicial distinction. Kyle
was the central district, between the rivers Doon and Irvine; and was
subdivided into two sections, by the river Ayr, King's-Kyle lying on the
south, and Kyle-Stewart on the north of the river.--(Chalmers's
Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 446.)

[30] In the MS., a blank space had been left for these names, which were
apparently added at a somewhat later period.--The escape of John
Campbell of Cesnock at this time is taken notice of by Alexander Alesius
in his Letter to James Fifth, see Appendix No. II.

[31] Mure of Polkellie, the title of _Lady_ being given by
courtesy.--From a detailed genealogical account of the family of
Chalmers of Gadgirth in Ayrshire, inserted in the Appendix to Nisbet's
Heraldry, vol. i., we find that John Chalmers, in a charter dated 1491,
was styled son and heir of Sir John Chalmers of Galdgirth; and that one
of his daughters, Margaret, was married to George Campbell of Cesnock;
and another, Helen, to Robert Mure of Polkellie. A third daughter is
mentioned in the following note.

[32] The baptismal name of Lady Stair is left blank in the MS., and
Calderwood, who copied from Knox, inserted the letter N., to indicate
this; while David Buchanan supplied the name of Isabella. On the
supposition that Knox himself had so written it, Professor Forbes, in
noticing the Lord President Stair's descent from one of the Lollards of
Kyle, says, "The Historian hath mistaken the Lady's name; for, by
writings in the Earl of Stair's hand, it appears she was called Marion
Chalmers, daughter to Mr. John Chalmers of Gadgirth, whose good family
was very steady in the matters of religion."--(Journal of Decisions,
&c., p. 29, Edinb. 1714, folio.)--On the other hand, in the pedigree of
the Gadgirth family, in Nisbet, William Dalrymple of Stair is said to
have married Isabella Chalmers.

[33] This "Register," and "the Scrollis" referred to in the former page,
were probably the Court-books of the Official of Glasgow, an office
usually held by one of the Canons of the diocese. But no registers of
the kind are known to be preserved.

[34] The additions to Articles 4, 8, 9, 19, and 31, included within a
parenthesis, are evidently comments by Knox.

[35] In MSS. G, A, &c., "bread."

[36] That is, to judge in matters of divine worship.

[37] Vautroullier's suppressed edition of the History commences, on
sign. B., page 17, with those three words. The previous sheet, or 16
pages, containing the title and preface, had no doubt been set up, but
the sheet may have been either delayed at press till the volume was
completed, or all the copies carried off and destroyed when the book was

[38] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "doubtfully spoken."

[39] In this place, the MS. has "Basqueming," and Vautroullier's edition
makes it "Adam reade of blaspheming."--Adam Reid of Stair-White, or
Barskyming, the representative of an ancient family in Ayrshire,
probably accompanied James the Fourth, in his first voyage to the
Western Isles, in July 1494. He obtained two charters, under the Great
Seal, of the King's fortress of Ardcardane, and some lands near Tarbert,
in North Kintyre, dated 15th September 1498, and 27th August 1499, in
which he is designated "Adam Rede de Sterquhite." The service annexed to
the first grant included the maintenance of six archers sufficiently
provided with bows and arrows, upon occasion of the King's curbing the
inhabitants of the Isles, who had long set the royal authority at
defiance: "Neenon sustentando sex homines defensivos architenentes, cum
arcubus et sagittis bene suffultos, ad serviendum Regi, et successoribus
suis, in guerris si quas Reges in Insulis contra inhabitantes carundem
habere contigerit, cum dictus Adam vel hæredes sui ad hoc requisitus

[40] For "shut up;" in Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "set up."

[41] The erroneous date of 1500 occurs in the MS. and in all the
subsequent copies; it is also repeated by Spotiswood. The actual time of
his decease is thus recorded,--"Obitus Roberti Blacader primi
Archiepiscopi Glasguensis, vigesimo octavo die Julij A.D.
1508."--(Regist. Episcop. Glasg., vol. ii. p. 616.) The place where
Blackader died is not ascertained; but Bishop Lesley confirms Knox's
statement, that he had set out on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. "Scotia
discedit, paucis post diebus, Episcopus Glasgoensis, Robertus Blacaderus
pio studio illa loca (quæ Christi vestigiis trita, aliisque humilitatis,
virtutisque monumentis illustrata erant) invisendi flagrans
Hierosolymitana profectione suscepta; sed mortis impetu præclusa, ad
coelites in itinere migravit."--(De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 349, Romæ,
1578, 4to.) In his English History, Lesley mentions this more briefly,
"About this time, [5th of July 1508,] the Bishop of Glasgow, quha wes
passit to Jerusalem, or he com to the end of his journay, deceissit the
xxix [28th] day of July. He was ane noble, wyse, and godlie
man."--(Hist. p. 78, Edinb. 1830, 4to.)

[42] The truth of this remark is very evident, as Beaton, along with his
high civil and ecclesiastical appointments, held several great Church
benefices. He was the youngest son of John Beaton of Balfour, and was
educated at St. Andrew's. In 1487, the name "Ja. Betone" occurs among
the _Intrantes_; in 1491, among the _Determinantes_; and in 1493, as a
Licentiate, he took the degree of Master of Arts. In October 1497,
Maister James Betoun was presented to the Chantry of Cathness, vacant by
the decease of Mr. James Auchinleck.--(Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. ii. p.
162.) In 1503, he was Provost of the collegiate church of Bothwell, and
Prior of Whithorn. In 1504, he was Abbot of Dunfermline, and a Lord of
the Session. In the following year he succeeded his brother as Lord
Treasurer. In 1508, he was raised to the See of Galloway; and within
twelve months having been translated to Glasgow, as successor to
Blackader, he resigned the office of Treasurer. In the Rolls of
Parliament, 26th November 1513, the Archbishop of Glasgow appears as
Chancellor of the kingdom; and he secured to himself the rich Abbacies
of Arbroath and Kilwinning. On succeeding to the Primacy of S. Andrew's,
in 1522, he resigned the commendatory of Arbroath in favour of his
nephew David Beaton, with the reservation to himself of half its
revenues during his life. In a letter to Cardinal Wolsey, Dr. Magnus the
English Ambassador, on the 9th of January 1524-5, after referring to the
Archbishop of St. Andrews, as "the gretteste man booth of landes and
experience withyne this realme," speaks of Beaton as "nooted to be
veraye subtill and dissymuling."--(State Papers, vol. iv. p. 286.) But
with all his dignities and wealth, he experienced occasional reverses of
fortune; and in 1526, upon a change in public affairs, he was deprived
of the office of Lord Chancellor. He died in 1539.

[43] On the 9th of September 1513.

[44] In the preface to Lambert's "Exegeseos in sanctam diui Ioannis
Apocalypsim, Libri vii." The passage will be given in the Appendix, No.

[45] This reference to the well known "Actes and Monumentes" of John
Foxe, the English Martyrologist, has more than once been pointed out as
an anachronism. Thus, Spottiswood asserts, that Foxe's work "came not to
light [till] some ten or twelve years after Mr. Knox his death," (p.
267,) and concludes, that "the History given forth in his name was not
of his inditing." But Knox's phrase, "laitlie sett furth," is quite
applicable to the first publication of Foxe's Martyrology; as there is
no reason to doubt that Knox wrote this portion of his History in 1566,
and it is certain that Foxe's "Actes and Monumentes," &c., printed at
London by John Daye, was completed in the beginning of 1564, in large
folio. In this edition there is an account of Patrick Hamilton, which
(with some other notices) will be given verbatim in the Appendix, No.
III. Foxe's Martyrology was again printed by Daye, "newly recognized by
the author," in 1570, 2 vols. folio; a third time in 1576; and a fourth
(being probably the earliest edition of which Spottiswood had any
knowledge) in 1583.

[46] Hamilton was merely titular Abbot of Ferne, and was not in holy
orders. His predecessor, Andrew Stewart, was Bishop of Caithness, and
Commendator of the two Abbeys of Kelso and Ferne. He died 17th June
1517; and the latter benefice was probably then conferred on Hamilton.
Ferne is a parish in the eastern part of the shire of Ross. The Abbey
was founded by Farquhard first Earl of Ross, in the reign of Alexander
the Third. The Church, built or completed by William Earl of Ross, who
died in 1371, was a handsome structure of about 120 feet in length, with
chapels on the north and on the south sides. It continued to be used as
the parish Church till Sunday the 10th of October 1742, when, during
public service, the flagstone roof, and part of the side walls fell in,
and killed 40 persons, besides others who died in consequence of the
injuries they sustained.--(Scots Magazine, 1742, p. 485.) At a later
period (1772), the centre part of the Church of Ferne, but reduced in
its length, was repaired, with a new roof, and still serves as the
parish Church. Unless for some ruined portions of the side chapels
attached to the eastern end of the Church, which were suffered to
remain, all marks of its venerable antiquity have now disappeared.

[47] It was at Marburg, the capital of Upper Hesse, and not at
Wittemberg, where Lambert was professor.

[48] In the MS. "trawailled." The letters _w_ and _v_ are used
indiscriminately by Knox's amanuensis.

[49] This statement, we presume, is incorrect, as there is no evidence
to show that James the Fifth visited the Shrine of St. Duthac at this
time. Lesley speaks of the King dealing with Hamilton, which implies at
least a knowledge of his accusation, "adhortante Rege ipso."--(De Rebus
Gestis, &c., p. 427.) The chapel of St. Duthac, Bishop of Ross, now in
ruins, is situated about half a mile to the north-east of the town of
Tain. In the Appendix No. IV. will be given various extracts from the
Treasurer's Accounts relating to the frequent pilgrimages which James
the Fourth made to this Shrine, as illustrative of a superstitious
custom of that period.

[50] In the MS. "lief."

[51] See page 19.

[52] Gilbert Kennedy third Earl of Cassilis. He was probably only at St.
Andrews for one session; as his name does not occur in the Registers of
the University. In 1532, he was at Paris, pursuing his studies under
George Buchanan, who dedicated to him his first edition of Linacre's
Latin Grammar. Lord Cassilis was one of the prisoners taken at Solway
Moss in 1542. As Knox afterwards mentions, he died at Dieppe in 1558.

[53] The University of St. Andrews, founded by Bishop Wardlaw in the
year 1410, was confirmed by Papal authority in 1413. Its endowments,
however, continued to be very limited, until St. Salvator's College was
erected and endowed in 1456 by James Kennedy, his successor in the See.
At this time it received the name of the Old College, to distinguish it
from that of St. Leonard's College, created in 1512, and St. Mary's, in

[54] In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "scorched."

[55] Lindesay of Pitscottie, (_circa_ 1575,) in his detailed account of
Hamilton's condemnation, after narrating the Martyr's last speeches, and
his solemn appeal to Campbell, proceeds,--"Then they laid to the fire to
him; but it would no ways burn nor kindle a long while. Then a baxtar,
called Myrtoun, ran and brought his arms full of straw, and cast it in
to kindle the fire: but there came such a blast of wind from the East
forth of the sea, and raised the fire so vehemently, that it blew upon
the Frier that accused him, that it dang him to the earth, and brunt all
the fore part of his coul; and put him in such a fray, that he never
came to his right spirits again, but wandered about the space of forty
days, and then departed."--(Edit. 1728, p. 134; edit. 1776, p. 209.)
Pitscottie gives the false date of September 1525. This writer indeed is
often very inaccurate in names and dates; but his details were evidently
derived from some contemporary authority.

[56] Foxe, and other authorities, state that Campbell was Prior of the
Dominican or Blackfriars Monastery, St. Andrews.

[57] According to modern computation, the year 1528.

[58] Foxe, in republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," among other
additions, has the following paragraph:--"But to return to the matter of
Master Hamelton; here is, moreover, to be observed, as a note worthy of
memory, that in the year of our Lord 1564, in which year this present
History was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of
credit then alive, who being present the same time when Master Patrick
Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeal the Black Friar
called Campbell, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as
general Judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and
whether his accusation was just or not, between that and a certain day
of the next month, which he then named. Moreover, by the same witness it
is testified, that the said Friar had immediately before the said day
come, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the
innocent; by the example whereof divers of the people, the same time
much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the aforesaid Master
Hamelton to be good and just."--(Third edit. p. 650, Lond. 1576, folio.)

[59] In Vautr. edit. "true fruites;" in MSS. G, &c., "trow fruittis."

[60] The above title, and Fryth's preface are not contained in Knox's
MS., but are inserted from Foxe's Martyrology, p. 949, 3d edit., Lond.

[61] This evidently refers to Archbishop Beaton; but he had previously
been deprived of the Chancellorship: see note, page 13.

[62] Hamilton's treatise was probably printed as an academical
dissertation, whilst he was at Marburg, in 1526. It in uncertain whether
Fryth's translation was published during his own life. There are at
least three early editions, with this title, "Dyvers frutefull
gatherynges of Scripture: And declaryng of fayth and workes." One was
printed at London by Thomas Godfray, and two others by William Copland,
each of them without a date, but probably before 1540.--(Dibdin's
Typogr. Antiq., vol. iii. pp. 71, 161, 162.) In 1562-3, Michael Lobley,
a printer in St. Paul's Churchyard, had license to print "The Sermonde
in the Wall, thereunto annexed, The Common Place of Patryk
Hamylton."--(ib., p. 540.) Foxe's copy of this Treatise differs from the
present in a number of minute particulars, which would occupy too much
space to point out.

[63] John Fryth, as the reward of his zeal in the cause of religion, was
confined to the Tower, in 1532, and was brought to the stake, at
Smithfield, on the 4th of July 1533.--(See the Rev. Chr. Anderson's
Annals of the English Bible, vol. i. pp. 339-377.)

[64] This title, with the numbers of the Propositions, and the words
included within brackets, are supplied from Foxe. Also a few trifling
corrections in the orthography.

[65] These Propositions are put in a syllogistic form; but the terms
_Major_, _Minor_, and _Conclusion_, marked on the margin of Foxe's copy,
except in one or two instances at the beginning, are not contained in
Knox's MS. Such as are marked, being incorrectly given by his
transcriber, as well as in Vautr. edit., are here omitted.

[66] In Vautr. edit. and MSS. E, A, and I, is this marginal note--"This
is to be understood of circumstance of worldlie men, and not of them of
God; for the neirer that men draw to God, we ar bound the more to love
them." Also a similar note to page 24, Prop. IV., "Christ is the ende
and fulfillinge of the lawe to everie one that beleveth."

[67] Foxe has given this sentence more correctly:--"Now, seying he hath
payed thy dette, thou needest, neither canst thou pay it, but shouldest
bee damned, if hys bloud were not."

[68] In republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," Foxe, along with
Fryth's translation of "Patrick Hamilton's Places," has subjoined
"Certaine brief Notes or Declarations upon the foresayd Places of M.
Patrike." He says, "This little treatise of M. Patrike's Places, albeit
in quantitie it be but short, yet in effect it comprehendeth matter able
to fill large volumes, declaryng to us the true doctrine of the Law, of
the Gospell, of Fayth, and of Workes, with the nature and properties,
and also the difference of the same." But Foxe's Notes are too long to
be here inserted, and they have several times been reprinted.

[69] Gawin Logye, under whom so many of the early Reformers had
prosecuted their studies, was educated at St. Andrews, and took his
degree of Master of Arts in 1512. In 1518, "Gavinus Logye" was "Regens
Coll. Sancti Leonardi de novo fundati." In the "Acta Fac. Art.," his
name occurs as Principal of that College in 1523. Calderwood says, that
in the year 1533, Logye "was forced to flee out of the countrie," (vol.
i. p. 104.) This date is certainly erroneous. At the election of Martin
Balfour, as Dean of Faculty, "Mag^r. Gavinus Logye," Principal of St.
Leonard's College, was appointed one of his assessors, on the 3d of
November 1534. He probably fled before the close of the year 1535; but
of his subsequent history no particulars have been discovered. Logye's
immediate successor was "Dominus Thomas Cunnynghame," whose name first
occurs as Principal Regent, on the 3d of November 1537.

[70] In MS. G, "novittis;" in other MSS., and in Vautr. edit.,

[71] Probably John Wynrame, see note 395.

[72] In Vautr. edit., "William Archbishop," and also in MSS. A, I, and
W. In MS. E, "William Arth." In MS. G, "William Arithe."

[73] John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, was descended of the Hepburns of