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Title: An Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America
Author: MacLean, J. P. (John Patterson), 1848-1939
Language: English
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[Illustration: _Painted by Captn. W McKenzie_ BATTLE OF CULLODEN.]
An Historical Account
OF THE
Settlements of Scotch Highlanders
IN
America
PRIOR TO THE PEACE OF 1783
TOGETHER WITH NOTICES OF
Highland Regiments
AND
Biographical Sketches
BY
J.P. MACLEAN, PH.D.
Life Member Gaelic Society of Glasgow, and Clan MacLean Association of
Glasgow; Corresponding Member Davenport Academy of Sciences, and Western
Reserve Historical Society; Author of History of Clan MacLean, Antiquity
of Man, The Mound Builders, Mastodon, Mammoth and Man, Norse Discovery
of America, Fingal's Cave, Introduction Study St. John's Gospel, Jewish
Nature Worship, etc.
_ILLUSTRATED_.
THE HELMAN-TAYLOR COMPANY, CLEVELAND.
JOHN MACKAY, GLASGOW.
1900.
[Illustration: HIGHLAND ARMS.]
TO
COLONEL SIR FITZROY DONALD MACLEAN, Bart., C.B.,
President of The Highland Society of London,
An hereditary Chief, honored by his Clansmen at home and abroad, on
account of the kindly interest he takes in their welfare, as well as
everything that relates to the Highlands, and though deprived of an
ancient patrimony, his virtues and patriotism have done honor to the
Gael, this Volume is
Respectfully dedicated by the
AUTHOR.
"There's sighing and sobbing in yon Highland forest;
There's weeping and wailing in yon Highland vale,
And fitfully flashes a gleam from the ashes
Of the tenantless hearth in the home of the Gael.
There's a ship on the sea, and her white sails she's spreadin',
A' ready to speed to a far distant shore;
She may come hame again wi' the yellow gowd laden,
But the sons of Glendarra shall come back no more.
The gowan may spring by the clear-rinnin' burnie,
The cushat may coo in the green woods again.
The deer o' the mountain may drink at the fountain,
Unfettered and free as the wave on the main;
But the pibroch they played o'er the sweet blooming heather
Is hushed in the sound of the ocean's wild roar;
The song and the dance they hae vanish'd thegither,
For the maids o' Glendarra shall come back no more."
PREFACE.
An attempt is here made to present a field that has not been
preoccupied. The student of American history has noticed allusions to
certain Scotch Highland settlements prior to the Revolution, without any
attempt at either an account or origin of the same. In a measure the
publication of certain state papers and colonial records, as well as an
occasional memoir by an historical society have revived what had been
overlooked. These settlements form a very important and interesting
place in the early history of our country. While they may not have
occupied a very prominent or pronounced position, yet their exertions in
subduing the wilderness, their activity in the Revolution, and the wide
influence exercised by the descendants of these hardy pioneers, should,
long since, have brought their history and achievements into notice.
The settlement in North Carolina, embracing a wide extent of territory,
and the people numbered by the thousands, should, ere this, have found a
competent exponent. But it exists more as a tradition than an actual
colony. The Highlanders in Georgia more than acted their part against
Spanish encroachments, yet survived all the vicissitudes of their
exposed position. The stay of the Highlanders on the Mohawk was very
brief, yet their flight into Canada and final settlement at Glengarry
forms a very strange episode in the history of New York. The heartless
treatment of the colony of Lachlan Campbell by the governor of the
province of New York, and their long delayed recompense stands without a
parallel, and is so strange and fanciful, that long since it should have
excited the poet or novelist. The settlements in Nova Scotia and Prince
Edwards Island, although scarcely commenced at the breaking out of the
Revolution, are more important in later events than those chronicled in
this volume.
The chapters on the Highlands, the Scotch-Irish, and the Darien scheme,
have sufficient connection to warrant their insertion.
It is a noticeable fact that notwithstanding the valuable services
rendered by the Highland regiments in the French and Indian war, but
little account has been taken by writers, except in Scotland, although
General David Stewart of Garth, as early as 1822, clearly paved the way.
Unfortunately, his works, as well as those who have followed him, are
comparatively unknown on this side the Atlantic.
I was led to the searching out of this phase of our history, not only by
the occasional allusions, but specially from reading works devoted to
other nationalities engaged in the Revolution. Their achievements were
fully set forth and their praises sung. Why should not the oppressed
Gael, who sought the forests of the New World, struggled in the
wilderness, and battled against foes, also be placed in his true light?
If properly known, the artist would have a subject for his pencil, the
poet a picture for his praises, and the novelist a strong background for
his romance.
Cleveland, O., October, 1898.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE HIGHLANDERS OF SCOTLAND.
Division of Scotland--People of the Highlands--Language--Clanship--Chiefs
Customs--Special Characteristics--Fiery-Cross--Slogan--Mode of Battle
Forays--Feasts--Position of Woman--Marriage--Religious Toleration
Superstitions--Poets--Pipers--Cave of Coire-nan-Uriskin--The
Harp--Gaelic Music--Costume--Scotland's Wars--War with Romans--Battle
of Largs--Bannockburn--Flodden--Pinkie--Wars of Montrose--Bonnie
Dundee--Earl of Mar--Prince Charles Stuart--Atrocities in the
Wake of Culloden--Uncertainty of Travellers' Observations--Kidnapping
Emigration 17
CHAPTER II.
THE SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA.
Origin of the name of Scotland--Scoto-Irish--Ulster--Clandonald--Protestant
Colonies in Ireland--Corruption of Names--Percentage of in
Revolution--Characteristics--Persecuted--Emigration from Ulster--First
Scotch-Irish Clergyman in America--Struggle for Religious Liberty
Settlement at Worcester--History of the Potato--Pelham--Warren and
Blandford--Colerain--Londonderry--Settlements in Maine--New York--New
Jersey--Pennsylvania--The Revolution--Maryland--Virginia--Patrick
Henry--Daniel Morgan--George Rogers Clark--North Carolina--Battle
of King's Mountain--South Carolina--Georgia--East Tennessee--Kentucky
Canada--Industrial Arts--Distinctive Characteristics 40
CHAPTER III.
CAUSES THAT LED TO EMIGRATION.
Results of Clanship--Opposed to Emigration--Emigration to Ulster
Expatriation of 7000--Changed Condition of Highlanders--Lands Rented
Dissatisfaction--Luxurious Landlords--Action of Chiefs in Skye--Deplorable
State of Affairs--Sheep-Farming--Improvements--Buchanan's
Description--Famine--Class of Emigrants--America--Hardships and
Disappointments 60
CHAPTER IV.
DARIEN SCHEME.
First Highlanders in America--Disastrous Speculation--Ruinous
Legislation--Massacre of Glencoe--Darien Scheme Projected--William
Paterson--Fabulous Dreams--Company Chartered--Scotland Excited
Subscriptions--List of Subscribers--Spanish Sovereignty over
Darien--English Jealousy and Opposition--Dutch East India Company--King
William's Duplicity--English and Dutch Subscriptions Withdrawn--Great
Preparations--Purchase of Ships--Sailing of First Expedition--Settlement
of St. Andrews--Great Sufferings--St. Andrews Abandoned--The Caledonia and
Unicorn Arrive at New York--Recriminations--The St. Andrews--The
Dolphin--King Refuses Supplies--Relief Sent--Spaniards Aggressive--Second
Expedition--Highlanders--Disappointed Expectations--Discordant
Clergy--How News was Received in Scotland--Give Vent to Rage--King
William's Indifference--Campbell of Fonab--Escape--Capitulation of Darien
Colony--Ships Destroyed--Final End of Settlers 75
CHAPTER V.
HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
On the Cape Fear--Town Established--Highlanders Patronized--Arrival
of Neil McNeill--Action of Legislature--List of Grantees--Wave of
Emigration--Represented in Legislature--Colony Prosperous--Stamp
Act--Genius of Liberty--Letter to Highlanders--Emigrants from Jura--Lands
Allotted--War of Regulators--Campbelton Charter--Public Road--Public
Buildings at Campbelton--Petition for Pardon--Highland Costume--Clan
Macdonald Emigration--Allan Macdonald of Kingsborough--American
Revolution--Sale of Public Offices--Attitude of Patriots--Provincial
Congress--Highlanders Objects of Consideration--Reverend John
McLeod--Committee to Confer with Highlanders--British Confidence--Governor
Martin--Provincial Congress of 1775--Farquhard Campbell--Arrival of the
George--Other Arrivals--Oaths Administered--Distressed Condition--Petition
to Virginia Convention--War Party in the Ascendant--American
Views--Highlanders Fail to Understand Conditions--Reckless Indifference
of Leaders--General Donald Macdonald--British Campaign--Governor
Martin Manipulates a Revolt--Macdonald's Manifesto--Rutherford's
Manifesto--Highlanders in Rebellion--Standard at Cross Creek--March
for Wilmington--Country Alarmed--Correspondence--Battle of Moore's
Creek Bridge--Overthrow of Highlanders--Prescribed Parole--Prisoners
Address Congress--Action of Sir William Howe--Allan Macdonald's Letter--On
Parole--Effects His Exchange--Letter to Members of Congress--Cornwallis
to Clinton--Military at Cross Creek--Women Protected--Religious Status 102
CHAPTER VI.
HIGHLANDERS IN GEORGIA.
English Treatment of Poor--Imprisonment for Debt--Oglethorpe's
Philanthropy--Asylum Projected--Oglethorpe Sails for Georgia--Selects
the Site of Savannah--Fort Argyle--Colonists of Different
Nationalities--Towns Established--Why Highlanders were Selected--Oglethorpe
Returns to England--Highland Emigrants--Character of--John
Macleod--Founding of New Inverness--Oglethorpe Sails for Georgia--Visits
the Highlanders--Fort St. Andrews--Spaniards Aggressive--Messengers
Imprisoned--Spanish Perfidy--Suffering and Discontent in 1737--Dissension
Increases--Removal Agitated--African Slavery Prohibited--Petition and
Counter Petition--Highlanders Oppose African Slavery--Insufficient Produce
Raised--Murder of Unarmed Highlanders--Florida Invaded--St. Augustine
Blockaded--Massacre of Highlanders at Fort Moosa--Failure of
Expedition--Conduct of William MacIntosh--Indians and Carolinians
Desert--Agent Reprimanded by Parliament--Clansmen at Darien--John MacLeod
Abandons His Charge--Georgia Invaded--Highlanders Defeat the Enemy--Battle
of Bloody Marsh--Spaniards Retreat--Ensign Stewart--Oglethorpe
Again Invades Florida--Growth of Georgia--Record in Revolution--Resolutions
Assault on British War Vessels--Capture of--County of Liberty--Settlement
Remained Highland 146
CHAPTER VII.
CAPTAIN LACHLAN CAMPBELL'S NEW YORK COLONY.
Lachlan Campbell--Donald Campbell's Memorial--Motives Controlling
Royal Governors--Governor Clarke to Duke of Newcastle--Same to
Lords of Trade--Efforts of Captain Campbell--Memorial Rejected--Redress
Obtained--Grand Scheme--List of Grantees--A Desperado--Township
of Argyle--Records of--Change of Name of County--Highland Soldiers
Occupy Lands--How Allotted--Selling Land Warrants--New Hampshire
Grants--Ethan Allan--Revolution--An Incident--Indian Raid--Massacre
of Jane McCrea--Religious Sentiment 176
CHAPTER VIII.
HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT ON THE MOHAWK.
Sir William Johnson--Highlanders Preferred--Manner of Life--Changed
State of Affairs--Sir John Johnson--Highlanders not Civic Officers--Sir
John Johnson's Movements Inimical--Tryon County Committee
to Provincial Congress--Action of Continental Congress--Sir John to
Governor Tryon--Action of General Schuyler--Sir John's Parole--Highlanders
Disarmed--Arms Retained--Highland Hostages--Instructions for Seizing
Sir John--Sir John on Removal of Highlanders--Flight of Highlanders
to Canada--Great Sufferings--Lady Johnson a Hostage--Highland Settlement
a Nest of Treason--Exodus of Highland Women--Some Families
Detained--Letter of Helen McDonell--Regiment Organized--Butler's
Rangers--Cruel Warfare--Fort Schuyler Besieged--Battle of Oriskany--Heroism
of Captain Gardenier--Parole of Angus McDonald--Massacre of
Wyoming--Bloodthirsty Character of Alexander McDonald--Indian
Country Laid Waste--Battle of Chemung--Sir John Ravages Johnstown--Visits
Schoharie with Fire and Sword--Flight from Johnstown--Exploit
of Donald McDonald--Shell's Defence--List of Officers of Sir John Johnson's
Regiment--Settlement in Glengarry--Allotment of Lands--Story of
Donald Grant--Religious Services Established 196
CHAPTER IX.
GLENALADALE HIGHLANDERS OF PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND.
Highlanders in Canada--John Macdonald--Educated in Germany--Religious
Oppression--Religion of the Yellow-Stick--Glenaladale Becomes
Protector--Emigration--Company Raised Against Americans--Capture of
American Vessel--Estimate of Glenaladale--Offered Governorship of
Prince Edward Island 231
CHAPTER X.
HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT IN PICTOU, NOVA SCOTIA.
Emigration to Nova Scotia--Ship Hector--Sails from Lochbroom--Great
Sufferings and Pestilence--Landing of Highlanders--Frightening of
Indians--Bitter Disappointment--Danger of Starvation--False Reports--Action
of Captain Archibald--Truro Migration--Hardships--Incidents of
Suffering--Conditions of Grants of Land--Hector's Passengers--Interesting
Facts Relative to Emigrants--Industries--Plague of Mice--American
Revolution--Divided Sentiment--Persecution of American Sympathizers
Highlanders Loyal to Great Britain--Americans Capture a
Vessel--Privateers--Wreck of the Malignant Man-of-War--Indian
Alarm--Itinerant Preachers--Arrival of Reverend James McGregor 235
CHAPTER XI.
FIRST HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICA.
Cause of French and Indian War--Highlanders Sent to America--The
Black Watch--Montgomery's Highlanders--Fraser's Highlanders--Uniform
of--Black Watch at Albany--Lord Loudon at Halifax--Surrender of
Fort William Henry--Success of the French--Defeat at Ticonderoga--Gallant
Conduct of Highlanders--List of Casualties--Expedition Against
Louisburg--Destruction French Fleet--Capture of Louisburg--Expedition
Against Fort Du Quesne--Defeat of Major Grant--Washington--Name
Fort Changed to Fort Pitt--Battalions of 42nd United--Amherst Possesses
Ticonderoga--Army at Crown Point--Fall of Quebec--Journal of Malcolm
Fraser--Movements of Fraser's Highlanders--Battle of Heights of
Abraham--Galling Fire Sustained by Highlanders--Anecdote of General
Murray--Retreat of French--Officers of the Black Watch--Highland Regiments
Sail for Barbadoes--Return to New York--Black Watch Sent to
Pittsburg--Battle of Bushy Run--Black Watch Sent Against Ohio Indians--Goes
to Ireland--Impressions of in America--Table of Losses--Montgomery
Highlanders Against the Cherokees--Battle with Indians--Allan
Macpherson's Tragic Death--Retreat from Indian Country--Return to
New York--Massacre at Fort Loudon--Surrender of St. Johns--Tables of
Casualties--Acquisition of French Territory a Source of Danger 252
CHAPTER XII.
SCOTCH HOSTILITY TOWARDS AMERICA.
Causes of American Revolution--Massacre at Lexington--Insult to
Franklin--England Precipitates War--Americans Ridiculed--Pitt's Noble
Defence--Attitude of Eminent Men--Action of Cities--No Enthusiasm in
Enlistments in England and Ireland--The Press-Gang--Enlistment of
Criminals--Sentiment of People of Scotland--Lecky's Estimate--Addresses
Upholding the King--Summary of Highland Addresses--Emigration
Prohibited--Resentment Against Highlanders--Shown in Original
Draft of Declaration of Independence--Petitions of Donald Macleod 292
CHAPTER XIII.
HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
Eulogy of Pitt--Organizing in America--Secret Instructions to Governor
Tryon--Principal Agents--Royal Highland Emigrants--How Received--Colonel
Maclean Saves Quebec--Siege of Quebec--First Battalion in
Canada--Burgoyne's Doubts--Second Battalion--Sufferings of--Treatment
of--Battle of Eutaw Springs--Royal Highland Emigrants Discharged--List
of Officers--Grants of Land--John Bethune--42nd or Royal
Highlanders--Embarks for America--Capture of Highlanders--Capture of
Oxford Transport--Prisoners from the Crawford--British Fleet Arrives at
Staten Island--Battle of Long Island--Ardor of Highlanders--Americans
Evacuate New York--Patriotism of Mrs. Murray--Peril of Putnam--Gallant
Conduct of Major Murray--Battle of Harlem--Capture of Fort
Washington--Royal Highlanders in New Jersey--Attacked at
Pisquatiqua--Sergeant McGregor--Battle of Brandywine--Wayne's Army
Surprised--Expeditions During Winter of 1779--Skirmishing and
Suffering--Infusion of Poor Soldiers--Capture of Charleston--Desertions
Regiment Reduced--Sails for Halifax--Table of Casualties--Fraser's
Highlanders--Sails for America--Capture of Transports--Reports of Captain
Seth Harding and Colonel Archibald Campbell--Confinement of Colonel
Campbell--Interest in by Washington--Battle of Brooklin--Diversified
Employment--Expedition Against Little Egg Harbor--Capture of
Savannah--Retrograde Movement of General Prevost--Battle of Brier
Creek--Invasion of South Carolina--Battle of Stono Ferry--Retreat to
Savannah--Siege of--Capture of Stony Point--Surrender of Charleston--Battle
of Camden--Defeat of General Sumter--Battle of King's Mountain--Battle of
Blackstocks--Battle of the Cowpens--Battle of Guilford Court-House--March
of British Army to Yorktown--Losses of Fraser's Highlanders--Surrender of
Yorktown--Highlanders Prisoners--Regiment Discharged at Perth--Argyle
Highlanders--How Constituted--Sails for Halifax--Two Companies at
Charleston--At Penobscot--Besieged by Americans--Regiment Returns to
England--Macdonald's Highlanders--Sails for New York--Embarks for
Virginia--Bravery of the Soldiers--Highlanders on Horseback--Surrender
of Yorktown--Cantoned at Winchester--Removed to Lancaster--Disbanded
at Stirling Castle--Summary--Estimate of Washington--His Opinion
of Highlanders--Not Guilty of Wanton Cruelty 308
CHAPTER XIV.
DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS WHO SERVED IN AMERICA IN THE INTERESTS
OF GREAT BRITAIN.
General Sir Alan Cameron--General Sir Archibald Campbell--General
John Campbell--Lord William Campbell--General Simon Fraser of
Balnain--General Simon Fraser of Lovat--General Simon Fraser--General
James Grant of Ballindalloch--General Allan Maclean of Torloisk--Sir
Allan Maclean--General Francis Maclean--General John Small--Flora
Macdonald 377
CHAPTER XV.
DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS IN AMERICAN INTEREST.
General Alexander McDougall--General Lachlan McIntosh--General
Arthur St. Clair--Serjeant Macdonald 398
APPENDIX.
Note A.--First Emigrants to America 417
Note B.--Letter of Donald Macpherson 417
Note C.--Emigration during the Eighteenth Century 419
Note D.--Appeal to the Highlanders lately arrived from Scotland 422
Note E.--Ingratitude of the Highlanders 426
Note F.--Were the Highlanders Faithful to their Oath to the Americans 426
Note G.--Marvellous Escape of Captain McArthur 430
Note H.--Highlanders in South Carolina 442
Note I.--Alexander McNaughton 443
Note J.--Allan McDonald's Complaint to the President of Congress 444
Note K.--The Glengarry Settlers 445
Note to Chapter VIII 448
Note L.--Moravian Indians 448
Note M.--Highlanders Refused Lands in America 450
Note N.--Captain James Stewart commissioned to raise a company of
Highlanders 453
List of Subscribers 456
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Battle of Culloden Frontispiece
Coire-nan-Uriskin 26
House of Henry McWhorter 52
View of Battle-Field of Alamance 55
Scottish India House 90
Barbacue Church, where Flora Macdonald Worshipped 144
Johnson Hall 204
View of the Valley of Wyoming 218
Highland Officer 256
Old Blockhouse Fort Duquesne 281
General Sir Archibald Campbell 397
Brigadier General Simon Fraser 382
General Simon Fraser of Loval 387
Sir Allan Maclean, Bart 391
Flora Macdonald 394
General Alexander McDougall 398
General Lachlan McIntosh 402
General Arthur St. Clair 405
Sergeant Macdonald and Colonel Gainey 413
PARTIAL LIST OF PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES CONSULTED.
American Archives.
Answer of Cornwallis to Clinton. London, 1783.
Bancroft (George.) History of the United States. London, N.D.
Burt (Captain.) Letters from the North of Scotland, London. 1815.
Burton (J.H.) Darien Papers, Bannatyne Club. 1849
Burton (J.H.) History of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1853.
Celtic Monthly, Inverness, 1876-1888.
Georgia Historical Society Collections.
Graham (James J.) Memoirs General Graham, Edinburgh, 1862.
Hotten (J.C.) List of Emigrants to America, New York, 1874.
Johnson (C.) History Washington County, New York, Philadelphia, 1878.
Keltie (J.S.). History of the Highland Clans, Edinburgh, 1882.
Lecky (W.E.H.) History of England. London, 1892.
Lossing (B.J.) Field-Book of the American Revolution. New York, 1855.
Macaulay (T.B.) History of England, Boston, N.D.
McDonald (H.) Letter-Book, New York Historical Society, 1892.
Macdonell (J.A.) Sketches of Glengarry, Montreal. 1893.
McLeod (D.) Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada, Cleveland,
1841.
Martin (M.) Description Western Isles, Glasgow, 1884.
National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, Philadelphia, 1852.
New York Documentary and Colonial History.
North Carolina Colonial Record.
Paterson (J.) History Pictou County. Nova Scotia, Montreal. 1893.
Proceedings Scotch-Irish American Congress. 1889-1896.
Rogers (H.) Hadden's Journal and Orderly Book, Albany, 1884.
Scott (Sir W.) Lady of the Lake, New York, N.D.
Scott (Sir W.) Tales of a Grandfather, Boston, 1852.
Smith (William) History of New York, New York, 1814.
Smith (W.H.) St. Clair Papers, Cincinnati, 1882.
Sparks (Jared) Writings of Washington, Boston. 1837.
Stephens (W.B.) History of Georgia, New York. 1859.
St. Clair (Arthur.) Narrative, Philadelphia, 1812.
Stewart (David.) Sketches of the Highlanders, Edinburgh, 1822.
Stone (W.L.) Life of Joseph Brant, New York. 1838.
Stone (W.L.) Orderly Book of Sir John Johnson, Albany, 1882.
Tarleton (Lieut. Col.) Campaigns of, 1780-1781. London, 1787.
Washington and his Generals, Philadelphia, 1848.
CHAPTER I.
THE HIGHLANDERS OF SCOTLAND.
A range of mountains forming a lofty and somewhat shattered rampart,
commencing in the county of Aberdeen, north of the river Don, and
extending in a southwest course across the country, till it terminates
beyond Ardmore, in the county of Dumbarton, divides Scotland into two
distinct parts. The southern face of these mountains is bold, rocky,
dark and precipitous. The land south of this line is called the
Lowlands, and that to the north, including the range, the Highlands. The
maritime outline of the Highlands is also bold and rocky, and in many
places deeply indented by arms of the sea. The northern and western
coasts are fringed with groups of islands. The general surface of the
country is mountainous, yet capable of supporting innumerable cattle,
sheep and deer. The scenery is nowhere excelled for various forms of
beauty and sublimity. The lochs and bens have wrought upon the
imaginations of historians, poets and novelists.
The inhabitants living within these boundaries were as unique as their
bens and glens. From the middle of the thirteenth century they have been
distinctly marked from those inhabiting the low countries, in
consequence of which they exhibit a civilization peculiarly their own.
By their Lowland neighbors they were imperfectly known, being generally
regarded as a horde of savage thieves, and their country as an
impenetrable wilderness. From this judgment they made no effort to free
themselves, but rather inclined to confirm it. The language spoken by
the two races greatly varied which had a tendency to establish a marked
characteristic difference between them. For a period of seven centuries
the entrances or passes into the Grampians constituted a boundary
between both the people and their language. At the south the Saxon
language was universally spoken, while beyond the range the Gaelic
formed the mother tongue, accompanied by the plaid, the claymore and
other specialties which accompanied Highland characteristics. Their
language was one of the oldest and least mongrel types of the great
Aryan family of speech.
The country in which the Gaelic was in common use among all classes of
people may be defined by a line drawn from the western opening of the
Pentland Frith, sweeping around St. Kilda, from thence embracing the
entire cluster of islands to the east and south, as far as Arran; thence
to the Mull of Kintyre, re-entering the mainland at Ardmore, in
Dumbartonshire, following the southern face of the Grampians to
Aberdeenshire, and ending on the north-east point of Caithness.
For a period of nearly two hundred years the Highlander has been an
object of study by strangers. Travellers have written concerning them,
but dwelt upon such points as struck their fancy. A people cannot be
judged by the jottings of those who have not studied the question with
candor and sufficient information. Fortunately the Highlands, during the
present century, have produced men who have carefully set forth their
history, manners and customs. These men have fully weighed the questions
of isolation, mode of life, habits of thought, and wild surroundings,
which developed in the Highlander firmness of decision, fertility in
resource, ardor in friendship, love of country, and a generous
enthusiasm, as well as a system of government.
The Highlanders were tall, robust, well formed and hardy. Early
marriages were unknown among them, and it was rare for a female of puny
stature and delicate constitution to be honored with a husband. They
were not obliged by art in forming their bodies, for Nature acted her
part bountifully to them, and among them there are but few bodily
imperfections.
The division of the people into clans, tribes or families, under
separate chiefs, constituted the most remarkable circumstance in their
political condition, which ultimately resulted in many of their peculiar
sentiments, customs and institutions. For the most part the monarchs of
Scotland had left the people alone, and, therefore, had but little to do
in the working out of their destiny. Under little or no restraint from
the State, the patriarchal form of government became universal.
It is a singular fact that although English ships had navigated the
known seas and transplanted colonies, yet the Highlanders were but
little known in London, even as late as the beginning of the eighteenth
century. To the people of England it would have been a matter of
surprise to learn that in the north of Great Britain, and at a distance
of less than five hundred miles from their metropolis, there were many
miniature courts, in each of which there was a hereditary ruler,
attended by guards, armor-bearers, musicians, an orator, a poet, and who
kept a rude state, dispensed justice, exacted tribute, waged war, and
contracted treaties.
The ruler of each clan was called a chief, who was really the chief man
of his family. Each clan was divided into branches who had chieftains
over them. The members of the clan claimed consanguinity to the chief.
The idea never entered into the mind of a Highlander that the chief was
anything more than the head of the clan. The relation he sustained was
subordinate to the will of the people. Sometimes his sway was unlimited,
but necessarily paternal. The tribesmen were strongly attached to the
person of their chief. He stood in the light of a protector, who must
defend them and right their wrongs. They rallied to his support, and in
defense they had a contempt for danger. The sway of the chief was of
such a nature as to cultivate an imperishable love of independence,
which was probably strengthened by an exceptional hardiness of
character.
The chief generally resided among his clansmen, and his castle was the
court where rewards were distributed and distinctions conferred. All
disputes were settled by his decision. They followed his standard in
war, attended him in the chase, supplied his table and harvested the
products of his fields. His nearest kinsmen became sub-chiefs, or
chieftains, held their lands and properties from him, over which they
exercised a subordinate jurisdiction. These became counsellors and
assistants in all emergencies. One chief was distinguished from another
by having a greater number of attendants, and by the exercise of
general hospitality, kindness and condescension. At the castle everyone
was made welcome, and treated according to his station, with a degree of
courtesy and regard for his feelings. This courtesy not only raised the
clansman in his own estimation, but drew the ties closer that bound him
to his chief.
While the position of chief was hereditary, yet the heir was obliged in
honor to give a specimen of his valor, before he was assumed or declared
leader of his people. Usually he made an incursion upon some chief with
whom his clan had a feud. He gathered around him a retinue of young men
who were ambitious to signalize themselves. They were obliged to bring,
by open force, the cattle they found in the land they attacked, or else
die in the attempt. If successful the youthful chief was ever after
reputed valiant and worthy of the government. This custom being
reciprocally used among them, was not reputed robbery; for the damage
which one tribe sustained would receive compensation at the inauguration
of its chief.
Living in a climate, severe in winter, the people inured themselves to
the frosts and snows, and cared not for the exposure to the severest
storms or fiercest blasts. They were content to lie down, for a night's
rest, among the heather on the hillside, in snow or rain, covered only
by their plaid. It is related that the laird of Keppoch, chieftain of a
branch of the MacDonalds, in a winter campaign against a neighboring
clan, with whom he was at war, gave orders for a snow-ball to lay under
his head in the night; whereupon, his followers objected, saying, "Now
we despair of victory, since our leader has become so effeminate he
can't sleep without a pillow."
The high sense of honor cultivated by the relationship sustained to the
chief was reflected by the most obscure inhabitant. Instances of theft
from the dwelling houses seldom ever occurred, and highway robbery was
never known. In the interior all property was safe without the security
of locks, bolts and bars. In summer time the common receptacle for
clothes, cheese, and everything that required air, was an open barn or
shed. On account of wars, and raids from the neighboring clans, it was
found necessary to protect the gates of castles.
The Highlanders were a brave and high-spirited people, and living under
a turbulent monarchy, and having neighbors, not the most peaceable, a
warlike character was either developed or else sustained. Inured to
poverty they acquired a hardihood which enabled them to sustain severe
privations. In their school of life it was taught to consider courage an
honorable virtue and cowardice the most disgraceful failing. Loving
their native glen, they were ever ready to defend it to the last
extremity. Their own good name and devotion to the clan emulated and
held them to deeds of daring.
It was hazardous for a chief to engage in war without the consent of his
people; nor could deception be practiced successfully. Lord Murray
raised a thousand men on his father's and lord Lovat's estates, under
the assurance that they were to serve king James, but in reality for the
service of king William. This was discovered while Murray was in the act
of reviewing them; immediately they broke ranks, ran to an adjoining
brook, and, filling their bonnets with water, drank to king James'
health, and then marched off with pipes playing to join Dundee.
The clan was raised within an incredibly short time. When a sudden or
important emergency demanded the clansmen the chief slew a goat, and
making a cross of light wood, seared its extremities with fire, and
extinguished them in the blood of the animal. This was called the _Fiery
Cross_, or Cross of Shame, because disobedience to what the symbol
implied inferred infamy. It was delivered to a swift trusty runner, who
with the utmost speed carried it to the first hamlet and delivered it to
the principal person with the word of rendezvous. The one receiving it
sent it with the utmost despatch to the next village; and thus with the
utmost celerity it passed through all the district which owed allegiance
to the chief, and if the danger was common, also among his neighbors and
allies. Every man between the ages of sixteen and sixty, capable of
bearing arms, must immediately repair to the place of rendezvous, in his
best arms and accoutrements. In extreme cases childhood and old age
obeyed it. He who failed to appear suffered the penalties of fire and
sword, which were emblematically denounced to the disobedient by the
bloody and burnt marks upon this warlike signal.
In the camp, on the march, or in battle, the clan was commanded by the
chief. If the chief was absent, then some responsible chieftain of the
clan took the lead. In both their slogan guided them, for every clan had
its own war-cry. Before commencing an attack the warriors generally took
off their jackets and shoes. It was long remembered in Lochabar, that at
the battle of Killiecrankie, Sir Ewen Cameron, at the head of his clan,
just before engaging in the conflict, took from his feet, what was
probably the only pair of shoes, among his tribesmen. Thus freed from
everything that might impede their movements, they advanced to the
assault, on a double-quick, and when within a few yards of the enemy,
would pour in a volley of musketry and then rush forward with claymore
in hand, reserving the pistol and dirk for close action. When in close
quarters the bayonets of the enemy were received on their targets;
thrusting them aside, they resorted to the pistol and dirk to complete
the confusion made by the musket and claymore. In a close engagement
they could not be withstood by regular troops.
Another kind of warfare to which the Highlander was prone, is called
_Creach_, or foray, but really the lifting of cattle. The _Creach_
received the approbation of the clan, and was planned by some
responsible individual. Their predatory raids were not made for the mere
pleasure of plundering their neighbors. To them it was legitimate
warfare, and generally in retaliation for recent injuries, or in revenge
of former wrongs. They were strict in not offending those with whom they
were in amity. They had high notions of the duty of observing faith to
allies and hospitality to guests. They were warriors receiving the
lawful prize of war, and when driving the herds of the Lowland farmers
up the pass which led to their native glen considered it just as
legitimate as did the Raleighs and Drakes when they divided the spoils
of Spanish galleons. They were not always the aggressors. Every evidence
proves that they submitted to grievances before resorting to arms. When
retaliating it was with the knowledge that their own lands would be
exposed to rapine. As an illustration of the view in which the _Creach_
was held, the case of Donald Cameron may be taken, who was tried in
1752, for cattle stealing, and executed at Kinloch Rannoch. At his
execution he dwelt with surprise and indignation on his fate. He had
never committed murder, nor robbed man or house, nor taken anything but
cattle, and only then when on the grass, from one with whom he was at
feud; why then should he be punished for doing that which was a common
prey to all?
After a successful expedition the chief gave a great entertainment, to
which all the country around was invited. On such an occasion whole deer
and beeves were roasted and laid on boards or hurdles of rods placed on
the rough trunks of trees, so arranged as to form an extended table.
During the feast spirituous liquors went round in plenteous libations.
Meanwhile the pipers played, after which the women danced, and, when
they retired, the harpers were introduced.
Great feasting accompanied a wedding, and also the burial of a great
personage. At the burial of one of the Lords of the Isles, in Iona, nine
hundred cows were consumed.
The true condition of a people may be known by the regard held for
woman. The beauty of their women was extolled in song. Small eye-brows
was considered as a mark of beauty, and names were bestowed upon the
owners from this feature. No country in Europe held woman in so great
esteem as in the Highlands of Scotland. An unfaithful, unkind, or even
careless husband was looked upon as a monster. The parents gave dowers
according to their means, consisting of cattle, provisions, farm
stocking, etc. Where the parents were unable to provide sufficiently,
then it was customary for a newly-married couple to collect from their
neighbors enough to serve the first year.
The marriage vow was sacredly kept. Whoever violated it, whether male or
female, which seldom ever occurred, was made to stand in a barrel of
cold water at the church door, after which the delinquent, clad in a wet
canvas shirt, was made to stand before the congregation, and at the
close of service, the minister explained the nature of the offense. A
separation of a married couple among the common people was almost
unknown. However disagreeable the wife might be, the husband rarely
contemplated putting her away. Being his wife, he bore with her
failings; as the mother of his children he continued to support her; a
separation would have entailed reproach upon his posterity.
Young married women never wore any close head-dress. The hair, with a
slight ornament was tied with ribbons; but if she lost her virtue then
she was obliged to wear a cap, and never appear again with her head
uncovered.
Honesty and fidelity were sacredly inculcated, and held to be virtues
which all should be careful to practice. Honesty and fair dealing were
enforced by custom, which had a more powerful influence, in their mutual
transactions, than the legal enactments of later periods. Insolvency was
considered disgraceful, and _prima facie_ a crime. Bankrupts surrendered
their all, and then clad in a party colored clouted garment, with hose
of different sets, had their hips dashed against a stone in presence of
the people, by four men, each seizing an arm or a leg. Instances of
faithfulness and attachment are innumerable. The one most frequently
referred to occurred during the battle of Inverkeithing, between the
Royalists and the troops of Cromwell, during which seven hundred and
fifty of the Mac Leans, led by their chief, Sir Hector, fell upon the
field. In the heat of the conflict, eight brothers of the clan
sacrificed their lives in defense of their chief. Being hard pressed by
the enemy, and stoutly refusing to change his position, he was supported
and covered by these intrepid brothers. As each brother fell another
rushed forward, covering his chief with his body, crying _Fear eil
airson Eachainn_ (Another for Hector). This phrase has continued ever
since as a proverb or watch-word when a man encounters any sudden danger
that requires instant succor.
The Highlands of Scotland is the only country of Europe that has never
been distracted by religious controversy, or suffered from religious
persecution. This possibly may have been due to their patriarchal form
of government. The principles of the Christian religion were warmly
accepted by the people, and cherished with a strong feeling. In their
religious convictions they were peaceable and unobtrusive, never arming
themselves with Scriptural texts in order to carry on offensive
operations. Never being perplexed by doubt, they desired no one to
corroborate their faith, and no inducement could persuade them to strut
about in the garb of piety in order to attract respect. The reverence
for the Creator was in the heart, rather than upon the lips. In that
land papists and protestants lived together in charity and brotherhood,
earnest and devoted in their churches, and in contact with the world,
humane and charitable. The pulpit administrations were clear and simple,
and blended with an impressive and captivating spirit. All ranks were
influenced by the belief that cruelty, oppression, or other misconduct,
descended to the children, even to the third and fourth generations.
To a certain extent the religion of the Highlander was blended with a
belief in ghosts, dreams and visions. The superstitions of the Gael were
distinctly marked, and entirely too important to be overlooked. These
beliefs may have been largely due to an uncultivated imagination and the
narrow sphere in which he moved. His tales were adorned with the
miraculous and his poetry contained as many shadowy as substantial
personages. Innumerable were the stories of fairies, kelpies, urisks,
witches and prophets or seers. Over him watched the Daoine Shi', or men
of peace. In the glens and corries were heard the eerie sounds during
the watches of the night. Strange emotions were aroused in the hearts of
those who heard the raging of the tempest, the roaring of the swollen
rivers and dashing of the water-fall, the thunder peals echoing from
crag to crag, and the lightning rending rocks and shivering to pieces
the trees. When a reasonable cause could not be assigned for a calamity
it was ascribed to the operations of evil spirits. The evil one had
power to make compacts, but against these was the virtue of the charmed
circle. One of the most dangerous and malignant of beings was the
Water-kelpie, which allured women and children into its element, where
they were drowned, and then became its prey. It could skim along the
surface of the water, and browse by its side, or even suddenly swell a
river or loch, which it inhabited, until an unwary traveller might be
engulfed. The Urisks were half-men, half-spirits, who, by kind
treatment, could be induced to do a good turn, even to the drudgeries of
a farm. Although scattered over the whole Highlands, they assembled in
the celebrated cave--_Coire-nan-Uriskin_--situated near the base of Ben
Venue, in Aberfoyle.
[Illustration: COIRE-NAN-URISKIN.]
"By many a bard, in Celtic tongue,
Has Coire-nan-Uriskin been sung;
A softer name the Saxons gave,
And call'd the grot the Goblin-cave,
* * * * *
Gray Superstition's whisper dread
Debarr'd the spot to vulgar tread;
For there, she said, did fays resort,
And satyrs hold their sylvan court."--
_Lady of the Lake_.
The Daoine Shi' were believed to be a peevish, repining race of beings,
who, possessing but a scant portion of happiness, envied mankind their
more complete and substantial enjoyments. They had a sort of a shadowy
happiness, a tinsel grandeur, in their subterranean abodes. Many persons
had been entertained in their secret retreats, where they were received
into the most splendid apartments, and regaled with sumptuous banquets
and delicious wines. Should a mortal, however, partake of their
dainties, then he was forever doomed to the condition of shi'ick, or Man
of Peace. These banquets and all the paraphernalia of their homes were
but deceptions. They dressed in green, and took offense at any mortal
who ventured to assume their favorite color. Hence, in some parts of
Scotland, green was held to be unlucky to certain tribes and counties.
The men of Caithness alleged that their bands that wore this color were
cut off at the battle of Flodden; and for this reason they avoided the
crossing of the Ord on a Monday, that being the day of the week on which
the ill-omened array set forth. This color was disliked by both those of
the name of Ogilvy and Graham. The greatest precautions had to be taken
against the Daoine Shi' in order to prevent them from spiriting away
mothers and their newly-born children. Witches and prophets or seers,
were frequently consulted, especially before going into battle. The
warnings were not always received with attention. Indeed, as a rule, the
chiefs were seldom deterred from their purpose by the warnings of the
oracles they consulted.
It has been advocated that the superstitions of the Highlanders, on the
whole, were elevating and ennobling, which plea cannot well be
sustained. It is admitted that in some of these superstitions there were
lessons taught which warned against dishonorable acts, and impressed
what to them were attached disgrace both to themselves and also to their
kindred; and that oppression, treachery, or any other wickedness would
be punished alike in their own persons and in those of their
descendants. Still, on the other hand, it must not be forgotten that the
doctrines of rewards and punishments had for generations been taught
them from the pulpit. How far these teachings had been interwoven with
their superstitions would be an impossible problem to solve.
The Highlanders were poetical. Their poets, or bards, were legion, and
possessed a marked influence over the imaginations of the people. They
excited the Gael to deeds of valor. Their compositions were all set to
music,--many of them composing the airs to which their verses were
adapted. Every chief had his bard. The aged minstrel was in attendance
on all important occasions: at birth, marriage and death; at succession,
victory, and defeat. He stimulated the warriors in battle by chanting
the glorious deeds of their ancestors; exhorted them to emulate those
distinguished examples, and, if possible, shed a still greater lustre on
the warlike reputation of the clan. These addresses were delivered with
great vehemence of manner, and never failed to raise the feelings of the
listeners to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. When the voice of the bard
was lost in the din of battle then the piper raised the inspiring sound
of the pibroch. When the conflict was over the bard and the piper were
again called into service--the former to honor the memory of those who
had fallen, to celebrate the actions of the survivors, and excite them
to further deeds of valor. The piper played the mournful Coronach for
the slain, and by his notes reminded the survivors how honorable was the
conduct of the dead.
The bards were the _senachies_ or historians of the clans, and were
recognized as a very important factor in society. They represented the
literature of their times. In the absence of books they constituted the
library and learning of the tribe. They were the living chronicles of
past events, and the depositories of popular poetry. Tales and old poems
were known to special reciters. When collected around their evening
fires, a favorite pastime was a recital of traditional tales and poetry.
The most acceptable guest was the one who could rehearse the longest
poem or most interesting tale. Living in the land of Ossian, it was
natural to ask a stranger, "Can you speak of the days of Fingal?" If the
answer was in the affirmative, then the neighbors were summoned, and
poems and old tales would be the order until the hour of midnight. The
reciter threw into the recitation all the powers of his soul and gave
vent to the sentiment. Both sexes always participated in these meetings.
The poetry was not always of the same cast. It varied as greatly as were
the moods of the composer. The sublimity of Ossian had its opposite in
the biting sarcasm and trenchant ridicule of some of the minor poets.
Martin, who travelled in the Western Isles, about 1695, remarks: "They
are a very sagacious people, quick of apprehension, and even the vulgar
exceed all those of their rank and education I ever yet saw in any other
country. They have a great genius for music and mechanics. I have
observed several of their children that before they could speak were
capable to distinguish and make choice of one tune before another upon
a violin; for they appeared always uneasy until the tune which they
fancied best was played, and then they expressed their satisfaction by
the motions of their head and hands. There are several of them who
invent tunes already taking in the South of Scotland and elsewhere. Some
musicians have endeavored to pass for first inventors of them by
changing their name, but this has been impracticable; for whatever
language gives the modern name, the tune still continues to speak its
true original. * * *. Some of both sexes have a quick vein of poetry,
and in their language--which is very emphatic--they compose rhyme and
verse, both which powerfully affect the fancy. And in my judgment (which
is not singular in this matter) with as great force as that of any
ancient or modern poet I ever read. They have generally very retentive
memories; they see things at a great distance. The unhappiness of their
education, and their want of converse with foreign nations, deprives
them of the opportunity to cultivate and beautify their genius, which
seems to have been formed by nature for great attainments."[1]
The piper was an important factor in Highland society. From the earliest
period the Highlanders were fond of music and dancing, and the notes of
the bag-pipe moved them as no other instrument could. The piper
performed his duty in peace as well as in war. At harvest homes,
Hallowe'en christenings, weddings, and evenings spent in dancing, he was
the hero for the occasion. The people took delight in the high-toned
warlike notes to which they danced, and were charmed with the solemn and
melancholy airs which filled up the pauses. Withal the piper was a
humorous fellow and was full of stories.
The harp was a very ancient musical instrument, and was called
_clarsach_. It had thirty strings, with the peculiarity that the front
arm was not perpendicular to the sounding board, but turned considerably
towards the left, to afford a greater opening for the voice of the
performer, and this construction showed that the accompaniment of the
voice was a chief province of the harper. Some harps had but four
strings. Great pains were taken to decorate the instrument. One of the
last harpers was Roderick Morrison, usually called Rory Dall. He served
the chief of Mac Leod. He flourished about 1650.
Referring again to Gaelic music it may be stated that its air can
easily be detected. It is quaint and pathetic, moving one with intervals
singular in their irregularity. When compared with the common airs among
the English, the two are found to be quite distinct. The airs to which
"Scots wha hae," "Auld Langsyne," "Roy's Wife," "O a' the Airts," and
"Ye Banks and Braes" are written, are such that nothing similar can be
found in England. They are Scottish. Airs of precisely the same
character are, however, found among all Keltic races.
No portraiture of a Highlander would be complete without a description
of his garb. His costume was as picturesque as his native hills. It was
well adapted to his mode of life. By its lightness and freedom he was
enabled to use his limbs and handle his arms with ease and dexterity. He
moved with great swiftness. Every clan had a plaid of its own, differing
in the combination of its colors from all others. Thus a Cameron, a Mac
Donald, a Mac Kenzie, etc., was known by his plaid; and in like manner
the Athole, Glenorchy, and other colors of different districts were
easily discernible. Besides those of tribal designations, industrious
housewives had patterns, distinguished by the set, superior quality, and
fineness of the cloth, or brightness and variety of the colors. The
removal of tenants rarely occurred, and consequently, it was easy to
preserve and perpetuate any particular set, or pattern, even among the
lower orders. The plaid was made of fine wool, with much ingenuity in
sorting the colors. In order to give exact patterns the women had before
them a piece of wood with every thread of the stripe upon it. Until
quite recently it was believed that the plaid, philibeg and bonnet
formed the ancient garb. The philibeg or kilt, as distinct from the
plaid, in all probability, is comparatively modern. The truis,
consisting of breeches and stockings, is one piece and made to fit
closely to the limbs, was an old costume. The belted plaid was a piece
of tartan two yards in breadth, and four in length. It surrounded the
waist in great folds, being firmly bound round the loins with a leathern
belt, and in such manner that the lower side fell down to the middle of
the knee joint. The upper part was fastened to the left shoulder with a
large brooch or pin, leaving the right arm uncovered and at full
liberty. In wet weather the plaid was thrown loose, covering both
shoulders and body. When the use of both arms was required, it was
fastened across the breast by a large bodkin or circular brooch. The
sporan, a large purse of goat or badger's skin, usually ornamented, was
hung before. The bonnet completed the garb. The garters were broad and
of rich colors, forming a close texture which was not liable to wrinkle.
The kilted-plaid was generally double, and when let down enveloped the
whole person, thus forming a shelter from the storm. Shoes and stockings
are of comparatively recent times. In lieu of the shoe untanned leather
was tied with thongs around the feet. Burt, writing about the year 1727,
when some innovations had been made, says: "The Highland dress consists
of a bonnet made of thrum without a brim, a short coat, a waistcoat
longer by five or six inches, short stockings, and brogues or pumps
without heels * * * Few besides gentlemen wear the truis, that is, the
breeches and stockings all of one piece and drawn on together; over this
habit they wear a plaid, which is usually three yards long and two
breadths wide, and the whole garb is made of checkered tartan or
plaiding; this with the sword and pistol, is called a _full dress_, and
to a well proportioned man with any tolerable air, it makes an agreeable
figure."[2] The plaid was the undress of the ladies, and to a woman who
adjusted it with an important air, it proved to be a becoming veil. It
was made of silk or fine worsted, checkered with various lively colors,
two breadths wide and three yards in length. It was brought over the
head and made to hide or discover the face, according to the occasion,
or the wearer's fancy; it reached to the waist behind; one corner
dropped as low as the ankle on one side, and the other part, in folds,
hung down from the opposite arm. The sleeves were of scarlet cloth,
closed at the ends as man's vests, with gold lace round them, having
plate buttons set with fine stones. The head-dress was a fine kerchief
of linen, straight about the head. The plaid was tied before on the
breast, with a buckle of silver or brass, according to the quality of
the person. The plaid was tied round the waist with a belt of leather.
The Highlanders bore their part in all of Scotland's wars. An appeal, or
order, to them never was made in vain. Only a brief notice must here
suffice. Almost at the very dawn of Scotland's history we find the
inhabitants beyond the Grampians taking a bold stand in behalf of their
liberties. The Romans early triumphed over England and the southern
limits of Scotland. In the year 78 A.D., Agricola, an able and vigorous
commander, was appointed over the forces in Britain. During the years
80, 81, and 82, he subdued that part of Scotland south of the friths of
Forth and Clyde. Learning that a confederacy had been formed to resist
him at the north, during the summer of 83, he opened the campaign beyond
the friths. His movements did not escape the keen eyes of the
mountaineers, for in the night time they suddenly fell upon the Ninth
Legion at Loch Ore, and were only repulsed after a desperate resistance.
The Roman army receiving auxiliaries from the south, Agricola, in the
summer of 84, took up his line of march towards the Grampians. The
northern tribes, in the meantime, had united under a powerful leader
whom the Romans called Galgacus. They fully realized that their
liberties were in danger. They sent their wives and children into places
of safety, and, thirty thousand strong, waited the advance of the enemy.
The two armies came together at _Mons Grampius_. The field presented a
dreadful spectacle of carnage and destruction; for ten thousand of the
tribesmen fell in the engagement. The Roman army elated by its success
passed the night in exultation. The victory was barren of results, for,
after three years of persevering warfare, the Romans were forced to
relinquish the object of the expedition. In the year 183 the Highlanders
broke through the northern Roman wall. In 207 the irrepressible people
again broke over their limits, which brought the emperor Severus,
although old and in bad health, into the field. Exasperated by their
resistance the emperor sought to extirpate them because they had
prevented his nation from becoming the conquerors of Europe. Collecting
a large body of troops he directed them into the mountains, and marched
from the wall of Antoninus even to the very extremity of the island; but
this year, 208, was also barren of fruits. Fifty thousand Romans fell a
prey to fatigue, the climate, and the desultory assaults of the natives.
Soon after the entire country north of the Antonine wall, was given up,
for it was found that while it was necessary for one legion to keep the
southern parts in subjection two were required to repel the incursions
of the Gael. Incursions from the north again broke out during the year
306, when the restless tribes were repelled by Constantius Chlorus. In
the year 345 they were again repelled by Constans. During all these
years the Highlanders were learning the art of war by their contact with
the Romans. They no longer feared the invaders, for about the year 360,
they advanced into the Roman territories and committed many
depredations. There was another outbreak about the year 398. Finally,
about the year 446, the Romans abandoned Britain, and advised the
inhabitants, who had suffered from the northern tribes, to protect
themselves by retiring behind and keeping in repair the wall of Severus.
The people were gradually forming for themselves distinct
characteristics, as well as a separate kingdom confined within the
Grampian boundaries. This has been known as the kingdom of the Scots;
but to the Highlander as that of the Gael, or Albanich. The epithets,
Scots and English, are totally unknown in Gaelic. They call the English
Sassanachs, the Lowlanders are Gauls, and their own country Gaeldach.
Passing over several centuries and paying no attention to the rapines of
the Danes and the Norse, we find that the power of the Norwegians, under
king Haco, was broken at the battle of the Largs, fought October 2d,
1263. King Alexander III. summoned the Highlanders, who rallied to the
defence of their country and rendered such assistance as was required.
The right wing of the Scottish army was composed of the men of Argyle,
Lennox, Athole, and Galloway, while the left wing was constituted by
those from Fife, Stirling, Berwick, and Lothian. The center, commanded
by the king in person, was composed of the men of Ross, Perth, Angus,
Mar, Mearns, Moray, Inverness, and Caithness.
The conquest of Scotland, undertaken by the English Edwards, culminated
in the battle of Bannockburn, fought Monday, June 24, 1314, when the
invaders met with a crushing defeat, leaving thirty thousand of their
number dead upon the field, or two-thirds as many as there were Scots
on the field. In this battle the reserve, composed of the men of Argyle,
Carrick, Kintyre, and the Isles, formed the fourth line, was commanded
by Bruce in person. The following clans, commanded in person by their
respective chiefs, had the distinguished honor of fighting nobly:
Stewart, Macdonald, Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cameron, Sinclair,
Drummond, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robertson, Grant,
Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, Munro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie,
or twenty-one in all.
In the year 1513, James IV. determined on an invasion of England, and
summoned the whole array of his kingdom to meet him on the common moor
of Edinburgh. One hundred thousand men assembled in obedience to the
command. This great host met the English on the field of Flodden,
September 9th. The right divisions of James' army were chiefly composed
of Highlanders. The shock of the mountaineers, as they poured upon the
English pikemen, was terrible; but the force of the onslaught once
sustained became spent with its own violence. The consequence was a
total rout of the right wing accompanied by great slaughter. Of this
host there perished on the field fifteen lords and chiefs of clans.
During the year 1547, the English, under the duke of Somerset, invaded
Scotland. The hostile armies came together at Pinkie, September 18th.
The right and left wings of the Scottish army were composed of
Highlanders. During the conflict the Highlanders could not resist the
temptation to plunder, and, while thus engaged, saw the division of
Angus falling back, though in good order; mistaking this retrograde
movement for a flight, they were suddenly seized with a panic and ran
off in all directions. Their terror was communicated to other troops,
who immediately threw away their arms and followed the Highlanders.
Everything was now lost; the ground over which the fight lay was as
thickly strewed with pikes as a floor with rushes; helmets, bucklers,
swords, daggers, and steel caps lay scattered on every side; and the
chase beginning at one o'clock, continued till six in the evening with
extraordinary slaughter.
During the reign of Charles I. civil commotions broke out which shook
the kingdom with great violence. The Scots were courted by king and
parliament alike. The Highlanders were devoted to the royal government.
In the year 1644 Montrose made a diversion in the Highlands. With
dazzling rapacity, at first only supported by a handful of followers,
but gathering numbers with success, he erected the royal standard at
Dumfries. The clans obeyed his summons, and on September 1st, at
Tippermuir, he defeated the Covenanters, and again on the 12th at the
Bridge of Dee. On February 2nd, 1645, at Inverlochy, he crushed the
Argyle Campbells, who had taken up the sword on behalf of Cromwell. In
rapid succession other victories were won at Auldearn, Alford and
Kilsyth. All Scotland now appeared to be recovered for Charles, but the
fruit of all these victories was lost by the defeat at Philiphaugh,
September 13th, 1645.
Within the brief space of three years. James II., of England, succeeded
in fanning the revolutionary elements both in England and Scotland into
a flame which he was powerless to quench. The Highlanders chiefly
adhered to the party of James which received the name of Jacobites.
Dundee hastened to the Highlands and around him gathered the Highland
chiefs at Lochabar. The army of William, under Hugh Mackay, met the
forces of Dundee at Killiecrankie, July 29th, 1689, where, under the
spirited leadership of the latter, and the irresistible torrent of the
Highland charge, the forces of the former were almost annihilated; but
at the moment of victory Bonnie Dundee was killed by a bullet. No one
was left who was equal to the occasion, or who could hold the clans
together, and hence the victory was in reality a defeat.
The exiled Stuarts looked with a longing eye to that crown which their
stupid folly had forfeited. They seemed fated to bring countless woes
upon the loyal hearted, brave, self-sacrificing Highlanders, and were
ever eager to take advantage of any circumstance that might lead to
their restoration. The accession of George I, in 1714, was an unhappy
event for Great Britain. Discontent soon pervaded the kingdom. All he
appeared to care about was to secure for himself and his family a high
position, which he scarcely knew how to occupy: to fill the pockets of
his German attendants and his German mistresses; to get away as often
as possible from his uncongenial islanders whose language he did not
understand, and to use the strength of Great Britain to obtain petty
advantages for his German principality. At once the new king exhibited
violent prejudices against some of the chief men of the nation, and
irritated without a cause a large part of his subjects. Some believed it
was a favorable opportunity to reinstate the Stuart dynasty. John
Erskine, eleventh earl of Mar, stung by studied and unprovoked insults,
on the part of the king, proceeded to the Highlands and placed himself
at the head of the forces of the house of Stuart, or Jacobites, as they
were called. On September 6, 1715, Mar assembled at Aboyne the noblemen,
chiefs of clans, gentlemen, and others, with such followers as could be
brought together, and proclaimed James, king of Great Britain. The
insurrection, both in England and Scotland, began to grow in popularity,
and would have been a success had there been at the head of affairs a
strong military man. Nearly all the principal chiefs of the clans were
drawn into the movement. At Sheriffmuir, the contending forces met,
Sunday, November 13, 1715. The victory was with the Highlanders, but
Mar's military talents were not equal to the occasion. The army was
finally disbanded at Aberdeen, in February, 1716.
The rebellion of 1745, headed by prince Charles Stuart, was the grandest
exhibition of chivalry, on the part of the Highlanders, that the world
has ever seen. They were actuated by an exalted sense of devotion to
that family, which for generations, they had been taught should reign
over them. At first victory crowned their efforts, but all was lost on
the disastrous field of Culloden, fought April 16, 1746.
Were it possible it would be an unspeakable pleasure to drop a veil over
the scene, at the close of the battle of Culloden. Language fails to
depict the horrors that ensued. It is scarcely within the bounds of
belief that human beings could perpetrate such atrocities upon the
helpless, the feeble, and the innocent, without regard to sex or age, as
followed in the wake of the victors. Highland historians have made the
facts known. It must suffice here to give a moderate statement from an
English writer:
"Quarter was seldom given to the stragglers and fugitives, except to
a few considerately reserved for public execution. No care or
compassion was shown to their wounded; nay more, on the following day
most of these were put to death in cold blood, with a cruelty such as
never perhaps before or since has disgraced a British army. Some were
dragged from the thickets or cabins where they had sought refuge,
drawn out in line and shot, while others were dispatched by the
soldiers with the stocks of their muskets. One farm-building, into
which some twenty disabled Highlanders had crawled, was deliberately
set on fire the next day, and burnt with them to the ground. The
native prisoners were scarcely better treated; and even sufficient
water was not vouchsafed to their thirst. **** Every kind of havoc
and outrage was not only permitted, but, I fear, we must add,
encouraged. Military license usurped the place of law, and a fierce
and exasperated soldiery were at once judge--jury--executioner. ****
The rebels' country was laid waste, the houses plundered, the cabins
burnt, the cattle driven away. The men had fled to the mountains, but
such as could be found were frequently shot; nor was mercy always
granted even to their helpless families. In many cases the women and
children, expelled from their homes and seeking shelter in the clefts
of the rocks, miserably perished of cold and hunger: others were
reduced to follow the track of the marauders, humbly imploring for
the blood and offal of their own cattle which had been slaughtered
for the soldiers' food! Such is the avowal which historical justice
demands. But let me turn from further details of these painful and
irritating scenes, or of the ribald frolics and revelry with which
they were intermingled--races of naked women on horseback for the
amusement of the camp at Fort Augustus."[3]
The author and abettor of these atrocities was the son of the reigning
monarch.
Not satisfied with the destruction which was carried into the very homes
of this gallant, brave and generous race of people, the British
parliament, with a refined cruelty, passed an act that, on and after
August 1, 1747, any person, man, or boy, in Scotland, who should on any
pretense whatever wear any part of the Highland garb, should be
imprisoned not less than six months; and on conviction of second
offense, transportation abroad for seven years. The soldiers had
instructions to shoot upon the spot any one seen wearing the Highland
garb, and this as late as September, 1750. This law and other laws made
at the same time were unnecessarily severe.
However impartial or fair a traveller may be his statements are not to
be accepted without due caution. He narrates that which most forcibly
attracts his attention, being ever careful to search out that which he
desires. Yet, to a certain extent, dependence must be placed in his
observations. From certain travellers are gleaned fearful pictures of
the Highlanders during the eighteenth century, written without a due
consideration of the underlying causes. The power of the chiefs had been
weakened, while the law was still impotent, many of them were in exile
and their estates forfeited, and landlords, in not a few instances,
placed over the clansmen, who were inimical to their best interests. As
has been noticed, in 1746 the country was ravaged and pitiless
oppression followed. Destruction and misery everywhere abounded. To
judge a former condition of a people by their present extremity affords
a distorted view of the picture.
Fire and sword, war and rapine, desolation and atrocity, perpetrated
upon a high-spirited and generous people, cannot conduce to the best
moral condition. Left in poverty and galled by outrage, wrongs will be
resorted to which otherwise would be foreign to a natural disposition.
If the influences of a more refined age had not penetrated the remote
glens, then a rougher reprisal must be expected. The coarseness, vice,
rapacity, and inhumanity of the oppressor must of necessity have a
corresponding influence on their better natures. If to this it be added
that some of the chiefs were naturally fierce, the origin of the sad
features could readily be determined. Whatever vices practiced or wrongs
perpetrated, the example was set before them by their more powerful and
better conditioned neighbors. Among the crimes enumerated is that some
of the chiefs increased their scanty incomes by kidnapping boys or men,
whom they sold as slaves to the American planters. If this be true, and
in all probability it was, there must have been confederates engaged in
maritime pursuits. But they did not have far to go for this lesson, for
this nefarious trade was taught them, at their very doors, by the
merchants of Aberdeen, who were "noted for a scandalous system of
decoying young boys from the country and selling them as slaves to the
planters in Virginia. It was a trade which in the early part of the
eighteenth century, was carried on to a considerable extent through the
Highlands; and a case which took place about 1742 attracted much notice
a few years later, when one of the victims having escaped from
servitude, returned to Aberdeen, and published a narrative of his
sufferings, seriously implicating some of the magistracy of the town. He
was prosecuted and condemned for libel by the local authorities, but the
case was afterwards carried to Edinburgh. The iniquitous system of
kidnapping was fully exposed, and the judges of the supreme court
unanimously reversed the verdict of the Aberdeen authorities and imposed
a heavy fine upon the provost, the four bailies, and the dean of guild.
*** An atrocious case of this kind, which shows clearly the state of the
Highlands, occurred in 1739. Nearly one hundred men, women and children
were seized in the dead of night on the islands of Skye and Harris,
pinioned, horribly beaten, and stowed away in a ship bound for America,
in order to be sold to the planters. Fortunately the ship touched at
Donaghadee in Ireland, and the prisoners, after undergoing the most
frightful sufferings, succeeded in escaping."[4]
Under existing circumstances it was but natural that the more
enterprising, and especially that intelligent portion who had lost their
heritable jurisdiction, should turn with longing eyes to another
country. America offered the most inviting asylum. Although there was
some emigration to America during the first half of the eighteenth
century, yet it did not fairly set in until about 1760. Between the
years 1763 and 1775 over twenty thousand Highlanders left their homes to
seek a better retreat in the forests of America.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: "Description of the Western Islands," pp. 199, 200.]
[Footnote 2: "Letters from the North," Vol. II., p. 167.]
[Footnote 3: Lord Mahon's "History of England," Vol. III, pp. 308-311.]
[Footnote 4: Lecky's "History of England," Vol. II, p. 274.]
CHAPTER II.
THE SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA.
The name Scotland was never applied to that country, now so designated,
before the tenth century, but was called Alban, Albania, Albion. At an
early period Ireland was called Scotia, which name was exclusively so
applied before the tenth century. Scotia was then a territorial or
geographical term, while Scotus was a race name or generic term,
implying people as well as country. "The generic term of _Scoti_
embraced the people of that race whether inhabiting Ireland or Britain.
As this term of Scotia was a geographical term derived from the generic
name of a people, it was to some extent a fluctuating name, and though
applied at first to Ireland, which possessed the more distinctive name
of Hibernia, as the principal seat of the race from whom the name was
derived, it is obvious that, if the people from whom the name was taken
inhabited other countries, the name itself would have a tendency to pass
from the one to the other, according to the prominence which the
different settlements of the race assumed in the history of the world;
and as the race of the Scots in Britain became more extended, and their
power more formidable, the territorial name would have a tendency to fix
itself where the race had become most conspicuous.... The name in its
Latin form of Scotia, was transferred from Ireland to Scotland in the
reign of Malcolm the Second, who reigned from 1004 to 1034. The 'Pictish
Chronicle,' compiled before 997, knows nothing of the name of Scotia as
applied to North Britain; but Marianus Scotus, who lived from 1028 to
1081, calls Malcolm the Second 'rex _Scotiae_,' and Brian, king of
Ireland, 'rex _Hiberniae_.' The author of the 'Life of St. Cadroe,' in
the eleventh century, likewise applies the name of _Scotia_ to North
Britain."[5]
A strong immigration early set in from the north of Ireland to the
western parts of Scotland. It was under no leadership, but more in the
nature of an overflow, or else partaking of the spirit of adventure.
This was accelerated in the year 503, when a new colony of Dalriadic
Scots, under the leadership of Fergus, son of Eric, left Ireland and
settled on the western coast of Argyle and the adjacent isles. From
Fergus was derived the line of Scoto-Irish kings, who finally, in 843,
ascended the Pictish throne.
The inhabitants of Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland were but
branches of the same Keltic stock, and their language was substantially
the same. There was not only more or less migrations between the two
countries, but also, to a greater or less extent, an impinging between
the people.
Ulster, the northern province of Ireland, is composed of the counties of
Antrim, Armagh, Cavan, Donegal, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Monaghan
and Tyrone. Formerly it was the seat of the O'Neills, as well as the
lesser septs of O'Donnell, O'Cahan, O'Doherty, Maguire, MacMahon, etc.
The settlements made by the earlier migrations of the Highlanders were
chiefly on the coast of Antrim. These settlements were connected with
and dependent on the Clandonald of Islay and Kintyre. The founder of
this branch of that powerful family was John Mor, second son of "the
good John of Islay," who, about the year 1400, married Majory Bisset,
heiress of the Glens, in Antrim, and thus acquired a permanent footing.
The family was not only strengthened by settling cadets of its own house
as tenants in the territory of the Glens, but also by intermarriages
with the families of O'Neill, O'Donnell, and others. In extending its
Irish possessions the Clandonald was brought into frequent conflicts and
feuds with the Irish of Ulster. In 1558 the Hebrideans had become so
strong in Ulster that the archbishop of Armagh urged on the government
the advisability of their expulsion by procuring their Irish neighbors,
O'Donnell, O'Neill, O'Cahan, and others, to unite against them. In 1565
the MacDonalds suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Shane O'Neill,
earl of Tyrone. The Scottish islanders still continued to exercise
considerable power. Sorley Buy MacDonald, a man of great courage, soon
extended his influence over the adjacent territories, in so much so that
in 1575-1585, the English were forced to turn their attention to the
progress of the Scots. The latter having been defeated, an agreement
was made in which Sorley Buy was granted four districts. His eldest son,
Sir James MacSorley Buy, or MacDonell of Dunluce, became a strenuous
supporter of the government of James on his accession to the British
throne.
In the meantime other forces were at work. Seeds of discontent had been
sown by both Henry VIII, and his daughter Elizabeth, who tried to force
the people of Ireland to accept the ritual of the Reformed Church. Both
reaped abundant fruit of trouble from this ill-advised policy. Being
inured to war it did not require much fire to be fanned into a flame of
commotion and discord. Soon after his accession to the English throne,
James I caused certain estates of Irish nobles, who had engaged in
treasonable practices, to be escheated to the crown. By this
confiscation James had at his disposal nearly six counties in Ulster,
embracing half a million of acres. These lands were allotted to private
individuals in sections of one thousand, fifteen hundred, and two
thousand acres, each being required to support an adequate number of
English or Scottish tenantry. Protestant colonies were transplanted from
England and Scotland, but chiefly from the latter, with the intent that
the principles of the Reformation should subdue the turbulent natives.
The proclamation inviting settlers for Ulster was dated at Edinburgh,
March 28, 1609. Great care was taken in selecting the emigrants, to
which the king gave his personal attention. Measures were taken that the
settlers should be "from the inward parts of Scotland," and that they
should be so located that "they may not mix nor intermarry" with "the
mere Irish." For the most part the people were received from the shires
of Dumbarton, Renfrew, Ayre, Galloway, and Dumfries. On account of
religious persecutions, in 1665, a large additional accession was
received from Galloway and Ayre. The chief seat of the colonization
scheme was in the county of Londonderry. The new settlers did not mix
with the native population to any appreciable extent, especially prior
to 1741, but mingled freely with the English Puritans and the refugee
Huguenots. The native race was forced sullenly to retire before the
colonists. Although the king had expressly forbidden any more of the
inhabitants of the Western Isles to be taken to Ulster, yet the blood
of the Highlander, to a great degree, permeated that of the Ulsterman,
and had its due weight in forming the character of the Scotch-Irish. The
commotions in the Highlands, during the civil wars, swelled the number
to greater proportions. The rebellions of 1715 and 1745 added a large
percentage to the increasing population. The names of the people are
interesting, both as illustrating their origin, and as showing the
extraordinary corruptions which some have undergone. As an illustration,
the proscribed clan MacGregor, may be cited, which migrated in great
numbers, descendants of whom are still to be found under the names of
Grier, Greer, Gregor, etc., the _Mac_ in general being dropped;
MacKinnon becomes McKenna, McKean, McCannon; Mac Nish is McNeice,
Menees, Munnis, Monies, etc.
The Scotch settlers retained the characteristic traits of their native
stock and continued to call themselves Scotch, although molded somewhat
by surrounding influences. They demanded and exercised the privilege of
choosing their own spiritual advisers, in opposition to all efforts of
the hierarchy of England to make the choice and support the clergy as a
state concern.
From the descendants of these people came the Scotch-Irish emigrants to
America, who were destined to perform an important part on the theatre
of action by organizing a successful revolt and establishing a new
government. Among the early emigrants to the New World, although termed
Scotch-Irish, and belonging to them we have such names as Campbell,
Ferguson, Graham, McFarland, McDonald, McGregor, McIntyre, McKenzie,
McLean, McPherson, Morrison, Robertson, Stewart, etc., all of which are
distinctly Highlander and suggestive of the clans.
On the outbreak of the American Revolution the thirteen colonies
numbered among their inhabitants about eight hundred thousand Scotch and
Scotch-Irish, or a little more than one-fourth of the entire population.
They were among the first to become actively engaged in that struggle,
and so continued until the peace, furnishing fourteen major-generals,
and thirty brigadier generals, among whom may be mentioned St. Clair,
McDougall, Mercer, McIntosh, Wayne, Knox, Montgomery, Sullivan, Stark,
Morgan, Davidson, and others. More than any other one element, unless
the New England Puritans be excepted, they formed a sentiment for
independence, and recruited the continental army. To their valor,
enthusiasm and dogged persistence the victory for liberty was largely
due. Washington pronounced on them a proud encomium when he declared,
during the darkest period of the Revolution, that if his efforts should
fail, then he would erect his standard on the Blue Ridge of Virginia.
Besides warring against the drilled armies of Britain on the sea coast
they formed a protective wall between the settlements and the savages on
the west.
Among the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence, nine
were of this lineage, one of whom, McKean, served continuously in
Congress from its opening in 1774 till its close in 1783, during a part
of which time he was its president, and also serving as chief justice of
Pennsylvania. The chairman of the committee that drafted the
constitution of the United States, Rutledge, was, by ancestry,
Scotch-Irish. When the same instrument was submitted, the three states
first to adopt it were the middle states, or Delaware, Pennsylvania and
New Jersey, so largely settled by the same class of people.
Turning again specifically to the Scotch-Irish emigrants it may be
remarked that they had received in the old country a splendid physique,
having large bones and sound teeth, besides being trained to habits of
industry. The mass of them were men of intelligence, resolution, energy,
religious and moral in character. They were a God-fearing,
liberty-loving, tyrant-hating, Sabbath-keeping, covenant-adhering race,
and schooled by a discipline made fresh and impressive by the heroic
efforts at Derry and Enniskillin. Their women were fine specimens of the
sex, about the medium height, strongly built, with fair complexion,
light blue or grey eyes, ruddy cheeks, and faces indicating a warm
heart, intelligence and courage; and possessing those virtues which
constitute the redeeming qualities of the human race.
These people were martyrs for conscience sake. In 1711 a measure was
carried through the British parliament that provided that all persons in
places of profit or trust, and all common councilmen in corporations,
who, while holding office, were proved to have attended any
Nonconformist place of worship, should forfeit the place, and should
continue incapable of public employment till they should depose that for
a whole year they had not attended a conventicle. A fine of £40 was
added to be paid to the informer. There were other causes which assisted
to help depopulate Ulster, among which was the destruction of the woolen
trade about 1700, when twenty thousand left that province. Many more
were driven away by the Test Act in 1704, and in 1732. On the failure to
repeal that act the protestant emigration recommenced which robbed
Ireland of the bravest defenders of English interests and peopled
America with fresh blood of Puritanism.
The second great wave of emigration from Ulster occurred between 1771
and 1773, growing out of the Antrim evictions. In 1771 the leases on the
estate of the marquis of Donegal, in Antrim, expired. The rents were
placed at such an exorbitant figure that the demands could not be met. A
spirit of resentment to the oppressions of the landed proprietors at
once arose, and extensive emigration to America was the result. In the
two years that followed the Antrim evictions of 1772, thirty thousand
protestants left Ulster for a land where legal robbery could not be
permitted, and where those who sowed the seed could reap the harvest.
From the ports of the North of Ireland one hundred vessels sailed for
the New World, loaded with human beings. It has been computed that in
1773 and during the five preceding years, Ulster, by emigration to the
American settlements, was drained of one-quarter of the trading cash,
and a like proportion of its manufacturing population. This oppressed
people, leaving Ireland in such a temper became a powerful adjunct in
the prosecution of the Revolution which followed so closely on the
wrongs which they had so cruelly suffered.
The advent of the first Scotch-Irish clergyman in America, so far as is
now known, was in 1682, signalled by the arrival of Francis Makemie, the
father of American Presbyterianism. Almost promptly he was landed in
jail in New York, charged with the offense of preaching the gospel in a
private house. Assisted by a Scottish lawyer from Philadelphia (who was
silenced for his courage), he defended the cause of religious liberty
with heroic courage and legal ability, and was ultimately acquitted by a
fearless New York jury. Thus was begun the great struggle for religious
liberty in America. Among those who afterwards followed were George
McNish, from Ulster, in 1705, and John Henry, in 1709.
Early in the spring of 1718, Rev. William Boyd arrived in Boston as an
agent of some hundreds of people who had expressed a desire to come to
New England should suitable encouragement be offered them. With him he
brought a brief memorial to which was attached three hundred and
nineteen names, all but thirteen of which were in a fair and vigorous
hand. Governor Shute gave such general encouragement and promise of
welcome, that on August 4, 1718, five small ships came to anchor at the
wharf in Boston, having on board one hundred and twenty Scotch-Irish
families, numbering in all about seven hundred and fifty individuals. In
years they embraced those from the babe in arms to John Young, who had
seen the frosts of ninety-five winters. Among the clergy who arrived
were James McGregor, Cornwell, and Holmes.
In a measure these people were under the charge of Governor Shute. He
must find homes for them. He dispatched about fifty of these families to
Worcester. That year marked the fifth of its permanent settlement, and
was composed of fifty log-houses, inhabited by two hundred souls. The
new comers appear to have been of the poorer and more illiterate class
of the five ship loads. At first they were welcomed, because needed for
both civic and military reasons. In September of 1722 a township
organization was effected, and at the first annual town meeting, names
of the strangers appear on the list of officers. With these emigrants
was brought the Irish potato, and first planted in the spring of 1719.
When their English neighbors visited them, on their departure they
presented them with a few of the tubers for planting, and the
recipients, unwilling to show any discourtesy, accepted the same, but
suspecting a poisonous quality, carried them to the first swamp and
threw them into the water. The same spring a few potatoes were given to
a Mr. Walker, of Andover, by a family who had wintered with him. He
planted them in the ground, and in due time the family gathered the
"_balls_" which they supposed was the fruit. These were cooked in
various ways, but could not be made palatable. The next spring when
plowing the garden, potatoes of great size were turned up, when the
mistake was discovered. This introduction into New England is the reason
why the now indispensable succulent is called "Irish potato." This
vegetable was first brought from Virginia to Ireland in 1565 by
slave-trader Hawkins, and from there it found its way to New England in
1718, through the Scotch-Irish.
The Worcester Scotch-Irish petitioned to be released from paying taxes
to support the prevalent form of worship, as they desired to support
their own method. Their prayer was contemptuously rejected. Two years
later, or in 1738, owing to their church treatment, a company consisting
of thirty-eight families, settled the new town of Pelham, thirty miles
west of Worcester. The scandalous destruction of their property in
Worcester, in 1740, caused a further exodus which resulted in the
establishing the towns of Warren and Blandford, both being incorporated
in 1741. The Scotch-Irish town of Colerain, located fifty miles
northwest of Worcester was settled in 1739.
Londonderry, New Hampshire, was settled in April, 1719, forming the
second settlement, from the five ships. Most of these pioneers were men
in middle life, robust and persevering. Their first dwellings were of
logs, covered with bark. It must not be thought that these people,
strict in their religious conceptions, were not touched with the common
feelings of ordinary humanity. It is related that when John Morrison was
building his house his wife came to him and in a persuasive manner said,
"Aweel, aweel, dear Joan, an' it maun be a log-house, do make it a log
heegher nor the lave;" (than the rest). The first frame house built was
for their pastor, James McGregor. The first season they felt it
necessary to build two strong stone garrison-houses in order to resist
any attack of the Indians. It is remarkable that in neither Lowell's
war, when Londonderry was strictly a frontier town, nor in either of the
two subsequent French and Indian wars, did any hostile force from the
northward ever approach that town. During the twenty-five years
preceding the revolution, ten distinct towns of influence, in New
Hampshire, were settled by emigrants from Londonderry, besides two in
Vermont and two in Nova Scotia; while families, sometimes singly and
also in groups, went off in all directions, especially along the
Connecticut river and over the ridge of the Green Mountains. To these
brave people, neither the crown nor the colonies appealed in vain. Every
route to Crown Point and Ticonderoga had been tramped by them time and
again. With Colonel Williams they were at the head of Lake George in
1755, and in the battle with Dieskau that followed; they were with Stark
and lord Howe, under Abercrombie, in the terrible defeat at Ticonderoga
in 1758; others toiled with Wolfe on the Heights of Abraham; and in
1777, fought under Stark at Bennington, and against Burgoyne at
Saratoga.
A part of the emigrants intended for New Hampshire settled in Maine, in
what is now Portland, Topsham, Bath and other places. Unfortunately soon
after these settlements were established some of them were broken up by
Indian troubles, and some of the colonists sought refuge with their
countrymen at Londonderry, but the greater part removed to
Pennsylvania,--from 1730 to 1733 about one hundred and fifty families,
principally of Scotch descent. In 1735, Warren, Maine, was settled by
twenty-seven families, some of whom were of recent emigration and others
from the first arrival in Boston in 1718. In 1753 the town received an
addition of sixty adults and many children brought from Scotland.
The Scotch-Irish settlement at Salem in Washington county, New York,
came from Monaghan and Ballibay, Ireland. Under the leadership of their
minister, Rev. Thomas Clark, three hundred sailed from Newry, May 10,
1764, and landed in New York in July following. On September 30, 1765,
Mr. Clark obtained twelve thousand acres of the "Turner Grant," and upon
this land he moved his parishioners, save a few families that had been
induced to go to South Carolina, and some others that remained in
Stillwater, New York. The great body of these settlers took possession
of their lands, which had been previously surveyed into tracts of
eighty-eight acres each, in the year 1767. The previous year had been
devoted to clearing the lands, building houses, etc. Among the early
buildings was a log church, the first religious place of worship erected
between Albany and Canada. March 2, 1774, the legislature erected the
settlement into a township named New Perth. This name remained until
March 7, 1788, when it was changed to Salem.
The Scotch-Irish first settled in Somerset county, New Jersey, early in
the last century, but not at one time but from time to time.
These early settlers repudiated the name of Irish, and took it as an
offense to be so called. They claimed, and truly, to be Scotch. The term
"Scotch-Irish" is quite recent, but has come into general use.
From the three centers, Worcester, Londonderry and Wiscasset, the
Scotch-Irish penetrated and permeated all New England; Maine the most of
all, next New Hampshire, then Massachusetts, and in lessening order,
Vermont, Connecticut and Rhode Island. They were one sort of people,
belonging to the same grade and sphere of life. In worldly goods they
were poor, but the majority could read and write, and if possessed with
but one book that was the Bible, yet greatly esteeming Fox's "Book of
Martyrs" and Bunyon's "Pilgrim's Progress." Whatever their views, they
were held in common.
The three doors that opened to the Scotch-Irish emigrant, in the New
World, were the ports of Boston, Charleston and New Castle, in Delaware,
the great bulk of whom being received at the last named city, where they
did not even stop to rest, but pushed their way to their future homes in
Pennsylvania. No other state received so many of them for permanent
settlers. Those who landed in New York found the denizens there too
submissive to foreign dictation, and so preferred Pennsylvania and
Maryland, where the proprietary governors and the people were in
immediate contact. Francis Machemie had organized the first Presbyterian
church in America along the eastern shore of Maryland and in the
adjoining counties of Virginia.
The wave of Quaker settlements spent its force on the line of the
Conestoga creek, in Lancaster county. The Scotch and Scotch-Irish
arriving in great numbers were permitted to locate beyond that line, and
thus they not only became the pioneers, but long that race so continued
to be. In 1725, so great had been the wave of emigration into
Pennsylvania, that James Logan, a native of Armagh, Ireland, but not
fond of his own countrymen who were not Quakers, declared, "It looks as
if Ireland were to send all her inhabitants hither; if they continue to
come they will make themselves proprietors of the province;" and he
further condemned the bad taste of the people who were forcing
themselves where they were not wanted. The rate of this invasion may be
estimated from the rise in population from twenty thousand, in 1701, to
two hundred and fifty thousand in 1745, which embraced the entire
population of that colony. Between the years 1729 and 1750, there was an
annual arrival of twelve thousand, mostly from Ulster. Among the vessels
that helped to inaugurate this great tide was the good ship "George and
Ann," which set sail from Ireland on May 9th, 1729, and brought over the
McDowells, the Irvines, the Campbells, the O'Neills, the McElroys, the
Mitchells, and their compatriots.
Soon after the emigrants landed at New Castle they found their way along
the branches of various rivers to the several settlements on the western
frontier. The only ones known to have come through New York was the
"Irish settlement" in Allen township, Northampton county, composed
principally of families from Londonderry, New Hampshire, where, owing to
the rigid climate, they could not be induced to remain. It grew but
slowly, and after 1750 most of the descendants passed on towards the
Susquehanna and down the Cumberland.
As early as 1720 a colony was formed on the Neshaminy, in Bucks County,
which finally became one of the greatest landmarks of that race. The
settlements that commenced as early as 1710, at Fagg Manor, at Octorara,
at New London, and at Brandywine Manor, in Chester County, formed the
nucleus for subsequent emigration for a period of forty years, when they
also declined by removals to other sections of the State, and to the
colonies of the South. Prior to 1730 there were large settlements in
the townships of Colerain, Pequea, and Leacock, in Lancaster County.
Just when the pioneers arrived in that region has not been accurately
ascertained, but some of them earlier than 1720. Within a radius of
thirty-five miles of Harrisburgh are the settlements of Donegal,
Paxtang, Derry, and Hanover, founded between 1715 and 1724; from whence
poured another stream on through the Cumberland Valley, across the
Potomac, down through Virginia and into the Carolinas and Georgia. The
valley of the Juniata was occupied in 1749. The settlements in the lower
part of York County date from 1726. From 1760 to 1770 settlements
rapidly sprung up in various places throughout Western Pennsylvania.
Soon after 1767 emigrants settled on the Youghiogheny, the Monongahela
and its tributaries, and in the years 1770 and 1771, Washington County
was colonized. Soon after the wave of population extended to the Ohio
River. From this time forward Western Pennsylvania was characteristically
Scotch-Irish.
These hardy sons were foremost in the French and Indian Wars. The
Revolutionary struggle caused them to turn their attention to
statesmanship and combat,--every one of whom was loyal to the cause of
independence. The patriot army had its full share of Scotch-Irish
representation. That thunderbolt of war, Anthony Wayne,[6] hailed from
the County of Chester. The ardent manner in which the cause of the
patriots was espoused is illustrated, in a notice of a marriage that
took place in 1778, in Lancaster County, the contracting parties being
of the Ulster race. The couple is denominated "very sincere Whigs."
It "was truly a Whig wedding, as there were present many young gentlemen
and ladies, and not one of the gentlemen but had been out when called on
in the service of his country; and it was well known that the groom, in
particular, had proved his heroism, as well as Whigism, in several
battles and skirmishes. After the marriage was ended, a motion was made,
and heartily agreed to by all present, that the young unmarried ladies
should form themselves into an association by the name of the 'Whig
Association of Unmarried Young Ladies of America,' in which they should
pledge their honor that they would never give their hand in marriage to
any gentleman until he had first proved himself a patriot, in readily
turning out when called to defend his country from slavery, by a
spirited and brave conduct, as they would not wish to be the mothers of
a race of slaves and cowards'"[7]
Pennsylvania was the gateway and first resting place, and the source of
Scotch-Irish adventure and enterprise as they moved west and south. The
wave of emigration striking the eastern border of Pennsylvania, in a
measure was deflected southward through Maryland, Virginia, the
Carolinas, reaching and crossing the Savannah river, though met at
various points by counter streams of the same race, which had entered
the continent through Charleston and other southern ports. Leaving
Pennsylvania and turning southward, the first colony into which the
stream poured, was Maryland, the settlements being principally in the
narrow strip which constitutes the western portion, although they never
scattered all over the colony.
[Illustration: BUILT BY HENRY MCWHORTER IN 1787, AT JANE LEW, WEST
VIRGINIA, PHOTOGRAPHED IN 1893]
Proceeding southward traces of that race are found in Virginia east of
the Blue Ridge, in the latter part of the seventeenth and early in the
eighteenth century. They were in Albemarle, Nelson, Campbell, Prince
Edward, Charlotte and Orange counties, and even along the great valley
west of the Blue Ridge. It was not, however, until the year 1738 that
they entered the valley in great numbers, and almost completely
possessed it from the Pennsylvania to the North Carolina line. During
the French and Indian wars the soldiers of Virginia were mainly drawn
from this section, and suffered defeat with Washington at the Great
Meadows, and with Braddock at Fort Duquesne, but by their firmness saved
the remnant of that rash general's army. In 1774 they won the signal
victory at Point Pleasant which struck terror into the Indian tribes
across the Ohio.
The American Revolution was foreshadowed in 1765, when England began her
oppressive measures regardless of the inalienable and chartered rights
of the colonists of America. It was then the youthful Scotch-Irishman,
Patrick Henry, introduced into the Virginia House of Burgesses, the
resolutions denying the validity of the Act of the British parliament,
and by Scotch-Irish votes he secured their adoption against the combined
efforts of the old leaders. At the first call for troops by congress to
defend Boston, Daniel Morgan at once raised a company from among his own
people, in the lower Virginia valley, and by a forced march of six
hundred miles reached the beleaguered city in three weeks. With his men
he trudged through the wilderness of Maine and appeared before Quebec;
and later, on the heights of Saratoga, with his riflemen, he poured like
a torrent upon the ranks of Burgoyne. Through the foresight of Henry, a
commission was given to George Rogers Clark, in 1778, to lead a secret
expedition against the northwestern forts. The soldiers were recruited
from among the Scotch-Irish settlements west of the Blue Ridge. The
untold hardships, sufferings and final success of this expedition, at
the Treaty of Peace, in 1783, gave the great west to the United States.
The greater number of the colonists of North Carolina was Scotch and
Scotch-Irish, in so much so as to have given direction to its history.
There were several reasons why they should be so attracted, the most
potent being a mild climate, fertile lands, and freedom of religious
worship. The greatest accession at any one time was that in 1736, when
Henry McCulloch secured sixty-four thousand acres in Duplin county, and
settled upon these lands four thousand of his Ulster countrymen. About
the same time the Scotch began to occupy the lower Cape Fear. Prior to
1750 they were located in the counties of Granville, Orange, Rowan and
Mecklenburg, although it is uncertain when they settled between the Dan
and the Catawba. Braddock's defeat, in 1755, rendered border life
dangerous, many of the newcomers turning south into North Carolina,
where they met the other stream of their countrymen moving upward from
Charleston along the banks of the Santee, Wateree, Broad, Pacolet,
Ennoree and Saluda, and this continued till checked by the Revolution.
These people generally were industrious, sober and intelligent, and with
their advent begins the educational history of the state. Near
Greensborough, in 1767, was established a classical school, and in 1770,
in the town of Charlotte, Mecklenburg county, was chartered Queen's
College, but its charter was repealed by George III. However, it
continued to flourish, and was incorporated as "Liberty Hall," in 1777.
The Revolution closed its doors; Cornwallis quartered his troops within
it, and afterwards burned the buildings.
Under wrongs the Scotch-Irish of North Carolina were the most restless
of all the colonists. They were zealous advocates for freedom of
conscience and security against taxation unless imposed by themselves.
During the administration of acting Governor Miller, they imprisoned the
president and six members of the council, convened the legislature,
established courts of justice, and for two years exercised all the
functions of government; they derided the authority of Governor
Eastchurch; they imprisoned, impeached, and sent into exile Governor
Sothel, for his extortions, and successfully resisted the effort of lord
Granville to establish the Church of England in that colony. In 1731,
Governor Burrington wrote: "The people of North Carolina are neither to
be cajoled or outwitted; * * * always behaved insolently to their
Governors. Some they imprisoned, others they have drove out of the
country, and at other times set up a government of their own choice."
In 1765, when a vessel laden with stamp paper arrived, the people
overawed the captain, who soon sailed away. The officers then adopted a
regular system of oppression and extortion, and plundered the people at
every turn of life. The people formed themselves into an association
"for regulating public grievances and abuse of powers." The royal
governor, Tryon (the same who later originated the infamous plot to
poison Washington), raised an army of eleven hundred men, and marched to
inflict summary punishment on the defiant sons of liberty. On May 16,
1771, the two forces met on the banks of the Great Alamance. After an
engagement of two hours the patriots failed. These men were sturdy,
patriotic members of three Presbyterian churches. On the field of battle
were their pastors, graduates of Princeton. Tryon used his victory so
savagely as to drive an increasing stream of settlers over the mountains
into Tennessee, where they made their homes in the valley of the
Watauga, and there nurtured their wrongs; but the day of their vengeance
was rapidly approaching.
[Illustration: VIEW OF BATTLE FIELD OF ALAMANCE.]
The stirring times of 1775 found the North Carolinians ready for revolt.
They knew from tradition and experience the monstrous wrongs of tyrants.
When the people of Mecklenburg county learned in May, 1775, that
parliament had declared the colonies in a state of revolt, they did not
wait for the action of congress nor for that of their own provincial
legislature, but adopted resolutions, which in effect formed a
declaration of independence.
The power, valor and uncompromising conduct of these men is illustrated
in their conduct at the battle of King's Mountain, fought October 7,
1780. It was totally unlike any other in American history, being the
voluntary uprising of the people, rushing to arms to aid their distant
kinsmen, when their own homes were menaced by savages. They served
without pay and without the hope of reward. The defeat of Gates at
Camden laid the whole of North Carolina at the feet of the British.
Flushed with success, Colonel Furguson, of the 71st Regiment, at the
head of eleven hundred men marched into North Carolina and took up his
position at Gilbert Town, in order to intercept those retreating in that
direction from Camden, and to crush out the spirit of the patriots in
that region. Without any concert of action volunteers assembled
simultaneously, and placed themselves under tried leaders. They were
admirably fitted by their daily pursuits for the privations they were
called upon to endure. They had no tents, baggage, bread or salt, but
subsisted on potatoes, pumpkins and roasted corn, and such venison as
their own rifles could procure. Their army consisted of four hundred
men, under Colonel William Campbell, from Washington county, Virginia,
two hundred and forty were under Colonel Isaac Shelby, from Sullivan
county, North Carolina, and two hundred and forty men, from Washington
county, same state, under John Sevier, which assembled at Watauga,
September 25, where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, with
one hundred and sixty men, from the counties of Burke and Rutherford,
who had fled before the enemy to the western waters. While McDowell,
Shelby and Sevier were in consultation, two paroled prisoners arrived
from Furguson with the message that if they did not "take protection
under his standard, he would march his army over the mountains, hang
their leaders, and lay waste their country with fire and sword." On
their march to meet the army of Furguson they were for twenty-four hours
in the saddle. They took that officer by surprise, killed him and one
hundred and eighty of his men, after an engagement of one hour and five
minutes, the greater part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was
kept up on both sides, with a loss to themselves of only twenty killed
and a few wounded. The remaining force of the enemy surrendered at
discretion, giving up their camp equipage and fifteen hundred stand of
arms. On the morning after the battle several of the Royalist (Tory)
prisoners were found guilty of murder and other high crimes, and hanged.
This was the closing scene of the battle of King's Mountain, an event
which completely crushed the spirit of the Royalists, and weakened
beyond recovery the power of the British in the Carolinas. The
intelligence of Furguson's defeat destroyed all Cornwallis's hopes of
aid from those who still remained loyal to Britain's interests. The men
oppressed by British laws and Tryon's cruelty were not yet avenged, for
they were with Morgan at the Cowpens and with Greene at Guildford Court
House, and until the close of the war.
In the settling of South Carolina, every ship that sailed from Ireland
for the port of Charleston, was crowded with men, women and children,
which was especially true after the peace of 1763. About the same date,
within one year, a thousand families came into the state in that wave
that originated in Pennsylvania, bringing with them their cattle, horses
and hogs. Lands were allotted to them in the western woods, which soon
became the most popular part of the province, the up-country population
being overwhelmingly Scotch-Irish. They brought with them and retained,
in an eminent degree, the virtues of industry and economy, so peculiarly
necessary in a new country. To them the state is indebted for much of
its early literature. The settlers in the western part of the colony,
long without the aid of laws, were forced to band themselves together
for mutual protection. The royal governor, Montague, in 1764, sent an
army against them, and with great difficulty a civil war was averted.
The division thus created reappeared in 1775, on the breaking out of the
Revolution. The state suffered greatly from the ravages of Cornwallis,
who rode roughly over it, although her sons toiled heroically in defence
of their firesides. The little bands in the east gathered around the
standard of Marion, and in the north and west around those of Sumter and
Pickens. They kept alive the flame of liberty in the swamps, and when
the country appeared to be subdued, it burst forth in electric flashes
striking and withering the hand of the oppressor. Through the veins of
most of the patriots flowed Scotch-Irish blood; and to the hands of one
of this class, John Rutledge, the destinies of the state were committed.
Georgia was sparsely settled at the time of the Revolution. In 1753 its
population was less than twenty-four hundred. Emigration from the
Carolinas set in towards North Georgia, bringing many Scotch-Irish
families. The movement towards the mountain and Piedmont regions of the
southeast began about 1773. In that year, Governor Wright purchased from
the Indians that portion of middle Georgia lying between the Oconee and
the Savannah. The inducements he then offered proved very attractive to
the enterprising sons of Virginia and the Carolinas, who lived in the
highlands of those states. These people who settled in Georgia have thus
been described by Governor Gilmer: "The pretty girls were dressed in
striped and checked cotton cloth, spun and woven with their own hands,
and their sweethearts in sumach and walnut-dyed stuff, made by their
mothers. Courting was done when riding to meeting on Sunday, and walking
to the spring when there. Newly married couples went to see the old
folks on Saturday, and carried home on Sunday evening what they could
spare. There was no _ennui_ among the women for something to do. If
there had been leisure to read, there were but few books for the
indulgence. Hollow trees supplied cradles for babies."
A majority of the first settlers of East Tennessee were of Scotch-Irish
blood, having sought homes there after the battle of Alamance, and hence
that state became the daughter of North Carolina. The first written
constitution born of a convention of people on this continent, was that
at Watauga, in 1772. A settlement of less than a dozen families was
formed in 1778, near Bledsoe, isolated in the heart of the Chickasaw
nation, with no other protection than a small stockade enclosure and
their own indomitable courage. In the early spring of 1779, a little
colony of gallant adventurers, from the parent line of Watauga, crossed
the Cumberland mountain, and established themselves near the French
Lick, and planted a field of corn where the city of Nashville now
stands. The settlement on the Cumberland was made in 1780, after great
privations and sufferings on the journey. The settlers at the various
stations were so harassed by the Indians, incited thereto by British and
Spanish agents, that all were abandoned except Elatons and the Bluffs
(Nashville). These people were compelled to go in armed squads to the
springs, and plowed while guarded by armed sentinels. The Indians, by a
well planned stratagem, attempted to enter the Bluffs, on April 22d,
1781. The men in the fort were drawn into an ambush by a decoy party.
When they dismounted to give battle, their horses dashed off toward the
fort, and they were pursued by some Indians, which left a gap in their
lines, through which some whites were escaping to the fort; but these
were intercepted by a large body of the enemy from another ambush. The
heroic women in the fort, headed by Mrs. James Robertson, seized the
axes and idle guns, and planted themselves in the gate, determined to
die rather than give up the fort. Just in time she ordered the sentry to
turn loose a pack of dogs which had been selected for their size and
courage to encounter bears and panthers. Frantic to join the fray, they
dashed off, outyelling the savages, who recoiled before the fury of
their onset, thus giving the men time to escape to the fort. So
overjoyed was Mrs. Robertson that she patted every dog as he came into
the fort.
So thoroughly was Kentucky settled by the Scotch-Irish, from the older
colonies, that it might be designated as of that race, the first
emigrants being from Virginia and North Carolina. It was first explored
by Thomas Walker in 1747; followed by John Finley, of North Carolina,
1767; and in 1769, by Daniel Boone, John Stewart, and three others, who
penetrated to the Kentucky river. By the year 1773, lands were taken up
and afterwards there was a steady stream, almost entirely from the
valley and southwest Virginia. No border annals teem with more thrilling
incidents or heroic exploits than those of the Kentucky hunters, whose
very name finally struck terror into the heart of the strongest savage.
The prediction of the Cherokee chief to Boone at the treaty at Watauga,
ceding the territory to Henderson and his associates, was fully
verified: "Brother," said he, "we have given you a fine land, but I
believe you will have much trouble in settling it."
The history of the Scotch-Irish race in Canada, prior to the peace of
1783, is largely that of individuals. It has already been noted that two
settlements had been made in Nova Scotia by the emigrants that landed
from the five ships in Boston harbor. It is recorded that Truro, Nova
Scotia, was settled in 1762, and in 1756 three brothers from Ireland
settled in Colchester, same province. If the questions were thoroughly
investigated it doubtless would lead to interesting results.
It must not be lost sight of that one of the important industrial arts
brought to America was of untold benefit. Not only did every colony
bring with them agricultural implements needful for the culture of flax,
but also the small wheels and the loom for spinning and weaving the
fibre. Nothing so much excited the interest of Puritan Boston, in 1718,
as the small wheels worked by women and propelled by the foot, for
turning the straight flax fibre into thread. Public exhibitions of skill
in 1719 took place on Boston common, by Scotch-Irish women, at which
prizes were offered. The advent of the machine produced a sensation, and
societies and schools were formed to teach the art of making linen
thread.
The distinctive characteristics which the Scotch-Irish transplanted to
the new world may be designated as follows: They were Presbyterians in
their religion and church government; they were loyal to the conceded
authority to the king, but considered him bound as well as themselves
to "the Solemn League and Covenant," entered into in 1643, which pledged
the support of the Reformation and of the liberties of the kingdom; the
right to choose their own ministers, untrammeled by the civil powers;
they practiced strict discipline in morals, and gave instruction to
their youth in schools and academies, and in teaching the Bible as
illustrated by the Westminster Assembly's catechism. To all this they
combined in a remarkable degree, acuteness of intellect, firmness of
purpose, and conscientious devotion to duty.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 5: Skene's "Chronicles of the Picts and Scots," p. 77.]
[Footnote 6: Stille, Life of Wayne, p. 5, says he was not Scotch-Irish.]
[Footnote 7: Dunlap's "Pennsylvania Packet," June 17, 1778.]
CHAPTER III.
THE CAUSES THAT LED TO EMIGRATION.
The social system of the Highlanders that bound the members of the clan
together was conducive to the pride of ancestry and the love of home.
This pride was so directed as to lead to the most beneficial results on
their character and conduct: forming strong attachments, leading to the
performance of laudable and heroic actions, and enabling the poorest to
endure the severest hardships without a murmur, and never complaining of
what they received to eat, or where they lodged, or of any other
privation. Instead of complaining of the difference in station or
fortune, or considering a ready obedience to the call of the chief as a
slavish oppression, they felt convinced that they were supporting their
own honor in showing their gratitude and duty to the generous head of
the family. In them it was a singular and characteristic feature to
contemplate with early familiarity the prospect of death, which was
considered as merely a passage from this to another state of existence,
enlivened by the assured hope that they should meet their friends and
kindred in a fairer and brighter world than this. This statement may be
perceived in the anxious care with which they provided the necessary
articles for a proper and becoming funeral. Even the poorest and most
destitute endeavored to save something for this last solemnity. It was
considered to be a sad calamity to be consigned to the grave among
strangers, without the attendance and sympathy of friends, and at a
distance from the family. If a relative died away from home, the
greatest exertions were made to carry the body back for interment among
the ashes of the forefathers. A people so nurtured could only
contemplate with despair the idea of being forced from the land of their
nativity, or emigrating from that beloved country, hallowed by the
remains of their kindred.
The Highlander, by nature, was opposed to emigration. All his instincts,
as well as training, led him to view with delight the permanency of home
and the constant companionship of those to whom he was related by ties
of consanguinity. Neither was he a creature of conquest, and looked not
with a covetous eye upon the lands of other nations. He would do battle
in a foreign land, but the Highlands of Scotland was his abiding place.
If he left his native glen in order to become a resident elsewhere,
there must have been a special or overpowering reason. He never
emigrated through choice. Unfortunately the simplicity of his nature,
his confiding trust, and love of chief and country, were doomed to
receive such a jolt as would shake the very fibres of his being, and
that from those to whom he looked for support and protection. Reference
here is not made to evictions awful crimes that commenced in 1784, but
to the change, desolation and misery growing out of the calamity at
Culloden.
Notwithstanding the peculiar characteristics of the Highlander, there
would of necessity arise certain circumstances which would lead some,
and even many, to change their habitation. From the days of the Crusader
downwards he was more or less active in foreign wars; and coming in
contact with different nationalities his mind would broaden and his
sentiment change, so that other lands and other people would be viewed
in a more favorable light. While this would not become general, yet it
would follow in many instances. Intercourse with another people,
racially and linguistically related, would have a tendency to invite a
closer affiliation. Hence, the inhabitants of the Western Isles had
almost constant communication, sometimes at war, it is true, but
generally in terms of amity, with the natives of North Ireland. It is
not surprising then that as early as 1584, Sorley Buy MacDonald should
lead a thousand Highlanders, called Redshanks, of the clans or families
of the MacDonalds, Campbells, and Magalanes, into Ulster, and in time
intermarry with the Irish, and finally become the most formidable
enemies of England in her designs of settling that country. Some of the
leading men were forced to flee on account of being attainted for
treason, having fought under Dundee in 1689, or under Mar in 1715, and
after Culloden in 1745 quite a hegira took place, many of whom found
service in the army of France. Individuals, seeking employment, found
their way into England before 1724. Although there was a strong movement
for England from the Lowlands, yet many were from the Highlands, to whom
was partly due the old proverb, "There never came a fool from Scotland."
These emigrants, from the Highlands, were principally those having
trades, who sought to better their condition.
Seven hundred prisoners taken at Preston were sold as slaves to some
West Indian merchants, which was a cruel proceeding, when it is
considered that the greater part of these men were Highlanders, who had
joined the army in obedience to the commands of their chiefs. Wholly
unfitted for such labor as would be required in the West Indies and
unacclimated, their fate may be readily assumed. But this was no more
heartless than the execution in Lancashire of twenty-two of their
companions.
The specifications above enumerated have no bearing on the emigration
which took place on a large scale, the consequences of which, at the
time, arrested the attention of the nation. The causes now to be
enumerated grew out of the change of policy following the battle of
Culloden. The atrocities following that battle were both for vengeance
and to break the military spirit of the Highlanders. The legislative
enactments broke the nobler spirit of the people. The rights and welfare
of the people at large were totally ignored, and no provisions made for
their future welfare. The country was left in a state of commotion and
confusion resulting from the changes consequent to the overthrow of the
old system, the breaking up of old relationship, and the gradual
encroachment of Lowland civilization, and methods of agriculture. While
these changes at first were neither great nor extensive, yet they were
sufficient to keep the country in a ferment or uproar. The change was
largely in the manner of an experiment in order to find out the most
profitable way of adaptation to the new regime. These experiments
resulted in the unsettling of old manners, customs, and ideas, which
caused discontent and misery among the people. The actual change was
slow; the innovations, as a rule, began in those districts bordering on
the Lowlands, and thence proceeded in a northwesterly direction.
In all probability the first shock felt by the clansmen, under the new
order of things, was the abolishing the ancient clan system, and the
reduction of the chiefs to the condition of landlords. For awhile the
people failed to realize this new order of affairs, for the gentlemen
and common people still continued to regard their chief in the same
light as formerly, not questioning but their obedience to the head of
their clan was independent of legislative enactment. They were still
ready to make any sacrifice for his sake, and felt it to be their duty
to do what they could for his support. They still believed that the
chief's duty to his people remained unaltered, and he was bound to see
that they did not want, and to succor them in distress.
The first effects in the change in tribal relations were felt on those
estates that had been forfeited on account of the chiefs and gentlemen
having been compelled to leave the country in order to save their lives.
These estates were entrusted to the management of commissioners who
rudely applied their powers under the new arrangement of affairs. When
the chiefs, now reduced to the position of lairds, began to realize
their condition, and the advantage of making their lands yield them as
large an income as possible, followed the example of demanding a rent. A
rental value had never been exacted before, for it was the universal
belief that the land belonged to the clan in common. Some of the older
chiefs, then living, held to the same opinion, and among such, a change
was not perceptible until a new landlord came into possession. The
gentlemen of the clan and the tacksmen, or large farmers, firmly
believed that they had as much right to a share of the lands as the
chief himself. In the beginning the rent was not high nor more than the
lands would bear; but it was resented by the tacksmen, deeming it a
wanton injury inflicted in the house of their dearest friend. They were
hurt at the idea that the chief,--the father of his people--should be
controlled by such a mercenary idea, and to exercise that power which
gave him the authority to lease the lands to the highest bidder. This
policy, which they deemed selfish and unjust, naturally cut them to the
quick. They and their ancestors had occupied their farms for many
generations; their birth was as good and their genealogy as old as that
of the chief himself, to whom they were all blood relations, and whose
loyalty was unshaken. True, they had no written document, no "paltry
sheep-skin," as they called it, to prove the right to their farms, but
such had never been the custom, and these parchments quite a modern
innovation, and, in former times, before a chief would have tried to
wrest from them that which had been given by a former chief to their
fathers, would have bitten out his tongue before he would have asked a
bond. There can be no doubt that originally when a chief bestowed a
share of his property upon his son or other near relation, he intended
that the latter should keep it for himself and his descendants. To these
tacksmen it was injury enough that an alien government should interfere
in their domestic relations, but for the chief to turn against them was
a wound which no balm could heal. Before they would submit to these
exactions, they would first give up their holdings; which many of them
did and emigrated to America, taking with them servants and sub-tenants,
and enticing still others to follow them by the glowing accounts which
they sent home of their good fortune in the favored country far to the
west. In some cases the farms thus vacated were let to other tacksmen,
but in most instances the new system was introduced by letting the land
directly to what was formerly sub-tenants, or those who had held the
land immediately from the ousted tacksmen.
There was a class of lairds who had tasted the sweets of southern
luxuries and who vied with the more opulent, increased the rate of rent
to such an extent as to deprive the tacksmen of their holdings. This
caused an influx of lowland farmers, who with their improved methods
could compete successfully against their less favored northern
neighbors. The danger of southern luxuries had been foreseen and an
attempt had been made to provide against it. As far back as the year
1744, in order to discourage such things, at a meeting of the chiefs of
the Isle of Skye, Sir Alexander MacDonald of MacDonald, Norman MacLeod
of MacLeod, John MacKinnon of MacKinnon, and Malcolm MacLeod of Raasay,
held in Portree, it was agreed to discontinue and discountenance the use
of brandy, tobacco and tea.
The placing of the land in the hands of aliens was deplored in its
results as may be seen from the following portrayal given by Buchanan in
his "Travels in the Hebrides," referring to about 1780:--"At present
they are obliged to be much more submissive to their tacksmen than ever
they were in former times to their lairds or lords. There is a great
difference between that mild treatment which is shown to sub-tenants and
even scallags, by the old lessees, descended of ancient and honorable
families, and the outrageous rapacity of those necessitous strangers who
have obtained leases from absent proprietors, who treat the natives as
if they were a conquered and inferior race of mortals. In short, they
treat them like beasts of burden; and in all respects like slaves
attached to the soil, as they cannot obtain new habitations, on account
of the combinations already mentioned, and are entirely at the mercy of
the laird or tacksman. Formerly, the personal service of the tenant did
not usually exceed eight or ten days in the year. There lives at present
at Scalpa, in the isle of Harris, a tacksman of a large district, who
instead of six days' work paid by the sub-tenants to his predecessor in
the lease, has raised the predial service, called in that and in other
parts of Scotland, _manerial bondage_, to fifty-two days in the year at
once; besides many other services to be performed at different though
regular and stated times; as tanning leather for brogans, making heather
ropes for thatch, digging and drying peats for fuel; one pannier of peat
charcoal to be carried to the smith; so many days for gathering and
shearing sheep and lambs: for ferrying cattle from island to island, and
other distant places, and several days for going on distant errands: so
many pounds of wool to be spun into yarn. And over and above all this,
they must lend their aid upon any unforeseen occurrence whenever they
are called on. The constant service of two months at once is performed
at the proper season in making kelp. On the whole, this gentleman's
sub-tenants may be computed to devote to his service full three days in
the week. But this is not all: they have to pay besides yearly a certain
number of cocks, hen, butter, and cheese, called Caorigh-Ferrin, the
Wife's Portion. This, it must be owned, is one of the most severe and
rigorous tacksmen descended from the old inhabitants, in all the Western
Hebrides; but the situation of his sub-tenants exhibits but too faithful
a picture of the sub-tenants of those places in general, and the exact
counterpart of such enormous oppression is to be found at
Luskintire."[8]
The dismissal of retainers kept by the chiefs during feudal times added
to the discontent. For the protection of the clan it had been necessary
to keep a retinue of trained warriors. These were no longer necessary,
and under the changed state of affairs, an expense that could be illy
afforded. This class found themselves without a vocation, and they would
sow the seeds of discontent, if they remained in the country. They must
either enter the army or else go to another country in search of a
vocation.
Unquestionably the most potent of all causes for emigration was the
introduction of sheep-farming. That the country was well adapted for
sheep goes without disputation. Sheep had always been kept in the
Highlands with the black cattle, but not in large numbers. The lowland
lessees introduced sheep on a large scale, involving the junction of
many small farms into one, each of which had been hitherto occupied by a
number of tenants. This engrossing of farms and consequent depopulation
was also a fruitful source of discontent and misery to those who had to
vacate their homes and native glens. Many of those displaced by sheep
and one or two Lowland shepherds, emigrated like the discontented
tacksmen to America, and those who remained looked with an ill-will and
an evil eye on the intruders. Some of the more humane landlords invited
the oppressed to remove to their estates, while others tried to prevent
the ousted tenants from leaving the country by setting apart some
particular spot along the sea-shore, or else on waste land that had
never been touched by the plow, on which they might build houses and
have an acre or two for support. Those removed to the coast were
encouraged to prosecute the fishing along with their agricultural
labors. It was mainly by a number of such ousted Highlanders that the
great and arduous undertaking was accomplished of bringing into a state
of cultivation Kincardine Moss, in Perthshire. At that time, 1767, the
task to be undertaken was one of stupendous magnitude; but was so
successfully carried out that two thousand acres were reclaimed which
for centuries had rested under seven feet of heath and vegetable matter.
Similarly many other spots were brought into a state of cultivation. But
this, and other pursuits then engaged in, did not occupy the time of all
who had been despoiled of their homes.
The breaking up of old habits and customs and the forcible importation
of those that are foreign must not only engender hate but also cause
misery. It is the uniform testimony of all travellers, who visited the
Highlands during the latter half of the eighteenth century, especially
Pennant, Boswell, Johnson, Newte, and Buchanan, that the condition of
the country was deplorable. Without quoting from all, let the following
lengthy extract suffice, which is from Buchanan:
"Upon the whole, the situation of these people, inhabitants of
Britain! is such as no language can describe, nor fancy conceive. If,
with great labor and fatigue, the farmer raises a slender crop of
oats and barley, the autumnal rains often baffle his utmost efforts,
and frustrate all his expectations: and instead of being able to pay
an exorbitant rent, he sees his family in danger of perishing during
the ensuing winter, when he is precluded from any possibility of
assistance elsewhere. Nor are his cattle in a better situation; in
summer they pick up a scanty support amongst the morasses or heathy
mountains: but in winter, when the grounds are covered with snow, and
when the naked wilds afford neither shelter nor subsistence, the few
cows, small, lean, and ready to drop down through want of pasture,
are brought into the hut where the family resides, and frequently
share with them the small stock of meal which had been purchased, or
raised, for the family only; while the cattle thus sustained, are
bled occasionally, to afford nourishment for the children after it
hath been boiled or made into cakes. The sheep being left upon the
open heaths, seek to shelter themselves from the inclemency of the
weather amongst the hollows upon the lee-side of the mountains, and
here they are frequently buried under the snow for several weeks
together, and in severe seasons during two months and upwards. They
eat their own and each other's wool, and hold out wonderfully under
cold and hunger; but even in moderate winters, a considerable number
are generally found dead after the snow hath disappeared, and in
rigorous seasons few or none are left alive. Meanwhile the steward,
hard pressed by letters from Almack's or Newmarket, demands the rent
in a tone which makes no great allowance for unpropitious seasons,
the death of cattle, and other accidental misfortunes: disguising the
feelings of his own breast--his Honor's wants must at any rate be
supplied, the bills must be duly negotiated. Such is the state of
farming, if it may be so called, throughout the interior parts of the
Highlands; but as that country has an extensive coast, and many
islands, it may be supposed that the inhabitants of those shores
enjoy all the benefits of their maritime situation. This, however, is
not the case; those gifts of nature, which in any other commercial
kingdom would have been rendered subservient to the most valuable
purposes, are in Scotland lost, or nearly so, to the poor natives and
the public. The only difference, therefore, between the inhabitants
of the interior parts and those of the more distant coasts, consists
in this, that the latter, with the labors of the field, have to
encounter alternately the dangers of the ocean and all the fatigues
of navigation. To the distressing circumstances at home, as stated
above, new difficulties and toils await the devoted farmer when
abroad. He leaves his family in October, accompanied by his sons,
brothers, and frequently an aged parent, and embarks on board a small
open boat, in quest of the herring fishery, with no other provisions
than oatmeal, potatoes, and fresh water; no other bedding than heath,
twigs, or straw, the covering, if any, an old sail. Thus provided, he
searches from bay to bay, through turbulent seas, frequently for
several weeks together, before the shoals of herring are discovered.
The glad tidings serve to vary, but not to diminish his fatigues.
Unremitting nightly labor (the time when the herrings are taken),
pinching cold winds, heavy seas, uninhabited shores covered with
snow, or deluged with rain, contribute towards filling up the measure
of his distresses; while to men of such exquisite feelings as the
Highlanders generally possess, the scene which awaits him at home
does it most effectually. Having disposed of his capture to the
Busses, he returns in January through a long navigation, frequently
amidst unceasing hurricanes, not to a comfortable home and a cheerful
family, but to a hut composed of turf, without windows, doors, or
chimney, environed with snow, and almost hid from the eye by its
astonishing depth. Upon entering this solitary mansion, he generally
finds a part of his family, sometimes the whole, lying upon heath or
straw, languishing through want or epidemical disease; while the few
surviving cows, which possess the other end of the cottage, instead
of furnishing further supplies of milk or blood, demand his immediate
attention to keep them in existence. The season now approaches when
he is again to delve and labor the ground, on the same slender
prospect of a plentiful crop or a dry harvest. The cattle which have
survived the famine of the winter, are turned out to the mountains;
and, having put his domestic affairs into the best situation which a
train of accumulated misfortunes admits of, he resumes the oar,
either in quest of herring or the white fishery. If successful in the
latter, he sets out in his open boat upon a voyage (taking the
Hebrides and the opposite coast at a medium distance) of two hundred
miles, to vend his cargo of dried cod, ling, etc., at Greenock or
Glasgow. The product, which seldom exceeds twelve or fifteen pounds,
is laid out, in conjunction with his companions, upon meal and
fishing tackle; and he returns through the same tedious navigation.
The autumn calls his attention again to the field; the usual round of
disappointment, fatigue, and distress awaits him; thus dragging
through a wretched existence in the hope of soon arriving in that
country where the weary shall be at rest."[9]
The writer most pitiably laments that twenty thousand of these wretched
people had to leave their homes and famine-struck condition, and the
oppression of their lairds, for lands and houses of their own in a
fairer and more fertile land, where independence and affluence were at
their command. Nothing but misery and degradation at home; happiness,
riches and advancement beyond the ocean. Under such a system it would be
no special foresight to predict a famine, which came to pass in 1770 and
again in 1782-3. Whatever may be the evils under the clan system, and
there certainly were such, none caused the oppression and misery which
that devoted people have suffered since its abolishment. So far as
contentment, happiness, and a wise regard for interest, it would have
been better for the masses had the old system continued. As a matter of
fact, however, those who emigrated found a greater latitude and brighter
prospects for their descendants.
From what has been stated it will be noticed that it was a matter of
necessity and not a spirit of adventure that drove the mass of
Highlanders to America; but those who came, nevertheless, were
enterprising and anxious to carve out their own fortunes. Before
starting on the long and perilous journey across the Atlantic they were
first forced to break the mystic spell that bound them to their native
hills and glens, that had a charm and an association bound by a sacred
tie. A venerable divine of a Highland parish who had repeatedly
witnessed the fond affection of his parishioners in taking their
departure, narrated how they approached the sacred edifice, ever dear to
them, by the most hallowed associations, and with tears in their eyes
kissed its very walls, how they made an emphatic pause in losing sight
of the romantic scenes of their childhood, with its kirks and cots, and
thousand memories, and as if taking a formal and lasting adieu,
uncovered their heads and waived their bonnets three times towards the
scene, and then with heavy steps and aching hearts resumed their
pilgrimage towards new scenes in distant climes.[10]
"Farewell to the land of the mountain and wood,
Farewell to the home of the brave and the good,
My bark is afloat on the blue-rolling main,
And I ne'er shall behold thee, dear Scotland again!
Adieu to the scenes of my life's early morn,
From the place of my birth I am cruelly torn;
The tyrant oppresses the land of the free;
And leaves but the name of my sires unto me.
Oh! home of my fathers, I bid thee adieu,
For soon will thy hill-tops retreat from my view,
With sad drooping heart I depart from thy shore,
To behold thy fair valleys and mountains no more.
'Twas there that I woo'd thee, young Flora, my wife,
When my bosom was warm in the morning of life.
I courted thy love 'mong the heather so brown,
And heaven did I bless when it made thee my own.
The friends of my early years, where are they now?
Each kind honest heart, and each brave manly brow;
Some sleep in the churchyard from tyranny free,
And others are crossing the ocean with me.
Lo! now on the boundless Atlantic I stray,
To a strange foreign realm I am wafted away,
Before me as far as my vision can glance,
I see but the wave rolling wat'ry expanse.
So farewell my country and all that is dear,
The hour is arrived and the bark is asteer,
I go and forever, oh! Scotland adieu!
The land of my fathers no more I shall view."
--_Peter Crerar._
America was the one great inviting field that opened wide her doors to
the oppressed of all nations. The Highlanders hastened thither; first in
small companies, or singly, and afterwards in sufficient numbers to form
distinctive settlements. These belonged to the better class, bringing
with them a certain amount of property, intelligent, persevering,
religious, and in many instances closely related to the chief. Who was
the first Highlander, and in what year he settled in America, has not
been determined. It is impossible to judge by the name, because it would
not specially signify, for as has been noted, Highlanders had gone to
the north of Ireland, and in the very first migrations of the
Scotch-Irish, their descendants landed at Boston and Philadelphia. It
is, however, positively known that individual members of the clans, born
in the Highlands, and brought up under the jurisdiction of the chiefs,
settled permanently in America before 1724.[11] The number of these must
have been very small, for a greater migration would have attracted
attention. In 1729, there arrived at the port of Philadelphia, five
thousand six hundred and fifty-five Irish emigrants, and only two
hundred and sixty-seven English, forty-three Scotch, and three hundred
and forty-three Germans. Of the forty-three Scotch it would be
impossible to ascertain how many of them were from the Highlands,
because all people from Scotland were designated under the one word. But
if the whole number were of the Gaelic race, and the ratio kept up it
would be almost insignificant, if scattered from one end of the Colonies
to the other. After the wave of emigration had finally set in then the
numbers of small companies would rapidly increase and the ratio would be
largely augmented.[12]
It is not to be presumed that the emigrants found the New World to be
all their fancies had pictured. If they had left misery and oppression
behind them, they were destined to encounter hardships and
disappointments. A new country, however great may be its attractions,
necessarily has its disadvantages. It takes time, patience, industry,
perseverence and ingenuity to convert a wilderness into an abode of
civilization. Innumerable obstacles must be overcome, which eventually
give way before the indomitable will of man. Years of hard service must
be rendered ere the comforts of home are obtained, the farm properly
stocked, and the ways for traffic opened. After the first impressions of
the emigrant are over, a longing desire for the old home engrosses his
heart, and a self-censure for the step he has taken. Time ameliorates
these difficulties, and the wisdom of the undertaking becomes more
apparent, while contentment and prosperity rival all other claims. The
Highlander in the land of the stranger, no longer an alien, grows
stronger in his love for his new surroundings, and gradually becomes
just as patriotic for the new as he was for the old country. All its
civilization, endearments, and progress, become a part of his being. His
memory, however, lingers over the scenes of his early youth, and in his
dreams he once more abides in his native glens, and receives the
blessings of his kind, tender, loving mother. Were it even thus to all
who set forth to seek their fortunes it would be well; but to hundreds
who left their homes in fond anticipation, not a single ray of light
shone athwart their progress, for all was dark and forbidding.
Misrepresentation, treachery, and betrayal were too frequently
practiced, and in misery, heart-broken and despondent many dropped to
rise no more, welcoming death as a deliverer.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 8: Keltie's "History of the Highland Clans," Vol. II, p. 35.]
[Footnote 9: Keltie's "History of the Highland Clans," Vol. II, p. 42.]
[Footnote 10: "Celtic Magazine," Vol. I, p. 143.]
[Footnote 11: See Appendix, Note A.]
[Footnote 12: See Appendix, Note B.]
CHAPTER IV.
THE DARIEN SCHEME.
The first body of Highlanders to arrive in the New World was as much
military as civil. Their lines were cast in evil waters, and disaster
awaited them. They formed a very essential part of a colony that engaged
in what has been termed the Darien Scheme, which originated in 1695, and
so mismanaged as to involve thousands in ruin, many of whom had enjoyed
comparative opulence. Although this project did not materially affect
the Highlands of Scotland, yet as Highland money entered the enterprise,
and as quite a body of Highlanders perished in the attempted
colonization of the isthmus of Panama, more than a passing notice is
here demanded.
Scottish people have ever been noted for their caution, frugality, and
prudence, and not prone to engage in any speculation unless based on the
soundest business principles. Although thus characterized, yet this
people engaged in the most disastrous speculation on record; established
by act of the Scottish parliament, and begun by unprecedented
excitement. The leading cause which impelled the people headlong into
this catastrophe was the ruination of the foreign trade of Scotland by
the English Navigation Act of 1660, which provided that all trade with
the English colonies should be conducted in English ships alone. Any
scheme plausibly presented was likely to catch those anxious to regain
their commercial interests, as well as those who would be actuated to
increase their own interests. The Massacre of Glencoe had no little
share in the matter. This massacre, which occurred February 13, 1692, is
the foulest blot in the annals of crime. It was deliberately planned by
Sir John Dalrymple and others, ordered by king William, and executed by
Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, in the most treacherous, brutal,
atrocious, and bloodthirsty manner imaginable, and perpetrated without
the shadow of a reasonable excuse--infancy and old age, male and female
alike perished. The bare recital of it is awful; and the barbarity of
the American savage pales before it. In every quarter, even at court,
the account of the massacre was received with horror and indignation.
The odium of the nation rose to a great pitch, and demanded that an
inquiry be made into this atrocious affair. The appointment of a
commission was not wrung from the unwilling king until April 29, 1695.
The commission, as a whole, acted with great fairness, although they put
the best possible construction on the king's order, and threw the whole
blame on Secretary Dalrymple. The king was too intimately connected with
the crime to make an example of any one, although through public
sentiment he was forced to dismiss Secretary Dalrymple. Not one of those
actually engaged in the perpetration of the crime were dismissed from
the army, or punished for the butchery, otherwise than by the general
hatred of the age in which they lived, and the universal execration of
posterity. The tide of feeling set in against king William, and before
it had time to ebb the Darien Scheme was projected. The friends of
William seized the opportunity to persuade him that some freedom and
facilities of trade should be granted the Scotch, and that would divert
public attention from the Glencoe massacre. Secretary Dalrymple also was
not slow to give it the support of his eloquence and interest, in hopes
to regain thereby a part of his lost popularity.
The originator of the Darien Scheme was William Paterson, founder of the
Bank of England, a man of comprehensive views and great sagacity, born
in Scotland, a missionary in the Indies, and a buccaneer among the West
India islands. During his roving course of life he had visited the
isthmus of Panama--then called Darien--and brought away only pleasant
recollections of that narrow strip of land that unites North and South
America. On his return to Europe his first plan was the national
establishment of the Bank of England. For a brief period he was admitted
as a director in that institution, but it befell to Paterson that others
possessed of wealth and influence, interposed and took advantage of his
ideas, and then excluded him from the concern. Paterson next turned his
thoughts to the plan of settling a colony in America, and handling the
trade of the Indies and the South Seas. The trade of Europe with the
remote parts of Asia had been carried on by rounding the Cape of Good
Hope. Paterson believed that the shorter, cheaper, and more expeditious
route was by the isthmus of Panama, and, as he believed, that section of
the country had not been occupied by any of the nations of Europe; and
as it was specially adapted for his enterprise it should be colonized.
He averred that the havens were capacious and secure; the sea swarmed
with turtle; the country so mountainous, that though within nine degrees
of the equator, the climate was temperate; and yet roads could be easily
constructed along which a string of mules, or a wheeled carriage might
in the course of a single day pass from sea to sea. Fruits and a
profusion of valuable herbs grew spontaneously, on account of the rich
black soil, which had a depth of seven feet; and the exuberant fertility
of the soil had not tainted the purity of the atmosphere. As a place of
residence alone, the isthmus was a paradise; and a colony there could
not fail to prosper even if its wealth depended entirely on agriculture.
This, however, would be only a secondary matter, for within a few years
the entire trade between India and Europe would be drawn to that spot.
The merchant was no longer to expose his goods to the capricious gales
of the Antarctic Seas, for the easier, safer, cheaper route must be
navigated, which was shortly destined to double the amount of trade.
Whoever possessed that door which opened both to the Atlantic and
Pacific, as the shortest and least expensive route would give law to
both hemispheres, and by peaceful arts would establish an empire as
splendid as that of Cyrus or Alexander. If Scotland would occupy Darien
she would become the one great free port, the one great warehouse for
the wealth that the soil of Darien would produce, and the greater wealth
which would be poured through Darien, India, China, Siam, Ceylon, and
the Moluccas; besides taking her place in the front rank among nations.
On all the vast riches that would be poured into Scotland a toll should
be paid which would add to her capital; and a fabulous prosperity would
be shared by every Scotchman from the peer to the cadie. Along the
desolate shores of the Forth Clyde villas and pleasure grounds would
spring up; and Edinburgh would vie with London and Paris. These glowing
prospects at first were only partially disclosed to the public, and the
name of Darien was unpronounced save only to a few of Paterson's most
confidential friends. A mystery pervaded the enterprise, and only enough
was given out to excite boundless hopes and desires. He succeeded
admirably in working up a sentiment and desire on the part of the people
to become stockholders in the organization. The hour for action had
arrived; so on June 26, 1695, the Scottish parliament granted a statute
from the Crown, for creating a corporate body or stock company, by name
of the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, with power
to plant colonies and build forts in places not possessed by other
European nations, the consent of the inhabitants of the places they
settled being obtained. The amount of capital was not fixed by charter,
but it was stipulated that at least one-half the stock must be held by
Scotchmen resident in Scotland, and that no stock originally so held
should ever be transferred to any but Scotchmen resident in Scotland. An
entire monopoly of the trade with Asia, Africa, and America was granted
for a term of thirty-one years, and all goods imported by the company
during twenty-one years, should be admitted duty free, except sugar and
tobacco, unless grown on the company's plantations. Every member and
servant of the company were privileged against arrest and imprisonment,
and if placed in durance, the company was authorized to invoke both the
civil and military power. The Great Seal was affixed to the Act; the
books were opened; the shares were fixed at £100 sterling each; and
every man from the Pentland Firth to the Galway Firth who could command
the amount was impatient to put down his name. The whole kingdom
apparently had gone mad. The number of shareholders were about fourteen
hundred. The books were opened February 26, 1696, and the very first
subscriber was Anne, dutchess of Hamilton. On that day there was
subscribed £50,400. By the end of March the greater part of the amount
had been subscribed. On March 5th, a separate book was opened in Glasgow
and on it was entered £56,325. The books were closed August 3rd of the
same year, and on the last day of subscriptions there was entered
£14,125, reaching the total of £400,000, the amount apportioned to
Scotland. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, in their corporate
capacity, each took £3,000 and Perth £2,000. Of the subscriptions there
were eight of £3,000 each; eight of £2,000 each; two of £1,500, and one
each of £1,200 and £1,125; ninety-seven of £1,000 each; but the great
majority consisted of £100 or £200 each. The whole amount actually paid
up was £220,000. This may not seem to be a large amount for such a
country as Scotland, but as already noted, the country had been ruined
by the English Act of 1660. There were five or six shires which did not
altogether contain as many guineas and crowns as were tossed about every
day by the shovels of a single goldsmith in Lombard street. Even the
nobles had but very little money, for a large part of their rents was
taken in kind; and the pecuniary remuneration of the clergy was such as
to move the pity of the most needy, of the present; yet some of these
had invested their all in hopes that their children might be benefited
when the golden harvest should come. Deputies in England received
subscriptions to the amount of £300,000; and the Dutch and Hamburgers
subscribed £200,000.
Those Highland chiefs who had been considered as turbulent, and are so
conspicuous in the history of the day have no place in this record of a
species of enterprise quite distinct from theirs. The houses of Argyle,
Athol, and Montrose appear in the list, as families who, besides their
Highland chiefships, had other stakes and interests in the country; but
almost the only person with a Highland patronymic was John MacPharlane
of that ilk, a retired scholar who followed antiquarian pursuits in the
libraries beneath the Parliament House. The Keltic prefix of "Mac" is
most frequently attached to merchants in Inverness, who subscribed their
hundred.
It is probable that a list of Highlanders who subscribed stock may be of
interest in this connection. Only such names as are purely Highland are
here subjoined with amounts given, and also in the order as they appear
on the books:
26 February, 1696:
John Drummond of Newtoun £600
Adam Gordon of Dalphollie 500
Master James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle
of Argyle 500
John McPharlane of that ilk 200
Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown 400
Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlass 500
Mr. Gilbert Campbell, son to Colin Campbell of Soutar
houses 400
27 February, 1696:
John Robertson, merchant in Edinburgh 300
Matthew St. Clair, Doctor of Medicine 500
Daniel Mackay, Writer in Edinburgh 200
Mr. Francis Grant of Cullen, Advocate 100
Duncan Forbes of Culloden 200
Arthur Forbes, younger of Echt 200
George Southerland, merchant in Edinburgh 200
Kenneth McKenzie of Cromartie 500
Major John Forbes 200
28 February, 1696:
William Robertsone of Gladney 1,000
Mungo Graeme of Gorthie 500
Duncan Campbell of Monzie 500
James Mackenzie, son to the Viscount of Tarbat 1,000
2 March, 1696:
Jerome Robertson, periwig maker, burgess of Edinburgh 100
3 March 1696:
David Robertsone, Vintner in Edinburgh 200
William Drummond, brother to Thomas Drummond of
Logie Almond 500
4 March, 1696:
Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss 400
5 March, 1696:
James Robertson, tylor in Canonget 100
Sir Thomas Murray of Glendoick 1,000
6 March, 1696:
Alexander Murray, son to John Murray of Touchadam,
and deputed by him 300
7 March 1696:
John Gordon, Captain in Lord Stranraer's Regiment 100
Samuell McLelland, merchant in Edinburgh 500
11 March 1696:
Aeneas McLeod, Town-Clerk of Edinburgh, in name and
behalfe of George Viscount of Tarbat, and as having
commission from him £1000
17 March, 1696:
John Menzies, Advocate 200
William Menzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000
19 March, 1696:
James Drummond, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Mr.
John Graham of Aberuthven 100
Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline
Campbell of Soutar Houses 200
Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline
Campbell of Soutar Houses 100
Daniel McKay, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain
Hugh McKay, younger of Borley 300
Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain
Leonard Robertsone of Straloch 100
20 March, 1696:
Alexander Murray, son to George Murray of Touchadam,
deputed by him 200
Sir Colin Campbell of Aberuchill, one of the Senators of
the Colledge of Justice 500
Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh, deputed
by George Robertstone, younger, merchant in Glasgow 100
Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh 100
James Gregorie, student 100
George Earle of Southerland 1000
21 March, 1696:
John McFarlane, Writer to the Signet 200
23 March, 1696:
John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain,
deputed by the said Samuell Forbes 1000
John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain 500
James Gregory, Professor of Mathematiques in the Colledge
of Edinburgh 200
24 March 1696:
Patrick Murray of Livingstoun 600
Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet, as having
deputation from Alexander Gordoun, son to
Alexander Gordoun, minister at Inverary 100
William Graham, merchant in Edinburgh 200
David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by Thomas Graeme
of Balgowan 600
David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by John Drummond
of Culqupalzie £600
25 March, 1696:
John Murray of Deuchar 800
Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400
John Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400
26 March, 1696:
Helen Drummond, spouse to Colonel James Ferguson as
commissionate by him 200
James Murray of Sundhope 100
John Drummond of Newtoun 400
John Drummond of Newtoun, for John Stewart of Dalguis,
conform to deputation 100
March 27:
Alexander Johnstoune of Elshieshells 400
John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain,
conform to one deputation by Captain James
Stewart, in Sir John Hill's regiment. Governor of
Fort William 100
Thomas Forbes of Watertoun 200
William Ross, merchant in Edinburgh 100
Rachell Johnstoun, relict of Mr. Robert Baylie of Jerviswood 200
March 28:
John Fraser, servitor to Alexander Innes, merchant 100
Mr. John Murray, Senior Advocate 100
John Stewart, Writer in Clerk Gibsone's chamber 100
Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline
Campbell of Soutar Houses 200
Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline
Campbell of Soutar Houses, (more) 100
James Gordon, Senior, merchant in Aberdeen 250
Thomas Gordon, skipper in Leith 100
Adam Gordon of Dulpholly 500
Colin Campbell of Lochlan 200
Thomas Graeme of Balgowane, by virtue of a deputation
from David Graeme of Kilor 200
Patrick Coutts, merchant in Edinburgh, being deputed by
Alexander Robertsone, merchant in Dundie 200
David Drummond, of Cultimalindie 600
John Drummond, brother of David Drummond of Cultimalindie 200
30 March, 1696:
James Marquess of Montrose 1000
John Murray, doctor of medicine, for Mr. James Murray,
Chirurgeon in Perth, conform to a deputation £200
William Stewart, doctor of medicine at Perth 100
Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, being depute by
Helen Steuart, relict of Doctor Murray 100
James Drummond, one of the Clerks to the Bills, being
deputed by James Meinzies of Shian 100
Robert Stewart, Junior, Advocate 300
Master Donald Robertsone, minister of the Gospel 100
Duncan Campbell of Monzie, by deputation from John
Drummond of Culquhalzie 100
John Marquesse of Athole 500
John Haldane of Gleneagles, deputed by James Murray
at Orchart Milne 100
Thomas Johnstone, merchant in Edinburgh 100
William Meinzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000
Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon 500
Robert Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 200
Walter Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 100
Master Arthur Forbes, son of the Laird of Cragivar 100
Robert Fraser, Advocate 100
Barbara Fraser, relict of George Stirling, Chirurgeon
apothecary in Edinburgh 200
Alexander Johnston, merchant in Edinburgh 100
Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun, for Charles Sinclair,
Advocate, his son 100
The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Patrick Ogilvie of Balfour 400
The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Thomas Robertson,
merchant there (i.e. Dundee) 125
The said Thomas Scott, deputed by David Drummond,
merchant in Dundee 100
Mrs. Anne Stewart, daughter to the deceased John Stewart
of Kettlestoun 100
31 March, 1696:
Sir Archibald Murray of Blackbarrony 500
William Stewart, clerk to his Majesty's Customs at Leith 100
Christian Grierson, daughter to the deceast John Grierson 100
Jesper Johnstoune of Waristoun 500
Alexander Forbes, goldsmith in Edinburgh 200
Master John Campbell, Writer to the Signet 200
Thomas Campbell, flesher in Edinburgh 200
Archibald Earle of Argyll 1500
James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of Argyll 200
William Johnston, postmaster of Hadingtoun £100
Sir James Murray of Philiphaugh 500
Andrew Murray, brother to Sundhope 100
William McLean, master of the Revelles 100
John Cameron, son to the deceast Donald Cameron, merchant
in Edinburgh 100
David Forbes, Advocate 200
Captain John Forbes of Forbestoune 200
Afternoon:
Sir Alexander Monro of Bearcrofts 200
James Gregorie, student of medicine 100
Mungo Campbell of Burnbank 400
John Murray, junior, merchant in Edinburgh 400
Robert Murray, burges in Edinburgh 150
Dougall Campbell of Sadell 100
Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet 200
Alexander Finlayson, Writer in Edinburgh 100
John Steuart, Writer in Edinburgh 100
William Robertson, one of the sub-clerks of the Session 100
Lady Neil Campbell 200
Mary Murray, Lady Enterkin, elder 200
Sir George Campbell of Cesnock 1000
7 April:
Thomas Robertson of Lochbank 400
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Hugh Robertson, Provost of
Inverness, conform to deputation 100
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for James McLean, baillie of
Invernes, conform to deputation 100
Robert Fraser. Advocate, for John McIntosh, baillie of Invernes,
conform to deputation 100
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander McLeane, merchant
of Invernes, conform to deputation 150
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Robert Rose, late baillie of
Invernes, conform to deputation 140
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander Stewart, skipper
at Invernes, conform to deputation 150
Robert Fraser, Advocate, for William Robertson of Inshes, 100
9 April, 1696:
James Drummond, one of the Clerks of the Bills, for Robert
Menzies, in Aberfadie, conform to deputation 100
John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by John Menzies of
Camock, Advocate 200
Archibald Sinclair, Advocate 100
Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh £100
John Murray, doctor of medicine, for William Murray of
Arbony, by virtue of his deputation 200
Colen Campbell of Bogholt 100
William Gordone, Writer in Edinburgh 100
14 Apryle:
The said Thomas Halliday, Conform to deputation from
William Ogilvie in Todshawhill 100
16 Aprill:
Patrick Murray, lawful son to Patrick Murray of Killor 100
Walter Murray, servitor to George Clerk, junior, merchant
in Edinburgh, deputed by Robert Murray of
Levelands 150
John Campbell, Writer to the Signet, for Alexander Campbell,
younger of Calder, conform to deputation 500
Captain James Drummond of Comrie 200
April 21:
James Cuming, merchant in Edinburgh 100
James Campbell of Kinpout 100
James Drummond, Under-Clerk to the Bills, depute by
Archibald Meinzies of Myln of Kiltney 100
Robert Blackwood, deputed by John Gordon of Collistoun,
doctor of medicine 100
Robert Blackwood, merchant in Edinburgh, deputed by
Charles Ogilvy, merchant and late baillie of Montrose 200
James Ramsay, writer in Edinburg, commission at by Duncan
Campbell of Duneaves 100
Captain Patrick Murray, of Lord Murray's regiment of foot 100
May 5, 1696.
John Haldane of Gleneagles, conform to deputation from
Thomas Grahame in Auchterarder 100
John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by David Graeme of
Jordanstoun 100
Samuel McLellan, merchant in Dundee, conform to deputation
from William Stewart of Castle Stewart 100
May 14, 1696.
Andrew Robertsone, chirurgeon in Edinburgh, conform
to deputation by George Robertsone, Writer in Dunblane 100
May 21, 1696.
John Drummond of Newtoun, for Lodovick Drummond,
chamberland to my Lord Drummond 100
May 26, 1696.
Thomas Drummond of Logie Almond £500
June 2, 1696.
Robert Fraser, Advocate, by virtue of a deputation from
Robert Cuming of Relugas, merchant of Inverness 100
Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of William Duff of
Dyple, merchant of Inverness 100
Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of Alexander Duffe of
Drumuire, merchant of Inverness 100
June 4, 1696.
John Haldane of Gleneagles, depute by John Graham, son
to John Graham, clerk to the chancellary 100
Adam Drummond of Meginch 200
18.
Agnes Campbell, relict of Andrew Anderson, his Majesty's
printer 100
July 10.
John Drummond of Newtoun, for Dame Margaret Graham,
Lady Kinloch 200
John Drummond of Newtoun 200
James Menzies of Schian 100
Mungo Graeme of Garthie 200
21.
Sir Alexander Cumyng of Culter 200
31.
Mr. George Murray, doctor of physick 200
Patrick Campbell, brother to Monzie 100
August 1.
James Lord Drummond 1000
Friday, 6 March, 1696.
John Drummond of Newtoune 1125
Saturday, 7 March, 1696.
John Graham, younger of 1000
Daniel Campbell, merchant in Glasgow 1000
George Robinsoune, belt-maker in Glasgow 100
John Robinsoune, hammerman in Glasgow 100
John Robertson, junior, merchant in Glasgow 500
Munday, 9 March, 1696.
Mattheu Cuming, junior, merchant in Glasgow 1000
William Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100
Marion Davidson, relict of Mr. John Glen, Minister of the
Gospel 100
James Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200
Thomas Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200
George Johnston, merchant in Glasgow £200
John Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100
John Grahame, younger of Dougaldstoun 1,000
Tuesday, 10 March, 1696.
Neill McVicar, tanner in Glasgow 100
George Buchanan, Maltman in Glasgow 100
Saturday, 21 March, 1696.
Archibald Cambell, merchant in Glasgow 100
Tuesday, 24 March, 1696.
John Robertsone, younger, merchant in Glasgow, for Robert
Robertsone, second lawfull sone to Umqll James
Robertsone, merchant in Glasgow 100
Tuesday, March 31, 1696.
Mungo Campbell of Nether Place 100
Hugh Campbell, merchant, son to deceast Sir Hugh Campbell
of Cesnock 100
Matthew Campbell of Waterhaugh 100
Thursday, Agr the 2d of Aprille.
Mungo Campbell, merchant in Ayr 100
David Fergursone, merchant in Ayr 100
Wednesday the 15th day, 1696.
Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200
Captain James Menzies, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100
Captain Francis Ferquhar, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100
Thursday, 16 Aprile, 1696.
Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200
Fryday, 17 Aprile.
Lieutenant Charles Ross, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100[13]
It is more than probable that some names should not be inserted above,
as the name Graeme, for it may belong to the clan Graham of the
Highlands, or else to the debateable land, near Carlisle, which is more
likely. We know that where they had made themselves adverse to both
sides, they were forced to emigrate in large numbers. Some of them
settled near Bangor, in the county of Down, Ireland. How large a per
cent, of the subscribers who lived in the lowlands, and born out of the
Highlands, would be impossible to determine. Then names of parties, born
in the Highlands and of Gaelic blood have undoubtedly been omitted owing
to change of name. By the change in spelling of the name, it would
indicate that some had left Ulster where their forefathers had settled,
and taken up their residence in Scotland. It will also be noticed that
the clans bordering the Grampians were most affected by the excitement
while others seemingly did not even feel the breeze.
The Darien Scheme at best was but suppositious, for no experiment had
been tried in order to forecast a realization of what was expected.
There was, it is true, a glitter about it, but there were materials
within the reach of all from which correct data might have been
obtained. It seems incredible that men of sound judgment should have
risked everything, when they only had a vague or general idea of
Paterson's plans. It was also a notorious fact that Spain claimed
sovereignty over the Isthmus of Panama, and, even if she had not, it was
unlikely that she would tolerate such a colony, as was proposed, in the
very heart of her transatlantic dominions. Spain owned the Isthmus both
by the right of discovery and possession; and the very country which
Paterson had described in such radiant colors had been found by the
Castilian settlers to be a land of misery and of death; and on account
of the poisonous air they had been compelled to remove to the
neighboring haven of Panama. All these facts, besides others, might
easily have been ascertained by members of the Company.
As has already been intimated, the Scots alone were not drawn into this
vortex of wild excitement, and are no more to be held responsible for
the delusion than some of other nationalities. The English people were
seized with the dread of Scottish prosperity resulting from the
enterprise, and England's jealousy of trade at once interfered to crush
an adventure which seemed so promising. The English East India Company
instigated a cry, echoed by the city of London, and taken up by the
nation, which induced their parliament, when it met for the first time,
after the elections of 1695, to give its unequivocal condemnation to the
scheme. One peer declared, "If these Scots are to have their way I shall
go and settle in Scotland, and not stay here to be made a beggar." The
two Houses of Parliament went up together to Kensington and represented
to the king the injustice of requiring England to exert her power in
support of an enterprise which, if successful, must be fatal to her
commerce and to her finances. William replied in plain terms that he had
been illy-treated in Scotland, but that he would try to find a remedy
for the evil which had been brought to his attention. At once he
dismissed Lord High Commissioner Tweeddale and Secretary Johnston; but
the Act which had been passed under their management still continued to
be law in Scotland.
The Darien Company might have surmounted the opposition of the English
parliament and the East India Company, had not the Dutch East India
Company--a body remarkable for its monopolizing character--also joined
in the outcry against the Scottish enterprise; incited thereto by the
king through Sir Paul Rycaut, the British resident at Hamburg, directing
him to transmit to the senate of that commercial city a remonstrance on
the part of king William, accusing them of having encouraged the
commissioners of the Darien Company; requesting them to desist from
doing so; intimating that the plan had not the king's support; and a
refusal to withdraw their countenance from the scheme would threaten an
interruption to his friendship with the good city of Hamburg. The result
of this interference was the almost total withdrawal of the Dutch and
English subscriptions, which was accelerated by the threatened
impeachment, by the English parliament, of such persons who had
subscribed to the Company; and, furthermore, were compelled to renounce
their connection with the Company, besides misusing some native-born
Scotchmen who had offended the House by subscribing their own money to a
company formed in their own country, and according to their own laws.
The managers of the scheme, supported by the general public of Scotland,
entered a strong protest against the king's hostile interference of his
Hamburg envoy. In his answer the king evaded what he was resolved not to
grant, and yet could not in equity refuse. By the double dealing of the
monarch the Company lost the active support of the subscribers in
Hamburg and Holland.
In spite of the desertion of her English and foreign subscribers the
Scots, encouraged in their stubborn resolution, and flattered by hopes
that captivated their imaginations, decided to enter the project alone.
A stately house in Milne Square, then the most modern and fashionable
part of Edinburgh, was purchased and fitted up for an office and
warehouse. It was called the Scottish India House. Money poured faster
than ever into the coffers of the Company. Operations were actively
commenced during the month of May, 1696. Contracts were rapidly let and
orders filled--smith and cutlery work at Falkirk; woollen stockings at
Aberdeen; gloves and other leather goods at Perth; various metallic
works, hats, shoes, tobacco-pipes, serges, linen cloth, bobwigs and
periwigs, at Edinburgh; and for home-spun and home-woven woollen checks
or tartan, to various parts of the Highlands.
[Illustration: SCOTTISH INDIA HOUSE]
As the means for building ships in Scotland did not then exist, recourse
was had to the dockyards of Amsterdam and Hamburg. At an expense of
£50,000 a few inferior ships were purchased, and fitted out as ships of
war; for their constitution authorized them to make war both by land and
sea. The vessels were finally fitted out at Leith, consisting of the
Caledonia, the St. Andrew, the Unicorn, and the Dolphin, each armed with
fifty guns and two tenders, the Endeavor and Pink, afterwards sunk at
Darien; and among the commodities stored away were axes, iron wedges,
knives, smiths', carpenters' and coopers' tools, barrels, guns, pistols,
combs, shoes, hats, paper, tobacco-pipes, and, as was supposed,
provisions enough to last eight months. The value of the cargo of the
St. Andrew was estimated at £4,006. The crew and colonists consisted of
twelve hundred picked men, the greater part of whom were veterans who
had served in king William's wars, and the remainder of Highlanders and
others who had opposed the revolution, and three hundred gentlemen of
family, desirous of trying their fortunes.
It was on July 26, 1698, that the vessels weighed anchor and put out to
sea. A wild insanity seized the entire population of Edinburgh as they
came to witness the embarkation. Guards were kept busy holding back the
eager crowd who pressed forward, and, stretching out their arms to their
departing countrymen, clamored to be taken on board. Stowaways, when
ordered on shore, madly clung to rope and mast, pleading in vain to be
allowed to serve without pay on board the ships. Women sobbed and gasped
for breath; men stood uncovered, and with downcast head and choked
utterance invoked the blessing of the Beneficent Being. The banner of
St. Andrew was hoisted at the admiral's mast; and as a light wind caught
the sails, the roar of the vast multitude was heard far down the waters
of the frith.
The actual destination of the fleet was still a profound secret, save to
a few. The supreme direction of the expedition was entrusted to a
council of seven, to whom was entrusted all power, both civil and
military. The voyage was long and the adventurers suffered much; the
rations proved to be scanty, and of poor quality; and the fleet, after
passing the Orkneys and Ireland, touched at Madeira, where those who had
fine clothes were glad to exchange them for provisions and wines. Having
crossed the Atlantic, they first landed on an uninhabited islet lying
between Porto Rico and St. Thomas, which they took possession of in the
name of their country, and hoisted the white cross of St. Andrew. Being
warned off for trespassing on the territory of the king of Denmark, and
having procured the services of an old buccaneer, under whose pilotage
they departed, on November 1st they anchored close to the Isthmus of
Panama, having lost fifteen of their number during the voyage. On the
4th they landed at Acla; founded there a settlement to which they gave
the name of New St. Andrews; marked out the site for another town and
called it New Edinburgh. The weather was genial and climate pleasant at
the time of their arrival; the vegetation was luxuriant and promising;
the natives were kind; and everything presaged a bright future for the
fortune-seekers. They cut a canal through the neck of land that divided
one side of the harbor from the ocean, and there constructed a fort,
whereon they mounted fifty cannon. On a mountain, at the opposite side
of the harbor, they built a watchhouse, where the extensive view
prevented all danger of a surprise. Lands were purchased from the
Indians, and messages of friendship were sent to the governors of the
several Spanish provinces. As the amount of funds appropriated for the
sustenance of the colony had been largely embezzled by those having the
matter in charge, the people were soon out of provisions. Fishing and
the chase were now the only sources, and as these were precarious, the
colonists were soon on the verge of starvation. As the summer drew near
the atmosphere became stifling, and the exhalations from the steaming
soil, added to other causes, wrought death among the settlers. The
mortality rose gradually to ten a day. Both the clergymen who
accompanied the expedition were dead; one of them, Rev. Thomas James,
died at sea before the colonists landed, and soon after the arrival Rev.
Adam Scot succumbed. Paterson buried his wife in that soil, which, as he
had assured his too credulous countrymen, exhaled health and vigor. Men
passed to the hospital, and from thence to the grave, and the survivors
were only kept alive through the friendly offices of the Indians.
Affairs continued daily to grow worse. The Spaniards on the isthmus
looked with complacency on the distress of the Scotchmen. No relief, and
no tidings coming from Scotland, the survivors on June 22, 1699, less
than eight months after their arrival, resolved to abandon the
settlement. They re-embarked in three vessels, a weak and hopeless
company, to sail whithersoever Providence might direct. Paterson, the
first to embark at Leith, was the last to re-embark at Darien. He begged
hard to be left behind with twenty or more companions to keep up a show
of possession, and to await the next arrival from Scotland. His
importunities were disregarded, and, utterly helpless, he was carried on
board the St. Andrew, and soon after the vessels stood out to sea. The
voyage was horrible. It might be compared to the horrors of a slave
ship.
The ocean kept secret the sufferings on board these pestilential ships
until August 8th, when the Caledonia, commanded by Captain Robert
Drummond, drifted into Sandy Hook, New York, having lost one hundred and
three men since leaving Darien, and twelve more within four days after
arrival, leaving but sixty-five men on board fit for handling ropes. The
three ships, on leaving Darien, had three hundred each, including
officers, crew and colonists. On August 13th, the Unicorn, commanded by
Captain John Anderson, came into New York in a distressed condition,
having lost her foremast, fore topmast, and mizzen mast. She lost one
hundred and fifty men on the way. It appears that Captain Robert
Pennicuik of the St. Andrew knew of the helpless condition of the
Unicorn, and accorded no assistance.[14] As might be expected, passion
was engendered amidst this scene of misery. The squalid survivors, in
the depths of their misery, raged fiercely against one another. Charges
of incapacity, cruelty, brutal insolence, were hurled backward and
forward. The rigid Presbyterians attributed the calamities to the
wickedness of Jacobites, Prelatists, Sabbath-breakers and Atheists, as
they denominated some of their fellow-sufferers. The accused parties, on
the other hand, complained bitterly of the impertinence of meddling
fanatics and hypocrites. Paterson was cruelly reviled, and was unable to
defend himself. He sunk into a stupor, and became temporarily insane.
The arrival of the two ships in New York awakened different emotions.
There certainly was no danger of these miserable people doing any harm,
and yet their appearance awakened apprehension, on account of orders
received from the king. After the proclamations which had been issued
against these miserable fugitives, it became a question of difficulty,
since the governor of New York was absent in Boston, whether it was
safe to provide the dying men with harborage and necessary food. Natural
feelings overcame the difficulty; the more selfish and timid would have
stood aloof and let fate take its course: there being a sufficient
number of them to make the more generous feel that their efforts to save
life were not made without risks. Even putting the most favorable
construction on the act of the earl of Bellomont, governor of Rhode
Island, who was appealed to for advice, by the lieutenant governor of
New York, the colonists were provoked by the actions of those in
authority. Bellomont, in his report to the Lords of Trade, under date of
October 20, 1699, states that the sufferers drew up a memorial to the
lieutenant governor for permission to buy provisions; would not act
until Bellomont gave his instructions; latter thinks the colonists
became insolent after being refreshed; and "your Lordships will see that
I have been cautious enough in my orders to the lieutenant governor of
New York, not to suffer the Scotch to buy more provisions, than would
serve to carry them home to Scotland."[15] On October 12th the Caledonia
set sail from Sandy Hook, made the west coast of Ireland, November 11th,
and on the 20th of same month anchored in the Sound of Islay, Scotland.
The story of the Unicorn is soon told. "John Anderson, a Scotch
Presbyterian, who commanded a ship to Darien in the Scottish expedition
thither and on his return in at Amboy, N. Jersey, & let his ship rot &
plundered her & with ye plunder bought land."[16]
The St. Andrew parted company with the Caledonia the second day after
leaving the settlement, and two nights later saw the Unicorn almost
wholly dismasted, and on the following day was pursued by the Baslavento
fleet. They put into Jamaica, but were denied assistance, in obedience
to king William's orders; and a British admiral, Bembo, refused to give
them some men to assist in bringing the ship to the isle of Port Royal.
During the voyage to Port Royal, they lost the commander, Captain
Pennicuik, most of the officers and one hundred and thirty of the men,
before landing, on August 9, 1699.[17]
The Dolphin, Captain Robert Pincarton, commander, used as a supply and
trading ship, of fourteen guns, on February 5, 1699, struck a rock and
ran ashore at Carthagena, the crew seized by the Spaniards, and in irons
were put in dungeons as pirates. The Spaniards congratulated themselves
on having captured a few of "the ruffians" who had been the terror and
curse of their settlements for a century. They were formally condemned
to death, but British interference succeeded in preventing the sentence
on the crew from being executed.
On the week following the departure of the expedition from Leith, the
Scottish parliament met and unanimously adopted an address to the king,
asking his support and countenance to the Darien colony. Notwithstanding
this memorial the British monarch ordered the governors of Jamaica,
Barbadoes and New York to refuse all supplies to the settlers. Up to
this time the king had partly concealed his policy. No time was lost by
the East India Companies in bringing every measure to bear in order to
ruin the colony. To such length did rancor go that the Scotch commanders
who should presume to enter English ports, even for repairs after a
storm, were threatened with arrest. In obedience to the king's orders
the governors issued proclamations, which they attempted strictly to
enforce; and every species of relief, not only that which countrymen can
claim of their fellow-subjects, and Christians of their
fellow-Christians, and such as the veriest criminal has a right to
demand, was denied the colonists of Darien. On May 12, 1699, there
sailed from Leith the Olive Branch, Captain William Johnson, commander,
and the Hopeful, under Captain Alexander Stark, with ample stores of
provisions, and three hundred recruits, but did not arrive at Darien
until eight weeks after the departure of the colonists. Finding that the
settlement had been abandoned, and leaving six of their number, who
preferred to remain, but were afterwards brought away, the Hopeful
sailed for Jamaica, where she was seized and condemned as a prize. "The
Olive Branch was unfortunately blown up at Caledonia" (Darien).[18]
The Spaniards had not only become aggressive by seizing the Dolphin and
incarcerating the officers and crew, but their government made no
remonstrance against the invasion of its territory until May 3, 1699,
when a memorial was presented to William by the Spanish ambassador
stating that his sovereign looked on the proceedings as a rupture of the
alliance between the two countries, and as a hostile invasion, and would
take such measures as he thought best against the intruders. It is
possible that at this time Spain would not have taken any action
whatever, if William had pursued a different course; and seeing that the
colonists had been abandoned and disowned by their own king, as if they
had been vagabonds or outlaws, the Spaniards, in a manner, felt
themselves invited to precipitate a crisis, which they accomplished.
In the meantime the directors of the Darien Company were actively
organizing another expedition and hastily sent out four more
vessels--the Rising Sun, Captain James Gibson; the Hope, Captain James
Miller; the Hope of Barrowstouness, Captain Richard Daling; and the Duke
of Hamilton, Captain Walter Duncan; with thirteen hundred "good men well
appointed," besides materials of war. This fleet left Greenock August
18, 1699, but having been delayed by contrary winds, did not leave the
Bay of Rothsay, Isle of Bute, until Sunday, September 24th. On Thursday,
November 30, the fleet reached its destination, after considerable
suffering and some deaths on board. These vessels contained engineers,
fire-workers, bombardiers, battery guns of twenty-four pounds, mortars
and bombs. The number of men mentioned included over three hundred
Highlanders, chiefly from the estate of Captain Alexander Campbell of
Fonab, most of whom had served under him, in Flanders, in Lorn's
regiment. During the voyage the Hope was cast away. Captain Miller
loaded the long boat very deep with provisions, goods and arms, and
proceeded towards Havana. He arrived safely at Darien.
A large proportion of the second expedition belonged to the military,
and were organized. Among the Highland officers are noticed the
following names: Captains Colin Campbell, Thomas McIntosh, James
Urquhart, Alexander Stewart, ---- Ferquhar, and ---- Grant; Lieutenants
Charles Stewart, Samuel Johnston, John Campbell and Walter Graham;
Ensigns Hugh Campbell and Robert Colquhon, and Sergeant Campbell.
The members of this expedition were greatly disappointed on their
arrival. They fully expected to find a secure fortification, a
flourishing town, cultivated fields, and a warm reception. Instead they
found a wilderness; the castle in ruins; the huts burned, and grass
growing over the ruins. Their hearts sank within them; for this fleet
had not been fitted out to found a colony, but to recruit and protect
one already in a flourishing condition. They were worse provided with
the necessaries of life than their predecessors had been. They made
feeble attempts to restore the ruins. They constructed a fort on the old
grounds; and within the ramparts built a hamlet consisting of about
eighty-five cabins, generally of twelve feet by ten. The work went
slowly on, without hope or encouragement. Despondency and discontent
pervaded all ranks. The provisions became scanty, and unfair dealing
resorted to. There were plots and factions formed, and one malcontent
hanged. Nor was the ecclesiastical part happily arranged. The provision
made by the General Assembly was as defective as the provision for the
temporal wants had been made by the directors of the company. Of the
four divines, one of them, Alexander Dalgleish, died at sea, on board of
Captain Duncan's vessel. They were all of the established church of
Scotland, who had the strongest sympathy with the Cameronians. They were
at war with almost all the colonists. The antagonisms between priest and
people were extravagant and fatal. They described their flocks as the
most profligate of mankind, and declared it was most impossible to
constitute a presbytery, for it was impossible to find persons fit to be
ruling elders of a Christian church. This part of the trouble can easily
be accounted for. One-third of the people were Highlanders, who did not
understand a word of English, and not one of the pastors knew a word of
Gaelic; and only through interpreters could they converse with this
large body of men. It is also more than probable that many of these men,
trained to war, had more or less of a tendency to fling off every
corrective band. Both Rev. John Borland and Rev. Alexander Shiels,
author of the "Hynd let Loose," were stern fanatics who would tolerate
nothing diverging a shade from their own code of principles. They
treated the people as persons under their spiritual authority, and
required of them fastings, humiliations, and long attendance on sermons
and exhortations. Such pastors were treated with contempt and ignominy
by men scarcely inclined to bear ecclesiastical authority, even in its
lightest form. They mistook their mission, which was to give Christian
counsel, and to lead gently and with dignity from error into rectitude.
Instead of this they fell upon the flock like irritated schoolmasters
who find their pupils in mutiny. They became angry and dominative; and
the more they thus exhibited themselves, the more scorn and contumely
they encountered. Meanwhile two trading sloops arrived in the harbor
with a small stock of provisions; but the supply was inadequate; so five
hundred of the party were ordered to embark for Scotland.
The news of the abandonment of the settlement by the first expedition
was first rumored in London during the middle of September, 1699.
Letters giving such accounts had been received from Jamaica. The report
reached Edinburgh on the 19th, but was received with scornful
incredulity. It was declared to be an impudent lie devised by some
Englishmen who could not endure the sight of Scotland waxing great and
opulent. On October 4th the whole truth was known, for letters had been
received from New York announcing that a few miserable men, the remains
of the colony, had arrived in the Hudson. Grief, dismay, and rage seized
the nation. The directors in their rage called the colonists
white-livered deserters. Accurate accounts brought the realization of
the truth that hundreds of families, once in comparative opulence, were
now reduced almost to beggary, and the flower of the nation had either
succumbed to hardships, or else were languishing in prisons in the
Spanish settlements, or else starving in English colonies. The
bitterness of disappointment was succeeded by an implacable hostility to
the king, who was denounced in pamphlets of the most violent and
inflammatory character, calling him a hypocrite, and a deceiver of those
who had shed their best blood in his cause, and the author of the
misfortunes of Scotland. Indemnification, redress, and revenge were
demanded by every mouth, and each hand was ready to vouch for the claim.
Never had just such a feeling existed in Scotland. It became a useless
possession to the king, for he could not wring one penny from that
kingdom for the public service, and, what was more important to him, he
could not induce one recruit for his continental wars. William continued
to remain indifferent to all complaints of hardships and petitions of
redress, unless when he showed himself irritated by the importunity of
the suppliants, and hurt at being obliged to evade what it was
impossible for him, with the least semblance of justice to refuse. The
feeling against William long continued in Scotland. As late as November
5, 1788, when it was proposed that a monument should be erected in
Edinburgh to his memory, there appeared in one of the papers an
anonymous communication ironically applauding the undertaking, and
proposing as two subjects of the entablature, for the base of the
projected column, the massacre of Glencoe and the distresses of the
Scottish colonists in Darien. On the appearance of this article the
project was very properly and righteously abandoned. The result of the
Darien Scheme and the cold-blooded policy of William made the Scottish
nation ripe for rebellion. Had there been even one member of the exiled
house of Stuart equal to the occasion, that family could then have
returned to Scotland amid the joys and acclamations of the nation.
Amidst the disasters of the first expedition the directors of the
company were not unmindful of the fate of those who had sailed in the
last fleet. These people must be promptly succored. The company hired
the ship Margaret, commanded by Captain Leonard Robertson, which sailed
from Dundee, March 9, 1700; but what was of greater importance was the
commission given to Captain Alexander Campbell of Fonab, under date of
October 10, 1699, making him a councillor of the company and investing
him with "the chief and supreme command, both by sea and by land, of all
ships, men, forts, settlements, lands, possessions, and others
whatsoever belonging to the said company in any part or parts of
America,"[19] with instructions to lose no time in taking passage for
Jamaica, or the Leeward Islands and there secure a vessel, with three or
four months' provisions for the colony. Arriving at the Barbadoes, he
then purchased a vessel with a cargo of provisions, and on January 24,
1700, sailed for Darien, which he reached February 5th, and just in time
to be of active service; for intelligence had reached the colony that
fifteen hundred Spaniards lay encamped on the Rio Santa Maria, waiting
the arrival of an armament of eleven ships, with troops on board,
destined to attack Ft. St. Andrew. Captain Campbell of Fonab, who had
gained for himself great reputation in Flanders as an approved warrior,
resolved to anticipate the enemy, and at once mustering two hundred of
his veteran troops, accompanied by sixty Indians, marched over the
mountains, and fell on the Spanish camp by night, and dispersed them
with great slaughter, with a loss to the colony of nine killed and
fourteen wounded, among the latter being their gallant commander. The
Spaniards could not withstand the tumultuous rush of the Highlanders,
and in precipitate flight left a large number of their dead upon the
field. The little band, among the spoils, brought back the Spanish
commander's decoration of the "Golden Fleece." When they recrossed the
mountains it was to find their poor countrymen blockaded by five Spanish
men-of-war. Campbell, and others, believing that no inequalities
justified submission to such an enemy, determined on resistance, but
soon discovered that resistance was in vain, when they could only depend
on diseased, starving and broken-hearted men. As the Spaniards would not
include Captain Campbell in the terms of capitulation, he managed, with
several companions, dexterously to escape in a small vessel, sailed for
New York, and from thence to Scotland. The defence of the colony under
Fonab's genius had been heroic. When ammunition had given out, their
pewter dishes were fashioned into cannon balls. On March 18, 1700, the
colonists capitulated on honorable terms. It was a received popular
opinion in Scotland that none of those who were concerned in the
surrender ever returned to their native country. So weak were the
survivors, and so few in numbers, that they were unable to weigh the
anchor of their largest ship until the Spaniards came to their
assistance. What became of them? Their melancholy tale is soon told.
The Earl of Bellomont, writing to the Lords of the Admiralty, under
date, New York, October 15, 1700, says:[20]
"Some Scotchmen are newly come hither from Carolina that belonged to
the ship Rising Sun (the biggest ship they set out for their
Caledonia expedition) who tell me that on the third of last month a
hurricane happened on that coast, as that ship lay at anchor, within
less than three leagues of Charles Town in Carolina with another
Scotch ship called the Duke of Hamilton, and three or four others;
that the ships were all shattered in pieces and all the people lost,
and not a man saved. The Rising Sun had 112 men on board. The Scotch
men that are come hither say that 15 of 'em went on shore before the
storm to buy fresh provisions at Charles Town by which means they
were saved. Two other of their ships they suppose were lost in the
Gulph of Florida in the same storm. They came all from Jamaica and
were bound hither to take in provisions on their way to Scotland. The
Rising Sun had 60 guns mounted and could have carryed many more, as
they tell me."
The colonists found a watery grave. No friendly hand nor sympathizing
tear soothed their dying moments; no clergyman eulogized their heroism,
self-sacrifice and virtues; no orator has pronounced a panegyric; no
poet has embalmed their memory in song, and no novelist has taken their
record for a fanciful story. Since their mission was a failure their
memory is doomed to rest without marble monument or graven image. To the
merciful and the just they will be honored as heroes and pioneers.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 13: The Darien Papers, pp. 371-417.]
[Footnote 14: "Darien Papers," pp 195, 275.]
[Footnote 15: "Documentary and Colonial History of New York," Vol. IV,
p. 591.]
[Footnote 16: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 335.]
[Footnote 17: "Darien Papers," p. 150.]
[Footnote 18: "Darien Papers," p. 160.]
[Footnote 19: "Darien Papers," p. 176.]
[Footnote 20: "Documents Relating to Colonial History of New York," Vol.
IV, p. 711.]
CHAPTER V.
THE HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA.
The earliest, largest and most important settlement of Highlanders in
America, prior to the Peace of 1783, was in North Carolina, along Cape
Fear River, about one hundred miles from its mouth, and in what was then
Bladen, but now Cumberland County. The time when the Highlanders began
to occupy this territory is not definitely known; but some were located
there in 1729, at the time of the separation of the province into North
and South Carolina. It is not known what motive caused the first
settlers to select that region. There was no leading clan in this
movement, for various ones were well represented. At the headwaters of
navigation these pioneers literally pitched their tent in the
wilderness, for there were but few human abodes to offer them shelter.
The chief occupants of the soil were the wild deer, turkeys, wolves,
raccoons, opossums, with huge rattlesnakes to contest the intrusion.
Fortunately for the homeless immigrant the climate was genial, and the
stately tree would afford him shelter while he constructed a house out
of logs proffered by the forest. Soon they began to fell the primeval
forest, grub, drain, and clear the rich alluvial lands bordering on the
river, and plant such vegetables as were to give them subsistence.
In course of time a town was formed, called Campbellton, then Cross
Creek, and after the Revolution, in honor of the great Frenchman, who
was so truly loyal to Washington, it was permanently changed to
Fayetteville.
The immigration to North Carolina was accelerated, not only by the
accounts sent back to the Highlanders of Scotland by the first settlers,
but particularly under the patronage of Gabriel Johnston, governor of
the province from 1734 until his death in 1752. He was born in Scotland,
educated at the University of St. Andrews, where he became professor of
Oriental languages, and still later a political writer in London. He
bears the reputation of having done more to promote the prosperity of
North Carolina than all its other colonial governors combined. However,
he was often arbitrary and unwise with his power, besides having the
usual misfortune of colonial governors of being at variance with the
legislature. He was very partial to the people of his native country,
and sought to better their condition by inducing them to emigrate to
North Carolina. Among the charges brought against him, in 1748, was his
inordinate fondness for Scotchmen, and even Scotch rebels. So great, it
was alleged, was his partiality for the latter that he showed no joy
over the king's "glorious victory of Culloden;" and "that he had
appointed one William McGregor, who had been in the Rebellion in the
year 1715, a Justice of the Peace during the late Rebellion (1745) and
was not himself without suspicion of disaffection to His Majesty's
Government."[21]
The "Colonial Records of North Carolina" contain many distinctively
Highland names, most of which refer to persons whose nativity was in the
Scottish Highlands; but these furnish no certain criterion, for
doubtless some of the parties, though of Highland parents, were born in
the older provinces, while in later colonial history others belong to
the Scotch-Irish, who came in that great wave of migration from Ulster,
and found a lodgment upon the headwaters of the Cape Fear, Pee Dee and
Neuse. Many of the early Highland emigrants were very prominent in the
annals of the colony, among whom none were more so than Colonel James
Innes, who was born about the year 1700 at Cannisbay, a town on the
extreme northern point of the coast of Scotland. He was a personal
friend of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, who in 1754 appointed him
commander-in-chief of all the forces in the expedition to the
Ohio,--George Washington being the colonel commanding the Virginia
regiment. He had previously seen some service as a captain in the
unsuccessful expedition against Carthagenia.
The real impetus of the Highland emigration to North Carolina was the
arrival, in 1739, of a "shipload," under the guidance of Neil McNeill,
of Kintyre, Scotland, who settled also on the Cape Fear, amongst those
who had preceded him. Here he found Hector McNeill, called "Bluff
Hector," from his residence near the bluffs above Cross Creek.
Neil McNeill, with his countrymen, landed on the Cape Fear during the
month of September. They numbered three hundred and fifty souls,
principally from Argyleshire. At the ensuing session of the legislature
they made application for substantial encouragement, that they might
thereby be able to induce the rest of their friends and acquaintances to
settle in the country. While this petition was pending, in order to
encourage them and others and also to show his good will, the governor
appointed, by the council of the province, a certain number of them
justices of the peace, the commissions bearing date of February 28,
1740. The proceedings show that it was "ordered that a new commission of
peace for Bladen directed to the following persons: Mathew Rowan, Wm.
Forbes, Hugh Blaning, John Clayton, Robert Hamilton, Griffeth Jones,
James Lyon, Duncan Campbel, Dugold McNeil, Dan McNeil, Wm. Bartram and
Samuel Baker hereby constituting and appointing them Justices of the
Peace for the said county."[22]
These were the first so appointed. The petition was first heard in the
upper house of the legislature, at Newbern, and on January 26, 1740, the
following action was taken:
"Resolved, that the Persons mentioned in said Petition, shall be free
from payment of any Publick or County tax for Ten years next ensuing
their Arrival.
"Resolved, that towards their subsistence the sum of one thousand
pounds be paid out of the Publick money, by His Excellency's warrant
to be lodged with Duncan Campbell, Dugald McNeal, Daniel McNeal.
Coll. McAlister and Neal McNeal Esqrs., to be by them distributed
among the several families in the said Petition mentioned.
"Resolved, that as an encouragement for Protestants to remove from
Europe into this Province, to settle themselves in bodys or
Townships, That all such as shall so remove into this Province.
Provided they exceed forty persons in one body or Company, they shall
be exempted from payment of any Publick or County tax for the space
of Ten years, next ensuing their Arrival.
"Resolved, that an address be presented to his Excellency the
Governor to desire him to use his Interest, in such manner, as he
shall think most proper to obtain an Instruction for giveing
encouragement to Protestants from foreign parts, to settle in
Townships within this Province, to be set apart for that purpose
after the manner, and with such priviledges and advantages, as is
practised in South Carolina."[23]
The petition was concurred in by the lower house on February 21st, and
on the 26th, after reciting the action of the upper house in relation to
the petition, passed the following:
"Resolved, That this House concurs with the several Resolves of the
Upper House in the abovesd Message Except that relateing to the
thousand pounds which this House refers till next Session of Assembly
for Consideration."[24]
At a meeting of the council held at Wilmington, June 4, 1740, there were
presented petitions for patents of lands, by the following persons,
giving acres and location, as granted:
Name. Acres. County.
Thos Clarks 320 N. Hanover
James McLachlan 160 Bladen
Hector McNeil 300 "
Duncan Campbell 150 "
James McAlister 640 "
James McDugald 640 "
Duncan Campbell 75 "
Hugh McCraine 500 "
Duncan Campbell 320 "
Gilbert Pattison 640 "
Rich Lovett 855 Tyrrel
Rd Earl 108 N. Hanover
Jno McFerson 320 Bladen
Duncan Campbell 300 "
Neil McNeil 150 "
Duncan Campbell 140 "
Jno Clark 320 "
Malcolm McNeil 320 "
Neil McNeil 400 "
Arch Bug 320 "
Name. Acres. County.
Duncan Campbel 640 Bladen
Jas McLachlen 320 "
Murdock McBraine 320 "
Jas Campbel 640 "
Patric Stewart 320 "
Arch Campley 320 "
Dan McNeil 105 (400) 400 "
Neil McNeil 400 "
Duncan Campbel 320 "
Jno Martileer 160 "
Daniel McNeil 320 "
Wm Stevens 300 "
Dan McNeil 400 "
Jas McLachlen 320 "
Wm Speir 160 Edgecombe
Jno Clayton 100 Bladen
Sam Portevint 640 N. Hanover
Charles Harrison 320 "
Robt Walker 640 "
Jas Smalwood 640 "
Wm Faris 400 640 640 "
Richd Carlton 180 Craven
Duncan Campbel 150 Bladen
Neil McNeil 321 "
Alex McKey 320 "
Henry Skibley 320 "
Jno Owen 200 "
Duncan Campbel 400 "
Dougal Stewart 640 "
Arch Douglass 200 N. Hanover
James Murray 320 "
Robt Clark 200 "
Duncan Campbel 148 Bladen
James McLachlen 320 "
Arch McGill 500 "
Jno Speir 100 Edgecombe
James Fergus 640 "
Rufus Marsden 640 "
Hugh Blaning 320 (surplus land) Bladen
Robt Hardy 400 Beaufort
Wm Jones 354 350 [25]
All the above names, by no means are Highland; but as they occur in the
same list, in all probability, came on the same ship, and were probably
connected by kindred ties with the Gaels.
The colony was destined soon to receive a great influx from the
Highlands of Scotland, due to the frightful oppression and persecution
which immediately followed the battle of Culloden. Not satisfied with
the merciless harrying of the Highlands, the English army on its return
into England carried with it a large number of prisoners, and after a
hasty military trial many were publicly executed. Twenty-two suffered
death in Yorkshire; seventeen were put to death in Cumberland; and
seventeen at Kennington Common, near London. When the king's vengeance
had been fully glutted, he pardoned a large number, on condition of
their leaving the British Isles and emigrating to the plantations, after
having first taken the oath of allegiance.
The collapsing of the romantic scheme to re-establish the Stuart
dynasty, in which so many brave and generous mountaineers were enlisted,
also brought an indiscriminate national punishment upon the Scottish
Gaels, for a blow was struck not only at those "who were out" with
prince Charles, but also those who fought for the reigning dynasty. Left
without chief, or protector, clanship broken up, homes destroyed and
kindred murdered, dispirited, outlawed, insulted and without hope of
palliation or redress, the only ray of light pointed across the Atlantic
where peace and rest were to be found in the unbroken forests of North
Carolina. Hence, during the years 1746 and 1747, great numbers of
Highlanders, with their families and the families of their friends,
removed to North Carolina and settled along the Cape Fear river,
covering a great space of country, of which Cross Creek, or Campbelton,
now Fayetteville, was the common center. This region received shipload
after shipload of the harrassed, down-trodden and maligned people. The
emigration, forced by royal persecution and authority, was carried on by
those who desired to improve their condition, by owning the land they
tilled. In a few years large companies of Highlanders joined their
countrymen in Bladen County, which has since been subdivided into the
counties of Anson, Bladen, Cumberland, Moore, Richmond, Robeson and
Sampson, but the greater portion established themselves within the
present limits of Cumberland, with Fayetteville the seat of justice.
There was in fact a Carolina mania which was not broken until the
beginning of the Revolution.[26] The flame of enthusiasm passed like
wildfire through the Highland glens and Western Isles. It pervaded all
classes, from the poorest crofter to the well-to-do farmer, and even men
of easy competence, who were according to the appropriate song of the
day,
"Dol a dh'iarruidh an fhortain do North Carolina."
Large ocean crafts, from several of the Western Lochs, laden with
hundreds of passengers sailed direct for the far west. In that day this
was a great undertaking, fraught with perils of the sea, and a long,
comfortless voyage. Yet all this was preferable than the homes they
loved so well; but no longer homes to them! They carried with them their
language, their religion, their manners, their customs and costumes. In
short, it was a Highland community transplanted to more hospitable
shores.
The numbers of Highlanders at any given period can only relatively be
known. In 1753 it was estimated that in Cumberland County there were one
thousand Highlanders capable of bearing arms, which would make the whole
number between four and five thousand,--to say nothing of those in the
adjoining districts, besides those scattered in the other counties of
the province.
The people at once settled quietly and devoted their energies to
improving their lands. The country rapidly developed and wealth began to
drop into the lap of the industrious. The social claims were not
forgotten, and the political demands were attended to. It is recorded
that in 1758 Hector McNeil was sheriff of Cumberland County, and as his
salary was but £10, it indicates his services were not in demand, and
there was a healthy condition of affairs.
Hector McNeil and Alexander McCollister represented Cumberland County in
the legislature that assembled at Wilmington April 13, 1762. In 1764 the
members were Farquhar Campbell and Walter Gibson,--the former being
also a member in 1769, 1770, 1771, and 1775, and during this period one
of the leading men, not only of the county, but also of the legislature.
Had he, during the Revolution, taken a consistent position in harmony
with his former acts, he would have been one of the foremost patriots of
his adopted state; but owing to his vacillating character, his course of
conduct inured to his discomfiture and reputation.
The legislative body was clothed with sufficient powers to ameliorate
individual distress, and was frequently appealed to for relief. In quite
a list of names, seeking relief from "Public duties and Taxes," April
16, 1762, is that of Hugh McClean, of Cumberland county. The relief was
granted. This would indicate that there was more or less of a struggle
in attaining an independent home, which the legislative body desired to
assist in as much as possible, in justice to the commonwealth.
The Peace of 1763 not only saw the American Colonies prosperous, but
they so continued, making great strides in development and growth.
England began to look towards them as a source for additional revenue
towards filling her depleted exchequer; and, in order to realize this,
in March, 1765, her parliament passed, by great majorities, the
celebrated act for imposing stamp duties in America. All America was
soon in a foment. The people of North Carolina had always asserted their
liberties on the subject of taxation. As early as 1716, when the
province, all told, contained only eight thousand inhabitants, they
entered upon the journal of their assembly the formal declaration "that
the impressing of the inhabitants or their property under pretence of
its being for the public service without authority of the Assembly, was
unwarrantable and a great infringement upon the liberty of the subject."
In 1760 the Assembly declared its indubitable right to frame and model
every bill whereby an aid was granted to the king. In 1764 it entered
upon its journal a peremptory order that the treasurer should not pay
out any money by order of the governor and council without the
concurrence of the assembly.
William Tryon assumed the duties of governor March 28, 1765, and
immediately after he took charge of affairs the assembly was called, but
within two weeks he prorogued it; said to have been done in consequence
of an interview with the speaker of the assembly, Mr. Ashe, who, in
answer to a question by the governor on the Stamp Act, replied, "We will
fight it to the death." The North Carolina records show it was fought
even to "the death."
The prevalent excitement seized the Highlanders along the Cape Fear. A
letter appeared in "The North Carolina Gazette," dated at Cross Creek,
January 30, 1766, in which the writer urges the people by every
consideration, in the name of "dear Liberty" to rise in their might and
put a stop to the seizures then in progress. He asks the people if they
have "lost their senses and their souls, and are they determined tamely
to submit to slavery." Nor did the matter end here; for, the people of
Cross Creek gave vent to their resentment by burning lord Bute in
effigy.
Just how far statistics represent the wealth of a people may not be
wholly determined. At this period of the history, referring to a return
of the counties, in 1767, it is stated that Anson county, called also
parish of St. George, had six hundred and ninety-six white taxables,
that the people were in general poor and unable to, support a minister.
Bladen county, or St. Martin's parish, had seven hundred and ninety-one
taxable whites, and the inhabitants in middling circumstances.
Cumberland, or St. David's parish, had eight hundred and ninety-nine
taxable whites, "mostly Scotch--Support a Presbyterian Minister."
The Colonial Records of North Carolina do not exhibit a list of the
emigrants, and seldom refer to the ship by name. Occasionally, however,
a list has been preserved in the minutes of the official proceedings.
Hence it may be read that on November 4, 1767, there landed at
Brunswick, from the Isle of Jura, Argyleshire, Scotland, the following
names of families and persons, to whom were allotted vacant lands, clear
of all fees, to be taken up in Cumberland or Mecklenburgh counties, at
their option:
+-------------------------------+-------------+-------+----------+
| | CHILDREN | | Acres to |
| NAMES OF FAMILIES +------+------+ TOTAL | Each |
| | Male |Female| | Family |
+-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+
|Alexander McDougald and wife | | 1 | 3 | 300 |
|Malcolm McDougald " " | | 1 | 3 | 300 |
|Neill McLean " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Duncan McLean " " | | | 2 | 200 |
|Duncan Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Angus McDougald " " | | | 2 | 200 |
|Dougald McDougald " " | 3 | 1 | 6 | 640 |
|Dougald McDougald " " | 2 | | 4 | 400 |
|John Campbell " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Archibald Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 |
|Neill Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Neill Clark | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Angus McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Alexander McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|John McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peter McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Malcolm Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Duncan Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Mary Buea | | | 1 | 100 |
|Nancy McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peggy Sinclair | | | 1 | 100 |
|Peggy McDougald | | | 1 | 100 |
|Jenny Darach | | | 1 | 100 |
|Donald McLean | | | 1 | 100 |
+-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+
These names show they were from Argyleshire, and probably from the Isle
of Mull, and the immediate vicinity of the present city of Oban.
The year 1771 witnessed civil strife in North Carolina. The War of the
Regulators was caused by oppression in disproportionate taxation; no
method for payment of taxes in produce, as in other counties; unfairness
in transactions of business by officials; the privilege exercised by
lawyers to commence suits in any court they pleased, and unlawful fees
extorted. The assembly was petitioned in vain on these points, and on
account of these wrongs the people of the western districts attempted to
gain by force what was denied them by peaceable means.
One of the most surprising things about this war is that it was
ruthlessly stamped out by the very people of the eastern part of the
province who themselves had been foremost in rebellion against the Stamp
Act. And, furthermore, to be leaders against Great Britain in less than
five years from the battle of the Alamance. Nor did they appear in the
least to be willing to concede justice to their western brethren, until
the formation of the state constitution, in 1776, when thirteen, out of
the forty-seven sections, of that instrument embodied the reforms sought
for by the Regulators.
On March 10, 1771, Governor Tryon apportioned the number of troops for
each county which were to march against the insurgents. In this
allotment fifty each fell to Cumberland, Bladen, and Anson counties.
Farquhar Campbell was given a captain's commission, and two commissions
in blank for lieutenant and ensign, besides a draft for £150, to be used
as bounty money to the enlisted men, and other expenses. As soon as his
company was raised, he was ordered to join, as he thought expedient,
either the westward or eastward detachment. The date of his orders is
April 18, 1771. Captain Campbell had expressed himself as being able to
raise the complement.[27] The records do not show whether or not Captain
Campbell and his company took an active part.
It cannot be affirmed that the expedition against the Regulators was a
popular one. When the militia was called out, there arose trouble in
Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt and Edgecombe counties, with no troops
from the Albemarle section. In Bute county where there was a regiment
eight hundred strong, when called upon for fifty volunteers, all broke
rank, without orders, declaring that they were in sympathy with the
Regulators.
The freeholders living near Campbelton on March 13, 1772, petitioned
Governor Martin for a change in the charter of their town, alleging that
as Campbelton was a trading town persons temporarily residing there
voted, and thus the power of election was thrown into their hands,
because the property owners were fewer in numbers. They desired "a new
Charter impowering all persons, being Freeholders within two miles of
the Courthouse of Campbelton or seized of an Estate for their own, or
the life of any other person in any dwelling-house (such house having a
stone or brick Chimney thereunto belonging and appendent) to elect a
Member to represent them in General Assembly. Whereby we humbly conceive
that the right of election will be lodged with those who only have right
to Claim it and the purposes for which the Charter was granted to
encourage Merchants of property to settle there fully answered."[28]
Among the names signed to this petition are those of Neill MacArther,
Alexr. MacArther, James McDonald, Benja. McNatt, Ferqd. Campbell, and A.
Maclaine. The charter was granted.
The people of Cumberland county had a care for their own interests, and
fully appreciated the value of public buildings. Partly by their
efforts, the upper legislative house, on February 24, 1773, passed a
bill for laying out a public road from the Dan through the counties of
Guilford, Chatham and Cumberland to Campbelton. On the 26th same month,
the same house passed a bill for regulating the borough of Campbelton,
and erecting public buildings therein, consisting of court house, gaol,
pillory and stocks, naming the following persons to be commissioners:
Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Richard Lyon, Robert Nelson,
and Robert Cochran.[29] The same year Cumberland county paid in
quit-rents, fines and forfeitures the sum of £206.
In September, 1773, a boy named Reynold McDugal was condemned for
murder. His youthful appearance, looking to be but thirteen, though
really eighteen years of age, enlisted the sympathy of a great many, who
petitioned for clemency, which was granted. To this petition were
attached such Highland names as, Angus Camel, Alexr. McKlarty, James
McKlarty, Malcolm McBride, Neil McCoulskey, Donald McKeithen, Duncan
McKeithen, Gilbert McKeithen, Archibald McKeithen, Daniel McFarther,
John McFarther, Daniel Graham, Malcolm Graham, Malcolm McFarland,
Murdock Graham, Michael Graham, John McKown, Robert McKown, William
McKown, Daniel Campbell, John Campbell. Iver McKay, John McLeod, Alexr.
Graham, Evin McMullan, John McDuffie, William McNeil. Andw. McCleland.
John McCleland, Wm. McRei, Archd. McCoulsky, James McCoulsky, Chas.
McNaughton, Jno. McLason.
The Highland clans were fairly represented, with a preponderance in
favor of the McNeils. They still wore their distinctive costume, the
plaid, the kilt, and the sporan,--and mingled together, as though they
constituted but one family. A change now began to take place and rapidly
took on mammoth proportions. The MacDonalds of Raasay and Skye became
impatient under coercion and set out in great numbers for North
Carolina. Among them was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough, and his famous
wife, the heroine Flora, who arrived in 1774. Allan MacDonald succeeded
to the estate of Kingsburgh in 1772, on the death of his father, but
finding it incumbered with debt, and embarrassed in his affairs, he
resolved in 1773 to go to North Carolina, and there hoped to mend his
fortunes. He settled in Anson county. Although somewhat aged, he had the
graceful mien and manly looks of a gallant Highlander. He had jet black
hair tied behind, and was a large, stately man, with a steady, sensible
countenance. He wore his tartan thrown about him, a large blue bonnet
with a knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat, a tartan
waistcoat with gold buttons and gold button holes, a bluish philabeg,
and tartan hose. At once he took precedence among his countrymen,
becoming their leader and adviser. The Macdonalds, by 1775, were so
numerous in Cumberland county as to be called the "Clan Donald," and the
insurrection of February, 1776, is still known as the "Insurrection of
the Clan MacDonald."
Little did the late comers know or realize the gathering storm. The
people of the West Highlands, so remote from the outside world, could
not apprehend the spirit of liberty that was being awakened in the
Thirteen Colonies. Or, if they heard of it, the report found no special
lodgement. In short, there were but few capable of realizing what the
outcome would be. Up to the very breaking out of hostilities the clans
poured forth emigrants into North Carolina.
Matters long brewing now began to culminate and evil days grew apace.
The ruling powers of England refused to understand the rights of
America, and their king rushed headlong into war. The colonists had
suffered long and patiently, but when the overt act came they appealed
to arms. Long they bore misrule. An English king, of his own whim, or
the favoritism of a minister, or the caprice of a woman good or bad, or
for money in hand paid, selected the governor, chief justice, secretary,
receiver-general, and attorney-general for the province. The governor
selected the members of the council, the associate judges, the
magistrates, and the sheriffs. The clerks of the county courts and the
register of deeds were selected by the clerk of pleas, who having bought
his office in England came to North Carolina and peddled out "county
rights" at prices ranging from £4 to £40 annual rent per county.
Scandalous abuses accumulated, especially under such governors as were
usually chosen. The people were still loyal to England, even after the
first clash of arms, but the open rupture rapidly prepared them for
independence. The open revolt needed only the match. When that was
applied, a continent was soon ablaze, controlled by a lofty patriotism.
The steps taken by the leaders of public sentiment in America were
prudent and statesmanlike. Continental and Provincial Congresses were
created. The first in North Carolina convened at Newbern, August 25,
1774. Cumberland county was represented by Farquhard Campbell and Thomas
Rutherford. The Second Congress convened at the same place April 30,
1775. Again the same parties represented Cumberland county, with an
additional one for Campbelton in the person of Robert Rowan. At this
time the Highlanders were in sympathy with the people of their adopted
country. But not all, for on July 3rd, Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough
went to Fort Johnson, and concerted with Governor Martin the raising of
a battalion of "the good and faithful Highlanders." He fully calculated
on the recently settled MacDonalds and MacLeods. All who took part in
the Second Congress were not prepared to take or realize the logic of
their position, and what would be the final result.
The Highlanders soon became an object of consideration to the leaders
on both sides of the controversy. They were numerically strong,
increasing in numbers, and their military qualities beyond question.
Active efforts were put forth in order to induce them to throw the
weight of their decision both to the patriot cause and also to that of
the king. Consequently emissaries were sent amongst them. The prevalent
impression was that they had a strong inclination towards the royalist
cause, and that party took every precaution to cement their loyalty.
Even the religious side of their natures was wrought upon.
The Americans early saw the advantage of decisive steps. In a letter
from Joseph Hewes, John Penn, and William Hooper, the North Carolina
delegates to the Continental Congress, to the members of the Provincial
Congress, under date of December 1, 1775, occurs the admission that "in
our attention to military preparations we have not lost sight of a means
of safety to be effected by the power of the pulpit, reasoning and
persuasion. We know the respect which the Regulators and Highlanders
entertain for the clergy; they still feel the impressions of a religious
education, and truths to them come with irresistible influence from the
mouths of their spiritual pastors. * * * The Continental Congress have
thought proper to direct us to employ two pious clergymen to make a tour
through North Carolina in order to remove the prejudices which the minds
of the Regulators and Highlanders may labor under with respect to the
justice of the American controversy, and to obviate the religious
scruples which Governor Tryon's heartrending oath has implanted in their
tender consciences. We are employed at present in quest of some persons
who may be equal to this undertaking."[30]
The Regulators were divided in their sympathies, and it was impossible
to find a Gaelic-speaking minister, clothed with authority, to go among
the Highlanders. Even if such a personage could have been found, the
effort would have been counteracted by the influence of John McLeod,
their own minister. His sympathies, though not boldly expressed, were
against the interests of the Thirteen Colonies, and on account of his
suspicious actions was placed under arrest, but discharged May 11, 1776,
by the Provincial Congress, in the following order:
"That the Rev. John McLeod, who was brought to this Congress on
suspicion of his having acted inimical to the rights of America, be
discharged from his further attendance."[31]
August 23, 1775, the Provincial Congress appointed, from among its
members, Archibald Maclaine, Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell,
Robert Rowan, Thomas Wade, Alexander McKay, John Ashe, Samuel Spencer,
Walter Gibson, William Kennon, and James Hepburn, "a committee to confer
with the Gentlemen who have lately arrived from the Highlands in
Scotland to settle in this Province, and to explain to them the Nature
of our Unhappy Controversy with Great Britain, and to advise and urge
them to unite with the other Inhabitants of America in defence of those
rights which they derive from God and the Constitution."[32][33]
No steps appear to have been taken by the Americans to organize the
Highlanders into military companies, but rather their efforts were to
enlist their sympathies. On the other hand, the royal governor, Josiah
Martin, took steps towards enrolling them into active British service.
In a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of June 30, 1775,
Martin declares he "could collect immediately among the emigrants from
the Highlands of Scotland, who were settled here, and immoveably
attached to His Majesty and His Government, that I am assured by the
best authority I may compute at 3000 effective men," and begs permission
"to raise a Battalion of a Thousand Highlanders here," and "I would most
humbly beg leave to recommend Mr. Allen McDonald of Kingsborough to be
Major, and Captain Alexd. McLeod of the Marines now on half pay to be
first Captain, who besides being men of great worth, and good character,
have most extensive influence over the Highlanders here, great part of
which are of their own names and familys, and I should flatter myself
that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit me to nominate
some of the Subalterns of such a Battalion, not for pecuniary
consideration, but for encouragement to some active and deserving young
Highland Gentlemen who might be usefully employed in the speedy raising
the proposed Battalion. Indeed I cannot help observing My Lord, that
there are three of four Gentlemen of consideration here, of the name of
McDonald, and a Lieutenant Alexd. McLean late of the Regiment now on
half pay, whom I should be happy to see appointed Captains in such a
Battalion, being persuaded they would heartily promote and do credit to
His Majesty's Service."[34]
November 12, 1775, the governor farther reports to the same that he can
assure "your Lordship that the Scotch Highlanders here are generally and
almost without exception staunch to Government," and that "Captain
Alexr. McLeod, a Gentleman from the Highlands of Scotland and late an
Officer in the Marines who has been settled in this Province about a
year and is one of the Gentlemen I had the honor to recommend to your
Lordship to be appointed a Captain in the Battalion of Highlanders, I
proposed with his Majesty's permission to raise here found his way down
to me at this place about three weeks ago and I learn from him that he
is as well as his father in law, Mr. Allan McDonald, proposed by me for
Major of the intended Corps moved by my encouragements have each raised
a company of Highlanders since which a Major McDonald who came here some
time ago from Boston under the orders from General Gage to raise
Highlanders to form a Battalion to be commanded by Lieut. Coll. Allan
McLean has made them proposals of being appointed Captains in that
Corps, which they have accepted on the Condition that his Majesty does
not approve my proposal of raising a Battallion of Highlanders and
reserving to themselves the choice of appointments therein in case it
shall meet with his Majesty's approbation in support of that measure. I
shall now only presume to add that the taking away those Gentlemen from
this Province will in a great measure if not totally dissolve the union
of the Highlanders in it now held together by their influence, that
those people in their absence may fall under the guidance of some person
not attached like them to Government in this Colony at present but it
will ever be maintained by such a regular military force as this
established in it that will constantly reunite itself with the utmost
facility and consequently may be always maintained upon the most
respectable footing."[35]
The year 1775 witnessed the North Carolina patriots very alert. There
were committees of safety in the various counties; and the Provincial
Congress began its session at Hillsborough August 21st. Cumberland
County was represented by Farquhard Campbell, Thomas Rutherford,
Alexander McKay, Alexander McAlister and David Smith, Campbelton sent
Joseph Hepburn. Among the members of this Congress having distinctly
Highland names, the majority of whom doubtless were born in the
Highlands, if not all, besides those already mentioned, were John
Campbell and John Johnston from Bertie, Samuel Johnston of Chowan,
Duncan Lamon of Edgecombe. John McNitt Alexander of Mecklenburg, Kenneth
McKinzie of Martin, Jeremiah Frazier or Tyrell, William Graham of Tryon,
and Archibald Maclaine of Wilmington. One of the acts of this Congress
was to divide the state into military districts and the appointment of
field officers of the Minute Men. For Cumberland county Thomas
Rutherford was appointed colonel; Alexander McAlister, lieutenant
colonel; Duncan McNeill, first major; Alexander McDonald, second major.
One company of Minute Men was to be raised. This Act was passed on
September 9th.
As the name of Farquhard Campbell often occurs in connection with the
early stages of the Revolution, and quite frequently in the Colonial
Records from 1771 to 1776, a brief notice of him may be of some
interest. He was a gentleman of wealth, education and influence, and, at
first, appeared to be warmly attached to the cause of liberty. As has
been noticed he was a member of the Provincial Congress, and evinced
much zeal in promoting the popular movement, and, as a visiting member
from Cumberland county attended the meeting of the Safety Committee at
Wilmington, on July 20, 1776. When Governor Martin abandoned his palace
and retreated to Fort Johnston, and thence to an armed ship, it was
ascertained that he visited Campbell at his residence. Not long
afterwards the governor's secretary asked the Provincial Congress "to
give Sanction and Safe Conduct to the removal of the most valuable
Effects of Governor Martin on Board the Man of War and his Coach and
Horses to Mr. Farquard Campbell's." When the request was submitted to
that body, Mr. Campbell "expressed a sincere desire that the Coach and
Horses should not be sent to his House in Cumberland and is amazed that
such a proposal should have been made without his approbation or
privity." On account of his positive disclaimer the Congress, by
resolution exonerated him from any improper conduct, and that he had
"conducted himself as an honest member of Society and a friend to the
American Cause."[36]
He dealt treacherously with the governor as well as with Congress. The
former, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, October 16, 1775, says:
"I have heard too My Lord with infinitely greater surprise and
concern that the Scotch Highlanders on whom I had such firm reliance
have declared themselves for neutrality, which I am informed is to be
attributed to the influence of a certain Mr. Farquhard Campbell an
ignorant man who has been settled from childhood in this Country, is
an old Member of the Assembly and has imbibed all the American
popular principles and prejudices. By the advice of some of his
Countrymen I was induced after the receipt of your Lordship's letter
No. 16 to communicate with this man on the alarming state of the
Country and to sound his disposition in case of matters coming to
extremity here, and he expressed to me such abhorence of the
violences that had been done at Fort Johnston and in other instances
and discovered so much jealousy and apprehension of the ill designs
of the Leaders in Sedition here, giving me at the same time so strong
assurances of his own loyalty and the good dispositions of his
Countrymen that I unsuspecting his dissimulation and treachery was
led to impart to him the encouragements I was authorized to hold out
to his Majesty's loyal Subjects in this Colony who should stand forth
in support of Government which he received with much seeming
approbation and repeatedly assured me he would consult with the
principles among his Countrymen without whose concurrence he could
promise nothing of himself, and would acquaint me with their
determinations. From the time of this conversation between us in July
I heard nothing of Mr. Campbell until since the late Convention at
Hillsborough, where he appeared in the character of a delegate from
the County of Cumberland and there, according to my information,
unasked and unsolicited and without provocation of any sort was
guilty of the base Treachery of promulgating all I had said to him in
confidential secrecy, which he had promised sacredly and inviolably
to observe, and of the aggravating crime of falsehood in making
additions of his own invention and declaring that he had rejected all
my propositions."[37]
The governor again refers to him in his letter to the same, dated
November 12, 1775:
"From Capt. McLeod, who seems to be a man of observation and
intelligence, I gather that the inconsistency of Farquhard Campbell's
conduct * * * has proceeded as much from jealousy of the Superior
consequence of this Gentleman and his father in law with the
Highlanders here as from any other motive. This schism is to be
lamented from whatsoever cause arising, but I have no doubt that I
shall be able to reconcile the interests of the parties whenever I
have power to act and can meet them together."[38]
Finally he threw off the mask, or else had changed his views, and openly
espoused the cause of his country's enemies. He was seized at his own
house, while entertaining a party of royalists, and thrown into Halifax
gaol. A committee of the Provincial Congress, on April 20, 1776;
reported "that Farquhard Campbell disregarding the sacred Obligations he
had voluntarily entered into to support the Liberty of America against
all usurpations has Traitorously and insidiously endeavored to excite
the Inhabitants of this Colony to take arms and levy war in order to
assist the avowed enemies thereof. That when a prisoner on his parole of
honor he gave intelligence of the force and intention of the American
Army under Col. Caswell to the Enemy and advised them in what manner
they might elude them."[39]
He was sent, with other prisoners, to Baltimore, and thence, on parole,
to Fredericktown, where he behaved "with much resentment and
haughtiness." On March 3, 1777, he appealed to Governor Caswell to be
permitted to return home, offering to mortgage his estate for his good
behavior.[40] Several years after the Revolution he was a member of the
Senate of North Carolina.
The stormy days of discussion, excitement, and extensive preparations
for war, in 1775, did not deter the Highlanders in Scotland from seeking
a home in America. On October 21st, a body of one hundred and
seventy-two Highlanders, including men, women and children arrived in
the Cape Fear river, on board the George, and made application for lands
near those already located by their relatives. The governor took his
usual precautions with them, for in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth,
dated November 12th, he says:
"On the most solemn assurances of their firm and unalterable loyalty
and attachment to the King, and their readiness to lay down their
lives in the support and defence of his Majesty's Government, I was
induced to Grant their request on the Terms of their taking such
lands in the proportions allowed by his Majesty's Royal Instructions,
and subject to all the conditions prescribed by them whenever grants
may be passed in due form, thinking it were advisable to attach these
people to Government by granting as matter of favor and courtesy to
them what I had not power to prevent than to leave them to possess
themselves by violence of the King's lands, without owing or
acknowledging any obligation for them, as it was only the means of
securing these People against the seditions of the Rebels, but
gaining so much strength to Government that is equally important at
this time, without making any concessions injurious to the rights and
interests of the Crown, or that it has effectual power to
withhold."[41]
In the same letter is the further information that "a ship is this
moment arrived from Scotland with upwards of one hundred and thirty
Emigrants Men, Women and Children to whom I shall think it proper (after
administering the Oath of Allegiance to the Men) to give permission to
settle on the vacant lands of the Crown here on the same principles and
conditions that I granted that indulgence to the Emigrants lately
imported in the ship George."
Many of the emigrants appear to have been seized with the idea that all
that was necessary was to land in America, and the avenues of affluence
would be opened to them. Hence there were those who landed in a
distressed condition. Such was the state of the last party that arrived
before the Peace of 1783. There was "a Petition from sundry distressed
Highlanders, lately arrived from Scotland, praying that they might be
permitted to go to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the place where they
intended to settle," laid before the Virginia convention then being held
at Williamsburgh, December 14, 1775. On the same day the convention gave
orders to Colonel Woodford to "take the distressed Highlanders, with
their families, under his protection, permit them to pass by land
unmolested to Carolina, and supply them with such provisions as they may
be in immediate want of."[42]
The early days of 1776 saw the culmination of the intrigues with the
Scotch-Highlanders. The Americans realized that the war party was in
the ascendant, and consequently every movement was carefully watched.
That the Americans felt bitterly towards them came from the fact that
they were not only precipitating themselves into a quarrel of which they
were not interested parties, but also exhibited ingratitude to their
benefactors. Many of them came to the country not only poor and needy,
but in actual distress.[43] They were helped with an open hand, and
cared for with kindness and brotherly aid. Then they had not been long
in the land, and the trouble so far had been to seek redress. Hence the
Americans felt keenly the position taken by the Highlanders. On the
other hand the Highlanders had viewed the matter from a different
standpoint. They did not realize the craftiness of Governor Martin in
compelling them to take the oath of allegiance, and they felt bound by
what they considered was a voluntary act, and binding with all the
sacredness of religion. They had ever been taught to keep their
promises, and a liar was a greater criminal than a thief. Still they had
every opportunity afforded them to learn the true status of affairs;
independence had not yet been proclaimed; Washington was still besieging
Boston, and the Americans continued to petition the British throne for a
redress of grievances.
That the action of the Highlanders was ill-advised, at that time, admits
of no discussion. They failed to realize the condition of the country
and the insuperable difficulties to overcome before making a junction
with Sir Henry Clinton. What they expected to gain by their conduct is
uncertain, and why they should march away a distance of one hundred
miles, and then be transported by ships to a place they knew not where,
thus leaving their wives and children to the mercies of those whom they
had offended and driven to arms, made bitter enemies of, must ever
remain unfathomable. It shows they were blinded and exhibited the want
of even ordinary foresight. It also exhibited the reckless indifference
of the responsible parties to the welfare of those they so successfully
duped. It is no wonder that although nearly a century and a quarter have
elapsed since the Highlanders unsheathed the claymore in the pine
forests of North Carolina, not a single person has shown the hardihood
to applaud their action. On the other hand, although treated with the
utmost charity, their bravery applauded, they have been condemned for
their rude precipitancy, besides failing to see the changed condition of
affairs, and resenting the injuries they had received from the House of
Hanover that had harried their country and hanged their relatives on the
murderous gallows-tree. Their course, however, in the end proved
advantageous to them; for, after their disastrous defeat, they took an
oath to remain peaceable, which the majority kept, and thus prevented
them from being harassed by the Americans, and, as loyal subjects of
king George, the English army must respect their rights.
Agents were busily at work among the people preparing them for war. The
most important of all was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough. Early he came
under the suspicion of the Committee of Safety at Wilmington. On the
very day, July 3, 1775, he was in consultation with Governor Martin, its
chairman was directed to write to him "to know from himself respecting
the reports that circulate of his having an intention to raise Troops to
support the arbitrary measures of the ministry against the Americans in
this Colony, and whether he had not made an offer of his services to
Governor Martin for that purpose."[44]
The influence of Kingsborough was supplemented by that of Major Donald
MacDonald, who was sent direct from the army in Boston. He was then in
his sixty-fifth year, had an extended experience in the army. He was in
the Rising of 1745, and headed many of his own name. He now found many
of these former companions who readily listened to his persuasions. All
the emissaries sent represented they were only visiting their friends
and relatives. They were all British officers, in the active service.
Partially in confirmation of the above may be cited a letter from Samuel
Johnston of Edenton, dated July 21, 1775, written to the Committee at
Wilmington:
"A vessel from New York to this place brought over two officers who
left at the Bar to go to New Bern, they are both Highlanders, one
named McDonnel the other McCloud. They pretend they are on a visit to
some of their countrymen on your river, but I think there is reason
to suspect their errand of a base nature. The Committee of this town
have wrote to New Bern to have them secured. Should they escape there
I hope you will keep a good lookout for them."[45]
The vigorous campaign for 1776, in the Carolinas was determined upon in
the fall of 1775, in deference to the oft repeated and urgent
solicitations of the royal governors, and on account of the appeals made
by Martin, the brunt of it fell upon North Carolina. He assured the home
government that large numbers of the Highlanders and Regulators were
ready to take up arms for the king.
The program, as arranged, was for Sir Henry Clinton, with a fleet of
ships and seven corps of Irish Regulars, to be at the mouth of the Cape
Fear early in the year 1776, and there form a junction with the
Highlanders and other disaffected persons from the interior. Believing
that Sir Henry Clinton's armament would arrive in January or early in
February Martin made preparations for the revolt; for his "unwearied,
persevering agent," Alexander MacLean brought written assurances from
the principal persons to whom he had been directed, that between two and
three thousand men would take the field at the governor's summons. Under
this encouragement MacLean was sent again into the back country, with a
commission dated January 10, 1776, authorizing Allan McDonald, Donald
McDonald, Alexander McLeod, Donald McLeod, Alexander McLean, Allen
Stewart, William Campbell, Alexander McDonald and Neal McArthur, of
Cumberland and Anson counties, and seventeen other persons who resided
in a belt of counties in middle Carolina, to raise and array all the
king's loyal subjects, and to march them in a body to Brunswick by
February 15th.[46]
Donald MacDonald was placed in command of this array and of all other
forces in North Carolina with the rank of brigadier general, with Donald
MacLeod next in rank. Upon receiving his orders, General MacDonald
issued the following:
"_By His Excellency Brigadier-General Donald McDonald, Commander of
His Majesty's Forces for the time being, in North Carolina:_
A MANIFESTO.
Whereas, I have received information that many of His Majesty's
faithful subjects have been so far overcome by apprehension of
danger, as to fly before His Majesty's Army as from the most
inveterate enemy; to remove which, as far as lies in my power, I have
thought it proper to publish this Manifesto, declaring that I shall
take the proper steps to prevent any injury being done, either to the
person or properties of His Majesty's subjects; and I do further
declare it to be my determined resolution, that no violence shall be
used to women and children, as viewing such outrages to be
inconsistent with humanity, and as tending, in their consequences, to
sully the arms of Britons and of Soldiers.
I, therefore, in His Majesty's name, generally invite every
well-wisher to that form of Government under which they have so
happily lived, and which, if justly considered, ought to be esteemed
the best birth-right of Britons and Americans, to repair to His
Majesty's Royal Standard, erected at Cross Creek, where they will
meet with every possible civility, and be ranked in the list of
friends and fellow-Soldiers, engaged in the best and most glorious of
all causes, supporting the rights and Constitution of their country.
Those, therefore, who have been under the unhappy necessity of
submitting to the mandates of Congress and Committees--those lawless,
usurped, and arbitrary tribunals--will have an opportunity, (by
joining the King's Army) to restore peace and tranquility to this
distracted land--to open again the glorious streams of commerce--to
partake of the blessings of inseparable from a regular administration
of justice, and be again reinstated in the favorable opinion of their
Sovereign.
Donald McDonald.
By His Excellency's command:
Kenn. McDonald, P.S."[47]
On February 5th General MacDonald issued another manifesto in which he
declares it to be his "intention that no violation whatever shall be
offered to women, children, or private property, to sully the arms of
Britons or freemen, employed in the glorious and righteous cause of
rescuing and delivering this country from the usurpation of rebellion,
and that no cruelty whatever be offered against the laws of humanity,
but what resistance shall make necessary; and that whatever provisions
and other necessaries be taken for the troops, shall be paid for
immediately; and in case any person, or persons, shall offer the least
violence to the families of such as will join the Royal Standard, such
persons or persons, may depend that retaliation will be made; the
horrors of such proceedings, it is hoped, will be avoided by all true
Christians."[48]
Manifestos being the order of the day, Thomas Rutherford, erstwhile
patriot, deriving his commission from the Provincial Congress, though
having alienated himself, but signing himself colonel, also issues one
in which he declares that this is "to command, enjoin, beseech, and
require all His Majesty's faithful subjects within the County of
Cumberland to repair to the King's Royal standard, at Cross Creek, on or
before the 16th present, in order to join the King's army; otherwise,
they must expect to fall under the melancholy consequences of a declared
rebellion, and expose themselves to the just resentment of an injured,
though gracious Sovereign."[49]
On February 1st General MacDonald set up the Royal Standard at Cross
Creek, in the Public Square, and in order to cause the Highlanders all
to respond with alacrity manifestos were issued and other means resorted
to in order that the "loyal subjects of His Majesty" might take up arms,
among which nightly balls were given, and the military spirit freely
inculcated. When the day came the Highlanders were seen coming from near
and from far, from the wide plantations on the river bottoms, and from
the rude cabins in the depths of the lonely pine forests, with
broadswords at their side, in tartan garments and feathered bonnet, and
keeping step to the shrill music of the bag-pipe. There came, first of
all, Clan MacDonald with Clan MacLeod near at hand, with lesser numbers
of Clan MacKenzie, Clan MacRae, Clan MacLean, Clan MacKay, Clan
MacLachlan, and still others,--variously estimated at from fifteen
hundred to three thousand, including about two hundred others,
principally Regulators. However, all who were capable of bearing arms
did not respond to the summons, for some would not engage in a cause
where their traditions and affections had no part. Many of them hid in
the swamps and in the forests. On February 18th the Highland army took
up its line of march for Wilmington and at evening encamped on the Cape
Fear, four miles below Cross Creek.
The assembling of the Highland army aroused the entire country. The
patriots, fully cognizant of what was transpiring, flew to arms,
determined to crush the insurrection, and in less than a fortnight
nearly nine thousand men had risen against the enemy, and almost all the
rest were ready to turn out at a moment's notice. At the very first
menace of danger, Brigadier General James Moore took the field at the
head of his regiment, and on the 15th secured possession of Rockfish
bridge, seven miles from Cross Creek, where he was joined by a recruit
of sixty from the latter place.
On the 19th the royalists were paraded with a view to assail Moore on
the following night; but he was thoroughly entrenched, and the bare
suspicion of such a project was contemplated caused two companions of
Cotton's corps to run off with their arms. On that day General MacDonald
sent the following letter to General Moore:
"Sir: I herewith send the bearer, Donald Morrison, by advice of the
Commissioners appointed by his Excellency Josiah Martin, and in
behalf of the army now under my command, to propose terms to you as
friends and countrymen. I must suppose you unacquainted with the
Governor's proclamation, commanding all his Majesty's loyal subject
to repair to the King's royal standard, else I should have imagined
you would ere this have joined the King's army now engaged in his
Majesty's service. I have therefore thought it proper to intimate to
you, that in case you do not, by 12 o'clock to-morrow, join the royal
standard, I must consider you as enemies, and take the necessary
steps for the support of legal authority.
I beg leave to remind you of his Majesty's speech to his Parliament,
wherein he offers to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy,
from motives of humanity. I again beg of you to accept the proffered
clemency. I make no doubt, but you will show the gentleman sent on
this message every possible civilty; and you may depend in return,
that all your officers and men, which may fall into our hands shall
be treated with an equal degree of respect. I have the honor to be,
in behalf of the army, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant,
Don. McDonald.
Head Quarters, Feb. 19, 1776.
His Excellency's Proclamation is herewith enclosed."
Brigadier General Moore's answer:
"Sir: Yours of this day I have received, in answer to which, I must
inform you that the terms which you are pleased to say, in behalf of
the army under your command, are offered to us as friends and
countrymen, are such as neither my duty or inclination will permit me
to accept, and which I must presume you too much of an officer to
accept of me. You were very right when you supposed me unacquainted
with the Governor's proclamation, but as the terms therein proposed
are such as I hold incompatible with the freedom of Americans, it can
be no rule of conduct for me. However, should I not hear farther from
you before twelve o'clock to-morrow by which time I shall have an
opportunity of consulting my officers here, and perhaps Col. Martin,
who is in the neighborhood of Cross Creek, you may expect a more
particular answer; meantime you may be assured that the feelings of
humanity will induce me to shew that civility to such of your people
as may fall into our hands, as I am desirous should be observed
towards those of ours, who may be unfortunate enough to fall into
yours. I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 19, 1776."
General Moore, on the succeeding day sent the following to General
MacDonald:
"Sir: Agreeable to my promise of yesterday, I have consulted the
officers under my command respecting your letter, and am happy in
finding them unanimous in opinion with me. We consider ourselves
engaged in a cause the most glorious and honourable in the world, the
defense of the liberties of mankind, in support of which we are
determined to hazard everything dear and valuable and in tenderness
to the deluded people under your command, permit me, Sir, through you
to inform them, before it is too late, of the dangerous and
destructive precipice on which they stand, and to remind them of the
ungrateful return they are about to make for their favorable
reception in this country. If this is not sufficient to recall them
to the duty which they owe themselves and their posterity inform them
that they are engaged in a cause in which they cannot succeed as not
only the whole force of this country, but that of our neighboring
provinces, is exerting and now actually in motion to suppress them,
and which much end in their utter destruction. Desirous, however, of
avoiding the effusion of human blood, I have thought proper to send
you a test recommended by the Continental Congress, which if they
will yet subscribe we are willing to receive them as friends and
countrymen. Should this offer be rejected, I shall consider them as
enemies to the constitutional liberties of America, and treat them
accordingly.
I cannot conclude without reminding you, Sir, of the oath which you
and some of your officers took at Newbern on your arrival to this
country, which I imagine you will find is difficult to reconcile to
your present conduct. I have no doubt that the bearer, Capt. James
Walker, will be treated with proper civilty and respect in your camp.
I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
James Moore.
Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 20, 1776."
General MacDonald returned the following reply:
"Sir: I received your favor by Captain James Walker, and observed
your declared sentiments of revolt, hostility and rebellion to the
King, and to what I understand to be the constitution of the country.
If I am mistaken future consequences must determine; but while I
continue in my present sentiment, I shall consider myself embarked in
a cause which must, in its consequences, extricate this country from
anarchy and licentiousness. I cannot conceive that the Scottish
emigrants, to whom I imagine you allude, can be under greater
obligations to this country than to the King, under whose gracious
and merciful government they alone could have been enabled to visit
this western region: And I trust, Sir, it is in the womb of time to
say, that they are not that deluded and ungrateful people which you
would represent them to be. As a soldier in his Majesty's service, I
must inform you, if you are to learn, that it is my duty to conquer,
if I cannot reclaim, all those who may be hardy enough to take up
arms against the best of masters, as of Kings. I have the honor to
be, in behalf of the army under my command,
Sir, your most obedient servant,
Don. McDonald.
To the Commanding Officer at Rockfish."[50]
MacDonald realized that he was unable to put his threat into execution,
for he was informed that the minute-men were gathering in swarms all
around him; that Colonel Caswell, at the head of the minute men of
Newbern, nearly eight hundred strong, was marching through Duplin
county, to effect a junction with Moore, and that his communication with
the war ships had been cut off. Realizing the extremity of his danger,
he resolved to avoid an engagement, and leave the army at Rockfish in
his rear, and by celerity of movement, and crossing rivers at
unsuspected places, to disengage himself from the larger bodies and fall
upon the command of Caswell. Before marching he exhorted his men to
fidelity, expressed bitter scorn for the "base cravens who had deserted
the night before," and continued by saying:
"If any amongst you is so faint-hearted as not to serve with the
resolution of conquering or dying, this is the time for such to
declare themselves."
The speech was answered by a general huzza for the king; but from
Cotton's corps about twenty laid down their arms. He decamped, with his
army at midnight, crossed the Cape Fear, sunk his boats, and sent a
party fifteen miles in advance to secure the bridge over South river,
from Bladen into Hanover, pushing with rapid pace over swollen streams,
rough hills, and deep morasses, hotly pursued by General Moore.
Perceiving the purpose of the enemy General Moore detached Colonels
Lillington and Ashe to reinforce Colonel Caswell, or if that could not
be effected, then they were to occupy Widow Moore's Creek bridge.
Colonel Caswell designing the purpose of MacDonald changed his own
course in order to intercept his march. On the 23rd the Highlanders
thought to overtake him, and arrayed themselves in the order of battle,
with eighty able-bodied men, armed with broadswords, forming the center
of the army; but Colonel Caswell being posted at Corbett's Ferry could
not be reached for want of boats. The royalists were again in extreme
danger; but at a point six miles higher up the Black river they
succeeded in crossing in a broad shallow boat while MacLean and Fraser,
left with a few men and a drum and a pipe, amused the corps of Caswell.
Colonel Lillington, on the 25th took post on the east side of Moore's
Creek bridge; and on the next day Colonel Caswell reached the west side,
threw up a slight embankment, and destroyed a part of the bridge. A
royalist, who had been sent into his camp under pretext of summoning him
to return to his allegiance, brought back the information that he had
halted on the same side of the river as themselves, and could be
assaulted with advantage. Colonel Caswell was not only a good woodman,
but also a man of superior ability, and believing he had misled the
enemy, marched his column to the east side of the stream, removed the
planks from the bridge, and placed his men behind trees and such
embankments as could be thrown up during the night. His force now
amounted to a thousand men, consisting of the Newbern minute-men, the
militia of Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, and Wake counties, and the
detachment under Colonel Lillington. The men of the Neuse region, their
officers wearing silver crescents upon their hats, inscribed with the
words, "Liberty or Death," were in front. The situation of General
MacDonald was again perilous, for while facing this army, General Moore,
with his regulars was close upon his rear.
The royalists, expecting an easy victory, decided upon an immediate
attack. General MacDonald was confined to his tent by sickness, and the
command devolved upon Major Donald MacLeod, who began the march at one
o'clock on the morning of the 27th; but owing to the time lost in
passing an intervening morass, it was within an hour of daylight when
they reached the west bank of the creek. They entered the ground without
resistance. Seeing Colonel Caswell was on the opposite side they reduced
their columns and formed their line of battle in the woods. Their
rallying cry was, "King George and broadswords," and the signal for
attack was three cheers, the drum to beat and the pipes to play. While
it was still dark Major MacLeod, with a party of about forty advanced,
and at the bridge was challenged by the sentinel, asking, "Who goes
there?" He answered, "A friend." "A friend to whom?" "To the king." Upon
this the sentinels bent their faces down to the ground. Major MacLeod
thinking they might be some of his own command who had crossed the
bridge, challenged them in Gaelic; but receiving no reply, fired his own
piece, and ordered his party to fire also. All that remained of the
bridge were the two logs, which had served for sleepers, permitting only
two persons to pass at a time. Donald MacLeod and Captain John Campbell
rushed forward and succeeded in getting over. The Highlanders who
followed were shot down on the logs and fell into the muddy stream
below. Major MacLeod was mortally wounded, but was seen to rise
repeatedly from the ground, waving his sword and encouraging his men to
come on, till twenty-six balls penetrated his body. Captain Campbell
also was shot dead, and at that moment a party of militia, under
Lieutenant Slocum, who had forded the creek and penetrated a swamp on
its western bank, fell suddenly upon the rear of the royalists. The loss
of their leader and the unexpected attack upon their rear threw them
into confusion, when they broke and fled. The battle lasted but ten
minutes. The royalists lost seventy killed and wounded, while the
patriots had but two wounded, one of whom recovered. The victory was
lasting and complete. The Highland power was thoroughly broken. There
fell into the hands of the Americans besides eight hundred and fifty
prisoners, fifteen hundred rifles, all of them excellent pieces, three
hundred and fifty guns and short bags, one hundred and fifty swords and
dirks, two medicine chests, immediately from England, one valued at £300
sterling, thirteen wagons with horses, a box of Johannes and English
guineas, amounting to about $75,000.
Some of the Highlanders escaped from the battlefield by breaking down
their wagons and riding away, three upon a horse. Many who were taken
confessed that they were forced and persuaded contrary to their
inclinations into the service.[51] The soldiers taken were disarmed, and
dismissed to their homes.
On the following day General MacDonald and nearly all the chief men were
taken prisoners, amongst whom was MacDonald of Kingsborough and his son
Alexander. A partial list of those apprehended is given in a report of
the Committee of the Provincial Congress, reported April 20th and May
10th on the guilt of the Highland and Regulator officers then confined
in Halifax gaol, finding the prisoners were of four different classes,
viz.:
First, Prisoners who had served in Congress.
Second, Prisoners who had signed Tests or Associations.
Third, Prisoners who had been in arms without such circumstances.
Fourth, Prisoners under suspicious circumstances.
The Highlanders coming under the one or the other of these classes are
given in the following order:
Farquhard Campbell, Cumberland county.
Alexander McKay, Capt. of 38 men. Cumberland county.
Alexander McDonald (Condrach), Major of a regiment.
Alexander Morrison. Captain of a company of 35 men.
Alexander MacDonald, son of Kingsborough, a volunteer, Anson county.
James MacDonald, Captain of a company of 25 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 32 men.
John MacDonald, Captain of a company of 40 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Murdoch McAskell, Captain of a company of 34 men.
Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men.
Angus McDonald, Captain of a company of 30 men.
Neill McArthur, Freeholder of Cross Creek, Captain of a company of 55 men.
Francis Frazier, Adjutant to General MacDonald's Army.
John McLeod, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 35 men.
John McKinzie, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 43 men.
Kennith Macdonald, Aide-de-camp to General Macdonald.
Murdoch McLeod, of Anson county, Surgeon to General Macdonald's Army.
Donald McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in Captain Morrison's Company.
Norman McLeod, of Anson county, Ensign in James McDonald's company.
John McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in James McDonald's company.
Laughlin McKinnon, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Col.
Rutherford's corps.
James Munroe, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Capt. McKay's
company.
Donald Morrison, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company.
John McLeod, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company.
Archibald McEachern, Bladen county, Lieutenant to Capt. McArthur's company.
Rory McKinnen, freeholder Anson county, volunteer.
Donald McLeod, freeholder Cumberland county, Master to two Regiments,
General McDonald's Army.
Donald Stuart, Quarter Master to Col. Rutherford's Regiment.
Allen Macdonald of Kingsborough, freeholder of Anson county, Col. Regiment.
Duncan St. Clair.
Daniel McDaniel, Lieutenant in Seymore York's company.
Alexander McRaw, freeholder Anson county, Capt. company 47 men.
Kenneth Stuart, Lieutenant Capt Stuart's company.
Collin McIver, Lieutenant Capt. Leggate's company.
Alexander Maclaine, Commissary to General Macdonald's Army.
Angus Campbell, Captain company 30 men.
Alexander Stuart, Captain company 30 men.
Hugh McDonald, Anson county, volunteer.
John McDonald, common soldier.
Daniel Cameron, common soldier.
Daniel McLean, freeholder, Cumberland county, Lieutenant to Angus
Campbell's company.
Malcolm McNeill, recruiting agent for General Macdonald's
Army, accused of using compulsion.[52]
The following is a list of the prisoners sent from North Carolina to
Philadelphia, enclosed in a letter of April 22, 1776:
"1 His Excellency Donald McDonald Esqr Brigadier General
of the Tory Army and Commander in Chief in North Carolina.
2 Colonel Allen McDonald (of Kingsborough) first in
Commission of Array and second in Command
3 Alexander McDonald son of Kingsborough
4 Major Alexander McDonald (Condrack)
5 Capt Alexander McRay
6 Capt John Leggate
7 Capt James McDonald
8 Capt Alexr. McLeod
9 Capt Alexr. Morrison
10 Capt John McDonald
11 Capt Alexr. McLeod
12 Capt Murdoch McAskell
13 Capt Alexander McLeod
14 Capt Angus McDonald
15 Capt Neil McArthur[53]
16 Capt James Mens of the light horse.
17 Capt John McLeod
18 Capt Thos. Wier
19 Capt John McKenzie
20 Lieut John Murchison
21 Kennith McDonald, Aid de Camp to Genl McDonald
22 Murdock McLeod, Surgeon
23 Adjutant General John Smith
24 Donald McLeod Quarter Master
25 John Bethune Chaplain
26 Farquhard Campbell late a delegate in the provincial
Congress--Spy and Confidential Emissary of Governor Martin."[54]
Some of the prisoners were discharged soon after their arrest, by making
and signing the proper oath, of which the following is taken from the
Records:
"Oath of Malcolm McNeill and Joseph Smith. We Malcolm McNeil and
Joseph Smith do Solemnly Swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty
God that we will not on any pretence whatsoever take up or bear Arms
against the Inhabitants of the United States of America and that we
will not disclose or make known any matters within our knowledge now
carrying on within the United States and that we will not carry out
more than fifty pounds of Gold & Silver in value to fifty pounds
Carolina Currency. So help us God.
Malcolm McNeill,
Halifax, 13th Augt, 1776. Joseph Smith."[55]
The North Carolina Provincial Congress on March 5, 1776, "Resolved, That
Colonel Richard Caswell send, under a sufficient guard, Brigadier
General Donald McDonald, taken at the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, to
the Town of Halifax, and there to have him committed a close prisoner in
the jail of the said Town, until further orders."[56]
The same Congress, held in Halifax April 5th, "Resolved, That General
McDonald be admitted to his parole upon the following conditions: That
he does not go without the limits of the Town of Halifax; that he does
not directly or indirectly, while a prisoner, correspond with any person
or persons who are or may be in opposition to American measures, or by
any manner or means convey to them intelligence of any sort; that he
take no draft, nor procure them to be taken by any one else, of any
place or places in which he may be, while upon his parole, that shall
now, or may hereafter give information to our enemies which can be
injurious to us, or the common cause of America; but that without
equivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, he pay the most
exact and faithful attention to the intent and meaning of these
conditions, according to the rules and regulations of war; and that he
every day appear between the hours of ten and twelve o'clock to the
Officer of the Guard."[57]
On April 11th, the same parole was offered to Allan MacDonald of
Kingsborough.[58]
The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, at its session in Philadelphia,
held May 25, 1776, ordered the Highland prisoners, mentioned on page
219, naming each one separately to be "safely kept in close confinement
until discharged by the honorable Congress or this Committee."[59] Four
days later, General MacDonald addressed a letter to the Continental
Congress, in which he said,
"That he was, by a party of horsemen, upon the 28th day of February
last, taken prisoner from sick quarters, eight miles from Widow
Moor's Creek, where he lay dangerously ill, and carried to Colonel
Caswell's camp, where General Moore then commanded, to whom he
delivered his sword as prisoner of war, which General Moore was
pleased to deliver back in a genteel manner before all his officers
then present, according to the rules and customs of war practised in
all nations; assuring him at the same time that he would be well
treated, and his baggage and property delivered to him, &c. Having
taken leave of General Moore and Colonel Caswell, Lieutenant-Colonel
Bryant took him under his care; and after rummaging his baggage for
papers, &c., conducted him to Newbern, from thence with his baggage
to Halifax, where the Committee of Safety there thought proper to
commit him to the common jail; his horses, saddles, and pistols, &c.,
taken from him, and never having committed any act of violence
against the person or property of any man; that he remained in this
jail near a month, until General Howe arrived there, who did him the
honour to call upon him in jail; and he has reason to think that
General Howe thought this treatment erroneous and without a
precedent; that upon this representation to the Convention, General
McDonald was, by order of the Convention, permitted, upon parole, to
the limits of the town of Halifax, until the 25th of April last, when
he was appointed to march, with the other gentlemen prisoners,
escorted from the jail there to this place. General McDonald would
wish to know what crime he has since been guilty of, deserving his
being recommitted to the jail of Philadelphia, without his bedding or
baggage, and his sword and his servant detained from him. The other
gentlemen prisoners are in great want for their blankets and other
necessaries.
Donald McDonald."[60]
The Continental Congress, on September 4th, "Resolved, That the proposal
made by General Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, of exchanging
General Sullivan for General Prescot, and Lord Stirling for
Brigadier-General, be complied with."[61]
This being communicated to General McDonald he addressed, to the
Secretary of War the following:
"Philadelphia Gaol, September 6, 1776.
To the Secretary of War:
General McDonald's compliments to the Secretary of War. He is obliged
to him for his polite information, that the Congress have been
pleased to agree that Generals Prescott and McDonald shall be
exchanged for the Generals Sullivan and Stirling. General McDonald is
obliged to the Congress for the reference to the Board of War for his
departure: The indulgence of eight or ten days will, he hopes, be
sufficient to prepare him for his journey. His baggage will require a
cart to carry it. He is not provided with horses--submits it to the
Congress and Board how he may be conducted with safety to his place
of destination, not doubting his servant will be permitted to go
along with him, and that his sword may be returned to him, which he
is informed the Commissary received from his servant on the 25th of
May last.
General McDonald begs leave to acquaint the Secretary and the Board
of War, for the information of Congress, that when he was brought
prisoner from sick quarters to General Moore's camp, at Moore's
Creek, upon the 28th of February last, General Moore treated him with
respect to his rank and commission in the King of Great Britain's
service. He would have given him a parole to return to his sick
quarters, as his low state of health required it much at that time,
but Colonel Caswell objected thereto, and had him conducted prisoner
to Newbern, but gently treated all the way by Colonel Caswell and his
officers.
From Newbern he was conducted by a guard of Horse to Halifax, and
committed on his arrival, after forty-five miles journey the last
day, in a sickly state of health, and immediately ushered into a
common gaol, without bed or bedding, fire or candles, in a cold,
long night, by Colonel Long, who did not appear to me to behave like
a gentleman. That notwithstanding the promised protection for person
and property he had from General Moore, a man called Longfield Cox, a
wagonmaster to Colonel Caswell's army, seized upon his horse, saddle,
pistols, and other arms, and violently detained the same by refusing
to deliver them up to Colonel Bryan, who conducted him to Newbern.
Colonel Long was pleased to detain his mare at Halifax when sent
prisoner from thence to here. Sorry to dwell so long upon so
disagreeable a subject."[62]
This letter was submitted to the Continental Congress on September 7th,
when it "Resolved, That he be allowed four days to prepare for his
journey; That a copy of that part of his Letter respecting his treatment
in North Carolina, be sent to the Convention of that State."[63]
Notwithstanding General Sir William Howe had agreed to make the
specified exchange of prisoners, yet in a letter addressed to
Washington, September 21, 1776, he states:
"The exchange you propose of Brigadier-General Alexander, commonly
called Lord Stirling, for Mr. McDonald, cannot take place, as he has
only the rank of Major by my commission; but I shall readily send any
Major in the enclosed list of prisoners that you will be pleased to
name in exchange for him."[64]
As Sir William Howe refused to recognize the rank conferred on General
McDonald, by the governor of North Carolina, Washington was forced,
September 23, to order his return, with the escort, to Philadelphia.[65]
But on the same day addressed Sir William Howe, in which he said:
"I had no doubt but Mr. McDonald's title would have been
acknowledged, having understood that he received his commission from
the hands of Governor Martin; nor can I consent to rank him as a
Major till I have proper authority from Congress, to whom I shall
state the matter upon your representation."[65] That body, on
September 30th, declared "That Mr. McDonald, having a commission of
Brigadier-General from Governor Martin, be not exchanged for any
officer under the rank of Brigadier-General in the service either of
the United States or any of them."[66]
On the way from North Carolina to Philadelphia, while resting at
Petersburg, May 2, 1776, Kingsborough indited the following letter:
"Sir: Your kind favor I had by Mr. Ugin (?) with the Virginia money
enclosed, which shall be paid if ever I retourn with thanks, if not I
shall take to order payment. Colonel Eliot who came here to receive
the prisoners Confined the General and me under a guard and sentries
to a Roome; this he imputes to the Congress of North Carolina not
getting Brigadier Lewes (who commands at Williamsburg) know of our
being on parole by your permission when at Halifax. If any
opportunity afford, it would add to our happiness to write something
to the above purpose to some of the Congress here with directions (if
such can be done) to forward said orders after us. I have also been
depressed of the horse I held, and hath little chance of getting
another. To walk on foot is what I never can do the length of
Philadelphia. What you can do in the above different affairs will be
adding to your former favors. Hoping you will pardon freedom wrote in
a hurry. I am with real Esteem and respect
Honble Sir,
Your very obedt. Servt.
Allen MacDonald."[67]
June 28, 1776, Allen MacDonald of Kingsborough, was permitted, after
signing a parole and word of honor to go to Reading, in Berks
county.[68] At the same time the Committee of Safety
"Resolved, That such Prisoners from North Carolina as choose, may be
permitted to write to their friends there; such letters to be
inspected by this Committee; and the Jailer is to take care that all
the paper delivered in to the Prisoners, be used in such Letters, or
returned him."[68]
The action of the Committee of Safety was approved by the Continental
Congress on July 9th, by directing Kingsborough to be released on
parole;[69] and on the 15th, his son Alexander was released on parole
and allowed to reside with him.
Every attempt to exchange the prisoners was made on the part of the
Americans, and as they appear to have been so unfortunate as to have no
one to intercede for them among British officers, Kingsborough was
permitted to go to New York and effect his own exchange, which he
succeeded in doing during the month of November, 1777, and then
proceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia.[70]
The Highland officers confined in prison became restive, and on October
31, 1776, presented a memorial, addressed to the North Carolina members
of the Continental Congress, which at once met with the approval of
William Hooper:
"Gentlemen: After a long separation of eight months from our Families
& Friends, We the undersubscribers, Prisoners of war from North
Carolina now in Philadelphia Prison, think ourselves justifiable at
this period in applying to your Honours for permission to return to
our Families; which indulgence we will promise on the Faith & honour
of gentlemen not to abuse, by interfering in the present disputes, or
aiding or assisting your enemies by word, writing, or action.
This request we have already laid before Congress who are willing to
grant it, provided they shall have your approbation.
Hoping therefore, that you have no particular intention to distress
us more than others whom you have treated with Indulgence, we flatter
ourselves that your determinations will prove no obstruction to our
Enlargement on the above terms; and have transmitted to you the
enclosed Copy of the Resolve of Congress in our favor, which if you
countenance; it will meet with the warmest acknowledgement of Gentn.
Your most obedt. humble Servts.,
Alexander Morison, Ferqd. Campbell, Alexr. Macleod,
Alexr. McKay, James Macdonald, John McDonald, Murdoch
Macleod, John Murchison, John Bethune, Neill McArthur, John
Smith, Murdo MacCaskill, John McLeod, Alexr. McDonald, Angus
McDonald, John Ligett."[71]
It was fully apparent to the Americans that so long as the leaders were
prisoners there was no danger of another uprising among the Highlanders.
This was fully tested by earl Cornwallis, who, after the battle of
Guilford Courthouse, retreated towards the seaboard, stopping on the way
at Cross Creek[72] hoping then to gain recruits from the Highlanders,
but very few of whom responded to his call. In a letter addressed to Sir
Henry Clinton, dated from his camp near Wilmington, April 10, 1781, he
says:
"On my arrival there (Cross Creek), I found, to my great
mortification, and contrary to all former accounts, that it was
impossible to procure any considerable quantity of provisions, and
that there was not four days' forage within twenty miles. The
navigation of Cape Fear, with the hopes of which I had been flattered
was totally impracticable, the distance from Wilmington by water
being one hundred and fifty miles, the breadth of the river seldom
exceeding one hundred yards, the banks generally high, and the
inhabitants on each side almost universally hostile. Under these
circumstances I determined to move immediately to Wilmington. By this
measure the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of
the upper country, to prove the sincerity of their former professions
of friendship. But, though appearances are rather more favorable
among them, I confess they are not equal to my expectations."[73]
The Americans did not rest matters simply by confining the officers, but
every precaution was taken to overawe them, not only by their parole,
which nearly all implicitly obeyed, but also by armed force, for some
militia was at once stationed at Cross Creek, which remained there until
the Provincial Congress, on November 21, 1776, ordered it
discharged.[74] General Charles Lee, who had taken charge of the
Southern Department, on June 6, 1776, ordered Brigadier-General Lewis to
take "as large a body of the regulars as can possibly be spared to march
to Cross Creek, in North Carolina."[75]
Notwithstanding the fact that many of the Highlanders who had been in
the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge afterwards engaged in the service
with the Americans, the community was regarded with suspicion, and that
not without some cause. On July 28, 1777, it was reported that there
were movements among the royalists that caused the patriots to be in
arms and watch the Highlanders at Cross Creek. On August 3rd it was
again reported that there were a hundred in arms with others coming.[76]
As might be anticipated the poor Highlanders also were subjected to fear
and oppression. They remained at heart, true to their first love. In
June, 1776, a report was circulated among them that a company of light
horse was coming into the settlement, and every one thought he was the
man wanted, and hence all hurried to the swamps and other fastnesses in
the forest.[77]
From the poor Highland women, who had lost father, husband, brother in
battle, or whose menfolk were imprisoned in the gaol at Halifax, there
arose such a wail of distress as to call forth the attention of the
Provincial Congress, which at once put forth a proclamation, and ordered
it translated into the "Erse tongue," in which it was declared that they
"warred not with those helpless females, but sympathized with them in
their sorrow," and recommended them to the compassion of all, and to the
"bounty of those who had aught to spare from their necessities."
One of the remarkable things, and one which cannot be accounted for, is,
that although the North Carolina Highland emigrants were deeply
religious, yet no clergyman accompanied them to the shores of America,
until 1770, when Reverend John McLeod came direct from Scotland and
ministered to them for some time; and they were entirely without a
minister prior to 1757, when Reverend James Campbell commenced to preach
for them, and continued in active work until 1770. He was the first
ordained minister who took up his abode among the Presbyterian
settlements in North Carolina. He pursued his labors among the
outspreading neighborhoods in what are now Cumberland and Robeson
counties. This worthy man was born in Campbelton, on the peninsula of
Kintyre, in Argyleshire, Scotland. Of his early history but little is
known, and by far too little of his pioneer labors has been preserved.
About the year 1730 he emigrated to America, landing at Philadelphia.
His attention having been turned to his countrymen on the Cape Fear, he
removed to North Carolina, and took up his residence on the left bank of
the above river, a few miles north of Cross Creek. He died in 1781. His
preaching was in harmony with the tenets of his people, being
presbyterian. He had three regular congregations on the Sabbath, besides
irregular preaching, as occasion demanded. For some ten years he
preached on the southwest side of the river at a place called "Roger's
meeting-house." Here Hector McNeill ("Bluff Hector") and Alexander
McAlister acted as elders. About 1758 he began to preach at the
"Barbacue Church,"--the building not erected until about the year 1765.
It was at this church where Flora MacDonald worshipped. The first elders
of this church were Gilbert Clark, Duncan Buie, Archibald Buie, and
Donald Cameron.
[Illustration: BARBACUE CHURCH, WHERE FLORA MACDONALD WORSHIPPED.]
Another of the preaching stations was at a place now known as "Long
Street." The building was erected about 1766. The first elders were
Malcolm Smith, Archibald McKay and Archibald Ray.
There came, in the same ship, from Scotland, with Reverend John McLeod,
a large number of Highland families, all of whom settled upon the upper
and lower Little Rivers, in Cumberland county. After several years'
labor, proving himself a man of genuine piety, great worth, and popular
eloquence, he left America, with a view of returning to his native land;
having never been heard of afterwards, it was thought that he found a
watery grave.
With the exception of the Reverend John McLeod, it is not known that
Reverend James Campbell had any ministerial brother residing in
Cumberland or the adjoining counties, who could assist him in preaching
to the Gaels. Although McAden preached in Duplin county, he was unable
to render assistance because he was unfamiliar with the language of the
Highlanders.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 21: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 931.]
[Footnote 22: _Ibid_, p. 447.]
[Footnote 23: _Ibid_, p. 490.]
[Footnote 24: _Ibid_, p. 533.]
[Footnote 25: _Ibid_, p.453.]
[Footnote 26: See Appendix, Note C.]
[Footnote 27: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII. p. 708.]
[Footnote 28: _Ibid_, Vol. IX. p. 79.]
[Footnote 29: _Ibid_, p. 544.]
[Footnote 30: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII, p. XXIII.]
[Footnote 31: _Ibid_, Vol. X. p. 577.]
[Footnote 32: _Ibid_, p. 173.]
[Footnote 33: See Appendix, Note D.]
[Footnote 34: _Ibid_, p. 45.]
[Footnote 35: _Ibid_, p. 325.]
[Footnote 36: _Ibid_, p. 190.]
[Footnote 37: _Ibid_, p. 266.]
[Footnote 38: _Ibid_, p. 326.]
[Footnote 39: _Ibid_, p. 595.]
[Footnote 40: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. p. 403.]
[Footnote 41: _Ibid_, p. 324.]
[Footnote 42: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV, p. 84.]
[Footnote 43: See Appendix, Note E.]
[Footnote 44: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 65.]
[Footnote 45: _Ibid_, p, 117.]
[Footnote 46: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV. p, 981]
[Footnote 47: _Ibid_, p, 982.]
[Footnote 48: _Ibid_, p. 983.]
[Footnote 49: _Ibid_, p. 1129.]
[Footnote 50: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI, pp. 276-279.]
[Footnote 51: _Ibid_, Vol. X, p. 485.]
[Footnote 52: _Ibid_, pp. 594-603.]
[Footnote 53: See Appendix, Note H.]
[Footnote 54: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. p. 294.]
[Footnote 55: _Ibid_, Vol. X. p. 743.]
[Footnote 56: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 69.]
[Footnote 57: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 1317.]
[Footnote 58: _Ibid_, p. 1320.]
[Footnote 59: _Ibid_, Vol. VI, p. 663.]
[Footnote 60: _Ibid_, p. 613.]
[Footnote 61: _Ibid_, Fifth Series, Vol. II. p. 1330.]
[Footnote 62: _Ibid_, p. 191.]
[Footnote 63: _Ibid_, p. 1333.]
[Footnote 64: _Ibid_, p. 437.]
[Footnote 65: _Ibid_, p. 464.]
[Footnote 66: _Ibid_, p. 1383]
[Footnote 67: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. XI. p. 295.]
[Footnote 68: Am. Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. p. 1291.]
[Footnote 69: _Ibid_, p. 1570.]
[Footnote 70: "Letter Book of Captain A. MacDonald," p. 387.]
[Footnote 71: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. X. p. 888.]
[Footnote 72: See Appendix Note F.]
[Footnote 73: "Earl Cornwallis' Answer to Sir Henry Clinton," p. 10.]
[Footnote 74: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. p. 927.]
[Footnote 75: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 721.]
[Footnote 76: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. pp 546, 555.]
[Footnote 77: _Ibid_, p. 829.]
CHAPTER VI.
HIGHLANDERS IN GEORGIA.
The second distinctive and permanent settlement of Highland Scotch in
the territory now constituting the United States of America was that in
what was first called New Inverness on the Alatamaha river in Georgia,
but now known as Darien, in McIntosh County. It was established under
the genius of James Oglethorpe, an English general and philanthropist,
who, in the year 1728, began to take active legislative support in
behalf of the debtor classes, which culminated in the erection of the
colony of Georgia, and incidentally to the formation of a settlement of
Highlanders.
There was a yearly average in Great Britain of four thousand unhappy men
immured in prison for the misfortune of being poor. A small debt exposed
a person to a perpetuity of imprisonment; and one indiscreet contract
often resulted in imprisonment for life. The sorrows hidden within the
prison walls of Fleet and Marshalsea touched the heart of Oglethorpe--a
man of merciful disposition and heroic mind--who was then in the full
activity of middle life. His benevolent zeal persevered until he
restored multitudes, who had long been in confinement for debt, and were
now helpless and strangers in the land of their birth. Nor was this all:
for them and the persecuted Protestants he planned an asylum in America,
where former poverty would be no reproach, and where the simplicity of
piety could indulge in the spirit of devotion without fear of
persecution or rebuke.
The first active step taken by Oglethorpe, in his benevolent designs was
to move, in the British House of Commons, that a committee be appointed
"to inquire into the state of the gaols of the kingdom, and to report
the same and their opinion thereupon to the House." Of this committee
consisting of ninety-six persons, embracing some of the first men in
England, Oglethorpe was made chairman. They were eulogized by Thompson,
in his poem on Winter, as
"The generous band,
Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched
Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol."
In the abodes of crime, and of misfortune, the committee beheld all that
the poet depicted: "The freeborn Briton to the dungeon chained," and
"Lives crushed out by secret, barbarous ways, that for their country
would have toiled and bled." One of Britain's authors was moved to
indite: "No modern nation has ever enacted or inflicted greater legal
severities upon insolvent debtors than England."[78]
While the report of the committee did honor to their humanity, yet it
was the moving spirit of Oglethorpe that prompted efforts to combine
present relief with permanent benefits, by which honest but unfortunate
industry could be protected, and the poor enabled to reap the fruit of
their toils, which now wrung out their lives with bitter and unrequited
labor. On June 9, 1732, a charter was procured from the king,
incorporating a body by name and style of the Trustees for Establishing
the Colony of Georgia in America. Among its many provisions was the
declaration that "all and every person born within the said province
shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises and immunities of free
denizens, as if abiding and born within Great Britain." It further
ordained that there should be liberty of conscience, and free exercise
of religion to all, except Papists. The patrons, by their own request,
were restrained from receiving any grant of lands, or any emoluments
whatever.
The charter had in view the settling of poor but unfortunate people on
lands now waste and desolate, and also the interposing of the colony as
a barrier between the French, Spanish and Indians on the south and west
and the other English colonies on the north. Oglethorpe expressed the
purpose of the colonizing scheme, in the following language:
"These trustees not only give land to the unhappy who go thither;
but are also empowered to receive the voluntary contributions of
charitable persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers
with all necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the
land, and supporting them till they find themselves comfortably
settled. So that now the unfortunate will not be obliged to bind
themselves to a long servitude to pay for their passage; for they may
be carried gratis into a land of liberty and plenty, where they
immediately find themselves in possession of a competent estate, in a
happier climate than they knew before; and they are unfortunate,
indeed, if here they cannot forget their sorrow."[79]
Subsidiary to this it was designed to make Georgia a silk, wine, oil and
drug-growing colony. It was calculated that the mother country would be
relieved of a large body of indigent people and unfortunate debtors,
and, at the same time, assist the commerce of Great Britain, increase
home industries, and relieve, to an appreciative extent, the impost on
foreign productions. Extravagant expectations were formed of the
capabilities of Georgia by the enthusiastic friends of the movement. It
was to rival Virginia and South Carolina, and at once to take the first
rank in the list of provinces depending on the British crown. Its
beauties and greatness were lauded by poets, statesmen and divines. It
attracted attention throughout Europe, and to that promised land there
pressed forward Swiss, German, Scotch and English alike. The benevolence
of England was aroused, and the charities of an opulent nation began to
flow towards the new plantation. The House of Parliament granted
£10,000, which was augmented, by private subscription, to £36,000.
Oglethorpe had implicit faith in the enterprise, and with the first
shipload, on board the Ann, he sailed from Gravesend November 17, 1732,
and arrived at the bar, outside of the port of Charleston, South
Carolina, January 13, 1733. Having accepted of a hearty welcome, he
weighed anchor, and sailed directly for Port Royal; and while his colony
was landing at Beaufort, he ascended the boundary river of Georgia, and
selected the site for his chief town on the high bluff, where now is the
city of Savannah. Having established his town, he then selected a
commanding height on the Ogeechee river, where he built a fortification
and named it Fort Argyle, in honor of the friend and patron of his early
years.
Within a period of five years over a thousand persons had been sent over
on the Trustee's account; several freeholders, with their servants, had
also taken up lands; and to them and to others also, settling in the
province, over fifty-seven thousand acres had been granted. Besides
forts and minor villages there had been laid out and settled the
principal towns of Augusta, Ebenezer, Savannah, New Inverness, and
Frederica. The colonists were of different nationalities, widely variant
in character, religion and government. There were to be seen the
depressed Briton from London; the hardy Gael from the Highlands of
Scotland; the solemn Moravian from Herrnhut; the phlegmatic German from
Salzburg in Bavaria; the reflecting Swiss from the mountainous and
pastoral Grisons; the mercurial peasant from sunny Italy, and the Jew
from Portugal.
The settlements were made deliberately and with a view of resisting any
possible encroachments of Spain. It was a matter of protection that the
Highlanders were induced to emigrate, and their assignment to the
dangerous and outlying district, exposed to Spanish forays or invasions,
is sufficient proof that their warlike qualities were greatly desired.
Experience also taught Oglethorpe that the useless poor in England did
not change their characters by emigration.
In company with a retinue of Indian chiefs, Oglethorpe returned to
England on board the Aldborough man-of-war, where he arrived on June 16,
1734, after a passage of a little more than a month. His return created
quite a sensation; complimentary verses were bestowed upon him, and his
name was established among men of large views and energetic action as a
distinguished benefactor of mankind. Among many things that engrossed
his attention was to provide a bulwark against inroads that might be
made by savages and dangers from the Spanish settlements; so he turned
his eyes, as already noted, to the Highlands of Scotland. In order to
secure a sufficient number of Highlanders a commission was granted to
Lieutenant Hugh Mackay and George Dunbar to proceed to the Highlands
and "raise 100 Men free or servants and for that purpose allowed to them
the free passage of ten servants over and above the 100. They farther
allowed them to take 50 Head of Women and Children and agreed with Mr.
Simmonds to send a ship about, which he w'd not do unless they agreed
for 130 Men Heads certain. This may have led the trust into the mistake
That they were to raise only 130."[80]
The enterprising commissioners, using such methods as were customary to
the country, soon collected the required number within the immediate
vicinity of Inverness. They first enlisted the interest and consent of
some of the chief gentlemen, and as they were unused to labor, they were
not only permitted but required also to bring each a servant capable of
supporting him. These gentlemen were not reckless adventurers, or
reduced emigrants forced by necessity, or exiled by insolvency and want;
but men of pronounced character, and especially selected for their
approved military qualities, many of whom came from the glen of
Stralbdean, about nine miles distant from Inverness. They were commanded
by officers most highly connected in the Highlands. Their political
sympathies were with the exiled house of Stuart, and having been more or
less implicated in the rising of 1715, they found themselves objects of
jealousy and suspicion, and thus circumstanced seized the opportunity to
seek an asylum in America and obtain that unmolested quietude which was
denied them in their native glens.
These people being deeply religious selected for their pastor, Reverend
John MacLeod, a native of Skye, who belonged to the Dunvegan family of
MacLeods. He was well recommended by his clerical brethren, and
sustained a good examination before the presbytery of Edinburgh,
previous to his ordination and commission, October 13, 1735. He was
appointed by the directors of the Society in Scotland for Propagating
Christian Knowledge (from whom he was to receive his annual stipend of
£50) "not only to officiate as minister of the Gospel to the Highland
families going hither," and others who might be inclined to the
Presbyterian form of worship, but "also to use his utmost endeavors for
propagating Christian knowledge among natives in the colony."
The Trustees were greatly rejoiced to find that they had secured so
valuable an acquisition to their colony, and that they could settle such
a bold and hardy race on the banks of their southern boundary, and thus
establish a new town on the Florida frontier. The town council of
Inverness, in order to express their regard for Oglethorpe, on account
of his kind offers to the Highlanders, conferred on him the honor of a
burgess of the town, through his proxy, Captain George Dunbar.
Besides the military band, others, among whom were MacKays, Bailies,
Dunbars, and Cuthberts, applied for large tracts of land to people with
their own servants; most of them going over themselves to Georgia, and
finally settling there for life.
Of the Highlanders, some of them paid their passage and that of one out
of two servants, while others paid passage for their servants and took
the benefit of the trust passage for themselves. Some, having large
families, wanted farther assistance for servants, which was acceded to
by Captain Dunbar, who gave them the passage of four servants, which was
his right, for having raised forty of the one hundred men. Of the whole
number the Trustees paid for one hundred and forty-six, some of whom
became indentured servants to the Trust. On October 20, 1735, one
hundred and sixty-three were mustered before Provost Hassock at
Inverness. One of the number ran away before the ship sailed, and two
others were set on shore because they would neither pay their passage
nor indent as servants to the Trust.
These pioneers, who were to carve their own fortunes and become a
defense for the colony of Georgia, sailed from Inverness, October 18,
1735, on board the Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain George Dunbar,
one of their own countrymen. They made a remarkably quick trip, attended
by no accidents, and in January, 1736, sailed into Tybee Road, and at
once the officer in charge set about sending the emigrants to their
destination. All who so desired, at their own expense, were permitted to
go up to Savannah and Joseph's Town. On account of a deficiency in
boats, all could not be removed at once. Seven days after their arrival
sixty-one were sent away, and on February 4th forty-six more proceeded
to their settlement on the Alatamaha,--all of whom being under the
charge of Hugh MacKay. Thus the advanced station, the post of danger,
was guarded by a bold and hardy race; brave and robust by nature,
virtuous by inclination, inured to fatigue and willing to labor:
"To distant climes, a dreary scene, they go,
Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe,
Far different these from all that charmed before,
The various terrors of that distant shore;
Those matted woods where birds forget to sing,
But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling;
Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crown'd,
Where the dark scorpion gathers death around,
Where at each step the stranger fears to wake
The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake,
Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey,
And savage men, more murderous still than they.
Far different these from every former scene."
--Goldsmith.
On their first landing at Savannah, some of the people from South
Carolina endeavored to discourage them by saying that the Spaniards
would shoot them as they stood upon the ground where they contemplated
erecting their homes. "Why then," said the Highlanders in reply, "we
will beat them out of their fort and shall have houses ready built to
live in." The spot designated for their town is located twenty miles
northwest from St. Simons and ten above Frederica, and situated on the
mainland, close to a branch of the Alatamaha river, on a bluff twenty
feet high, then surrounded on all sides with woods. The soil is a
brackish sand. Formerly Fort King George, garrisoned by an independent
company, stood within a mile and a half of the new town, but had been
abandoned and destroyed on account of a want of supplies and
communication with Carolina. The village was called New Inverness, in
honor of the city they had left in Scotland; while the surrounding
district was named Darien, on account of the settlement attempted on the
Isthmus of Darien, in 1698-1701. Under the direction of Hugh MacKay, who
proved himself to be an excellent officer and a man of executive
ability, by the middle of February they had constructed a fort
consisting of two bastions and two half bastions, which was so strong
that forty men could maintain it against three hundred, and on it placed
four pieces, which, afterwards was so enlarged as to demand twelve
cannon; built a guardhouse, storehouse, a chapel, and huts for the
people. One of the men dying, the rest joined and built a house for the
widow.
In the meantime Oglethorpe had sailed from London on board the Symonds,
accompanied by the London Merchant, with additional emigrants, and
arrived in the Tybee Road a short time after the Highlanders had left.
He had never met them, and desiring to understand their ways and to make
as favorable an impression on them as possible, he retained Captain
Dunbar to go with him to the Highlanders and to instruct him fully in
their customs. On February 22d he left St. Simons and rowing up the
Alatamaha after three hours, reached the Highland settlement. Upon
seeing the boat approaching, the Highlanders marched out to meet him,
and made a most manly appearance in their plaids, with claymores,
targets and fire-arms. Captain MacKay invited Oglethorpe to lie in his
tent, where there was a bed with sheets--a rarity as yet in that part of
the world. He excused himself, choosing to lie at the guard-fire,
wrapped in his plaid, for he had on the Highland garb. Captain MacKay
and the other gentlemen did the same, though the night was cold.
Oglethorpe had previously taken the precaution, lest the Highlanders
might be apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, Indians, or other
enemies, while their houses were in process of construction, to send
Captain James McPherson, who commanded the rangers upon the Savannah,
overland to support them. This troop arrived while Oglethorpe was yet
present. Soon after they were visited by the Indians, who were attracted
by their costume, and ever after retained an admiration for them, which
was enhanced by the Highlanders entering into their wild sports, and
joining them in the chase. In order to connect the new settlement with
direct land communication with the other colonists, Oglethorpe, in
March, directed Hugh MacKay, with a detachment of twelve rangers, to
conduct Walter Augustin, who ran a traverse line from Savannah by Fort
Argyle to Darien, in order to locate a roadway.
It was during Oglethorpe's first trip to the Highland settlement that he
encamped on Cumberland island, and on the extreme western point, which
commands the passage of boats from the southward, marked out a fort to
be called St. Andrews, and gave Captain Hugh MacKay orders to build it.
The work commenced immediately, thirty Highlanders being employed in the
labor. On March 26th Oglethorpe, visiting the place, was astonished to
find the fort in such an advanced stage of completion; the ditch was
dug, the parapet was raised with wood and earth on the land side, and
the small wood was cleared fifty yards round the fort. This seemed to be
the more extraordinary because MacKay had no engineer, nor any other
assistance in that way, except the directions originally given. Besides
it was very difficult to raise the works, the ground being a loose sand.
They were forced to lay the trees and sand alternately,--the trees
preventing the sand from falling, and the sand the wood from fire. He
returned thanks to the Highlanders and offered to take any of them back
to their settlement, but all refused so long as there was any danger
from the Spaniards, in whose vicinity they were now stationed. But two
of them, having families at Darien, he ordered along with him.
The Highlanders were not wholly engaged in military pursuits, for, to a
great extent, they were engaged in making their settlement permanent.
They engaged in the cultivation of Indian corn and potatoes; learned to
cut and saw timber, and laid out farms upon which they lived. For a
frontier settlement, constantly menaced, all was accomplished that could
be reasonably expected. In the woods they found ripe oranges and game,
such as the wild turkey, buffalo and deer, in abundance. But peace and
prosperity were not their allotted portion, for their lines were now
cast in troubled waters. The first year witnessed an appeal to arms and
a struggle with the Spaniards, which eventually resulted in a disaster
to the Highlanders. Deeds of heroism were now enacted, fully in keeping
with the tenor of the race.
The Spaniards, who had their main force at St. Augustine, were more or
less aggressive, which kept the advanced posts in a state of alarm. John
Mohr Macintosh, who had seen service in Scotland, was directed by
Oglethorpe to instruct the Highlanders in their military duty, and under
his direction they were daily exercised. Hugh MacKay, with a company,
had been directed to the immediate command of Oglethorpe.
Disputes early arose between the English colonists and the Spaniards
regarding the frontier line between the two nationalities, and loud
complaints were made by the latter on account of being harrassed by
Indians. Oglethorpe took steps to restrain the Indians, and to the
Spaniards sent friendly messengers, who were immediately seized and
confined and at once took measures against the colonists. A Spanish
warship sailed by St. Simon's island and passed Fort St. Andrews, but
was not fired upon by the Highlanders because she answered their
signals. She made her way back to St. Augustine when the report gained
currency that the whole coast was covered with war boats armed with
cannon. On June 8th the colonists were again threatened by a Spanish
vessel which came close to Fort St. Andrews before she was discovered;
but when challenged rowed away with the utmost precipitation. On board
this boat was Don Ignatio with a detachment of the Spanish garrison, and
as many boatmen and Indians as the launch could hold. It was at this
time that a Highland lad named Fraser distinguished himself. Oglethorpe
in endeavoring to meet the Spaniards by a flag of truce, or else obtain
a conference with them, but unable to accomplish either, and being about
to withdraw, saw the boy, whom he had sent forward, returning through
the woods, driving before him a tall man with a musket on his shoulder,
two pistols stuck in his girdle, and further armed with both a long and
short sword. Coming up to Oglethorpe the lad said: "Here, sir; I have
caught a Spaniard for you." The man was found to have in his possession
a letter from Oglethorpe's imprisoned messengers which imparted certain
information that proved to be of great value.
The imprisoned messengers were ultimately released and sent back in a
launch with commissioners to treat with Oglethorpe. In order to make a
favorable impression on the Spaniards, the Highlanders, under Ensign
MacKay, were ordered out. June 19th, Ensign MacKay arrived on board the
man-of-war Hawk, then just off from Amelia island, with the Highlanders,
and a detachment of the independent company, in their regimentals, who
lined one side of the ship, while the Highlanders, with their claymores,
targets, plaids, etc., did the same on the other side. The commissioners
were very handsomely entertained on board the war vessel, and after
dinner messages in writing were exchanged. While this hilarity and peace
protestations were being indulged, an Indian brought the news that forty
Spaniards and some Indians had fallen upon a party of the Creek nation
who, then depending upon the general peace between the Indians, Spanish
and English, without suspicion, and consequently without guard, were
surrounded and surprised, several killed and others taken, two of whom,
being boys, were murdered by dashing out their brains.
To the people of New Iverness the year 1737 does not appear to have been
a propitious one. Pioneers were compelled to endure hardships of which
they had little dreamed, and the Highland settlement was no exception to
the rule. The record preserved for this year is exceedingly meagre and
consists almost wholly in the sworn statement of Alexander Monroe, who
deserted the colony in 1740. In the latter year he deposed that at
Darien, where he arrived in 1736 with his wife and child, he had
cleared, fenced in and planted five acres of land, built a good house in
the town, and made other improvements, such as gardening, etc.; that he
was never able to support his family by cultivation, though he planted
the said five acres three years and had good crops, and that he never
heard of any white man being able to gain a living by planting; that in
1737 the people were reduced to such distress for want of provisions,
having neither corn, peas, rice, potatoes, nor bread-kind of any sort,
nor fish, nor flesh of any kind in store; that they were forced to go in
a body, with John Mohr Macintosh at the head, to Frederica and there
make a demand on the Trust's agent for a supply; that they were relieved
by Captain Gascoigne of the Hawk, who spared them two barrels of flour,
and one barrel of beef; and further, he launches an indictment against
John Mohr Macintosh, who had charge of the Trust's store at Darien, for
giving the better class of food to his own hogs while the people were
forced to take that which was rotten.[81]
While this statement of Monroe may possibly be true in the main, and
that there was actual suffering, yet it must be borne in mind that the
Highlanders were there living in a changed condition. The labor,
climate, soil, products, etc., were all new to them, and to the changed
circumstances the time had been too short for them to adapt themselves;
nor is it probable that five acres were enough for their subsistence.
The feeding of cattle, which was soon after adopted, would give them a
larger field of industry.
Nor was this all. Inevitable war fell upon the people; for we learn that
the troop of Highland rangers, under Captain MacKay, held Fort St.
Andrews "with thirty men, when the Spaniards attempted the invasion of
this Province with a great number of men in the year 1737."[82] Drawing
the men away from the settlement would necessarily cause more or less
suffering and disarrangement of affairs.
The record for the year 1738 is more extensive, although somewhat
contradictory, and exhibits a strong element of dissention. Oglethorpe
admitted the difficulties under which the people labored, ascribing them
to the Spanish alarms, but reports that John Mohr Macintosh, pursuant to
orders from the Trust, had disposed of a part of the servants to the
freeholders of Darien, which encouragement had enabled the settlement to
continue.
"The women were a dead charge to the Trust, excepting a few who mended
the Cloaths, dressed the Victuals and washed the Linnen of the Trustees
Men Servants. Some of the Soldiers who were Highlanders desiring to
marry Women, I gave them leave upon their discharging the Trustees from
all future Charges arising from them."[83]
The difficulties appear also to have arisen from the fact that the
freeholders were either unable or else unwilling--which is the more
likely--to perform manual labor. They labored under the want of a
sufficient number of servants until they had procured some who had been
indentured to the Trust for passage from Scotland.
The Reverend John MacLeod, who abandoned the colony in 1741, made oath
that in the year 1738 they found by experience that the produce from the
land did not answer the expense of time and labor, and the voice of the
people of Darien was to abandon their improvements, and settle to the
northward, where they could be free from the restraints which rendered
incapable of subsisting themselves and families.[84] The declaration of
Alexander Monroe is still more explicit:
"That in December, 1738, the said inhabitants of Darien finding that
from their first settling in Georgia, their labors turned to no
account, that their wants were daily growing on them, and being weary
of apprehension, they came to a resolution to depute two men, chosen
from amongst them, to go to Charleston, in South Carolina, and there
to make application to the government, in order to obtain a grant of
lands to which the whole settlement of Darien to a man were to remove
altogether, the said John McIntosh More excepted; but that it being
agreed among them, first to acquaint the said Colonel with their
intentions, and their reasons for such resolutions, John McIntosh L.
(Lynvilge) was employed by the said freeholders to lay the same
before him, who returned them an answer 'that they should have credit
for provisions, with two cows and three calves, and a breeding mare
if they would continue on their plantations.' That the people with
the view of these helps, and hoping for the further favor and
countenance of the said Colonel, and being loth to leave their little
all behind them, and begin the world in a strange place, were willing
to make out a livelihood in the colony; but whilst they were in
expectation of these things, this deponent being at his plantation,
two miles from the town, in Dec., 1738, he received a letter from
Ronald McDonald, which was sent by order of the said McIntosh More,
and brought to this deponent by William, son of the said McIntosh,
ordering him, the said deponent, immediately to come himself, and
bring William Monro along with him to town, and advising him that,
'if he did so, he would be made a man of, but, that if he did not, he
would be ruined forever.' That this deponent coming away without loss
of time, he got to the said McIntosh More's house about nine of the
clock that night, where he found several of the inhabitants together,
and where the said McIntosh More did tell this deponent, 'that if he
would sign a paper, which he then offered him, that the said Colonel
would give him cattle and servants from time to time, and that he
would be a good friend to as many as would sign the said paper, but
that they would see what would become of those that would not sign
it, for that the people of Savannah would be all ruined, who opposed
the said Colonel in it.' That this deponent did not know the contents
of the said paper, but seeing that some before him had signed it, his
hopes on one side, and fears on the other, made him sign it also.
That upon his conversing with some of the people, after leaving the
house, he was acquainted with the contents and design of said paper,
which this deponent believes to be the petition from the eighteen,
which the trustees have printed, and that very night he became
sensible of the wrong he had done; and that his conscience did
thereupon accuse him, and does yet."[85]
The phrase "being weary of oppression" has reference to the accusation
against Captain Hugh MacKay, who was alleged to have "exercised an
illegal power there, such as judging in all causes, directing and
ordering all things according to his will, as did the said McIntosh
More, by which many unjust and illegal things were done. That not only
the servants of the said freeholders of Darien were ordered to be tied
up and whipt; but also this deponent, and Donald Clark, who themselves
were freeholders, were taken into custody, and bound with ropes, and
threatened to be sent to Frederica to Mr. Horton, and there punished by
him; this deponent, once for refusing to cry 'All's well,' when he was
an out-sentry, he having before advised them of the danger of so doing,
lest the voice should direct the Indians to fire upon the sentry, as
they had done the night before, and again for drumming with his fingers
on the side of his house, it being pretended that he had alarmed the
town. That upon account of these, and many other oppressions, the
freeholders applied to Mr. Oglethorpe for a court of justice to be
erected, and proper magistrates in Darien, as in other towns in Georgia,
that they might have justice done among themselves, when he gave them
for answer, 'that he would acquaint the trustees with it'; but that
this deponent heard no more of it."[86]
One of the fundamental regulations of the Trustees was the prohibition
of African slavery in Georgia. However, they had instituted a system of
servitude which indentured both male and female to individuals, or the
Trustees, for a period of from four to fourteen years. On arriving in
Georgia, their services were sold for the term of indenture, or
apportioned to the inhabitants by the magistrates, as their necessities
required. The sum which they brought when thus bid off varied from £2 to
£6, besides an annual tax of £1 for five years to defray the expense of
their voyage. Negro slavery was agitated in Savannah, and on December 9,
1738, a petition was addressed to the Trustees, signed by one hundred
and sixteen, and among other things asked was the introduction of Negro
slavery. On January 3, 1739, a counter petition was drawn up and signed
by the Highlanders at Darien. On March 13th the Saltzburghers of
Ebenezer signed a similar petition in which they strongly disapproved of
the introduction of slave labor into the colony. Likewise the people of
Frederica prepared a petition, but desisted from sending it, upon an
assurance that their apprehensions of the introduction of Negroes were
entirely needless. Many artifices were resorted to in order to gain over
the Highlanders and have them petition for Negro slaves. Failing in this
letters were written to them from England endeavoring to intimidate them
into a compliance. These counter petitions strengthened the Trustees in
their resolution. It is a noticeable fact, and worthy of record, that at
the outbreak of the American Revolution the Highlanders of Darien again
protested against African slavery.
Those persons dissatisfied with the state of affairs increased in
numbers and gradually grew more rancorous. It is not supposable that
they could have bettered the condition under the circumstances.
Historians have been universal in their praise of Oglethorpe, and in all
probability no one could have given a better administration. His word
has been taken without question. He declared that "Darien hath been one
of the Settlements where the People have been most industrious as those
of Savannah have been most idle. The Trustees have had several Servants
there who under the direction of Mr. Moore McIntosh have not only earned
their bread but have provided the Trust with such Quantities of sawed
stuff as hath saved them a great sum of money. Those Servants cannot be
put under the direction of anybody at Frederica nor any one that does
not understand the Highland language. The Woods fit for sawing are near
Darien and the Trustees engaged not to separate the Highlanders. They
are very useful under their own Chiefs and no where else. It is very
necessary therefore to allow Mr. Mackintosh for the overseeing the
Trust's Servants at Darien."[87]
That such was the actual condition of affairs in 1739 there is no doubt.
However, a partial truth may change the appearance. George Philp, who at
Savannah in 1740, declared that for the same year the people "are as
incapable of improving their lands and raising produces as the people in
the northern division, as appears from the very small quantity of Indian
corn which hitherto had been the chief and almost only produce of the
province, some few potatoes excepted; and as a proof of which, that he
was in the south in May last, when the season for planting was over, and
much less was done at Frederica than in former years; and that the
people in Darien did inform him, that they had not of their own produce
to carry to market, even in the year 1739, which was the most plentiful
year they ever saw there, nor indeed any preceding year; nor had they
(the people of Darien) bread-kind of their own raising, sufficient for
the use of their families, from one crop to another, as themselves, or
some of them, did tell this deponent; and further, the said people of
Darien were, in May last, repining at their servants being near out of
their time, because the little stock of money they carried over with
them was exhausted in cultivation which did not bring them a return; and
they were thereby rendered quite unable to plant their lands, or help
themselves any way."[88]
It was one of the agreements made by the Trust that assistance should be
given the colonists. Hence Oglethorpe speaks of "the £58 delivered to
Mr. McIntosh at Darien, it was to support the Inhabitants of Darien with
cloathing and delivered to the Trustees' Store there, for which the
Individuals are indebted to the Trust. Part of it was paid in discharge
of service done to the Trustees in building. Part is still due and some
do pay and are ready to pay."[89]
The active war with Spain commenced by the murder of two unarmed
Highlanders on Amelia Island, who had gone into the woods for fuel. It
was November 14, 1739, that a party of Spaniards landed on the island
and skulked in the woods. Francis Brooks, who commanded a scout boat,
heard reports of musketry, and at once signaled the fort, when a
lieutenant's squad marched out and found the murdered Highlanders with
their heads cut off and cruelly mangled. The Spaniards fled with so much
precipitation that the squad could not overtake them, though they
pursued rapidly. Immediately Oglethorpe began to collect around him his
inadequate forces for the invasion of Florida. In January, 1740, he
received orders to make hostile movements against Florida, with the
assurance that Admiral Vernon should co-operate with him. Oglethorpe
took immediate action, drove in the Spanish outposts and invaded
Florida, having learned from a deserter that St. Augustine was in want
of provisions. South Carolina rendered assistance; and its regiment
reached Darien the first of May, where it was joined by Oglethorpe's
favorite corps, the Highlanders, ninety strong, commanded by Captain
John Mohr McIntosh and Lieutenant MacKay. They were ordered, accompanied
by an Indian force, to proceed by land, at once, to Cow-ford (afterwards
Jacksonville), upon the St. Johns. With four hundred of his regiment,
Oglethorpe, on May 3d, left Frederica, in boats, and on the 9th reached
the Cow-ford. The Carolina regiment and the Highlanders having failed to
make the expected junction at that point, Oglethorpe, who would brook no
delay, immediately proceeded against Fort Diego, which surrendered on
the 10th, and garrisoned it with sixty men under Lieutenant Dunbar. With
the remainder he returned to the Cow-ford, and there met the Carolina
regiment and McIntosh's Highlanders. Here Oglethorpe massed nine hundred
soldiers and eleven hundred Indians, and marched the whole force
against Fort Moosa, which was built of stone, and situated less than two
miles from St. Augustine, which the Spaniards evacuated without offering
resistance. Having burned the gates, and made three breaches in the
walls, Oglethorpe then proceeded to reconnoitre the town and castle.
Assisted by some ships of war lying at anchor off St. Augustine bar, he
determined to blockade the town. For this purpose he left Colonel
Palmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and fifty-two Indians, at Fort
Moosa, with instructions to scour the woods and intercept all supplies
for the enemy; and, for safety, encamp every night at different places.
This was the only party left to guard the land side. The Carolina
regiment was sent to occupy a point of land called Point Quartel, about
a mile distant from the castle; while he himself with his regiment and
the greater part of the Indians embarked in boats, and landed on the
Island of Anastatia, where he erected batteries and commenced a
bombardment of the town. The operations of the beseigers beginning to
relax, the Spanish commander sent a party of six hundred to surprise
Colonel Palmer at Fort Moosa. The Spaniards had noted that for five
nights Colonel Palmer had made Fort Moosa his resting place. They came
in boats with muffled oars at the dead of night, and landed unheard and
undiscovered. The Indians, who were relied on by Palmer, were watching
the land side, but never looked towards the water.
Captain Macintosh had remonstrated with Colonel Palmer for remaining at
Fort Moosa more than one night, until it produced an alienation between
them. The only thing then left for MacIntosh was to make his company
sleep on their arms. At the first alarm they were in rank, and as the
Spanish infantry approached in three columns they were met with a
Highland shout.
The contest was unequal, and although the Highlanders rallied to the
support of MacIntosh, their leader, and fought with desperation, yet
thirty-six of them fell dead or wounded at the first charge. When
Colonel Palmer saw the overwhelming force that assaulted his command, he
directed the rangers without the wall to fly; but, refusing to follow
them, he paid the debt of his obstinacy with his blood.
The surprise at Fort Moosa led to the failure of Oglethorpe's
expedition. John Mohr MacIntosh was a prisoner, and as Oglethorpe had no
officer to exchange for him, he was sent to Spain, where he was detained
several years--his fate unknown to his family--and when he did return to
his family it was with a broken constitution and soon to die, leaving
his children to such destiny as might await them, without friends, in
the wilds of America, for the one who could assist them--General
Oglethorpe--was to be recalled, in preparation to meet the Highland
Rising of 1745, when he, too, was doomed to suffer degradation from the
duke of Cumberland, and injury to his military reputation.
It was the same regiment of Spaniards that two years later was brought
from Cuba to lead in all enterprises that again was destined to meet the
remnant of those Highlanders, but both the scene and the result were
different. It was in the light of day, and blood and slaughter, but not
victory awaited them.
The conduct of the eldest son of John Mohr MacIntosh is worthy of
mention. He was named after his grand uncle, the celebrated Old Borlum
(General William MacIntosh), who commanded a division of the Highlanders
in the Rising of 1715. William was not quite fourteen years of age when
his father left Darien for Florida. He wished to accompany the army, but
his father refused. Determined not to be thwarted in his purpose, he
overtook the army at Barrington. He was sent back the next day under an
armed guard. Taking a small boat, he ferried up to Clarke's Bluff, on
the south side of the Alatamaha, intending to keep in the rear until the
troops had crossed the St. Mary's river. He soon fell in with seven
Indians, who knew him, for Darien had become a great rendezvous for
them, and were greatly attached to the Highlanders, partly on account of
their wild manners, their manly sports and their costume, somewhat
resembling their own. They caressed the boy, and heartily entered into
his views. They followed the advancing troops and informed him of all
that transpired in his father's camp, yet carefully concealing his
presence among them until after the passage of the St. Mary's, where,
with much triumph, led him to his father and said "that he was a young
warrior and would fight; that the Great Spirit would watch over his
life, for he loved young warriors." He followed his father until he saw
him fall at Fort Moosa, covered with wounds, which so transfixed him
with horror, that he was not aroused to action until a Spanish officer
laid hold of his plaid. Light and as elastic as a steel bow, he slipped
from under his grasp, and made his escape with the wreck of the corps.
Those who escaped the massacre went over in a boat to Point Quartel.
Some of the Chickasaw Indians, who also had escaped, met a Spaniard, cut
off his head and presented it to Oglethorpe. With abhorence he rejected
it, calling them barbarian dogs and bidding them begone. As might be
expected, the Chickasaws were offended and deserted him. A party of
Creeks brought four Spanish prisoners to Oglethorpe, who informed him
that St. Augustine had been reinforced by seven hundred men and a large
supply of provisions. The second day after the Fort Moosa affair, the
Carolina[90] regiment deserted, the colonel leading the rout; nor did he
arrest his flight until darkness overtook him, thirty miles from St.
Augustine. Other circumstances operating against him, Oglethorpe
commenced his retreat from Florida and reached Frederica July 10, 1740.
The inhabitants of Darien continued to live in huts that were tight and
warm. Prior to 1740 they had been very industrious in planting, besides
being largely engaged in driving cattle for the regiment; but having
engaged in the invasion of Florida, little could be done at home, where
their families remained. One writer[91] declared that "the people live
very comfortably, with great unanimity. I know of no other settlement in
this colony more desirable, except Ebenezer." The settlement was greatly
decimated on account of the number killed and taken prisoners at Fort
Moosa. This gave great discontent on the part of those who already felt
aggrieved against the Trust.
The discontent among many of the colonists, some of whom were
influential, again broke out in 1741, some of whom went to Savannah,
October 7th, to consider the best method of presenting their grievances.
They resolved to send an agent to England to represent their case to
the proper authorities, "in order to the effectual settling and
establishing of the said province, and to remove all those grievances
and hardships we now labor under." The person selected as agent was
Thomas Stevens, the son of the president of Georgia, who had resided
there about four years, and who, it was thought, from his connection
with the president, would give great weight to the proceedings. Mr.
Stevens sailed for England on March 26, 1742, presented his petition to
parliament, which was considered together with the answer of the
Trustees; which resulted in Mr. Stevens being brought to the bar of the
House of Commons, and upon his knees, before the assembled counsellors
of Great Britain, was reprimanded for his conduct, and then discharged,
on paying his fees.
A list of the people who signed the petition and counter petitions
affords a good criterion of the class represented at Darien, living
there before and after the battle of Moosa. Among the complainants may
be found the names of:
James Campbell, Thomas Fraser, Patrick Grahame, John Grahame, John
McDonald, Peter McKay, Benjamin McIntosh, John McIntosh, Daniel
McKay, Farquhar McGuilvery, Daniel McDonald, Rev. John McLeod,
Alexander Monro, John McIntire, Owen McLeod, Alexander Rose, Donald
Stewart.
It is not certain that all the above were residents of Darien. Among
those who signed the petition in favor of the Trust, and denominated the
body of the people, and distinctly stated to be living at Darien, are
the names of:
John Mackintosh Moore, John Mackintosh Lynvilge, Ronald McDonald,
Hugh Morrison, John McDonald, John Maclean, John Mackintosh, son of
L., John Mackintosh Bain, John McKay, Daniel Clark, first, Alexander
Clarke, Donald Clark, third, Joseph Burges, Donald Clark, second,
Archibald McBain, Alexander Munro, William Munro, John Cuthbert.
During the autumn of 1741, Reverend John McLeod abandoned his Highland
charge at Darien, went to South Carolina and settled at Edisto. In an
oath taken November 12, 1741, he represents the people of Darien to be
in a deplorable condition. Oglethorpe, in his letter to the
Trustees,[92] evidently did not think Mr. McLeod was the man really fit
for his position, for he says:
"We want here some men fit for schoolmasters, one at Frederica and
one at Darien, also a sedate and sober minister, one of some
experience in the world and whose first heat of youth is over."
The long-threatened invasion of Carolina and Georgia by the Spaniards
sailed from Havana, consisting of a great fleet, among which were two
half galleys, carrying one hundred and twenty men each and an
eighteen-pound gun. A part of the fleet, on June 20th, was seen off the
harbor of St. Simons, and the next day in Cumberland Sound. Oglethorpe
dispatched two companies in three boats to the relief of Fort William,
on Cumberland island, which were forced to fight their way through the
fire from the Spanish galleys. Soon after thirty-two sail came to anchor
off the bar, with the Spanish colors flying, and there remained five
days. They landed five hundred men at Gascoin's bluff, on July 5th.
Oglethorpe blew up Fort William, spiked the guns and signalled his ships
to run up to Frederica, and with his land forces retired to the same
place, where he arrived July 6th. The day following the enemy were
within a mile of Frederica. When this news was brought to Oglethorpe he
took the first horse he found and with the Highland company, having
ordered sixty men of the regiment to follow, he set off on a gallop to
meet the Spaniards, whom he found to be one hundred and seventy strong,
including forty-five Indians. With his Indian Rangers and ten
Highlanders, who outran the rest of the company, he immediately attacked
and defeated the Spaniards. After pursuing them a mile, he halted his
troops and posted them to advantage in the woods, leaving two companies
of his regiment with the Highlanders and Indians to guard the way, and
then returned to Frederica to await further movements of the enemy.
Finding no immediate movement on the part of his foes, Oglethorpe, with
the whole force then at Frederica, except such as were absolutely
necessary to man the batteries, returned to the late field of action,
and when about half way met two platoons of his troops, with the great
body of his Indians, who declared they had been broken by the whole
Spanish force, which assailed them in the woods; and the enemy were now
in pursuit, and would soon be upon them. Notwithstanding this
disheartening report, Oglethorpe continued his march, and to his great
satisfaction, found that Lieutenants Southerland and MacKay, with the
Highlanders alone, had defeated the enemy, consisting of six hundred
men, and killed more of them than their own force numbered. At first the
Spanish forces overwhelmed the colonists by their superior numbers, when
the veteran troops became seized with a panic. They made a precipitate
retreat, the Highlanders following reluctantly in the rear. After
passing through a defile, Lieutenant MacKay communicated to his friend,
Lieutenant Southerland, who commanded the rear guard, composed also of
Highlanders, the feelings of his corps, and agreeing to drop behind as
soon as the whole had passed the defile. They returned through the brush
and took post at the two points of the crescent in the road. Four
Indians remained with them. Scarcely had they concealed themselves in
the woods, when the Spanish grenadier regiment, the _elite_ of their
troops, advanced into the defile, where, seeing the footprints of the
rapid retreat of the broken troops, and observing their right was
covered by an open morass, and their left, as they supposed, by an
impracticable wall of brushwood, and a border of dry white sand, they
stacked their arms and sat down to partake of refreshments, believing
that the contest for the day was over. Southerland and MacKay, who, from
their hiding places, had anxiously watched their movements, now from
either end of the line raised the Highland cap upon a sword, the signal
for the work of death to begin. Immediately the Highlanders poured in
upon the unsuspecting enemy a well delivered and most deadly fire.
Volley succeeded volley, and the sand was soon strewed with the dead and
the dying. Terror and dismay seized the Spaniards, and making no
resistance attempted to fly along the marsh. A few of their officers
attempted, though in vain, to re-form their broken ranks; discipline was
gone; orders were unheeded; safety alone was sought; and, when, with a
Highland shout of triumph, the hidden foe burst among them with levelled
musket and flashing claymore, the panic stricken Spaniards fled in
every direction; some to the marsh, where they mired and were taken;
others along the defile, where they were met by the claymore, and still
others into the thicket, where they became entangled and perished; and a
few succeeded in escaping to their camp. Barba was taken, though
mortally wounded. Among the killed were a captain, lieutenant, two
sergeants, two drummers and one hundred and sixty privates, and a
captain and nineteen men taken prisoners. This feat of arms was as
brilliant as it was successful. Oglethorpe, with the two platoons, did
not reach the scene of action, since called the "Bloody Marsh," until
the victory was won. To show his sense of the services rendered, he
promoted the brave young officers who had gained it on the very field of
their valor. But he rested only for a few minutes, waiting for the
marines and the reserve of the regiment to come up; and then pursued the
retreating enemy to within a mile and a half of their camp. During the
night the foe retreated within the ruins of the fort, and under the
protection of their cannon. A few days later the Spaniards became so
alarmed on the appearance of three vessels off the bar that they
immediately set fire to the fort and precipitately embarked their
troops, abandoning in their hurry and confusion, several cannon, a
quantity of military stores, and even leaving unburied some of the men
who had just died of their wounds.
The massacre of Fort Moosa was more than doubly avenged, and that on the
same Spanish regiment that was then victorious. On the present occasion
they had set out from their camp with the determination to show no
quarter. In the action William MacIntosh, now sixteen years of age, was
conspicuous. No shout rose higher, and no sword waved quicker than his
on that day. The tract of land which surrounded the field of action was
afterwards granted to him.
A brief sketch of Ensign John Stuart will not be out of place in this
record and connection. During the Spanish invasion he was stationed at
Fort William, and there gained an honorable reputation in holding it
against the enemy. Afterwards he became the celebrated Captain Stuart
and father of Sir John Stuart, the victor over General Ranier, at the
battle of Maida, in Calabria. In 1757 Captain Stuart was taken prisoner
at Fort Loudon, in the Cherokee country, and whose life was saved by his
friend, Attakullakulla. This ancient chief had remembered Captain Stuart
when he was a young Highland officer under General Oglethorpe, although
years had rolled away. The Indians were now filled with revenge at the
treachery of Governor Littleton, of Carolina, on account of the
imprisonment and death of the chiefs of twenty towns; yet no actions of
others could extinguish, in this generous and high-minded man, the
friendship of other years. The dangers of that day, the thousand wiles
and accidents Captain Stuart escaped from, made him renowned among the
Indians, and centered on him the affections and confidence of the
southern tribes. It was the same Colonel John Stuart, of the
Revolutionary War, who, from Pensacola, directed at will the movements
of the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws, against all, save
Georgia. That state suffered but little from Indian aggression during
the War for Independence. Nor was that feeling extinct among the Creeks
for a period of fifty years, or until they believed that the people of
Oglethorpe had passed away.
The year 1743 opened with fresh alarms of a new invasion, jointly of the
French and Spanish. The Governor of Cuba offered to invade Georgia and
Carolina, with ten thousand men, most of whom were then in Havanna.
Oglethorpe, with his greatly reduced force, was left alone to bear the
burden of defending Georgia. Believing that a sudden blow would enhance
his prospects, he took his measures, and accordingly, on Saturday,
February 26, 1743, the detachment destined for Florida, consisting of a
portion of the Highlanders, rangers and regulars, appeared under arms at
Frederica, and on March 9th, landed in Florida. He advanced upon St.
Augustine, and used every device to decoy them into an ambush; but even
failed to provoke the garrison. Having no cannon with him, he returned
to Frederica, without the loss of a man. This expedition was attended
with great toil, fatigue and privation, but borne cheerfully. A few
slight eruptive efforts were made, but each party kept its own borders,
and the slight conflicts in America were lost in the universal
conflagration in Europe.
The Highlanders had borne more than their share of the burdens of war,
and had lost heavily. Their families had shared in their privations. The
majority had remained loyal to Oglethorpe, and proved that in every
emergency they could be depended on. In later years the losses were
partially supplied by accessions from their countrymen.
With all the advantages that Georgia offered and the inducements held
out to emigrants, the growth was very slow. In 1761 the whole number of
white inhabitants amounted to but sixty-one hundred. However, in 1773,
or twelve years later, it had leaped to eighteen thousand white and
fifteen thousand black. The reasons assigned for this increase were the
great inducements held out to people to come and settle where they could
get new and good lands at a moderate cost, with plenty of good range for
cattle, horses and hogs, and where they would not be so pent up and
confined as in the more thickly settled provinces.
The Macintoshes had ever been foremost, and in the attempt to
consolidate Georgia with Carolina they were prominent in their
opposition to the scheme.
Forty years in America had endeared the Highlanders of Darien to the
fortunes of their adopted country. The children knew of none other, save
as they heard it from the lips of their parents. Free in their
inclinations, and with their environments it is not surprising that they
should become imbued with the principles of the American Revolution.
Their foremost leader, who gained imperishable renown, was Lachlan
Macintosh, son of John Mor. His brother, William, also took a very
active part, and made great sacrifices. At one time he was pursued
beyond the Alatamaha and his negroes taken from him.
To what extent the Darien Highlanders espoused the cause of Great
Britain would be difficult to fathom, but in all probability to no
appreciable extent. The records exhibit that there were some royalists
there, although when under British sway may have been such as a matter
of protection, which was not uncommon throughout the Southern States.
The record is exceedingly brief. On May 20, 1780, Charles McDonald,
justice of peace for St. Andrew's parish (embracing Darien), signed the
address to the King. Sir James Wright, royal governor of Georgia,
writing to lord George Germain, dated February 16, 1782, says:
"Yesterday my Lord I Received Intelligence that two Partys of about
140 in the whole were gone over the Ogechee Ferry towards the
Alatamaha River & had been in St. Andrews Parish (a Scotch
settlement) & there Murdered 12 or 13 Loyal Subjects."[93]
The Highlanders were among the first to take action, and had no fears of
the calamities of war. The military spirit of their ancestors showed no
deterioration in their constitutions. During the second week in January,
1775, a district congress was held by the inhabitants of St. Andrew's
Parish (now Darien), at which a series of resolutions were passed,
embodying, with great force and earnestness, the views of the
freeholders of that large and flourishing district. These resolutions,
six in number, expressed first, their approbation of "the unparalleled
moderation, the decent, but firm and manly, conduct of the loyal and
brave people of Boston and Massachusetts Bay, to preserve their
liberty;" their approval of "all the resolutions of the Grand American
Congress," and their hearty and "cheerful accession to the association
entered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate measure that could
be adopted." The second resolution condemned the closing of the land
offices, to the great detriment of Colonial growth, and to the injury of
the industrious poor, declaring "that all encouragement should be given
to the poor of every nation by every generous American." The third,
animadverted upon the ministerial mandates which prevented colonial
assemblies from passing such laws as the general exigencies of the
provinces required, an especial grievance, as they affirmed, "in this
young colony, where our internal police is not yet well settled." The
fourth condemned the practice of making colonial officers dependent for
salaries on Great Britain, "thus making them independent of the people,
who should support them according to their usefulness and behavior." The
fifth resolution declares "our disapprobation and abhorrence of the
unnatural practice of slavery in America," and their purpose to urge
"the manumission of our slaves in this colony, upon the most safe and
equitable footing for the masters and themselves." And, lastly, they
thereby chose delegates to represent the parish in a provincial
congress, and instruct them to urge the appointment of two delegates to
the Continental Congress, to be held in Philadelphia, in May.
Appended to these resolutions were the following articles of agreement
or association:
"Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and liberties of
America depend, under God, on the firm union of the inhabitants in
its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary for its safety,
and convinced of the necessity of preventing the anarchy and
confusion which attend the dissolution of the powers of government,
we, the freemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the province of
Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed design of the Ministry
to raise a revenue in America, and shocked by the bloody scene now
acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do, in the most solemn manner,
resolve never to become slaves; and do associate, under all the ties
of religion, honor and love of country, to adopt and endeavor to
carry into execution, whatever may be recommended by the Continental
Congress, or resolved upon by our Provincial Convention that shall be
appointed, for the purpose of preserving our Constitution, and
opposing the execution of the several arbitrary and oppressive acts
of the British Parliament, until a reconciliation between Great
Britain and America, on constitutional principles, which we most
ardently desire, can be obtained; and that we will in all things
follow the advice of our general committee, to be appointed,
respecting the purposes, aforesaid, the preservation of peace and
good order, and the safety of individuals and private property."
Among the names appended to these resolutions there may be selected such
as:
Lach. McIntosh, Charles McDonald, John McIntosh, Samuel McClelland,
Jno. McCulloch, William McCullough, John McClelland, Seth McCullough.
On July 4, 1775, the Provincial Congress met at Tondee's Long Room,
Savannah. Every parish and district was represented. St. Andrew's parish
sent:
Jonathan Cochran, William Jones, Peter Tarlin, Lachlan McIntosh,
William McIntosh, George Threadcroft, John Wesent, Roderick McIntosh,
John Witherspoon, George McIntosh, Allen Stuart, John McIntosh,
Raymond Demere.
The resolutions adopted by these hardy patriots were sacredly kept.
Their deeds, however, partake more of personal narration, and only their
heroic defense need be mentioned. The following narration should not
escape special notice:
"On the last of February, 1776, the Scarborough, Hinchinbroke, St.
John, and two large transports, with soldiers, then lying at Tybee,
came up the river and anchored at five fathoms. On March 2nd, two of
the vessels sailed up the channel of Back river, The Hinchinbroke, in
attempting to go round Hutchinson's island, and so come down upon the
shipping from above, grounded at the west end of the island, opposite
Brampton. During the night there landed from the first vessel,
between two and three hundred troops, under the command of Majors
Grant and Maitland, and silently marched across Hutchinson's island,
and through collusion with the captains were embarked by four A.M.,
in the merchant vessels which lay near the store on that island. The
morning of the 3rd revealing the close proximity of the enemy caused
great indignation among the people. Two companies of riflemen, under
Major Habersham, immediately attacked the grounded vessel and drove
every man from its deck. By nine o'clock it became known that troops
had been secreted on board the merchantmen, which news created
intense excitement, and three hundred men, under Colonel McIntosh,
were marched to Yamacraw Bluff, opposite the shipping, and there
threw up a hasty breastwork, through which they trained three
four-pounders to bear upon the vessels. Anxious, however, to avoid
bloodshed, Lieutenant Daniel Roberts, of the St. John's Rangers, and
Mr. Raymond Demere, of St. Andrew's Parish, solicited, and were
permitted by the commanding officer, to go on board and demand a
surrender of Rice and his people, who, with his boat's crew, had been
forcibly detained. Although, on a mission of peace, no sooner had
they reached the vessel, on board of which was Captain Barclay and
Major Grant, than they were seized and detained as prisoners. The
people on shore, after waiting a sufficient length of time, hailed
the vessel, through a speaking-trumpet, and demanded the return of
all who were detained on board; but receiving only insulting replies,
they discharged two four-pounders at the vessel; whereupon they
solicited that the people should send on board two men in whom they
most confided, and with them they agreed to negotiate. Twelve of the
Rangers, led by Captain Screven, of the St. John's Rangers, and
Captain Baker, were immediately rowed under the stern of the vessel
and there peremptorily demanded the deputies. Incensed by insulting
language, Captain Baker fired a shot, which immediately drew on his
boat a discharge of swivels and small arms. The batteries then
opened, which was briskly answered for the space of four hours. The
next step was to set fire to the vessels, the first being the
Inverness, which drifted upon the brig Nelly, which was soon in
flames. The officers and soldiers fled from the vessels, in the
utmost precipitation across the low marshes and half-drained
rice-fields, several being killed by the grape shot played upon them.
As the deputies were still held prisoners, the Council of Safety, on
March 6th, put under arrest all the members of the Royal Council then
in Savannah, besides menacing the ships at Tybee. An exchange was not
effected until the 27th."
As already stated, Darien experienced some of the vicissitudes of war.
On April 18, 1778, a small army, under Colonel Elbert, embarked on the
galleys Washington, Lee and Bullock, and by 10 o'clock next morning,
near Frederica, had captured the brigantine Hinchinbroke, the sloop
Rebecca and a prize brig, which had spread terror on the coast.
In 1779 the parishes of St. John, St. Andrew and St. James were erected
into one county, under the name of Liberty.
In March, 1780, the royal governor, Sir James Wright, attempted to
re-establish the old government, and issued writs returnable May 5.
Robert Baillie and James Spalding were returned from St. Andrew's
parish.
The settlement of Darien practically remained a pure Highland one until
the close of the Revolution. The people proved themselves faithful and
loyal to the best interests of the commonwealth, and equal to such
exigencies as befell them. While disasters awaited them and fierce
ordeals were passed through, yet fortune eventually smiled upon them.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 78: Graham's "History of United States," Vol. II, p. 179.]
[Footnote 79: "Georgia Historical Collections," Vol. I, p. 58.]
[Footnote 80: Oglethorpe's letter to the Trustees, Feb. 13, 1786, in
"Georgia Hist. Coll.," Vol. III, p. 10.]
[Footnote 81: Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 115]
[Footnote 82: _Ibid_, Vol. III, p. 114 Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, May 6,
1741.]
[Footnote 83: Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, Dec. 21, 1738, Georgia Hist.
Society, Vol. III p. 67.]
[Footnote 84: Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 113.]
[Footnote 85: Georgia Hist. Coll. Vol. II, p. 116.]
[Footnote 86: _Ibid._]
[Footnote 87: Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Oct. 20, 1739. Georgia Hist.
Coll., Vol. III, p. 90.]
[Footnote 88: Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. II, p. 119.]
[Footnote 89: Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, Dec. 29, 1739. Georgia Hist.
Coll., Vol. III, p. 96.]
[Footnote 90: See Appendix, Note H.]
[Footnote 91: Thomas Jones, dated Savannah, Sept. 18, 1740 Georgia Hist.
Coll., Vol. I, p. 200.]
[Footnote 92: Dated April 28, 1741. Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. III, p.
113.]
[Footnote 93: Georgia Hist. Coll., Vol. III, p. 370.]
CHAPTER VII.
CAPTAIN LAUCHLAN CAMPBELL'S NEW YORK COLONY.
The fruitful soil of America, together with the prospects of a home and
an independent living, was peculiarly adapted to awaken noble
aspirations in the breasts of those who were interested in the welfare
of that class whose condition needed a radical enlargement. Among this
class of Nature's noblemen there is no name deserving of more praise
than that of Lauchlan Campbell. Although his name, as well as the
migration of his infant colony, has gone out of Islay ken, where he was
born, yet his story has been fairly well preserved in the annals of the
province of New York. It was first publicly made known by William Smith,
in his "History of New York."
Lauchlan Campbell was possessed of a high sense of honor and a good
understanding; was active, loyal, of a military disposition, and,
withal, strong philanthropic inclinations. By placing implicit
confidence in the royal governors of New York, he fell a victim to their
roguery, deception and heartlessness, which ultimately crushed him and
left him almost penniless. The story has been set forth in the following
memorial, prepared by his son:
"Memorial of Lieutenant Campbell to the Lords of Trade. To the Right
Honourable the Lords Commissioners of Trade, &c. Memorial of Lieut.
Donald Campbell of the Province of New York Plantation. Humbly
Showeth,
That in the year 1734 Colonel Cosby being then Governor of the
Province of New York by and with the advice and assent of his Council
published a printed Advertisement for encouraging the Resort of
Protestants from Europe to settle upon the Northern Frontier of the
said Province (in the route from Fort Edward to Crown Point)
promising to each family two hundred acres of unimproved land out of
100,000 acres purchased from the Indians, without any fee or expences
whatsoever, except a very moderate charge for surveying & liable only
to the King's Quit Rent of one shilling and nine pence farthing per
hundred acres, which settlement would at that time have been of the
utmost utility to the Province & these proposals were looked upon as
so advantageous, that they could not fail of having a proper effect.
That these Proposals in 1737, falling into the hands of Captain
Lauchlin Campbell of the Island of Isla, he the same year went over
to North America, and passing through the Province of Pennsilvania
where he rejected many considerable offers that were made him, he
proceeded to New York, where, tho' Governor Cosby was deceased,
George Clarke Esqr. then Governor, assured him no part of the lands
were as yet granted; importuned him & two or three persons that went
over with him to go up and visit the lands, which they did, and were
very kindly received and greatly caressed by the Indians. On his
return to New York he received the most solemn promises that he
should have a thousand acres for every family that he brought over,
and that each family should have according to their number from five
hundred to one hundred and fifty acres, but declined making any Grant
till the Families arrived, because, according to the Constitution of
that Government, the names of the settlers were to be inserted in
that Grant. Captain Campbell accordingly returned to Isla, and
brought from thence at a very large expense, his own Family and
Thirty other Families, making in all, one hundred and fifty-three
Souls. He went again to visit the lands, received all possible
respect and kindness from the Government, who proposed an old Fort
Anna to be repaired, to cover the new settlers from the French
Indians. At the same time, the People of New York proposed to
maintain the people already brought, till Captain Campbell could
return and bring more, alledging that it would be for the interest of
the Infant Colony to settle upon the lands in a large Body; that,
covered by the Fort, and assisted by the Indians, they might be less
liable to the Incursions of Enemies.
That to keep up the spirit of the undertaking, Governor Clarke, by a
writing bearing date the 4th day of December, 1738, declared his
having promised Captain Campbell thirty thousand acres of land at
Wood Creek, free of charges, except the expence of surveying & the
King's Quit Rent in consideration of his having already brought over
thirty families who according to their respective numbers in each
family, were to have from one hundred and fifty to five hundred
acres. Encouraged by this declaration, he departed in the same month
for Isla, and in August, 1739, brought over Forty Families more, and
under the Faith of the said promises made a third voyage, from which
he returned in November, 1740, bringing with him thirteen Families
the whole making eighty-three Families, composed of Four Hundred and
Twenty Three Persons, all sincere and loyal Protestants, and very
capable of forming a respectable Frontier for the security of the
Province. But after all these perilous and expensive voyages, and
tho' there wanted but Seventeen Families to complete the number for
which he had undertaken, he found no longer the same countenance or
protection but on the contrary it was insinuated to him that he could
have no land either for himself or the people, but upon conditions in
direct violation of the Faith of Government, and detrimental to the
interests of those who upon his assurances had accompanied him into
America. The people also were reduced to demand separate Grants for
themselves, which upon large promises some of them did, yet more of
them never had so much as a foot of land, and many listed themselves
to join the Expedition to Cuba.
That Captain Campbell having disposed of his whole Fortune in the
Island of Isla, expended the far greatest part of it from his
confidence in these fallacious promises found himself at length
constrained to employ the little he had left in the purchase of a
small farm seventy miles north of New York for the subsistence of
himself and his Family consisting of three sons and three daughters.
He went over again into Scotland in 1745, and having the command of a
Company of the Argyleshire men, served with Reputation under his
Royal Highness the Duke, against the Rebels. He went back to America
in 1747 and not longer after died of a broken heart, leaving behind
him the six children before mentioned of whom your Memoralist is the
eldest, in very narrow and distressed circumstances."
All these facts are briefly commemorated by Mr. Smith in his History
of the Colony of New York, page 179, where are some severe, though
just strictures on the behavior of those in power towards him and the
families he brought with him, and the loss the Province sustained by
such behavior towards them.
"That at the Commencement of the present War, your Memoralist and
both his brothers following their Father's principles in hopes of
better Fortune entered into the Army & served in the Forty Second,
Forty Eighth and Sixtieth Regiments of Foot during the whole War, at
the close of which your Memoralist and his brother George were
reduced as Lieutenants upon half pay, and their youngest Brother
still continues in the service; the small Farm purchased by their
father being the sole support of themselves and three sisters till
they were able to provide for themselves in the manner before
mentioned, and their sisters are now married & settled in the
Province of New York.
That after the conclusion of the Peace, your Memoralist considering
the number of Families dispersed through the Province which came over
with his Father, and finding in them a general disposition to settle
with him on the lands originally promised them, if they could be
obtained, in the month of February, 1763, petitioned Governor
Monckton for the said lands but was able only to procure a Grant of
ten thousand acres, (for obtaining which, he disbursed in Patent and
other fees, the sum of two hundred Guineas), the people in Power
alledging that land was now at a far greater value than at the time
of your Memoralist's Father's coming into the Province, and even this
upon the common condition of settling ten Families upon the said
lands and paying a Quit Rent to the Crown. Part however of the People
who had promised to settle with your Memoralist in case he had
prevailed, were drawn to petition for lands to themselves, which they
obtained, tho' they never could get one foot of land before, which
provision of lands as your Memoralist apprehends, ought in Equity to
be considered as an obligation on the Province to perform, so far as
the number of those Families goes, the Conditions stipulated with his
Father, as those Families never had come into & consequently could
not now be remaining in the Province, if he had not persuaded them to
accompany him, & been at a very large expence in transporting them
thither.
That there are still very many of these Families who have no land and
would willingly settle with your Memoralist. That there are numbers
of non commissioned Officers and Soldiers of the Regiments disbanded
in North America who notwithstanding His Majesty's gracious
Intentions are from many causes too long to trouble your Lordship
with at present without any settlement provided for them, and that
there are also many Families of loyal Protestants in the Islands and
other parts of North Britain which might be induced by reasonable
proposals and a certainty of their being fulfilled, to remove into
the said Province, which would add greatly to the strength, security
and opulence thereof, and be in all respects faithful and serviceable
subjects to His Majesty.
That the premisses considered, particularly the long scene of
hardships to which your Memoralist's Family has been exposed, for
Twenty Six years, in consideration of his own and his Brothers'
services, & the perils to which they have been exposed during the
long and fatiguing War, and the Prospect he still has of contributing
to the settlement of His Majesty's unimproved country, your
Memoralist humbly prays that Your Lordships would direct the
Government of New York to grant to him the said One Hundred thousand
Acres, upon his undertaking to settle One Hundred or One Hundred and
Fifty Families upon the same within the space of Three years or such
other Recompence or Relief as upon mature Deliberation on the
Hardships and Sufferings which his Father and his Family have for so
many years endured, & their merits, in respect to the Province of New
York which might be incontestably proved, if it was not universally
acknowledged, may in your great Wisdom be thought to deserve.
And your Memoralist: &c., &c., &c.[94]
May, 1764."
It was the policy of the home government to settle as rapidly as
possible the wild lands; not so much for the purpose of benefiting the
emigrant as it was to enhance the king's exchequer. The royal governors
apparently held out great inducements to the settlers, but the sequel
always showed that a species of blackmail or tribute must be paid by the
purchasers before the lands were granted. The governor was one thing to
the higher authorities, but far different to those from whom he could
reap advantage. The seeming disinterested motives may be thus
illustrated:
Under date of New York, July 26, 1736, George Clarke, lieutenant
governor of New York, writes to the duke of Newcastle, in which he says,
it was principally
"To augment his Majesty's Quit rents that I projected a Scheme to
settle the Mohacks Country in this Province, which I have the
pleasure to hear from Ireland and Holland is like to succeed. The
scheme is to give grants gratis of an hundred thousand acres of land
to the first five hundred protestant familys that come from Europe in
two hundred acres to a family, these being settled will draw
thousands after them, for both the situation and quantity of the Land
are much preferable to any in Pensilvania, the only Northern Colony
to which the Europeans resort, and the Quit rents less. Governor
Cosby sent home the proposals last Summer under the Seal of the
Province, and under his and the Council's hands, but it did not reach
Dublin till the last day of March; had it come there two months
sooner I am assured by a letter which I lately received, directed to
Governor Cosby, that we should have had two ships belonging to this
place (then lying there) loaded with people but next year we hope to
have many both from thence and Germany. When the Mohocks Country is
settled we shall have nothing to fear from Canada."[95]
The same, writing to the Lords of Trade, under date of New York, June
15, 1739, says:
"The lands whereon the French propose to settle were purchased from
Indian proprietors (who have all along been subject to and under the
protection of the Crown of England) by one Godfrey Dellius and
granted to him by patent under the seal of this province in the year
1696, which grant was afterwards resumed by act of Assembly whereby
they became vested in the Crown; on part of these lands I proposed to
settle some Scotch Highland familys who came hither last year, and
they would have been now actually settled there, if the Assembly
would have assisted them, for they are poor and want help; however as
I have promised them lands gratis, some of them about three weeks ago
went to view that part of the Country, and if they like the lands I
hope they will accept my offer (if the report of the French designs
do not discourage them:) depending upon the voluntary assistance of
the people of Albany whose more immediate interest it is to encourage
their settlement in that part of the country."[96]
That Captain Campbell would have secured the lands there can be no
question had he complied with Governor Clarke's demands, although said
demands were contrary to the agreement. Private faith and public honor
demanded the fair execution of the project, which had been so expensive
to the undertaker, and would have added greatly to the benefit of the
colony. The governor would not make the grant unless he should have his
fees and a share of the land.
The quit rent in the province of New York was fixed at two shillings six
pence for every one hundred acres. The fees for a grant of a thousand
acres were as follows: To the governor, $31.25; secretary of state, $10;
clerk of the council, $10 to $15; receiver general, $14.37; attorney
general, $7.50; making a total of about $75, besides the cost of survey.
This amount does not appear to be large for the number of acres, yet it
must be considered that land was plenty, but money very scarce. There
were thousands of substantial men who would have found it exceedingly
difficult to raise the amount in question.
It is possible that Captain Campbell could not have paid this extortion
even if he had been so disposed; but being high-spirited, he resolutely
refused his consent. The governor, still pretending to be very anxious
to aid the emigrants, recommended the legislature of the province to
grant them assistance; but, as usual, the latter was at war with the
governor, and refused to vote money to the Highlanders, which they
suspected, with good reason, the latter would be required to pay to the
colonial officers for fees.
Not yet discouraged, Captain Campbell determined to exhaust every
resource that justice might be done to him. His next step was to appeal
to the legislature for redress, but it was in vain; then he made an
application to the Board of Trade, in England, which had the power to
rectify the wrong. Here he had so many difficulties to contend with that
he was forced to leave the colonists to themselves, who soon after
separated. But all his efforts proved abortive.
The petition of Lieutenant Donald Campbell, though courteously
expressed, and eminently just, was rejected. It was claimed that the
orders of the English government positively forbade the granting of over
a thousand acres to any one person; yet that thousand acres was denied
him.
The injustice accorded to Captain Campbell was more or less notorious
throughout the province. It was generally felt there had been bad
treatment, and there was now a disposition on the part of the colonial
authorities to give some relief to his sons and daughters. Accordingly,
on November 11, 1763, a grant of ten thousand acres, in the present
township of Greenwich, Washington county, New York, was made to the
three brothers, Donald, George and James, their three sisters and four
other persons, three of whom were also named Campbell.
The final success of the Campbell family in obtaining redress inspired
others who had belonged to the colony to petition for a similar
recompense for their hardships and losses. They succeeded in obtaining a
grant of forty-seven thousand, four hundred and fifty acres, located in
the present township of Argyle, and a small part of Fort Edward and
Greenwich, in the same county.
On March 2, 1764, Alexander McNaughton and one hundred and six others of
the original Campbell emigrants and their descendants, petitioned for
one thousand acres to be granted to each of them
"To be laid out in a single tract between the head of South bay and
Kingsbury, and reaching east towards New Hampshire and westwardly to
the mountains in Warren county. The committee of the council to whom
this petition was referred reported May 21, 1764, that the tract
proposed be granted, which was adopted, the council specifying the
amount of land each individual of the petitioners should receive,
making two hundred acres the least and six hundred the most that
anyone should obtain. Five men were appointed as trustees, to divide
and distribute the land as directed. The same instrument incorporated
the tract into a township, to be called Argyle, and should have a
supervisor, treasurer, collector, two assessors, two overseers of
highways, two overseers of the poor and six constables, to be elected
annually by the inhabitants on the first day of May. The patent,
similar to all others of that period, was subject to the following
conditions:
An annual quit rent of two shillings and six pence sterling on every
one hundred acres, and all mines of gold and silver, and all pine
trees suitable for masts for the royal navy, namely, all which were
twenty-four inches from the ground, reserved to the crown."[97]
The land thus granted lies in the central part of Washington county,
with a broken surface in the west and great elevations and ridges in the
east. The soil is rich and the whole well watered.
The trustees were vested with the power to execute title deeds to such
of the grantees, should they claim the lands, the first of which were
issued during the winter and spring of 1764-5 by Duncan Reid, of the
city of New York, _gentleman_; Peter Middleton, of same city,
_physician_; Archibald Campbell, of same city, _merchant_; Alexander
McNaughton,[98] of Orange county, _farmer_; and Neil Gillaspie, of
Ulster county, _farmer_, of the one part, and the grantees of the other
part.
While the application for the grant was yet pending, the petitioners
greatly exalted over their future prospects, evolved a grand scheme for
the survey of the prospective lands, which should include a stately
street from the banks of the Hudson river on the east through the tract,
upon which each family should have a town lot, where he might not only
enjoy the protection of near neighbors, but also have that companionship
of which the Highlander is so particularly fond. In the rear of these
town lots were to be the farms, which in time were to be occupied by
tenants. The surveyors, Archibald Campbell, of Raritan, New Jersey, and
Christopher Yates, of Schenectady, who began their labors June 19, 1764,
were instructed to lay off the land as planned, the street to extend
from east to west, twenty-four rods wide and extending through the width
of the grant as near the center as practicable, and to set aside a glebe
lot for the benefit of the school master and the minister. North and
south of the street, and bordering on it, the surveyors laid off lots
running back one hundred and eighty rods, varying in width so as to
contain from twenty to sixty acres. These lots were numbered, making in
all one hundred and forty-one, seventy-two being on the south side of
the street, and the remainder on the north. The farms were also
numbered, also making one hundred and forty-one.
In the plan no allowance had been made for the rugged nature of the
country, and consequently the magnificent street was located over hills
whose proportions prevented its use as a public highway, while some of
the lots were uninhabitable.
The following is a list of the grantees, the number of the lot and its
contents being set opposite the name:
Lot. Name. Acres.
1. Catharine Campbell 250
2. Elizabeth Cargill 250
3. Allan McDonald 300
4. Neil Gillaspie 450
5. Mary Campbell 350
6. Duncan McKerwan 350
7. Ann McAnthony 250
8. Mary McGowne 300
9. Catherine McLean 300
10. Mary Anderson 300
11. Archibald McNeil 300
12. Dougall McAlpine 300
13. David Lindsey 250
14. Elizabeth Campbell 300
15. Ann McDuffie 350
16. Donald McDougall 300
17. Archibald McGowne 300
18. Eleanor Thompson 300
Lot. Name. Acres.
19. Duncan McDuffie 350
20. Duncan Reid 600
21. John McDuffie 250
22. Dougall McKallor 550
23. Daniel Johnson 350
24. Archibald Campbell 250
25. William Hunter 300
26. Duncan Campbell 300
27. Elizabeth Fraser 200
28. Alexander Campbell 350
Glebe lot 500
29. Daniel Clark 350
43. Elizabeth Campbell 300
44. Duncan McArthur 450
45. John Torrey 300
46. Malcolm Campbell 300
47. Florence McKenzie 200
48. John McKenzie 300
49. Jane Cargill 250
50. John McGowan 300
59. John McEwen 500
60. John McDonald 300
61. James McDonald 400
62. Mary Belton 300
72. Rachael Nevin 300
73. James Cargill 400
Lots 29, 43, 44, 50, and 62 are partly in the present limits of the
township of Greenwich, and the other lots, from 29 to 73, not above
enumerated, are wholly in that township and in Salem. The following lots
are located north of the street:
Lot. Name. Acres.
74. John Cargill 300
75. Duncan McDougall 300
76. Alexander Christie 350
77. Alex. Montgomery 600
78. Marian Campbell 250
79. John Gilchrist 300
80. Agnes McDougall 300
81. Duncan McGuire 500
82. Edward McKallor 500
83. Alexander Gilchrist 300
84. Archibald McCullom 350
85. Archibald McCore 300
86. John McCarter 350
87. Neil Shaw 600
88. Duncan Campbell 300
89. Roger McNeil 300
90. Elizabeth Ray 200
91. James Nutt 300
92. Donald McDuffie 350
93. George Campbell 300
94. Jane Widrow 300
95. John McDougall 400
96. Archibald McCarter 300
97. Charles McAllister 300
98. William Graham 300
99. Hugh McDougall 300
100. James Campbell 300
101. George McKenzie 400
102. John McCarter 400
103. Morgan McNeil 250
104. Malcolm McDuffie 550
105. Florence McVarick 300
106. Archibald McEwen 300
107. Neil McDonald 500
108. James Gillis 500
109. Archibald McDougall 450
110. Marian McEwen 200
111. Patrick McArthur 350
112. John McGowne, Jr 250
113. John Shaw, Sr 300
114. Angus Graham 300
115. Edward McCoy 300
116. Duncan Campbell, Jr. 300
117. Jenette Ferguson 250
118. Hugh McEloroy 200
119. Dougall Thompson 400
Lot. Name. Acres
120. Mary Graham 300
121. Robert McAlpine 300
122. Duncan Taylor 600
123. Elizabeth Caldwell 250
124. William Clark 350
124. William Clark 350
125. Barbara McAllister 300
126. Mary Anderson 300
127. Donald McMullin 450
130. John Shaw, Sr 300
131. Duncan Lindsey 300
132. Donald Shaw
133. John Campbell 300
Each of the foregoing had a "street lot," with a corresponding number,
as before mentioned, which contained one-tenth of the area of the farm
lots; that is, a lot of two hundred acres had a "street lot" of twenty
acres, and so on.
Ten lots comprehended between Nos. 127 and 146 are now within the
township of Fort Edward. The number of these lots and the persons to
whom granted were as follows, varying in area from 250 to 500 acres:
Lot 128, Duncan Shaw; 129, Alex. McDougall; 134, John McArthur; 135,
John McIntyre; 136, Catharine McIlfender; 137, Mary Hammel; 138, Duncan
Gilchrist; 139, John McIntyre; 140, Mary McLeod; 141, David Torrey.
The lots originally belonging to Argyle township, but now forming a part
of Greenwich, were numbered and allotted as follows:
Lot. Name. Acres.
30. Angus McDougall 300
31. Donald McIntyre 350
32. Alexander McNachten 600
33. John McCore 300
34. William Fraser 350
35. Mary Campbell 250
36. Duncan Campbell, Sr. 450
37. Neil McFadden 300
38. Mary Torry 250
39. Margaret McAllister 250
40. Robert Campbell, Jr 450
41. Catharine Shaw 250
51. Charles McArthur 350
52. Duncan McFadden 300
53. Roger Reed 300
54. John McCarter 300
65. Hugh Montgomery 300
66. Isabella Livingston 250
67. Catharine McCarter 250
68. Margaret Gilchrist 250
42. John McGuire 400
43. Elizabeth McNeil 200
44. Duncan McArthur 450
29. Daniel Clark 250
50. John McGowan, Sr 300
55. Ann Campbell 300
56. Archibald McCullom 350
57. Alexander McArthur 250
58. Alex McDonald 250
59. John McEwen 500
62. Mary Baine 300
63. Margaret Cargyle 300
64. Neil McEachern 450
69 Hannah McEwen 400
70. John Reid 450
71. Archibald Nevin 350
Many of the grantees immediately took possession of the lands alloted to
them; but others never took advantage of their claims, which, for a
time, were left unoccupied, and then passed into the hands of others,
who generally were left in undisputed possession. This state of affairs,
in connection with the large size of the lots, had the effect of
retarding the growth of that district.
Before the arrival of the settlers, a desperado, named Rogers, had taken
possession of a part of the lands on the Batten Kill. He warned the
people off, making various threats; but the Highlanders knowing their
titles were perfect, disregarded the menace, and set about industriously
clearing up their lands and erecting their houses. One day, when
Archibald Livingston was away, his wife was forcibly carried off by
Rogers, and set down outside the limits of the claim, who also proceeded
to remove the furniture from the premises. He was arrested by Roger
Reid, the constable, and brought before Alexander McNaughton, the
justice, which constituted the first civil process ever served in that
county. Rogers did not submit peaceably to be taken, but defended
himself with a gun, which Joseph McCracken seized, and in his endeavor
to wrest it from the hands of the ruffian, he burst the buttons from off
the waist-bands of his pantaloons, which, as he did not wear suspenders,
slipped over his feet. The little son of Rogers, fully taking in the
situation, ran up and bit McCracken, which, however, did not cause him
to desist from his purpose. Rogers was conveyed to Albany, after which
all trace of him has been lost.
The township of Argyle, embracing what is now both Argyle and Fort
Edward, was organized in 1771. The record of the first meeting bears
date April 2, 1771, and was called for the purpose of regulating laws
and choosing officers. It was called by virtue of the grant in the
Argyle patent. The officers elected were: supervisor, Duncan Campbell,
who continued until 1781, and was then succeeded by Roger Reid; town
clerk, Archibald Brown, succeeded in 1775 by Edward Patterson, who, in
turn, was succeeded in 1778 by John McNeil, and he by Duncan Gilchrist,
in 1780; collector, Roger Reid, succeeded in 1778 by Duncan McArthur,
and the latter in 1781 by Alexander Gilchrist; assessors, Archibald
Campbell and Neal Shaw; constables, John Offery, John McNiel;
poor-masters, James Gilles, Archibald McNiel; road-masters, Duncan
Lindsey, Archibald Campbell; fence viewers, Duncan McArthur, John
Gilchrist.
The following extracts from township records are not without interest:
1772.--"All men from sixteen to sixty years old to work on the roads
this year. Fences must be four feet and a half high."
1776.--"Duncan Reid is to be constable for the south part of the
patent and Alexander Gillis for the north part; George Kilmore and
James Beatty for masters. John Johnson was chosen a justice of the
peace."
1781.--"Alexander McDougall and Duncan Lindsey were elected tithing
men."
In order to make the laws more efficient, on March 12, 1772, the county
of Charlotte was struck off from Albany, which was the actual beginning
of the present county of Washington. As Charlotte county had been named
for the consort of George III. and as his troops had devastated it
during the Revolution, the title was not an agreeable one, so the state
legislature on April 2, 1784, changed it to Washington, thus giving it
the most honored appellation known in the annals of American history.
For several years after 1764 the colony on the east, and in what is now
Hebron township, was augmented by a number of discharged Highland
soldiers, mostly of the 77th Regiment, who settled on both sides of the
line of the township. It is a noticeable fact that in every case these
settlers were Scotch Highlanders. They had in all probability been
attracted to this spot partly by the settlement of the colony of Captain
Lachlan Campbell, and partly by that of the Scotch-Irish at New Perth
(Salem), which has been noted already in its proper connection. These
additional settlers took up their claims, owing to a proclamation made
by the king, in October, 1763, offering land in America, without fees,
to all such officers and soldiers who had served on that continent, and
who desired to establish their homes there.
Nothing shows more clearly than this proclamation the lofty position of
an officer in the British service at that time as compared with a
private. A field officer received four thousand acres; a captain three
thousand; a lieutenant, or other subaltern commissioned officer, two
thousand; a non-commissioned officer, whether sergeant or corporal,
dropped to two hundred acres, while the poor private was put off with
fifty acres. Fifty acres of wild land, on the hill-sides of Washington
County, was not an extravagant reward for seven years' service amidst
all the dangers and horrors of French and Indian warfare.
Many of these grants were sold by the soldiers to their countrymen.
Their method of exchange was very simple. The corporal and private would
meet by the roadside, or at a neighboring ale-house, and after greeting
each other, the American land would immediately be the subject for
barter. The private, who may be called Sandy, knew his fifty acres was
not worth the sea-voyage, while Corporal Donald, having already two
hundred, might find it profitable to emigrate, provided he could add
other tracts. After the preliminaries and the haggling had been gone
through with, Donald would draw out his long leather purse and count
down the amount, saying:
"There, mon; there's your siller."
The worthy Sandy would then dive into some hidden recess of his garments
and bring forth his parchment, signed in the name of the king by "Henry
Moore, baronet, our captain-general and governor-in-chief, in and over
our province of New York, and the lands depending thereon, in America,
chancellor and vice-admiral of the same." This document would be
promptly handed to the purchaser, with the declaration,
"An' there's your land, corporal."
Many of the soldiers never claimed their lands, which were eventually
settled by squatters, some of whom remained thereon so long that they or
their heirs became the lawful owners.
The famous controversy concerning the "New Hampshire grants," affected
the Highland settlers; but the more exciting events of the wrangle took
place outside the limits of Washington county, and consequently the
Highland settlement. This controversy, which was carried on with
acrimonious and warlike contention, arose over New York's officials'
claim to the possession of all the land north of the Massachusetts line
lying west of the Connecticut river. In 1751 both the governors of New
York and New Hampshire presented their respective claims to the
territory in dispute to the Lords of Trade in London. The matter was
finally adjusted in 1782, by New York yielding her claim.
In 1771 there were riots near the southern boundary of Hebron township,
which commenced by the forcible expulsion of Donald McIntire and others
from their lands, perpetrated by Robert Cochran and his associates. On
October 29th, same year, another serious riot took place. A warrant was
issued for the offenders by Alexander McNaughton, justice of the peace,
residing in Argyle. Charles Hutchison, formerly a corporal in
Montgomery's Highlanders, testified that Ethan Allen (afterwards
famous), and eight others, on the above date, came to his residence,
situated four miles north of New Perth, and began to demolish it.
Hutchison requested them to stop, but they declared that they would make
a burnt offering to the gods of this world by burning the logs of that
house. Allen and another man held clubs over Hutchison's head, ordered
him to leave the locality, and declared that, in case he returned, he
should be worse treated. Eight or nine other families were driven from
their homes, in that locality, at the same time, all of whom fled to New
Perth, where they were hospitably received. The lands held by these
exiled families had been wholly improved by themselves. They were driven
out by Allen and his associates because they were determined that no one
should build under a New York title east of the line they had
established as the western boundary.
Bold Ethan Allen was neither to be arrested nor intimidated by a
constable's warrant. Governor Tryon of New York offered twenty pounds
reward for the arrest of the rioters, which was as inefficient as
esquire McNaughton's warrant.
The county of Washington was largely settled by people from the New
England states. The breaking out of the Revolutionary War found these
people loyal to the cause of the patriots. The Highland settlements were
somewhat divided, but the greater part allied themselves with the cause
of their adopted country. Those who espoused the cause of the king, on
account of the atrocities committed by the Indians, were forced to flee,
and never returned save in marauding bands. There were a few, however,
who kept very quiet, and were allowed to remain unmolested.
There were no distinctive Highland companies either in the British or
Continental service from this settlement. A company of royalists was
secretly formed at Fort Edwards, under David Jones (remembered only as
being the betrothed of the lovely but unfortunate Jane McCrea), and
these joined the British forces. There were five companies from the
county that formed the regiment under Colonel Williams, one of which was
commanded by Captain Charles Hutchison, the Highland corporal whom Ethan
Allen had mobbed in 1771. In this company of fifty-two men it may be
reasonably supposed that the greater number were the sons of the
emigrants of Captain Lauchlan Campbell.
The committee of Charlotte county, in September 21, 1775, recommended to
the Provincial Congress, that the following named persons, living in
Argyle, should be thus commissioned: Alexander Campbell, captain; Samuel
Pain, first lieutenant; Peter Gilchrist, second lieutenant; and John
McDougall, ensign.
Captain Joseph McCracken, on the arrival of Burgoyne, built a fort at
New Perth, which was finished on July 26th, and called Salem Fort.
Donald, son of Captain Lauchlan Campbell, espoused the cause of the
people, but his two brothers sided with the British. Soon after all
these passed out of the district, and their whereabouts became unknown.
The bitter feelings engendered by the war was also felt in the Highland
settlement, as may be instanced in the following circumstance preserved
by S.D.W. Bloodgood:[99]
"When Burgoyne found that his boats were not safe, and were in fact
much nearer the main body of our army than his own, it became
necessary to land his provisions, of which he had already been short
for many weeks, in order to prevent his being actually starved into
submission. This was done under a heavy fire from our troops. On one
of these occasions a person by name of Mr.----, well known at Salem,
and a foreigner by birth, and who had at the very time a son in the
British army, crossed the river at De Ruyter's, with a person by name
of McNeil; they went in a canoe, and arriving opposite to the place
intended, crossed over to the western bank, on which a redoubt called
Fort Lawrence had been placed. They crawled up the bank with their
arms in their hands, and peeping over the upper edge, they saw a man
in a blanket coat loading a cart. They instantly raised their guns to
fire, an action more savage than commendable. At the moment the man
turned so as to be more plainly seen, when old M---- said to his
companion, 'Now that's my own son Hughy; but I'm dom'd for a' that if
I sill not gie him a shot,' He then actually fired at his own son, as
the person really proved to be, but happily without effect. Having
heard the noise made by their conversation and the cocking of the
pieces, which the nearness of his position rendered perfectly
practicable, he ran round the cart, and the ball lodged in the felly
of the wheel. The report drew the attention of the neighboring
guards, and the two marauders were driven from their lurking place.
While retreating with all possible speed, McNeil was wounded in the
shoulder, and, if alive, carries the wound about with him to this
day. Had the ball struck the old Scotchman, it is questionable
whether any one would have considered it more than even handed
justice commending the chalice to his own lips."
A map of Washington County would show that it was on the war path that
led to some terrible conflicts related in American history. Occupying a
part of the territory between the Hudson and the northern lakes, it had
borne the feet of warlike Hurons, Iroquois, Canadians, New Yorkers, New
Englanders, French, English, Continentals and Hessians, who proceeded in
their mission of destruction and vengeance. As the district occupied by
the Highlanders was close to the line of Burgoyne's march, it
experienced the realities of war and the tomahawk of the merciless
savage. How terrible was the work of the ruthless savage, and how
shocking the fate of those in his pathway, has been graphically related
by Arthur Reid, a native of the township of Argyle, who received the
account from an aunt, who was fully cognizant of all the facts. The
following is a condensed account:
During the latter part of the summer of 1777, a scouting party of
Indians, consisting of eight, received either a real or supposed injury
from some white persons at New Perth (now Salem), for which they sought
revenge. While prowling around the temporary fort, they were observed
and fired upon, and one of their number killed. In the presence of a
prisoner, a white man,[100] the remaining seven declared their purpose
to sacrifice the first white family that should come in their way. This
party belonged to a large body of Indians which had been assembled by
General Burgoyne, the British commander, then encamped not far distant
in a northerly direction from Crown Point. In order to inspire the
Indians with courage General Burgoyne considered it expedient, in
compliance with their custom, to give them a war-feast, at which they
indulged in the most extravagant manoeuvres, gesticulations, and
exulting vociferations, such as lying in ambush, and displaying their
rude armored devices, and dancing, and whooping, and screaming, and
brandishing their tomahawks and scalping knives.
The particular band, above mentioned, was in command of an Iroquois
chief, who, from his bloodthirsty nature, was called Le Loup, the
wolf,--bold, fiercely revengeful, and well adapted to lead a party bent
on committing atrocities. Le Loup and his band left New Perth _en route_
to the place where the van of Burgoyne's army was encamped. The family
of Duncan McArthur, consisting of himself, wife and four children, lived
on the direct route. Approaching the clearing upon which the dwelling
stood, the Indians halted in order to make preparations for their
fiendish design. Every precaution was taken, even to enhancing their
naturally ferocious appearance by painting their faces, necks and
shoulders with a thick coat of vermilion. The party next moved forward
with stealthy steps to the very edge of the forest, where again they
halted in order to mature the final plan of attack.
Fortunately for the McArthur family, on that day, two neighbors had come
for the purpose of assisting in the breaking of a horse, and, when the
Indians saw them, and also the three buildings, which they mistook for
residences, they became disconcerted. They decided as there were three
men present, and the same number of houses, there must also be three
families.
The Indians withdrew exasperated, but none the less determined to seek
vengeance. With elastic step, and in single file they pressed forward,
and an hour later came to another clearing, in the midst of which stood
a dwelling, occupied by the family of John Allen, consisting of five
persons, viz., himself and wife and three children. Temporarily with
them at the time were Mrs. Allen's sister, two negroes and a negress.
John Allen was notoriously in sympathy with the purposes of the British
king. When the Indians stealthily crept to the edge of the clearing they
observed the white men busily engaged reaping the wheat harvest. They
decided to wait until the reapers retired for dinner. Their white
prisoner begged to be spared from witnessing the scene about to be
enacted. This request was finally granted, and one of the Indians
remained with him as a guard, while the others went forward to execute
their purpose.
When the family had become seated at the table the Indians burst upon
them with a fearful yell. When the neighbors came they found the body of
John Allen a few rods from the house. Apparently he had escaped through
a back door, but had been overtaken and shot down. Nearer the house, but
in the same direction, were the bodies of Mrs. Allen, her sister, and
the youngest child, all tomahawked and scalped. The other two children
were found hidden in a bed, but also tomahawked and scalped. One of the
negroes was found in the doorway, his body gashed and mutilated in a
horrible manner. From the wounds inflicted on his body it was thought he
had made a desperate resistance. The position of the remaining two has
not been distinctly recollected.
George Kilmore, father of Mrs. Allen and owner of the negroes, who lived
three miles distant, becoming anxious on account of the prolonged
absence of his daughter and servants, on the Sunday following, sent a
negro boy on an errand of inquiry. As the boy approached the house, the
keen-scented horse, which he was riding, stopped and refused to go
farther. After much difficulty he was urged forward until his rider got
a view of the awful scene. The news brought by the boy spread rapidly,
and the terror-stricken families fled to various points for protection,
many of whom went to Fort Edward. After Burgoyne had been hemmed in, the
families cautiously returned to their former homes.
From Friday afternoon, July 25th, until Sunday morning following, the
whereabouts of Le Loup and his band cannot be determined. But on that
morning they made their appearance on the brow of the hill north of Fort
Edward, and then and there a shocking tragedy was enacted, which
thoroughly aroused the people, and formed quite an element in the
overthrow and surrender of Burgoyne's army. It was the massacre of Miss
Jane McCrea, a lovely, amiable and intelligent lady. This tragedy at
once drew the attention of all America. She fell under the blow of the
savage Le Loup, and the next instant he flung down his gun, seized her
long, luxuriant hair with one hand, with the other passed the scalping
knife around nearly the whole head, and, with a yell of triumph, tore
the beautiful but ghastly trophy from his victim's head.
It is a work of superogation to say that the Highland settlers of Argyle
were strongly imbued with religious sentiments. That question has
already been fully commented on. The colony early manifested its
disposition to build churches where they might worship. The first of
these houses were humble in their pretensions, but fully in keeping with
a pioneer settlement in the wilderness. Their faith was the same as that
promulgated by the Scotch-Irish in the adjoining neighborhood, and were
visited by the pastor of the older settlement. They do not appear to
have sustained a regular pastor until after the Peace of 1783.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 94: "Documentary and Colonial History of New York," Vol. VII,
p.630. Should 1763 be read for 1764?]
[Footnote 95: _Ibid_, p.72.]
[Footnote 96: _Ibid_, Vol. VI, p.145.]
[Footnote 97: On record in library at Albany in "Patents," Vol. IV, pp.
8-17.]
[Footnote 98: See Appendix, Note I.]
[Footnote 99: The Sexagenary, p. 110.]
[Footnote 100: Samuel Standish, who was present at the time of the
murder of Jane McCrea, and afterwards gave the account to Jared Sparks,
who records it in his "Life of Arnold." See "Library of American
Biography," Vol. III, Chap. VII.]
CHAPTER VIII.
HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT ON THE MOHAWK.
Sir William Johnson thoroughly gained the good graces of the Iroquois
Indians, and by the part he took against the French at Crown Point and
Lake George, in 1755, added to his reputation at home and abroad. For
his services to the Crown he was made a baronet and voted £5000 by the
British parliament, besides being paid £600 per annum as Indian agent,
which he retained until his death in 1774. He also received a grant of
one hundred thousand acres of land north of the Mohawk. In 1743 he built
Fort Johnson, a stone dwelling, on the same side of the river, in what
is now Montgomery county. A few miles farther north, in 1764, he built
Johnson Hall, a wooden structure, and there entertained his Indian bands
and white tenants, with rude magnificence, surrounded by his mistresses,
both white and red. He had dreams of feudal power, and set about to
realize it. The land granted to him by the king, he had previously
secured from the Mohawks, over whom he had gained an influence greater
than that ever possessed heretofore or since by a white man over an
Indian tribe. The tract of land thus gained was long known as
"Kingsland," or the "Royal Grant." The king had bound Sir William to him
by a feudal tenure of a yearly rental of two shillings and six pence for
each and every one hundred acres. In the same manner Sir William bound
to himself his tenants to whom he granted leases. In order to secure the
greatest obedience he deemed it necessary to secure such tenants as
differed from the people near him in manners, language, and religion,
and that class trained to whom the strictest personal dependence was
perfectly familiar. In all this he was highly favored. He turned his
eyes to the Highlands of Scotland, and without trouble, owing to the
dissatisfied condition of the people and their desire to emigrate, he
secured as many colonists as he desired, all of whom were of the Roman
Catholic faith. The agents having secured the requisite number,
embarked, during the month of August, 1773, for America.
A journal of the period states that "three gentlemen of the name of
Macdonell, with their families, and 400 Highlanders from the counties
(!) of Glengarry, Glenmorison, Urquhart, and Strathglass lately embarked
for America, having obtained a grant of land in Albany,"[101]
This extract appears to have been copied from the _Courant_ of August
28th, which stated they had "lately embarked for America." This would
place their arrival on the Mohawk some time during the latter part of
the following September, or first of October. The three gentlemen above
referred to were Macdonell of Aberchalder, Leek, and Collachie, and also
another, Macdonell of Scotas. Their fortunes had been shattered in "the
45," and in order to mend them were willing to settle in America. They
made their homes in what was then Tryon county, about thirty miles from
Albany, then called Kingsborough, where now is the thriving town of
Gloversville. To certain families tracts were allotted varying from one
hundred to five hundred acres, all subjected to the feudal system.
Having reached the places assigned them the Highlanders first felled the
trees and made their rude huts of logs. Then the forest was cleared and
the crops planted amid the stumps. The country was rough, but the people
did not murmur. Their wants were few and simple. The grain they reaped
was carried on horseback along Indian trails to the landlord's mills.
Their women became accustomed to severe outdoor employment, but they
possessed an indomitable spirit, and bore their hardships bravely, as
became their race. The quiet life of the people promised to become
permanent. They became deeply attached to the interests of Sir William
Johnson, who, by consummate tact soon gained a mastery over them. He
would have them assemble at Johnson Hall that they might make merry;
encourage them in Highland games, and invite them to Indian councils.
Their methods of farming were improved under his supervision; superior
breeds of stock sought for, and fruit trees planted. But Sir William, in
reality, was not with them long; for, in the autumn of 1773, he visited
England, returning in the succeeding spring, and dying suddenly at
Johnson Hall on June 24th, following.
Troubles were rising beneath all the peaceful circumstances enjoyed by
the Highlanders, destined to become severe and oppressive under the
attitude of Johnson's son and son-in-law who were men of far less
ability and tact than their father. The spirit of democracy penetrated
the valley of the Mohawk, and open threats of opposition began to be
heard. The Acts of the Albany Congress of 1774 opened the eyes of the
people to the possibilities of strength by united efforts. Just as the
spirit of independence reached bold utterance Sir William died. He was
succeeded in his title, and a part of his estates by his son John. The
dreams of Sir William vanished, and his plans failed in the hands of his
weak, arrogant, degenerate son. Sir John hesitated, temporized, broke
his parole, fled to Canada, returned to ravage the lands of his
countrymen, and ended by being driven across the border.
The death of Sir William made Sir John commandant of the militia of the
Province of New York. Colonel Guy Johnson became superintendent of
Indian affairs, with Colonel Daniel Claus, Sir William's son-in-law, for
assistant. The notorious Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) became secretary
to Guy Johnson. Nothing but evil could be predicated of such a
combination; and Sir John was not slow to take advantage of his
position, when the war cloud was ready to burst. As early as March 16,
1775, decisive action was taken, when the grand jury, judges, justices,
and others of Tryon county, to the number of thirty-three, among whom
was Sir John, signed a document, expressive of their disapprobation of
the act of the people of Boston for the "outrageous and unjustifiable
act on the private property of the India Company," and of their
resolution "to bear faith and true allegiance to their lawful Sovereign
King George the Third."[102] It is a noticeable feature that not one of
the names of Highlanders appears on the paper. This would indicate that
they were not a factor in the civil government of the county.
On May 18, 1775, the Committee of Palatine District, Tryon county,
addressed the Albany Committee of Safety, in which they affirm:
"This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one family,
the different branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading
people from coming into Congressional measures, and even have, last
week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all
their dependants armed to oppose the people considering of their
grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed,
struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed
that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns
round the same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his
regiment of Militia under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to
prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to
the cause to the world. Besides which we are told that about one
hundred and fifty Highlanders, (Roman Catholicks) in and about
Johnstown, are armed and ready to march upon the like occasion."[103]
In order to allay the feelings engendered against them Guy Johnson, on
May 18th, wrote to the Committee of Schenectady declaring "my duty is to
promote peace,"[104] and on the 20th to the Magistrates of Palatine,
making the covert threat "that if the Indians find their council fire
disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful
revenge."[105] The last letter thoroughly aroused the Committee of Tryon
county, and on the 21st stated, among other things:
"That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications round his
house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men constantly about
him, and stopping and searching travellers upon the King's highway,
and stopping our communication with Albany, is very alarming to this
County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and
unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to
keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery."[106]
On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson that his
interference with the rights of travellers would no longer be
tolerated.[107] So flagrant had been the conduct of the Johnsons that a
sub-committee of the city and county of Albany addressed a communication
on the subject to the Provincial Congress of New York.[108] On June 2nd
the Tryon County Committee addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm
"it is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge
of your province," but will not "pass over in silence the interruption
which the people of the Mohawk District met in their meeting," "and the
inhuman treatment of a man whose only crime was being faithful to his
employers."[109] The tension became still more strained between the
Johnsons and patriots during the summer.
The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy with the cause
of America, as were the people generally, in that region, who did not
come under the direct influence of the Johnsons. The inhabitants deposed
Alexander White, the Sheriff of Tryon county, who had, from the first,
made himself obnoxious. The first shot, in the war west of the Hudson,
was fired by Alexander White. On some trifling pretext he arrested a
patriot by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His
friends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him; and
from the prison they proceeded to the sheriff's lodgings and demanded
his surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, but without effect.
Immediately some forty muskets were discharged at the sheriff, with the
effect only to cause a slight wound in the breast. The doors of the
house were broken open, and just then Sir John Johnson fired a gun at
the hall, which was the signal for his retainers and Highland partisans
to rally in arms. As they could muster a force of five hundred men in a
short time, the party deemed it prudent to disperse.[110]
The royalists became more open and bolder in their course, throwing
every impediment in the way of the Safety Committee of Tryon county, and
causing embarrassments in every way their ingenuity could devise. They
called public meetings themselves, as well as to interfere with those of
their neighbors; all of which caused mutual exasperation, and the
engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who now ranged
themselves with the opposing parties.
On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a series of
questions for Sir John Johnson to answer.[111] These questions, with Sir
John's answers, were embodied by the Committee in a letter to the
Provincial Congress of New York, under date of October 28th, as follows:
"As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or rather
desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of the three
following articles, viz:
1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form themselves into
Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress,
to the defence of our Country's cause;
2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist personally in
the same purpose;
3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County Court-House and
Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our County to
make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in our
common cause;
We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent three
members of our Committee with the aforementioned questions contained
in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John, thereupon, the
following answer:
1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had
denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor would
yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but
he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his
property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds--which being out of his
pocket for the building of the same.
2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he never did
forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure;
but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure they would
not.
3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would sign any
association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would
rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied,
that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose
it; and also mentions that there have many unfair means been used for
signing the Association, and uniting the people; for he was informed
by credible gentlemen in New-York, that they were obliged to unite,
otherwise they could not live there. And that he was also informed,
by good authority, that likewise two-thirds of the Canajoharie and
German Flatts people have been forced to sign; and, by his opinion,
the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined
them.
Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people to sign
in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and it appears by
itself rediculous that one-third should have forced two-thirds to
sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was offered to any
one, after signing, that the regretters could any time have their
names crossed, upon their requests.
We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declarations to
your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and advice,
for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we
mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking
behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue,
under the authority of said Sir John."[112]
The attitude of Sir John had become such that the Continental Congress
deemed it best, on December 30th to order General Schuyler "to take the
most speedy and effective measures for securing the said Arms and
Military Stores, and for disarming the said Tories, and apprehending
their chiefs."[113] The action of Congress was none too hasty; for in a
letter from Governor William Tryon of New York to the earl of Dartmouth,
under date of January 5, 1776, he encloses the following addressed to
himself:
"Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my
excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Excellency the
bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of many
particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to
writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now
worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the
many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me
to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the
propriety of which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better
judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to
honour me with for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty
of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this
quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have
a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have
now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan--We must however
not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money,
necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution, all of
which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of everything that has been
done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the
papers you are soon to sail for England I despair of having the
pleasure to pay my respect to you but most sincerely wish you an
Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am.
Your Excellency's most obedient
humble Servant,
John Johnson."[114]
General Schuyler immediately took active steps to carry out the orders
of Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very lengthy and detailed
report to that body.[115] Although he had no troops to carry into
execution the orders of Congress, he asked for seven hundred militia,
yet by the time he reached Caughnawaga, there were nearly three thousand
men, including the Tryon county militia. Arriving at Schenectady, he
addressed, on January 16th, a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting him
to meet him on the next day, promising safe conduct for him and such
person as might attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen miles
beyond Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the leading
Highlanders and two or three others, to whom General Schuyler delivered
his terms. After some difficulty, in which the Mohawk Indians figured as
peacemakers, Sir John Johnson and Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed a
paper agreeing "upon his word and honor immediately deliver up all
cannon, arms, and other military stores, of what kind soever, which may
be in his own possession," or that he may have delivered to others, or
that he knows to be concealed; that "having given his parole of honour
not to take up arms against America," "he consents not to go to the
westward of the German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders') District," but
to every other part to the southward he expects the privilege of going;
agreed that the Highlanders shall, "without any kind of exception,
immediately deliver up all arms in their possession, of what kind
soever," and from among them any six prisoners may be taken, but the
same must be maintained agreeable to their respective rank.
[Illustration: Johnson Hall.]
On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to Johnstown, and in the
afternoon the arms and military stores in Sir John's possession were
delivered up. On the next day, at noon, General Schuyler drew his men up
in the street, "and the Highlanders, between two and three hundred,
marched to the front, where they grounded their arms;" when they were
dismissed "with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct which
could insure them protection." On the 21st, at Cagnuage, General
Schuyler wrote to Sir John as follows:
"Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (Highlanders)
people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broadswords when they
came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were
possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will
charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful
omission. Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained
by their immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which
requires that all arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up.
After having been informed by you, at our first interview, that the
Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a little
surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had none
to furnish them with. These observations were immediately made by
others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences
which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on
the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this
subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as
may be."
Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth, February 7th, that
General Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the 24th of last month, where
Sr John had mustered near Six hundred men, from his Tenants and
neighbours, the majority highlanders, after disarming them and taking
four pieces of artillery, ammunition and many Prisoners, with 360
Guineas from Sr John's Desk, they compelled him to enter into a Bond in
1600 pound Sterling not to aid the King's Service, or to remove within a
limited district from his house."[116]
The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the McDonells made
prisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), Allan McDonell, Jur.,
Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, Archibald McDonell, and John
McDonell, all of whom were sent to Reading, Pennsylvania, with their
three servants, and later to Lancaster.[117]
Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him his vast
estates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, and the
savage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being incapable of
forecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, plunged headlong
into the conflict, and dragged his followers into the horrors of war.
General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, stating that the evidence
had been placed in his hands that he had been exciting the Indians to
hostility, and promising to defer taking steps until a more minute
inquiry could be made he begged Sir John "to be present when it was
made," which would be on the following Monday.
Sir John's actions were such that it became necessary to use stringent
measures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his instructions to
Colonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johnstown, "and give notice
to the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity of the town, to repair to
it; and when any number are collected there, you will send off their
baggage, infirm women and children, in wagons." Sir John was to be taken
prisoner, carefully guarded and brought to Albany, but "he is by no
means to experience the least ill-treatment in his own person, or those
of his family."[118] General Schuyler had previously written (May 10th)
to Sir John intimating that he had "acted contrary to the sacred
engagements you lay under to me, and through me to the publick," and
have "ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany."[119] The
reason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by General
Schuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald (Allan of
Collachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name now in Tryon
County, has applied to Congress that those people with their families
may be moved from thence and subsisted."[120] To this Sir John replied
as follows:
"Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776.
Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received your letter
by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald had desired to
have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon, removed and
subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and
have been, for near two years supported by me with every necessary,
by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand
pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in
peace. As they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse
to comply with his extraordinary request; therefore beg there may be
no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look
upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs.
McDonald showed me a letter from her husband, written since he
applied to the Congress for leave to return to their families, in
which he mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended
entirely upon you; he then desired that their families might be
brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to
moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of.
Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself
nor any of the other families would choose to go down.
I am, sir, your very humble servant,
John Johnson."[121]
Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th, and as he says, in his
report to General John Sullivan, he immediately sent "a letter to Sir
John Johnson, informing him that I had arrived with a body of troops to
guard the Highlanders to Albany, and desired that he would fix a time
for their assembling. When these gentlemen came to Johnson Hall they
were informed by Lady Johnson that Sir John Johnson had received General
Schuyler's letter by the express; that he had consulted the Highlanders
upon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to deliver
themselves as prisoners, but to go another way, and that Sir John
Johnson had determined to go with them. She added that, that if they
were pursued they were determined to make an opposition, and had it in
their power, in some measure."[122]
The approach of Colonel Dayton's command caused great commotion among
the inhabitants of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir John determined to
decamp, take with him as many followers as possible, and travel through
the woods to Canada. Lieutenant James Gray, of the 42nd Highlanders,
helped to raise the faithful bodyguard, and all having assembled at the
house of Allen McDonell of Collachie started through the woods. The
party consisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to serve as
guides, one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and twenty
others.[123] The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden than Sir
John anticipated. Having but a brief period for their preparation, the
party was but illy prepared for their flight. He did not know whether or
not the royalists were in possession of Lake Champlain, therefore the
fugitives did not dare to venture on that route to Montreal; so they
were obliged to strike deeper into the forests between the headwaters of
the Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted;
their feet soon became sore from the rough travelling; and several were
left in the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians who
were afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days of great
hardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable condition, having
endured as much suffering as seemed possible for human nature to
undergo.
Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid the Highest
possible compliment to the kindness and good intentions of the patriots,
when they deserted their families and left them to face the foe. When
the flight was brought to the attention of General Schuyler, he wrote to
Colonel Dayton, May 27, in which he says:
"I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he suggests
the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their
habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but
prudence dictates that this should be done under certain
restrictions. These people have been taught to consider us in
politicks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a
religious relation, viz: that no faith is to be kept with either. I
do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to
remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given, at least
five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those
that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of
our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe; but if
an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to numbers,
by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am, however, so
well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these
matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence
obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as
circumstances may occur."[124]
Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and there held as a
hostage until the following December when she was permitted to go to New
York, then in the hands of the British. Nothing is related of any of the
Highlanders being taken at that time to Albany, but appear to have been
left in peaceable possession of their lands.
As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the Highland
settlement became the source of information and the base of supplies for
the enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, finding there a welcome
reception. The trail leading from there and along the Sacandaga and
through the Adirondack woods, soon became a beaten path from its
constant use. The Highland women gave unstintingly of their supplies,
and opened their houses as places of retreat. Here were planned the
swift attacks upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west.
Agents of the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes became
one of the resting places for refugees on their way to Canada. This
state of affairs could not be concealed from the Americans, who, none
too soon, came to view the whole neighborhood as a nest of treason.
Military force could not be employed against women and children (for
from time to time nearly all the men had left), but they could be
removed where they would do but little harm. General Schuyler discussed
the matter with General Herkimer and the Tryon County Committee, when it
was decided to remove of those who remained "to the number of four
hundred." A movement of this description could not be kept a secret,
especially when the troops were put in motion. In March, 1777, General
Schuyler had permitted both Alexander and John MacDonald to visit their
families. Taking the alarm, on the approach of the troops, in May, they
ran off to Canada, taking with them the residue of the Highlanders,
together with a few of the German neighbors. The journey was a very long
and tedious one, and very painful for the aged, the women, and the
children. They were used to hardships and bore their sufferings without
complaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very existence was almost
forgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and cultivated there is
not a single tradition concerning them.
From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B, Vol. 158, p. 351,
of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some of the families,
previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted in the two following
petitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, date not given although
first is simply dated "27th July," and second endorsed "27th July":
"To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Commander in Chief
of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the Frontiers thereof,
The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in the King's
Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth,
That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at present
detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province of
New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive
from the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which
situation they have been since 1777.
And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of his brother,
Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that the
family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and
about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the
assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady,
merchant, they must have perished.
Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency will be
graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said families
into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand them
in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement,
as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your
Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound.
John Macdonell,
Alexander Macdonell."
"To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel Commander of
the King's Royal Regiment of New York.
The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth,--
That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto subscribed,
have families in different places of the Counties of Albany and
Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the enemies of
Government.
Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be pleased to
procure permission for them to come to Canada,
And your petitioners will ever pray.
John McGlenny, Thomas Ross. Alexander Cameron, Frederick Goose, Wm.
Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan McIntire, Andrew Mileross, Donald
McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John McDonald,
Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff,
William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald
Ross, Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant."
The names and number of each family intended in the written
petition:--
Name of Family Consisting of No
1, Duncan McIntyre's Wife, Sister and Child 3
2, John Christy's Wife and 3 Children 4
3, George Mordoffs " and 6 " 7
4, Daniel Campbell's " and 5 " 6
5, Andrew Milross' Wife 1
6, William Urghad's Wife and 3 " 4
7, Donald McCarter's " and 3 " 4
8, Donald Ross' " and 1 Child 2
9, Allan Grant's " and 1 Child 2
10, William Chissim's " and 1 " 2
11, Donald Chissim's " and 2 Children 3
12, Hugh Chissim's " and 5 " 6
13, Roderick McDonald's " and 4 " 5
14, Angus Grant's " and 5 " 6
15, Alexander Grant's " and 4 " 5
16, Donald Grant's " and 4 " 5
17, John McDonald's Wife 1
18, John McGlenny's " and 2 " 3
19, Alexander Ferguson's " and 5 " 6
20, Thomas Ross' " and 4 " 5
21, Thomas Taylor's " and 1 Child 2
22, Alexander Cameron's " and 3 Children 4
23, William Cameron's " and 3 " 4
24, Frederick Goose's " and 4 " 5
Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was apprehended and sent
to Schenectady, and in 1780 managed to escape, and made her way to New
York. Before she was taken, and while her husband was still a prisoner
of war, she appears to have been the chief person who had charge of the
settlement, after the men had fled with Sir John Johnson. A letter of
hers has been preserved, which is not only interesting, but throws some
light on the action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to Major Jellis
Fonda, at Caughnawaga.
"Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this purpose,
concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners. There
was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in
your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the
people to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they
will never consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His
Excellency was pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of
them to return to their farms, and that they should be no more
troubled nor molested during the war. To this they agreed, and have
not done anything against the country, nor intend to, if let alone.
If not, they will lose their lives before being taken prisoners
again. They begged the favour of me to write to Major Fonda and the
gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They blame neither the
one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows
amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing, in order to
ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to
your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not
know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not
prevented. Only think what daily provocation does.
Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda.
I am, Sir, Your humble servant, Callachie, 15th March, 1777. Helen
McDonell."[125]
Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in Montreal, with his
party who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a Colonel in the
British service. At once he set about to organize a regiment composed of
those who had accompanied him, and other refugees who had followed their
example. This regiment was called the "King's Royal Regiment of New
York," but by Americans was known as "The Royal Greens," probably
because the facings of their uniforms were of that color. In the
formation of the regiment he was instructed that the officers of the
corps were to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who were
distressed by the war; but there were to be no pluralities of
officers,--a practice then common in the British army.
In this regiment, Butler's Rangers, and the Eighty-Fourth, or Royal
Highland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the Highland gentlemen who
had, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, received commissions, as well
as those who had previously had joined the ranks. After the war proper
returns of the officers were made, and from these the following tables
have been extracted. The number of private soldiers of the same name are
in proportion.
"FIRST BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK.
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity| |
------------------------------------|-------|-----------------------------
Captain|Alexander Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs.|200 acres of land in fee
| (Aberchalder) | | | simple, under Sir John
| | | | Johnson, at yearly annual
| | | | rent of £6 per 100.
Captain|Angus Macdonell |Scotland|25 yrs.|Ensign in 60th Regt., 8th
| | | | July, 1760; Lieut. in
| | | | do. Dec 27, 1770; sold
| | | | out on account of bad
| | | | health, May 22, 1775.
| | | | Had no lands.
Captain|John Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had landed property, 500
| (Scotas) | | | acres, purchased and
| | | | began to improve in
| | | | April, 1774.
Captain|Archibald Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant; had no lands.
| (Leek) | | |
Captain|Allen Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had 200 acres in fee
Lieut | (Leek) | | | simple, under Sir John,
| | | | at £6 per 100 acres.
Lieut |Hugh Macdonell |Scotland| 7 yrs.|Son of Captain Macdonell
| (Aberchalder) | | |
Ensign |Miles Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Son of Captain John
| (Scotas) | | | Macdonell.
==========================================================================
SECOND BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity| |
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------
Captain|James Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held ---- acres in fee simple,
| | | | under Sir John, at
| | | | £6 per 100 acres.
Lieut |Ronald Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Farmer.
| (Leek) | | |
==========================================================================
CORPS OF BUTLER'S RANGERS, COMMANDED BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
JOHN BUTLER
-------|-------------------|---------|-------|----------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|------|----------------------------
Captain|John Macdonell |Inverness-|9 yrs.|Came to America with
| (Aberchalder) |shire | | his father and other
| |Scotland | | Highlanders in 1773,
| | | | settled in Tryon County,
| | | | near Johnstown, in
| | | | the Province of New
| | | | York; entered His
| | | | Majesty's Service as a
| | | | Subaltern Officer, June
| | | | 14, 1775, in the 84th
| | | | or Royal Highland
| | | | Emigrants.
First | | | |
Lieut. |Alexander Macdonell|Inverness-|7 yrs.|Came to America with
| (Collachie) |shire | | his father and other
| |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in
| | | | 1773, settled in Tryon
| | | | County, near Johnstown,
| | | | in the Province
| | | | of New York; entered
| | | | His Majesty's Service
| | | | as a Volunteer in the
| | | | 84th or Royal Highland
| | | | Emigrants.
Second | | | |
Lieut. |Chichester |Inverness-|6 yrs.|Came to America with
| Macdonell |shire | | his father and other
| (Aberchalder) |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in
| | | | 1773, and settled near
| | | | Johnstown; entered
| | | | His Majesty's Service
| | | | as a Volunteer in the
| | | | King's Royal Regiment
| | | | of New York in
| | | | the year 1778.
=======|===================|==========|======|============================
EIGHTY-FOURTH OR ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
Rank | NAME | Place of |Service| REMARKS
| | Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Captain|Allan Macdonell | | |Prisoner at Lancaster in
| (Collachie) | | | Pennsylvania.
Lieut. |Ronald Macdonell | |40 yrs.|
Lieut. |Arch'd Macdonell | | 8 yrs.|
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS
| |Nativity | |
-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------
Lieut |Angus Macdonell | | | "[126]
=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================
In the month of January, following his flight into Canada, Sir John
Johnson found his way into the city of New York. From that time he
became one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his countrymen
engaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the scourge of his former
neighbors--in all of which his Highland retainers bore a prominent part.
In savage cruelty, together with Butler's Rangers, they outrivalled
their Indian allies. The aged, the infirm, helpless women, and the
innocent babe in the cradle, alike perished before them. In all this the
MacDonells were among the foremost. Such warfare met the approval of the
British Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in relating their
achievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George Germain,
November 11, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his conference with
Sir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there appeared little
prospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing the frontiers with
detached partys."[127] In all probability none of the official reports
related the atrocities perpetrated under the direction of the minor
officers.
Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of the Mohawk
Highlanders, and especially all who decamped from Johnstown with Sir
John Johnson, and Butler's Rangers had a fair percentage of the same, it
is not necessary to enter into a detailed account of their achievements,
because neither was essentially Highlanders. Their movements were not
always in a body, and the essential share borne by the Highlanders have
not been recorded in the papers that have been preserved. Individual
deeds have been narrated, some of which are here given.
The Royal Greens and Butler's Rangers formed a part of the expedition
under Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against Fort Schuyler in
order to create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne's army then on
its march towards Albany. In order to relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix)
General Herkimer with a force of eight hundred was dispatched and, on
the way, met the army of St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the
3rd St. Leger encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteen
hundred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions were not
taken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was enforced by his
wary enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a desperate conflict ensued.
During the conflict Colonel Butler attempted a _ruse-de guerre_, by
sending, from the direction of the fort, a detachment of The Royal
Greens, disguised as American troops, in expectation that they might be
received as reenforcements from the garrison. They were first noticed by
Lieutenant Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier;
but the quick eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greens
continued to advance until hailed by Gardenier, at which moment one of
his own men observing an acquaintance in the opposing ranks, and
supposing them to be friends, ran to meet him, and presented his hand.
The credulous fellow was dragged into their lines and notified that he
was a prisoner.
"He did not yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watching
the action and the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from his
spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man. Others of
the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and wounded
the third. Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and one of
his spurs becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the
ground. Still, contending, however, with almost super-human strength,
both of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of two
of his assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, as
if to thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by a
sudden wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where he held him
as a shield against the arms of the others, until one of his own men,
Adam Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the rescue. As the
assailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his
seat; and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the
bayonet which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying by
his side, and quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side of
the assailant with whom he had been clenched. The man fell and
expired--proving to be Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalist
officers from Tryon county."[128]
This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage by General
Schuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run off the
remainder of the Highlanders to Canada, as previously noticed. June 19,
1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in The Royal Greens.[129]
During the engagement thirty of The Royal Greens fell near the body of
McDonald. The loss of Herkimer was two hundred killed, exclusive of the
wounded and prisoners. The royalist loss was never given, but known to
be heavy. The Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom were
sachems held in great favor. The Americans retained possession of the
field owing to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort Schuyler on the
camp of St. Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger receiving alarming reports of
the advance of General Arnold suddenly decamped from before Fort
Schuyler, leaving his baggage behind him. Indians, belonging to the
expedition followed in the rear, tomahawking and scalping the
stragglers; and when the army did not run fast enough, they accelerated
the speed by giving their war cries and fresh alarms, thus adding
increased terror to the demoralized troops. Of all the men that Butler
took with him, when he arrived in Quebec he could muster but fifty. The
Royal Greens also showed their numbers greatly decimated.
Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain Angus McDonell of
The Royal Greens.[130] For greater security he was transferred to the
southern portion of the State. On October 12th following, at Kingston,
he gave the following parole to the authorities:
"I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal American
regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and enlarged
on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will continue
within one mile of the house of Jacobus Hardenburgh, and in the town
of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act,
matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and
further, that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor
of the state of New York or the president of the Council of Safety
of the said state shall direct, and that I will observe this my
parole until released, exchanged or otherwise ordered.
Angus McDonell."
[Illustration: The Valley of the Wyoming.]
The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen McDonald, ensign in
the same company were transferred to Reading, Pennsylvania. The former
was probably released or exchanged for he was with the regiment when it
was disbanded at the close of the War. What became of the latter is
unknown. Probably neither of them were Sir John Johnson's tenants.
The next movement of special importance relates to the melancholy story
of Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas Campbell in his "Gertrude of
Wyoming." Towards the close of June 1778 the British officers at Niagara
determined to strike a blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For this
purpose an expedition of about three hundred white men under Colonel
John Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for the
scene of action. Just what part the McDonells took in the Massacre of
Wyoming is not known, nor is it positive any were present; but belonging
to Butler's Rangers it is fair to assume that all such participated in
those heartrending scenes which have been so often related. It was a
terrible day and night for that lovely valley, and its beauty was
suddenly changed into horror and desolation. The Massacre of Wyoming
stands out in bold relief as one of the darkest pictures in the whole
panorama of the Revolution.
While this scene was being enacted, active preparations were pushed by
Alexander McDonald for a descent on the New York frontiers. It was the
same Alexander who has been previously mentioned as having been
permitted to return to the Johnstown settlement, and then assisted in
helping the remaining Highland families escape to Canada. He was a man
of enterprise and activity, and by his energy he collected three hundred
royalists and Indians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers.
Houses were burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands were
either killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirsty
character of this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New York,"
as follows:
"On the morning of October 25, 1781, a large body of the enemy under
Maj. Ross, entered Johnstown with several prisoners, and not a little
plunder; among which was a number of human scalps taken the afternoon
and night previous, in settlements in and adjoining the Mohawk
valley; to which was added the scalp of Hugh McMonts, a constable,
who was surprised and killed as they entered Johnstown. In the course
of the day the troops from the garrisons near and militia from the
surrounding country, rallied under the active and daring Willett, and
gave the enemy battle on the Hall farm, in which the latter were
finally defeated with loss, and made good their retreat into Canada.
Young Scarsborough was then in the nine months' service, and while
the action was going on, himself and one Crosset left the Johnstown
fort, where they were on garrison duty, to join in the fight, less
than two miles distant. Between the Hall and woods they soon found
themselves engaged. Crosset after shooting down one or two, received
a bullet through one hand, but winding a handkerchief around it he
continued the fight under cover of a hemlock stump. He was shot down
and killed there, and his companion surrounded and made prisoner by a
party of Scotch (Highlanders) troops commanded by Captain McDonald.
When Scarsborough was captured, Capt. McDonald was not present, but
the moment he saw him he ordered his men to shoot him down. Several
refused; but three, shall I call them men? obeyed the dastardly
order, and yet he possibly would have survived his wounds, had not
the miscreant in authority cut him down with his own broadsword. The
sword was caught in its first descent, and the valiant captain drew
it out, cutting the hand nearly in two."[131]
This was the same McDonald who, in 1779, figured in the battle of the
Chemung, together with Sir John and Guy Johnson and Walter N. Butler.
Just what part the Mohawk Highlanders, if any, had in the Massacre of
Cherry Valley on October 11, 1778, may not be known. The leaders were
Walter N. Butler, son of Colonel John Butler, who was captain of a
company of Rangers, and the monster Brant.
Owing to the frequent depredations made by the Indians, the Royal
Greens, Butler's Rangers, and the independent company of Alexander
McDonald, upon the frontiers, destroying the innocent and helpless as
well as those who might be found in arms, Congress voted that an
expedition should be sent into the Indian country. Washington detached a
division from the army under General John Sullivan to lay waste that
country. The instructions were obeyed, and Sullivan did not cease until
he found no more to lay waste. The only resistance he met with that was
of any moment was on August 29, 1779, when the enemy hoping to ambuscade
the army of Sullivan, brought on the battle of Chemung, near the present
site of Elmira. There were about three hundred royalists under Colonel
John Butler and Captain Alexander McDonald, assisting Joseph Brant who
commanded the Indians. The defeat was so overwhelming that the royalists
and Indians, in a demoralized condition sought shelter under the walls
of Fort Niagara.
The lower Mohawk Valley having experienced the calamities of border wars
was yet to feel the full measures of suffering. On Sunday, May 21,
1780, Sir John Johnson with some British troops, a detachment of Royal
Greens, and about two hundred Indians and Tories, at dead of night fell
unexpectedly on Johnstown, the home of his youth. Families were killed
and scalped, the houses pillaged and then burned. Instances of daring
and heroism in withstanding the invaders have been recorded.
Sir John's next achievement was in the fall of the same year, when he
descended with fire and sword into the rich settlements along the
Schoharie. He was overtaken by the American force at Klock's Field and
put to flight.
Sir John Johnson with the Royal Greens, principally his former tenants
and retainers, appear to have been especially stimulated with hate
against the people of their former homes who did not sympathize with
their views. In the summer of 1781 another expedition was secretly
planned against Johnstown, and executed with silent celerity. The
expedition consisted of four companies of the Second battalion of Sir
John's regiment of Royal Greens, Butler's Rangers and two hundred
Indians, numbering in all about one thousand men, under the command of
Major Ross. He was defeated at the battle of Johnstown on October 25th.
The army of Major Ross, for four days in the wilderness, on their
advance had been living on only a half pound of horse flesh per man per
day; yet they were so hotly pursued by the Americans that they were
forced to trot off a distance of thirty miles before they
stopped,--during a part of the distance they were compelled to sustain a
running fight. They crossed Canada Creek late in the afternoon, where
Walter N. Butler attempted to rally the men. He was shot through the
head by an Oneida Indian, who was with the Americans. When Captain
Butler fell his troops fled in the utmost confusion, and continued their
flight through the night. Without food and even without blankets they
had eighty miles to traverse through the dreary and pathless wilderness.
On August 6, 1781, Donald McDonald, one of the Highlanders who had fled
from Johnstown, made an attempt upon Shell's Bush, about four miles
north of the present village of Herkimer, at the head of sixty-six
Indians and Tories. John Christian Shell had built a block-house of his
own, which was large and substantial, and well calculated to withstand
a seige. The first story had no windows, but furnished with loopholes
which could be used to shoot through by muskets. The second story
projected over the first, so that the garrison could fire upon an
advancing enemy, or cast missiles upon their heads. The owner had a
family of six sons, the youngest two were twins, and only eight years
old. Most of his neighbors had taken refuge in Fort Dayton; but this
settler refused to leave his home. When Donald McDonald and his party
arrived at Shell's Bush his brother with his sons were at work in the
field; and the children, unfortunately were so widely separated from
their father, as to fall into the hands of the enemy.
"Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their castle, and
barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the battle. The
besieged were well armed, and all behaved with admirable bravery; but
none more bravely than Shell's wife, who loaded the pieces as her
husband and sons discharged them. The battle commenced at two
o'clock, and continued until dark. Several attempts were made by
McDonald to set fire to the castle, but without success, and his
forces were repeatedly driven back by the galling fire they received.
McDonald at length procured a crow-bar and attempted to force the
door; but while thus engaged he received a shot in the leg from
Shell's Blunderbuss, which put him _hors du combat_. None of his men
being sufficiently near at the moment to rescue him, Shell, quick as
lightning, opened the door, and drew him within the walls a prisoner.
The misfortune of Shell and his garrison was, that their ammunition
began to run low; but McDonald was very amply provided, and to save
his own life, he surrendered his cartridges to the garrison to fire
upon his comrades. Several of the enemy having been killed and others
wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his troops,
moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured that,
so long as he had the commanding officer of the beseigers in his
possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, he
ceased firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn which was a
favorite of Luther during the perils and afflictions of the Great
Reformer in his controversies with the Pope. While thus engaged the
enemy likewise ceased firing. But they soon after rallied again to
the fight, and made a desperate effort to carry the fortress by
assault. Rushing up to the walls, five of them thrust the muzzles of
their guns through the loopholes, but had no sooner done so, than
Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe, by quick and well directed blows ruined
every musket thus thrust through the walls, by bending the barrels.
A few more well-directed shots by Shell and his sons once more drove
the assailants back. Shell thereupon ran up to the second story, just
in the twilight, and calling out to his wife with a loud voice,
informed her that Captain Small was approaching from Fort Dayton with
succors. In yet louder notes he then exclaimed--'Captain Small march
your company round upon this side of the house. Captain Getman, you
had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon that
side.' There were of course no troops approaching; but the directions
of Shell were given with such precision, and such apparent
earnestness and sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, and the
enemy immediately fled to the woods, taking away the twin-lads as
prisoners. Setting the best provisions they had before their
reluctant guest. Shell and his family lost no time in repairing to
Fort Dayton, which they reached in safety--leaving McDonald in the
quiet possession of the castle he had been striving to capture in
vain. Some two or three of McDonald's Indians lingered about the
premises to ascertain the fate of their leader; and finding that
Shell and his family had evacuated the post, ventured in to visit
him. Not being able to remove him, however, on taking themselves off,
they charged their wounded leader to inform Shell, that if he would
be kind to him, (McDonald,) they would take good care of his
(Shell's) captive boys. McDonald was the next day removed to the fort
by Captain Small, where his leg was amputated; but the blood could
not be stanched, and he died within a few hours. The lads were
carried away into Canada. The loss of the enemy on the ground was
eleven killed and six wounded. The boys, who were rescued after the
war, reported that they took twelve of their wounded away with them,
nine of whom died before they arrived in Canada. McDonald wore a
silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him by Shell. It was
marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few Indians could have
been more industrious than himself in gathering that description of
military trophies."[132]
The close of the Revolution found the First Battalion of the King's
Regiment of New York stationed at Isle aux Noix and Carleton Island with
their wives and children to the number of one thousand four hundred and
sixty-two. The following is a list of the officers of both Battalions at
the close of the War:
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL
REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Lt |Sir John Johnson |America | 8 yrs.|Succeeded his father, the late
Col | Bart | | | Sir Wm. Johnson, as a
Com | | | | Maj. Gen. of the Northern
Lt | | | | Dis. of the Prov. of New
| | | | York; was in possession
| | | | of nearly 200,000 acres of
| | | | valuable land, lost in
| | | consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Maj |James Gray |Scotland|26 yrs.|Ensign in Lord London's
| | | | Regt., 1745; Lieut, and
| | | | Capt. in ye 42nd till after
| | | | taking the Havannah, at
| | | | which time he sold out.
| | | | Had some landed property,
| | | | part of which is secured
| | | | to his son, ye remnant
| | | | lost in consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Capt |Angus McDonell |Scotland|25 yrs.|Ensign in 60th Regt. July
| | | | 8th, 1760; Lieut, in same
| | | | regt., 27th Dec., 1770.
| | | | Sold out on account of bad
| | | | state of health, 22nd May,
| | | | 1775. Had no lands.
Capt |John Munro |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had considerable landed
| | | | property, lost in
| | | | consequence of ye Rebellion,
| | | | and served in last war in
| | | | America.
Capt |Patrick Daly |Ireland | 9 yrs.|Lieut, in the 84th Regt. at
| | | | the Siege of Quebec,
| | | | 1775-76.
Capt |Richard Duncan |Scotland|13 yrs.|Five years Ensign in the
| | | | 56th Regiment.
Capt |Sam'l. Anderson |America | 8 yrs.|Had landed property, and
| | | | served in last war in
| | | | America.
Capt |John McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Had landed property, 500
| | | | acres, purchased and began
| | | | to improve in April
| | | | 1774.
Capt |Alex McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|200 acres of land in fee
| | | | simple under Sir John
| | | | Johnson. Bart., ye annual
| | | | rent of £6 per 100
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL
REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Capt |Arch. McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant. No lands.
Capt |Allan McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 200 acres of land under
Lt | | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6
| | | | per 100.
Lt |Mal. McMartin |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 100 acres of land under
| | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6.
Lt |Peter Everett |America | 7 yrs.|Had some landed property.
Lt |John Prentiss |America | 9 yrs.|A volunteer at the Siege of
| | | | Quebec, 1775-76.
Lt |Hugh McDonell |Scotland| 7 yrs.|Son of Capt. McDonell.
Lt |John F. Holland |America | 5 yrs.|Son of Major Holland,
| | | | Surveyor-General,
| | | | Province of Quebec.
Lt |William Coffin |America | 3 yrs.|Son of Mr. Coffin, merchant,
| | | | late of Boston.
Lt |Jacob Farrand |America | 7 yrs.|Nephew to Major Gray.
Lt |William Claus |America | 7 yrs.|Son of Col. Claus, deputy
| | | | agent Indian Affairs.
Lt |Hugh Munro |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. John Munro.
Lt |Joseph Anderson |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. Sam'l Anderson.
Lt |Thomas Smith |Ireland | 4 yrs.|Son of Dr. Smith.
Ens |John Connolly |Ireland | 2 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens |Jacob Glen |America | 3 yrs.|Son of John Glen, Esq., of
| | | | Schenectady. Had
| | | | considerable landed
| | | | property.
Ens |Miles McDonell |Scotland| 3 yrs.|Son of Capt. John McDonell.
Ens |Eben'r Anderson |America | 6 yrs.|Son of Capt. Sam'l. Anderson.
Ens |Duncan Cameron |Scotland|14 yrs.|In service last war preceding
| | | | this one.
Ens |John Mann |America | 8 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens |Francis McCarthy |Ireland |28 yrs.|Formerly Sergeant in the
| | | | 34th Regiment.
Ens |John Valentine |America |24 yrs.|18 years in 55th and 62nd
| | | | Regiments.
Ch'p |John Doty |America | 8 yrs.|Formerly minister of the
| | | | Gospel at Schenectady.
Adjt |James Valentine |Ireland | 4 yrs.|Son of Ens John Valentine.
Q.M. |Isaac Mann |America | 8 yrs.|Merchant.
Surg. |Charles Austin |England |22 yrs.|14 years in hospital work.
M'te |James Stewart |Scotland|14 yrs.|Surgeon's mate in the 42nd
| | | | Regt. the war before last.
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S
ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."
-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS
| |Nativity|Service|
-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------
Maj. |Robert Leake |England | 7 yrs.|Had some landed property,
| | | | etc., lost in consequence
| | | | of the rebellion.
Capt. |Thos. Gummesell |England | 8 yrs.|Formerly Merchant in New
| | | | York.
Capt. |Jacob Maurer |Foreign'r|28 yrs|Served in ye army in the
| | | | 60th Regt., from 1756 to
| | | | 1763, afterwards in the
| | | | Quarter-Master General's
| | | | Dept.
Capt. | Wm. Morrison |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Was lieut., 19th June, 1776,
| | | | in 1st Batt.; Capt., 15th
| | | | Nov., 1781, in the 2nd
| | | | Batt.
Capt. |James McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held 200 acres of land in fee
| | | | simple, under Sir John
| | | | Johnson, at £6 per 100.
Capt. |Geo. Singleton |Ireland | 8 yrs.|Formerly merchant.
Capt. |Wm. Redf'd Crawford|America | 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Capt. |---- Byrns |Ireland | 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Capt. |---- Lepscomb |England | 7 yrs.|Midshipman Royal Navy.
Capt. |---- McKenzie |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Held lands under Sir John
| | | | Johnson.
Lt. |Patrick Langan |Ireland | 7 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Lt. |Walter Sutherland |Scotland|10 yrs.|Soldier and non-commissioned
| | | | officer in 26th Regt;
| | | | ensign, 17th Oct., 1779, in
| | | | 1st Batt., lieut., Nov.,
| | | | 1781, in 2nd Batt.
Lt. |William McKay |Scotland|15 yrs.|7 years volunteer and
| | | | sergeant in 21st Regt.
Lt. |Neal Robertson |Scotland| 8 yrs.|Merchant.
Lt. |Henry Young |America | 8 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |John Howard |Ireland |18 yrs.|Farmer; served 6 years last
| | | | war, from 1755 to 1761, as
| | | | soldier and
| | | | non-commissioned officer
| | | | in 28th Regt.
-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------
"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S
ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK."--Continued.
-------|-------------------|---------+-------+-----------------------------
| | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND
Rank | NAMES |Place of | of | REMARKS
| |Nativity |Service|
-------|-------------------|---------|-------|-----------------------------
Lt. |Jeremiah French |America | 7 yrs.| Farmer.
Lt. |Phil. P. Lansingh |America | 4 yrs.|High Sheriff, Chariot County.
Lt. |Hazelt'n Spencer |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |Oliver Church |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |William Fraser |Scotland | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Lt. |Christian Wher |Foreign'r| 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |Alex. McKenzie |N.Britain| 4 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |Ron. McDonell |N.Britain| 3 yrs.|Farmer.
Ens. |---- Hay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of Gov. Hay at Detroit.
Ens. |Samuel McKay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of the late Capt. McKay.
Ens. |Timothy Thompson |America | 3 yrs.|Private Gentleman.
Ens. |John McKay |America | 3 yrs.|Son of the late Capt. McKay.
Ens. |---- Johnson |Ireland | 2 yrs.|Nephew of the late Sir Wm.
| | | | Johnson, Bart.
Ens. |---- Crawford |America | 4 yrs.|Son of Capt. Crawford.
Ch'p |John Stuart |America | 3 yrs.|Missionary for the Mohawk
| | | | Indians at Fort Hunter.
Adjt. |---- Fraser |Scotland |10 yrs.|7 years soldier and
| | | | non-commissioned officer in
| | | | 34th Regiment.
Q.M. |---- Dies |America | 7 yrs.|Farmer.
Surg. |R. Kerr |Scotland | 8 yrs.|Assistant Surgeon.[133]
=======+===================+=========+=======+=============================
The officers and men of the First Battalion, with their families,
settled in a body in the first five townships west of the boundary line
of the Province of Quebec, being the present townships of Lancaster,
Charlottenburgh, Cornwall, Osnabruck and Williamsburgh; while those of
the Second Battalion went farther west to the Bay of Quinte, in the
counties of Lennox and Prince Edward. Each soldier received a
certificate entitling him to land; of which the following is a copy:
"His Majesty's Provincial Regiment, called the King's Royal Regiment
of New York, whereof Sir John Johnson, Knight and Baronet is
Lieutenant-Colonel, Commandant.
These are to certify that the Bearer hereof, Donald McDonell, soldier
in Capt. Angus McDonell's Company, of the aforesaid Regiment, born in
the Parish of Killmoneneoack, in the County of Inverness, aged
thirty-five years, has served honestly and faithfully in the said
regiment Seven Years; and in consequence of His Majesty's Order for
Disbanding the said Regiment, he is hereby discharged, is entitled,
by His Majesty's late Order, to the Portion of Land allotted to each
soldier of His Provincial Corps, who wishes to become a Settler in
this Province. He having first received all just demands of Pay,
Cloathing, &c., from his entry into the said Regiment, to the Date of
his Discharge, as appears from his Receipt on the back hereof.
Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Montreal, this twenty-fourth
Day of December, 1783.
John Johnson."
"I, Donald McDonell, private soldier, do acknowledge that I have
received all my Cloathing, Pay, Arrears of Pay, and all Demands
whatsoever, from the time of my Inlisting in the Regiment and Company
mentioned on the other Side to this present Day of my Discharge, as
witness my Hand this 24th day of December, 1783.
Donald McDonell."[134]
There appears to have been some difficulty in according to the men the
amount of land each should possess, as may be inferred from the petition
of Colonel John Butler on behalf of The Royal Greens and his corps of
Rangers. The Order in Council, October 22 1788 allowed them the same as
that allotted to the members of the Royal Highland Emigrants.[135]
Ultimately each soldier received one hundred acres on the river front,
besides two hundred at a remote distance. If married he was entitled to
fifty acres more, an additional fifty for every child. Each child, on
coming of age, was entitled to a further grant of two hundred acres.
It is not the purpose to follow these people into their future homes,
for this would be later than the Peace of 1783. Let it suffice to say
that their lands were divided by lot, and into the wilderness they went,
and there cleared the forests, erected their shanties out of round logs,
to a height of eight feet, with a room not exceeding twenty by fifteen
feet.
These people were pre-eminently social and attached to the manners and
customs of their fathers. In Scotland the people would gather in one of
their huts during the long winter nights and listen to the tales of
Ossian and Fingal. So also they would gather in their huts and listen to
the best reciter of tales. Often the long nights would be turned into a
recital of the sufferings they endured during their flight into Canada
from Johnstown; and also of their privations during the long course of
the war. It required no imagination to picture their hardships, nor was
it necessary to indulge in exaggeration. Many of the women, through the
wilderness, carried their children on their backs, the greater part of
the distance, while the men were burdened with their arms and such goods
as were deemed necessary. They endured perils by land and by water; and
their food often consisted of the flesh of dogs and horses, and the
roots of trees. Gradually some of these story tellers varied their tale,
and, perhaps, believed in the glosses.
A good story has gained extensive currency, and has been variously told,
on Donald Grant. He was born at Crasky, Glenmoriston, Scotland, and was
one of the heroes who sheltered prince Charles in the cave of Corombian,
when wandering about, life in hand, after the battle of Culloden, before
he succeeded in effecting his escape to the Outer Hebrides. Donald, with
others, settled in Glengarry, a thousand acres having been allotted to
him. This old warrior, having seen much service, knew well the country
between Johnstown and Canada. He took charge of one of the parties of
refugees in their journey from Schenectady to Canada. Donald lived to a
good old age and was treated with much consideration by all, especially
those whom he had led to their new homes. It was well known that he
could spin a good story equal to the best. As years went on, the number
of Donald's party rapidly increased, as he told it to open-mouthed
listeners, constantly enlarging on the perils and hardships of the
journey. A Highland officer, who had served in Canada for some years,
was returning home, and, passing through Glengarry, spent a few days
with Alexander Macdonell, priest at St. Raphael's. Having expressed his
desire to meet some of the veterans of the war, so that he might hear
their tales and rehearse them in Scotland, that they might know how
their kinsmen in Canada had fought and suffered for the Crown, the
priest, amongst others, took him to see old Donald Grant. The
opportunity was too good to be lost, and Donald told the general in
Gaelic the whole story, omitting no details; giving an account of the
number of men, women and children he had brought with him, their perils
and their escapes, their hardships borne with heroic devotion; how, when
on the verge of starvation, they had boiled their moccasins and eaten
them; how they had encountered the enemy, the wild beasts and Indians,
beaten all off and landed the multitude safely in Glengarry. The General
listened with respectful attention, and at the termination of the
narrative, wishing to say something pleasant, observed: "Why, dear me,
Donald, your exploits seem almost to have equalled even those of Moses
himself when leading the children of Israel through the Wilderness from
Egypt to the Land of Promise." Up jumped old Donald. "Moses," exclaimed
the veteran with an unmistakable air of contempt, and adding a double
expletive that need not here be repeated, "Compare ME to Moses! Why,
Moses took forty years in his vain attempts to lead his men over a much
shorter distance, and through a mere trifling wilderness in comparison
with mine, and he never did reach his destination, and lost half his
army in the Red Sea. I brought my people here without the loss of a
single man."
It has been noted that the Highlanders who settled on the Mohawk, on the
lands of Sir William Johnson, were Roman Catholics. Sir William, nor his
son and successor, Sir John Johnson, took any steps to procure them a
religious teacher in the principles of their faith. They were not so
provided until after the Revolution, and then only when they were
settled on the lands that had been allotted to them. In 1785, the people
themselves took the proper steps to secure such an one,--and one who was
able to speak the Gaelic, for many of them were ignorant of the English
language. In the month of September, 1786, the ship "McDonald," from
Greenock, brought Reverend Alexander McDonell, Scotus, with five hundred
emigrants from Knoydart, who settled with their kinsfolk in Glengarry,
Canada.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 101: Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 30, 1773.]
[Footnote 102: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. II. p. 151.]
[Footnote 103: _Ibid_, p. 637.]
[Footnote 104: _Ibid_, p. 638.]
[Footnote 105: _Ibid_, p. 661.]
[Footnote 106: _Ibid_, p. 665.]
[Footnote 107: _Ibid_, p. 672.]
[Footnote 108: _Ibid_, p. 712.]
[Footnote 109: _Ibid_, p. 880.]
[Footnote 110: Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. I, p. 106.]
[Footnote 111: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III. p. 1194.]
[Footnote 112: _Ibid_, p. 1245.]
[Footnote 113: _Ibid_, p. 1963.]
[Footnote 114: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 651.]
[Footnote 115: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. IV, pp. 818-829.]
[Footnote 116: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 668.]
[Footnote 117: See Appendix, Note J.]
[Footnote 118: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 447.]
[Footnote 119: _Ibid_, p. 643.]
[Footnote 120: _Ibid_, p. 642.]
[Footnote 121: _Ibid_, p. 644.]
[Footnote 122: _Ibid_, p. 511.]
[Footnote 123: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 683.]
[Footnote 124: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI. p. 647.]
[Footnote 125: Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, p. LXXXII.]
[Footnote 126: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry in Canada, p. 22.]
[Footnote 127: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII,
p. 779.]
[Footnote 128: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. I, p. 238.]
[Footnote 129: Johnson's Orderly Book, p. 57.]
[Footnote 130: _Ibid_, p. 59.]
[Footnote 131: _Ibid_, p. 56.]
[Footnote 132: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. II, p. 164.]
[Footnote 133: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry, p. 47.]
[Footnote 134: _Ibid_, p. 51.]
[Footnote 135: See Appendix, Note K.]
CHAPTER IX.
THE GLENALADALE HIGHLANDERS OF PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND.
Highlanders had penetrated into the wilds of Ontario, Nova Scotia and
Prince Edward Island before they had formed any distinctive settlements
of their own. Some of these belonged to the disbanded regiments, but the
bulk had come into the country, either through the spirit of adventure,
or else to better their condition, and establish homes that would be
free from usurpation, oppression, and persecution. It cannot be said
that any portion of Canada, at that period, was an inviting field. The
Highland settlement that bears the honor of being the first in British
North America is that on Prince Edward Island, on the north coast at the
head of Tracadie Bay, almost due north of Charlottetown. This settlement
was due to John Macdonald, Eighth of Glenaladale, of the family of
Clanranald.
John Macdonald was but a child at the date of the battle of Culloden.
When of sufficient age he was sent to Ratisbon, Germany, to be educated,
where he went through a complete course in the branches of learning as
taught in the seminary. Returning to his country he was considered to be
one of the most finished and accomplished gentlemen of his generation.
But events led him to change his prospects in life. In 1770 a violent
persecution against the Roman Catholics broke out in the island of South
Uist. Alexander Macdonald, First of Boisdale, also of the house of
Clanranald, abandoned the religion of his forbears, and like all new
converts was over zealous for his new found faith, and at once attempted
to compel all his tenants to follow his example. After many acts of
oppression, he summoned all his tenants to hear a paper read to them in
their native tongue, containing a renunciation of their religion, and a
promise, under oath, never more to hold communication with a catholic
priest. The alternative was to sign the paper or lose their lands and
homes. At once the people unanimously decided to starve rather than
submit. The next step of Boisdale was to take his gold headed cane and
drive his tenants before him, like a flock of sheep, to the protestant
church. Boisdale failed to realize that conditions had changed in the
Highlands; but, even if his methods had smacked of originality, he would
have been placed in a far better light. To attempt to imitate the
example of another may win applause, but if defeated contempt is the
lot.
The history of _Creideamh a bhata bhuidhe_, or the religion of the
yellow stick, is such an interesting episode in West Highland story as
not to be out of place in this connection. Hector MacLean, Fifth of
Coll, who held the estates from 1559 to 1593, became convinced of the
truths of the principles of the Reformation, and decided that his
tenants should think likewise. He passed over to the island of Rum, and
as his tenants came out of the Catholic church he held his cane straight
out and said in Gaelic,--"Those who pass the stick to the Kirk are very
good tenants, and those who go on the other side may go out of my
island." This stick remained in the family until 1868, when it
mysteriously disappeared. Mrs. Hamilton Dundas, daughter of Hugh,
Fifteenth of Coll, in a letter dated March 26, 1898, describing the
stick says, "There was the crest on the top and initials either H. McL.
or L. McL. in very flourishing writing engraved on a band or oval below
the top. It was a polished, yellow brown malacca stick, much taller than
an ordinary walking stick. I seem to recollect that it had two gold
rimmed eyelet holes for a cord and tassle."
John Macdonald of Glenaladale, having heard of the proceedings, went to
visit the people, and was so touched by their pitiable condition, that
he formed the resolution of expatriating himself, and going off at their
head to America. He sold out his estates to his cousin Alexander
Macdonald of Borrodale, and before the close of 1771, he purchased a
tract of forty thousand acres on St. John's Island (now Prince Edward
Island), to which he took out about two hundred of his persecuted fellow
catholics from South Uist, in the year 1772.
Whatever may have been the trials endured by these people, what ship
they sailed in, how the land was allotted, if at all given to the
public, has not come under the author's observation. Certain facts
concerning Glenaladale have been advertised. His first wife was Miss
Gordon of Baldornie, and his second, Marjory Macdonald of Ghernish, and
had issue, Donald who emigrated with him, William, drowned on the coast
of Ireland, John, Roderick and Flora. He died in 1811, and was buried on
the Island at the Scotch Fort.
Glenaladale early took up arms against the colonists, and having raised
a company from among his people, he became a Captain in the Royal
Highland Emigrants, or 84th. That he was a man of energy and pluck will
appear from the following daring enterprise. During the Revolution, an
American man-of-war came to the coast of Nova Scotia, near a port where
Glenaladale was on detachment duty, with a small portion of his men. A
part of the crew of the warship having landed for the purpose of
plundering the people, Glenaladale, with his handful of men, boarded the
vessel, cut down those who had been left in charge, hoisted sail, and
brought her as a prize triumphantly into the harbor of Halifax. He there
got a reinforcement, marched back to his former post, and took the whole
crew, composed of Americans and French. As regards his military virtues
and abilities Major John Small, of the 2nd Battalion of the Royal
Highland Emigrants, to which he was attached, writing to the English
government, said of him,--
"The activity and unabating zeal of Captain John Macdonald of
Glenaladale in bringing an excellent company into the field is his
least recommendation, being acknowledged by all who know his rank in
his Majesty's service."
Slight information may be gained of his connection with the Royal
Highland Emigrant Regiment from the "Letter-Book" of Captain Alexander
McDonald, of the same regiment. In embodying that regiment he was among
the very earliest and readiest. Just why he should have exhibited so
much feeling against the Americans whose country he had never seen and
who had never harmed him in the least, does not appear. Captain
McDonald, writing from Halifax, September 1, 1775, to Colonel Allan
MacLean, says,--
"What Men that are on the Island of St. Johns (Prince Edward's) are
already Engaged with Glenaladall who is now here with me, also young
Mcdonald, with whom he came, he will Write to you by this opportunity
and from the Contents of his Letter I will Leave you to Judge what
sort of a Man he is."
By the same letter, "young Mcdonald" had been sent "to ye Island of St.
John," unquestionably for the purpose of raising the Highlanders. His
great zeal is revealed in a letter from Captain Alexander McDonald to
Major Small, dated at Halifax, November 15, 1775:
"Mr. McDonald of Glenaladale staid behind at Newfoundland and by the
Last accounts from him he and one Lt Fizgerald had Six and thirty
men. I dont doubt by this time his having as many more, he is
determined to make out his Number Cost what it will, and I hope you
will make out a Commission in his brother Donald's name, * * * poor
Glenaladall I am afraid is Lost as there is no account of him since a
small Schooner Arrived which brought an account of his having Six &
thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost He is unavoidably ruined
in his Means."
The last reference is in a letter to Colonel Allan MacLean, dated at
Halifax June 5, 1776:
"Glen a la Del is an Ornament to any Corps that he goes into and if
the Regiment is not established it had been telling him 300 Guineas
that he had never heard of it. On Account of his Affairs upon the
Island of St. John's and in Scotland where he was preparing to go to
settle his Business when he received the Proposals."
The British government offered Glenaladale the governorship of Prince
Edward Island, but owing to the oath of allegiance necessary at the
time, he, being a catholic, was obliged to decline the office.
CHAPTER X.
HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT IN PICTOU, NOVA SCOTIA.
"What noble courage must their hearts have fired,
How great the ardor which their souls inspired,
Who leaving far beyond their native plain
Have sought a home beyond the western main;
And braved the perils of thestormy seas
In search of wealth, of freedom, and of ease.
Oh, none can tell, but those who sadly share,
The bosom's anguish, and its wild despair,
What dire distress awaits the hardy bands,
That venture first on bleak and desert lands;
How great the pain, the danger and the toil
Which mark the first rude culture of the soil.
When looking round, the lonely settler sees
His home amid a wilderness of trees;
How sinks his heart in those deep solitudes,
Where not a voice upon his ear intrudes;
Where solemn silence all the waste pervades,
Heightening the horror of its gloomy shades;
Save where the sturdy woodman's strokes resound
That strew the fallen forest on the ground."
--_H. Goldsmith_.
The second settlement of Highlanders in British America was at Pictou,
Nova Scotia. The stream of Scottish emigration which flowed in after
years, not only over the county of Pictou, but also over the greater
portion of eastern Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward Island, and
even the upper provinces of Canada, was largely due to this settlement;
for these emigrants, in after years, communicated with their friends and
induced them to take up their abode in the new country. The stream once
started did not take long to deepen and widen.
A company of gentlemen, the majority of whom lived in Philadelphia,
received a grant of land in Nova Scotia. Some of the shares passed into
the hands of the celebrated Dr. John Witherspoon and John Pagan, a
merchant of Greenock, Scotland. These two men appear to have jointly
been engaged in promoting emigration to the older colonies. Pagan owned
a ship called _Hector_, which was engaged in carrying passengers across
the Atlantic. In 1770 she landed Scottish emigrants in Boston. In order
to carry out the original obligations of the grant, the proprietors
offered liberal inducements for the settlement of it. An agent, named
John Ross, was employed, with whom it was agreed that each settler
should have a free passage from Scotland, a farm, and a year's free
provisions. Ross sailed for Scotland on board the Hector, and on his
arrival proceeded to the Highlands, where he painted in glowing colors a
picture of the land and the advantages offered. The Highlanders knew
nothing of the difficulties awaiting them in a land covered over with a
dense unbroken forest, and, tempted by the prospect of owning splendid
farms, they were imposed upon, and many agreed to cast their lot on the
western side of the Atlantic. The Hector was the vessel that should
convey them, with John Spears as master, James Orr being first mate, and
John Anderson second. The vessel called first at Greenock, where three
families and five young men were taken on board. From there she sailed
for Lochbroom, in Rossshire, where she received thirty-three families
and twenty-five single men, having all told about two hundred souls.
On July 1, 1773, this band bade adieu to friends, home, and country and
started for a land they knew naught of. But few had ever crossed the
ocean. Just as the ship was starting a piper named John McKay came on
board who had not paid his passage; the captain ordered him ashore, but
the strains of the national instrument so affected those on board that
they interceded to have him allowed to accompany them, and offered to
share their own rations with him, in exchange for his music, during the
passage. Their request was granted, and his performance aided in no
small degree to cheer the pilgrims in their long voyage of eleven weeks,
in a miserable hulk, across the Atlantic. The band of emigrants kept up
their spirits, as best they could, by song, pipe music, dancing,
wrestling, and other amusements, during the long and painful voyage. The
Hector was an old Dutch ship, and a slow sailer. It was so rotten that
the passengers could pick the wood out of the sides with their fingers.
They met with a severe gale off the Newfoundland coast, and were driven
back so far that it required two weeks to recover the lost distance. The
accommodations on board were wretched and the provisions of inferior
quality. Small-pox and dysentery broke out among the passengers.
Eighteen, most of whom were children, died and were committed to the
deep. The former disease was brought on board by a mother and child,
both of whom lived to an advanced age. Owing to the voyage being
prolonged, the stock of provisions and water became low; the remnant of
food left consisted mostly of salt meat, which, with the scarcity of
water, added greatly to their sufferings. The oatcake, carried by them,
became mouldy, so that much of it was thrown away before they thought
such a long passage was before them; but, fortunately for them, Hugh
Macleod, more prudent than the rest, gathered into a bag these despised
scraps, and during the last few days of the voyage, all were glad to
avail themselves of this refuse food.
At last, all the troubles and dangers of the voyage having been
surmounted, on September 15th, the Hector dropped anchor, opposite where
the town of Pictou now stands. Previous to the arrival of the vessel,
the sparsely inhabited country had been somewhat disturbed by the
Indians. Word had been received that the Hector was on the way to that
region with Highland emigrants. The whites warned the Indians that the
Highlanders were coming--the same men they had seen at the taking of
Quebec. When the Hector appeared, according to the fashion of that time,
her sides were painted in imitation of gunports, which induced the
impression that she was a man-of-war. Though the Highland dress was then
proscribed at home, this emigrant band, carefully preserving and fondly
cherishing the national costume, carried it along with them, and, in
celebration of their arrival, many of the younger men donned themselves
in their kilts, with _Sgian Dubh_ and the claymore. Just as the vessel
dropped anchor, the piper blew up his pipes with might and main, and its
thrilling sounds then first startling the denizens of the endless
forest, caused the Indians to fly in terror, and were not again seen
there for quite an interval. After the terror of the Indians had
subsided, they returned to cultivate the friendship of the Highlanders,
and proved to be of great assistance. From them they learned to make and
use snowshoes, to call moose, and acquired the art of woodcraft. Often
too from them they received provisions. They never gave them any
trouble, and generally showed real kindness.
The first care of the emigrants was to provide for the sick. The wife of
Hugh Macleod had just died of smallpox, and the body was sent ashore and
buried. Several were sick, and others dying. The resident settlers did
all within their power to alleviate the sufferers; and with the supply
of fresh provisions most of the sick rapidly recovered, but some died on
board the vessel.
However great may have been the expectation of these poor creatures on
the eve of their leaving Scotland, their hopes almost deserted them by
the sight that met their view as they crowded on the deck of the vessel
to see their future homes. The primeval forest before them was unbroken,
save a few patches on the shore between Brown's Point and the head of
the harbor, which had been cleared by the few people who had preceded
them. They were landed without the provisions promised them, and without
shelter of any kind, and were only able, with the help of the earlier
settlers, to erect camps of the rudest and most primitive description,
to shelter their sick, their wives and children from the elements. Their
feelings of disappointment were most bitter, when they compared the
actual facts with the free farms and the comfort promised them by the
emigration agent. Although glad to be freed from the pest-house of the
ship, yet they were so overcome by their disappointment that many of
them sat down and wept bitterly. The previous settlers could not promise
food for one-third of those who had arrived on board the Hector, and
what provisions were there soon became exhausted, and the season was too
late to raise another crop. To make matters still worse, they were sent
three miles into the forest, so that they could not even take advantage,
with the same ease, of any fish that might be caught in the harbor.
These men were unskilled, and the work of cutting down the gigantic
trees, and clearing up the land appeared to them to be a hopeless task.
They were naturally afraid of the Indians and the wild beasts; and
without roads or paths through the forest, they were frightened to move,
doubtful about being lost in the wilderness.
Under circumstances, such as above narrated, it is not surprising that
the people refused to settle on the company's land. In consequence of
this, when the supplies did arrive, the agents refused to give them any.
To add still further to the difficulties, there arose a jealously
between them and the older settlers; Ross quarrelled with the company,
and ultimately he left the newcomers to their fate. The few who had a
little money with them bought food of the agents, while others, less
fortunate, exchanged clothing for provisions; but the majority had
absolutely nothing to buy with; and what little the others could
purchase was soon devoured. Driven to extremity they insisted on having
the supplies that had been sent to them. They were positively refused,
and now determined on force in order to save the colony from starvation.
Donald McDonald and Colin Douglass went to the store seized the agents,
tied them, took their guns from them, which they hid at a distance. Then
they carefully measured the articles, took account of what each man
received, that the same might be paid for, in case they should ever
become able. They then left, leaving behind them Roderick McKay, a man
of great energy and determination, a leader among them, who was to
liberate the agents--Robert Patterson and Dr. Harris--as soon as the
others could get to a safe distance, when he released them and informed
them where their guns might be found, and then got out of the way
himself.
Intelligence was at once dispatched to Halifax that the Highlanders were
in rebellion, from whence orders were sent to Captain Thomas Archibald
of Truro, to march his company of militia to Pictou to suppress and
pacify the rebels; but to his honor, be it said, he pointedly refused,
and made reply, "I will do no such thing; I know the Highlanders, and if
they are fairly treated there will be no trouble with them." Correct
representations of the case were sent to Halifax, and as lord William
Campbell, whose term as governor had just expired, was still there, and
interesting himself on behalf of the colony as his countrymen, he
secured orders for the provisions. Robert Patterson, in after years,
admitted that the Highlanders, who had arrived in poverty, paid him
every farthing with which he had trusted them, notwithstanding the fact
that they had been so badly treated.
Difficulties hemming them in on every hand, with rigorous winter
approaching, the majority removed to Truro, and places adjacent, to
obtain by their labor food for their families. A few settled at
Londonderry, some went to Halifax, and still others to Windsor and
Cornwallis. In, these settlements, the fathers, mothers, and even the
children were forced to bind themselves, virtually as slaves, that they
might have subsistence. Those who remained,--seventy in number--lived in
small huts, covered over only with the bark and branches of trees to
shelter them from the bitter cold of winter, enduring incredible
hardships. To procure food for their families, they must trudge eighty
miles to Truro, through cold and snow and a trackless forest, and there
obtaining a bushel or two of potatoes, and a little flour, in exchange
for their labor, they had to return, carrying the supply either on their
backs, or else dragging it behind them on handsleds. The way was beset
with dangers such as the climbing of steep hills, the descending of high
banks, crossing of brooks on the trunk of a single tree, the sinking in
wet or boggy ground, and the camping out at night without shelter. Even
the potatoes with which they were supplied were of an inferior grade,
being soft, and such as is usually fed to cattle. Sometimes the cold was
so piercing that the potatoes froze to their backs.
Many instances have been related of the privations of this period, some
of which are here subjoined. Hugh Fraser, after having exhausted every
means of procuring food for his family, resorted to the expedient of
cutting down a birch tree and boiling the buds, which he gave them to
eat. He then went to a heap, where one of the first settlers had buried
some potatoes, and took out some, intending to inform the owner. Before
he did so, some of the neighbors maliciously reported him, but the
proprietor simply remarked that he thanked God he had them there for the
poor old man's family. On another occasion when the father and eldest
son had gone to Truro for provisions, everything in the shape of food
being exhausted, except an old hen, which the mother finally killed, for
the younger children. She boiled it in salt water for the benefit of the
salt, with a quantity of herbs, the nature of which she was totally
ignorant. A few days later the hen's nest was found with ten eggs in it.
Two young men set off for Halifax, so weak from want of food, that they
could scarcely travel, and when they reached Gay's River, were nearly
ready to give up. However they saw there a fine lot of trout, hanging by
a rod, on a bush. They hesitated to take them, thinking they might
belong to the Indians who would overtake and kill them. They therefore
left them, but returned, when the pains of hunger prevailed. Afterwards
they discovered that they had been caught by two sportsmen, neither of
whom would carry them. Alexander Fraser, then only sixteen, carried his
sister on his back to Truro, while the only food he had for the whole
journey was the tale of an eel. On another occasion the supply of
potatoes, which had been brought a long distance for seed and planted,
were dug up by the family and some of the splits eaten. The remembrance
of these days sank deep into the minds of that generation, and long
after, the narration of the scenes and cruel hardships through which
they had to pass, beguiled the winter's night as they sat by their
comfortable firesides.
During the first winter, the first death among the emigrants was a child
of Donald McDonald, and the first birth was a son of Alexander Fraser,
named David, afterwards Captain Fraser. When the following spring opened
they set to work to improve their condition. They sought out suitable
spots on which to settle, judging the land by the kind and variety of
trees produced. They explored the different rivers, and finding the soil
near their banks to be the most fertile, and capable of being more
easily improved than the higher lands, they settled upon it.
Difficulties were thrown in the way of getting their grant. The first
grant obtained was to Donald Cameron, who had been a soldier in the
Fraser Highlanders at the taking of Quebec. His lot was situated at the
Albion Mines. This grant is dated February 8, 1775, and besides the
condition of the king's quit rent, contains the following:
"That the grantee, his heirs or assigns, shall clear and work, within
three years, three acres for every fifty granted, in that part of the
land which he shall judge most convenient and advantageous, or clear
and drain three acres of swampy or sunken ground, or drain three
acres of marsh, if any such be within the bounds of this grant, or
put and keep on his lands, within three years from the date hereof,
three neat cattle, to be continued upon the land until three acres
for every fifty be fully cleared and improved. But if no part of the
said tract be fit for present cultivation, without manuring and
improving the same, then this grantee, his heirs and assigns shall be
obliged, within three years from the date hereof, to erect on some
part of said land a dwelling house, to contain twenty feet in length
by sixteen feet in breadth, and to put on said land three neat cattle
for every fifty acres, or if the said grantee, his heirs or assigns,
shall, within three years, after the passing of this grant, begin to
employ thereon, and so continue to work for three years then next
ensuing, in digging any stone quarry or any other mine, one good and
able hand for every one hundred acres of such tract, it shall be
accounted a sufficient seeding, planting, cultivation and
improvement, and every three acres which shall be cleared and worked
as aforesaid; and every three acres which shall be cleared and
drained as aforesaid, shall be accounted a sufficient seeding,
planting cultivation and improvement, to save for ever from
forfeiture fifty acres in every part of the tract hereby granted."
All were not so fortunate as to secure their grants early. As late as
January 22, 1781, in a petition to the government, they complained that
a grant had been often promised but never received; but finally, on
August 26, 1783, the promise was fulfilled. It contains the names of
forty-four persons, some of whom were not passengers on board the
Hector; conveying the lands on which they were located, the size of the
lots being regulated by the number in the family. The following is a
list of grantees, with the number of acres received and notices of
situation of their lots:
ON WEST RIVER: David Stewart, 300 acres; John McKenzie, 500; Hugh
Fraser, 400; William McLellan,--; James McDonald, 200; James McLellan,
100; Charles Blaikie, 300, and in another division 250 acres, 550 in
all; Robert Patterson, 300, and in an after division 500 in all; James
McCabe, 300; Alex. Cameron,--.
ON MIDDLE RIVER, EAST SIDE: Alex. Fraser, 100 acres; Alex. Ross, Jr.,
100; John Smith, 350; Robert Marshall, 350; James McCulloch, 240; Alex.
Ross, 300; Alex. Fraser, Jr., 100; John Crockett, 500; Simon Fraser,
500; Donald McDonald, 350; David Urquhart, 250; Kenneth Fraser, 450;
James McLeod, 150.
ON EAST RIVER, EAST SIDE: Walter Murray, 280 acres, and 70 acres in
after division; James McKay, 70; Donald McKay, Jr., 80; John Sutherland,
180, and 70 in after division; Rod. McKay, Sr., 300, and in after
division, 50; James Hays,--; Hugh McKay, 100; Alex. McKay, 100; Heirs of
Donald McLellan, 260; Hugh Fraser, 400, and in after division, 100; Wm.
McLeod, 80; John McLellan, 200; Thomas Turnbull, 220, in after division,
180; Wm. McLeod, 210, and in after division, 60; Alex. McLean,--; Colin
McKenzie, 370.
ON EAST RIVER, WEST SIDE: Donald Cameron, 100 acres; James Grant, 400;
Colin McKay, 400; Wm. McKay, 550; Donald Cameron, 100; Donald McKay,
Sr., 450; Donald Cameron, a gore lot; Anthony Culton, 500.
The following is a list of passengers that arrived on board the Hector,
originally drawn up, about 1837, by William McKenzie, Loch Broom, Nova
Scotia:
SHIPPED AT GLASGOW: a Mr. Scott and family; George Morrison and family,
from Banff, settled on west side of Barnys River; John Patterson,
prominent in the settlement; George McConnell, settled on West River;
Andrew Main and family, settled at Noel; Andrew Wesley; Charles Fraser,
settled at Cornwallis; John Stewart.
FROM INVERNESSHIRE: Wiliam McKay, wife and four children, settled on
East River; Roderick McKay, wife and daughter, settled on East River;
Colin McKay and family, on East River; Hugh Fraser, wife and three
children, on McLellans Brook; Donald Cameron and family, on East River;
Donald McDonald, wife and two children, on Middle River; Colin Douglass,
wife and three children, two of the latter lost on the Hector, on Middle
River; Hugh Fraser and family, on West River; Alex. Fraser, wife and
five children; James Grant and family, East River; Donald Munroe,
settled in Halifax, and Donald Mc----.
FROM LOCH BROOM: John Ross, Agent, history unknown; Alexander Cameron,
wife and two children, settled at Loch Broom; Alex. Ross and wife,
advanced in life; Alex Ross and Family, on Middle River; Colin McKenzie
and Family, on East River; John Munroe and family; Kenneth McRitchie and
family; William McKenzie, at Loch Broom; John McGregor; John McLellan,
on McLellans Brook; William McLellan, on West River; Alexander McLean,
East River; Alexander Falconer, Hopewell; Donald McKay, East River;
Archibald Chisholm, East River; Charles Matheson; Robert Sim, removed to
New Brunswick; Alexander McKenzie and Thomas Fraser, From
Sutherlandshire; Kenneth Fraser and family, Middle River; William Fraser
and family; James Murray and family, Londonderry; David Urquhart and
family, Londonderry; Walter Murray and family, Merigomish; James McLeod
and wife, Middle River; Hugh McLeod, wife, and three daughters, the wife
died as the vessel arrived, West River; Alexander McLeod, wife, and
three sons, one of the last died in the harbor, and the father drowned
in the Shubenacadie; John McKay and family, Shubenacadie; Philip McLeod
and family; Donald McKenzie and family, Shubenacadie(?); Alexander
McKenzie and family; John Sutherland and family; William Matheson, wife
and son, first settled at Londonderry, then at Rogers Hill; Donald
Grant; Donald Graham; John McKay, piper; William McKay, worked for an
old settler named McCabe, and took his name; John Sutherland, first at
Windsor, and then on Sutherland river; Angus McKenzie, first at Windsor,
and finally on Green Hill.
Some interesting facts have been gathered concerning the history of
these emigrants, Roderick McKay, who took up land on the East River, was
born in Beauly, and before leaving his native country gained a local
admiration by rescuing some whiskey from the officers who had seized it,
and for the offence was lodged in jail in Inverness. He soon ingratiated
himself into the good graces of the jailer, and had no difficulty in
sending him for some ale and whiskey. The jailer returning, advanced
into the cell with both hands full. Roderick stepped behind him, passed
out the door, locked it, and brought off the key. In Halifax he added to
his reputation. An officer was paying some attention to a female inmate
of his house which did not meet the approbation of Roderick, and meeting
them together upbraided him for his conduct, when the latter drew his
sword and struck him a cruel blow on the head. Telling the officer he
would meet him within an hour, he had his wound dressed, and securing a
stick stood before his antagonist. The officer again drew his sword and
in the melee, Roderick disarmed him and well repaid him for his cowardly
assault. Alexander Fraser, who settled on Middle River, although too
young to serve in the Rising of the Forty Five had three brothers at
Culloden, of whom two were killed. He was in comfortable circumstances,
when he left what he thought was a Saxon oppression, which determined
him to seek freedom in America. His horses and cart were seized by
gaugers, with some whiskey which they were carrying, and taken to
Inverness. During the night, the stable boy, a relative of Fraser, took
out the horses and cart, and driving across country delivered them to
the owner, who lost no time in taking them to another part of the
country and disposed of them. He was the last to engage a passage in the
Hector. Alexander Cameron who gave the name to Loch Broom, after that of
his native parish was not quite eighteen at the Rising of the Forty
Five. His brothers followed prince Charles, and he was drawn by the
crowd that followed the prince to Culloden. When he returned to his
charge, it was to meet an angry master who attempted to chastize him.
Cameron ran with his master in pursuit. The latter finding him too
nimble, stooped down to pick up a stone to throw at him, and in doing so
wounded himself with his dirk in the leg, so that he was obliged to
remain some time in hiding, lest he should be taken as having been at
Culloden, by the soldiers who were scouring the country, killing any
wounded stragglers from the field. The eldest son of James Grant who
settled on East River, did not emigrate with the family, but is
believed to have emigrated afterwards, and was the grandfather of
General U.S. Grant.
As has already been intimated, amidst all the discouragements and
disappointments, the Highlanders used every means in their power to
supply the wants of their families. They rapidly learned from the
Indians and their neighbors. The former taught them the secrets of the
forests and they soon became skilled in hunting the moose, and from the
latter they became adepts in making staves, which were sent in small
vessels to the older colonies, and in exchange were supplied with
necessaries. But the population rather decreased, for a return made
January 1, 1775, showed the entire population to be but seventy-eight,
consisting of twenty-three men, fourteen women, twenty-one boys and
twenty-girls. The produce raised in 1775, was two hundred and sixty-nine
bushels of wheat, thirteen of rye, fifty-six of peas, thirty-six of
barley, one hundred of oats, and three hundred and forty pounds of flax.
The farm stock consisted of thirteen oxen, thirteen cows, fifteen young
neat cattle, twenty-five sheep and one swine. They manufactured
seventeen thousand feet of boards. While the improvement was somewhat
marked, the supply was not sufficient; and the same weary journeys must
be taken to Truro for necessaries. The moose, and the fish in the
rivers, gave them a supply of meat, and they soon learned to make sugar
from the sap of the maple tree. They learned to dig a large supply of
clams in the autumn, heap the same on the shore, and cover with sand.
Scarcely had these people become able to supply themselves, when they
were again tried by the arrival of a class poorer than themselves.
Inducements having been held out by the proprietors of Prince Edward
Island to parties in Scotland, to settle their land, John Smith and
Wellwood Waugh, living at Lockerbie, in Dumfriesshire, sold out their
property and chartered a small vessel to carry thither their families,
and all others that would accompany them. They arrived at Three Rivers,
in the year 1774, followed by others a few months later. They commenced
operations on the Island with fair prospects of success, when they were
almost overwhelmed by a plague of mice. These animals swarmed
everywhere, consuming everything eatable, even to the potatoes in the
ground; and for eighteen months the settlers experienced all the
miseries of a famine, having for several months only what lobsters or
shell-fish they could gather on the sea-shore. The winter brought them
to such a state of weakness that they were unable to convey food a
reasonable distance, even when they had means to buy it. In this
pitiable condition they heard that the Pictou people were beginning to
prosper and had provisions to spare. They sent one of their number David
Stewart to make inquiry. One of the settlers, who had come from one of
the older colonies, brought with him some negro slaves, and when the
messenger arrived had just returned from Truro to sell one of them, and
brought home with him some provisions, the proceeds of the sale of the
negro. The agent was cheerful in spite of his troubles; and withal was
something of a wag. On his return to the Island the people gathered
around him to hear the news. "What kind of a place is Pictou?" inquired
one. "Oh, an awful place. Why, I was staying with a man who was just
eating the last of his nigger;" and as the people were reduced
themselves they did not hesitate to believe the tale. Receiving correct
information, fifteen of the families went to Pictou, where, for a time,
they fared little better, but afterwards became prosperous and happy.
Had it not been for a French settlement a few miles distant the people
of Lockerbie would have perished during the winter. For supplies,
principally of potatoes, they exchanged the clothing they had brought
from Scotland, until they barely had enough for themselves. John Smith
who was one of the leaders removed to Truro, and Waugh left the Island
for Pictou, having only a bucket of clams to support his family on the
way.
The American Revolution effected that distant colony. The people had
received most of the supplies from the States, which was paid for in
fish, fur, and lumber. This trade was at once cut off and the people, at
first, felt it severely. Even salt could only be obtained by boiling
down sea water. The selection of Halifax as the chief depot for the
British navy promoted the business interests for that region of
country. As large sums of money were expended there, the district shared
in the prosperity. While prices for various kinds of lumber rapidly
increased, and the Pictou colony was greatly advantaged thereby, still
they found it difficult to obtain British goods, of which they were in
need until 1779, when John Patterson went to Scotland and purchased a
supply. The War had the effect to divide the colony of Pictou. Not only
the Highlanders but all others from Scotland were loyally attached to
the British government; while the earlier settlers, who were from the
States, were loyally attached to the American cause, with the exception
of Robert Patterson. Although the Americans were so situated as to be
unable to take up arms, yet they manifested their sympathy in harmless
ways, as in the refusal of tea, and the more permanent method of naming
their sons after those who were prominent in the theatre of war. At
times the feeling became quite violent, in so much so that the circular
addressed to the magistrates in the Province was sent to Pictou,
requiring these officers "to be watchful and attentive to the behaviour
of the people in your county, and that you will apprehend any person or
persons who shall be guilty of any opposition to the King's authority
and Government, and send them properly guarded to Halifax." The
inhabitants were not only required to take the oath of allegiance, but
the magistrates were compelled to send a list of all who so complied as
well as those who refused. Robert Patterson, who had been made a
magistrate in 1774, was very zealous in carrying out this order. He even
started for Halifax, intending to get copies of the oath required, for
the purpose of imposing it on the inhabitants. When he reached Truro one
of the Archibalds discovered his mission and presenting a pistol, used
its persuasive influence to induce him immediately to return home. So
officious did Patterson become that his sons several times were obliged
to hide him in the woods, taking him to Fraser's Point for that purpose.
Many occurrences relating to the War effected the Province, the County
of Pictou, and indirectly the Highlanders, though not in a marked
degree. The first special occurrence, was probably during the spring of
1776, when an American privateer captured a vessel at Merigomish, loaded
with a valuable cargo of West India produce. The vessel was immediately
got to sea. The news of the capture was immediately circulated, and
presuming the privateer would enter the harbor of Pictou, the
inhabitants collected with every old musket and fowling piece to resist
the enemy.--The next incident was the capture of Captain Lowden's vessel
in the harbor in 1777, variously reported to have been the work of
Americans from Machias, Maine, and also by Americans from Pictou and
Truro. In all probability the latter were in the plot. The vessel had
been loading with timber for the British market. The captain was invited
to the house of Wellwood Waugh, and went without suspicion, leaving the
vessel in charge of the mate. During the visit he was surrounded and
informed that he was a prisoner, and commanded to deliver up his arms.
In the meantime an armed party proceeded to the vessel, which was easily
secured. As the crew came on deck they were made prisoners and confined
in the forecastle. Some of the captors took a boat belonging to the ship
and went to the shop of Roderick McKay some distance up East River, and
plundered it of tools, iron, &c. In the meantime Roderick and his
brother Donald had boarded the vessel and were also made prisoners. When
night came the captors celebrated the event by a carousal. When well
under the influence of liquor, Roderick proposed to his brother to take
the ship, the plan being to make a sudden rush up the cabin stairs to
the deck; that he would seize the sentry and pitch him overboard, while
Donald should stand with an axe over the companionway and not allow any
of them to come up. Donald was a quiet, peaceable man, and opposed to
the effusion of blood and refused to take part in the scheme. The McKays
were released and the vessel sailed for Bay Verte, not knowing that the
Americans had retired from the place. The vessel fell into the hands of
a man-of-war, and the captors took to the woods, where, it is supposed,
many of them perished. All of Waugh's goods were seized, by the officers
of the war-vessel, and sold, and he was forced to leave. This affair
caused the American sympathizers to leave the settlement moving
eastward, and without selling their farms.
American privateers were frequently off the coast, but had little effect
on Pictou. One of the passengers of the Hector who had removed to
Halifax and there married, came to Pictou by land, but sent his baggage
on a vessel. She was captured and he lost all. A privateer came into the
harbor, the alarm was given, and the people assembled to repel the
invader. An American living in the settlement, went on board the vessel
and urged the commander to leave because there were only a few Scotch
settlers commencing in the woods, and not yet possessing anything worth
taking away. In consequence of his representations the vessel put out to
sea.--The wreck of the Malignant excited some attention at Pictou, near
the close of the war. She was a man-of-war bound to Quebec, and late in
the fall was wrecked at a place since known as Malignant Cove. The crew
came to Pictou and staid through the winter, being provided for through
the efforts of Robert Patterson.
The cause of the greatest alarm during the War was a large gathering of
Indians at Fraser's Point in 1779. In that year some Indians, in the
interest of the Americans, having plundered the inhabitants at
Miramichi, a British man-of-war seized sixteen of them of whom twelve
were carried to Quebec as hostages, and from there, afterwards, brought
to Halifax. Several hundred Indians, for quite a number of days were in
council, the design of which was believed to join in the war against the
English. The settlers were greatly alarmed, but the Indians quietly
dispersed. Most of the Highlanders that emigrated on board the Hector
were very ignorant. Only a few could read and books among them were
unknown. The Lockerbie settlers were much more intelligent in religion
and in everything else. They brought with them from Scotland a few
religious books, some of which were lost on Prince Edward Island, but
those preserved were carefully read. In 1779 John Patterson brought a
supply of books from Scotland, among which was a lot of the New England
Primer, which was distributed among the young.
The people were all religiously inclined, and some very devout. All were
desirous of religious ordinances. They would meet at the regular hour on
the Sabbath, Robert Marshall holding what was called a religious
teaching for the English, and Colin Douglass doing the same in Gaelic.
The exercises consisted of praise, prayer and the reading of the
Scriptures and religious books. They were visited once or twice by
Reverend David Smith of Londonderry, and Reverend Daniel Cock of Truro
came among them several times. As the people considered themselves under
the ministry of the latter, they went on foot to Truro to be present at
his communions, and carried their children thither on their backs to be
baptized by him. These people had so little English that they could
scarcely understand any sermon in that language. This may be judged from
an incident that occurred some years later. A Highlander, living in
Truro, attended Mr. Cock's service. The latter one day took for his text
the words, "Fools make a mock of sin." The former bore the sermon
patiently, but said afterward, "Mr. Cock's needn't have talked so about
moccasins; Mr. McGregor wore them many a time."
The people were also visited by itinerant preachers, the most important
of whom was Henry Alline. In his journal, under date of July 25, 1782,
he says:
"Got to a place called Picto, where I had no thought of making any stay,
but finding the spirit to attend my preaching, I staid there thirteen
days and preached in all the different parts of the settlement, I found
four Christians in this place, who were greatly revived and rejoiced
that the Gospel was sent among them."--Reverend James Bennet, missionary
of the Church of England, in 1775, visited the eastern borders of the
Province, and in 1780 visited Pictou and Tatamagouche, and on his return
lost his way in the woods.
The Peace of 1783 brought in an influx of settlers mostly from the
Highlands, with some who had served in the Revolution against the
Americans. This added strength gave more solidity to the settlement.
Although considerable prosperity had been attained the added numbers
brought increased wealth. Among the fresh arrivals came Reverend James
McGregor, in 1786, and under his administration the religious tone was
developed, and the state of society enhanced.
CHAPTER XI.
FIRST HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICA.
The conflict known as THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, which began in 1754,
forced the English colonies to join in a common cause. The time had come
for the final struggle between France and England for colonial supremacy
in America. The principal cause for the war was brought on by the
conflicting territorial claims of the two nations. Mutual encroachments
were made by both parties on the other's territory, in consequence of
which both nations prepared for war. The English ministry decided to
make their chief efforts against the French in that quarter where the
aggressions took place, and for this purpose dispatched thither two
bodies of troops. The first division, of which the 42nd Highlanders
formed a part, under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir James
Abercromby, set sail in March, 1756, and landed in June following.
The Highland regiments that landed in America and took part in the
conflict were the 42nd or Royal Highland Regiment, but better known as
"The Black Watch" (_Am Freiceadan Dubh_), the 77th or Montgomery's
Highlanders, and the Old 78th, or Fraser's Highlanders.
The Black Watch, so called from the sombre appearance of their dress was
embodied, as the 43rd Regiment, May, 1740, having been composed largely
of the independent companies raised in 1729. When Oglethorpe's regiment,
the 42nd was reduced in 1749, the Black Watch received its number, which
ever since, it has retained. From 1749 to 1756 the regiment was
stationed in Ireland, and between them and the inhabitants of the
districts, where quartered, the utmost cordiality existed. Previous to
the departure of the regiment from Ireland to America, officers with
parties had been sent to Scotland for recruits. So successful were
they, that in the month of June, seven hundred embarked at Greenock for
America. The officers of the regiment were as follows:
===================================================================================
Rank | NAME | Commission | Rank | NAME |Commission
-------+-------------------+-------------+--------+------------------+-------------
Colonel|Lord John Murray |Apr. 25, 1745|Lieut. |John Graham |Jan. 25, 1756
Lieut. | | |Lieut. |Hugh McPherson | " 26, 1756
Colonel|Francis Grant |Dec. 17, 1755|Lieut. |Alexander Turnbull| " 27, 1756
Major |Duncan Campbell, |Dec. 17, 1755|Lieut. |Alexander Campbell| " 28, 1756
| Inveraw | |Lieut. |Alexander McIntosh| " 29, 1756
Capt |Gordon Graham |June 3, 1752 |Lieut. |James Gray | " 30, 1756
Capt |John Read | do. |Lieut. |William Baillie | " 31, 1756
Capt |John McNeile |Dec. 16, 1752|Lieut. |Hugh Arnott |Apr. 9, 1756
Capt |Alan Campbell |Mar. 15, 1755|Lieut. |John Sutherland | " 10, 1756
Capt |Thomas Graeme |Feb. 16, 1756|Lieut. |John Small | " 11, 1756
| Duchray | |Ensign |Archibald Campbell|May 5, 1756
Capt |James Abercromby | do. |Ensign |James Campbell |Jan. 24, 1756
| Son of Glassa | |Ensign |Archibald Lamont | " 25, 1756
Capt |John Campbell |Apr. 9, 1756 |Ensign |Duncan Campbell | " 26, 1756
Capt. | Strachur | |Ensign |George McLagan | " 27, 1756
Lieut. |John Campbell, sr |Feb. 16, 1756|Ensign |Patrick Balneaves | " 28, 1756
Lieut. |William Grant |May 22, 1746 |Ensign |Patrick Stuart | " 29, 1756
Lieut. |Robert Gray |Aug. 7, 1747 |Ensign |Norman McLeod | " 30, 1756
Lieut. |John Campbell |May 16, 1748 |Ensign |George Campbell | " 31, 1756
Lieut. |George Farquharson |Mar. 29, 1750|Ensign |Donald Campbell | May 5, 1756
Lieut. |Colin Campbell |Feb. 9, 1751 |Chaplain|Adam Ferguson |Apr. 30, 1746
Lieut. |James Campbell |June 3, 1752 |Adjutant|James Grant |June 26, 1751
Lieut. |Sir James Cockburn,|Mar. 15, 1755|Q.M. |John Graham |Feb. 19, 1756
| B't. | |Surgeon |David Hepburn |June 26, 1751
Lieut. |Kenneth Tolme |Jan. 23, 1756| | |
Lieut. |James Grant | " 24, 1756| | |
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The regiment known as Montgomery's Highlanders (77th) took its name from
its commander, Archibald Montgomery, son of the earl of Eglinton. Being
very popular among the Highlanders, Montgomery very soon raised the
requisite body of men, who were formed into thirteen companies of one
hundred and five rank and file each; making in all fourteen hundred and
sixty effective men, including sixty-five sergeants and thirty pipers
and drummers. The Colonel's commission was dated January 4, 1757, and
those of the other officers one day later than his senior in rank. They
are thus recorded:
Lieut.-Colonel commanding, Archibald Montgomery; majors, James Grant of
Ballindalloch and Alexander Campbell; captains, John Sinclair, Hugh
Mackenzie, John Gordon, Alexander Mackenzie, William Macdonald, George
Munro, Robert Mackenzie, Allan Maclean, James Robertson, Allan Cameron;
captain-lieut., Alexander Mackintosh; lieutenants, Charles Farquharson,
Nichol Sutherland, Donald Macdonald, William Mackenzie, Robert
Mackenzie, Henry Munro, Archibald Robertson, Duncan Bayne, James Duff,
Colin Campbell, James Grant, Alexander Macdonald, Joseph Grant, Robert
Grant, Cosmo Martin, John Macnab, Hugh Gordon, Alexander Macdonald,
Donald Campbell, Hugh Montgomery, James Maclean, Alexander Campbell,
John Campbell, James Macpherson, Archibald Macvicar; ensigns: Alexander
Grant, William Haggart, Lewis Houston, Ronald Mackinnon, George Munro,
Alexander Mackenzie, John Maclachlane, William Maclean, James Grant,
John Macdonald, Archibald Crawford, James Bain, Allan Stewart; chaplain:
Henry Munro; adjutant: Donald Stewart; quarter-master: Alexander
Montgomery; surgeon: Allan Stewart.
The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax immediately on its
organization.
Fraser's Highlanders, or the 78th Regiment was organized by Simon
Fraser, son of the notorious lord Lovat who was executed by the English
government for the part he acted in the Rising of the Forty-five.
Although his estates had been seized by the Crown, and not possessing a
foot of land, so great was the influence of clanship, that in a few
weeks he raised eight hundred men, to whom were added upwards of six
hundred more by the gentlemen of the country and those who had obtained
commissions. In point of the number of companies and men, the battalion
was precisely the same as Montgomery's Highlanders. The list of
officers, whose commissions are dated January 5, 1757, is as follows:
Lieut.-col. commandant: Simon Fraser; majors: James Clephane and John
Campbell of Dunoon; captains: John Macpherson, brother of Cluny, John
Campbell of Ballimore; Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, Donald Macdonald,
brother of Clanranald, John Macdonell of Lochgarry, Alexander Cameron of
Dungallon, Thomas Ross of Culrossie, Thomas Fraser of Strui, Alexander
Fraser of Culduthel, Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg, James
Fraser of Belladrum; capt.-Lieut.: Simon Fraser; lieutenants: Alexander
Macleod, Hugh Cameron, Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Charles
Macdonell, from Glengarry, Roderick Macneil of Barra, William Macdonell,
Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, John Fraser of Balnain, Hector
Macdonald, brother of Boisdale, Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil, John
Fraser, Alexander Macdonald, son of Boisdale, Alexander Fraser,
Alexander Campbell of Aross, John Douglas, John Nairn, Arthur Rose,
Alexander Fraser, John Macdonell of Leeks, Cosmo Gordon, David Baillie,
Charles Stewart, Ewen Cameron, Allan Cameron, John Cuthbert, Simon
Fraser, Archibald Macallister, James Murray, Alexander Fraser, Donald
Cameron, son of Fassifern; ensigns: John Chisolm, Simon Fraser, Malcolm
Fraser, Hugh Fraser, Robert Menzies, John Fraser of Errogie, James
Mackenzie, Donald Macneil, Henry Munro, Alexander Gregorson, Ardtornish,
James Henderson, John Campbell; chaplain: Robert Macpherson; adjutant:
Hugh Fraser; quarter-master: John Fraser; surgeon: John Maclean.
"The uniform of the regiment was the full Highland dress with musket
and broadsword, to which many of the soldiers added the dirk at their
own expense, and a purse of badger's or otter's skin. The bonnet was
raised or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inclining down to
the right ear, over which were suspended two or more black feathers.
Eagle's or hawk's feathers were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the
Highlands, while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented
with a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The
ostrich feathers in the bonnets of the soldiers were a modern
addition of that period."[136]
The regiment was quickly marched to Greenock, where it embarked, in
company with Montgomery's Highlanders, and landed at Halifax in June
1757, where it remained till it formed a junction with the expedition
against Louisbourg. The regiment was quartered between Canada and Nova
Scotia till the conclusion of the war. On all occasions they sustained a
uniform character for unshaken firmness, incorruptible probity and a
strict regard to their duties. The men were always anxious to conceal
their misdemeanors from the _Caipal Mohr_, as they called the chaplain,
from his large size.
When The Black Watch landed in New York they attracted much notice,
particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the march of the
regiment to Albany, flocked from all quarters to see strangers, whom,
from the somewhat similarity of dress, they believed to be of the same
extraction with themselves, and therefore considered them to be
brothers.
During the whole of 1756 the regiment remained inactive in Albany. The
winter and spring of 1757 they were drilled and disciplined for
bush-fighting and sharpshooting, a species of warfare then necessary and
for which they were well fitted, being in general good marksmen, and
expert in the management of their arms.
[Illustration: HIGHLAND OFFICER]
In the month of June, 1757, lord Loudon, who had been appointed
commander-in-chief of the army in North America, with the 22d, 42d,
44th, 48th, 2d and 4th battalions of the 60th, together with six hundred
Rangers, making in all five thousand and three hundred men, embarked for
Halifax, where his force was increased to ten thousand and five hundred
men by the addition of five regiments lately arrived from England, which
included Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders. When on the eve of his
departure for an attack on Louisburg, information was received that the
Brest fleet, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, besides frigates,
had arrived in the harbor of that fortress. Letters, which had been
captured in a vessel bound from Louisburg to France, revealed that the
force was too great to be encountered. Lord Loudon abandoned the
enterprise and soon after returned to New York taking with him the
Highlanders and four other regiments.
By the addition of three new companies and the junction of seven hundred
recruits "The Black Watch" or 42nd, was now augmented to upwards of
thirteen hundred men, all Highlanders, for at that period, none others
were admitted.
During the absence of lord Loudon, Montcalm, the French commander, was
very active, and collecting all his disposable forces, including
Indians, and a large train of artillery, amounting in all to more than
eight thousand men, laid siege to Fort William Henry, under the command
of Colonel Munro. Some six miles distant was Fort Edward, garrisoned by
four thousand men under General Webb. The siege was conducted with great
vigor and within six days Colonel Munro surrendered, conditioned on not
serving again for eighteen months, and allowed to march out of the fort
with their arms and two field pieces. As soon as they were without the
gate the Indians fell upon them and committed all sorts of outrages and
barbarities,--the French being unable to restrain them.
Thus terminated the campaign of 1757 in America, undistinguished by any
act which might compensate for the loss of territory or the sacrifice of
lives. With an inferior force the French had been successful at every
point, and besides having obtained complete control of Lakes George and
Champlain, the destruction of Oswego gave the dominion of those lakes,
which are connected with the St. Lawrence, to the Mississippi, thus
opening a direct communication between Canada and the southwest.
Lord Loudon having been recalled, the command of the army again devolved
on General James Abercromby. Determined to wipe off the disgrace of
former campaigns, the new ministry, which had just come into power,
fitted out, in 1758, a great naval and military force consisting of
fifty-two thousand men. To the military staff were added Major-General
Amherst, and Brigadier-General's Wolfe, Townsend and Murray. Three
expeditions were proposed: the first to renew the attempt on Louisburg;
the second directed against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the third
against Fort du Quesne.
General Abercromby took command, in person, of the expedition against
Ticonderoga, with a force of fifteen thousand three hundred and ninety
men, of whom over six thousand were regulars, the rest being
provincials, besides a train of artillery. Among the regulars must be
reckoned the 42 Highlanders. Ticonderoga, situated on a point of land
between Lake George and Lake Champlain is surrounded on three sides by
water, and on one-half of the fourth by a morass. The remaining part of
the fort was protected by high entrenchments, supported and flanked by
three batteries, and the whole front of that which was accessible
intersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with felled trees, with
their branches turned outwards, and their points sharpened.
On July 5th the army struck their tents at daybreak, and in nine hundred
small boats and one hundred and thirty-five whale-boats, with artillery
mounted on rafts, embarked on Lake George. The fleet in stately
procession, bright with banners and cheered by martial music, moved down
the beautiful lake, beaming with hope and pride. The solemn forests were
broken by the echoes of the happy soldiery. There was no one to molest
them, and victory was their one desire. Over the broader expanse they
passed to the first narrows, witnessing the mountains rising from the
water's edge, the dark forest, and the picturesque loveliness of the
scene. Long afterwards General John Stark recounted that when they had
halted at Sabbathday Point at twilight, lord Howe, reclining in his tent
on a bearskin, and bent on winning a hero's name, questioned him closely
as to the position of Ticonderoga and the fittest modes of attack.
After remaining five hours at their resting place, the army, an hour
before midnight, moved once more down the lake, and by nine the next
morning, disembarked on the west side, in a cove sheltered by a point
which still keeps the name of Lord Howe. The troops were formed into two
parallel columns and marched on the enemy's advanced posts, which were
abandoned without a shot. The march was continued in the same order, but
the guides proving ignorant, the columns came in contact, and were
thrown into confusion. A detachment of the enemy which had also become
bewildered in the woods, fell in with the right column, at the head of
which was lord Howe, and during the skirmish which ensued, Howe was
killed. Abercromby ordered the army to march back to the landing place.
Montcalm, ever alert, was ready to receive the English army. On July 6th
he called in all his parties, and when united amounted to two thousand
eight hundred French and four hundred and fifty Canadians. On the 7th
the whole army toiled incredibly in strengthening their defenses. On the
same evening De Levi returned from the projected expedition against the
Mohawks, bringing with him four hundred chosen men. On the morning of
the 8th, the drums of the French beat to arms, that the troops, now
thirty-six hundred and fifty in number, might know their stations and
resume their work.
The strongest regiment in the army of Abercrombie was the 42nd
Highlanders, fully equipped, in their native dress. The officers wore a
narrow gold braiding round their tunics, all other lace being laid aside
to make them less conspicuous to the French and Canadian riflemen. The
sergeants wore silver lace on their coats, and carried the Lochaber axe,
the head of which was fitted for hewing, hooking or spearing an enemy,
or such other work as might be found before the ramparts of Ticonderoga.
Many of the men had been out in the Rising of the Forty-five.
When Abercrombie received information from some prisoners that De Levi
was about to reinforce Montcalm, he determined, if possible to strike a
blow before a junction could be effected. Report also having reached him
that the entrenchments were still unfinished, and might be assaulted
with prospects of success, he immediately made the necessary
dispositions for attack. The British commander, remaining far behind
during the action, put the army in motion, on the 8th, the regulars
advancing through the openings of the provincials, and taking the lead.
The pickets were followed by the grenadiers, supported by the battalions
and reserve, which last consisted of the Highlanders and 55th regiment,
advanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments, which they found
much more formidable than they expected. As the British advanced,
Montcalm, who stood just within the trenches, threw off his coat for the
sunny work of the July afternoon, and forbade a musket to be fired until
he had given the order. When the British drew very near, in three
principal columns, to attack simultaneously the left, the center, and
the right, they became entangled among the rubbish and broken into
disorder by clambering over logs and projecting limbs. The quick eye of
Montcalm saw the most effective moment had come, and giving the word of
command, a sudden and incessant fire of swivels and small arms mowed
down brave officers and men by hundreds. The intrepidity of the English
made the carnage terrible. With the greatest vivacity the attacks were
continued all the afternoon. Wherever the French appeared to be weak,
Montcalm immediately strengthened them. Regiment after regiment was
hurled against the besieged, only to be hurled back with the loss of
half their number.
The Scottish Highlanders, held in the reserve, from the very first were
impatient of the restraint; but when they saw the column fall back,
unable longer to control themselves, and emulous of sharing the danger,
broke away and pushed forward to the front, and with their broadswords
and Lochaber axes endeavored to cut through the abattis and
chevaux-de-frize. For three hours the Highlanders struggled without the
least appearance of discouragement. After a long and deadly struggle
they penetrated the exterior defences and reached the breastwork; having
no scaling ladders, they attempted to gain the summit by mounting on
each others shoulders and partly by fixing their feet in holes they made
with their swords, axes and bayonets in the face of the work, but no
sooner did a man appear on top than he was hurled down by the defending
troops. Captain John Campbell, with a few men, at length forced their
way over the breastwork, but were immediately dispatched with the
bayonet.
While the Highlanders and grenadiers were fighting without faltering and
without confusion on the French left, the columns which had attacked the
center and right, at about five o'clock, concentrated themselves at a
point between the two; but De Levi advanced from the right and Montcalm
brought up the reserve. At six the two parties nearest the water turned
desperately against the center, and being repulsed, made a last effort
on the left, where, becoming bewildered, the English fired on an
advanced party of their own, producing hopeless dejection.
The British general, during the confusion of battle cowered safely at
the saw-mills, and when his presence was needed to rally the fugitives,
was nowhere to be found. The second in command, unable to seize the
opportunity, gave no commands. The Highlanders persevered in their
undertaking and did not relinquish their labors until they received the
third order to retreat, when they withdrew, unmolested, and carrying
with them the whole of their wounded.
The loss sustained by the 42nd was as follows: eight officers, nine
sergeants and two hundred and ninety-seven men killed; and seventeen
officers, ten sergeants and three hundred and six soldiers wounded. The
officers killed were Major Duncan Campbell of Inveraw, Captain John
Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, Hugh MacPherson, William
Baillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied and
George Rattray. The wounded were Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Graham
of Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, James
Murray; Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell of Melford,
William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell,
Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, Patrick
Balneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant.
The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders, in the storming of Ticonderoga,
was made the topic of universal panegyric throughout the whole of Great
Britain, the public prints teeming with honorable mention of, and
testimonies to their bravery. Among these General Stewart copies[137]
the two following:
"With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy (says an officer of the
55th, lord Howe's regiment), I consider the great loss and immortal
glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody affair.
Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrenchments, which
many of them actually mounted. They appeared like lions, breaking
from their chains. Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped
by seeing their comrades fall on every side. I have only to say of
them, that they seemed more anxious to revenge the cause of their
deceased friends, than careful to avoid the same fate. By their
assistance, we expect soon to give a good account of the enemy and of
ourselves. There is much harmony and friendship between us." "The
attack (says Lieutenant William Grant of the 42nd) began a little
past one in the afternoon, and, about two, the fire became general on
both sides, which was exceedingly heavy, and without any
intermission, insomuch that the oldest soldier present never saw so
furious and incessant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to
it. I saw both. We labored under insurmountable difficulties. The
enemy's breastwork was about nine or ten feet high, upon the top of
which they had plenty of wall pieces fixed, and which was well lined
in the inside with small arms. But the difficult access to their
lines was what gave them the fatal advantage over us. They took care
to cut down monstrous large oak trees, which covered all the ground
from the foot of their breastwork about the distance of a cannon shot
every way in their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made it
impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely out of our
power to advance till we cut our way through. I have seen men behave
with courage and resolution before now, but so much determined
bravery can hardly be equalled in any part of the history of ancient
Rome. Even those that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their
companions, not to mind or lose a thought upon them, but to follow
their officers, and to mind the honor of their country. Nay, their
ardor was such, that it was difficult to bring them off. They paid
dearly for their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the
honor to cover the retreat of the army, and brought off the wounded,
as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a regiment again? I
hope we shall be allowed to recruit."
The English outnumbered the French four-fold, and with their artillery,
which was near at hand, could have forced a passage. "Had I to besiege
Ticonderoga," said Montcalm, "I would ask for but six mortars and two
pieces of artillery." But Abercrombie, that evening, hurried the army to
the landing place, with such precipitancy, that but for the alertness of
Colonel Bradstreet, it would at once have rushed in a mass into the
boats. On the morning of the 9th the army embarked and Abercrombie did
not rest until he had placed the lake between himself and Montcalm, and
even then he sent the artillery and ammunition to Albany for safety.
The expedition against Louisburg, under Major-General Jeffrey Amherst,
set sail from Halifax on May 28, 1758. It was joined by the fleet under
Admiral Boscawen. The formidable armament consisted of twenty-five sail
of the line, eighteen frigates, and a number of bomb and fire ships,
with the Royals, 15th, 17th, 22nd, 28th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 48th,
58th, the 2d and 3d battalions of the 60th, 78th Highlanders, and New
England Rangers,--in all, thirteen thousand and nine men. On June 2nd
the vessels anchored in Garbarus Bay, seven miles from Louisburg. The
garrison, under the Chevalier Ducour, consisted of twenty-five hundred
regulars, six hundred militia, and four hundred Canadians and Indians.
The harbor was protected by six ships of the line and five frigates,
three of the latter being sunk at its mouth. The English ships were six
days on the coast before a landing could be attempted, on account of a
heavy surf continually rolling with such violence, that no boat could
approach the shore. The violence of the surf having somewhat abated, a
landing was effected on June 8th. The troops were disposed for landing
in three divisions. That on the left, which was destined for the real
attack, commanded by Brigadier General Wolfe, was composed of the
grenadiers and light infantry, and the 78th, or Fraser's Highlanders.
While the boats containing this division were being rowed ashore, the
other two divisions on the right and center, commanded by Brigadier
Generals Whitmore and Lawrence, made a show of landing, in order to
divide and distract the enemy. The landing place was occupied by two
thousand men entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces of cannon and
swivels. The enemy wisely reserved their fire till the boats were close
to the shore, and then directed their discharge of cannon and musketry
with considerable execution. The surf aided the fire. Many of the boats
were upset or dashed to pieces on the rocks, and numbers of the men were
killed or drowned before land was reached. Captain Baillie and
Lieutenant Cuthbert of the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherts,
and thirty-eight men were killed. Notwithstanding the great
disadvantages, nothing could stop the troops when led by such a general
as Wolfe. Some of the light infantry and Highlanders were first ashore,
and drove all before them. The rest followed, and soon pursued the enemy
to a distance of two miles, when they were checked by the cannonading
from the town.
In this engagement the French lost seventeen pieces of cannon, two
mortars, and fourteen swivels, besides seventy-three prisoners. The
cannonading from the town enabled Wolfe to prove the range of the
enemy's guns, and to judge of the exact distance at which he might make
his camp for investing the town. The regiments then took post at the
positions assigned them. For some days operations went on slowly. The
sea was so rough that the landing of stores from the fleet was much
retarded; and it was not until the 11th that the six pounder field
pieces were landed. Six days later a squadron was fairly blown out to
sea by the tempest. By the 24th the chief engineer had thirteen
twenty-four pounders in position against the place. The first operation
was to secure a point called Lighthouse Battery, the guns from which
could play upon the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of
the harbor. On the 12th this point was captured by Wolfe at the head of
his gallant Fraser's and flank companies, with but little loss. On the
25th, the fire from this post silenced the island battery immediately
opposite. An incessant fire, however, was kept up from the other
batteries and shipping of the enemy. On July 9th the enemy made a sortie
on General Lawrence's brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In this
affair, the earl of Dundonald was killed. There were twenty other
casualities. The French captain who led the attack, with seventeen of
his men, was also killed. On the 16th, Wolfe pushed forward some
grenadiers and Highlanders, and took possession of the hills in front of
the Lighthouse battery, where a lodgement was made under a fire from the
town and the ships. On the 21st one of the French ships was set on fire
by a bombshell and blew up, and the fire being communicated to two
others, they were burned to the water's edge. The fate of the town was
now almost decided, the enemy's fire nearly silenced and the
fortifications shattered to the ground. All that now remained in the
reduction was to get possession of the harbor, by taking or burning the
two ships of the line which remained. For this purpose the admiral, on
the night of July 25th sent six hundred seamen in boats, with orders to
take, or burn, the two ships of the line that remained in the harbor,
resolving if they succeeded to send in some of his larger vessels to
bombard the town. This enterprise was successfully executed by the
seamen under Captains Laforey and Balfour, in the face of a terrible
fire of cannon and musketry. One of the ships was set on fire and the
other towed off. On the 26th the town surrendered; the garrison and
seamen amounted to five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven, besides
one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, eighteen mortars, seven
thousand five hundred stand of arms, eleven colors, and eleven ships of
war. The total loss of the English army and fleet, during the siege
amounted to five hundred and twenty-five. Besides Captain Baillie and
Lieutenant Cuthbert the Highlanders lost Lieutenant J. Alexander Fraser
and James Murray, killed; Captain Donald MacDonald, Lieutenant Alexander
Campbell (Barcaldine) and John MacDonald, wounded; and sixty-seven rank
and file killed and wounded.
The third expedition was against Fort du Quesne, undertaken by Brigadier
General John Forbes. Although the point of attack was less formidable
and the enemy inferior in numbers to those at either Ticonderoga or
Louisburg, yet the difficulties were greater, owing to the great extent
of country to be traversed, through woods without roads, over mountains
and through almost impassable morasses. The army consisted of six
thousand two hundred and thirty-eight men, composed of Montgomery's
Highlanders, twelve hundred and eighty-four strong, five hundred and
fifty-five of the Royal Americans, and four thousand four hundred
provincials. Among the latter were the two Virginia regiments, nineteen
hundred strong, under the command of Washington. Yet vast as were the
preparations of the army, Forbes never would have seen the Ohio had it
not been for the genius of Washington, although then but twenty-six
years of age. The army took up its line of march from Philadelphia in
July, and did not reach Raystown until the month of September, when they
were still ninety miles distant from Fort du Quesne. It was Washington's
earnest advice that the army should advance with celerity along
Braddock's road; but other advice prevailed, and the army commemorated
its march by moving slowly and constructing a new route to the Ohio.
Thus the summer was frittered away. While Washington's forces joined the
main army, Boquet was detached with two thousand men to take post at
Loyal Hanna, fifty miles in advance. Here intelligence was received that
the French garrison consisted of but eight hundred men, of whom three
hundred were Indians. The vainglory of Boquet, without the consent or
knowledge of his superior officer urged him to send forward a party of
four hundred Highlanders and a company of Virginians, under Major James
Grant to reconnoitre. Major Grant divided his troops, and when near the
fort, advanced with pipes playing and drums beating, as if he was on a
visit to a friendly town. The enemy did not wait to be attacked, but
instantly marched out of their works and invited the conflict. The
Highlanders threw off their coats and charged sword in hand. At first
the French gave way, but rallied and surrounded the detachment on all
sides. Being concealed in the thick foliage, their heavy and destructive
fire could not be returned with any effect. Major Grant was taken in an
attempt to force into the woods, where he observed the thickest of the
fire. On losing their commander, and so many officers killed and
wounded, the Highlanders dispersed, and were only saved from utter ruin
by the provincials. Only one hundred and fifty of the Highlanders
succeeded in making their way back to Loyal Hanna.
In this battle, fought September 14, 1758, two hundred and thirty-one
Highlander's were killed and wounded. The officers killed were Captain
William Macdonald and George Munro; Lieutenants Alexander Mackenzie,
William Mackenzie; Robert Mackenzie, Colin Campbell, and Alexander
Macdonald; and the wounded were Captain Hugh Mackenzie, Lieutenants
Alexander Macdonald, Archibald Robertson, Henry Munro, and Ensigns John
Macdonald and Alexander Grant.
General Forbes did not reach Loyal Hanna until November 5th, and there a
council of war determined that no farther advance should be made for
that season. But Washington had plead that owing to his long intimacy
with these woods, and his familiarity with the difficulties and all the
passes should be allowed the responsibility of commanding the first
party. This having been denied him, he prevailed on the commander to be
allowed to make a second advance. His brigade was of provincials, and
they toiled cheerfully by his side, infusing his own spirit into the men
he commanded. Over the hills white with snow, his troops poorly fed and
poorly clothed toiled onward. His movements were rapid: on November 15th
he was at Chestnut Ridge; and the 17th at Bushy Run. As he drew near
Fort du Quesne, the disheartened garrison, about five hundred in number,
set fire to the fort, and by the light of the conflagration, descended
the Ohio. On the 25th Washington could point out to the army the
junction of the rivers, and entering the fortress, they planted the
British colors on the deserted ruins. As the banner of England floated
over the Ohio, the place was with one voice named Pittsburg, in honor of
the great English premier William Pitt.
The troops under Washington were accompanied by a body of Highlanders.
On the morning of November 25th, the army advanced with the provincials
in the front. They entered upon an Indian path. "Upon each side of which
a number of stakes, with the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth,
and upon each stake was fixed the head and kilt of a Highlander who had
been killed or taken prisoner at Grant's defeat. The provincials, being
front, obtained the first view of these horrible spectacles, which it
may readily be believed, excited no kindly feelings in their breasts.
They passed along, however, without any manifestation of their violent
wrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of the remains of
their countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their ranks, which rapidly
swelled and grew louder and louder. Exasperated not only by the
barbarous outrages upon the persons of their unfortunate fellow soldiers
who had fallen only a few days before, but maddened by the insult which
was conveyed by the exhibition of their kilts, and which they well
understood, as they had long been nicknamed the 'petticoat warriors' by
the Indians, their wrath knew no bounds. Directly a rapid and violent
tramping was heard, and immediately the whole corps of the Highlanders,
with their muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed by the
provincials, foaming with rage, and resembling, as Captain Craighead
coarsely expressed it, 'mad boars engaged in battle,' swearing vengeance
and extermination upon the French troops who had permitted such
outrages. Their march was now hastened--the whole army moved forward
after the Highlanders, and when they arrived somewhere about where the
canal now passes, the Fort was discovered to be in flames, and the last
of the boats, with the flying Frenchmen, were seen passing down the Ohio
by Smoky Island. Great was the disappointment of the exasperated
Highlanders at the escape of the French, and their wrath subsided into a
sullen and relentless desire for vengeance."[138]
The Highlanders passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburg, and in May
following marched to the assistance of General Amherst in his
proceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and the Lakes.
Before the heroic action of The Black Watch at Ticonderoga was known in
England, a warrant was issued conferring upon the regiment the title of
Royal, so that it became known also by the name of 42d Royal Highland
Regiment, and letters were issued to raise a second battalion. So
successful were the recruiting officers that within three months, seven
companies, each one hundred and twenty men strong were embodied at Perth
in October 1758. Although Highlanders only were admitted, yet two
officers, anxious to obtain commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen,
several of whom were O'Donnels, O'Lachlans, O'Briens, &c. The O was
changed to Mac, and the Milesians passed muster as true Macdonels,
Maclachlans, and Macbriars, without being questioned.
The second battalion immediately embarked at Greenock for the West
Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle; and after the reduction
of Guadaloupe, it was transferred to New York, and in July, 1759, was
combined with the first battalion, in order to engage in the operations
then projected against the French settlements in Canada. General Wolfe
was to proceed up the St. Lawrence and besiege Quebec. General Amherst,
who had succeeded Abercromby as commander-in-chief, was to attempt the
reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and then effect a junction
with General Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier General John Prideaux was to
proceed against the French fort near the falls of Niagara, the most
important post of all French America.
The army first put in motion was that under Amherst, which assembled at
Fort Edward on June 19th. It included the 42nd and Montgomery's
Highlanders, and when afterwards joined by the second battalion of the
42nd, numbered fourteen thousand five hundred men. On the 21st, preceded
by The Black Watch the army moved forward and encamped on Lake George,
where, during the previous year, the army rested prior to the attack on
Ticonderoga. Considerable time was spent in preparations for assaulting
this formidable post, but on seeing the preparations made by the English
generals for a siege, the French set fire to the magazines and
buildings, and retired to Crown Point.
The plan of campaign on the part of the French appeared to have been to
embarrass Amherst by retarding the advance of his army, but not to
hazard any considerable engagement, nor to allow themselves to be so
completely invested as to cut off all retreat. The main object of their
tactics was so to delay the advance of the English that the season for
action on the Lakes would pass away without showing any decisive
advantage on the part of the invaders, whilst their own forces could be
gradually concentrated, and thus arrest the progress of Amherst down the
St. Lawrence.
On taking possession of Ticonderoga, which effectually covered the
frontiers of New York, General Amherst proceeded to repair the
fortifications; and, while superintending this work, was indefatigable
in preparing batteaux and other vessels for conveying his troops, and
obtaining the superiority on the Lakes. Meanwhile the French abandoned
Crown Point and retired to Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of
Lake Champlain. General Amherst moved forward and took possession of the
fort which the French had abandoned, and the second battalion of the
42nd was ordered up. Having gained a naval superiority on Lake Champlain
the army went into winter quarters at Crown Point.
The main undertaking of the campaign was the reduction of Quebec, by far
the most difficult operation, where General Wolfe was expected to
perform an important part with not more than seven thousand effective
men. The movement commenced at Sandy Hook, Tuesday May 8, 1759 when the
expedition set sail for Louisburg, under convoy of the Nightingale, the
fleet consisting of about twenty-eight sail, the greater part of which
was to take in the troops from Nova Scotia, and the rest having on board
Fraser's Highlanders. They arrived at Louisburg on the 17th. and there
remained until June 4th, when the fleet again set sail, consisting of
one hundred and fifty vessels, twenty-two of which were ships of the
line. They entered the St. Lawrence on the 13th, and on the 23rd
anchored near Isle aux Coudres. On the 26th, the whole armament arrived
off the Isle of Orleans, and the next day disembarked. Montcalm depended
largely on the natural position of the city of Quebec for defence,
although he neglected nothing for his security. Every landing-place was
intrenched and protected. At midnight on the 28th a fleet of fireships
came down the tide, but was grappled by the British soldiers and towed
them free of the shipping. Point Levi, on the night of the 29th was
occupied, and batteries constructed, from which red-hot balls were
discharged, demolishing the lower town of Quebec and injuring the upper.
But the citadel and every avenue from the river to the cliff were too
strongly entrenched for an assault.
General Wolfe, enterprising, daring, was eager for battle. Perceiving
that the eastern bank of the Montmorenci was higher than the position of
Montcalm, on July 9th he crossed the north channel and encamped there;
but not a spot on the line of the Montmorenci was left unprotected by
the vigilant Montcalm. General Wolfe planned that two brigades should
ford the Montmorenci at the proper time of the tide, while Monckton's
regiments should cross the St. Lawrence in boats from Point Levi. The
signal was given and the advance made in the face of shot and shell.
Those who got first on shore, not waiting for support, ran hastily
towards the entrenchments, and were repulsed in such disorder that they
could not again come into line. Wolfe was compelled to order a retreat.
Intrepidity and discipline could not overcome the heavy fire of a well
protected enemy. In that assault, which occurred on July 31st, Wolfe
lost four hundred in killed.
General Murray was next sent with twelve hundred men, above the town, to
destroy the French ships and open communication with General Amherst.
They learned that Niagara had surrendered and that Ticonderoga and Crown
Point had been abandoned. But General Wolfe looked in vain for General
Amherst. The commander-in-chief, opposed by no more than three thousand
men, was loitering at Crown Point; nor was even a messenger received
from him. The heroic Wolfe was left to struggle alone against odds and
difficulties which every hour made more appalling. Everyone able to bear
arms was in the field fighting for their homes, their language, and
their religion. Old men of seventy and boys of fifteen fired at the
English detachments from the edges of the woods.
The feeble frame of General Wolfe, disabled by fever, began to sink
under the fearful strain. He laid before his chief officers three
desperate methods of attacking Montcalm, all of which they opposed, but
proposed to convey five thousand men above the town, and thus draw
Montcalm from his intrenchments. General Wolfe acquiesced and prepared
to carry it into effect. On the 5th and 6th of September he marched the
army from Point Levi, and embarked in transports, resolving to land at
the point that ever since has borne his name, and take the enemy by
surprise. Every officer knew his appointed duty, when at one o'clock on
the morning of the 13th, about half the army glided down with the tide.
When the cove was reached, General Wolfe and the troops with him leaped
ashore, and clambered up the steep hill, holding by the roots and boughs
of the maple, spruce and ash trees, that covered the declivity, and with
but little difficulty dispersed the picket which guarded the height. At
daybreak General Wolfe, with his battalions, stood on the plains of
Abraham. When the news was carried to Montcalm, he said, "They have at
last got to the weak side of this miserable garrison; we must give
battle, and crush them before mid-day." Before ten o'clock the two
opposing armies were ranged in each other's presence. The English, five
thousand strong, were all regulars, perfect in discipline, terrible in
their fearless enthusiasm, and commanded by a man whom they obeyed with
confidence and admiration. Montcalm had but five weak battalions of two
thousand men, mingled with disorderly peasantry. The French with three
and the English with two small pieces of artillery cannonaded each other
for nearly an hour.
Montcalm led the French army impetuously to the attack. The
ill-disciplined companies broke by their precipitation and the
unevenness of the ground, fired by platoons without unity. The English
received the shock with calmness, reserving their fire until the enemy
were within forty yards, when they began a regular, rapid firing.
Montcalm was everywhere, braving dangers, though wounded, cheered others
by his example. The Canadians flinching from the hot fire, gave way when
General Wolfe placing himself at the head of two regiments, charged with
bayonets. General Wolfe was wounded three times, the third time
mortally. "Support me," he cried to an officer near him; "let not my
brave fellows see me drop." He was carried to the rear. "They run, they
run," cried the officer on whom he leaned. "Who run?" asked Wolfe, as
his life was fast ebbing. "The French," replied the officer, "give way
everywhere." "What," cried the dying hero, "do they run already? Go, one
of you, to Colonel Burton; bid him march Webb's regiment with all speed
to Charles River to cut off the fugitives." "Now, God be praised, I die
happy," were the last words he uttered. The heroic Montcalm, struck by a
musket ball, continued in the engagement, till attempting to rally a
body of fugitive Canadians, was mortally wounded. On September 17th, the
city surrendered.
The rapid sketch thus given does not represent the part taken by
Fraser's Highlanders. Fortunately Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser kept a
journal, and from it the following is gleaned: June 30th, the
Highlanders with Kennedy's or the 43rd, crossed the river and joined the
15th, or Amhersts', with some Rangers, marched to Point Levi, having
numerous skirmishes on the way. Captain Campbell posted his company in
St. Joseph's church, and there fired a volley upon an assaulting party.
On Sunday, July 1st, the regiment was cannonaded by some floating
batteries, losing four killed and eight wounded. On the 9th, before
daylight, the Highlanders struck tents at Point Levi, and marched out of
sight of the town. On the 11th three men were wounded by the fire of the
great guns from the city. On the 21st, it was reported that fourteen
privates of Fraser's Highlanders were wounded by the Royal Americans,
having, in the dark, mistaken them for the enemy. On the night of July
24th, Colonel Fraser, with a detachment of about three hundred and fifty
men of his regiment, marched down the river, in order to take up such
prisoners and cattle as might be found. Lieutenant Alexander Fraser,
Jr., returned to the camp with the information that Colonel Fraser had
been wounded by a shot from some Canadians in ambush; and the same shot
wounded Captain MacPherson; both of whom returned that day to camp. On
the 27th the detachment returned bringing three women and one man
prisoners, and almost two hundred cattle. July 31st Fraser's and
Amherst's regiments embarked in boats at Point Levi and landed on the
Montmorenci, where, on that day, General Wolfe fought the battle of
Beauport Flats, in which he lost seven hundred killed and wounded. His
retreat was covered by the Highlanders, without receiving any hurt,
although exposed to a battery of two cannons which kept a very brisk
fire upon them. The regiment went to the island of Orleans, and on
August 1st to Point Levi. On Wednesday, August 15th, Captain John
MacDonell, seven subalterns, eight sergeants, eight corporals and one
hundred and forty-four men of Fraser's regiment, crossed from Point
Levi to the Island of Orleans and lodged in the church of St. Peter's,
and the next day marched to the east end of the island, and on the 17th
crossed to St. Joachim, where they met with slight resistance. They
fortified the Priest's house, and were not reinforced until the 23rd,
and then all marched to attack the village, which was captured, with "a
few prisoners taken, all of whom the barbarous Captain Montgomery, who
commanded us, ordered to be butchered in a most inhuman and cruel
manner.... After this skirmish we set about burning the houses with
great success, setting all in flames till we came to the church of St.
Anne's, where we put up for this night, and were joined by Captain Ross,
with about one hundred and twenty men of his company." The work of
devastation continued the following day, until the forces reached Ange
Gardien. August 28, Captain MacDonell with Captain Ross took post at
Chateau Richer. September 1st, Chateau Richer was burned, and the force
marched to Montmorenci, burning all the houses on the way. On the 2nd
the Highlanders returned to their camp at Point Levi. Captain Alexander
Cameron of Dungallon died on the 3rd. On the 4th Captain Alexander
Fraser of Culduthell arrived with a fourteenth company to the regiment.
On the 6th a detachment of six hundred Highlanders with the 15th and
43rd regiments, marched five miles above Point Levi and then crossed the
river in crowded vessels, but for several days remained mostly on board
the ships. On September 17th, the Highlanders landed at Wolfe's Cove,
with the rest of the army, and were soon on the plains of Abraham. When
the main body of the French commenced to retreat "our regiment were then
ordered by Brigadier General Murray to draw their swords and pursue
them; which I dare say increased their panic but saved many of their
lives. * * * In advancing we passed over a great many dead and wounded
(French regulars mostly) lying in the front of our regiment, who,--I
mean the Highlanders--to do them justice behaved extremely well all day,
as did the whole of the army. After pursuing the French to the very
gates of the town, our regiment was ordered to form fronting the town,
on the ground whereon the French formed first. At this time the rest of
the army came up in good order. General Murray having then put himself
at the head of our regiment ordered them to face to the left and march
thro' the bush of wood, towards the General Hospital, when they got a
great gun or two to play upon us from the town, which however did no
damage, but we had a few men killed and officers wounded by some
skulking fellows, with small arms, from the bushes and behind the houses
in the suburbs of St. Louis and St. John's. After marching a short way
through the bush, Brigadier Murray thought proper to order us to return
again to the high road leading from Porte St. Louis, to the heights of
Abraham, where the battle was fought, and after marching till we got
clear of the bushes, we were ordered to turn to the right, and go along
the edge of them towards the bank at the descent between us and the
General Hospital, under which we understood there was a body of the
enemy who, no sooner saw us, than they began firing on us from the
bushes and from the bank; we soon dispossessed them from the bushes, and
from thence kept firing for about a quarter of an hour on those under
cover of the bank; but, as they exceeded us greatly in numbers, they
killed and wounded a great many of our men, and killed two officers,
which obliged us to retire a little, and form again, when the 58th
Regiment with the 2nd Battalion of Royal Americans having come up to our
assistance, all three making about five hundred men, advanced against
the enemy and drove them first down to the great meadow between the
hospital and town and afterwards over the river St. Charles. It was at
this time and while in the bushes that our regiment suffered most;
Lieutenant Roderick, McNeill of Barra, and Alexander McDonell, and John
McDonell, and John McPherson, volunteer, with many of our men, were
killed before we were reinforced; and Captain Thomas Ross having gone
down with about one hundred men of the 3rd Regiment to the meadow, after
the enemy, when they were out of reach, ordered me up to desire those on
the height would wait till he would come up and join them, which I did,
but before Mr. Ross could get up, he unfortunately was mortally wounded.
* * * We had of our regiment three officers killed and ten wounded, one
of whom Captain Simon Fraser, afterwards died. Lieutenant Archibald
Campbell was thought to have been mortally wounded, but to the surprise
of most people recovered, Captain John McDonell thro' both thighs;
Lieut. Ronald McDonell thro' the knee; Lieutenant Alexander Campbell
thro' the leg; Lieutenant Douglas thro' the arm, who died of this wound
soon afterwards; Ensign Gregorson, Ensign McKenzie and Lieutenant
Alexander Fraser, all slightly, I received a contusion in the right
shoulder or rather breast, before the action become general, which
pained me a good deal, but it did not disable me from my duty then, or
afterwards.
The detachment of our regiment consisted, at our marching from Point
Levi, of six hundred men, besides commissioned and non commissioned
officers; but of these, two officers and about sixty men were left on
board for want of boats, and an officer and about thirty men left at the
landing place; besides a few left sick on board, so that we had about
five hundred men in the action. We suffered in men and officers more
than any three regiments in the field. We were commanded by Captain John
Campbell; the Colonel and Captain McPherson having been unfortunately
wounded on the 25th July, of which they were not yet fully recovered. We
lay on our arms all the night of the 13th September."
On the 14th the Highlanders pitched their tents on the battlefield,
within reach of the guns of the town. On the following; day they were
ordered to camp near the wood, at a greater distance from the town.
Here, within five hundred yards of the town, they commenced to make
redoubts. After the surrender of Quebec the Highlanders marched into the
city and there took up their quarters. On February 13, 1760, in an
engagement with the French at Point Levi, Lieutenant McNeil was killed,
and some of the soldiers wounded. March 18th Captain Donald McDonald,
with some detachments, in all five hundred men, attacked the French
posts at St. Augustin, and without loss took eighty prisoners, and that
night returned to Quebec.
Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, made fierce work in the
garrison, and in the army scarce a man was free from it. On April 30th a
return of Fraser's Highlanders, in the garrison at Quebec, showed three
hundred and fourteen fit for duty, five hundred and eighty sick, and one
hundred and six dead since September 18, 1759.
April 27th, the French under De Levi, in strong force advanced against
the English, the latter being forced to withdraw within the walls of
Quebec. Fraser's Highlanders was one of the detachments sent to cover
the retreat of the army, which was effected without loss. At half-past
six, the next morning General Murray marched out and formed his army on
the heights of Abraham. The left wing was under Colonel Simon Fraser
composed of the Highlanders, the 43rd, and the 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. The
Highlanders were exposed to a galling fire from the bushes in front and
flank and were forced to fall back; and every regiment made the best of
its way into the city. The British loss was two hundred and fifty-seven
killed and seven hundred and sixty-one wounded.
The Highlanders had about four hundred men in the field, nearly one-half
of whom had that day, of their own accord, come out of the hospital.
Among the killed were Captain Donald Macdonald, Lieutenant Cosmo Gordon
and fifty-five non-commissioned officers, pipers and privates; their
wounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander
Fraser, Alexander MacLeod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants Archibald
Campbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, John
Macbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, John Nairn,
Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon Fraser, senior, Archibald
McAlister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser, junior,
Malcolm Fraser, and Donald McNeil; Ensigns Henry Munro, Robert Menzies,
Duncan Cameron, of Fassifern, William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson and
Malcolm Fraser, and one hundred and twenty-nine non-commissioned
officers and privates.
Lieutenant Charles Stewart, engaged in the Rising of the Forty-Five, in
Stewart of Appin's regiment, was severely wounded at Culloden. As he lay
in his quarters after the battle on the heights of Abraham, speaking to
some brother officers on the recent actions, he exclaimed, "From April
battles, and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me!" alluding to his
wound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed lord George Murray for
fighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, cavalry
and artillery; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and to
General Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack an
enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their whole
strength could be brought to act. No time was lost in repeating to the
general what the wounded officer had said; but Murray, who was a man of
humor and of a generous mind, on the following morning called on his
subordinate, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next
battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different
manner.
On the night of the battle De Levi opened trenches within six hundred
yards of the walls of the city, and proceeded to besiege the city, while
General Murray made preparations for defence. On May 1st the largest of
the English blockhouses accidentally blew up, injuring Captain Cameron.
On the 17th the French suddenly abandoned their entrenchments. Lord
Murray pursued but was unable to overtake them. He formed a junction, in
September with General Amherst.
General Amherst had been notified of the intended siege of Quebec by De
Levi; but only persevered in the tardy plans which he had formed. Canada
now presented no difficulties only such as General Amherst might create.
The country was suffering from four years of scarcity, a disheartened,
starving peasantry, and the feeble remains of five or six battalions
wasted by incredible hardships. Colonel Haviland proceeded from Crown
Point and took the deserted fort at Isle aux Noix. Colonel Haldimand,
with the grenadiers, light infantry and a battalion of The Black Watch,
took post at the bottom of the lake. General Amherst led the main body
of ten thousand men by way of Oswego; why, no one can tell. The labor of
going there was much greater than going direct to Montreal. After
toiling to Oswego, he proceeded cautiously down the St. Lawrence,
treating the people humanely, and without the loss of life, save while
passing the rapids, he met, on September 7th, the army of lord Murray
before Montreal, the latter on his way up from Quebec, intimidated the
people and amused himself by burning villages and harrying Canadians. On
the 8th Colonel Haviland joined the forces. Thus the three armies came
together in overwhelming strength, to take an open town of a few hundred
inhabitants who were ready to surrender on the first appearance of the
English.
The Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders remained in America until the
close of the year 1761. The officers were Lieutenant Colonel Francis
Grant; Majors, Gordon Graham and John Reid; Captains, John McNeil, Allan
Campbell, Thomas Graeme, James Stewart, James Murray, Thomas Stirling,
William Murray, John Stuart, Alexander Reid, William Grant, David
Haldane, Archibald Campbell, John Campbell, Kenneth Tolmie, William
Cockburne; Captain-Lieutenant, James Grant; Lieutenants, John Graham,
Alexander Turnbull, Alexander McIntosh, James Gray, John Small,
Archibald Campbell, James Campbell, Archibald Lamont, David Mills, Simon
Blair, David Barclay, Alexander Mackay, Robert Menzies, Patrick
Balneaves, John Campbell, senior, John Robertson, John Grant, George
Leslie, Duncan Campbell, Adam Stuart, George Grant, James McIntosh, John
Smith, Peter Grant, Simon Fraser, Alexander Farquharson, John Campbell,
junior, William Brown, Thomas Fletcher, Elbert Herring, John Leith,
Archibald Campbell, Alexander Donaldson, Archibald Campbell, Patrick
Sinclair, John Gregor, Lewis Grant, Archibald Campbell, John Graham,
Allan Grant, Archibald McNab; Ensigns, Charles Menzies, John Charles St.
Clair, Neil McLean, Thomas Cunison, Alexander Gregor, William Grant,
George Campbell, Nathaniel McCulloch, Daniel Robertson, John Sutherland,
Charles Grant, Samuel Stull, James Douglass, Thomas Scott, Charles
Graham, James Robertson, Patrick Murray, Lewis Grant; Chaplain, Lauchlan
Johnston; Adjutants, Alexander Donaldson, John Gregor; Quarter-Masters,
John Graham, Adam Stewart; Surgeons, David Hepburn, Robert Drummond.
At the close of the year 1761 The Black Watch, with ten other regiments,
among which was Montgomery's Highlanders, embarked for Barbadoes, there
to join an armament against Martinique and Havanna. After the surrender
of Havanna, the first battalion of the 42nd, and Montgomery's
Highlanders embarked for New York, which they reached in the end of
October, 1762. Before leaving Cuba, all the men of the second battalion
of the 42nd, fit for service were consolidated with the first, and the
remainder shipped to Scotland, where they were reduced the following
year.
The 42nd, or The Black Watch was stationed at Albany till the summer of
1763 when they, with a detachment of Montgomery's Highlanders and
another of the 60th, under command of Colonel Henry Boquet, were sent to
the relief of Fort Pitt, then besieged by the Indians. This expedition
consisting of nine hundred and fifty-six men, with its convoy, reached
Fort Bedford, July 25, 1763. The whole country in that region was
aroused by the depredations of the Indians. On the 28th Boquet moved his
army out of Fort Bedford and marched to Fort Ligonier, where he left his
train, and proceeded with pack-horses. Before them lay a dangerous
defile, several miles in length, commanded the whole distance by high
and craggy hills. On August 5th, when within half a mile of Bushy-Run,
about one o'clock in the afternoon, after a harrassing march of
seventeen miles, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians; but two
companies of the 42nd Highlanders drove them from their ambuscade. When
the pursuit ceased, the savages returned. These savages fought like men
contending for their homes, and their hunting grounds. To them it was a
crisis which they were forced to meet. Again the Highlanders charged
them with fixed bayonets; but as soon as they were driven from one post
they appeared at another, and at last entirely surrounded the English,
and would have entirely cut them off had it not been for the cool
behavior of the troops and the good manoeuvering of the commander.
Night came on, and the English remained on a ridge of land, commodious
for a camp, except for the total want of water. The next morning the
army found itself still in a critical position. If they advanced to give
battle, then their convoy and wounded would fall a prey to the enemy; if
they remained quiet, they would be picked off one by one, and thus
miserably perish. Boquet took advantage of the resolute intrepidity of
the savages by feigning a retreat. The red men hurried to the charge,
when two companies concealed for the purpose fell upon their flank;
others turned and met them in front; and the Indians yielding to the
irresistible shock, were utterly routed.
The victory was dearly bought, for Colonel Boquet, in killed and
wounded, in the two days action, lost about one-fourth of his men, and
almost all his horses. He was obliged to destroy his stores, and was
hardly able to carry his wounded. That night the English encamped at
Bushy Run, and four days later were at Fort Pitt. In the skirmishing and
fighting, during the march, the 42nd, or The Black Watch, lost
Lieutenants John Graham and James Mackintosh, one sergeant and
twenty-six rank and file killed; and Captain John Graham of Duchray,
Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, two serjeants, two drummers, and thirty rank
and file, wounded. Of Montgomery's Highlanders one drummer and five
privates were killed; and Lieutenant Donald Campbell and volunteer John
Peebles, three serjeants and seven privates wounded.
[Illustration: OLD BLOCK HOUSE, FORT DUQUESNE.]
The 42nd regiment passed the winter at Fort Pitt, and during the summer
of 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against the
Ohio Indians. After a harrassing warfare the Indians sued for peace.
Notwithstanding the labors of a march of many hundred miles among dense
forests, during which they experienced the extremes of heat and cold,
the Highlanders did not lose a single man from fatigue or exhaustion.
The army returned to Fort Pitt in January, 1765, during very severe
weather. Three men died of sickness, and on their arrival at Fort Pitt
only nineteen men were under the surgeon's charge. The regiment was now
in better quarters than it had been for years. It was greatly reduced
in numbers, from its long service, the nature and variety of its
hardships, amidst the torrid heat of the West Indies, the rigorous
winters of New York and Ohio, and the fatalities on the field of battle.
The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767,
when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men who
preferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments.
These volunteers were so numerous, that, along with those who had been
previously sent home disabled, and others discharged and settled in
America, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion of that
which had left Scotland.
The 42nd Royal Highlanders, or The Black Watch, made a very favorable
impression in America. The _Virginia Gazette_, July 30, 1767, published
an article from which the following extracts have been taken:
"Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland Regiment embarked for
Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, has been
distinguished for having undergone most amazing fatigues, made long
and frequent marches through an unhospitable country, bearing
excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness,
frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the
interior parts of this province do not see, and which only those who
inhabit the most northern parts of Europe can have any idea of,
continually exposed in camp and on their marches to the alarms of a
savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were forced to fly. * * *
And, in a particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighboring
provinces have most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and
bravery with which they, under Colonel Boquet, and a small number of
Royal Americans, defeated the enemy, and ensured to us peace and
security from a savage foe; and, along with our blessings for these
benefits, they have our thanks for that decorum in behavior which
they maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example
that the most amiable behavior in civil life is no way inconsistent
with the character of the good soldier; and for their loyalty,
fidelity, and orderly behavior, they have every wish of the people
for health, honor, and a pleasant voyage."
The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it was
employed in America and the West Indies was as follows:
| KILLED || WOUNDED
|--------------------------------------------------
| F | C | S | S | D | P || F | C | S | S | D | P
| e | a | u | e | r | r || e | a | u | e | r | r
| d.| p | b | r | u | i || d.| p | b | r | u | i
| O | t | a | j | m | v || O | t | a | j | m | v
| f | a | l | e | m | a || f | a | l | e | m | a
| f | i | t | a | e | t || f | i | t | a | e | t
| i | n | e | n | r | e || i | n | e | n | r | e
| c | s | r | t | s | s || c | s | r | t | s | s
| e | | n | s | | || e | | n | s | |
| r | | s | | | || r | | s | | |
| s | | | | | || s | | | | |
---------------------------------------------------------------------
Ticonderoga, | | | | | | || | | | | |
July 7, 1758 | 1 | 1 | 6 | 9 | |267|| | 5 | 12| 10| |306
Martinique, | | | | | | || | | | | |
January, 1759 | | | | | | 8 || | | 1 | 2 | | 22
Guadeloupe, | | | | | | || | | | | |
February and | | | | | | || | | | | |
March, 1759 | | | 1 | 1 | | 25|| | | 4 | 3 | |57
General Amherst's | | | | | | || | | | | |
Expedition to | | | | | | || | | | | |
the Lakes, July | | | | | | || | | | | |
and August, 1759 | | | | | | 3 || | | | 1 | | 4
Martinique, | | | | | | || | | | | |
January and | | | | | | || | | | | |
February, 1762 | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | 12|| 1 | 1 | 7 | 3 | 1 |72
Havanna, June | | | | | | || | | | | |
and July, 1762, | | | | | | || | | | | |
both battalions. | | | | | 1 | 3 || | | | | 1 | 4
Expedition under | | | | | | || | | | | |
Colonel Boquet, | | | | | | || | | | | |
August, 1763 | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | 26|| | 1 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 30
Second Expedition | | | | | | || | | | | |
under Boquet, | | | | | | || | | | | |
in 1764 and 1765 | | | | | | 7|| | | | 1 | | 9
Total in the Seven| | | | | | || | | | | |
Years War | 1 | 3 | 9 | 12| 1 |381|| 1 | 7 | 25| 22| 4 |504
Comparing the loss sustained by the 42nd in the field with that of other
corps, it has generally been less than theirs, except at the defeat at
Ticonderoga. The officers who served in the corps attributed the
comparative loss to the celerity of their attack and the use of the
broadsword, which the enemy could never withstand.
Of the officers who were in the regiment in 1759 seven rose to be
general officers, viz., Francis Grant of Grant, John Reid of Strathloch,
Allan Campbell of Glenure, James Murray, son of lord George Murray, John
Campbell of Strachur, Thomas Stirling of Ardoch, and John Small. Those
who became field officers were, Gordon Graham, Duncan Campbell of
Inneraw, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Graham his brother, William
Murray of Lintrose, William Grant, James Abercromby of Glassa, James
Abercromby junior, Robert Grant, James Grant, Alexander Turnbull of
Strathcathro, Alexander Donaldson, Thomas Fletcher of Landertis, Donald
Robertson, Duncan Campbell, Alexander Maclean and James Eddington. A
corp of officers, respectable in their persons, character and rank in
private society, was of itself sufficient to secure esteem and lead a
regiment where every man was a soldier.
It has already been noticed that in the spring of 1760, the thought of
General Amherst was wholly engrossed on the conquest of Canada. He was
appealed to for protection against the Cherokees who were committing
cruelties, in their renewed warfare against the settlements. In April he
detached, from the central army, that had conquered Ohio, Colonel
Montgomery with six hundred Highlanders of his own regiment and six
hundred Royal Americans to strike a blow at the Cherokees and then
return. The force embarked at New York, and by the end of April was in
Carolina. At Ninety-six, near the end of May, the army was joined by
many gentlemen of distinction, as volunteers, besides seven hundred
Carolina rangers, which constituted the principal strength of the
country. On June 1st, the army crossed Twelve-mile River; and leaving
their tents standing on advantageous ground, at eight in the evening
moved onward through the woods to surprise Estatoe, about twenty miles
from the camp. On the way Montgomery surprised Little Keowee and put
every man to the sword, sparing only women and children. Early the next
morning they reached Estatoe only to find it abandoned, except by a few
who could not escape. The place was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town,
and every other settlement in the lower nation destroyed. For years, the
half-charred rafters of their houses might be seen on the desolate
hill-sides. "I could not help pitying them a little," wrote Major Grant;
"their villages were agreeably situated; their houses neatly built;
there were everywhere astonishing magazines of corn, which were all
consumed." The surprise in every town was almost equal, for the whole
was the work of only a few hours; the Indians had no time to save what
they valued most; but left for the pillagers money and watches, wampum
and furs. About sixty Cherokees were killed; forty, chiefly women and
children, were made prisoners; but the warriors had generally escaped to
the mountains.
Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Montgomery
marched to its relief. From this place he dispatched two friendly chiefs
to the middle settlements, to offer terms of peace, and orders were sent
to Fort London to bring about accommodations for the upper towns. The
Indians would not listen to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrained
to march against them. The most difficult part of the service was now to
be performed; for the country to be passed through was covered by dark
thickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a small
number of men might distress and even wear out the best appointed army.
Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at night encamped
at the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he arrived at the
War-Woman's Creek; and on the 20th, crossed the Blue Mountains, and made
his encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. The army trod the rugged
defiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever penetrated, with
fearless alacrity, and the Highlanders were refreshed by coming into the
presence of the mountains. "What may be Montgomery's fate in the
Cherokee country," wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. It
seems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into the
heart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in high health
and spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him be wary. He has a
crafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may give him most trouble when
he least expects it."[139]
The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the march to the
town of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee settlements, and eighteen
miles distant. When within five miles of the town, the army was attacked
in a most advantageous position for the Indians. It was a low valley, in
which the bushes were so thick that the soldiers could see scarcely
three yards before them; and through this valley flowed a muddy river,
with steep clay banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company of
rangers, was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indians
emerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted from
covert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. Captain
Morrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged. The
Highlanders and provincials drove the enemy from their lurking-places,
and, returning to their yells three huzzas and three waves of their
bonnets and hats, they chased them from height and hollow. The army
passed the river at the ford; and, protected by it on their right, and
by a flanking party on the left, treading a path, at times so narrow as
to be obliged to march in Indian file, fired upon from both front and
rear, they were not collected at Etchowee until midnight; after a loss
of twenty killed and seventy-six wounded. Of these, the Highlanders had
one Serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland,
Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, and
one Serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file wounded.
"Several soldiers of this (Montgomery's) and other regiments fell
into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan
Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of
several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by
the Indians, and seeing them preparing to commence the same
operations upon himself, made signs that he had something to
communicate. An interpreter was brought. Macpherson told them, that,
provided his life was spared for a few minutes, he would communicate
the secret of an extraordinary medicine, which, if applied to the
skin, would cause it to resist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or
sword, and that, if they would allow him to go to the woods with a
guard, to collect the plants proper for this medicine, he would
prepare it, and allow the experiment to be tried on his own neck by
the strongest and most expert warrior among them. This story easily
gained upon the superstitious credulity of the Indians, and the
request of the Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent
into the woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick
up. Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice,
and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man
among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he would
find he could not make the smallest impression. An Indian, levelling
a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that the head flew
off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were fixed in
amazement at their own credulity, and the address with which the
prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for him; but,
instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, they were
so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from inflicting
farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners."[140]
Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart of the
Alleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians by kindling
lights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles,
never halted, till it came to War-Woman's Creek. On the 30th, it crossed
the Oconnee Mountain, and on July 1st reached Fort Prince George, and
soon after returned to New York.
The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the famished Fort
London, situated on the borders of the Cherokee country. The garrison
was forced to capitulate to the Indians, who agreed to escort the men in
safety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims of
treachery; for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaid
them, killed some, and captured others, whom they took back to Fort
Loudon.
The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the Indians. July
11th the General Assembly represented their inability to prevent the
ravages made by the savages on the back settlements, and by unanimous
vote entreated the lieutenant governor "to use the most pressing
instances with Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king's troops,
as it might be attended with the most pernicious consequences."
Montgomery, warned that he was but giving the Cherokees room to boast
among the other tribes, of their having obliged the English army to
retreat, not only from the mountains, but also from the province,
shunned the path of duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots,
sailed for Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help the
people's fears." Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted as one
who thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in war.
In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition against
Dominique, and the following year against Martinique and Havanna. At the
end of October were again in New York. Before the return of the six
companies to New York, the two companies that had been sent against the
Indians in 1761, were sent, with a small force, to retake St. John's,
New Foundland, which was occupied by a French force. The English army
consisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the
45th, two companies of Fraser's Highlanders, a small party of
provincials, besides Montgomery's. The army landed on September 12,
1762, seven miles northward of St. John's. On the 17th the French
surrendered. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and four
privates were killed, and two privates wounded. After this service the
two companies joined the regiment at New York and there passed the
winter. As already noticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to the
relief of Fort Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities an
offer was made to the officers and men either to settle in America, or
return to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of land
in accordance to their rank.[141]
The following table shows the number of killed and wounded of
Montgomery's Highlanders during the war:--
======================================================================
| KILLED || WOUNDED
|-------------------------------------
| O | S |D &| R || O | S |D &| R
| f | e |r | a || f | e |r | a
| f | r |u P| n || f | r |u P| n
| i | j |m i| k || i | j |m i| k
| c | e |m p| & || c | e |m p| &
| e | a |e e| F || e | a |e e| F
| r | n |r r| i || r | n |r r| i
| s | t |s s| l || s | t |s s| l
| | s | | e || | s | | e
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Fort du Quesne, Sept. 11, 1758 | 7 | 3 | 2 | 92|| 9 | 7 | 3 | 201
Little Keowe, June 1, 1760 | | | | 2|| | | |
Etchowee, June 27, 1760 | | 2 | | 6|| 4 | 1 | 1 | 24
Martinique, 1761 | 1 | | | 4|| 1 | 1 | | 26
Havanna, 1762 | 1 | | | 2|| | | | 6
St. John's, September, 1762 | 1 | | | 4|| | | | 2
On Passage to West Indies | 1 | | | || | | |
--------------------------------------
Total during the war |11 | 5 | 2 |110|| 14| 9 | 4 |259
======================================================================
After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser's Highlanders were not called
into action, until the fall of 1762, when the two companies were with
the expedition under Colonel William Amherst, against St. John's,
Newfoundland. In this service Captain Macdonell was mortally wounded,
three rank and file killed, and seven wounded. At the conclusion of the
war, a number of the officers and men having expressed a desire to
remain in America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance of land
granted them. The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged.
The following is a return of the killed and wounded of Fraser's
Highlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763:--
======================================================================
| KILLED || WOUNDED
|--------------------------------------------------
| F | C | S | S | D | R || F | C | S | S | D | R
| d | a | u | e | r | a || d | a | u | e | r | a
| . | p | b | r | u | n || . | p | b | r | u | n
| O | t | a | j | m | k || O | t | a | j | m | k
| f | a | l | e | m | || f | a | l | e | m |
| f | i | t | a | e | & || f | i | t | a | e | &
| i | n | e | n | r | || i | n | e | n | r |
| c | s | r | t | s | F || c | s | r | t | s | F
| e | | n | s | | i || e | | n | s | | i
| r | | s | | | l || r | | s | | | l
| s | | | | | e || s | | | | | e
---------------------------------------------------------------------
Louisburg, | | | | | | || | | | | |
July 1758 | | 1 | 3 | | | 17|| | 1 | 2| | | 41
Montmorency, | | | | | | || | | | | |
Sept. 2, 1759 | | | 2 | | 1 | 18|| 1 | 2 | 3 | | | 85
Heights of Abraham,| | | | | | || | | | | |
Sept 13, 1769 | | 1 | 2 | 1 | | 14|| | 2 | 8 | 7 | |131
Quebec, April, 1760| | 1 | 3 | 3 | 1 | 51|| 1 | 4 |22 |10 | |119
St. John's, Sept. | | | | | | || | | | | |
1762 | | 1 | | | | 3|| | | | | | 7
---------------------------------------------------
Total during
the war | | 4 |10 | 4| 2 |103|| 2 | 9 | 35| 17| |383
Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, concerning its
soldierly bearing may also be applied to both Montgomery's and Fraser's
regiments. Both officers and men were from the same people, having the
same manners, customs, language and aspirations. The officers were from
among the best families, and the soldiers respected and loved those who
commanded them.
For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between France and
England lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris was signed February
10, 1763, which gave to England all the French possessions in America
eastward of the Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, and
thence through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico.
Spain, with whom England had been at war, at the same time ceded East
and West Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede to
Spain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as the
province of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her possessions
in North America. To the genius of William Pitt must be ascribed the
conquest of Canada and the deprivation of France of her possessions in
the New World.
The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was regarded as a
source of danger to England. As early as the year 1748, the Swedish
traveller Kalm, having described in vivid language the commercial
oppression under which the colonists were suffering, added these
remarkable words:
"I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by English
emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the English
colonies in North America may constitute a separate state entirely
independent of England. But as this whole country towards the sea is
unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French, these
dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of these colonies for
their metropolis does not utterly decline. The English government
has, therefore, reason to regard the French in North America as the
chief power which urges their colonies to submission."[142]
On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those around him,
"We have caught them at last"; his eager hopes anticipating an early
struggle of America for independence. The French ministers consoled
themselves for the Peace of Paris by the reflection that the loss of
Canada was a sure prelude to the independence of the colonies.
Vergennes, the sagacious and experienced ambassador, then at
Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable for a calm temper and
moderation of character, predicted to an English traveller, with
striking accuracy, the events that would occur. "England," he said,
"will soon repent of having removed the only check that could keep her
colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection. She
will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have
helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all
dependence."
It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind to this
danger. There were advocates who maintained that it would be wiser to
restore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with perhaps Martinico and St.
Lucia. This view was supported with distinguished ability in an
anonymous paper, said to have been written by William Burke, the friend
and kinsman of the great orator. The views therein set forth were said
to have been countenanced by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinion
was, however, very strongly in the opposite direction.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 136: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66.]
[Footnote 137: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289.]
[Footnote 138: The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181.]
[Footnote 139: Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332.]
[Footnote 140: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61.]
[Footnote 141: See Appendix, Note L.]
[Footnote 142: Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII.]
CHAPTER XII.
SCOTCH HOSTILITY TO AMERICA.
The causes which led to the American Revolution have been set forth in
works pertaining to that event, and fully amplified by those desiring to
give a special treatise on the subject. Briefly to rehearse them, the
following may be pointed out: The general cause was the right of
arbitrary government over the colonies claimed by the British
parliament. So far as the claim was concerned as a theory, but little
was said, but when it was put in force an opposition at once arose. The
people had long been taught to act and think upon the principle of
eternal right, which had a tendency to mould them in a channel that
looked towards independence. The character of George III. was such as to
irritate the people. He was stubborn and without the least conception of
human rights; nor could he conceive of a magnanimous project, or
appreciate the value of civil liberty. His notions of government were
despotic, and around him, for advisers, he preferred those as
incompetent and as illiberal as himself. Such a king could not deal with
a people who had learned freedom, and had the highest conceptions of
human rights. The British parliament, composed almost entirely of the
ruling class, shared the views of their master, and servilely did his
bidding, by passing a number of acts destructive of colonial liberty.
The first of these was a strenuous attempt to enforce in 1761 THE
IMPORTATION ACT, which gave to petty constables the authority to enter
any and every place where they might suspect goods upon which a duty had
not been levied. In 1763 and 1764 the English ministers attempted to
enforce the law requiring the payment of duties on sugar and molasses.
In vain did the people try to show that under the British constitution
taxation and representation were inseparable. Nevertheless English
vessels were sent to hover around American ports, and soon succeeded in
paralyzing the trade with the West Indies.
The close of the French and Indian war gave to England a renewed
opportunity to tax America. The national debt had increased from
£52,092,238 in 1727 to £138,865,430 in 1763. The ministers began to urge
that the expenses of the war ought to be borne by the colonies. The
Americans contended, that they had aided England as much as she had
aided them; that the cession of Canada had amply remunerated England for
all her losses; and, further, the colonies did not dread the payment of
money, but feared that their liberties might be subverted. Early in
March 1765, the English parliament, passed the celebrated STAMP ACT,
which provided that every note, bond, deed, mortgage, lease, licence,
all legal documents of every description, every colonial pamphlet,
almanac, and newspaper, after the first day of the following November,
should be on paper furnished by the British government, the stamp cost
being from one cent to thirty dollars. When the news of the passage of
this act was brought to America the excitement was intense, and action
was resolved on by the colonies. The act was not formally repealed until
March 18, 1766. On June 29, 1767, another act was passed to tax America.
On October 1, 1768, seven hundred troops, sent from Halifax, marched
with fixed bayonets into Boston, and quartered themselves in the State
House. In February 1769 parliament declared the people of Massachusetts
rebels, and the governor was directed to arrest those deemed guilty of
treason, and send them to England for trial. In the city of New York, in
1770, the soldiers wantonly cut down a liberty pole, which had for
several years stood in the park. The most serious affray occurred on
March 5th, in Boston between a party of citizens and some soldiers, in
which three citizens were shot down and several wounded. This massacre
inflamed the city with a blaze of excitement. On that day lord North
succeeded in having all the duties repealed except that on tea; and that
tax, in 1773, was attempted to be enforced by a stratagem. On the
evening of December 16th, the tea, in the three tea-ships, then in
Boston harbor, was thrown overboard, by fifty men disguised as Indians.
Parliament, instead of using legal means, hastened to find revenge. On
March 31, 1774, it was enacted that Boston port should be closed.
The final act which brought on the Revolution was the firing upon the
seventy minute men, who were standing still at Lexington, by the English
soldiers under Major Pitcairn, on April 19, 1775, sixteen of the
patriots fell dead or wounded. The first gun of the Revolution fired the
entire country, and in a few days Boston was besieged by the militia
twenty thousand strong. Events passed rapidly, wrongs upon wrongs were
perpetrated, until, finally, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of
Independence was published to the world. By this act all hope of
reconciliation was at an end. Whatever concessions might be made by
England, her own acts had caused an impassable gulf.
America had done all within her power to avert the impending storm. Her
petitions had been spurned from the foot of the English throne. Even the
illustrious Dr. Franklin, venerable in years, was forced to listen to a
vile diatribe against him delivered by the coarse and brutal Wedderburn,
while members of the Privy Council who were present, with the single
exception of lord North, "lost all dignity and all self-respect. They
laughed aloud at each sarcastic sally of Wedderburn. 'The indecency of
their behaviour,' in the words of Shelburne, 'exceeded, as is agreed on
all hands, that of any committee of elections;' and Fox, in a speech
which he made as late as 1803, reminded the House how on that memorable
occasion 'all men tossed up their hats and clapped their hands in
boundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech.'"[143]
George III., his ministers and his parliament hurled the country
headlong into war, and that against the judgment of her wisest men, and
her best interests. To say the least the war was not popular in England.
The wisest statesmen in both Houses of Parliament plead for
reconciliation, but their efforts fell on callous ears. The ruling class
was seized with the one idea of humbling America. They preferred to
listen to such men as Major James Grant,--the same who allowed his men,
(as has been already narrated) to be scandalously slaughtered before
Fort du Quesne, and had made himself offensive in South Carolina under
Colonel Montgomery. This braggart asserted, in the House of Commons,
"amidst the loudest cheering, that he knew the Americans very well, and
was certain they would not fight; 'that they were not soldiers and
never could be made so, being naturally pusillanimous and incapable of
discipline; that a very slight force would be more than sufficient for
their complete reduction'; and he fortified his statement by repeating
their peculiar expressions, and ridiculing their religious enthusiasm,
manners and ways of living, greatly to the entertainment of the
house."[144]
The great Pitt, then earl of Chatham, in his famous speech in January
1775, declared:
"The spirit which resists your taxation in America is the same that
formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England. * *
* This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates three millions in America
who prefer poverty with liberty to gilded chains and sordid
affluence, and who will die in defence of their rights as freemen. *
* * For myself, I must declare that in all my reading and
observation--and history has been my favorite study; I have read
Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the
world--that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom
of conclusion under such a complication of difficult circumstances,
no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General
Congress at Philadelphia. * * * All attempts to impose servitude upon
such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty continental
nation, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to
retreat. Let us retreat while we can, not when we must."
In accordance with these sentiments Chatham withdrew his eldest son from
the army rather than suffer him to be engaged in the war. Lord
Effingham, finding his regiment was to serve against the Americans,
threw up his commission and renounced the profession for which he had
been trained and loved, as the only means of escaping the obligation of
fighting against the cause of freedom. Admiral Keppel, one of the most
gallant officers in the British navy, expressed his readiness to serve
against the ancient enemies of England, but asked to be released from
employment against the Americans. It is said that Amherst refused to
command the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was openly debated in
parliament whether British officers ought to serve their sovereign
against the Americans, and no less a person then General Conway leaned
decidedly to the negative, and compared the case to that of French
officers who were employed in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Just
after the battle of Bunker Hill, the duke of Richmond declared in
parliament that he "did not think that the Americans were in rebellion,
but that they were resisting acts of the most unexampled cruelty and
oppression." The Corporation of London, in 1775, drew up an address
strongly approving of the resistance of the Americans, and similar
addresses were expressed by other towns. A great meeting in London, and
also the guild of merchants in Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effingham
for his recent conduct. When Montgomery fell at the head of the American
troops before Quebec, he was eulogized in the British parliament.
The merchants of Bristol, September 27, 1775, held a meeting and passed
resolutions deprecating the war, and calling upon the king to put a stop
to it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, September 29th,
issued an address to the Electors of Great Britain, against carrying on
the war. A meeting of the merchants and traders of London was held
October 5th, and moved an address to the king "relative to the unhappy
dispute between Great Britain and her American Colonies," and that he
should "cause hostilities to cease." The principal citizens,
manufacturers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th,
addressed the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood,
to recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, the
petition from America lately offered to be presented to the throne." The
mayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, petitioned the king in
which they declared that "the first object of our desires and wishes is
the return of peace and cordial union with our American
fellow-subjects," and humbly requested him to "suspend those
hostilities, which, we fear, can have no other than a fatal issue." This
was followed by an address of the inhabitants of the same city, in which
the king was asked to "stay the hand of war, and recall into the bosom
of peace and grateful subjection your American subjects, by a
restoration of those measures which long experience has shown to be
productive of the greatest advantages to this late united and
flourishing Empire." The petition of the free burgesses, traders and
inhabitants of Newcastle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the present
unnatural war with our American brethren, we have seen neither
provocation nor object; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonant
with the rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of our
Country." A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and freeholders
of the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, to the king in
which it was declared that "the disorders have arisen from a complaint
(plausible at least) of one right violated; and we can never be brought
to imagine that the true remedy for such disorders consists in an attack
on all other rights, and an attempt to drive the people either to
unconstitutional submission or absolute despair." The gentlemen,
merchants, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Worcester also
addressed the king and besought him to adopt such measures as shall
"seem most expedient for putting a stop to the further effusion of
blood, for reconciling Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting the
affections of your now divided people, and for establishing, on a
permanent foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all your
Majesty's Dominions."
It is a fact, worthy of special notice, that in both England and Ireland
there was a complete absence of alacrity and enthusiasm in enlisting for
the army and navy. This was the chief reason why George III. turned to
the petty German princes who trafficked in human chattels. There people
were seized in their homes, or while working the field, and sold to
England at so much per head. On account of the great difficulty in
England in obtaining voluntary recruits for the American war, the
press-gang was resorted to, and in 1776, was especially fierce. In less
than a month eight hundred men were seized in London alone, and several
lives were lost in the scuffles that took place. The press-gang would
hang about the prison-gates, and seize criminals whose sentences had
expired and force them into the army.
"It soon occurred to the government that able-bodied criminals might be
more usefully employed in the coercion of the revolted colonists, and
there is reason to believe that large numbers of criminals of all but
the worst category, passed at this time into the English army and navy.
In estimating the light in which British soldiers were regarded in
America, and in estimating the violence and misconduct of which British
soldiers were sometimes guilty, this fact must not be forgotten." In
Ireland criminals were released from their prisons on condition of
enlisting in the army or navy.[145]
The regular press-gang was not confined to England, and it formed one of
the grievances of the American colonists. One of the most terrible riots
ever known in New England, was caused, in 1747, by this nefarious
practice, under the sanction of Admiral Knowles. An English vessel was
burnt, and English officers were seized and imprisoned by the crowd; the
governor was obliged to flee to the castle; the sub-sheriffs were
impounded in the stocks; the militia refused to act against the people;
and the admiral was compelled to release his captives. Resistance, in
America, was shown in many subsequent attempts to impress the people.
The king and his ministers felt it was necessary to sustain the acts of
parliament in the American war by having addresses sent to the king
upholding him in the course he was pursuing. Hence emissaries were sent
throughout the kingdom who cajoled the ignorant into signing such
papers. The general sentiment of the people cannot be estimated by the
number of addresses for they were obtained by the influence of the
ministers of state. Every magistrate depending upon the favor of the
crown could and would exert his influence as directed. Hence there were
numerous addresses sent to the king approving the course he was bent
upon. When it is considered that the government had the advantage of
more than fifty thousand places and pensions at its disposal, the
immense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. From no section of
the country, however, were these addresses so numerous as from Scotland.
It is one of the most singular things in history that the people of
Scotland should have been so hostile to the Americans, and so forward in
expressing their approbation of the attitude of George III. and his
ministers. The Americans had in no wise ever harmed them or crossed
their path. The emigrants from Scotland had been received with open arms
by the people. If any had been mistreated, it was by the appointees of
the crown. With scarcely an exception the whole political
representation in both Houses of Parliament supported lord North, and
were bitterly opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to soften the
matter by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did not
represent the real sentiment of the people:
"Scotland, however, is one of the very few instances in history, of a
nation whose political representation was so grossly defective as not
merely to distort but absolutely to conceal its opinions. It was
habitually looked upon as the most servile and corrupt portion of the
British Empire; and the eminent liberalism and the very superior
political qualities of its people seem to have been scarcely
suspected to the very eve of the Reform Bill of 1832. That something
of that liberalism existed at the outbreak of the American war, may,
I think, be inferred from the very significant fact that the
Government were unable to obtain addresses in their favor either from
Edinburgh or Glasgow. The country, however, was judged mainly by its
representatives, and it was regarded as far more hostile to the
American cause than either England or Ireland."[146]
A very able editor writing at the time has observed:
"It must however be acknowledge, that an unusual apathy with respect
to public affairs, seemed to prevail with the people, in general, of
this country; of which a stronger proof needs not to be given, that
than which will probably recur to every body's memory, that the
accounts of many of the late military actions, as well as of
political procedings of no less importance, were received with as
much indifference, and canvassed with as much coolness and unconcern,
as if they had happened between two nations with whom they were
scarcely connected. We must except from all these observations, the
people of North Britain (Scotland), who, almost to a man, so far as
they could be described or distinguished under any particular
denomination, not only applauded, but proffered life and fortune in
support of the present measures."[147]
The list of addresses sent from Scotland to the king against the
Colonies is a long one,--unbroken by any remonstrance or correction. It
embraces those sent by the provost, magistrates, and common (or town)
council of Aberbrothock, Aberdeen, Annan, Ayr, Burnt-Island, Dundee,
Edinburgh, Forfar, Forres, Inverness, Irvine, Kirkaldy, Linlithgow,
Lochmaben, Montrose, Nairn, Peebles, Perth, Renfrew, Rutherglen, and
Stirling; by the magistrates and town council of Brechine, Inverary, St.
Andrews, Selkirk, Jedburgh, Kirkcudbright, Kirkwall, and Paisley; by the
magistrates, town council and all the principal inhabitants of Fortrose;
by the provost, magistrates, council, burgesses and inhabitants of
Elgin; by the chief magistrates of Dunfermline, Inverkeithing and
Culross; by the magistrates, common council, burgesses, and inhabitants
of Dumfries; by the lord provost, magistrates, town council and deacons
of craft of Lanark; by the magistrates, incorporated societies, and
principal inhabitants of the town and port of Leith; by the principal
inhabitants of Perth; by the gentlemen, clergy, merchants,
manufacturers, incorporated trades and principal inhabitants of Dundee;
by the deacon convenier, deacons of fourteen incorporated trades and
other members of trades houses of Glasgow; by the magistrates, council
and incorporations of Cupar in Fife, and Dumbarton; by the freeholders
of the county of Argyle and Berwick; by the noblemen, gentlemen and
freeholders of the counties of Aberdeen and Fife; by the noblemen,
gentlemen, freeholders and others of the county of Linlithgow; by the
noblemen and gentlemen of the county of Roxburgh; by the noblemen,
justices of the peace, freeholders, and commissioners of supply of the
counties of Perth and Caithness; by the noblemen, freeholders, justices
of the peace, and commissioners of the land-tax of the counties of Banff
and Elgin; by the freeholders and justices of the peace of the county of
Dumbarton; by the gentlemen, justices of the peace, clergy, freeholders
and committee of supply of the county of Clackmanan; by the gentlemen,
justices of the peace and commissioners of land tax of the counties of
Kincardine, Lanark and Renfrew; by the freeholders, justices of the
peace and commissioners of supply of the counties of Kinross and Orkney;
by the justices of the peace, freeholders and commissioners of land tax
of the county of Peebles; by the gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the
peace and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn; by the
gentlemen, heretors, freeholders and clergy of the counties of Ross and
Cromarty; by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland; by the
ministers and elders of the provincial synod of Angus and Mearns; also
of the synod of Glasgow and Ayr; by the provincial synod of Dumfries,
and by the ministers of the presbytery of Irvine.
The list ascribes but eight of the addresses to the Highlands. This does
not signify that they were any the less loyal to the pretensions of
George III. The probability is that the people generally stood ready to
follow their leaders, and these latter exerted themselves against the
colonists. The addresses that were proffered, emanating from the
Highlands, in chronological order, may be thus summarized: The
freeholders of Argyleshire, on October 17, 1775, met at Inverary with
Robert Campbell presiding, and through their representative in
Parliament, Colonel Livingston, presented their "humble Address" to the
king, in which they refer to their predecessors who had "suffered early
and greatly in the cause of liberty" and now judge it incumbent upon
themselves "to express our sense of the blessings we enjoy under your
Majesty's mild and constitutional Government; and, at the same time, to
declare our abhorrence of the unnatural rebellion of our deluded
fellow-subjects in America, which, we apprehend, is encouraged and
fomented by several discontented and turbulent persons at home." They
earnestly desire that the measures adopted by parliament may be
"vigorously prosecuted;" "and we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that,
in support of such measures, we are ready to risk our lives and
fortunes."
The address of the magistrates, town council, and all the principal
inhabitants of Fortrose, is without date, but probably during the month
of October of the same year. They met with Colonel Hector Munro, their
representative in parliament, presiding, and addressing the king
declared their "loyal affection" to his person; are "filled with a just
sense of the many blessings" they enjoy, and "beg leave to approach the
throne, and express our indignation at, and abhorrence of, the measures
adopted by our unhappy and deluded fellow-subjects in America, in direct
opposition to law and justice, and to every rational idea of
civilization;" "with still greater indignation, if possible, we behold
this rebellious disposition, which so fatally obtains on the other side
of the Atlantic, fomented and cherished by a set of men in Great
Britain;" that the "deluded children may quickly return to their duty,"
and if not, "we hope your Majesty will direct such vigorous, speedy, and
effectual measures to be pursued, as may bring them to a due sense of
their error."
The provost, magistrates and town council of Nairn met November 6, 1775,
and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as his "most faithful
subjects" and it was their "indispensable duty" to testify their
"loyalty and attachment;" they were "deeply sensible of the many
blessings" they enjoyed; they viewed with "horror and detestation" the
"audacious attempts that have been made to alienate the affections of
your subjects." "Weak as our utmost efforts may be deemed, and limited
our powers, each heart and hand devoted to your service will, with the
most ardent zeal, contribute in promoting such measures as may be now
thought necessary for re-establishing the violated rights of the British
Legislature, and bringing back to order and allegiance your Majesty's
deluded and unhappy subjects in America."
On the same day, the same class of men at Inverness made their address
as "dutiful and loyal subjects," and declared "the many blessings" they
enjoyed; and expressed their "utmost detestation and abhorrence of that
spirit of rebellion which has unhappily broke forth among your Majesty's
subjects in America," and "the greatest sorrow we behold the seditious
designs of discontented and factious men so far attended with success as
to seduce your infatuated and deluded subjects in the colonies from
their allegiance and duty," and they declared their "determined
resolution of supporting your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of our
power, against all attempts that may be made to disturb it, either at
home or abroad."
The following day, or November 7th, the gentlemen, freeholders, justices
of the peace, and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn, met in
the city of Nairn, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign,"
declaring themselves the "most dutiful and loyal subjects," and it was
their "indispensable duty" "to declare our abhorrence of the present
unnatural rebellion carried on by many of your infatuated subjects in
America." "With profound humility we profess our unalterable attachment
to your Majesty's person and family, and our most cordial approbation
of the early measures adopted for giving a check to the first dawnings
of disobedience. This county, in the late war, sent out many of its sons
to defend your Majesty's ungrateful colonies against the invasion of
foreign enemies, and they will now, when called upon, be equally ready
to repel all the attempts of the traitorous and disaffected, against the
dignity of your crown, and the just rights of the supreme Legislature of
Great Britain."
The gentlemen, heretors, freeholders, and clergy of the Counties of Ross
and Cromarty assembled at Dingwall, November 23, 1775, and also
addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as the "most faithful and
loyal subjects," acknowledging "the protection we are blessed with in
the enjoyment of our liberties," it is "with an inexpressible concern we
behold many of our fellow-subjects in America, incited and supported by
factions and designing men at home," and that "we shall have no
hesitation in convincing your rebellious and deluded subjects in
America, that with the same cheerfulness we so profusely spilled our
blood in the last war, in defending them against their and our natural
enemies, we are now ready to shed it, if necessary, in bringing them
back to a just sense of their duty and allegiance to your Majesty, and
their subordination to the Mother Country."
The magistrates and town council of Inverary met on November 28, 1775,
and to their "Most Gracious Sovereign" they were also the "most dutiful
and loyal subjects," and further "enjoyed all the blessings of the best
Government the wisdom of man ever devised, we have seen with
indignation, the malignant breath of disappointed faction, by
prostituting the sacred sounds of liberty, too successful in blowing the
sparks of a temporary discontent into the flames of a rebellion in your
Majesty's Colonies, that we from our souls abhor;" and they desired to
be applied "such forcive remedies to the affected parts, as shall be
necessary to restore that union and dependency of the whole on the
legislative power."
At Thurso, December 6, 1775, there met the noblemen, gentlemen,
freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of the
county of Caithness, and in an address to their
"Most Gracious Sovereign" declared themselves also to be the "most
dutiful and loyal subjects;" they approved the "lenient measures" which
had hitherto been taken in America by parliament, "and that they will
support with their lives and fortunes, the vigorous exertions which they
forsee may soon be necessary to subdue a rebellion premeditated,
unprovoked, and that is every day becoming more general, untainted by
the vices that too often accompany affluence, our people have been
inured to industry, sobriety, and, when engaged in your Majesty's
service, have been distinguished for an exact obedience to discipline,
and a faithful discharge of duty; and we hope, if called forth to action
in one combined corps, it will be their highest ambition to merit a
favorable report to your Majesty from their superior officers. At the
same time, it is our most ardent prayer to Almighty God, that the eyes
of our deluded fellow-subjects in America may soon be opened, to see
whether it is safe to trust in a Congress unconstitutionally assembled,
in a band of officers unconstitutionally appointed, or in a British King
and Parliament whose combined powers have indeed often restrained the
licentiousness, but never invaded the rational liberties of mankind."
A survey of the addresses indicates that they were composed by one
person, or else modelled from the same formula. All had the same source
of inspiration. This, however, does not militate against the moral
effect of those uttering them. So far as Scotland is concerned, it must
be regarded as a fair representation of the sentiment of the people.
While only an insignificant part of the Highlands gave their humble
petitions, yet the subsequent acts must be the criterion from which a
judgment must be formed.
It is possible that some of the loyal addresses were accelerated by the
prohibition placed on Scotch emigration to America. Early in September,
1775, Henry Dundas, lord-advocate for Scotland, urged the board of
customs to issue orders to all inferior custom houses enjoining them to
grant no clearances for America of any ship which had more than the
common complement of hands on board. On September 23, 1775, Archibald
Cockburn, sheriff deputy of Edinburgh, issued the following order:
"Whereas a letter[148] was received by me some time ago, from His
Majesty's Advocate for Scotland, intimating that, on account of the
present rebellion in America, it was proper a stop should be put for
the present to emigrations to that Country, and that the necessary
directions were left at the different sea-ports in Scotland to that
purpose; I think it my duty, in obedience to his Lordship's
requisition contained in that letter, to take this publick method of
notifying to such of the inhabitants within my jurisdiction, if any
such there be, who have formed resolutions to themselves of leaving
this Country, and going in quest of settlements in America, that they
aught not to put themselves to the unnecessary trouble and expense of
preparing for a removal of their habitations, which they will not, so
far as it lies in my power to prevent, be permitted to effectuate."
The British government had every assurance of the undivided support of
all Scotland in its attempt to subjugate America. It also put a strong
dependence in enlisting in the army such Highlanders as had emigrated,
and especially those who had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's, and
Montgomery's regiments, but remained in the country after the peace of
1763. This alone would make a very unfavorable impression on the minds
of Americans. But when to this is added the efforts of British officers
to organize the emigrants from the Highlands into a special regiment, as
early as November, 1775, the rising of the Highlanders both in North
Carolina and on the Mohawk, the enlisting of emigrants on board vessels
before landing and sailing by Boston to join their regiments at Halifax,
and on the passage listening to the booming of the cannon at Bunker
Hill; and the further fact that both the 42nd and Fraser's Highlanders
were ordered to embark at Greenock for America, five days before the
battle of Lexington, it is not a matter of surprise that a strong
resentment should be aroused in the breasts of many of the most devoted
to the cause of the Revolution.
The feeling engendered by the acts of Scotland towards those engaged in
the struggle for human liberty crops out in the original draft of the
Declaration of Independence as laid before Congress July 1, 1776. In the
memorable paper appeared the following sentence: "At this very time,
too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over, not only
soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries to
invade and destroy us." The word "Scotch" was struck out, on motion of
Dr. John Witherspoon, himself a native of Scotland; and subsequently the
whole sentence was deleted.
The sentence was not strictly true, for there were thousands of
Americans of Scotch ancestry, but principally Lowland. There were also
thousands of Americans, true to the principles of the Revolution, of
Highland extraction. If the sentence had been strictly true, it would
have served no purpose, even if none were alienated thereby. But, the
records show that in the American army there were men who rendered
distinguished services who were born in the Highlands; and others, from
the Lowlands, rendered services of the highest value in their civil
capacities.
The armies of the Colonies had no regiments or companies composed of
Highland Scotch, or even of that extraction, although their names abound
scattered through a very large percentage of the organized forces. The
only effort[149] which appears to have been made in that direction rests
on two petitions by Donald McLeod. The first was directed to the
Committee for the City and County of New York, dated at New York, June
7, 1775:
"That your petitioner, from a deep sense of the favors conferred on
himself, as well as those shown to many of his countrymen when in
great distress after their arrival into this once happy city, is
moved by a voluntary spirit of liberty to offer himself in the manner
and form following, viz: That your said petitioner understands that a
great many Companies are now on foot to be raised for the defence of
our liberties in this once happy land, which he thinks to be a very
proper maxim for the furtherance of our rights and liberty; that your
said petitioner (although he has nothing to recommend himself but the
variety of calling himself a Highlander, from North-Britain) flatters
himself that if this honorable Committee were to grant him a
commission, under their hand and seal, that he could, without
difficulty, raise one hundred Scotch Highlanders in this City and the
neighboring Provinces, provided they were to be put in the Highland
dress, and under pay during their service in defence of our
liberties. Therefore, may it please your Honors to take this petition
under your serious consideration; and should your Honors think proper
to confer the honor upon him as to have the command of a Highland
Company, under the circumstances proposed, your petitioner assures
you that no person shall or will be more willing to accept of the
offer than your humble petitioner."
On the following day Donald McLeod sent a petition, couched in the
following language to the Congress for the Colony of New York:
"That yesterday your said petitioner presented a petition before this
honorable body, and as to the contents of which he begs leave to give
reference. That since, a ship arrived from Scotland, with a number of
Highlanders passengers. That your petitioner talked to them this
morning, and after informing them of the present state of this as
well as the neighboring Colonies, they all seemed to be very desirous
to form themselves into companies, with the proviso of having liberty
to wear their own country dress, commonly called the Highland habit,
and moreover to be under pay for the time they are in the service for
the protection of the liberties of this once happy country, but by
all means to be under the command of Highland officers, as some of
them cannot speak the English language. That the said Highlanders are
already furnished with guns, swords, pistols, and Highland dirks,
which, in case of occasion, is very necessary, as all the above
articles are at this time very difficult to be had. Therefore may it
please your Honors to take all and singular the premises under your
serious and immediate consideration; and as your petitioner wants an
answer as soon as possible, he further prays that as soon as they
think it meet, he may be advised. And your petitioner, is in duty
bound, shall ever pray."
This petition was presented during the formative state of the army, and
when the colonies were in a state of anarchy. Congress had not yet
assumed control of the army, although on the very eve of it. With an
empire to found and defend, the continental Congress had not at its
disposal a single penny. When Washington was offered the command of the
army there was little to bring out the unorganized resources of the
country. At the very time of Donald McLeod's petition, the provincial
congress of New York was engaged with the distracted state of its own
commonwealth. Order was not brought out of chaos until the strong hand
and great energy of Washington had been felt.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 143: Lecky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 151.]
[Footnote 144: Bancroft's History United States, Vol. VI, p. 136;
American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I, p. 1543.]
[Footnote 145: Leeky's History of England, Vol. IV. p. 346]
[Footnote 146: History of England, Vol. IV, p. 338.]
[Footnote 147: Annual Register, 1776, p. 39.]
[Footnote 148: See Appendix, Note M.]
[Footnote 149: See Appendix, Note N.]
CHAPTER XIII.
HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The great Pitt, in his famous eulogy on the Highland regiments,
delivered in 1766, in Parliament, said: "I sought for merit wherever it
could be found. It is my boast that I was the first minister who looked
for it, and found it, in the mountains of the north. I called it forth,
and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of men; men who,
when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of your
enemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the State, in the war
before the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat on
your side; they served with fidelity, as they fought with valor, and
conquered for you in every quarter of the world."
ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT.
These same men were destined to be brought from their homes and help
swell the ranks of the oppressors of America. The first attempt made was
to organize the Highland regiments in America. The MacDonald fiasco in
North Carolina and the Highlanders of Sir John Johnson have already been
noticed. But there were other Highlanders throughout the inhabited
districts of America, who had emigrated, or else had belonged to the
42nd, Fraser's or Montgomery's Highlanders. It was desired to collect
these, in so far as it was possible, and organize them into a distinct
regiment. The supervision of this work was given to Colonel Allan
MacLean of Torloisk, Mull, an experienced officer who had seen hard
service in previous wars. The secret instructions given by George III.
to William Tryon, governor of New York, is dated April 3, 1775:
"Whereas an humble application hath been made to us by Allen McLean
Eqre late Major to our 114th Regiment, and Lieut Col: in our Army
setting forth, that a considerable number of our subjects, who have,
at different times, emigrated from the North West parts of North
Britain, and have transported themselves, with their families, to New
York, have expressed a desire, to take up Lands within our said
Province, to be held of us, our heirs and successors, in fee simple;
and whereas it may be of public advantage to grant lands in manner
aforesaid to such of the said Emigrants now residing within our said
province as may be desirous of settling together upon some convenient
spot within the same. It is therefore our Will and pleasure, that
upon application to you by the said Allen McLean, and upon his
producing to you an Association of the said Emigrants to the effect
of the form hereunto annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several
families of which such Emigrants shall consist, you do cause a proper
spot to be located and surveyed in one contiguous Tract within our
said Province of New York, sufficient in quantity for the
accommodation of such Emigrants, allowing 100 acres to each head of a
family, and 500 acres for every other person of which the said family
shall consist; and it is our further will and pleasure that when the
said Lands shall have been located as aforesaid, you do grant the
same by letters patent under the seal of our said Province unto the
said Allen Maclean, in trust, and upon the conditions, to make
allotments thereof in Fee Simple to the heads of Families, whose
names, together with the number of persons in each family, shall have
been delivered in by him as aforesaid, accompanied with the said
association, and it is Our further will and pleasure that it be
expressed in the said letters patent, that the lands so to be granted
shall be exempt from the payment of quit-rents for 20 years from the
date thereof, with a proviso however that all such parts of the said
Tracts as shall not be settled in manner aforesaid within two years
from the date of the grant shall revert to us, and be disposed of in
such manner as we shall think fit; and it is our further will and
pleasure, that neither yourself, nor any other of our Officers,
within our said Province, to whose duty it may appertain to carry
these our orders into execution do take any Fee or reward for the
same, and that the expense of surveying and locating any Tract of
Land in the manner and for the purpose above mentioned be defrayed
out of our Revenue of Quit rents and charged to the account thereof.
And we do hereby, declare it to be our further will and pleasure,
that in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear
Arms, shall be hereafter embodied and employed in Our service in
America, either as Commission or non Commissioned Officers or private
Men, they shall respectively receive further grants of Land from us
within our said province, free of all charges, and exempt from the
payment of quit rents for 20 years, in the same proportion to their
respective Ranks, as is directed and prescribed by our Royal
Proclamation of the 7th of October 1763 in regard to such officers
and soldiers as were employed in our service during the last War."
This paltry scheme concocted to raise men for the royal cause could have
but very little effect. The Highlanders, it proposed to reach, were
scattered, and the work proposed must be done secretly and with
expedition. To raise the Highlanders required address, a number of
agents, and necessary hardships. Armed with the warrant Colonel Maclean
and some followers preceded to New York and from there to Boston, where
the object of the visit became known through a sergeant by name of
McDonald who was trying to enlist "men to join the King's Troops; they
seized him, and on his examination found that he had been employed by
Major Small for this Purpose; they sent him a Prisoner into Connecticut.
This has raised a violent suspicion against the Scots and Highlanders
and will make the execution of Coll Maclean's Plan more difficult."[150]
The principal agents engaged with Colonel Maclean in raising the new
regiment were Major John Small and Captain Alexander McDonald. The
latter met with much discouragement and several escapes. His
"Letter-Book" is a mine of information pertaining to the regiment. As
early as November 15, 1775, he draws a gloomy picture of the straits of
the Macdonalds on whom so much was relied by the English government. "As
for all the McDonalds in America they may Curse the day that was born as
being the means of Leading them to ruin from my Zeal and attachment for
government poor Glanaldall I am afraid is Lost as there is no account of
him since a small Schooner Arrived which brought an account of his
having Six & thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost he is
unavoidably ruined in his Means all those up the Mohawk river will be
tore to pieces and those in North Carolina the same so that if
Government will Not Consider them when Matters are Settled I think they
are ill treated."[151]
The commissions of Colonel Maclean, Major John Small and Captain
William Dunbar bear date of June 13, 1775, and all the other captains
one day later.
The regiment raised was known as the Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment
and was composed of two battalions, the first of which was commanded by
Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean, and was composed of Highland emigrants
in Canada, and the discharged men of the 42nd, of Fraser's and
Montgomery's Highlanders who had settled in North America after the
peace of 1763. Great difficulty was experienced in conveying the troops
who had been raised in the back settlements to their respective
destinations. This battalion made the following return of its officers:
Isle Aux Noix, 15th April, 1778.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Rank | NAMES |Former Rank in the Army
-------------+------------------------------+-------------------------
Lieut.-Col |Allan McLean |Lieutenant-Colonel
Major |Donald McDonald |
Captain |William Dunbar |Capt. late 78th Regt
|John Nairne |
|Alexander Fraser |Lieut. late 78th Regt
|George McDougall |Lieut. 60th Regt
|Malcolm Fraser |Lieut. late 8th Regt
|Daniel Robertson |Lieut. 42nd Regt
|George Laws |
Lieutenant |Neil McLean, (prisoner) |Lieut. 7th Regt
|John McLean |Ensign late 114th Regt
|Alexander Firtelier |
|Lachlan McLean |
|Fran. Damburgess, (prisoner) |Ensign, 21 Nov. 1775
|David Cairns |Ensign, 1st June 1775
|Don. McKinnon |Ensign, 20th Nov. 1775
|Ronald McDonald |Ensign, 14th June 1775
|John McDonell |Ensign, 14th June 1775
|Alexander Stratton, (prisoner)|
|Hector McLean |
Ensign |Ronald McDonald |
|Archibald Grant |
|David Smith |
|George Darne |
|Archibald McDonald |
|William Wood |
-------------+------------------------------+-------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Rank | NAMES | Former Rank in the Army
--------------------------------------------+-------------------------
Ensign | John Pringle |
" | Hector McLean, (prisoner) |
Chaplain | John Bethune |
Adjutant | Ronald McDonald |
Qr. Master | Lachlan McLean |
Surgeon | James Davidson |
Surg's Mate | James Walker |
--------------------------------------------+-------------------------
The second battalion was commanded by Major John Small, formerly of the
42nd, and then of the 21st regiment, which was raised from emigrants
arriving in the colonies and discharged Highland soldiers who had
settled in Nova Scotia. Each battalion was to consist of seven hundred
and fifty men, with officers in proportion. In speaking of the raising
of the men Captain Alexander McDonald, in a letter to General Sir
William Howe, under date of Halifax, November 30, 1775, says:
"Last October was a year when I found the people of America were
determind on Rebellion, I wrote to Major Small desiring he would
acquaint General Gage that I was ready to join the Army with a
hundred as good men as any in America, the General was pleased to
order the Major to write and return his Excellency's thanks to me for
my Loyalty and spirited offers of Service, but that he had not power
at that time to grant Commissions or raise any troops; however the
hint was improved and A proposal was Sent home to Government to raise
five Companies and I was in the meantime ordered to ingeage as many
men as I possibly Could, Accordingly I Left my own house on Staten
Island this same day year and travelled through frost snow & Ice all
the way to the Mohawk river, where there was two hundred Men of my
own Name, who had fled from the Severity of their Landlords in the
Highlands of Scotland, the Leading men of whom most Cheerfully agreed
to be ready at a Call, but the affair was obliged to be kept a
profound Secret till it was Known whether the government approved of
the Scheme and otherwise I could have inlisted five hundred men in a
months time, from thence I proceeded straight to Boston to know for
Certain what was done in the affair when General Gage asur'd me that
he had recommended it to the Ministry and did not doubt of its
Meeting with approbation. I Left Boston and went home to my own
house and was ingeaging as Many men as I Could of those that I
thought I could intrust but it was not possible to keep the thing
Long a Secret when we had to make proposals to five hundred men; in
the Mean time Coll McLean arrived with full power from Government to
Collect all the Highlanders who had Emigrated to America Into one
place and to give Every man the hundred Acres of Land and if need
required to give Arms to as many men as were Capable of bearing them
for His Majesty's Service. Coll McLean and I Came from New York to
Boston to know how Matters would be Settled by Genl Gage: it was then
proposed and Agreed upon to raise twenty Companies or two Battalions
Consisting of one Lt Colonl Commandant two Majors and Seventeen
Captains, of which I was to be the first or oldest Captain and was
confirmed by Coll McLean under his hand Writeing."[152]
At the time of the beginning of hostilities a large number of
Highlanders were on their way from Scotland to settle in the colonies.
In some instances the vessels on which were the emigrants, were boarded
from a man-of-war before their arrival. In some families there is a
tradition that they were captured by a war vessel. Those who did arrive
were induced partly by threats and partly by persuasion to enlist for
the war, which they were assured would be of short duration. These
people were not only in poverty, but many were in debt for their
passage, and they were now promised that by enlisting their debts should
be paid, they should have plenty of food as well as full pay for their
services, besides receiving for each head of a family two hundred acres
of land and fifty more for each child, while, in the event of refusal,
there was presented the alternative of going to jail to pay their debts.
The result of the artifices used can be no mystery. Under such
conditions most of the able-bodied men enlisted, in some instances
father and son serving together. Their wives and children were sent to
Halifax, hearing the cannon of Bunker Hill on their passage.
These enlistments formed a part of the Battalion under Major
Small,--five companies of which remained in Nova Scotia during the war,
and the remaining five joining Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis to
the southward. That portion of which remained in Nova Scotia, was
stationed at Halifax, Windsor, and Cumberland, and were distinguished by
their uniform good behavior.
The men belonging to the first battalion were assembled at Quebec. On
the approach of the American army by Lake Champlain, Colonel Maclean was
ordered to St. Johns with a party of militia, but got only as far as St.
Denis, where he was deserted by his men. When Quebec was threatened by
the American army under Colonel Arnold, Colonel Maclean with his
regiment consisting of three hundred and fifty men, was at Sorel, and
being forced to decamp from that place, by great celerity of movement,
evaded the army of Colonel Arnold and passed into Quebec with one
hundred of his regiment. He arrived just in time, for the citizens were
about to surrender the city to the Americans. On Colonel Maclean's
arrival, November 13, 1775, the garrison consisted only of fifty men of
the Fusiliers and seven hundred militia and seamen. There had also just
landed one hundred recruits of Colonel Maclean's corps from
Newfoundland, which had been raised by Malcolm Fraser and Captain
Campbell. Also, at the same time, there arrived the frigate Lizard, with
£20,000 cash, all of which put new spirits into the garrison. The
arrival of the veteran Maclean greatly diminished the chances of Colonel
Arnold. Colonel Maclean now bent his energies towards saving the town;
strengthened every point; enthused the lukewarm, and by emulation kept
up a good spirit among them all. When General Carleton, leaving his army
behind him, arrived in Quebec he found that Colonel Maclean had not only
withstood the assaults of the Americans but had brought order and system
out of chaos. In the final assault on the last day of the year, when the
brave General Montgomery fell, the Highlanders were in the midst of the
fray.
Many of the Americans were captured at this storming of Quebec. One of
them narrates that "January 4th, on the next day, we were visited by
Colonel Maclean, an old man, attended by other officers, for a peculiar
purpose, that is, to ascertain who among us were born in Europe. We had
many Irishmen and some Englishmen. The question was put to each; those
who admitted a British birth, were told they must serve his majesty in
Colonel Maclean's regiment, a new corps, called the emigrants. Our poor
fellows, under the fearful penalty of being carried to Britain, there to
be tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, and many of them did
enlist."[153]
Such men could hardly prove to be reliable, and it can be no
astonishment to read what Major Henry Caldwell, one of the defenders of
Quebec says of it:
"Of the prisoners we took, about 100 of them were Europeans, chiefly
from Ireland; the greatest part of them engaged voluntarily in Col.
McLean's corps, but about a dozen of them deserting in the course of
a month, the rest were again confined, and not released till the
arrival of the Isis, when they were again taken into the corps."[154]
Colonel Arnold despairing of capturing the town by assault, established
himself on the Heights of Abraham, with the intention of cutting off
supplies and blockading the town. In this situation he reduced the
garrison to great straits, all communication with the country being cut
off. He erected batteries and made several attempts to get possession of
the lower town, but was foiled at every point by the vigilance of
Colonel Maclean. On the approach of spring, Colonel Arnold, despairing
of success, raised the siege.
The battalion remained in the province of Canada during the war, and was
principally employed in small, but harrassing enterprises. In one of
these, Captain Daniel Robertson, Lieutenant Hector Maclean, and Ensign
Archibald Grant, with the grenadier company, marched twenty days through
the woods with no other direction than the compass, and an Indian guide.
The object being to surprise a small post in the interior, which was
successful and attained without loss. By long practice in the woods the
men had become very intelligent and expert in this kind of warfare.
The reason why this regiment was not with the army of General Burgoyne,
and thus escaped the humiliation of the surrender at Saratoga, has been
stated by that officer in the following language: that he proposed to
leave in Canada "Maclean's Corps, because I very much apprehend
desertions from such parts of it as are composed of Americans, should
they come near the enemy. In Canada, whatsoever may be their
disposition, it is not so easy to effect it."[155]
Notwithstanding the conduct of Colonel Allan Maclean at the siege of
Quebec and his great zeal in behalf of Britain his corps was not yet
recognized, though he had at the outset been promised establishment and
rank for it. He therefore returned to England where he arrived on
September 1, 1776, to seek justice for himself and men. They were not
received until the close of 1778, when the regiment was numbered the
84th, at which time Sir Henry Clinton was appointed its Colonel, and the
battalions ordered to be augmented to one thousand men each. The uniform
was the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoons' instead of
badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the men
a half basket sword.
"On a St. Andrew's day a ball was given by the officers of the garrison
in which they were quartered to the ladies in the vicinity. When one of
the ladies entered the ball-room, and saw officers in the Highland
dress, her sensitive delicacy revolted at what she though an indecency,
declaring she would quit the room if these were to be her company. This
occasioned some little embarrassment. An Indian lady, sister of the
Chief Joseph Brant, who was present with her daughters, observing the
bustle, inquired what was the matter, and being informed, she cried out,
'This must be a very indelicate lady to think of such a thing; she shows
her own arms and elbows to all the men, and she pretends she cannot look
at these officers' bare legs, although she will look at my husband's
bare thighs for hours together; she must think of other things, or she
would see no more shame in a man showing his legs, than she does in
showing her neck and breast.' These remarks turned the laugh against the
lady's squeamish delicacy, and the ball was permitted to proceed without
the officers being obliged to retire."[156]
With every opportunity offered the first battalion to desert, in
consequence of offers of land and other inducements held out by the
Americans, not one native Highlander deserted; and only one Highlander
was brought to the halberts during the time they were embodied.
The history of the formation of the two battalions is dissimilar; that
of the second was not attended with so great difficulties. In the
formation of the first all manner of devices were entered into, and
various disguises were resorted to in order to escape detection. Even
this did not always protect them.
"It is beyond the power of Expression to give an Idea of the expence &
trouble our Officers have Undergone in these expeditions into the
Rebellious provinces. Some of them have been fortunate enough to get off
Undiscovered--But Many have been taken abused by Mobs in an Outragious
manner & cast into prisons with felons, where they have Suffered all the
Evils that revengeful Rage ignorance Bigotry & Inhumanity could
inflict--There has been even Skirmishes on such Occasions.***** It was
an uncommon Exertion in one of our Offrs. to make his Escape with forty
highlanders from the Mohawk river to Montreal havg. had nothing to eat
for ten days but their Dogs & herbs & in another to have on his private
Credit & indeed ruin, Victualled a Considerable Number of Soldiers he
had engaged in hopes of getting off with them to Canada, but being at
last taken & kept in hard imprisonmt for near a year by the Rebels to
have effected his escape & Collecting his hundred men to have brot them
thro' the Woods lately from near Abany to Canada."[157]
Difficulties in the formation of the regiment and placing it on the
establishment grew out of the opposition of Governor Legge, and from
him, through General Gage transmitted to the ministry, when all
enlistments, for the time being were prohibited. The officers, from the
start had been assured that the regiment should be placed on the
establishment, and each should be entitled to his rank and in case of
reduction should go on half pay. The officers should consist of those on
half pay who had served in the last war, and had settled in America.
When the regiment had been established and numbered, through the
exertions of Colonel Maclean the ranks were rapidly filled, and the
previous difficulties overcome.
The winter of 1775-1776, was very severe on the second battalion.
Although stationed in Halifax they were without sufficient clothing or
proper food, or pay, and the officer in charge--Captain Alexander
McDonald--without authority to draw money, or a regular warrant to
receive it. In January "the men were almost stark naked for want of
clothing," and even bare-footed. The plaids and Kilmarnocks could not be
had. As late as March 1st there was "not a shoe nor a bit of leather to
be had in Halifax for either love or money," and men were suffering from
their frosted feet. "The men made a horrid and scandalous appearance on
duty, insulted and despised by the soldiers of the other corps." In
April 1778, clothing that was designed for the first battalion, having
been consigned to Halifax, was taken by Captain McDonald and distributed
to the men of the second. Out of this grew an acrimonious
correspondence. Of the food, Captain McDonald writes:
"We are served Served Since prior to September last with Flower that
is Rank poison at lest Bread made of Such flower--The Men of our
Regiment that are in Command at the East Battery brought me a Sample
of the fflower they received for a Months provision, it was exactly
like Chalk & as Sower as Vinegarr I asked the Doctors opinion of it
who told me it was Sufficient to Destroy all the Regiment to eatt
Bread made of Such fflower; it is hard when Mens Lives are So
precious and so much wanted for the Service of their King and
country, that they Should thus wantonly be Sported with to put money
in the pocket of any individuall."[158]
It appears to have been the policy to break up the second battalion and
have it serve on detached duty. Hence a detachment was sent to
Newfoundland, another to Annapolis, at Cumberland, Fort Howe, Fort
Edward, Fort Sackville and Windsor, but rallying at Halifax as the
headquarters--to say nothing of those sent to the Southern States. No
wonder Captain McDonald complains, "We have absolutely been worse used
than any one Regiment in America and has done more duty and Drudgery of
all kinds than any other Bn. in America these thre Years past and it is
but reasonable Just and Equitable that we should now be Suffered to Join
together at least as early as possible in the Spring and let some Other
Regimt relieve the difft. posts we at present Occupy."[159]
But it was not all garrison duty. Writing from Halifax, under date of
July 13th, 1777, Captain McDonald says:
"Another Attempt has been made from New England to invade this
province wch. is also defeated by a detachmt from our Regt & the
Marines on board of Captn Hawker. Our Detachmt went on board of him
here & he having a Quick passage to the River St John's wch. divides
Nova Scotia from New England & where the Rebells were going to take
post & Rebuild the old fort that was there the last War. Immediately
on Captn Hawker's Arrival there Our men under the Commd. of Ensn. Jno
McDonald & the Marines under that of a Lieut were landed & Engaged
the Enemy who were abt. a hundred Strong & after a Smart firing &
some killed & wounded on both Sides the Rebells ran with the greatest
precipitation & Confusion to their boats. Some of our light Armed
vessells pursued them & I hope before this time they are either taken
or starving in the Woods."[160]
Whatever may be said of the good behavior of the men of the second
battalion, there were three at least whom Captain McDonald describes as
"rascales." He also gives the following severe rebuke to one of the
officers:
"Halifax 16th Febry 1777
Mr. Jas. McDonald.
I am sorry to inform you that every Accot I receive from Windsor is
very unfavorable in regard to you. Your Cursed Carelessness &
slovenlyness about your own Body and your dress Nothing going on but
drinking Calybogus Schewing Tobacco & playing Cards in place of that
decentness & Cleanliness that all Gentlemen who has the least Regard
for themselves & Character must & does observe. I am afraid from your
Conduct that you will be no Credit or honor to the Memories of those
Worthies from whom you are descended & if you have no regard for them
or your self I need not expect you'll be at any pains to be of Any
Credit to me for anything I can do for you. I am about Giving you
Rank agreeable to Col. McLean's plan & on Accot. of your having bro't
more men to the Regimt. than either Mr. Fitz Gerd. or Campbell You
are to be the Second in Command at that post Lt. Fitz Ger'd. the
third & Campbell the fourth. And I hope I shall never have Occasion
to write to you in this Manner again. I beg you will begin now to
mend your hand to write & learn to keep Accots. that you may be able
to do Some thing like an officer if ever you expect to make a figure
in the Army You must Change your plan & lay yr. money out to Acquire
such Accomplishm'ts befitting an officer rather than Tobacco,
Calybogus and the Devil knows what. I am tired of Scolding of you, so
will say no more."[161]
But little has been recorded of the five companies of the second
battalion that joined Sir Henry Clinton and lord Cornwallis. The company
called grenadiers was in the battle of Eutaw Springs, South Carolina,
fought September 8, 1781. This was one of the most closely contested
battles of the Revolution, in which the grenadier company was in the
thickest and severest of the fight. The British army, under Colonel
Alexander Stuart, of the 3rd regiment was drawn up in a line extending
from Eutaw creek to an eighth of a mile southward. The Irish Buffs
(third regiment) formed the right; Lieutenant Colonel Cruger's Loyalists
the center; and the 63rd and 64th regiments the left. Near the creek was
a flank battalion of infantry and the grenadiers, under Major
Majoribanks, partially covered and concealed by a thicket on the bank of
the stream. The Americans, under General Greene, having routed two
advanced detachments, fell with great spirit on the main body. After the
battle had been stubbornly contested for some time, Major Majoribank's
command was ordered up, and terribly galled the American flanks. In
attempting to dislodge them, the Americans received a terrible volley
from behind the thicket. Soon the entire British line fell back, Major
Majoribanks covering the movement. They abandoned their camp, destroyed
their stores and many fled precipitately towards Charleston, while Major
Majoribanks halted behind the palisades of a brick house. The American
soldiers, in spite of the orders of General Greene and the efforts of
their officers began to pillage the camp, instead of attempting to
dislodge Major Majoribanks. A heavy fire was poured upon the Americans
who were in the British camp, from the force that had taken refuge in
the brick house, while Major Majoribanks moved from his covert on the
right. The light horse or legion of Colonel Henry Lee, remaining under
the control of that officer, followed so closely upon those who had fled
to the house that the fugitives in closing the doors shut out two or
three of their own officers. Those of the legion who had followed to the
door seized each a prisoner, and interposing him as a shield retreated
beyond the fire from the windows. Among those captured was Captain
Barre, a brother of the celebrated Colonel Barre of the British
parliament, having been seized by Captain Manning. In the terror of the
moment Barre began to recite solemnly his titles: "I am Sir Henry Barre
deputy adjutant general of the British army, captain of the 52nd
regiment, secretary of the commandant at Charleston--" "Are you indeed?"
interrupted Captain Manning; "you are my prisoner now, and the very man
I was looking for; come along with me." He then placed his titled
prisoner between him and the fire of the enemy, and retreated.
The arrest of the Americans by Major Majoribanks and the party that had
fled into the brick house, gave Colonel Stuart an opportunity to rally
his forces, and while advancing, Major Majoribanks poured a murderous
fire into the legion of Colonel Lee, which threw them into confusion.
Perceiving this, he sallied out seized the two field pieces and ran them
under the windows of the house. Owing to the crippled condition of his
army, and the shattering of his cavalry by the force of Major
Majoribanks, General Greene ordered a retreat, after a conflict of four
hours. The British repossessed the camp, but on the following day
decamped, abandoning seventy-two of their wounded. Considering the
numbers engaged, both parties lost heavily. The Americans had one
hundred and thirty rank and file killed, three hundred and eighty-five
wounded, and forty missing. The loss of the British, according to their
own report, was six hundred and ninety-three men, of whom eighty-five
were killed.
At the conclusion of the war the transports bearing the companies were
ordered to Halifax, where the men were discharged; but, owing to the
violence of the weather, and a consequent loss of reckoning, they made
the island of Nevis and St. Kitt's instead of Halifax. This delayed the
final reduction till 1784. In the distant quarters of the first
battalion, they were forgotten. By their agreement they should have been
discharged in April 1783, but orders were not sent until July 1784.
It is possible that a roll of the officers of the second battalion may
be in existence. The following names of the officers are preserved in
McDonald's "Letter-Book":
Major John Small, commandant; Captains Alexander McDonald, Duncan
Campbell, Ronald McKinnon, Murdoch McLean, Alexander Campbell, John
McDonald and Allan McDonald; Lieutenants Gerald Fitzgerald, Robert
Campbell, James McDonald and Lachlan McLean; Ensign John Day; chaplain,
Doctor Boynton.
The uniform of the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment was the full
Highland garb, with purses made of raccoon's instead of badger's skins.
The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the men a half basket
sword, as previously stated.
At the conclusion of the war grants of land were given to the officers
and men, in the proportion of five thousand acres to a field officer,
three thousand to a captain, five hundred to a subaltern, two hundred to
a serjeant and one hundred to each soldier. All those who had settled in
America previous to the war, remained, and took possession of their
lands, but many of the others returned to Scotland. The men of Major
Small's battalion went to Nova Scotia, where they settled a township,
and gave it the name of Douglas, in Hants County; but a number settled
on East River.
The first to come to East River, of the 84th, was big James Fraser, in
company with Donald McKay and fifteen of his comrades, and took up a
tract of three thousand four hundred acres extending along both sides of
the river. Their discharges are dated April 10, 1784, but the grant
November 3, 1785. About the same time of the occupation of the East
River, in Pictou County, the West Branch was occupied by men of the same
regiment; the first of whom were David McLean and John Fraser.
The settlers of East Branch, or River, of the 84th, on the East side
were Donald Cameron, a native of Urquhart, Scotland; served eight years;
possessed one hundred and fifty acres; his son Duncan served two years
as a drummer boy in the regiment. Alexander Cameron, one hundred acres.
Robert Clark, one hundred acres. Finlay Cameron, four hundred. Samuel
Cameron, one hundred acres. James Fraser, a native of Strathglass, three
hundred and fifty acres. Peter Grant, James McDonald, Hugh McDonald, one
hundred acres.
On the west side of same river: James Fraser, one hundred acres. Duncan
McDonald, one hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres.
Samuel Cameron, three hundred acres. John Chisholm, sen., three hundred
acres. John Chisholm, jun., two hundred acres. John McDonald, two
hundred and fifty acres.
Those who settled at West Branch and other places on East River were,
William Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred and fifty acres. John
McKay, three hundred acres. John Robertson, four hundred and fifty.
William Robertson, two hundred acres. John Fraser, from Inverness, three
hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, from Inverness, two hundred acres. Thomas
McKinzie, one hundred acres. David McLean, a sergeant in the army, five
hundred acres. Alexander Cameron, three hundred acres. Hector McLean,
four hundred acres. John Forbes, from Inverness, four hundred acres.
Alexander McLean, five hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, Jun., one hundred
acres. James McLellan, from Inverness, five hundred acres. Donald
Chisholm, from Strathglass, three hundred and fifty acres. Robert Dundas
(four hundred and fifty acres), Alexander Dunbar (two hundred acres),
and William Dunbar, (three hundred acres), all three brothers, from
Inverness, and of the 84th regiment. James Cameron, 84th regiment, three
hundred acres. John McDougall, two hundred and fifty acres. John
Chisholm, three hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, Jun., from Inverness,
four hundred acres. Robert Clark, 84th, one hundred acres. Donald Shaw,
from Inverness, three hundred acres. Alexander McIntosh, from Inverness,
five hundred acres, and John McLellan, from Inverness, one hundred
acres. Of the grantees of the West Branch, those designated from
Inverness, were from the parish of Urquhart and served in the 84th, as
did also those so specified. It is more than probable that all the
others were not in the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment, or even served
in the war.
The members of the first, or Colonel MacLean's battalion settled in
Canada, many of whom at Montreal, where they rallied around their
chaplain, John Bethune. This gentleman acted as chaplain of the
Highlanders in North Carolina, and was taken prisoner at the battle of
Moore's Creek Bridge. After remaining a prisoner for about a year, he
was released, and made his way to Nova Scotia and for some time resided
at Halifax. He received the appointment of chaplain in the Royal
Highland Emigrant regiment. He received a grant of three thousand acres,
located in Glengarry, and having a growing family to provide for, each
of whom was entitled to two hundred acres, he removed to Williamstown,
then the principal settlement in Glengarry. Besides his allotment of
land, he retired from the army on half pay. In his new home he ever
maintained an honorable life.
FORTY-SECOND OR ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT.
The 42nd, or Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders, left America in 1767,
and sailed direct for Cork, Ireland. In 1775 the regiment embarked at
Donaghadee, and landed at Port Patrick, after an absence of thirty-two
years from Scotland. From Port Patrick it marched to Glasgow. Shortly
after its arrival in Glasgow two companies were added, and all the
companies were augmented to one hundred rank and file, and when
completed numbered one thousand and seventy-five men, including
serjeants and drummers.
Hitherto the officers had been entirely Highlanders and Scotch. Contrary
to the remonstrances of lord John Murray, the lord lieutenant of Ireland
succeeded in admitting three English officers into the regiment,
Lieutenants Crammond, Littleton, and Franklin, thus cancelling the
commissions of Lieutenants Grant and Mackenzie. Of the soldiers nine
hundred and thirty-one were Highlanders, seventy-four Lowland Scotch,
five English, one Welsh and two Irish.
On account of the breaking out of hostilities the regiment was ordered
to embark for America. The recruits were instructed in the use of the
firelock, and, from the shortness of the time allowed, were even drilled
by candle-light. New arms and accoutrements were supplied to the men,
and the Colonel, at his own expense, furnished them with broad swords
and pistols.
April 14, 1776, the Royal Highlanders, in conjunction with Fraser's
Highlanders, embarked at Greenock to join an expedition under General
Howe against the Americans. After some delay, both regiments sailed on
May 1st under the convoy of the Flora, of thirty-two guns, and a fleet
of thirty-two ships, the Royal Highlanders being commanded by Colonel
Thomas Stirling of Ardoch. Four days after they had sailed, the
transports separated in a gale of wind. Some of the scattered transports
of both regiments fell in with General Howe's army on their voyage from
Halifax; and others, having received information of this movement,
followed the main body and joined the army at Staten Island.
When Washington took possession of Dorchester heights, on the night of
March 4, 1776, the situation of General Howe, in Boston, became
critical, and he was forced to evacuate the city with precipitation. He
left no cruisers in Boston bay to warn expected ships from England that
the city was no longer in his possession. This was very fortunate for
the Americans, for a few days later several store-ships sailed into the
harbor and were captured. The Scotch fleet also headed that way, and
some of the transports, not having received warning, were also taken in
the harbor, but principally of Fraser's Highlanders. By the last of
June, about seven hundred and fifty Highlanders belonging to the Scotch
fleet, were prisoners in the hands of the Americans.
The Royal Highlanders lost but one of their transports, the Oxford, and
at the same time another transport in company with her, having on board
recruits for Fraser's Highlanders, in all two hundred and twenty men.
They were made prizes of by the Congress privateer, and all the
officers, arms and ammunition were taken from the Oxford, and all the
soldiers were placed on board that vessel with a prize crew of ten men
to carry her into port. In a gale of wind the vessels became separated,
and then the carpenter of the Oxford formed a party and retook her, and
sailed for the Chesapeake. On June 20th, they sighted Commodore James
Barron's vessel, and dispatched a boat with a sergeant, one private and
one of the men who were put on board by the Congress to make inquiry.
The latter finding a convenient opportunity, informed Commodore Barren
of their situation, upon which he boarded and took possession of the
Oxford, and brought her to Jamestown. The men were marched to
Williamsburgh, Virginia, where every inducement was held out to them to
join the American cause. When the promise of military promotion failed
to have an effect, they were then informed that they would have grants
of fertile land, upon which they could live in happiness and freedom.
They declared they would take no land save what they deserved by
supporting the king. They were then separated into small parties and
sent into the back settlements; and were not exchanged until 1778, when
they rejoined their regiments.
Before General Sir William Howe's army arrived, or even any vessels of
his fleet, the transport Crawford touched at Long Island. Under date of
June 24, 1776, General Greene notified Washington that "the Scotch
prisoners, with their baggage, have arrived at my Quarters." The list of
prisoners are thus given:
"Forty second or Royal Highland Regiment: Captain John Smith and
Lieutenant Robert Franklin. Seventy-first Regiment: Captain Norman
McLeod and lady and maid; Lieutenant Roderick McLeod; Ensign Colin
Campbell and lady; Surgeon's Mate, Robert Boyce; John McAlister,
Master of the Crawford transport; Norman McCullock, a passenger: two
boys, servants; McDonald, servant to Robert Boyce; Shaw, servant to
Captain McLeod. Three boys, servants, came over in the evening."[162]
General Howe, on board the frigate Greyhound, arrived in the Narrows,
from Halifax, on June 25th, accompanied by two other ships-of-war. He
came in advance of the fleet that bore his army, in order to consult
with Governor Tryon and ascertain the position of affairs at New York.
For three or four days after his arrival armed vessels kept coming, and
on the twenty-ninth the main body of the fleet arrived, and the troops
were immediately landed on Staten Island. General Howe was soon after
reinforced by English regulars and German mercenaries, and at about the
same time Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Parker, with their broken forces
came from the south and joined them. Before the middle of August all the
British reinforcements had arrived at Staten Island and General Howe's
army was raised to a force of thirty thousand men. On August 22nd, a
large body of troops, under cover of the guns of the Rainbow, landed
upon Long Island. Soon after five thousand British and Hessian troops
poured over the sides of the English ships and transports and in small
boats and galleys were rowed to the Long Island shore, covered by the
guns of the Phoenix, Rose and Greyhound. The invading force on Long
Island numbered fifteen thousand, well armed and equipped, and having
forty heavy cannon.
The three Highland battalions were first landed on Staten Island, and
immediately a grenadier battalion was formed by Major Charles Stuart.
The staff appointments were taken from the Royal Highlanders. The three
light companies also formed a battalion in the brigade under
Lieutenant-Colonel Abercromby. The grenadiers were remarkable for
strength and height, and considered equal to any company in the army.
The eight battalion companies were formed into two temporary battalions,
the command of one was given to Major William Murray, and that of the
other to Major William Grant. These small battalions were brigaded under
Sir William Erskine, and placed in the reserve, with the grenadiers and
light infantry of the army, under command of lord Cornwallis.
Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling, from the moment of landing, was active in
drilling the 42d in the methods of fighting practiced in the French and
Indian war, in which he was well versed. The Highlanders made rapid
progress in this discipline, being, in general, excellent marksmen.
It was about this time that the broadswords and pistols received at
Glasgow were laid aside. The pistols were considered unnecessary, except
in the field. The broadswords retarded the men when marching by getting
entangled in the brushwood.
The reserve of Howe's army was landed first at Gravesend Bay, and being
moved immediately forward to Flat Bush, the Highlanders and a corps of
Hessians were detached to a little distance, where they encamped. The
whole army encamped in front of the villages of Gravesend and Utrecht. A
woody range of hills, which intersected the country from east to west,
divided the opposing armies.
General Howe resolved to bring on a general action and make the attack
in three divisions. The right wing under General Clinton seized, on the
night of August 26th, a pass on the heights, about three miles from
Bedford. The main body pushed into the level country which lay between
the hills and the lines of General Israel Putnam. Whilst these movements
were in process, Major-General Grant of Ballindalloch, with his brigade,
supported by the Royal Highlanders from the reserve, was directed to
march from the left along the coast to the Narrows, and make an attack
in that quarter. At nine o'clock, on the morning of the 22nd, the right
wing having reached Bedford, attacked the left of the American army,
which, after a short resistance, quitted the woody grounds, and in
confusion retired to their lines, pursued by the British troops, Colonel
Stuart leading with his battalion of Highland grenadiers. When the
firing at Bedford was heard at Flat Bush, the Hessians advanced, and,
attacking the center of the American army, drove them through the woods,
capturing three cannon. Previously, General Grant, with the left of the
army, commenced the attack with a cannonade against the Americans under
lord Stirling. The object of lord Stirling was to defend the pass and
keep General Grant in check. He was in the British parliament when Grant
made his speech against the Americans, and addressing his soldiers said,
in allusion to the boasting Grant that he would "undertake to march from
one end of the continent to the other, with five thousand men." "He may
have his five thousand men with him now--we are not so many--but I think
we are enough to prevent his advancing further on his march over the
continent, than that mill-pond," pointing to the head of Gowanus bay.
This little speech had a powerful effect, and in the action showed how
keenly they felt the insult. General Grant had been instructed not to
press an attack until informed by signal-guns from the right wing.
These signals were not given until eleven o'clock, at which time lord
Stirling was hemmed in. When the truth flashed upon him he hurled a few
of his men against lord Cornwallis, in order to keep him at bay while a
part of his army might escape. Lord Cornwallis yielded, and when on the
point or retreating received large reinforcements which turned the
fortunes of the day against the Americans. General Grant drove the
remains of lord Stirling's army before him, which escaped across Gowanus
creek, by wading and swimming.
The victorious troops, made hot and sanguinary by the fatigues and
triumphs of the morning, rushed upon the American lines, eager to carry
them by storm. But the day was not wholly lost. Behind the entrenchments
were three thousand determined men who met the advancing British army by
a severe cannonade and volleys of musketry. Preferring to win the
remainder of the conquest with less bloodshed, General Howe called back
his troops to a secure place in front of the American lines, beyond
musket shot, and encamped for the night.
During the action Washington hastened over from New York to Brooklyn and
galloped up to the works. He arrived there in time to witness the
catastrophe. All night he was engaged in strengthening his position; and
troops were ordered from New York. When the morning dawned heavy masses
of vapor rolled in from the sea. At ten o'clock the British opened a
cannonade on the American works, with frequent skirmishes throughout the
day. Rain fell copiously all the afternoon and the main body of the
British kept their tents, but when the storm abated towards evening,
they commenced regular approaches within five hundred yards of the
American works. That night Washington drew off his army of nine thousand
men, with their munitions of war, transported them over a broad ferry to
New York, using such consummate skill that the British were not aware of
his intention until next morning, when the last boats of the rear guard
were seen out of danger.
The American loss in the battle of Long Island did not exceed sixteen
hundred and fifty, of whom eleven hundred were prisoners. General Howe
stated his own loss to have been, in killed, wounded, and prisoners,
three hundred and sixty-seven. The loss of the Highlanders was,
Lieutenant Crammond and nine rank and file wounded, of the 42d; and
three rank and filed killed, and two sergeants and nine rank and file
wounded, of the 71st regiment.
In a letter to lord George Germaine, under date of September 4, 1776,
lord Dunmore says:
"I was with the Highlanders and Hessians the whole day, and it is
with the utmost pleasure I can assure your lordship that the ardour
of both these corps on that day must have exceeded his Majesty's most
sanguine wish."[163]
Active operations were not resumed until September 15th, when the
British reserve, which the Royal Highlanders had rejoined after the
action at Brooklyn, crossed the river in flat boats from Newtown creek,
and landed at Kip's bay covered by a severe cannonade from the
ships-of-war, whose guns played briskly upon the American batteries.
Washington, hearing the firing, rode with speed towards the scene of
action. To him a most alarming spectacle was presented. The militia had
fled, and the Connecticut troops had caught the panic, and ran without
firing a gun, when only fifty of the British had landed. Meeting the
fugitives he used every endeavor to stop their flight. In vain their
generals tried to rally them; but they continued to flee in the greatest
confusion, leaving Washington alone within eighty yards of the foe. So
incensed was he at their conduct that he cast his chapeau to the ground,
snapped his pistols at several of the fugitives, and threatened others
with his sword. So utterly unconscious was he of danger, that he
probably would have fallen had not his attendants seized the bridle of
his horse and hurried him away to a place of safety. Immediately he took
measures to protect his imperilled army. He retreated to Harlem heights,
and sent an order to General Putnam to evacuate the city instantly. This
was fortunately accomplished, through the connivance of Mrs. Robert
Murray. General Sir William Howe, instead of pushing forward and
capturing the four thousand troops under General Putnam, immediately
took up his quarters with his general officers at the mansion of Robert
Murray, and sat down for refreshments and rest. Mrs. Murray knowing the
value of time to the veteran Putnam, now in jeopardy, used all her art
to detain her uninvited guests. With smiles and pleasant conversation,
and a profusion of cakes and wine, she regaled them for almost two
hours. General Putnam meanwhile receiving his orders, immediately
obeyed, and a greater portion of his troops, concealed by the woods,
escaped along the Bloomingdale road, and before being discovered had
passed the encampment upon the Ineleberg. The rear-guard was attacked by
the Highlanders and Hessians, just as a heavy rain began to fall; and
the drenched army, after losing fifteen men killed, and three hundred
made prisoners, reached Harlem heights.
"This night Major Murray was nearly carried off by the enemy, but
saved himself by his strength of arm and presence of mind. As he was
crossing to his regiment from the battalion which he commanded, he
was attacked by an American officer and two soldiers, against whom he
defended himself for some time with his fusil, keeping them at a
respectful distance. At last, however, they closed upon him, when
unluckily his dirk slipped behind, and he could not, owing to his
corpulence, reach it. Observing that the rebel (American) officer had
a sword in his hand, he snatched it from him, and made so good use of
it, that he compelled them to fly, before some men of the regiment,
who had heard the noise, could come up to his assistance. He wore the
sword as a trophy during the campaign."[164]
On the 16th the light infantry was sent out to dislodge a party of
Americans who had taken possession of a wood facing the left of the
British. Adjutant-General Reed brought information to Washington that
the British General Leslie was pushing forward and had attacked Colonel
Knowlton and his rangers. Colonel Knowlton retreated, and the British
appeared in full view and sounded their bugles. Washington ordered three
companies of Colonel Weedon's Virginia regiment, under Major Leitch, to
join Knowlton's rangers, and gain the British rear, while a feigned
attack should be made in front. The vigilant General Leslie perceived
this, and made a rapid movement to gain an advantageous position upon
Harlem plains, where he was attacked upon the flank by Knowlton and
Leitch. A part of Leslie's force, consisting of Highlanders, that had
been concealed upon the wooded hills, now came down, and the entire
British body changing front, fell upon the Americans with vigor. A short
but severe conflict ensued. Major Leitch, pierced by three balls, was
borne from the field, and soon after Colonel Knowlton was brought to the
ground by a musket ball. Their men fought on bravely, contesting every
foot of the ground, as they fell back towards the American camp. Being
reinforced by a part of the Maryland regiments of Griffiths and
Richardson, the tide of battle changed. The British were driven back
across the plain, hotly pursued by the Americans, till Washington,
fearing an ambush, ordered a retreat.
In the battle of Harlem the British loss was fourteen killed, and fifty
officers and seventy men wounded. The 42nd, or Royal Highlanders lost
one sergeant and three privates killed, and Captains Duncan Macpherson
and John Mackintosh, Ensign Alexander Mackenzie (who died of his
wounds), and three sergeants, one piper, two drummers, and forty-seven
privates wounded.
This engagement caused a temporary pause in the movements of the
British, which gave Washington an opportunity to strengthen both his
camp and army. The respite was not of long duration for on October 12th,
General Howe embarked his army in flat-bottomed boats, and on the
evening of the same day landed at Frogsneck, near Westchester; but on
the next day he re-embarked his troops and landed at Pell's Point, at
the mouth of the Hudson. On the 14th he reached the White Plains in
front of Washington's position. General Howe's next determination was to
capture Fort Washington, which cut off the communication between New
York and the continent, to the eastward and northward of Hudson river,
and prevented supplies being sent him by way of Kingsbridge. The
garrison consisted of over two thousand men under Colonel Magaw. A
deserter informed General Howe of the real condition of the garrison and
the works on Harlem Heights. General Howe was agreeably surprised by the
information, and immediately summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender within
an hour, intimating that a refusal might subject the garrison to
massacre. Promptly refusing compliance, he further added: "I rather
think it a mistake than a settled resolution in General Howe, to act a
part so unworthy of himself and the British nation." On November 16th
the Hessians, under General Knyphausen, supported by the whole of the
reserve under earl Percy, with the exception of the 42nd, who were to
make a feint on the east side of the fort, were to make the principal
attack. Before daylight the Royal Highlanders embarked in boats, and
landed in a small creek at the foot of the rock, in the face of a severe
fire. Although the Highlanders had discharged the duties which had been
assigned them, still determined to have a full share in the honors of
the day, resolved upon an assault, and assisted by each other, and by
the brushwood and shrubs which grew out of the crevices of the rocks,
scrambled up the precipice. On gaining the summit, they rushed forward,
and drove back the Americans with such rapidity, that upwards of two
hundred, who had no time to escape, threw down their arms. Pursuing
their advantage, the Highlanders penetrated across the table of the
hill, and met lord Percy as he was coming up on the other side. By
turning their feint into an assault, the Highlanders facilitated the
success of the day. The result was that the Americans surrendered at
discretion. They lost in killed and wounded one hundred and about
twenty-seven hundred prisoners. The loss of the British was twenty
killed and one hundred and one wounded; that of the Royal Highlanders
being one sergeant and ten privates killed, and Lieutenants Patrick
Graeme, Norman Macleod, and Alexander Grant, and for sergeants and
sixty-six rank and file, wounded.
The hill, up which the Highlanders charged, was so steep, that the ball
which wounded Lieutenant Macleod, entering the posterior part of his
neck, ran down on the outside of his ribs, and lodged in the lower part
of his back. One of the pipers, who began to play when he reached the
point of a rock on the summit of the hill, was immediately shot, and
tumbled from one piece of rock to another till he reached the bottom.
Major Murray, being a large and corpulent man, could not attempt the
steep assent without assistance. The soldiers eager to get to the point
of duty, scrambled up, forgetting the position of Major Murray, when he,
in a supplicating tone cried, "Oh soldiers, will you leave me!" A party
leaped down instantly and brought him up, supporting him from one ledge
of rocks to another till they got him to the top.
The next object of General Howe was to possess Fort Lee. Lord
Cornwallis, with the grenadiers, light infantry, 33rd regiment and Royal
Highlanders, was ordered to attack this post. But on their approach the
fort was hastily abandoned. Lord Cornwallis, re-enforced by the two
battalions of Fraser's Highlanders, pursued the retreating Americans,
into the Jerseys, through Elizabethtown, Neward and Brunswick. In the
latter town he was ordered to halt, where he remained for eight days,
when General Howe, with the army, moved forward, and reached Princeton
in the afternoon of November 17th.
The army now went into winter quarters. The Royal Highlanders were
stationed at Brunswick, and Fraser's Highlanders quartered at Amboy.
Afterwards the Royal Highlanders were ordered to the advanced posts,
being the only British regiment in the front, and forming the line of
defence at Mt. Holly. After the disaster to the Hessians at Trenton, the
Royal Highlanders were ordered to fall back on the light infantry at
Princeton.
Lord Cornwallis, who was in New York at the time of the defeat of the
Hessians, returned to the army and moved forward with a force consisting
of the grenadiers, two brigades of the line, and the two Highland
regiments. After much skirmishing in advance he found Washington posted
on some high ground beyond Trenton. Lord Cornwallis declaring "the fox
cannot escape me," planned to assault Washington on the following
morning. But while he slept the American commander, marched to his rear
and fell upon that part of the army left at Princeton. Owing to the
suddenness of Washington's attacks upon Trenton and Princeton and the
vigilance he manifested the British outposts were withdrawn and
concentrated at Brunswick where lord Cornwallis established his
headquarters.
The Royal Highlanders, on January 6, 1777 were sent to the village of
Pisquatua on the line of communication between New York and Brunswick
by Amboy. This was a post of great importance, for it kept open the
route by which provisions were sent for the forces at Brunswick. The
duty was severe and the winter rigorous. As the homes could not
accommodate half the men, officers and soldiers sought shelter in barns
and sheds, always sleeping in their body-clothes, for the Americans gave
them but little quietude. The Americans, however, did not make any
regular attack on the post till May 10th, when, at four in the morning,
the divisions of Generals Maxwell and Stephens, attempted to surprise
the Highlanders. Advancing with great caution they were not preceived
until they rushed upon the pickets. Although the Highlanders were
surprised, they held their position until the reserve pickets came to
their assistance, when they retired disputing every foot, to afford the
regiment time to form, and come to their relief. Then the Americans were
driven back with precipitation, leaving upwards of two hundred men, in
killed and wounded. The Highlanders, pursuing with eagerness, were
recalled with great difficulty. On this occasion the Royal Highlanders
had three sergeants and nine privates killed; and Captain Duncan
Macpherson, Lieutenant William Stewart, three sergeants, and thirty-five
privates wounded.
"On this occasion, Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was immediately
in the rear of the picquet, rushed forward to their support, with a
few men who happened to have their arms in their hands, when the
enemy commenced the attack. Being severely wounded, he was left
insensible on the ground. When the picquet was overpowered, and the
few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, who had that day put on a
new jacket with silver lace, having besides, large silver buckles in
his shoes, and a watch, attracted the notice of an American soldier,
who deemed him a good prize. The retreat of his friends not allowing
him time to strip the sergeant on the spot, he thought the shortest
way was to take him on his back to a more convenient distance. By
this time Macgregor began to recover; and, perceiving whither the man
was carrying him, drew his dirk, and, grasping him by the throat,
swore that he would run him through the breast, if he did not turn
back and carry him to the camp. The American, finding this argument
irresistible, complied with the request, and, meeting Lord Cornwallis
(who had come up to the support of the regiment when he heard the
firing) and Colonel Stirling, was thanked for his care of the
sergeant; but he honestly told him, that he only conveyed him thither
to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis gave him liberty to go
whithersoever he chose."[165]
Summer being well advanced, Sir William Howe made preparations for
taking the field. The Royal Highlanders, along with the 13th, 17th, and
44th regiments were put under the command of General Charles Gray.
Failing to draw Washington from his secure position at Middlebrook,
General Howe resolved to change the seat of war, and accordingly
embarked thirty-six battalions of British and Hessians, and sailed for
the Chesapeake. Before the embarkation, the Royal Highlanders received
one hundred and seventy recruits from Scotland, who, as they were all of
the best description, more than supplied the loss that had been
sustained.
After a tedious voyage the army, on August 24th, landed at Elk Ferry. It
did not begin the march until September 3rd, for Philadelphia. In the
meantime Washington marched across the country and took up a position at
Red Clay Creek, but having his headquarters at Wilmington. His effective
force was about eleven thousand men while that of General Howe was
eighteen thousand strong.
The two armies met on September 11th, and fought the battle of
Brandywine. During the battle, lord Cornwallis, with four battalions of
British grenadiers and light infantry, the Hessian grenadiers, a party
of the 71st Highlanders, and the third and fourth brigades, made a
circuit of some miles, crossed Jefferis' Ford without opposition, and
turned short down the river to attack the American right. Washington,
being apprised of this movement, detached General Sullivan, with all the
force he could spare, to thwart the design. General Sullivan, having
advantageously posted his men, lord Cornwallis was obliged to consume
some time in forming a line of battle. An action then took place, when
the Americans were driven through the woods towards the main army.
Meanwhile General Knyphausen, with his division, made demonstrations for
crossing at Chad's Ford, and as soon as he knew from the firing of
cannon that lord Cornwallis had succeeded, he crossed the river and
carried the works of the Americans. The approach of night ended the
conflict. The Americans rendezvoused at Chester, and the next day
retreated towards Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown.
The British had fifty officers killed and wounded and four hundred and
thirty-eight rank and file. The battalion companies of the 42nd being in
the reserve, sustained no loss, as they were not brought into action;
but of the light company, which formed part of the light brigade, six
privates were killed, and one sergeant and fifteen privates wounded.
On the night of September 20th, General Gray was detached with the 2nd
light infantry and the 42nd and 44th regiments to cut off and destroy
the corps of General Wayne. They marched with great secrecy and came
upon the camp at midnight, when all were asleep save the pickets and
guards, who were overpowered without causing an alarm. The troops then
rushed forward, bayoneted three hundred and took one hundred Americans
prisoners. The British loss was three killed and several wounded.
On the 26th the British army took peaceable possession of Philadelphia.
In the battle of Germantown, fought on the morning of October 4, 1777,
the Highlanders did not participate.
The next enterprise in which the 42nd was engaged was under General
Gray, who embarked with that regiment, the grenadiers and the light
infantry brigade, for the purpose of destroying a number of privateers,
with their prizes at New Plymouth. On September 5, 1778, the troops
landed on the banks of the Acushnet river, and having destroyed seventy
vessels, with all the cargoes, stores, wharfs, and buildings, along the
whole extent of the river, the whole were re-embarked the following day
and returned to New York.
The British army during the Revolutionary struggle took the winter
season for a period of rest, although engaging more or less in marauding
expeditions. On February 25, 1779, Colonel Stirling, with a detachment
consisting of the light infantry of the Guards and the 42nd, was ordered
to attack a post at Elizabethtown, in New Jersey, which was taken
without opposition. In April following the Highland regiment was
employed on an expedition to the Chesapeake, to destroy the stores and
merchandise at Portsmouth, in Virginia. They were again employed with
the Guards and a corps of Hessians in another expedition under General
Mathews, which sailed on the 30th, under the convoy of Sir George
Collier, in the Reasonable, and several ships of war, and reached their
destination on May 10th, when the troops landed on the glebe on the
western bank of Elizabeth. After fulfilling the object of the expedition
they returned to New York in good time for the opening of the campaign,
which commenced by the capture, on the part of the British, of Verplanks
and Stony Point. A garrison of six hundred men, among whom were two
companies of Fraser's Highlanders, took possession of Stony Point.
Washington planned its capture which was executed by General Wayne. Soon
after General Wayne moved against Verplanks, which held out till the
approach of the light infantry and the 42nd, then withdrew his forces
and evacuated Stony Point. Shortly after, Colonel Stirling was appointed
aide-de-camp to the king, when the command of the 42nd devolved on Major
Charles Graham, to whom was entrusted the command of the posts of Stony
Point and Verplanks, together with his own regiment, and a detachment of
Fraser's Highlanders, under Major Ferguson. This duty was the more
important, as the Americans surrounded the posts in great numbers, and
desertion had become so frequent among a corps of provincials, sent as a
reinforcement, that they could not be trusted on any military duty,
particularly on those duties which were most harassing. In the month of
October these posts were withdrawn and the regiment sent to Greenwich,
near New York.
The winter of 1779 was the coldest that had been known for forty years;
and the troops, although in quarters, suffered more from that
circumstance than in the preceding winter when in huts. But the
Highlanders met with a misfortune that greatly grieved them, and which
tended to deteriorate, for several years, the heretofore irreproachable
character of the Royal Highland Regiment. In the autumn of this year a
draft of one hundred and fifty men, recruits raised principally from the
refuse of the streets of London and Dublin, was embarked for the
regiment by orders from the inspector-general at Chatham. These men were
of the most depraved character, and of such dissolute habits, that
one-half of them were unfit for service; fifteen died in the passage,
and seventy-five were sent to the hospital from the transport as soon as
they disembarked. The infusion of such immoral ingredients must
necessarily have a deleterious effect. General Stirling made a strong
remonstrance to the commander-in-chief, in consequence of which these
men were removed to the 26th regiment, in exchange for the same number
of Scotchmen. The introduction of these men into the regiment dissolved
the charm which, for nearly forty years, had preserved the Highlanders
from contamination. During that long period there were but few
courts-martial, and, for many years, no instance of corporal punishment
occurred.
With the intention of pushing the war with vigor, the new
commander-in-chief, Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir William
Howe, in May, 1778, resolved to attack Charleston, the capital of South
Carolina. Having left General Knyphausen in command at New York, General
Clinton with his army set sail December 26, 1779. Such was the severity
of the weather, however, that, although the voyage might have been
accomplished in ten days, it was February 11, 1780, before the troops
disembarked on John's Island, thirty miles from Charleston. So great
were the impediments to be overcome, and so cautious was the advance of
the general, that it was March 29th before they crossed the Ashley
river. The following day they encamped opposite the American lines.
Ground was broken in front of Charleston on April 1st. General Lincoln,
who commanded the American forces, had strengthened the place in all its
defences, both by land and water, in such a manner as to threaten a
siege that would be both tedious and difficult. When General Clinton,
anticipating the nature of the works he desired to capture, sent for the
Royal Highlanders and Queen's Rangers to join him, which they did on
April 18th, having sailed from New York on March 31st. The siege
proceeded in the usual way until May 12th, when the garrison surrendered
prisoners of war. The loss of the British forces on this occasion
consisted of seventy-six killed and one hundred and eighty-nine
wounded; and that of the 42nd, Lieutenant Macleod and nine privates
killed, and Lieutenant Alexander Grant and fourteen privates wounded.
After Sir Henry Clinton had taken possession of Charleston, the 42nd and
light infantry were ordered to Monck's Corner as a foraging party, and,
returning on the 2nd, they embarked June 4th for New York, along with
the Grenadiers and Hessians. After being stationed for a time on Staten
Island, Valentine's Hill, and other stations in New York, went into
winter quarters in the city. About this time one hundred recruits were
received from Scotland, all young men, in the full vigor of health, and
ready for immediate service. From this period, as the regiment was not
engaged in any active service during the war, the changes in encampments
are too trifling to require notice.
On April 28, 1782, Major Graham succeeded to the lieutenant-colonelcy of
the Royal Highland Regiment, and Captain Walter Home of the fusileers
became major.
While the regiment was stationed at Paulus Hook several of the men
deserted to the Americans. This unprecedented and unlooked for event
occasioned much surprise and various causes were ascribed for it; but
the prevalent opinion was that the men had received from the 26th
regiment, and who had been made prisoners at Saratoga, had been promised
lands and other indulgences while prisoners to the Americans. One of
these deserters, a man named Anderson, was soon afterwards taken, tried
by court-martial, and shot. This was the first instance of an execution
in the regiment since the mutiny of 1743. The regiment remained at
Paulus Hook till the conclusion of the war, when the establishment was
reduced to eight companies of fifty men each. The officers of the ninth
and tenth companies were not put on half-pay, but kept as
supernumeraries to fill up vacancies as they occurred in the regiment. A
number of the men were discharged at their own request, and their places
supplied by those who wished to remain in the country, instead of going
home with their regiments. These were taken from Fraser's and
Macdonald's Highlanders, and from the Edinburgh and duke of Hamilton's
regiments.
The 42nd left New York for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on October 22, 1783,
where they remained till the year 1786, when the battalion embarked and
sailed for Cape Breton, two companies being detached to the island of
St. John. In the month of August, 1789, the regiment embarked for
England, and landed in Portsmouth in October. In May, 1790, they arrived
in Glasgow.
During the American Revolutionary War the loss of the Royal Highlanders
was as follows:
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
|Killed ||Wounded
|--------||---------
|O |S |DR||O |S |DR
|f |e |ra||f |e |ra
|f |r |un||f |r |un
|i |j |mk||i |j |mk
|c |e |m ||c |e |m
|e |a |ea||e |a |ea
|r |n |rn||r |n |rn
|s |t |sd||s |t |sd
| |s | || |s |
| | |aF|| | |aF
| | |ni|| | |ni
| | |dl|| | |dl
| | | e|| | | e
---------------------------------------------------+--+--+--++--+--+---
1776, August 22nd and 27th, Long Island, including | | | || | |
the battle of Brooklyn | | | 5|| 1| 1|19
September 16th, York Island Supporting | | | || | |
Light Infantry | 1| 1| 3|| 3| 3|47
November 16th, Attack on Fort Washington | | 1|10|| 3| 4|66
December 22nd, At Black Horse, on the | | | || | |
Delaware | | | 1|| | 1| 6
1777, February 13th, At Amboy, Grenadier | | | || | |
Company | | | 3|| | 3|17
May 10th, Piscataqua, Jerseys | | 3| 9|| 2| 3|30
September 11th, Battle of Brandywine | | | 6|| | 1|15
October 5th, Battle of Germantown, the | | | || | |
light company | | 1| || | | 4
1778, March 22nd, Foraging parties, Jerseys | | | || | | 4
June 28th, Battle of Monmouth, Jerseys | | 2|20|| 1| 1|17
1779, February 26th, Elizabethtown, Jerseys | | | || | | 9
1780, April and May to 12th, Siege of Charleston | 1| |12|| 1| |14
March 16th, Detachment sent to forage from | | | || | |
New York to the Jerseys | | | || 1| | 3
1781, September and October. Yorktown, in | | | || | |
Virginia, light company | | 1| 5|| | | 6
|__|__|__||__|__|__
TOTAL | 2| 9|74||12|17|257
=======================================================================
FRASER'S HIGHLANDERS.
The breaking out of hostilities in America in 1775 determined the
English government to revive Fraser's Highlanders. Although
disinherited of his estates Colonel Fraser, through the influence of
clan feeling, was enabled to raise twelve hundred and fifty men in 1757,
it was believed, since his estates had been restored in 1772, he could
readily raise a strong regiment. So, in 1775, Colonel Fraser received
letters for raising a Highland regiment of two battalions. With ease he
raised two thousand three hundred and forty Highlanders, who were
marched up to Stirling, and thence to Glasgow in April, 1776. This corps
had in it six chiefs of clans besides himself. The regiment consisted of
the following nominal list of officers:
FIRST BATTALION.
Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat; Lieutenant-Colonel: Sir William Erskine
of Torry; Majors: John Macdonell of Lochgarry and Duncan Macpherson of
Cluny; Captains: Simon Fraser, Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm, Colin
Mackenzie, Francis Skelly, Hamilton Maxwell, John Campbell, Norman
Macleod of Macleod, Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall and Charles Cameron
of Lochiel; Lieutenants: Charles Campbell, John Macdougall, Colin
Mackenzie, John Nairne, William Nairne, Charles Gordon, David Kinloch,
Thomas Tause, William Sinclair, Hugh Fraser, Alexander Fraser, Thomas
Fraser, Dougald Campbell, Robert Macdonald, Alexander Fraser, Roderick
Macleod, John Ross, Patrick Cumming, and Thomas Hamilton; Ensigns:
Archibald Campbell, Henry Macpherson, John Grant, Robert Campbell, Allan
Malcolm, John Murchison, Angus Macdonell, Peter Fraser; Chaplain: Hugh
Blair, D.D.; Adjutant: Donald Cameron; Quarter-Master: David Campbell;
Surgeon: William Fraser.
SECOND BATTALION.
Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat; Lieutenant-Colonel: Archibald Campbell;
Majors: Norman Lamont and Robert Menzies; Captains: Angus Mackintosh of
Kellachy, Patrick Campbell, Andrew Lawrie, Aeneas Mackintosh of
Mackintosh, Charles Cameron, George Munro, Boyd Porterfield and Law
Robert Campbell; Lieutenants: Robert Hutchison, Alexander Sutherland,
Archibald Campbell, Hugh Lamont, Robert Duncanson, George Stewart,
Charles Barrington Mackenzie, James Christie, James Fraser, Thomas
Fraser, Archibald Balnevis, Dougald Campbell, Lodovick Colquhoun, John
Mackenzie, Hugh Campbell, John Campbell, Arthur Forbes, Patrick
Campbell, Archibald Maclean, David Ross, Robert Grant and Thomas Fraser;
Ensigns: William Gordon, Charles Main, Archibald Campbell, Donald
Cameron, Smollet Campbell, Gilbert Waugh, William Bain, and John Grant;
Chaplain: Malcolm Nicholson; Adjutant: Archibald Campbell;
Quarter-Master: J. Ogilvie; Surgeon: Colin Chisholm.
At the time Fraser's Regiment, or the 71st, was mustered in Glasgow,
there were nearly six thousand Highlanders in that city, of whom three
thousand, belonging to the 42nd, and 71st, were raised and brought from
the North in ten weeks. More men had come up than were required. When
the corps marched for Greenock, these were left behind. So eager were
they to engage against the Americans that many were stowed away, who had
not enlisted. On none of the soldiers was there the appearance of
displeasure at going.
Sometime after the sailing of the fleet it was scattered by a violent
gale, and several of the single ships fell in with, and were scattered
by, American privateers. A transport having Captain, afterward Sir
Aeneas Mackintosh, and his company on board, with two six pounders, made
a resolute defence against a privateer with eight guns, till all the
ammunition was expended, when they bore down with the intention of
boarding; but, the privateer not waiting to receive the shock, set sail,
the transport being unable to follow.
As has been previously noticed, General Howe, on evacuating Boston, did
not leave a vessel off the harbor to warn incoming British ships. Owing
to this neglect, the transport with Colonel Archibald Campbell and Major
Menzies on board sailed into Boston Harbor. The account of the capture
of this transport and others is here subjoined by the participants.
Captain Seth Harding, commander of the Defence, in his report to
Governor Trumbull, under date of June 19, 1776, said:
"I sailed on Sunday last from Plymouth. Soon after we came to sail, I
heard a considerable firing to the northward. In the evening fell in
with four armed schooners near the entrance of Boston harbor, who
informed me they had been engaged with a ship and brig, and were
obliged to quit them. Soon after I came up into Nantasket Roads,
where I found the ship and brig at anchor. I immediately fell in
between the two, and came to anchor about eleven o'clock at night. I
hailed the ship, who answered, from Great Britain. I ordered her to
strike her colors to America. They answered me by asking, What brig
is that? I told them the Defence. I then hailed him again, and told
him I did not want to kill their men; but have the ship I would at
all events, and again desired them to strike; upon which the Major
(since dead) said, Yes, I'll strike, and fired a broadside upon me,
which I immediately returned, upon which an engagement begun, which
continued three glasses, when the ship and brig both struck. In this
engagement I had nine wounded, but none killed. The enemy had
eighteen killed, and a number wounded. My officers and men behaved
with great bravery; no man could have outdone them. We took out of
the above vessels two hundred and ten prisoners, among whom is
Colonel Campbell, of General Frazer's Regiment of Highlanders. The
Major was killed.
Yesterday a ship was seen in the bay, which came towards the entrance
of the harbor, upon which I came to sail, with four schooners in
company. We came up with her, and took her without any engagement.
There were on board about one hundred and twelve Highlanders. As
there are a number more of the same fleet expected every day, and the
General here urges my stay, I shall tarry a few days, and then
proceed for New London. My brig is much damaged in her sails and
rigging."
Colonel Campbell made the following report to Sir William Howe, dated at
Boston, June 19, 1776:
"Sir: I am sorry to inform you that it has been my unfortunate lot to
have fallen into the hands of the Americans in the middle of Boston
harbor; but when the circumstances which have occasioned this
disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflection will arise to
myself or my officers on account of it. On the 16th of June the
George and Annabella transports, with two companies of the
Seventy-First Regiment of Highlanders, made the land off Cape Ann,
after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, during the course of
which we had not the opportunity of speaking to a single vessel that
could give us the smallest information of the British troops having
evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at daylight, we found ourselves
opposite to the harbor's mouth at Boston; but, from contrary winds,
it was necessary to make several tacks to reach it. Four schooners
(which we took to be pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his
Majesty, but which were afterwards found to be four American
privateers, of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty men
each) were bearing down upon us at four o'clock in the morning. At
half an hour thereafter two of them engaged us, and about eleven
o'clock the other two were close alongside. The George transport (on
board of which were Major Menzies and myself, with one hundred and
eight of the Second Battalion, the Adjutant, the Quartermaster, two
Lieutenants, and five volunteers, were passengers) had only six
pieces of cannon to oppose them; and the Annabella (on board of which
was Captain McKenzie, together with two subalterns, two volunteers,
and eighty-two private men of the First Battalion) had only two
swivels for her defence. Under such circumstances, I thought it
expedient for the Annabella to keep ahead of the George, that our
artillery might be used with more effect and less obstruction. Two of
the privateers having stationed themselves upon our larboard quarter
and two upon our starboard quarter, a tolerable cannonade ensued,
which, with very few intermissions, lasted till four o'clock in the
evening, when the enemy bore away, and anchored in Plymouth harbor.
Our loss upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on
board the George, one killed and one man slightly wounded on board
the Annabella. As my orders were for the port of Boston, I thought it
my duty, at this happy crisis, to push forward into the harbor, not
doubting I should receive protection either from a fort or some ship
of force stationed there for the security of our fleet.
Towards the close of the evening we perceived the four schooners that
were engaged with us in the morning, joined by the brig Defence, of
sixteen carriage-guns, twenty swivels, and one hundred and seventeen
men, and a schooner of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty
men, got under way and made towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket
Road, an American battery opened upon us, which was the first serious
proof we had that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at
Boston; and we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the
wind had died away, and the tide of flood not half expended. After
each of the vessels had twice run aground, we anchored at George's
Island, and prepared for action; but the Annabella by some
misfortune, got aground so far astern of the George we could expect
but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o'clock four of
the schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right astern of
us. The armed brig took her station on our starboard side, at the
distance of two hundred yards, and hailed us to strike the British
flag. Although the mate of our ship and every sailor on board (the
Captain only excepted) refused positively to fight any longer, I have
the pleasure to inform you that there was not an officer,
non-commissioned officer, or private man of the Seventy-First but
what stood to their quarters with a ready and cheerful obedience. On
our refusing to strike the British flag, the action was renewed with
a good deal of warmth on both sides, and it was our misfortune, after
the sharp combat of an hour and a half, to have expended every shot
that we had for our artillery. Under such circumstances, hemmed in as
we were with six privateers, in the middle of an enemy's harbor,
beset with a dead calm, without the power of escaping, or even the
most distant hope of relief, I thought it became my duty not to
sacrifice the lives of gallant men wantonly in the arduous attempt of
an evident impossibility. In this unfortunate affair Major Menzies
and seven private soldiers were killed, the Quartermaster and twelve
private soldiers wounded. The Major was buried with the honors of war
at Boston.
Since our captivity, I have the honor to acquaint you that we have
experienced the utmost civility and good treatment from the people of
power at Boston, insomuch, sir, that I should do injustice to the
feelings of generosity did I not make this particular information
with pleasure and satisfaction. I have now to request of you that, so
soon as the distracted state of this unfortunate controversy will
admit, you will be pleased to take an early opportunity of settling a
cartel for myself and officers.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient
and most humble servant,
Archibald Campbell,
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment.
P.S. On my arrival at Boston I found that Captain Maxwell, with the
Light-Infantry of the first battalion of the Seventy-First Regiment,
had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some other privateers,
and were carried into Marblehead the 10th instant. Captain Campbell,
with the Grenadiers of the second battalion, who was ignorant, as we
were, of the evacuation of Boston, stood into the mouth of this
harbor, and was surrounded and taken by eight privateers this
forenoon.
In case of a cartel is established, the following return is, as near
as I can effect, the number of officers, non-commissioned officers,
and private men of the Seventy-First Regiment who are
prisoners-of-war at and in the neighborhood of Boston:
The George transport: Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell;
Lieutenant and Adjutant Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant Archibald
Balneaves; Lieutenant Hugh Campbell; Quartermaster William Ogilvie;
Surgeon's Mate, David Burns; Patrick McDougal, private, and acting
Sergeant-Major; James Flint, volunteer; Dugald Campbell, ditto;
Donald McBane, John Wilson, three Sergeants, four corporals, two
Drummers, ninety private men.
The Annabella transport: Captain George McKinzie; Lieutenant Colin
McKinzie; Ensign Peter Fraser; Mr. McKinzie and Alexander McTavish,
volunteers; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, eighty-one
private men.
Lord Howe transport: Captain Lawrence Campbell; Lieutenant Robert
Duncanson; Lieutenant Archibald McLean; Lieutenant Lewis Colhoun;
Duncan Campbell, volunteer; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two
Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Ann transport: Captain Hamilton Maxwell; Lieutenant Charles Campbell;
Lieutenant Fraser; Lieutenant----; four Sergeants, four Corporals,
two Drummers, ninety-six private men.
Archibald Campbell,
Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment."[166]
On account of the treatment received by General Charles Lee, a prisoner
in the hands of Sir William Howe, and the covert threat of condign
punishment on the accusation of treason, Congress resolved, January 6,
1777, that "should the proffered exchange of General Lee, for six
Hessian field-officers, not be accepted, and the treatment of him as
aforementioned be continued, then the principles of retaliation shall
occasion first of the said Hessian field-officers, together with
Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, or any other officers that are or
may be in our possession, equivalent in number or quality, to be
detained, in order that the same treatment, which general Lee shall
receive, may be exactly inflicted upon their persons."
In consequence of this act Colonel Campbell was thrown into Concord
gaol. On February 4th he addressed a letter to Washington giving a
highly colored account of his severe treatment, making it equal to that
inflicted upon the most atrocious criminals; and for the reasons he was
so treated declaring that "the first of this month, I was carried and
lodged in the common gaol of Concord, by an order of Congress, through
the Council of Boston, intimating for a reason, that a refusal of
General Howe to give up General Lee for six field-officers, of whom I
was one, and the placing of that gentleman under the charge of the
Provost at New York, were the motives of their particular ill treatment
of me."
Washington, on February 28, 1777, wrote to the Council of Massachusetts
remonstrating with them and directing Colonel Campbell's enlargement, as
his treatment was not according to the resolve of Congress. The
following day he wrote Colonel Campbell stating that he imagined there
would be a mitigation of what he now suffered. At the same time
Washington wrote to the Congress on the impolicy of so treating Colonel
Campbell, declaring that he feared that the resolutions, if adhered to,
might "produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature." On
March 6th he wrote to the president of Congress reaffirming his position
on the impolicy of their attitude towards Colonel Campbell. To the same
he wrote May 28th stating that "notwithstanding my recommendation,
agreeably to what I conceived to be the sense of Congress,
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's treatment continues to be such as cannot
be justified either on the principles of generosity or strict
retaliation; as I have authentic information, and I doubt not you will
have the same, that General Lee's situation is far from being rigorous
or uncomfortable." To Sir William Howe, he wrote June 10th, that
"Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field-officers, will be
detained till you recognise General Lee as a prisoner of war, and put
him on the footing of claim. * * * The situation of Lieutenant-Colonel
Campbell, as represented by you, is such as I neither wished nor
approve. Upon the first intimation of his complaints, I wrote upon the
subject, and hoped there would have been no further cause of uneasiness.
That, gentleman, I am persuaded, will do me the justice to say, he has
received no ill treatment at my instance. Unnecessary severity and every
species of insult I despise, and, I trust, none will ever have just
reason to censure me in this respect." At this time Colonel Campbell was
not in the gaol but in the jailer's house. On June 2d Congress ordered
that Colonel Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated
"with kindness, generosity, and tenderness, consistent with the safe
custody of their persons."
Congress finally decided that General Prescott, who had been recently
captured, should be held as a hostage for the good treatment of General
Lee, and Washington was authorized to negotiate an exchange of
prisoners.
March 10, 1778, in a letter addressed to Washington by Sir William Howe,
he concludes as follows:
"When the agreement was concluded upon to appoint commissioners to
settle a general exchange, I expected there would have been as much
expedition used in returning Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, and the
Hessian field-officers, as in returning Major-General Prescott, and
that the cartel might have been finished by the time of the arrival
of General Lee. If, however, there should be any objection to General
Prescott's remaining at New York, until the aforementioned officers
are sent in, he shall, to avoid altercation, be returned upon
requisition."
To this Washington replied:
"Valley Forge, 12 March, 1778.
Sir:--Your letter of the 10th came to hand last night. The meeting of
our commissioners cannot take place till the time appointed in my
last.
I am not able to conceive on what principle it should be imagined,
that any distinction, injurious to Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and
the Hessian field officers, still exists. That they have not yet been
returned on parole is to be ascribed solely to the remoteness of
their situation. Mr. Boudinot informs me, that he momentarily expects
their arrival, in prosecution of our engagement. You are well aware,
that the distinction originally made, with respect to them, was in
consequence of your discrimination to the prejudice of General Lee.
On your receding from that discrimination, and agreeing to a mutual
releasement of officers on parole, the difficulty ceased, and General
Prescott was sent into New York, in full expectation, that General
Lee would come out in return. So far from adhering to any former
exception, I had particularly directed my commissary of prisoners to
release Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, in lieu of Lieutenant Colonel
Ethan Allen."
It was not, however, until May 5, 1778 that Washington succeeded in
exchanging Colonel Campbell for Colonel Ethan Allen.[167] His
imprisonment did not have any effect on his treatment of those who
afterwards fell into his hands.
The death of Major Menzies was an irreparable loss to the corps, for he
was a man of judgment and experience, and many of the officers and all
the sergeants and soldiers totally inexperienced. Colonel Campbell was
experienced as an engineer, but was a stranger to the minor and interior
discipline of the line. But when it is considered that the force opposed
to Fraser's regiment was also undisciplined, the duty and responsibility
became less arduous.
The greater part of the 71st safely landed towards the end of July, 1776
on Staten Island and were immediately brought to the front. The
grenadiers were placed in the battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel Charles
Stuart, and the light infantry in Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby's
brigade; the other companies were formed into three small battalions in
brigades, under Sir William Erskine, then appointed Brigadier-General.
In this manner, and, as has been noticed, without training, these men
were brought into action at Brooklin. Nine hundred men of the 42nd,
engaged on this occasion, were as inexperienced as those of the 71st,
but they had the advantage of the example of three hundred old soldiers,
on which to form their habits, together with officers of long
experience.
The first proof of their capacity, energy and steadfastness was at the
battle of Brooklin, where they fully met the expectations of their
commander. They displayed great eagerness to push the Americans to
extremities, and to compel them to abandon their strong position.
General Howe, desiring to spare their lives, called them back. The loss
sustained by this regiment, in the engagement was three rank and file
killed, and two sergeants and nine rank and file wounded.
The regiment passed the winter at Amboy, and in the skirmishing warfare
of the next campaign was in constant employment, particularly so in the
expeditions against Willsborough and Westfield, with which the
operations for 1777 commenced. Immediately afterwards the army embarked
for the Chesapeake. In the battle of Brandywine, a part of the 71st was
actively engaged, and the regiment remained in Pennsylvania until
November, when they embarked for New York. Here they were joined by two
hundred recruits who had arrived from Scotland in September. These men
along with one hundred more recovered from the hospital, formed a small
corps under Captain Colin Mackenzie and acted as light infantry in an
expedition up the North river to create a diversion in favor of General
Burgoyne's movements. This corps led a successful assault on Fort
Montgomery on October 6th, in which they displayed great courage.
Captain Mackenzie's troops led the assault, and although so many were
recruits, it was said that they exhibited conduct worthy of veterans.
In the year 1778, the 71st regiment accompanied lord Cornwallis on an
expedition into the Jerseys, distinguished by a series of movements and
countermovements. Stewart says that on the excursion into the Jerseys "a
corps of cavalry, commanded by the Polish count Pulaski, were surprised
and nearly cut to pieces by the light infantry under Sir James
Baird."[168] This must refer to the expedition against Little Egg
Harbor, on the eastern coast of New Jersey, which was a noted place of
rendezvous for American privateers. The expedition was commanded by
Captain Patrick Ferguson, many of whose troops were American royalists.
They failed in their design, but made extensive depredations on both
public and private property. A deserter from count Pulaski's command
informed Captain Ferguson that a force had been sent to check these
ravages and was now encamped twelve miles up the river. Captain Ferguson
proceeded to surprise the force, and succeeded. He surrounded the houses
at night in which the unsuspecting infantry were sleeping, and in his
report of the affair said:
"It being a night-attack, little quarter, of course, could be given;
so there were only five prisoners!"
He had butchered fifty of the infantry on the spot, when the approach of
count Pulaski's horse caused him to make a rapid retreat to his boats,
and a flight down the river.[169] Such expeditions only tended to arouse
the Americans and express the most determined hatred towards their
oppressors. They uttered vows of vengeance which they sought in every
way to execute.
An expedition consisting of the Highlanders, two regiments of Hessians,
a corps of provincials, and a detachment of artillery, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, sailed from Sandy Hook, November
29, 1778, and after a stormy passage reached the Savannah river by the
end of December. The 1st battalion of the 71st, and the light infantry,
under the immediate command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, landed,
without opposition a short distance below the town of Savannah. Captain
Cameron, without delay, advanced to attack the American advanced posts,
when he and three of his men were killed by a volley. The rest instantly
charged and drove the Americans back on the main body, drawn up in a
line on an open plain in the rear of the town. The disembarkation, with
the necessary arrangements for an attack was soon completed. At that
time Savannah was an open town, without any natural strength, save that
of the woods which covered both sides. Colonel Campbell formed his
troops in line, and detached Sir James Baird with the light infantry
through a narrow path, to get round the right flank of the Americans,
while the corps, which had been Captain Cameron's, was sent round the
left. The main army in front made demonstrations to attack. The
Americans were so occupied with the main body that they did not perceive
the flanking movements, and were thus easily surrounded. When they
realized the situation they fled in great confusion. The light infantry
closing in upon both flanks of the retreating Americans, they greatly
suffered, losing upwards of one hundred killed and five hundred wounded
and prisoners, with a British loss of but four soldiers killed and five
wounded. The town then surrendered and the British took possession of
all the shipping, stores, and forty-five cannon.
Flushed with success Colonel Campbell made immediate preparations to
advance against Augusta, situated in the interior about one hundred and
fifty miles distant. No opposition was manifested, and the whole
province of Georgia, apparently submitted. Colonel Campbell established
himself in Augusta, and detached Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, with two
hundred men to the frontiers of Georgia. Meanwhile General Prevost,
having arrived at Savannah from Florida, assumed command. Judging the
ground occupied to be too extensive, he ordered Augusta evacuated and
the lines narrowed. This retrograde movement emboldened the Americans
and they began to collect in great numbers, and hung on the rear of the
British, cutting off stragglers, and frequently skirmishing with the
rear guard. Although uniformly maintaining themselves, this retreat
dispirited the royalists (commonly called tories), and left them
unprotected and unwilling to render assistance.
It appears that the policy of General Prevost was not to encourage the
establishing of a provincial militia, so that the royalists were left
behind without arms or employment, and the patriots formed bands and
traversed the country without control. To keep these in check, inroads
were made into the interior, and in this manner the winter months
passed. Colonel Campbell, who had acted on a different system, obtained
leave of absence and embarked for England, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel
Maitland in command of the 71st regiment.
The regiment remained inactive till the month of February 1779, when it
was employed in an enterprise against Brier Creek, forty miles below
Augusta, a strong position defended by upwards of two thousand men,
besides one thousand occupied in detached stations. In front was a deep
swamp, rendered passable only by a narrow causeway, and on each flank
thick woods nearly impenetrable, but the position was open to the rear.
In order to dislodge the Americans from this position Lieutenant-Colonel
Duncan Macpherson, with the first battalion of the Highlanders, was
directed to march upon the front of the position; whilst Colonel Prevost
and Lieutenant Colonels Maitland and Macdonald, with the 2d battalion of
the Highlanders, the light infantry, and a detachment of provincials,
were ordered to attempt the rear by a circuitous route of forty-nine
miles. Notwithstanding the length of the march through a difficult
country, the movements were so well regulated, that in ten minutes after
Colonel Macpherson appeared at the head of the causeway in front,
Colonel Maitland's fire was heard in the rear, and Sir James Baird, with
the light infantry rushed through the openings in the swamp on the left
flank. The attack was made on March 3rd. The Americans under General
Ashe were completely surprised. The entire army was lost by death,
captivity and dispersion. On this occasion one fourth of General
Lincoln's army was destroyed. The loss of the Highlanders being five
soldiers killed, and one officer and twelve rank and file wounded.
General Prevost was active and next determined to invade South Carolina.
Towards the close of April he crossed the Savannah river, with the
troops engaged at Brier's Creek, and a large body of royalists and Creek
Indians, and made slow marches towards Charleston. In the meantime
General Lincoln had been active and recruited vigorously, and now
mustered five thousand men under his command. Whilst General Prevost
marched against General Lincoln's front, the former ordered the 71st to
make a circuitous march of several miles and attack the rear. Guided by
a party of Creek Indians the Highlanders entered a woody swamp at eleven
o'clock at night, in traversing which they were frequently up to the
shoulders in the swamp. They emerged from the woods the next morning at
eight o'clock with their ammunition destroyed. They were now within a
half mile of General Lincoln's rear guard which they attacked and drove
from their position without sustaining loss. Reaching Charleston on May
11th General Prevost demanded instantly its surrender, but a dispatch
from General Lincoln notified the people that he was coming to their
relief. General Prevost, fearing that General Lincoln would cut off his
communication with Savannah, commenced his retreat towards that city, at
midnight, along the coast. This route exposed his troops to much
suffering, having to march through unfrequented woods, salt water
marshes and swamps. Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the Quartermaster-General,
and a man of the name of Macgirt, and a person under his orders, had gone
on a foraging expedition, and were not returned from their operations; and
in order to protect them Colonel Maitland, with a battalion of Highlanders
and some Hessians, was placed in a hastily constructed redoubt at Stono
Ferry, ten miles below Charleston. On June 20th these men were attacked by
a part of General Lincoln's force. When their advance was reported,
Captain Colin Campbell, with four officers and fifty-six men, was sent
out to reconnoitre. A thick wood covered the approach of the Americans till
they reached a clear field on which Captain Campbell's party stood.
Immediately he attacked the Americans and a desperate resistance ensued;
all the officers and non-commissioned officers of the Highlanders fell,
seven soldiers alone remaining on their feet. It was not intended that
the resistance should be of such a nature, but most of the men had been
captured in Boston Harbor, and had only been recently exchanged, and
this being their first appearance before an enemy, and thought it was
disgraceful to retreat when under fire. When Captain Campbell fell he
directed his men to make the best of their way to the redoubt; but they
refused to obey, and leave their officers on the field. The Americans,
at this juncture ceased firing, and the seven soldiers carried their
officers along with them, followed by such as were able to walk. The
Americans advanced on the redoubts with partial success. The Hessians
having got into confusion in the redoubt, which they occupied, the
Americans forced an entrance, but the 71st having driven back those who
attacked their redoubt, Colonel Maitland was enabled to detach two
companies of Highlanders to the support of the Hessians. The Americans
were instantly driven out of the redoubt at the point of the bayonet,
and while preparing for another attempt, the 2d battalion of Highlanders
came up, when despairing of success they retreated at all points,
leaving many killed and wounded.
The resistance offered by Captain Campbell afforded their friends in the
redoubts time to prepare, and likewise to the 2d battalion in the island
to march by the difficult and circuitous route left open for them. The
delay in the 2d battalion was also caused by a want of boats. Two
temporary ferry-boats had been established, but the men in charge ran
away as soon as the firing began. The Americans opened a galling fire on
the men as they stood on the banks of the river. Lieutenant Robert
Campbell plunged into the water and swam across, followed by a few
soldiers, returned with the boats, and thus enabled the battalion to
cross over to the support of their friends. Five hundred and twenty
Highlanders and two hundred Hessians successfully resisted all the
efforts of the Americans twelve hundred strong, and this with a trifling
loss in comparison to the service rendered. When the Americans fell
back, the whole garrison sallied out, but the light troops covered the
retreat so successfully, that all the wounded were brought off. In
killed and wounded the Americans lost one hundred and forty-six and one
hundred and fifty missing. The British loss was three officers and
thirty-two soldiers killed and wounded. Three days afterwards, the
foraging party having returned, the British evacuated Stono Ferry, and
retreated from island to island, until they reached Beaufort, on Port
Royal, where Colonel Maitland was left with seven hundred men, while
General Prevost, with the main body of the army, continued his difficult
and harrassing march to Savannah.
In the month of September 1779, the count D'Estaing arrived on the coast
of Georgia with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, two fifty gun ships,
seven frigates, and transports, with a body of troops on board for the
avowed purpose of retaking Savannah. The garrison consisted of two
companies of the 16th regiment, two of the 60th, one battalion of
Highlanders, and one weak battalion of Hessians; in all about eleven
hundred effective men. The combined force of French and Americans was
four thousand nine hundred and fifty men. While General Lincoln and his
force were approaching the French effected a landing at Beuley and
Thunderbolt, without opposition. General McIntosh urged count D'Estaing
to make an immediate assault upon the British works. This advice was
rejected, and count D'Estaing advanced within three miles of Savannah
and demanded an unconditional surrender to the king of France. General
Prevost asked for a truce until next day which was granted, and in the
meanwhile twelve hundred white men and negroes were employed in
strengthening the fortifications and mounting additional ordnance. This
truce General Lincoln at once perceived was fatal to the success of the
beseigers, for he had ascertained that Colonel Maitland, with his
troops, was on his way from Beaufort, to reinforce General Prevost, and
that his arrival within twenty-four hours, was the object which was
designed by the truce. Colonel Maitland, conducted by a negro fisherman,
passed through a creek with his boats, at high water, and concealed by a
fog, eluded the French, and entered the town on the afternoon of
September 17th. His arrival gave General Prevost courage, and towards
evening he sent a note to count D'Estaing, bearing a positive refusal to
capitulate. All energies were now bent towards taking the town by
regular approaches. Ground was broken on the morning of September 23rd,
and night and day the besiegers plied the spade, and so vigorously was
the work prosecuted, that in the course of twelve days fifty-three
cannon and fourteen mortars were mounted. During these days two sorties
were made. The morning of September 24th, Major Colin Graham, with the
light company of the 16th regiment, and the two Highland battalions,
dashed out, attacked the besiegers, drove them from their works, and
then retired with the loss of Lieutenant Henry Macpherson of the 71st,
and three privates killed, and fifteen wounded. On September 27th, Major
Macarthur, with the pickets of the Highlanders advanced with such
caution and address, that, after firing a few rounds, the French and
Americans, mistaking their object, commenced a fire on each other, by
which they lost fifty men; and, in the meantime Major Macarthur retired.
These sorties had no effect on the general operations.
On the morning of October 4th, the batteries having been all completed
and manned, a terrible bombardment was opened upon the British works and
the town. The French frigate Truite also opened a cannonade. Houses were
shattered, men, women and children were killed or maimed, and terror
reigned. Day and night the cannonade was continued until the 9th.
Victory was within the grasp of the besiegers, when count D'Estaing
became impatient and determined on an assault. Just before dawn on the
morning of the 9th four thousand five hundred men of the combined armies
moved to the assault, in the midst of a dense fog and under cover of a
heavy fire from the batteries. They advanced in three columns, the
principal one commanded by count D'Estaing in person, assisted by
General Lincoln; another column by count Dillon. The left column taking
a great circuit got entangled in a swamp, and, being exposed to the guns
of the garrison, was unable to advance. The others made the advance in
the best manner, but owing to the fire of the batteries suffered
severely. Many entered the ditch, and even ascended and planted the
colors on the parapet, where several were killed. Captain Tawse, of the
71st, who commanded the redoubt, plunged his sword into the first man
who mounted, and was himself shot dead by the man who followed. Captain
Archibald Campbell then assumed the command, and maintained his post
till supported by the grenadiers of the 60th, when the assaulting column
being attacked on both sides, was completely broken, and driven back
with such expedition, that a detachment of the 71st, ordered by Colonel
Maitland to hasten and assist those who were so hard pressed by superior
numbers, could not overtake them. The other columns, seeing the
discomfiture of the principal attack, retired without any further
attempt.
It is the uniform testimony of those who have studied this siege that if
count D'Estaing had immediately on landing made the attack, the garrison
must have succumbed. General Lincoln, although his force was greatly
diminished by the action just closed, wished to continue the siege; but
count D'Estaing resolved on immediate departure. General Lincoln was
indignant, but concealed his wrath; and being too weak to carry on the
siege alone, he at last consented to abandon it.
The French loss, in killed and wounded, was six hundred and thirty-seven
men, and the American four hundred and fifty-seven. The British lost one
captain, two subalterns, four sergeants, and thirty-two soldiers,
killed; and two captains, two sergeants, two drummers, and fifty-six
soldiers, wounded. Colonel Maitland was attacked with a bilious disease
during the siege and soon after died. The British troops had been sickly
before Savannah was attacked; but the soldiers were reanimated, and
sickness, in a manner, was suspended, during active operations. But when
the Americans withdrew, and all excitement had ceased, sickness returned
with aggravated violence, and fully one fourth the men were sent to the
hospital.
While these operations were going on in Georgia and South Carolina a
disaster overtook the grenadiers of the 71st who were posted at Stony
Point and Verplanks, in the state of New York. Washington planned the
attack on Stony Point and deputed General Wayne to execute it. So
secretly was the whole movement conducted, that the British garrison was
unsuspicious of danger. At eight o'clock, on the evening of July 15,
1779, General Wayne took post in a hollow, within two miles of the fort
on Stony Point, and there remained unperceived until midnight, when he
formed his men into two columns, Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury leading one
division and Major Stewart the other. At the head of each was a forlorn
hope of twenty men. Both parties were close upon the works before they
were discovered. A skirmish with the pickets at once ensued, the
Americans using the bayonet only. In a few moments the entire works were
manned, and the Americans were compelled to press forward in the face of
a terrible storm of grape shot and musket balls. Over the ramparts and
into the fort both columns pushed their way. At two o'clock the morning
of the 16th, General Wayne wrote to Washington:
"The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are ours. The officers
and men behaved like men who were determined to be free."
The British lost nineteen soldiers killed, and one captain, two
subalterns, and seventy two soldiers, wounded; and, in all, including
prisoners, six hundred. The principal part of this loss fell upon the
picket, commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the 71st, which resisted one
of the columns till almost all of the men of the picket, were either
killed or wounded, Lieutenant Cumming being among the latter. The
Americans lost fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded.
The force which had so ably defended Savannah remained there in quarters
during the winter of 1779 and 1780. In the month of March 1780, Sir
Henry Clinton arrived before Charleston with a force from New York,
which he immediately invested and rigorously pushed the siege. The chief
engineer, Captain Moncrieff was indefatigable, and being fearless of
danger, was careless of the lives of others. Having served two years
with the 71st, and believing it would gratify the Highlanders to select
them for dangerous service, he generally applied for a party of that
corps for all exposed duties.
After the surrender of Charleston, on May 12, 1780, to the army under
Sir Henry Clinton, the British forces in the southern states were placed
under the command of lord Cornwallis. The 71st composed a part of this
army, and with it advanced into the interior. In the beginning of June,
the army amounting to twenty-five hundred, reached Camden, a central
place fixed upon for headquarters. The American general, Horatio Gates,
having, in July, assembled a force marched towards Camden. The people
generally were in arms and the British officers perplexed. Major
Macarthur who was at Cheraw to encourage the royalists, was ordered to
fall back towards Camden. Lord Cornwallis, seeing the gathering storm
hastily left Charleston and joined lord Rawdon at Camden, arriving there
on August 13th. Both generals of the opposing forces on the night of
August 15th moved towards each other with the design of making an
attack. The British troops consisted of the 23d and 33d regiments, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Webster; Tarleton's legion; Irish volunteers; a part
of Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment; Bryan's corps
of royalists, under lord Rawdon, with two six and two three pounders
commanded by Lieutenant McLeod; and the 71st regiment. Camden was left
in the care of Major Macarthur, with the sick and convalescents.
Both armies were surprised, and each fired at the same moment, which
occurred at three o'clock on the morning of August 16th. Both generals,
ignorant of each other's force, declined general action, and lay on
their arms till morning. When the British army formed in line of battle,
the light infantry of the Highlanders, and the Welsh fusileers were on
the right; the 33d regiment and the Irish volunteers occupied the
center; the provincials were on the left, with the marshy ground in
their front. While the army was thus forming, Captain Charles Campbell,
who commanded the Highland light companies on the right, placed himself
on the stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and observing the Americans
moving as with the intention of turning his flank, leaped down, and
giving vent to an oath, called to his men, "Remember you are light
infantry; remember you are Highlanders: Charge!" The attack was rapid
and irresistible, and being made before the Americans had completed
their movement by which they were to surround the British right, they
were broken and driven from the field, prior to the beginning of the
battle in other parts of the line. When the battle did commence the
American center gained ground. Lord Cornwallis opened his center to the
right and left, till a considerable space intervened, and then directed
the Highlanders to move forward and occupy the vacant space. When this
was done, he cried out, "My brave Highlanders, now is your time." They
instantly rushed forward accompanied by the Irish volunteers and the
33d, and penetrated and completely overthrew the American column.
However the American right continued to advance and gained the ground on
which the Highlanders had been placed originally as a reserve. They gave
three cheers for victory; but the smoke clearing up they saw their
mistake. A party of Highlanders turning upon them, the greater part
threw down their arms, while the remainder fled in all directions. The
victory was complete. The loss of the British was one captain, one
subaltern, two sergeants, and sixty-four soldiers killed; and two field
officers, three captains, twelve subalterns, thirteen sergeants, and two
hundred and thirteen soldiers wounded. The Highlanders lost Lieutenant
Archibald Campbell and eight soldiers killed; and Captain Hugh Campbell,
Lieutenant John Grant, two sergeants, and thirty privates wounded. The
loss of the Americans was never ascertained, but estimated at seven
hundred and thirty two.
General Sumter, with a strong corps, occupied positions on the Catawba
river, which commanded the road to Charleston, and from which lord
Cornwallis found it necessary to dislodge him. For this purpose Colonel
Tarleton was sent with the cavalry and a corps of light infantry, under
Captain Charles Campbell of the 71st regiment. The heat was excessive;
many of the horses failed on the march, and not more than forty of the
infantry were together in front, when, on the morning of the 18th, they
came in sight of Fishing Creek, and on their right saw the smoke at a
short distance. The sergeant of the advanced guard halted his party and
then proceeded to ascertain the cause of the smoke. He saw the
encampment, with arms piled, but a few sentinels and no pickets. He
returned and reported the same to Captain Campbell who commanded in
front. With his usual promptness Captain Campbell formed as many of the
cavalry as had come up, and with the party of Highland infantry, rushed
forward, and directing their route to the piled arms, quickly secured
them and surprised the camp. The success was complete; a few were
killed; nearly five hundred taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed. But
the victory was dampened by the loss of the gallant Captain Campbell,
who was killed by a random shot.
These partial successes were soon counterbalanced by defeats of greater
importance. From what had been of great discouragement, the Americans
soon rallied, and threatened the frontiers of South Carolina, and on
October 7th overthrew Major Ferguson at King's Mountain, who sustained a
total loss of eleven hundred and five men, out of eleven hundred and
twenty-five. At the plantation of Blackstocks, November 20th, Colonel
Tarleton, with four hundred of his command, engaged General Sumter, when
the former was driven off with a loss of ninety killed, and about one
hundred wounded. The culminating point of these reverses was the battle
of the Cowpens.
A new commander for the southern department took charge of the American
forces, in the person of Major-General Nathaniel Greene, who stood, in
military genius, second only to Washington, and who was thoroughly
imbued with the principles practiced by that great man. Lord Cornwallis,
the ablest of the British tacticians engaged in the American Revolution,
found more than his equal in General Greene. He had been appointed to
the command of the Southern Department, by Washington, on October 30,
1780, and immediately proceeded to the field of labor, and on December
3rd, took formal command of the army, and was exceedingly active in the
arrangement of the army, and in wisely directing its movements. His
first arrangement was to divide his army into two detachments, the
larger of which, under himself was to be stationed opposite Cheraw Hill,
on the east side of the Pedee river, about seventy miles to the right of
the British army, then at Winnsborough. The other, composed of about one
thousand troops, under General Daniel Morgan, was placed some fifty
miles to the left, near the junction of Broad and Parcolet rivers.
Colonel Tarleton was detached to disperse the little army of General
Morgan, having with him, the 7th or Fusileers, the 1st battalion of
Fraser's Highlanders, or 71st, two hundred in number, a detachment of
the British Legion, and three hundred cavalry. Intelligence was
received, on the morning of January 17, 1781, that General Morgan was
drawn up in front on rising ground. The British were hastily formed,
with the Fusileers, the Legion, and the light infantry in front, and the
Highlanders and cavalry forming the reserve. As soon as formed the line
was ordered to advance rapidly. Exhausted by running, it received the
American fire at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The effect was
so great as to produce something of a recoil. The fire was returned; and
the light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were repulsed with
loss. The Highlanders next were ordered up, and rapidly advancing in
charge, the American front line gave way and retreated through an open
space in the second line. This manoeuvre was made without interfering
with the ranks of those who were now to oppose the Highlanders, who ran
in to take advantage of what appeared to them to be a confusion of the
Americans. The second line threw in a fire upon the 71st, when within
forty yards which was so destructive that nearly one half their number
fell; and those who remained were so scattered, having run a space of
five hundred yards at full speed, that they could not be united to form
a charge with the bayonet. They did not immediately fall back, but
engaged in some irregular firing, when the American line pushed forward
to the right flank of the Highlanders, who now realized that there was
no prospect of support, and while their number was diminishing that of
their foe was increasing. They first wavered, then began to retire, and
finally to run. This is said to have been the first instance of a
Highland regiment running from an enemy.[170] This repulse struck a
panic into those whom they left in the rear, and who fled in the
greatest confusion. Order and command were lost, and the rout became
general. Few of the infantry escaped, and the cavalry saved itself by
putting their horses to full speed. The Highlanders reformed in the
rear, and might have made a soldier-like retreat if they had been
supported.
The battle of the Cowpens was disastrous in its consequences to the
British interests, as it inspired the Americans with confidence. Colonel
Tarleton had been connected with frequent victories, and his name was
associated with that of terror. He was able on a quick dash, but by no
means competent to cope with the solid judgment and long experience of
General Morgan. The disposition of the men under General Morgan was
judicious; and the conduct of Colonels Washington and Howard, in
wheeling and manoeuvering their corps, and throwing in such
destructive volleys on the Highlanders, would have done credit to any
commander. To the Highlanders the defeat was particularly unfortunate.
Their officers were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of their men,
and imputing the disaster altogether to the bad dispositions of Colonel
Tarleton, made representations to lord Cornwallis, not to be employed
again under the same officer, a request with which compliance was made.
This may be the reason that Colonel Tarleton gives them no credit in his
"History of the Campaigns," published in 1787. He admits his loss to
have been three hundred killed and wounded and near four hundred
prisoners.[171]
After the battle of the Cowpens lord Cornwallis with increased exertions
followed the main body of the Americans under General Greene, who
retreated northward. The army was stripped of all superfluous baggage.
The two battalions of the 71st now greatly reduced, were consolidated
into one, and formed in a brigade with the 33d and Welsh Fusileers. Much
skirmishing took place on the march, when, on March 16th, General Greene
believing his army sufficiently strong to withstand the shock of battle
drew up his force at Guilford Court House, in three lines.
The British line was formed of the German regiment of De Bos, the
Highlanders, and guards, under General Leslie, on the right; and the
Welsh Fusileers, 33d regiment, and second battalion of guards, under
General Charles O'Hara, on the left; the cavalry was in the rear
supported by the light infantry of the guards and the German Yagers. At
one o'clock the battle opened. The Americans, covered by a fence in
their front, maintained their position with confidence, and withheld
their fire till the British line was within forty paces, when a
destructive fire was poured into Colonel Webster's brigade, killing and
wounding nearly one-third. The brigade returned the fire, and rushed
forward, when the Americans retreated on the second line. The regiment
of De Bos and the 33d met with a more determined resistance, having
retreated and advanced repeatedly before they succeeded in driving the
Americans from the field. In the meantime, a party of the guards pressed
on with eagerness, but were charged on their right flank by a body of
cavalry which broke their line. The retreating Americans seeing the
effect of this charge, turned and recommenced firing. The Highlanders,
who had now pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in rear
of the left of the enemy, and, rushing forward with shouts, made such an
impression on the Americans, that they immediately fled, abandoning
their guns and ammunition.
This battle, although nominally a victory for the British commander, was
highly beneficial to the patriots. Both armies displayed consummate
skill. Lord Cornwallis on the 19th decamped, leaving behind him between
seventy and eighty of his wounded soldiers, and all the American
prisoners who were wounded, and left the country to the mercy of his
enemy. The total loss of the British was ninety-three killed, and four
hundred and eleven wounded. The Highlanders lost Ensign Grant, and
eleven soldiers killed, and four sergeants and forty-six soldiers
wounded. It was long a tradition, in the neighborhood, that many of the
Highlanders, who were in the van, fell near the fence, from behind which
the North Carolinians rose and fired.
The British army retreated in the direction of Cross Creek, the
Americans following closely in the rear. At Cross Creek, the heart of
the Highland settlement in North Carolina, lord Cornwallis had hoped to
rest his wearied army, a third of whom was sick and wounded and was
obliged to carry them in wagons, or on horseback. The remainder were
without shoes and worn down with fatigue. Owing to the surrounding
conditions, the army took up its weary march to Wilmington, where it was
expected there would be supplies, of which they were in great need. Here
the army halted from April 17th to the 26th, when it proceeded on the
route to Petersburg, in Virginia, and to form a junction with General
Phillips, who had recently arrived there with three thousand men. The
march was a difficult one. Before them was several hundred miles of
country, which did not afford an active friend. No intelligence could be
obtained, and no communication could be established. On May 25th the
army reached Petersburg, where the united force amounted to six thousand
men. The army then proceeded to Portsmouth, and when preparing to cross
the river at St. James' Island, the Marquis de Lafayette, ignorant of
their number, with two thousand men, made a gallant attack. After a
sharp resistance he was repulsed, and the night approaching favored his
retreat. After this skirmish the British army marched to Portsmouth, and
thence to Yorktown, where a position was taken on the York river on
August 22nd.
From the tables given by lord Cornwallis, in his "Answer to the
Narrative of Sir Henry Clinton"[172] the following condition of the 71st
at different periods on the northward march, is extracted:
January 15, 1781, 1st Battalion 249 2nd Battalion 237 Light Company 69
February 1, 1781, " --- " 234 ----
March 1, 1781, " --- " 212 ----
April 1, 1781, " --- " 161 ----
May 1, 1781, Two Battalions 175
June 1, 1781, Second Battalion 164
July 1, 1781, " " 161
August 1, 1781, " " 167
Sept. 1, 1781, " " 162
Oct. 1, 1781, " " 160
The encampment at Yorktown was formed on an elevated platform, nearly
level, on the bank of the river, and of a sandy soil. On the right of
the position, extended from the river, a ravine of about forty feet in
depth, and more than one hundred yards in breadth; the center was formed
by a horn-work of entrenchments; and an extensive redoubt beyond the
ravine on the right, and two smaller redoubts on the left, also advanced
beyond the entrenchments, constituted the principal defences of the
camp.
On the morning of September 28, 1781, the combined French and American
armies, twelve thousand strong, left Williamsburg by different roads,
and marched towards Yorktown, and on the 30th the allied armies had
completely invested the British works. Batteries were erected, and
approaches made in the usual manner. During the first four days the fire
was directed against the redoubt on the right, which was reduced to a
heap of sand. On the left the redoubts were taken by storm and the guns
turned on the other parts of the entrenchments. One of these redoubts
had been manned by some soldiers of the 71st. Although the defence of
this redoubt was as good and well contested as that of the others, the
regiment thought its honor so much implicated, that a petition was drawn
up by the men, and carried by the commanding officer to lord Cornwallis,
to be permitted to retake it. The proposition was not acceded to, for
the siege had reached such a stage that it was not deemed necessary.
Among the incidents related of the Highlanders during the siege, is that
of a soliloquy, overheard by two captains, of an old Highland gentleman,
a lieutenant, who, drawing his sword, said to himself, "Come, on,
Maister Washington, I'm unco glad to see you; I've been offered money
for my commission, but I could na think of gangin' hame without a sight
of you. Come on."[173]
The situation of the besieged daily grew more critical, the whole
encampment was open to assault, and exposed to a constant and enfilading
fire. In this dilemma lord Cornwallis resolved to decamp with the elite
of his army, by crossing the river and leaving a small force to
capitulate. The first division embarked and some had reached the
opposite shore at Gloucester Point, when a violent storm of wind
rendered the passage dangerous, and the attempt was consequently
abandoned. The British army then surrendered to Washington, and the
troops marched out of their works on October 20th.
The loss of the garrison was six officers, thirteen sergeants, four
drummers and one hundred and thirty-three rank and file killed; six
officers, twenty-four sergeants, eleven drummers, and two hundred and
eighty-four wounded. Of these the 71st lost Lieutenant Thomas Fraser and
nine soldiers killed; three drummers and nineteen soldiers wounded. The
whole number surrendered by capitulation was a little more than seven
thousand making a total loss of about seven thousand eight hundred. Of
the arms and stores there were seventy-five brass, and one hundred and
sixty iron cannon; seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-four muskets;
twenty-eight regimental standards; a large quantity of cannon and
musket-balls, bombs, carriages, &c., &c. The military chest contained
nearly eleven thousand dollars in specie.
Thus ended the military service of an army, proud and haughty, that had,
within a year marched and counter-marched nearly two thousand miles, had
forded streams, some of them in the face of an enemy, had fought two
pitched battles and engaged in numerous skirmishes. With all their
labors and achievements, they accomplished nothing of real value to the
cause they represented.
Fraser's Highlanders remained prisoners until the conclusion of
hostilities. During their service their character was equal to their
courage. Among them disgraceful punishments were unknown. When prisoners
and solicited by the Americans to join their standard and settle among
them, not one of them broke the oath he had taken, a virtue not
generally observed on that occasion, for many soldiers joined the
Americans. On the conclusion of hostilities the 71st was released,
ordered to Scotland, and discharged at Perth in 1783.
SEVENTY-FOURTH OR ARGYLE HIGHLANDERS.
The particulars of the 74th or Argyle Highlanders, and the 76th, or
Macdonald's Highlanders, are but slightly touched upon by Colonel David
Stewart of Garth, in his "Sketches of the Highlanders," by Dr. James
Browne, in his "History of the Highlands," and by John S. Keltie, in his
"History of the Scottish Highlands." Even Lieutenant-General Samuel
Graham, who was a captain in the 76th, in his "Memoirs," gives but a
slight account of his regiment. So a very imperfect view can only be
expected in this narration.
The 74th or Argyle Highlanders was raised by Colonel John Campbell of
Barbreck, who had served as captain and major of Fraser's Highlanders in
the Seven Years' War. In the month of December 1777 letters of service
were granted to him, and the regiment was completed in May 1778. In this
regiment were more Lowlanders, than in any other of the same description
raised during that period. All the officers, except four, were
Highlanders, while of the soldiers only five hundred and ninety were of
the same country, the others being from Glasgow, and the western
districts of Scotland. The name of Campbell mustered strong; the three
field-officers, six captains, and fourteen subalterns, being of that
name. Among the officers was the chief of the Macquarries, being
sixty-two years of age when he entered the army in 1778.
The regiment mustering nine hundred and sixty, rank and file, embarked
at Greenock in August, and landed at Halifax in Nova Scotia, where it
remained garrisoned with the 80th and the 82d regiments; the whole being
under the command of Brigadier-General Francis Maclean. In the spring of
1779, the grenadier company, commanded by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun of
Luss, and the light company by Captain Campbell of Bulnabie, were sent
to New York, and joined the army immediately before the siege of
Charleston.
In June of the same year, the battalion companies, with a detachment of
the 82d regiment, under the command of Brigadier-General Maclean,
embarked from Halifax, and took possession of Penobscot, with the
intention of establishing a post there. Before the defences were
completed, a hostile fleet from Boston, with two thousand troops on
board, under Brigadier-General Solomon Lovell, appeared in the bay, and
on July 28th effected a landing on a peninsula, where the British were
erecting a fort, and immediately began to construct batteries for a
regular siege. These operations were frequently interrupted by sallies
of parties from the fort. General Maclean exerted himself to the utmost
to strengthen his position, and not only kept the Americans in check,
but preserved communication with the shipping, which they endeavored to
cut off. Both parties kept skirmishing till August 13th, when Sir George
Collier appeared in the bay, with a fleet intended for relief of the
post. This accession of strength disconcerted the Americans, and
completely destroyed their hopes, so that they quickly decamped and
retired to their boats. Being unable to re-embark all the troops, those
who remained, along with the sailors of several vessels which had run
aground in the hurry of escaping, formed themselves into a body, and
endeavored to penetrate through the woods. In the course of this attempt
they ran short of provisions, quarrelled among themselves, and, coming
to blows, fired on each other till their ammunition was expended.
Upwards of sixty men were killed and wounded; the rest dispersed through
the woods, numbers perishing before they could reach an inhabited
country.
The conduct of General Maclean and his troops met with approbation. In
his dispatch, giving an account of the attack and defeat of his foes, he
particularly noticed the exertions and zeal of Lieutenant-Colonel
Alexander Campbell of the 74th. The loss of this regiment was two
sergeants, and fourteen privates killed, and seventeen rank and file
wounded.
General Maclean returned to Halifax with the detachment of the 82d,
leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of Monzie with the 74th at
Penobscot, where they remained till the termination of hostilities, when
they embarked for England. They landed at Portsmouth whence they marched
for Stirling, and, after being joined by the flank companies, were
reduced in the autumn of 1783.
SEVENTY-SIXTH OR MACDONALD'S HIGHLANDERS.
In the month of December 1777, letters of service were granted to lord
Macdonald to raise a regiment in the Highlands and Isles. On his
recommendation Major John Macdonell of Lochgarry was appointed
lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment. The regiment was
numbered the 76th, but called Macdonald's Highlanders. Lord Macdonald
exerted himself in the formation of the regiment, and selected the
officers from the families of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar,
Boisdale, and others of his own clan, and likewise from those of others,
as Mackinnon, Fraser of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c. A body of
seven hundred and fifty Highlanders was raised. The company of Captain
Bruce was principally raised in Ireland; and Captains Cunningham of
Craigend, and Montgomery Cunningham, as well as Lieutenant Samuel
Graham, raised their men in the low country. These amounted to nearly
two hundred men, and were kept together in two companies; while Bruce's
company formed a third. In this manner each race was kept distinct. The
whole number, including non-commissioned officers and men, amounted to
one thousand and eighty-six. The recruits assembled at Inverness, and in
March 1778 the regiment was reported complete. The men on their arrival
were attested by a justice of the peace, and received the king's bounty
of five guineas. As Major John Macdonell, who had been serving in
America in the 71st or Fraser's Highlanders, was taken prisoner, on his
passage home from that country, the command devolved on Captain
Donaldson, of the 42d or Royal Highland Regiment. Under this officer the
regiment was formed, and a code of regulations established for the
conduct of both officers and men.
Soon after its formation the 76th was sent to Fort George where it
remained a year. It so happened that few of the non-commissioned
officers who understood the drill were acquainted with the Gaelic
language, and as all words of command were given in English, the
commander directed that neither officers nor non-commissioned officers
ignorant of the former language should endeavor to learn it. The
consequence was that the Highlanders were behind-hand in being drilled,
as they had, besides other duties, to acquire a new language. But the
Highlanders took uncommon pains to learn their duties, and so exact were
they in the discharge of them that upon one occasion, Colonel Campbell,
the lieutenant-governor, was seized and made prisoner by the sentry
posted at his own door, because the man conceived a trespass had been
committed on his post, nor would the sentinel release the colonel until
the arrival of the corporal of the guard.
In March 1779 the regiment was removed to Perth, and from there marched
to Burnt Island, where they embarked on the 17th. Major Donaldson's
health not permitting him to go abroad, the command devolved on lord
Berridale, second major, who accompanied them to New York, where they
landed in August. The fleet sailed from the Firth of Forth for
Portsmouth, and in a short time anchored at Spithead. While waiting
there for the assembling of a fleet with reinforcements of men and
stores for the army in America, an order was received to set sail for
the island of Jersey, as the French had made an attempt there. But the
French having been repulsed before the 70th reached Jersey, the regiment
returned to Portsmouth, and proceeded on the voyage to America, and
arrived in New York on August 27th.
On the arrival of the regiment in New York the flank companies were
attached to the battalion of that description. The battalion companies
remained between New York and Staten Island till February 1781, when
they embarked with a detachment of the army, commanded by General
Phillips, for Virginia. The light company, being in the 2d battalion of
light infantry, also formed a part of the expedition. The grenadiers
remained at New York.
This year, lord Berridale, on the death of his father, became earl of
Caithness, and being severely wounded at the siege of Charleston, soon
after returned to Scotland. The command of the 70th regiment devolved on
Major Needham, who had purchased Major Donaldson's commission.
General Phillips landed at Portsmouth, in Virginia, in March. A number
of boats had been constructed under the superintendence of General
Benedict Arnold, for the navigation of the rivers, most of them
calculated to hold one hundred men. Each boat was manned by a few
sailors, and was fitted with a sail as well as oars. Some of them
carried a piece of ordnance in their bows. In these boats the light
infantry, and detachments of the 76th and 80th regiments, with the
Queen's Rangers, embarked, leaving the remainder of the 76th, with other
troops, to garrison Portsmouth. The detachment of the 76th which
embarked consisted of one major, three captains, twelve subalterns, and
three hundred men, under Major Needham. The troops proceeded up the
James river destroying warlike stores, shipping, barracks, foundaries
and private property. After making many excursions the troops marched to
Bermuda Hundreds, opposite City Point, where they embarked, on May 2d;
but receiving orders from lord Cornwallis, returned and entered
Petersburg on May 10th.
When the 76th regiment found themselves with an army which had been
engaged in the most incessant and fatiguing marches through difficult
and hostile countries, they considered themselves as inferiors and as
having done nothing which could enable them to return to their own
country. They were often heard murmuring among themselves, lamenting
their lot, and expressing the strongest desire to signalize themselves.
This was greatly heightened when visited by men of Fraser's Highlanders.
The opportunity presented itself, and their behavior proved they were
good soldiers. On the evening of July 6th, the Marquis de Lafayette
pushed forward a strong corps, forced the pickets, and drew up in front
of the British lines. The pickets in front of the army that morning
consisted of twenty men of the 70th and ten of the 80th. When the attack
on the pickets commenced, they were reinforced by fifteen Highlanders.
The pickets defended the post till every man was either killed or
wounded.
A severe engagement took place between the contending armies, the weight
of which was sustained on the part of the British by the left of Colonel
Dundas's brigade, consisting of the 76th and 80th, and it so happened
that while the right of the line was covered with woods they were drawn
up in an open field, and exposed to the attack of the Americans with a
chosen body of troops. The 76th being on the left, and lord Cornwallis,
coming up in rear of the regiment, gave the word to charge, which was
immediately repeated by the Highlanders, who rushed forward with
impetuosity, and instantly decided the contest. The Americans retired,
leaving their cannon and three hundred men killed and wounded behind
them.
Soon after this affair lord Cornwallis ordered a detachment of four
hundred chosen men of the 76th to be mounted on such horses as could be
procured and act with the cavalry. Although four-fifths of the men had
never before been on horseback, they were mounted and marched with
Tarleton's Legion. After several forced marches, far more fatiguing to
the men than they had ever performed on foot, they returned heartily
tired of their new mode of travelling. No other service was performed by
the 76th until the siege and surrender of Yorktown. During the siege,
while the officers of this regiment were sitting at dinner, the
Americans opened a new battery, the first shot from which entered the
mess-room, killed Lieutenant Robertson on the spot, and wounded
Lieutenant Shaw and Quartermaster Barclay. It also struck Assistant
Commissary General Perkins, who happened to dine there that day.
The day following the surrender of lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown (October
20th), the British prisoners moved out in two divisions, escorted by
regiments of militia; one to the direction of Maryland, the other, to
which the 76th belonged, moved to the westward in Virginia for
Winchester. On arriving at their cantonment, the officers were lodged in
the town on parole, and the soldiers were marched several miles off to a
cleared spot in the woods, on which stood a few log huts, some of them
occupied by prisoners taken at the Cowpens. From Winchester the regiment
was removed to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. After peace was declared they
embarked for New York, sailed thence for Scotland, and were disbanded in
March 1784 at Stirling Castle.
This regiment maintained a very high standard for their behavior. Thefts
and other crimes, implying moral turpitude, were totally unknown. There
were only four instances of corporal punishment inflicted on the
Highlanders of the regiment, and these were for military offences. Moral
suasion and such coercion as a father might use towards his children
were deemed sufficient to keep them in discipline or self-restraint.
In the year 1775, George III. resolved to humble the thirteen colonies.
In the effort put forth he created a debt of £121,267,993, with an
annual charge of £5,088,336, besides sacrificing thousands of human
lives, and causing untold misery; and, at last, weary of the war, on
July 25, 1782, he issued a warrant to Richard Oswald, commissioning him
to negotiate a peace. The definite articles of peace were signed at
Paris, September 3, 1783. Then the United States of America took her
position among the nations of the earth. George III. and his ministers
had exerted themselves to the utmost to subjugate America. Besides the
troops raised in the British Isles there were of the German mercenaries
twenty-nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. The mercenaries and
British troops were well armed, clothed and fed. But the task undertaken
was a gigantic one. It would have required a greater force than that
sent to America to hold and garrison the cities alone. The fault was not
with the army, the navy, or the commanding officers. The impartial
student of that war will admit that the army fought well, likewise the
navy, and the generals and admirals were skilled and able in the art of
war. The British foreign office was weak. Nor was this all. The
Americans had counted the cost. They were singularly fortunate in their
leader. Thirty-nine years after his death, lord Brougham wrote of
Washington that he was "the greatest man of our own or of any age. * * *
This eminent person is presented to our observation clothed in
attributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calculated to strike or
to astonish, as if he had passed unknown through some secluded region of
private life. But he had a judgment sure and sound; a steadiness of mind
which never suffered any passion or even any feeling to ruffle its calm;
a strength of understanding which worked rather than forced its way
through all obstacles,--removing or avoiding rather than over-leaping
them. His courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect as
might be expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A perfectly
just man, with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be misled by others
any more than by others over-awed; never to be seduced or betrayed, or
hurried away by his own weaknesses or self-delusions, and more than by
other men's arts, nor ever to be disheartened by the most complicated
difficulties any more than to be spoilt on the giddy heights of
fortune--such was this great man,--whether we regard him sustaining
alone the whole weight of campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriously
terminating a just warfare by his resources and his courage."[174]
The British generals proved themselves unable to cope with this great
and good man. More than six thousand five hundred Highlanders left their
homes amidst the beautiful scenery of their native land, crossed a
barrier of water three thousand miles in width, that they might fight
against such a man and the cause he represented. Their toils, sacrifices
and sufferings were in vain. Towards them Washington bore good will.
Forgetting the wrongs they had done, he could write of them:
"Your idea of bringing over Highlanders appears to be a good one.
They are a hardy, industrious people, well calculated to form new
settlements, and will, in time, become valuable citizens."[175]
War is necessarily cruel and barbarous; and yet there were innumerable
instances of wanton cruelty during the American Revolution. No instances
of this kind have been recorded against the soldiers belonging to the
Highland regiments. There were cruelties perpetrated by those born in
the Highlands of Scotland, but they were among those settled by Sir
William Johnson on the Mohawk and afterwards joined either Butler's
Rangers or else Sir John Johnson's regiment. Even this class was few in
numbers.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 150: Governor Golden to Earl of Dartmouth. New York Docs.
Relating to Colonial History, Vol. VIII, p. 588.]
[Footnote 151: Letter Book, p. 221.]
[Footnote 152: _Ibid_, p. 223.]
[Footnote 153: Henry's Campaign Against Quebec, 1775, p. 136.]
[Footnote 154: Invasion of Canada 1775, p. 14.]
[Footnote 155: State of the Expedition, p. VI.]
[Footnote 156: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 186.]
[Footnote 157: Letter-Book, p. 856.]
[Footnote 158: _Ibid_, p. 303.]
[Footnote 159: _Ibid_, p. 472.]
[Footnote 160: _ibid_, p. 350.]
[Footnote 161: _Ibid_, p. 330.]
[Footnote 162: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 1055.]
[Footnote 163: _Ibid_, Series V. Vol. II, p. 159.]
[Footnote 164: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I, p. 360.]
[Footnote 165: _Ibid_, p. 867]
[Footnote 166: Am. Archives, Series 4, Vol. VI, p. 982.]
[Footnote 167: For Correspondence see Spark's Washington's Writings,
Vols. IV, V.]
[Footnote 168: Sketches, Vol. II, p. 97.]
[Footnote 169: Lossing's Washington and American Republic, Vol. II, p.
643.]
[Footnote 170: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. II, p. 116.]
[Footnote 171: History of Campaigns, p. 218.]
[Footnote 172: Pages 53, 77, 137.]
[Footnote 173: Memoir of General Graham, p. 59.]
[Footnote 174: Edinburg Review, October, 1838; Collected Contributions,
Vol. I, p. 344.]
[Footnote 175: Letter to Robert Sinclair, May 6,1792. Spark's Writings
of Washington, Vol. XII, p. 304.]
CHAPTER XIV.
DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS WHO SERVED IN AMERICA IN THE INTERESTS OF
GREAT BRITAIN.
If the list of distinguished Highlanders who served in America in the
interests of Great Britain was confined to those who rose to eminence
while engaged in said service, it certainly would be a short one. If
amplified to those who performed feats of valor or rendered valuable
service, then the list would be long. The measure of distinction is too
largely given to those who have held prominent positions, or else
advanced in military rank. In all probability the names of some have
been overlooked, although care has been taken in finding out even those
who became distinguished after the American Revolution. The following
biographical sketches are limited to those who were born in the
Highlands of Scotland:
GENERAL SIR ALAN CAMERON, K.C.B.
Sir Alan Cameron of the Camerons of Fassifern, known in the Highlands as
Ailean an Earrachd, almost a veritable giant, was born in Glen Loy,
Lochaber, about the year 1745. In early manhood, having fought a duel
with a fellow clansman, he fled to the residence of his mother's
brother, Maclean of Drimnim, who, in order to elude his pursuers, turned
him over to Maclean of Pennycross. Having oscillated between Morvern and
Mull for a period of two years, he learned that another relative of his
mother's, Colonel Allan Maclean of Torloisk, was about to raise a
regiment for the American war. He embarked for America, and was kindly
received by his relative who made him an officer in the 84th or Highland
Emigrant regiment. During the siege of Quebec, he was taken prisoner and
sent to Philadelphia, where he was kept for two years, but finally
effected his escape, and returned to his regiment. Being unfit for
service, in 1780, he returned to England on sick leave. In London he
courted the only heir of Nathaniel Philips, and eloping with her they
were married at Gretna Green. Soon after he received an appointment on
the militia staff of one of the English counties. In 1782 he was elected
a member of the Highland Society of London. In August 1793 Alan was
appointed major-commandant, and preceded to Lochaber to raise a
regiment, which afterwards was embodied as the 79th, or Cameron
Highlanders. Not unmindful of his brother-officers of the Royal Highland
Emigrant Regiment, he named two of his own, and five officers of the
Clan Maclean. The regiment in January 1794 numbered one thousand, which
advanced Alan to the lieutenant-colonelcy. The regiment was then
embarked for Flanders to reinforce the British and Austrians against the
French. It was in the disastrous retreat to Westphalia, and lost two
hundred men. From thence it was sent to the Isle of Wight, and Colonel
Cameron was ordered to recruit his regiment to the extent of its losses
in Flanders. The regiment was sent to the island of Martinique, and in
less than two years, from the unhealthy location, it was reduced to less
than three hundred men. But few of the men ever returned to Scotland.
Colonel Cameron having been ordered to recruit for eight hundred men,
fixed his headquarters at Inverness. Within less than nine months after
his return from Martinique he produced a fresh body of seven hundred and
eighty men. In 1798 he was ordered with his regiment to occupy the
Channel Islands. He was severely wounded at Alkmaar. Colonel Cameron was
sent to help drive the French out of Egypt. From Egypt he was
transferred to Minorca and from there to England. He took part in the
capture of the Danish fleet--a neutral power--and entered Copenhagen.
Soon after the battle of Vimiera, Alan was made a brigadier and
commandant of Lisbon. He was in command of a brigade at Oporto when that
city was besieged. He was twice wounded at the battle of Talavera. After
a military career covering a period of thirty-six years, on account of
ill-health, he resigned his position in the army, and for several years
was not able to meet his friends. He died at Fulham, April 9, 1828.
GENERAL SIR ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, K.B.
[Illustration: GENERAL SIR ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.]
Sir Archibald Campbell second son of James Campbell of Inverneil was
born at Inverneil on August 21, 1739. By special recommendation of Mr.
Pitt he received, in 1757, a captain's commission in Fraser's
Highlanders, and served throughout the campaign in North America, and
was wounded at the taking of Quebec in 1758. On the conclusion of the
war he was transferred to the 29th regiment, and afterwards major and
lieutenant-colonel in the 42nd or Royal Highlanders, with which he
served in India until 1773, when he returned to Scotland, and was
elected to Parliament for the Stirling burgs in 1774. In 1775 he was
selected as lieutenant-colonel of the 2nd battalion of Fraser's
Highlanders. He was captured on board the George transport, in Boston
Harbor June 17, 1776, and remained a prisoner until May 5, 1778, when he
was exchanged for Colonel Ethan Allen. He was then placed in command of
an expedition against the State of Georgia, which was successful. He was
superseded the following year by General Augustine Prevost. Disagreeing
with the policy adopted by that officer in regard to the royalist
militia, Colonel Campbell returned to England, on leave. In 1779 he
married Amelia, daughter of Allan Ramsay, the artist. November 20, 1782,
he was promoted major-general, and the following month commissioned
governor of Jamaica. His vigilance warded off attacks from the French,
besides doing all in his power in sending information, supplies and
reinforcements to the British forces in America. For his services, on
his return to England, he was invested a knight of the Bath, on
September 30, 1785. The same year he was appointed governor and
commander-in-chief at Madras. On October 12, 1787, he was appointed
colonel of the 74th Highlanders, which had been raised especially for
service in India. In 1789 General Campbell returned to England, and at
once was re-elected to Parliament for the Stirling burghs. He died March
31, 1791, and was buried in Westminster Abbey.
JOHN CAMPBELL OF STRACHUR.
John Campbell was appointed lieutenant in Loudon's Highlanders in June
1745; served throughout the Rising of 1745-6; made the campaign in
Flanders in 1747, in which year he became a captain; and at the peace of
1748 went on half pay. In 1756 he was called into active service and
joined the 42nd. He was wounded at Ticonderoga, and on his recovery was
appointed major of the 17th foot. February 1762, he became a
lieutenant-colonel in the army, and commanded his regiment in the
expedition against Martinico and Havanna. He became lieutenant-colonel
of the 57th foot, May 1, 1773, and returned to America on the breaking
out of the Revolution. On February 19, 1779 he was appointed
major-general; colonel of his regiment November 2, 1780, and commanded
the British forces in West Florida, where he surrendered Pensacola to
the Spaniards, May 10, 1781; became lieutenant-general in 1787, and
general January 26, 1797. General Campbell died August 28, 1806.
LORD WILLIAM CAMPBELL.
Lord William Campbell was the youngest son of the 4th duke of Argyle. He
entered the navy, and became a captain August 20, 1762, when he was put
in command of the Nightingale, of twenty guns. In May 1763, he married
Sarah, daughter of Ralph Izard, of Charleston, South Carolina, and in
1764, was elected to represent Argyleshire in parliament. On November
27, 1766 he became governor of Nova Scotia, whose affairs he
administered until 1773, when he was transferred to the government of
South Carolina, in which province he arrived in June 1775, during the
sitting of the first Provincial Congress, which presented him a
congratulatory address, but he refused to acknowledge that body. For
three months after his arrival he was undisturbed, though indefatigable
in fomenting opposition to the popular measures; but in September,
distrustful of his personal safety, and leaving his family behind, he
retired on board the Tamar sloop-of-war, where he remained, although
invited to return to Charleston. Lady Campbell was treated with great
respect, but finally went on board the vessel, and was landed at
Jamaica. In the attack on the city of Charleston, in June 1776, under
Sir Henry Clinton, lord Campbell served as a volunteer on board the
Bristol, on which occasion he received a wound that ultimately proved
mortal. Presumably he returned with the fleet and died September 5,
1778.
GENERAL SIMON FRASER
Brigadier Simon Fraser was the tenth son of Alexander Fraser, second of
Balnain. The lands of Balnain had been acquired from Hugh, tenth lord of
Lovat, by Big Hugh, grandfather of Simon. Alexander was in possession
of the lands as early as 1730, and for his first wife had Jane, daughter
of William Fraser, eighth of Foyers, by whom he had issue six sons and
one daughter. In 1716 he married Jean, daughter of Angus, tenth
Mackintosh of Kyllachy, by whom he had issue five sons and three
daughters, Simon being the fourth son, and born May 26th, 1729.
[Illustration: GENL FRASER.]
In all probability it would be a difficult task to determine the date of
General Fraser's first commission in the British army owing to the fact
that no less than eight Simon Frasers appear in the Army List of 1757,
six of whom belonged to Fraser's Highlanders. The subsequent commissions
may positively be traced as follows: In the 78th Foot, lieutenant
January 5, 1757, captain-lieutenant September 27, 1758, captain April
22, 1759; major in the army March 15, 1761; in the 24th Foot, major
February 8, 1762, and lieutenant-colonel July 14, 1768. January 10,
1776, General Carleton appointed him to act as a brigadier till the
king's pleasure could be known, which in due time was confirmed. His
last commission was that of colonel in the army, being gazetted July 22,
1777. He served in the Scots Regiment in the Dutch service and was
wounded at Bergen ap-Zoon in 1747. He was with his regiment in the
expedition against Louisburg in 1758 and accompanied General Wolfe to
Quebec in 1759, and was the officer who answered the hail of the enemy's
sentry in French and made him believe that the troops who surprised the
Heights of Abraham were the Regiment de la Rhine.
After the fall of Quebec, for a few years he did garrison duty at
Gibraltar. Through the interest of the marquis of Townshend, who
appointed him his aide-de-camp in Ireland, he was selected as
quartermaster-general to the troops then stationed in that country.
While in Ireland he was selected by General Burgoyne as one of his
commanders for his expedition against the Americans. On April 5, 1776,
he embarked with the 24th Foot, and arrived in Quebec on the 28th of the
following May. He commanded the light brigade on General Burgoyne's
campaign, and was thus ever in advance, rendering throughout the most
efficient services, and had the singular good fortune to increase his
reputation. He assisted in driving the Americans out of Canada, and
defeated them in the battle of Three Rivers, followed by that of
Hubbardton, July 7, 1777. Had his views prevailed, the blunder of
sending heavy German dismounted dragoons to Bennington, and the
consequent disaster would never have been committed.
The career of this dauntless hero now rapidly drew near to its close. Up
to the battle of Bennington almost unexampled success had attended the
expedition of Burgoyne. The turning point had come. The battle of
Bennington infused the Americans with a new and indomitable spirit; the
murder, by savages, of the beautiful Miss Jane MacRae aroused the
passions of war; the failure of Sir Henry Clinton to co-operate with
General Burgoyne; the rush of the militia to the aid of General Gates,
and the detachment of Colonel Morgan's riflemen by Washington from his
own army to the assistance of the imperiled north, all conspired to turn
the tide of success, and invite the victorious army to a disaster,
rendered famous in the annals of history.
On September 13, the British army crossed the Hudson, by a bridge of
rafts with the design of forming a junction with Sir Henry Clinton at
Albany. The army was in excellent order and in the highest spirits, and
the perils of the expedition seemed practically over. The army marched a
short distance along the western bank of the Hudson, and on the 14th
encamped on the heights of Saratoga, distant about sixteen miles from
Albany. On the 19th a battle was fought between the British right wing
and a strong body of Americans. In this action the right column was led
by General Fraser, who, on the first onset, wheeled his troops and
forced Colonel Morgan to give way. Colonel Morgan was speedily
re-enforced, when the action became general. When the battle appeared to
be in the grasp of the British, and just as General Fraser and Colonel
Breymann were preparing to follow up the advantage, they were recalled
by General Burgoyne and reluctantly forced to retreat. Both Generals
Fraser and Riedesel (commander of the Brunswick contingent) bitterly
criticised the order, and in plain terms informed General Burgoyne that
he did not know how to avail himself of his advantage. The next day
General Burgoyne devoted himself to the laying out of a fortified camp.
The right wing was placed under the command of General Fraser. The
situation now began to grow critical. Provisions became scarce. October
5th a council of war was held, and the advice of both Generals Fraser
and Riedesel was to fall back immediately to their old position beyond
the Batten Kil. General Burgoyne finally determined on a reconnaissance
in force. So, on the morning of October 7th, with fifteen hundred men,
accompanied by Generals Fraser, Riedesel and Phillips, the division
advanced in three columns towards the left wing of the American
position. In advance of the right wing, General Fraser had command of
five hundred picked men. The Americans fell upon the British advance
with fury, and soon a general battle was engaged in. Colonel Morgan
poured down like a torrent from the ridge that skirted the flanking
party of General Fraser, and forced the latter back; and then by a
rapid movement to the left fell upon the flank of the British right with
such impetuosity that it wavered. General Fraser noticing the critical
situation of the center hurried to its succor the 24th Regiment. Dressed
in full uniform, General Fraser was conspicuously mounted on an iron
grey horse. He was all activity and vigilance, riding from one part of
the division to another, and animated the troops by his example. At a
critical point, Colonel Morgan, who, with his riflemen was immediately
opposite to General Fraser's corps, perceiving that the fate of the day
rested upon that officer, called a few of his sharpshooters aside, among
whom was the famous marksman, Timothy Murphy, men on whose precision of
aim he could rely, and said to them, "That gallant officer yonder is
General Fraser; I admire and respect him, but it is necessary for our
good that he should die. Take you station in that cluster of bushes and
do your duty." A few moments later, a rifle ball cut the crouper of
General Fraser's horse, and another passed through the horse's mane.
General Fraser's aid, calling attention to this, said: "It is evident
that you are marked out for particular aim; would it not be prudent for
you to retire from this place?" General Fraser replied, "My duty forbids
me to fly from danger." The next moment he fell wounded by a ball from
the rifle of Timothy Murphy, and was carried off the field by two
grenadiers. After he was wounded General Fraser told his friends "that
he saw the man who shot him, and that he was a rifleman posted in a
tree." From this it would appear that after Colonel Morgan had given his
orders Timothy Murphy climbed into the forks of a neighboring tree.
General Burgoyne's surgeons were reported to have said had not General
Fraser's stomach been distended by a hearty breakfast he had eaten just
before going into action he would doubtless have recovered from his
wound.
Upon the fall of General Fraser, dismay seized the British. A retreat
took place exactly fifty-two minutes after the first shot was fired.
General Burgoyne left the cannon on the field, except two howitzers,
besides sustaining a loss of more than four hundred men, and among them
the flower of his officers. Contemporary military writers affirmed that
had General Fraser lived the British would have made good their retreat
into Canada. It is claimed that he would have given such advice as would
have caused General Burgoyne to have avoided the blunders which finally
resulted in his surrender.
The closing scene of General Fraser's life has been graphically
described by Madame Riedesel, wife of the German general. It has been
oft quoted, and need not be here repeated. General Burgoyne has
described the burial scene with his usual felicity of expression and
eloquence.
Burgoyne was not unmindful of the wounded general. He was directing the
progress of the battle, and it was not until late in the evening that he
came to visit the dying man. A tender scene took place between him and
General Fraser. The latter was the idol of the army and upon him General
Burgoyne placed most reliance. The spot where General Fraser lies buried
is on an elevated piece of ground commanding an extensive view of the
Hudson, and a great length of the interval on either side. The grave is
marked by a tablet placed there by an American lady.
The American reader has a very pleasant regard for the character of
General Fraser. His kindly disposition attracted men towards him. As an
illustration of the humane disposition the following incident, taken
from a rare work, may be cited: "Two American officers taken at
Hubbardstown, relate the following anecdote of him. He saw that they
were in distress, as their continental paper would not pass with the
English; and offered to loan them as much as they wished for their
present convenience. They took three guineas each. He remarked to
them--Gentlemen take what you wish--give me your due bills and when we
reach Albany, I trust to your honor to take them up; for we shall
doubtless overrun the country, and I shall, probably, have an
opportunity of seeing you again.'" As General Fraser fell in battle,
"the notes were consequently never paid; but the signers of them could
not refrain from shedding tears at the fate of this gallant and generous
enemy."[176]
GENERAL SIMON FRASER OF LOVAT.
General Simon Fraser, thirteenth of Lovat, born October 19, 1726, was
the son of the notorious Simon, twelfth lord Lovat, who was executed in
1747. With six hundred of his father's vassals he joined prince Charles
before the battle of Falkirk, January 17, 1746, and was one of the
forty-three persons included in the act of attainder of June 4, 1746.
Having surrendered to the government he was confined in Edinburgh Castle
from November,
[Illustration: GENERAL SIMON FRASER OF LOVAT.]
1746, to August 15, 1747, when he was allowed to reside in Glasgow
during the king's pleasure. He received a full pardon in 1750, and two
years later entered as an advocate. At the commencement of the seven
years' war, by his influence with his clan, without the aid of land or
money he raised eight hundred recruits in a few weeks, in which as many
more were shortly added. His commission as colonel was dated January 5,
1757. Under his command Fraser's Highlanders went to America, where he
was at the siege of Louisburg in 1758, and in the expedition under
General Wolfe against Quebec, where he was wounded at Montmorenci. He
was again wounded at Sillery, April 28, 1760. In 1762 he was a
brigadier-general in the British force sent to Portugal; in the
Portuguese army he held the temporary rank of major-general, and in 1768
a lieutenant-general. In 1771 he was a major-general in the British
army. By an act of parliament, on the payment of £20,983, all his
forfeited lands, lordships, &c., were restored to him, on account of the
military services he had rendered the country. On the outbreak of the
American Revolution General Fraser raised another regiment of two
battalions, known as Fraser's Highlanders or 71st, but did not accompany
the regiment. When, in Canada, in 1761, he was returned to parliament,
and thrice re-elected, representing the constituency of the county of
Inverness until his death, which occurred in Downing Street, London,
February 8, 1782.
GENERAL SIMON FRASER.
Lieutenant-General Simon Fraser, son of a tacksman, born in 1738, was
senior of the Simon Frasers serving as subalterns in Fraser's
Highlanders in the campaign in Canada in 1759-1761. He was wounded at
the battle of Sillery, April 28, 1760, and three years later was placed
on half-pay as a lieutenant. In 1775 he raised a company for the 71st or
Fraser's Highlanders; became senior captain and afterwards major of the
regiment, with which he served in America in the campaigns of 1778-1781.
In 1793 he raised a Highland regiment which was numbered 133rd foot or
Fraser's Highlanders, which after a brief existence, was broken up and
drafted into other corps. He became a major-general in 1795, commanded a
British force in Portugal in 1797-1800. In 1802 he became
lieutenant-general, and for several years second in command in Scotland,
in which country he died March 21, 1813.
GENERAL JAMES GRANT OF BALLINDALLOCH.
General James Grant was born in 1720, and after studying law obtained a
commission in the army in 1741, and became captain in the Royal Scots,
October 24, 1744. General Grant served with his regiment in Flanders and
in Ireland, and became major in Montgomery's Highlanders, with which he
went to America in 1757. In the following year he was surprised before
Fort Duquesne, and lost a third of his command in killed, wounded and
missing, besides being captured himself with nineteen of his officers.
He became lieutenant-colonel of the 40th foot in 1760, and governor of
East Florida. In May, 1761, he led an expedition against the Cherokee
Indians, and defeated them in the battle of Etchoe. On the death of his
nephew he succeeded to the family estate; became brevet-colonel in 1772;
in 1773 was returned to parliament for Wick burghs, and the year after
for Sutherlandshire; and in 1775 was appointed colonel of the 55th
foot. As a brigadier, in 1776, he went to America with the reinforcement
under Sir William Howe; commanded two brigades at the battle of Long
Island, Brandywine and Germantown. In May, 1778, was unsuccessful in his
attempt to cut off the marquis de Lafayette on the Schuylkill. In
December, 1778, he captured St. Lucia, in the West Indies. In 1777, he
became major-general, in 1782 lieutenant-general, and in 1796 general;
and, in succession became governor of Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. In
1787, 1790, 1796, and 1801, he was again returned to parliament for
Sutherlandshire. He was noted for his love of good living, and in his
latter years was immensely corpulent. He died at Ballindalloch April 13,
1806.
GENERAL ALLAN MACLEAN OF TORLOISK.
General Allan Maclean, son of Torloisk, Island of Mull, was born there
in 1725, and began his military career in the service of Holland, in the
Scots brigade. At the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, in 1747, a portion of the
brigade cut its way with great loss through the French. Lieutenants
Allan and Francis Maclean, having been taken prisoners, were carried
before General Lowendahl, who thus addressed them: "Gentlemen, consider
yourselves on parole. If all had conducted themselves as your brave
corps have done, I should not now be master of Bergen-op-Zoom." January
8, 1756, Allan became lieutenant in the 62nd regiment, and on July 8,
1758, was severely wounded at Ticonderoga. He became captain of an
independent company, January 16, 1759, and was present at the surrender
of Niagara, where he was again dangerously wounded. Returning to Great
Britain, he raised the 114th foot or Royal Highland Volunteers, of which
he was appointed major commandant October 18, 1761. The regiment being
reduced in 1763, Major Maclean went on half-pay. He became
lieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and early in 1775 devised a
colonization scheme which brought him to America, landing in New York of
that year. At the outbreak of the Revolution he identified himself with
the British king; was arrested in New York; was released by denying he
was taking a part in the dispute; thence went to the Mohawk, and on to
Canada, where he began to set about organizing a corps, which became the
nucleus of the Royal Highland Emigrants. Of this regiment Major Allan
was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the first battalion which he had
raised. On the evidence of American prisoners taken at Quebec, Colonel
Maclean resorted to questionable means to recruit his regiment. All
those of British birth who had been captured were given permission to
join the regiment or else be carried to England and tried for treason.
But these enforced enlistments proved of no value. Quebec unquestionably
would have fallen into the hands of General Arnold had not Colonel
Maclean suddenly precipitated himself with a part of his corps into the
beleaguered city. Had Quebec fallen, Canada would have become a part of
the United States. To Colonel Allan Maclean Great Britain owes the
possession of Canada. During the prolonged siege Colonel Maclean
suffered an injury to his leg, whereby he partially lost the use of it
during the remainder of his life. On May 11, 1776, Colonel Maclean was
appointed adjutant-general of the army, which he held until June 6,
1777, when he became brigadier-general, and placed in command at
Montreal. As dangers thickened around General Burgoyne, General Maclean
was ordered, October 20th, with the 31st and his battalion of the Royal
Highland Emigrants, to Chimney Point, but the following month was
ordered to Quebec. He left Quebec July 27, 1776, for England, in order
to obtain rank and establishment for his regiment which had been
promised. He returned to Canada, arriving in Quebec May 28, 1777. In
1778 he again went to England and made a personal appeal to the king in
behalf of his regiment, which proved successful. May 1, 1779, he sailed
from Spithead and arrived at Quebec on August 16th. He became colonel in
the army November 17, 1780, and in the winter of 1782 had command from
the ports at Oswegatchie to Michilimackinac. Soon after the peace of
1783, General Maclean retired from the service. He married Janet,
daughter of Donald Maclean of Brolass, and died without issue, in
London, in March, 1797. From the contents of many letters directed to
John Maclean of Lochbuie, it is to be inferred that he died in
comparative poverty. His correspondence during his command of the
Highland Emigrants is among the Haldimand MSS, in the British Museum.
[Illustration: SIR ALLAN MACLEAN, BART.]
General Allan Maclean of Torloisk has been confused by some
writers--notably by General Stewart in his "Sketches of the Highlands"
and Dr. James Brown in his "History of the Highlands and Highland
Clans"--with Sir Allan Maclean, twenty-second chief of his clan. Sir
Allan served in different parts of the globe. The first notice of his
military career is as a captain under the earl of Drumlanrig in the
service of Holland. July 16, 1757, he became a captain in Montgomery's
Highlanders, and June 25, 1762, major in the 119th foot or the Prince's
Own. He obtained the rank of lieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and died
on Inch Kenneth, December 10, 1783. He married Anna, daughter of Hector
Maclean of Coll. Dr. Samuel Johnson visited him during his tour of the
Hebrides, and was so delighted with the baronet and his amiable
daughters that he broke out into a Latin sonnet.
GENERAL FRANCIS MACLEAN.
General Francis Maclean, of the family of Blaich, as soon as he was able
to bear arms, obtained a commission in the same regiment with his
father; was at the defence of Bergen-op Zoom in 1747, and was detained
prisoner in France for some time; was appointed captain in the 2nd
battalion of the 42nd Highlanders on its being raised in October, 1758.
At the capture of the island of Guadaloupe, he was severely wounded, but
owing to his gallant conduct was promoted to the rank of major, and
appointed governor of the island of Marie Galante. In January, 1761, he
exchanged into the 97th regiment, and April 13, 1762, was appointed
lieutenant-colonel in the army. In the war in Canada, he commanded a
body of troops under General Wolfe, and participated in the capture of
Montreal. He was sent, in 1762, to aid the Portuguese against the
combined attack of France and Spain, and was made commander of Almeida,
a fortified town on the Spanish frontier, which he held for several
years; and on being promoted to the rank of major-general, was nominated
to the government of Estremadura and the city of Lisbon. On leaving
Portugal in 1778, the king presented him with a handsomely mounted
sword, and the queen gave him a valuable diamond ring. On his return to
England--having been gazetted colonel of the 82nd foot, December 16,
1777--he was immediately dispatched with a corps of the army for
America, and appointed to the government of Halifax in Nova Scotia,
where he held the rank of brigadier-general. During the month of June,
1779, with a part of his army, General Maclean repaired to the
Penobscot, and there proceeded to erect defenses. The American army
under General Lovell, from Boston, appeared in the bay on July 28th, and
began to erect batteries for a siege. Commodore Sir George Collier,
August 13th, entered the bay with a fleet and raised the siege. General
Maclean returned to Halifax, where he died, May 4, 1781, in the
sixty-fourth year of his age, and unmarried.
GENERAL JOHN SMALL.
General John Small was born in Strathardale in Athole, in the year 1726,
and entered the army early in life, his first commission being in the
Scotch Brigade. He obtained an ensigncy in 1747, and was on half-pay in
1756, when appointed lieutenant in the 42nd Highlanders on the eve of
its departure for America. He accompanied the regiment in 1759 in the
expedition to northern New York, and in 1760 went down from Oswego to
Montreal. In 1762 he served in the expedition to the West Indies, and on
August 6th of the same year was promoted to a company. On the reduction
of the regiment in 1763, Captain Small went on half-pay until April,
1765, when he was appointed to a company in the 21st or Royal North
British Fusileers, which soon after was sent to America. With this
regiment he continued until 1775, when he received a commission to raise
a corps of Highlanders in Nova Scotia. Having raised the 2nd battalion
of the Royal Highland Emigrants, he was appointed major commandant, with
a portion of which he joined the army with Sir Henry Clinton at New York
in 1779, and in 1780, became lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. In 1782
he was quartered on Long Island. November 18, 1790, he was appointed
colonel in the army, and in 1794, lieutenant-governor of the island of
Guernsey; he was promoted to the rank of major-general October 3, 1794,
and died at Guernsey on March 17, 1796, in the seventieth year of his
age.
FLORA MACDONALD.
No name in the Scottish Highlands bears such a charm as that of Flora
Macdonald. Her praise is frequently sung, sketches of her life
published, and her portrait adorns thousands of homes. While her
distinction mainly rests on her efforts in behalf of the luckless prince
Charles, after the disastrous battle of Culloden; yet, in reality, her
character was strong, and she was a noble type of womanhood in her
native isle.
[Illustration: FLORA MACDONALD.]
Flora Macdonald--or "Flory," as she always wrote her name, even in her
marriage contract--born in 1722, was a daughter of Ranald Macdonald,
tacksman of Milton, in South Uist, an island of the Hebrides. Her father
died when she was about two years old, and when six years old she was
deprived of the care of her mother, who was abducted and married by Hugh
Macdonald of Armadale in Skye. Flora remained in Milton with her brother
Angus till her thirteenth year, when she was taken into the mansion of
the Clanranalds, where she became an accomplished player on the spinet.
In 1739 she went to Edinburgh to complete her studies where, until 1745,
she resided in the family of Sir Alexander Macdonald of the Isles.
While on a visit to the Clanranalds in Benbecula, prince Charles Edward
arrived there after the battle of Culloden in 1746. She enabled the
prince to escape to Skye. For this she was arrested and thrown into the
Tower of London. On receiving her liberty, in 1747, she stayed for a
time in the house of Lady Primrose, where she was visited by many
persons of distinction. Before leaving London she was presented with
£1500. On her return to Scotland she was entertained at Monkstadt in
Skye, at a banquet, to which the principal families were invited.
November 6, 1750, she married Allan Macdonald, younger of Kingsburgh. At
first they resided at Flodigarry; but on the death of her father-in-law
they went in 1772 to Kingsburgh. Here she was visited, in 1773, by the
celebrated Samuel Johnson. Her husband, oppressed by debts, was caught
in that great wave of emigration from the Highlands to America. In the
month of August, 1774, leaving her two youngest children with friends at
home, Flora, her husband and older children, sailed in the ship Baliol,
from Campbelton, Kintyre, for North Carolina. Flora's fame had preceded
her to that distant country, and her departure from Scotland having
become known to her countrymen in Carolina, she was anxiously expected
and joyfully received on her arrival. Demonstrations on a large scale
were made to welcome her to America. Soon after her landing, a largely
attended ball was given in her honor at Wilmington. On her arrival at
Cross Creek she received a truly Highland welcome from her old neighbors
and kinsfolk, who had crossed the Atlantic years before her. The strains
of the Piobaireachd, and the martial airs of her native land, greeted
her on her approach to the capital of the Scottish settlement. Many
families of distinction pressed upon her to make their dwellings her
home, but she respectfully declined, preferring a settled place of her
own. As the laird of Kingsburgh intended to become a planter, he left
his family in Cross Creek until he could decide upon a location. The
house in which they lived during this period was built immediately on
the brink of the creek, and for many years afterwards was known as
"Flora Macdonald's house." Northwest of Cross Creek, a distance of
twenty miles, is a hill about six hundred feet in height, now called
Cameron's hill, but then named Mount Pleasant. Around and about this
hill, in 1775, many members of the Clan Macdonald had settled, all of
whom were of near kin to the laird and lady of Kingsburgh. Hard by are
the sources of Barbeque Creek, and not many miles down that stream stood
the old kirk, where the clansmen worshipped, and where Flora inscribed
her name on the membership roll.
Mount Pleasant stands in the very midst of the pinery region, and from
it in every direction stretches the great pine forest. Near this center
Allan Macdonald of Kingsburgh purchased of Caleb Touchstone a plantation
embracing five hundred and fifty acres on which were a dwelling house
and outhouses which were more pretentious than was then customary among
Highland settlers. The sum paid, as set forth in the deed, was four
hundred and sixty pounds. Here Flora established herself, that with her
family she might spend the rest of her days in peace and quiet. But the
times were not propitious. There was commotion which soon ended in a
long and bitter war. Even this need not have materially disturbed the
family had not Kingsburgh precipitated himself into the conflict,
needlessly and recklessly. With blind fatuity he took the wrong side in
the controversy; and even then by the exercise of patience might have
overcome the effects of his folly. Before Flora and her family were
settled in America the storm gave its ominous rumble. When Governor
Martin, who had deserted his post and fled to an armed cruiser in the
mouth of the Cape Fear river, issued his proclamation, Allan Macdonald
was among the first to respond. The war spirit of Flora was stirred
within her, and she partook of the enthusiasm of her husband. According
to tradition, when the Highlanders gathered around the standard Flora
made them an address in their own Gaelic tongue that excited them to the
highest pitch of warlike enthusiasm. With the due devotion of an
affectionate wife, Flora followed her husband for several days, and
encamped one night with him in a dangerous place, on the brow of
Haymount, near the American forces. For a time she refused to listen to
her husband's entreaties to return home, for he thought his life was
enough to be in jeopardy. Finally when the army took up its march with
banners flying and martial music, she deemed it time to retrace her
steps, and affectionately embraced her husband, her eyes dimmed with
tears as she breathed an earnest prayer to heaven for his safe and
speedy return to his family and home. But alas! she never saw him again
in America.
The rebellion of the Highlanders in North Carolina, which ended in a
fiasco, has already been narrated. Flora was soon aroused to the fact
that the battle was against them, and her husband and one son were
confined in Halifax jail. It appears that even she was brought before
the Committee of Safety, where she exhibited a "spirited behavior."[177]
Sorrows, indeed, had accumulated rapidly upon her: a severe typhus fever
attacked the younger members of the family and two of her children died,
a boy and a girl aged respectively eleven and thirteen, and her
daughter, Fanny, was still in precarious health, from the dregs of a
recent fever. By the advice of her imprisoned husband she resolved to
return to her native country. Fortunately for her she secured the favor
and good offices of Captain Ingram, an American officer, who promised to
assist her. He furnished her with a passport to Wilmington, and from
thence she found her way to Charleston, from which port she sailed to
her native land, in 1779. In this step she was partly governed by the
state of health of her daughter Fanny. Crossing the Atlantic with none
of her family but Fanny--her five sons and son-in-law actively engaged
in the war--the Scottish heroine met with the last of her adventures.
The vessel in which she sailed engaged a French privateer, and during
the conflict her left arm was broken. So, in after years, she truthfully
said that she had served both the House of Stuart and the House of
Hanover, but had been worsted in the cause of each. For some time she
resided at Milton, where her brother built her a cottage: but on the
return of her husband they again settled at Kingsburgh, where she died
March 5, 1790.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 176: Memoir General Stark, 1831, p. 252.]
[Footnote 177: Captain Alexander McDonald's Letter-Book, p. 387.]
CHAPTER XV.
DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS IN AMERICAN INTERESTS
The attitude of the Highlanders during the Revolutionary War was not of
such a nature as to bring them prominently into view in the cause of
freedom. Nor was it the policy of the American statesmen to cater to
race distinctions and prejudices. They did not regard their cause to be
a race war. They fought for freedom without regard to their origin,
believing that a just Providence would smile upon their efforts. Many
nationalities were represented in the American army. Men left their
homes in the Old World, purposely to engage in the cause of
Independence, some of whom gained immortal renown, and will be
remembered with honor by generations yet unborn. As has been already
noted, there were natives of the Highlands of Scotland, who had made
America their home and imbibed the principles of political liberty, and
early identified themselves with the cause of their adopted country. The
lives of some of these patriots are herewith imperfectly sketched.
GENERAL ALEXANDER McDOUGALL.
[Illustration: GEN. ALEXANDER MCDOUGALL.]
There are few names in the annals of the American Revolution upon which
one can linger with more satisfaction than that of the gallant and
true-hearted Alexander McDougall. As early as August 20, 1775,
Washington wrote to General Schuyler concerning him: his "zeal is
unquestionable."[178] Writing to General McDougall, May 23, 1777,
Washington says: "I wish every officer in the army could appeal to His
own heart and find the same principles of conduct, that I am persuaded
actuate you."[179] The same writing to Thomas Jefferson, August 1,
1786, lamented the brave "soldier and disinterested patriot," and
exclaimed, "Thus some of the pillars of the revolution fall."[180]
Alexander McDougall was born in the island of Islay in Scotland, in
1731, being the son of Ranald McDougall, who emigrated to the province
of New York in 1735. The father purchased a small farm near the city of
New York, and there peddled milk, in which avocation he was assisted by
his son, who never was ashamed of the employment of his youth. Alexander
was a keen observer of passing events and took great interest in the
game of politics. With vigilance he watched the aggressive steps of the
royal government; and when the Assembly, in the winter of 1769, faltered
in its opposition to the usurpations of the crown and insulted the
people by rejecting a proposition authorizing the vote by ballot, and by
entering on the favorable consideration of a bill of supplies for troops
quartered in the city to overawe the inhabitants, he issued an address,
under the title of "A Son of Liberty to the Betrayed Inhabitants of the
Colony," in which he contrasted the Assembly with the legislative bodies
in other parts of the country, and held up their conduct to unmitigated
and just indignation. The bold and deserved rebuke was laid before the
house by its speaker, and, with the exception of Philip Schuyler, every
member voted that it was "an infamous and seditious libel." A
proclamation for the discovery of the author was issued by the governor,
and it being traced to Alexander McDougall, he was arrested in February,
1770, and refusing to give bail was committed to prison by order of
chief justice Horsmanden. As he was being carried to prison, clearly
reading in the signs about him the future of the country, he exclaimed,
"I rejoice that I am the first sufferer for liberty since the
commencement of our glorious struggle." During the two months of his
confinement he was overrun with visitors. He poured forth continued
appeals to the people, and boldly avowed his revolutionary opinions. In
every circle his case was the subject of impassioned conversation, and
in an especial manner he became the idol of the masses. A packed jury
found an indictment against him, and on December 20th he was arraigned
at the bar of the Assembly on the same charge, on which occasion he was
defended by George Clinton, afterwards the first governor of the State
of New York. In the course of the following month a writ of habeas
corpus was sued out, but without result, and he was not liberated until
March 4, 1771, when the assembly was prorogued. When the Assembly
attempted to extort from him a humiliating recantation, he undauntingly
answered their threat, that "rather than resign my rights and privileges
as a British subject, I would suffer my right hand to be cut off at the
bar of the house." When set at liberty he entered into correspondence
with the master-spirits in all parts of the country; and when the
celebrated meetings in the fields were held, on July 6, 1774,
preparatory to the election of the New York delegates to the First
General Congress, he was called to preside, and resolutions prepared by
him were adopted, pointing out the mode of choosing deputies, inveighing
against the Boston Port Bill, and urging upon the proposed congress the
prohibition of all commercial intercourse with Great Britain. In March
1775, he was a member of the Provincial Convention, and was nominated as
one of the candidates for the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, but
was not elected. In the same year he received a commission as colonel of
the 1st New York regiment, and on August 9, 1776, was created
brigadier-general. On the evening of the 29th of the same month he was
selected by Washington to superintend the embarkation of the troops from
Brooklyn; was actively engaged on Chatterton's Hill and in various
places in New Jersey; and when General William Heath, in the spring of
1777, left Peekskill to assume the command of the eastern department, he
succeeded that officer, but was compelled, by a superior force under Sir
William Howe, to retreat from the town, after destroying a considerable
supply of stores, on March 23rd. After the battle of Germantown, in
which he participated, Washington, writing to the president of Congress,
under date of October 7, 1777, says:
"I cannot however omit this opportunity of recommending General
McDougall to their notice. This gentleman, from the time of his
appointment as brigadier, from his abilities, military knowledge, and
approved bravery, has every claim to promotion."[181]
On the 20th of the same month he was commissioned major-general. On
March 16, 1778, he was directed to assume the command of the different
posts on the Hudson, and, with activity, pursued the construction of the
fortifications in the Highlands, and, after the flight of General
Arnold, was put in command of West Point, October 5, 1780. Near the
close of that year he was called upon by New York to repair to Congress
as one of their representatives. It was a critical moment, and
Washington urged his acceptance of the post; accordingly he took his
seat in the Congress the next January. Congress having organized an
executive department, in 1781, General McDougall was appointed Minister
of Marine. He did not remain long in Philadelphia, for his habits,
friendships, associations and convictions of duty recalled him to the
camp. The confidence felt in his integrity and good judgment by all
classes in the service, was such, that when the army went into winter
quarters at Newburgh, in 1783, he was chosen at the head of the
delegation to Congress to represent their grievances. The same year,
after the close of the war, he was elected to represent the Southern
District in the senate of New York and continued a member of that body
until his death, which occurred in the city of New York June 8, 1786. At
the time of his decease, General McDougall was president of the Bank of
New York. In politics he adhered to the Hamilton party.
GENERAL LACHLAN M'INTOSH.
The history of the emigration of John Mohr McIntosh to Georgia, and the
settlement upon the Alatamaha, where now stands the city of Darien, has
already been recorded. The second son of John Mohr was Lachlan, born
near Raits in Badenoch, Scotland, March 17, 1725, and consequently was
eleven years old at the time he emigrated to America. As has been
already noted John Mohr McIntosh was captured by the Spaniards at Fort
Moosa, carried to Spain, and after several years, returned in broken
health.
Both Lachlan and his elder brother William were placed as cadets in the
regiment by General Oglethorpe. When General Oglethorpe made his final
preparations for his return to England, the two young brothers were
found hid away in the hold of another vessel, for they had heard of the
attempts then being made by prince Charles to regain the throne of his
ancestors, and they hoped to regain something that the family of Borlam
had lost, of which they were members. General Oglethorpe had the two
boys brought to his cabin; he spoke to them of the friendship he had
entertained for their father, of the kindness he had shown to
themselves, of the hopelessness of every attempt of the house of Stuart,
of their own folly in engaging in this wild and desperate struggle, of
his own duty as an officer of the house of Brunswick; but if they would
go ashore, their secret should be his. He received their pledge and they
never saw him again.
[Illustration: GENERAL LACHLAN MCINTOSH.]
At that time the means of education in Georgia were limited, yet under
his mother's care Lachlan McIntosh was well instructed in English,
mathematics and other branches necessary for future military use.
Lachlan sought the promising field of enterprise in Charleston, South
Carolina, where the fame of his father's gallantry and misfortunes
secured to him a kind reception from Henry Laurens, afterwards president
of Congress, and the first minister of the United States to Holland. In
the house of that patriot he remained several years, and contracted
friendships that lasted while he lived, with some of the leading
citizens of the southern colonies. Having adopted the profession of
surveyor, and married, he returned to Georgia, where he acquired a wide
and honorable reputation. On account of his views concerning certain
lands between the Alatamaha and St. Mary's rivers which did not coincide
with those of Governor Wright of Georgia, it afforded the latter a
pretence, for a long and deliberate opposition to the interests of
Lachlan McIntosh, which gradually schooled him for the approaching
conflict between England and her American colonies. When that event
began to dawn upon the people every eye in Georgia was turned to General
McIntosh as the leader of whatever force that province might bring into
the struggle. When, therefore, the revolutionary government was
organized and an order was made for raising a regiment was adopted,
Lachlan McIntosh was made colonel commandant; and when the order was
issued for raising three other regiments, in September, 1776, he was
immediately appointed brigadier-general commandant. About this time
Button Gwinnett was elected governor, who had been an unsuccessful
competitor for the command of the troops. He was a man unrestrained by
any honorable principles, and used his official authority in petty
persecutions of General McIntosh and his family. The general bore all
this patiently until his opponent ceased to be governor, when he
communicated to him the opinion he entertained of his conduct. He
received a challenge, and in a duel wounded him mortally. General
McIntosh now applied, through his friend Colonel Henry Laurens, for a
place in the Continental army, which was granted, and with his staff was
invited to join the commander-in-chief. He soon won the confidence of
Washington, and for a long time was placed in his front, while watching
the superior forces of Sir William Howe in Philadelphia.
While the army was in winter quarters at Valley Forge, the attention of
the government was called to the exposed condition of the western
frontier, upon which the British was constantly exciting the Indians to
the most terrible atrocities. It was determined that General McIntosh
should command an expedition against the Indians on the Ohio. In a
letter to the President of Congress, dated May 12, 1778, Washington
says:
"After much consideration upon the subject, I have appointed General
McIntosh to command at Fort Pitt, and in the western country, for which
he will set out as soon as he can accommodate his affairs. I part with
this gentleman with much reluctance, as I esteem him an officer of great
worth and merit, and as I know his services here are and will be
materially wanted. His firm disposition and equal justice, his assiduity
and good understanding, added to his being a stranger to all parties in
that quarter, pointed him out as a proper person."[182]
With a reinforcement of five hundred men General McIntosh marched to
Fort Pitt, of which he assumed the command, and in a short time he gave
repose to all western Pennsylvania and Virginia. In the spring of 1779,
he completed arrangements for an expedition against Detroit, but in
April was recalled by Washington to take part in the operations proposed
for the south, where his knowledge of the country, added to his stirling
qualities, promised him a useful field. He joined General Lincoln in
Charleston, and every preparation in their power was made for the
invasion of Georgia, then in possession of the British, as soon as the
French fleet under count D'Estaing should arrive on the coast. General
McIntosh marched to Augusta, took command of the advance of the troops,
and proceeding down to Savannah, drove in all the British outposts.
Expecting to be joined by the French, he marched to Beauly, where count
D'Estaing effected a landing on September 12th, 13th, and 14th, and on
the 15th was joined by General Lincoln. General McIntosh pressed for an
immediate attack, but the French admiral refused. In the very midst of
the siege the French fleet put to sea, leaving Generals Lincoln and
McIntosh to retreat to Charleston, where they were besieged by an
overwhelming force under Sir Henry Clinton, to whom the city was
surrendered on May 12, 1780. With this event the military life of
General McIntosh closed. He was long detained a prisoner of war, and
when finally released, retired with his family to Virginia, where he
remained until the British troops were driven from Savannah. Upon his
return to Georgia, he found his personal property wasted and his real
estate much diminished in value. From that time to the close of his
life, in a great measure, he lived in retirement and comparative
poverty until his death, which took place at Savannah, February 20,
1806.
GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
[Illustration: GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.]
The life of Major General Arthur St. Clair was a stormy one, full of
disappointments, shattered hopes, and yet honored and revered for the
distinguished and disinterested services he performed. He was a near
relative of the then earl of Roslin, and was born in 1734, in the town
of Thurso, Caithness in Scotland. He inherited the fine personal
appearance and manly traits of the St. Clairs. After graduating at the
University of Edinburgh, he entered upon the study of medicine under the
celebrated Doctor William Hunter of London; but receiving a large sum of
money from his mother's estate in 1757, he changed his purpose and
sought adventures in a military life, and the same year entered the
service of the king of Great Britain, as ensign in the 60th or Royal
American Regiment of Foot. In May of the succeeding year he was with
General Amherst before Louisburg. Gathered there were men soon to become
famous among whom were Wolfe, Montcalm, Murray and Lawrence. For gallant
conduct Arthur St. Clair received a lieutenant's commission, April 17,
1759, and was with General Wolfe in that brilliant struggle before
Quebec, in September of the same year, and soon after was made a
captain. In 1760 he married at Boston, Miss Phoebe Bayard, with a
fortune of £40,000, which added to his own made him a man of wealth. On
April 16. 1762 he resigned his commission in the army, and soon after
led a colony of Scotch settlers to the Ligonier Valley, in
Pennsylvania, where he purchased for himself one thousand acres of land.
Improvements everywhere sprang up under his guiding genius. He held
various offices, among which was member of the Proprietory Council of
Pennsylvania, and colonel of militia. The mutterings which preceded the
American Revolution were early heard in the beautiful valley of the
Ligonier. Colonel St. Clair was not slow to take action, and espoused
the cause of the patriots with all the intensity of his character, and
never, even for a moment, swerved in the cause. He was destined to
receive the enduring friendship of Washington, La Fayette, Hamilton,
Schuyler, Wilson, Reed, and others of the most distinguished patriots of
the Revolution. Early in the year 1776, he resigned his civil offices,
and led the 2nd Pennsylvania Regiment in the invasion of Canada, and on
account of the remarkable skill there displayed in saving from capture
the army of General Sullivan, he received the rank of brigadier-general,
August 6, 1776. He claimed to have pointed out the Quaker road to
Washington on the night before the battle of Princeton. On account of
his meritorious services in that battle, he was made a major-general,
February 19, 1777. On the advance of General Burgoyne, who now
threatened the great avenue from the north, General St. Clair was placed
in command of Ticonderoga. Discovering that he could not hold the
position, with great reluctance he ordered the fort evacuated. A great
clamor was raised against him, especially in the New England States, and
on account of this he was suspended, and a court-martial ordered.
Retaining the confidence of Washington he was a volunteer aid to that
commander at the battle of Brandywine. In September 1778, the
court-martial acquitted him of all the charges. He was on the
court-martial that condemned Major John Andre, adjutant-general of the
British army, as a spy, who had been actively implicated in the treason
of Benedict Arnold, and soon after was placed in command of West Point.
He assisted in quelling the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line, and shared
in the crowning glory of the Revolution, the capture of the British army
under lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. Soon afterwards General St. Clair
retired to private life, but his fellow-citizens soon determined
otherwise. In 1783 he was on the board of censors for Pennsylvania, and
afterwards chosen vendue-master of Philadelphia; in 1786 was elected a
member of Congress, and in 1787 was president of that body, which at
that time, was the highest office in America. In 1788 he was elected
governor of the North West Territory, which imposed upon him the duty of
governing, organizing, and bringing order out of chaos, over that region
of country. In 1791, Washington made him commander-in-chief of the army,
and in the autumn, with an ill-appointed force, set out, under the
direct orders from Henry Knox, then Secretary of War, on an expedition
against the Indians, but met with an overwhelming defeat on November
4th. The disaster was investigated by Congress, and the general was
justly exonerated from all blame. He resigned his commission as general
in 1792, but continued in office as governor until 1802, when he was
summarily dismissed by Thomas Jefferson, then president. In poverty he
retired to a log-house which overlooked the valley he had once owned. In
vain he pressed his claims against the government for the expenditures
he had made during the Revolution, in aid of the cause. In 1812 he
published his "Narrative." In 1813 the legislature of Pennsylvania
granted him an annuity of $400, and finally the general government gave
him a pension of $60 per month. He died at Laural Hill, Pennsylvania,
August 31, 1818, from injuries received by being thrown from a wagon.
Years afterwards Judge Burnet wrote, declaring him to have been
"unquestionably a man of superior talents, of extensive information, and
of great uprightness of purpose, as well as suavity of manners. * * * He
had been accustomed from infancy to mingle in the circles of taste and
refinement, and had acquired a polish of manners, and a habitual respect
for the feelings of others, which might be cited as a specimen of
genuine politeness."[183]
In 1870 the State of Ohio purchased the papers of General St. Clair, and
in 1882 these were published in two volumes, containing twelve hundred
and seventy pages.
SERGEANT DONALD M'DONALD
The lives of men who have won a great name on the field of battle throw
a glamor over themselves which is both interesting and fascinating; and
those treading the same path but cut off in their career are forgotten.
However, the American Revolution affords many acts of heroism performed
by those who did not command armies, some of whom performed many acts
worthy of record. Perhaps, among the minor officers none had such a
successful run of brilliant exploits as Sergeant Macdonald, many of
which are sufficiently well authenticated. Unfortunately the essential
particulars relating to him have not been preserved. The warlike deeds
which he exhibited are recorded in the "Life of General Francis Marion"
by General Horry, of Marion's brigade, and Weems. Just how far Weems
romanced may never be known, but in all probability what is related
concerning Sergeant Macdonald is practically true, save the shaping up
of the story.
Sergeant Macdonald is represented to have been a son of General Donald
Macdonald, who headed the Highlanders in North Carolina, and met with an
overwhelming defeat at Moore's Creek Bridge. The son was a remarkably
stout, red-haired young Scotsman, cool under the most trying
difficulties, and brave without a fault. Soon after the defeat and
capture of his father he joined the American troops and served under
General Horry. One day General Horry asked him why he had entered the
service of the patriots. In substance he made the following reply:
"Immediately on the misfortune of my father and his friends at the Great
Bridge, I fell to thinking what could be the cause; and then it struck
me that it must have been owing to their own monstrous ingratitude.
'Here now,' said I to myself, 'is a parcel of people, meaning my poor
father and his friends, who fled from the murderous swords of the
English after the massacre at Culloden. Well, they came to America, with
hardly anything but their poverty and mournful looks. But among this
friendly people that was enough. Every eye that saw us, had pity; and
every hand was reached out to assist. They received us in their houses
as though we had been their own unfortunate brothers. They kindled high
their hospitable fires for us, and spread their feasts, and bid us eat
and drink and banish our sorrows, for that we were in a land of
friends. And so indeed, we found it; for whenever we told of the woeful
battle of Culloden, and how the English gave no quarter to our
unfortunate countrymen, but butchered all they could overtake, these
generous people often gave us their tears, and said, O! that we had been
there to aid with our rifles, then should many of these monsters have
bit the ground.' They received us into the bosoms of their peaceful
forests, and gave us their lands and their beauteous daughters in
marriage, and we became rich. And yet, after all, soon as the English
came to America, to murder this innocent people, merely for refusing to
be their slaves, then my father and friends, forgetting all that the
Americans had done for them, went and joined the British, to assist them
to cut the throats of their best friends! Now,' said I to myself, 'if
ever there was a time for God to stand up to punish ingratitude, this
was the time.' And God did stand up; for he enabled the Americans to
defeat my father and his friends most completely. But, instead of
murdering the prisoners as the English had done at Culloden, they
treated us with their usual generosity. And now these are the people I
love and will fight for as long as I live."
The first notice given of the sergeant was the trick which he played on
a royalist. As soon as he heard that Colonel Tarleton was encamped at
Monk's Corner, he went the next morning to a wealthy old royalist of
that neighborhood, and passing himself for a sergeant in the British
corps, presented Colonel Tarleton's compliments with the request that he
would send him one of his best horses for a charger, and that he should
not lose by the gift.
"Send him one of my finest horses!" cried the old traitor with eyes
sparkling with joy. "Yes, Mr. Sergeant, that I will, by gad! and would
send him one of my finest daughters too, had he but said the word. A
good friend of the king, did he call me, Mr. Sergeant? yes, God save his
sacred majesty, a good friend I am indeed, and a true. And, faith, I am
glad too, Mr. Sergeant, that colonel knows it. Send him a charger to
drive the rebels, hey? Yes, egad will I send him one, and as proper a
one too as ever a soldier straddled. Dick! Dick! I say you Dick!"
"Here, massa, here! here Dick!"
"Oh, you plaguey dog! so I must always split my throat with bawling,
before I can get you to answer hey?"
"High, massa, sure Dick always answer when he hear massa hallo!"
"You do, you villain, do you? Well then run! jump, fly, you rascal, fly
to the stable, and bring me out Selim, my young Selim! do you hear? you
villain, do you hear?"
"Yes, massa, be sure!"
Then turning to the sergeant he went on:
"Well, Mr. Sergeant, you have made me confounded glad this morning, you
may depend. And now suppose you take a glass of peach; of good old
peach, Mr. Sergeant? do you think it would do you any harm?"
"Why, they say it is good of a rainy morning, sir," replied the
sergeant.
"O yes, famous of a rainy morning, Mr. Sergeant! a mighty antifogmatic.
It prevents you the ague, Mr. Sergeant; and clears a man's throat of the
cobwebs, sir."
"God bless your honor!" said the sergeant as he turned off a bumper.
Scarcely had this conversation passed when Dick paraded Selim; a proud,
full-blooded, stately steed, that stepped as though he were too lofty to
walk upon the earth. Here the old man brightening up, broke out again:
"Aye! there, Mr. Sergeant, there is a horse for you! isn't he, my boy?"
"Faith, a noble animal, sir," replied the sergeant.
"Yes, egad! a noble animal indeed; a charger for a king, Mr. Sergeant!
Well, my compliments to Colonel Tarleton; tell him I've sent him a
horse, my young Selim, my grand Turk, do you hear, my son of thunder?
And say to the colonel that I don't grudge him either, for egad! he's
too noble for me, Mr. Sergeant. I've no work that's fit for him, sir; no
sir, if there's any work in all this country that's good enough for him
but just that which he is now going on; the driving the rebels out of
the land."
He had Selim caparisoned with his elegant new saddle and holsters, with
his silver-mounted pistols. Then giving Sergeant Macdonald a warm
breakfast, and loaning him his great coat, he sent him off, with the
promise that he would, the next morning, come and see how Colonel
Tarleton was pleased with Selim. Accordingly he waited on the English
colonel, told him his name with a smiling countenance; but, to his
mortification received no special notice. After partially recovering
from his embarrassment he asked Colonel Tarleton how he liked his
charger.
"Charger, sir?" said the colonel.
"Yes, sir, the elegant horse I sent you yesterday."
"The elegant horse you sent me, sir?"
"Yes, sir, and by your sergeant, sir, as he called himself."
"An elegant horse! and by my sergeant? Why really, sir, I-I-I don't
understand all this."
"Why, my dear, good sir, did you not send a sergeant yesterday with your
compliments to me, and a request that I would send you my very best
horse for a charger, which I did?"
"No, sir, never!" replied the colonel; "I never sent a sergeant on any
such errand. Nor till this moment did I ever know that there existed on
earth such a being as you."
The old man turned black in the face; he shook throughout; and as soon
as he could recover breath and power of speech, he broke out into a
torrent of curses, enough to make one shudder at his blasphemy. Nor was
Colonel Tarleton much behind him when he learned what a valuable animal
had slipped through his hands.
When Sergeant Macdonald was asked how he could reconcile the taking of
the horse he replied:
"Why, sir, as to that matter, people will think differently; but for my
part I hold that all is fair in war; and besides, sir, if I had not
taken him Colonel Tarleton, no doubt, would have got him. And then, with
such a swift strong charger as this he might do us as much harm as I
hope to do to them."
Harm he did with a vengeance; for he had no sense of fear; and for
strength he could easily drive his sword through cap and skull of an
enemy with irresistible force. He was fond of Selim, and kept him to the
top of his metal; Selim was not much his debtor; for, at the first
glimpse of a red-coat, he would paw, and champ his iron bit with rage;
and the moment of command, he was off among them like a thunderbolt. The
gallant Highlander never stopped to count the number, but would dash
into the thickest of the fight, and fall to hewing and cutting down like
an uncontrollable giant.
General Horry, when lamenting the death of his favorite sergeant said
that the first time he saw him fight was when the British held
Georgetown; and with the sergeant the two set out alone to reconnoitre.
The two concealed themselves in a clump of pines near the road, with the
enemy's lines in full view. About sunrise five dragoons left the town
and dashed up the road towards the place where the heroes were
concealed. The face of Sergeant Macdonald kindled up with the joy of
battle. "Zounds, Macdonald," said General Horry, "here's an odds against
us, five to two." "By my soul now captain," he replied, "and let 'em
come on. Three are welcome to the sword of Macdonald." When the dragoons
were fairly opposite, the two, with drawn sabres broke in upon them like
a tornado. The panic was complete; two were immediately overthrown, and
the remaining three wheeled about and dashed for the town, applying the
whip and spur to their steeds. The sergeant mounted upon the
swift-footed Selim out-distanced his companion, and single-handed cut
down two of the foe. The remaining one would have met a like fate had
not the guns of the fort protected him. Although quickly pursued by the
relief, the sergeant had the address to bring off an elegant horse of
one of the dragoons whom he had killed.
A day or two after the victory of General Marion over Colonel Tynes,
near the Black river, General Horry took Captain Baxter, Lieutenant
Postell and Sergeant Macdonald, with thirty privates, to see if some
advantage could not be gained over the enemy near the lines of
Georgetown. While partaking of a meal at the house of a planter, a
British troop attempted to surprise them. The party leaped to their
saddles and were soon in hot pursuit of the foe. While all were
excellently mounted, yet no horse could keep pace with Selim. He was the
hindmost when the race began, but with widespread nostrils, long
extended neck, and glaring eyeballs, he seemed to fly over the course.
Coming up with the enemy Sergeant Macdonald drew his claymore, and
rising on his stirrups, with high-uplifted arm, he waved it three times
in circles over his head, and then with terrific force brought it down
upon the fleeing dragoon. One of the British officers snapped his pistol
at him, but before he could try another the sergeant cut him down.
Immediately after, at a blow apiece, three more dragoons were brought to
the earth by the resistless claymore. Of the twenty-five, not a man
escaped, save one officer, who struck off at right angles, for a swamp,
which he gained, and so cleared himself. So frightened was Captain
Meriot, the British officer, that his hair, from a bright auburn,
before night, had turned gray.
[Illustration: SERGEANT MACDONALD AND COLONEL GAINEY.]
On the following day General Horry encountered one third of Colonel
Gainey's men, and in the encounter the latter lost one half his men who
were in the action. In the conflict, as usual the sergeant performed
prodigies of valor. Later in the day Colonel Gainey's regiment again
commenced the attack, when Sergeant Macdonald made a dash for the
leader, in full confidence of getting a gallant charger. Colonel Gainey
proved to have been well mounted; but the sergeant, regarding but the
one enemy passed all others. He afterwards said he could have slain
several in the charge, but wished for no meaner object than their
leader. Only one, who threw himself in the way, became his victim, whom
he shot down as they went at full speed along the Black river road. When
they reached the corner of Richmond fence, the sergeant had gained so
far upon his enemy, as to be able to plunge his bayonet into his back.
The steel parted from the gun, and, with no time to extricate it,
Colonel Gainey rushed into Georgetown, with the weapon still
conspicuously showing how close and eager had been the charge, and how
narrow the escape. The wound was not fatal.
On another occasion General Marion ordered Captain Withers to take
Sergeant Macdonald, with four volunteers, and search out the intentions
of the enemy in Georgetown. On the way they stopped at a wayside house
and drank too much brandy. Sergeant Macdonald, feeling the effects of
the potion, with a red face, reined up Selim, and drawing his claymore,
began to pitch and prance about, cutting and slashing the empty air, and
cried out, "Huzza, boys! let's charge!" Then clapping spurs to their
steeds these six men, huzzaing and flourishing their swords, charged at
full tilt into a town garrisoned by three hundred British. The enemy
supposing this was the advance guard of General Marion, fled to their
redoubts; but all were not fortunate enough to reach that haven, for
several were overtaken and cut down in the streets, among whom was a
sergeant-major, who fell from a back-handed stroke of a claymore dealt
by Sergeant Macdonald. Out of the town the young men galloped without
receiving any injury.
Not long after the above incident, the sergeant, as usual employing
himself in watching the movements of the British, climbed up into a
bushy tree, and thence, with a musket loaded with pistol bullets, fired
at the guard as they passed by; of whom he killed one man and badly
wounded Lieutenant Torquano; then sliding down the tree, mounted Selim,
and was soon out of harm's was. Repassing the Black river he left his
clothes behind him, which were seized by the enemy. He sent word to
Colonel Watson if he did not immediately send back his clothes, he would
kill eight of his men to compensate for them. He felt it was a point of
honor that he should recover his clothes. Colonel Watson greatly
irritated by a late defeat, was furious at the audacious message. He
contemptuously ordered the messenger to return; but some of his
officers, aware of the character of the sergeant, urged that the
clothes might be returned to the partisan, as he would positively keep
his word. Colonel Watson yielded, and when the messenger returned to the
sergeant, he said, "You may now tell Colonel Watson that I will kill but
four of his men."
The last relation of Sergeant Macdonald, as given by General Peter
Horry, is in reference to Captains Snipes and McCauley, with the
sergeant and forty men, having surprised and cut to pieces a large party
of the enemy near Charleston.
Sergeant Macdonald did not live to reap the fruit of his labors, or even
to see his country free. He was killed at the siege of Fort Motte, May
12, 1781. In this fort was stationed a British garrison of one hundred
and fifty men under Captain McPherson, which had been reinforced by a
small force of dragoons sent from Charleston with dispatches for lord
Rawdon. General Marion, with the assistance of Colonel Henry Lee, laid
siege to the fortress, which was compelled to surrender, owing to the
burning of the mansion in the center of the works. Mrs. Rebecca Motte,
the lady that owned the mansion, furnished the bow and arrows used to
carry the fire to the roof of the building. Nathan Savage, a private in
the ranks of General Marion's men, winged the arrow with the lighted
torch. The British did not lose a man, and General Marion lost two of
his bravest,--Lieutenant Cruger and Sergeant Macdonald. His resting
place is unknown. No monument has been erected to his memory; but his
name will endure so long as men shall pay respect to heroism and
devotion to country.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 178: Spark's Washington's Writings, Vol. III, p. 62.]
[Footnote 179: _Ibid_, Vol. IV, p. 430.]
[Footnote 180: _Ibid_, Vol. IX, p. 186.]
[Footnote 181: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 85.]
[Footnote 182: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 361.]
[Footnote 183: Notes on the North-Western Territory, p. 378]
APPENDIX.
Since the publication of "Scotch Highlanders in America," I have secured
the following complete list of the officers of the 2nd Battalion of the
84th or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, from hon. Aeneas A. MacDonald,
Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. He also has a complete list of the
enlisted men. The original document is in private hands in St. John,
N.B.
LIST OF OFFICERS OF 2ND BATTALION OF ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANTS.
Muster of January 21st, 1778, at Halifax 2nd Battalion of His Majesty's
Young Royal Highland Regiment of Foot whereof the Honble Lieut. Genl.
Thomas Gage is Colonel in Chief.
_1st Company_, Major Commandant, John Small, Commissioned June 13th,
1715, and April 8th, 1777; Captain Lieutenant, John MacLean,
Commissioned April 9th, 1776; Ensign, Lauchlan McQuarrie, Commissioned
April 9th, 1776; Chaplain, Revd Alexr McKenzie, Commissioned July 12th,
1776, Absent by leave, Revd Doctr Brinston officiating; Adjutant, Hector
MacLean, Commissioned April 25th, 1776; Quarter Master, Angus Macdonald,
Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Surgeon, George Fr. Boyd, Commissioned May
8th, 1776; Surgeon's Mate, Donald Cameron, Commissioned Oct 25th, 1776.
3 Sergeants 3 Corporals 2 Drummers and 46 Privates.
_2nd Company_, Captain, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775:
Lieutenant, Gerald Fitzgerald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; On
recruiting service in Newfoundland; Ensign, Kenneth Macdonald,
Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 38
Privates.
_3rd Company_, Captain, Duncan Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;
Lieutenant, Thomas Lunden, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Ensign, Christr
Seaton, Commissioned April 9th, 1777. 8 non-commissioned officers and 48
Privates.
_4th Company_, Captain, Ronald McKinnon, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;
Lieutenants, Robert Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, and James
McDonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and
50 Privates.
_5th Company_, Captain, Alexr Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775,
Absent on Comr in Chief's leave; Lieutenant, Samuel Bliss, Commissioned
June 14th, 1775; Ensign, Joseph Hawkins, Commissioned Decr 25th, 1775. 8
non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates.
_6th or Grenadier Company_, Captain, Murdoch McLaine, Commissioned June
14th, 1775, Recruiting; Lieutenants, Lauchlin McLaine, Commissioned June
14th, 1775, Charles McDonald, Commissioned May 18th, 1776. 8
non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates.
_7th Company_, Captain, Neil McLean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775,
Serving with the Army in Canada and under orders to join; Lieutenant,
Hugh Frazier, Commissioned Feby 27th, 1776, Prisoner with the Rebels;
Ensign, John Macdonald, Commissioned Octr 7th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned
officers and 32 Privates.
_8th Company_, Captain, Allen Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775,
Prisoner with Rebels; Lieutenant, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June
14th, 1775, Prisoner with Rebels; Ensign, Alexr Maclean, Commissioned
Decr 25th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates.
_9th Company_, Captain, John Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;
Lieutenant, Alexr McDonell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with
the Rebels; Ensign, James Robertson, Commissioned Oct 30th, 1776. 8
non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates.
_10th Company_, Captain, Allan Macdonnell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775,
Prisoner with the Rebels; Lieutenant, John Macdonnell, Major Genl
Massey's leave; Ensign, Hector Maclean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8
non-commissioned officers and 40 Privates.
At this Muster the 3rd or Captain Duncan Campbell's Company and the 5th
or Captain Alexr Campbell's Company could not have been present as the
Muster Rolls of these Companies, while containing the list of Officers
and Men, are not completed and not signed by the officers or by the
Deputy Officer taking the Muster. The 5th Company was in Newfoundland at
the time and the 3rd probably there also.
At a Muster of the Regiment held at Halifax on 2nd of September 1778 the
Regiment appears as His Majesty's Royal Highland Regiment of Emigrants.
APPENDIX.
NOTE A.
FIRST EMIGRANTS TO AMERICA.
Parties bearing Highland names were in America and the West Indies
during the seventeenth century, none of whom may have been born north of
the Grampians. The records fail to give us the details. It has been
noted that on May 15, 1635, Henri Donaldson left London for Virginia on
the Plaine Joan, the master of which was Richard Buckam. On May 28,
1635, Melaskus McKay was transported from the same port and to the same
place, on board the Speedwell, Jo. Chappell, master. Dowgall Campbell
and his wife Mary were living in Barbadoes, September 1678, as was also
Patric Campel, in August 1679. Malcum Fraser was physician on board the
Betty, that carried seventy-five "convicted rebells," one of whom was a
woman, in 1685, sailed from Port Weymouth for the Barbadoes, and there
sold into slavery. Many persons by name of Morgan also left various
English ports during that century, but as they occur in conjunction with
that of Welsh names it is probable they were from the same country.
NOTE B.
LETTER OF DONALD MACPHERSON.
Communication between the two countries was difficult and uncertain,
which would inevitably, in a short time, stop friendly correspondence.
More or less effort was made to keep up old friendships. The friends in
the New World did not leave behind them their love for the Highlands,
for home, for father and mother. The following curious letter has been
preserved from Donald MacPherson, a young Highland lad, who had been
sent to Virginia with Captain Toline, and was born near the house of
Culloden where his father lived, and addressed to him. It was written
about 1727:
"Portobago in Marilante, 2 June, 17--.
Teer Lofen Kynt Fater:
Dis is te lat ye ken, dat I am in quid healt, plessed be Got for dat,
houpin te here de lyk frae yu, as I am yer nane sin, I wad a bine ill
leart gin I had na latten yu ken tis, be kaptin Rogirs skep dat geangs
te Innernes, per cunnan I dinna ket sika anither apertunti dis towmen
agen. De skep dat I kam in was a lang tym o de see cumin oure heir, but
plissis pi Got for a'ting wi a kepit our heels unco weel, pat Shonie
Magwillivray dat hat ay sair heet. Dere was saxty o's a'kame inte te
quintry hel a lit an lim an nane o's a'dyit pat Shonie Magwillivray an
an otter Ross lad dat kam oure wi's an mai pi dem twa wad a dyit gintey
hed bitten at hame. Pi mi fait I kanna kamplin for kumin te dis quintry,
for mestir Nicols, Lort pliss hem, pat mi till a pra mestir, dey ca him
Shon Bayne, an hi lifes in Marylant in te rifer Potomak, he nifer gart
mi wark ony ting pat fat I lykit mi sel: de meast o a' mi wark is
waterin a pra stennt hors, and pringin wyn an pread ut o de seller te mi
mestir's tebil. Sin efer I kam til him I nefer wantit a pottle o petter
ele nor isi m a' Shon Glass hous, for I ay set toun wi de pairns te
dennir. Mi mestir seys til mi, fan I kon speek lyk de fouk hier dat I
sanna pe pidden di nating pat gar his plackimors wurk, for de fyt fouk
dinna ise te wurk pat te first yeer aftir dey kum in te de quintry. Tey
speek a' lyk de sogers in Inerness. Lofen fater, fan de sarvants hier he
deen wi der mestirs, dey grou unco rich, an its ne wonter for day mak a
hantil o tombako; and des sivites anahels and de sheries an de pires
grou in de wuds wantin tyks apout dem, De Swynes te ducks and durkies
geangs en de wuds wantin mestirs. De tombako grous shust lyk de dockins
en de bak o de lairts yart an de skeps dey kum fra ilka place an bys dem
an gies a hantel o silder an gier for dem. Mi nane mestir kam til de
quintry a sarfant an weil I wot hi's nou wort mony a susan punt. Fait ye
mey pelive mi de pirest plantir hire lifes amost as weil as de lairt o
Collottin. Mai pi fan mi tim is ut I wel kom hem an sie yu pat not for
de fust nor de neest yeir til I gater somtig o mi nane, for I fan I ha
dun wi mi mestir, hi maun gi mi a plantashon te set mi up, its de
quistium hier in dis quintry; an syn I houp te gar yu trink wyn insteat
o tippeni in Innerness. I wis I hat kum our hier twa or tri yiers seener
nor I dit, syn I wad ha kum de seener hame, pat Got bi tanket dat I kam
sa seen as I dit. Gin yu koud sen mi owr be ony o yur Innesness skeps,
ony ting te mi, an it war as muckle clays as mak a quelt it wad, mey pi,
gar mi meistir tink te mere o mi. It's tru I ket clays eneu fe him bat
out ting fe yu wad luck weel an pony, an ant plese Got gin I life, I sal
pey yu pack agen. Lofen fater, de man dat wryts dis letir for mi is van
Shames Macheyne, hi lifes shust a myl fe mi, hi hes pin unko kyn te mi
sin efer I kam te de quintrie. Hi wes porn en Petic an kom our a sarfant
fe Klesgou an hes peen hes nane man twa yeirs, an has sax plockimors
wurkin til hem alrety makin tombako ilka tay. Heil win hem, shortly an
a' te geir dat he hes wun hier an py a lerts kip at hem. Luck dat yu
duina forket te vryt til mi ay, fan yu ket ony occashion: Got Almichte
plis yu Fater an a de leve o de hous, for I hana forkoten nane o yu, nor
dinna yu forket mi, for plise Got I sal kum hem wi gier eneuch te di yu
a' an mi nane sel guid. I weit yu will be veri vokie, fan yu sii yur
nane sins fesh agen, for I heive leirt a hautle hevens sin I sau yu an I
am unco buick leirt.
A tis fe yur lofen an Opetient Sin,
Tonal Mackaferson.
Directed--For Shames Mackaferson neir te Lairt o Collottin's hous, neir
Innerness en de Nort o Skotlan."[184]
NOTE C.
EMIGRATION DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The emigration from the Highlands to America was so pronounced that the
Scottish papers, notably the "Edinburgh Evening Courant," the
"Caledonian Mercury," and the "Scots Magazine," made frequent reference
and bemoan its prevalence. It was even felt in London, for the
"Gentleman's Magazine" was also forced to record it. While all these
details may not be of great interest, yet to obtain a fair idea of this
movement, some record will be of service.
The "Scots Magazine," for September 1769, records that the ship Molly
sailed from Islay on August 21st of that year full of passengers to
settle in North Carolina; which was the third emigration from Argyle
"since the close of the late war." A subsequent issue of the same paper
states that fifty-four vessels full of emigrants from the Western
Islands and other parts of the Highlands sailed for North Carolina,
between April and July 1770, conveying twelve hundred emigrants. Early
in 1771, according to the "Scots Magazine," there were five hundred
emigrants from Islay, and the adjacent Islands, preparing to sail in the
following summer for America "under the conduct of a gentleman of wealth
and merit whose predecessors resided in Islay for many centuries past."
The paper farther notes that "there is a large colony of the most
wealthy and substantial people in Skye making ready to follow the
example of the Argathelians in going to the fertile and cheap lands on
the other side of the Atlantic ocean. It is to be dreaded that these
migrations will prove hurtful to the mother country; and therefore its
friends ought to use every proper method to prevent them." These Skye
men to the number of three hundred and seventy, in due time left for
America. The September issue states that "several of them are people of
property who intend making purchases of land in America. The late great
rise of the rents in the Western Islands of Scotland is said to be the
reason of this emigration."
The "Scots Magazine" states that the ship Adventure sailed from Loch
Erribol, Sunday August 17, 1772, with upwards of two hundred emigrants
from Sutherlandshire for North Carolina. There were several emigrations
from Sutherlandshire that year. In June eight families arrived in
Greenock, and two other contingents--one of one hundred and the other of
ninety souls--were making their way to the same place en route to
America. The cause of this emigration they assign to be want of the
means of livelihood at home, through the opulent graziers engrossing the
farms, and turning them into pasture. Several contributions have been
made for these poor people in towns through which they passed.
During the year 1773, emigrants from all parts of the Highlands sailed
for America. The "Courant" of April 3, 1773, reports that "the unlucky
spirit of emigration" had not diminished, and that several of the
inhabitants of Skye, Lewis, and other places were preparing to emigrate
to America during the coming summer "and seek for the sustenance abroad
which they allege they cannot find at home." In its issue for July 3,
1773, the same paper states that eight hundred people from Skye were
then preparing to go to North Carolina and that they had engaged a
vessel at Greenock to carry them across the Atlantic. In the issue of
the same paper for September 15th, same year, appears the gloomy
statement that the people of Badenoch and Lochaber were in "a most
pitiful situation for want of meal. They were reduced to live on blood
which they draw from their cattle by repeated bleedings. Need we wonder
to hear of emigrations from such a country." On September 1, 1773,
according to the "Courant," a ship sailed from Fort William for America
with four hundred and twenty-five men, women, and children, all from
Knoydart, Lochaber, Appin, Mamore, and Fort William. "They were the
finest set of fellows in the Highlands. It is allowed they carried at
least £6000 sterling in ready cash with them; so that by this
emigration the country is not only deprived of its men, but likewise of
its wealth. The extravagant rents started by the landlords is the sole
cause given for this spirit of emigration which seems to be only in its
infancy." On September 29, 1773, the "Courant," after stating that there
were from eight to ten vessels chartered to convey Highland emigrants
during that season across the Atlantic, adds: "Eight hundred and forty
people sailed from Lewis in July. Alarmed with this Lord Fortrose, their
master, came down from London about five weeks ago to treat with the
remainder of his tenants. What are the terms they asked of him, think
you? 'The land at the old rents; the augmentation paid for three years
backward to be refunded; and his factor to be immediately dismissed.'"
The "Courant" added that unless these terms were conceded the island of
Lewis would soon be an uninhabited waste. Notwithstanding the visit of
lord Fortrose, emigration went on. The ship Neptune with one hundred and
fifty emigrants from Lewis arrived in New York on August 23, 1773; and,
according to the "Scots Magazine," between seven hundred and eight
hundred emigrants sailed from Stornoway for America on June 23rd, of the
same year.
The "Courant" for September 25, 1773, in a communication from Dornoch,
states that on the 10th of that month there sailed from Dornoch Firth,
the ship Nancy, with two hundred and fifty emigrants from
Sutherlandshire for New York. The freight exceeded 650 guineas. In the
previous year a ship from Sutherlandshire paid a freight of 650 guineas.
In October 1773, three vessels with seven hundred and seventy-five
emigrants from Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, sailed from
Stromness for America.
The "Courant" for November 10, 1773, records that fifteen hundred people
had left the county of Sutherland for America within the two preceding
years. The passage money cost £3 10s each, and it was computed that on
an average every emigrant brought £4 with him. "This amounts to £7500,
which exceeds a year's rent of the whole county."
The "Gentleman's Magazine" for June 30, 1775, states that "four vessels,
containing about seven hundred emigrants, have sailed for America from
Port Glasgow and Greenock, in the course of the present month, most of
them from the north Highlands." The same journal for September 23rd,
same year, says, "The ship Jupiter from Dunstaffnage Bay, with two
hundred emigrants on board, chiefly from Argyleshire, set sail for North
Carolina. They declare the oppressions of their landlords are such that
they can no longer submit to them."
The perils of the sea did not deter them. Tales of suffering must have
been heard in the glens. Some idea of these sufferings and what the
emigrants were sometimes called upon to endure may be inferred from the
following:
"In December (1773), a brig from Dornock, in Scotland, arrived at New
York, with about 200 passengers, and lost about 100 on the
passage."[185]
NOTE D.
APPEAL TO THE HIGHLANDERS LATELY ARRIVED FROM SCOTLAND.
Williamsburgh, November 23, 1775.
"FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN:--A native of the same island, and on the same
side of the Tweed with yourselves, begs, for a few moments, your serious
attention. A regard for your happiness, and the security of your
posterity, are the only motives that could have induced me to occupy
your time by an epistolary exhortation. How far I may fall short of the
object I have thus in view, becomes me not to surmise. The same claim,
however, has he to praise (though, perhaps, never equally rewarded) who
endeavors to do good, as he who has the happiness to effect his purpose.
I hope, therefore, no views of acquiring popular fame, no partial or
circumstantial motives, will be attributed to me for this attempt. If
this, however, should be the case, I have the consolation to know that I
am not the first, of many thousands, who have been censured unjustly.
I have been lately told that our Provincial Congress have appointed a
Committee to confer with you, respecting the differences which at
present subsist between Great Britain and her American Colonies; that
they wish to make you their friends, and treat with you for that
purpose; to convince you, by facts and argumentation, that it is
necessary that every inhabitant of this Colony should concur in such
measures as may, through the aid of a superintending Providence, remove
those evils under which this Continent is at present depressed.
The substance of the present contest, as far as my abilities serve me to
comprehend it, is, simply, whether the Parliament of Great Britain shall
have the liberty to take away your property without your consent. It
seems clear and obvious to me that it is wrong and dangerous they should
have such a power; and that if they are able to carry this into
execution, no man in this Country has any property which he may safely
call his own. Adding to the absurdity of a people's being taxed by a
body of men at least three thousand miles distant, we need only observe
that their views and sentiments are opposite to ours, their manners of
living so different that nothing but confusion, injustice, and
oppression could possibly attend it. If ever we are justly and
righteously taxed, it must be by a set of men who, living amongst us,
have an interest in the soil, and who are amenable to us for all their
transactions.
It was not to become slaves you forsook your native shores. Nothing
could have buoyed you up against the prepossessions of nature and of
custom, but a desire to fly from tyranny and oppression. Here you found
a Country with open arms ready to receive you; no persecuting landlord
to torment you; none of your property exacted from you to support court
favorites and dependants. Under these circumstances, your virtue and
your interest were equally securities for the uprightness of your
conduct; yet, independent of these motives, inducements are not wanting
to attach you to the cause of liberty. No people are better qualified
than you, to ascertain the value of freedom. They only can know its
intrinsick worth who have had the misery of being deprived of it.
From the clemency of the English Nation you have little to expect; from
the King and his Ministers still less. You and your forefathers have
fatally experienced the malignant barbarity of a despotick court. You
cannot have forgot the wanton acts of unparalleled cruelty committed
during the reign of Charles II. Mercy and justice were then strangers to
your land, and your countrymen found but in the dust a sanctuary from
their distresses. The cries of age, and the concessions of youth, were
uttered but to be disregarded; and equally with and without the
formalities of law, were thousands of the innocent and deserving ushered
to an untimely grave. The cruel and unmerited usage given to the Duke of
Argyle, in that reign, cannot be justified or excused. No language can
paint the horrors of this transaction; description falters on her way,
and, lost in the labyrinth of sympathy and wo, is unable to perform the
duties of her function. This unhappy nobleman had always professed
himself an advocate for the Government under which he lived, and a
friend to the reigning monarch. Whenever he deviated from these
principles, it must have been owing to the strong impulses of honor, and
the regard he bore to the rights of his fellow-creatures. 'It were
endless, as well as shocking, (says an elegant writer,) to enumerate all
the instances of persecution, or, in other words, of absurd tyranny,
which at this time prevailed in Scotland. Even women were thought proper
objects on whom they might exercise their ferocious and wanton
dispositions; and three of that sex, for refusing to sign some test
drawn up by tools of Administration, were devoted, without the solemnity
of a trial, to a lingering and painful death.'
I wish, for the sake of humanity in general and the royal family in
particular, that I could throw a veil over the conduct of the Duke of
Cumberland after the last rebellion. The indiscriminate punishments
which he held out equally to the innocent and the guilty, are facts of
notoriety much to be lamented. The intention may possibly, in some
measure, excuse, though nothing can justify the barbarity of the
measure.
Let us, then, my countrymen, place our chief dependence on our virtue,
and, by opposing the standard of despotism on its first appearance,
secure ourselves against those acts in which a contrary conduct will
undoubtedly plunge us. I will venture to say, that there is no American
so unreasonable as even to wish you to take the field against your
friends from the other side of the Atlantick. All they expect or desire
from you is, to remain neutral, and to contribute your proportion of the
expenses of the war. This will be sufficient testimony of your
attachment to the cause they espouse. As you participate of the
blessings of the soil, it is but reasonable that you should bear a
proportionate part of the disadvantages attending it.
To the virtuous and deserving among the Americans, nothing can be more
disagreeable than national reflections; they are, and must be, in the
eyes of every judicious man, odious and contemptible, and bespeak a
narrowness of soul which the virtuous are strangers to. Let not, then,
any disrespectful epithets which the vulgar and illiterate may throw
out, prejudice you against them; and endeavor to observe this general
rule, dictated at least by humanity, 'that he is a good man who is
engaged in a good cause.'
Your enemies have said you are friends to absolute monarchy and
despotism, and that you have offered yourselves as tools in the hands of
Administration, to rivet the chains forging for your brethren in
America. I hope and think my knowledge of you authorizes the assertion
that you are friends to liberty, and the natural and avowed enemies of
tyranny and usurpation. All of you, I doubt not, came into the Country
with a determined resolution of finishing here your days; nor dare I
doubt but that, fired with the best and noblest species of human
emulation, you would wish to transmit to the rising generation that best
of all patrimonies, the legacy of freedom.
Private views, and offers of immediate reward, can only operate on base
and unmanly minds. That soul in which the love of liberty ever dwelt
must reject, with honest indignation, every idea of preferment, founded
on the ruins of a virtuous and deserving people. I would have you look
up to the Constitution of Britain as the best and surest safeguard to
your liberties. Whenever an attempt is made to violate its fundamental
principles, every effort becomes laudable which may tend to preserve its
natural purity and perfection.
The warmest advocates for Administration have candor sufficient to admit
that the people of Great Britain have no right to tax America. If they
have not, for what are they contending? It will, perhaps, be answered,
for the dignity of Government. Happy would it be for those who advance
this doctrine to consider, that there is more real greatness and genuine
magnanimity in acknowledging an error, than in persisting in it.
Miserable must that state be, whose rulers, rather than give up a little
punctilio, would endanger the lives of thousands of its subjects in a
quarrel, the injustice and impropriety of which is universally
acknowledged. If the Americans wish for anything more than is set forth
in the address of the last Congress to the King and people of Great
Britain--if independence is their aim--by removing their real
grievances, their artificial ones (if any they should avow) will soon
appear, and with them will their cause be deserted by every friend to
limited monarchy, and by every well-wisher to the interests of America.
I have endeavored, in this uncultivated home-spun essay, to avoid
prolixity as much as possibly I could. I have aimed at no flowers of
speech, no touches of rhetorick, which are too often made use of to
amuse, and not to instruct or persuade the understanding. I have no
views but your good, and the credit of the Country from whence you came.
In case Government should prevail, and be able to tax America without
the least show of representation, it would be to me a painful reflection
to think, that the children of the land to which I owe my existence,
should have been the cause of plunging millions into perpetual bondage.
If we cannot be of service to the cause, let us not be an injury to it.
Let us view this Continent as a country marked out by the great God of
nature as a receptacle for distress, and where the industrious and
virtuous may range in the fields of freedom, happy under their own fig
trees, freed from a swarm of petty tyrants, who disgrace countries the
most polished and civilized, and who more particularly infest that
region from whence you
Scotius Americanus."[186]
NOTE E.
INGRATITUDE OF THE HIGHLANDERS.
"Brigadier-General Donald McDonald was in rebellion in the year 1745,
against his lawful sovereign, and headed many of the same clan and name,
who are now his followers. These emigrants, from the charity and
benevolence of the Assembly of North-Carolina, received large pecuniary
contributions, and, to encourage them in making their settlements, were
exempted from the payment of taxes for several years. It is a fact, that
numbers of that ungrateful people, who have been lately in arms, when
they arrived in Carolina, were without the necessaries of life--their
passage even paid by the charitable contributions of the inhabitants.
They have since, under every encouragement that the Province of
North-Carolina could afford them, acquired fortunes very rapidly, and
thus they requite their benefactor.--Virginia Gazette."[187]
NOTE F.
WERE THE HIGHLANDERS FAITHFUL TO THEIR OATH TAKEN BY THE AMERICANS?
General David Stewart, the faithful and admiring historian of the
Highlanders, makes the following strange statements that need
correction, especially in the view that the Highlander had a very high
regard for his oath: After the battle of Guilford Court House "the
British retired southward in the direction of Cross Creek, the Americans
following close in the rear; but nothing of consequence occurred. Cross
Creek, a settlement of emigrant Highlanders, had been remarkable for its
loyalty from the commencement of the war, and they now offered to bring
1,500 men into the field, to be commanded by officers from the line, to
find clothing and subsistence for themselves, and to perform all duties
whether in front, flanks, or rear; and they required nothing but arms
and ammunition. This very reasonable offer was not received, but a
proposition was made to form them into what was called a provincial
corps of the line. This was declined by the emigrant Highlanders, and
after a negotiation of twelve days, they retired to their settlements,
and the army marched for Wilmington, where they expected to find
supplies, of which they now stood in great need.
There was among these settlers a gentleman of the name of Macneil, who
had been an officer in the Seven Years' War. He joined the army with
several followers, but soon took his leave, having been rather sharply
reprimanded for his treatment of a republican family. He was a man of
tall stature, and commanding aspect, and moved, when he walked among his
followers, with all the dignity of a chieftain of old. Retaining his
loyalty, although offended with the reprimand, he offered to surprise
the republican garrison, the governor, and council, assembled at
Willisborough. He had three hundred followers, one-half of them old
country Highlanders, the other half born in America, and the off-spring
of Highlanders. The enterprise was conducted with address, and the
governor, council, and garrison, were secured without bloodshed, and
immediately marched off for Wilmington, Macneil and his party travelling
by night, and concealing themselves in swamps and woods by day. However,
the country was alarmed, and a hostile force collected. He proceeded in
zig-zag directions, for he had a perfect knowledge of the country, but
without any provisions except what chance threw in his way. When he had
advanced two-thirds of the route, he found the enemy occupying a pass
which he must open by the sword, or perish in the swamps for want of
food. At this time he had more prisoners to guard than followers. 'He
did not secure his prisoners by putting them to death;' but, leaving
them under a guard of half his force on whom he could least depend, he
charged with the others sword in hand through the pass, and cleared it
of the enemy, but was unfortunately killed from too great ardor in the
pursuit. The enemy being dispersed, the party continued their march
disconsolate for the loss of their leader; but their opponents again
assembled in force, and the party were obliged to take refuge in the
swamps, still retaining their prisoners. The British commander at
Wilmington, hearing of Macneil's enterprise, marched out to his support,
and kept firing cannon, in expectation the report would reach them in
the swamps. The party heard the reports, and knowing that the Americans
had no artillery, they ventured out of the swamps towards the quarter
whence they heard the guns, and meeting with Major (afterwards Sir
James) Craig, sent out to support them, they delivered over their
prisoners half famished with hunger, and lodged them safely in
Wilmington. Such partizans as these are invaluable in active
warfare."[188]
Dr. James Browne, who follows Stewart very closely, gives[189] the first
paragraph of the above quotation, but makes no reference to the exploit
of Macneil. Keltie who copies almost literally from Dr. Browne, also
gives[190] the first paragraph, but no reference to the second.
General Stewart gives no clue as to the source of his information. If
the number of Highlanders reported to have offered their services under
such favorable conditions was true, lord Cornwallis was not in a
position to refuse. He had been and still was on a very fatiguing
campaign. His army was not only worn down but was greatly decimated by
the fatigues of a long and harrassing march, and the results of two
pitched battles. In his letter to Sir Henry Clinton,[191] already
quoted, not a word of this splendid relief is intimated. From lord
Cornwallis' statement he must have made scarcely a stop at Cross Creek,
in his flight from Guilford Court House to Wilmington. He says that at
Cross Creek "there was not four days' forage within twenty miles"; that
he "determined to move immediately to Wilmington," and that "the
Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of the upper
country, to prove the sincerity of their friendship."[192] This would
amount to positive proof that the Highlanders did not offer their
services. The language of lord Cornwallis to lord George Germain, under
date of Wilmington, North Carolina, April 18th, 1781, is even stronger:
"The principal reasons for undertaking the Winter's Campaign were, the
difficulty of a defensive War in South Carolina, & the hopes that our
friends in North Carolina, who were said to be very numerous, would make
good their promises of assembling & taking an Active part with us, in
endeavouring to re-establish His Majesty's Government. Our experience
has shown that their numbers are not so great as had been represented
and that their friendship was only passive; For we have received little
assistance from them since our arrival in the province, and altho' I
gave the _strongest & most pulick assurances_ that after refitting &
depositing our Sick and Wounded, I _should return to the upper Country_,
not above two hundred have been prevailed upon to follow us either as
Provincials or Militia." Colonel Tarleton, the principal officer under
lord Cornwallis, observes: "Notwithstanding the cruel persecution the
inhabitants of Cross creek had constantly endured for their partiality
to the British, they yet retained great zeal for the interest of the
royal army. All the flour and spirits in the neighborhood were
collected and conveyed to camp, and the wounded officers and soldiers
were supplied with many conveniences highly agreeable and refreshing to
men in their situation. After some expresses were dispatched to lord
Rawdon, to advertise him of the movements of the British and Americans,
and some wagons were loaded with provisions, earl Cornwallis resumed his
march for Wilmington."[193] Not a word is said of the proposed
reinforcement by the Highlanders. Stedman, who was an officer under lord
Cornwallis, and was with him in the expedition, says:[194] "Upon the
arrival of the British commander at Cross Creek, he found himself
disappointed in all his expectations: Provisions were scarce: Four days'
forage not to be procured within twenty miles; and the communication
expected to be opened between Cross Creek and Wilmington, by means of
the river, was found to be impracticable, the river itself being narrow,
its banks high, and the inhabitants, on both sides, for a considerable
distance, inveterately hostile. Nothing therefore now remained to be
done but to proceed with the army to Wilmington, in the vicinity of
which it arrived on the seventh of April. The settlers upon Cross Creek,
although they had undergone a variety of persecutions in consequence of
their previous unfortunate insurrections, still retained a warm
attachment to their mother-country, and during the short stay of the
army amongst them, all the provisions and spirits that could be
collected within a convenient distance, were readily brought in, and the
sick and wounded plentifully supplied with useful and comfortable
refreshments." Again he says (page 348): "Lord Cornwallis was greatly
disappointed in his expectations of being joined by the loyalists. Some
of them indeed came within the lines, but they only remained a few
days." Nothing however occurs concerning Highland enlistments or their
desire so to engage with the army. General Samuel Graham, then an
officer in Fraser's Highlanders, in his "Memoirs," though speaking of
the march to Cross Creek, is silent about Highlanders offering their
services. Nor is it at all likely, that, in the sorry plight the British
army reached Cross Creek in, the Highlanders would unite, especially
when the outlook was gloomy, and the Americans were pressing on the
rear.
As to the exploit of Macneil, beyond all doubt, that is a confused
statement of the capture of Governor Burke, at Hillsboro, by the
notorious Colonel David Fanning. This was in September 1781. His report
states, "We killed 15 of the rebels, and wounded 20; and took upwards of
200 prisoners; amongst them was the Governor, his Council, and part of
the Continental Colonels, several captains and subalterns, and 71
continental soldiers out of a church." Colonel Fanning was a native of
Wake County, North Carolina, and had no special connection with the
Highlanders; but among his followers were some bearing Highland names.
The majority of his followers, who were little better than highway
robbers, had gathered to his standard as the best representative of the
king in North Carolina, after the defeat at Moore's Creek.
There is not and never has been a Willisborough in North Carolina. There
is a Williamsboro in Granville county, but has never been the seat of
government even for a few days. Hillsboro, practically, was the capital
in 1781.
The nearest to an organization of Highlanders, after Moore's Creek, was
Hamilton's Loyal North Carolina regiment; but this was made up of
refugees from over all the state.
It is a fact, according to both history and tradition, that after the
battle of Moore's Creek, the Highlanders as a race were quiet. The blow
at Moore's Creek taught them a needed lesson, and as an organization
gave no more trouble. Whatever numbers, afterwards entered the British
service, must have been small, and of little consequence.
NOTE G.
MARVELLOUS ESCAPE OF CAPTAIN MCARTHUR.
The following narration I find in the "Celtic Magazine," vol. I.
1875-76, pp. 209-213 and 241-245. How much of it is true I am unable to
discover. Undoubtedly the writer, in some parts, draws on his
imagination. Unfortunately no particulars are given concerning either
the previous or subsequent life of Captain McArthur. We are even
deprived of the knowledge of his Christian name, and hence cannot
identify him with the same individual mentioned in the text.
Upon the defeat of the Highlanders at Moore's Creek, "Captain McArthur
of the Highland Regiment of Volunteers, was apprehended and committed to
the county jail in the town of Cross-Creek. But the gallant officer
determined to make a death grasp for effecting his escape, and happily
for him the walls of his confinement were not of stone and mortar. In
his lonely prison, awaiting his fate, and with horrid visions of death
haunting him, he summons up his muscular strength and courage, and with
incredible exertion he broke through the jail by night, and once more
enjoyed the sweets of liberty. Having thus made his escape he soon found
his way to the fair partner of his joys and sorrows. It needs hardly be
said that her astonishment was only equalled by her raptures of joy.
She, in fact, became so overpowered with the unexpected sight that she
was for the moment quite overcome, and unable to comply with the
proposal of taking an immediate flight from the enemy's country. She
soon, however, regains her sober senses, and is able to grasp the
reality of the situation, and fully prepared with mental nerve and
courage to face the scenes of hardship and fatigue which lay before
them. The thought of flight was, indeed, a hazardous one. The journey to
the sea board was far and dangerous; roads were miserably constructed,
and these, for the most part, had to be avoided; unbroken forests,
immense swamps, and muddy creeks were almost impassable barriers; human
habitations were few and far between, and these few could scarcely be
looked to as hospitable asylums; enemies would be on the lookout for the
capture of the 'Old Tory,' for whose head a tempting reward had been
offered; and withal, the care of a tender infant lay heavy upon the
parental hearts, and tended to impede their flight. Having this sea of
troubles looming before them, the imminent dangers besetting their path,
you can estimate the heroism of a woman who was prepared to brave them
all. But when you further bear in mind that she had been bred in the
ease and delicate refinements of a lairdly circle at home, you can at
once conceive the hardships to be encountered vastly augmented, and the
moral heroism necessary for such an undertaking to be almost incredible,
finding its parallel only in the life of her famous countrywoman, the
immortal 'Flora.' Still, life is dear, and a desperate attempt must be
made to preserve it--she is ready for any proposal. So off they start at
the dead hour of midnight, taking nothing but the scantiest supply of
provisions, of which our heroine must be the bearer, while the hardy
sire took his infant charge in his folded plaid over one shoulder, with
the indispensable musket slung over the other. Thus equipped for the
march, they trudge over the heavy sand, leaving the scattered town of
Cross-Creek behind in the distance, and soon find themselves lost to all
human vision in the midst of the dense forest. There is not a moment to
lose; and onward they speed under cover of night for miles and miles,
and for a time keeping the main road to the coast. Daylight at length
lightened their path, and bright sunrays are pouring through the forest.
But that which had lightened the path of the weary fugitives had, at the
same time, made wonderful disclosures behind. The morning light had
revealed to the astonished gaze of the keeper of the prison the flight
of his captive. The consternation among the officials is easily
imagined. A detachment of cavalry was speedily dispatched in pursuit; a
handsome reward was offered for the absconded rebel, and a most
barbarous punishment was in reserve for him in the event of his being
captured. With a knowledge of these facts, it will not be matter of
surprise that the straits and perplexities of a released captive had
already commenced. Who can fancy their terror when the noise of cavalry
in the distance admonished them that the enemy was already in hot
pursuit, and had taken the right scent. What could they do! Whither
could they fly? They dart off the road in an instant and began a race.
But alas, of what use, for the tall pines of the forest could afford no
shelter or concealment before the pursuers could reach the spot. In
their extremity they change their course, running almost in the face of
the foe. They rush into the under brush covert of a gum pond which
crossed the road close by, and there, in terrible suspense, awaited
their fate, up to the knees in water. In a few moments the equestrians,
in full gallop, are within a gunshot of them. But on reaching the pond
they slacken their speed, and all at once came to a dead halt! Had they
already discovered their prey? In an instant their fears were relieved
on this score. From their marshy lair they were able, imperfectly, to
espy the foe, and they saw that the cause of halting was simply to water
their panting steeds. They could also make out to hear the enemy's
voice, and so far as they could gather, the subject was enough to
inspire them with terror, for the escaped prisoner was evidently the
exciting topic. Who could mistake the meaning of such detached phrases
and epithets as these--'Daring fellow,' 'Scotch dog,' 'British slup,'
and 'Steel fix him.' And who can realize the internal emotion of him
whom they immediately and unmistakably concerned? But the fates being
propitious, the posse of cavalry resumed their course, first in a slow
pace, and afterwards in a lively canter, until they were out of sight
and out of hearing.
This hair-breadth escape admonished our hero that he must shift his
course and avoid the usual route of communication with the coast. The
thought struck him, that he would direct his course towards the Cape
Fear river, which lay some ten miles to the right; feeling confident, at
the same time, that his knowledge of the water in early days could now
be made available, if he could only find something in the shape of a
boat. And, besides, he saw to his dismay that his fair partner in
travel, however ardent in spirit, could not possibly hold out under the
hardships incident to the long journey at first meditated. For the Cape
Fear river then they set off; and after a wearisome march, through swamp
and marsh, brush and brier, to the great detriment of their scanty
wardrobe and danger of life and limb, they reached the banks of that
sluggish stream before the sun had set, foot sore and dispirited,
exhausted and downcast. But what is their chance of a boat now? Alas,
not even the tiniest craft could be seen. There is nothing for it but to
camp in the open air all night and try to refresh their weary limbs and
await to see what luck the following morn had in store. Fortunately for
them the climate was warm, too much so indeed, as they had found, to
their great discomfort, during the day that was now past. In their
present homeless situation, however, it was rather opportune; and there
was nothing to fear, unless from the effects of heavy dew, or the
expected invasion of snakes and mosquitoes. But for these there was a
counteracting remedy. The thick foliage of a stately tree afforded ample
protection from dew, while a blazing fire, struck from the musket flint,
defied the approach of any infesting vermin or crawling reptiles, and
also answered the needed purpose of setting to rights their hosiery
department which had suffered so much during the day. Here they are snug
and cozy, under the arching canopy, which nature had provided, and
prepared to do fair justice to the scanty viands and refreshments in
their possession, before betaking themselves to their nocturnal slumbers
which nature so much craved. But can we take leave of our pilgrims for
the night without taking a glance at the innocent babe as it lay upon
the folded plaid in blissful ignorance of the cares and anxieties which
racked the parental breast. The very thought of its sweet face and
throbbing little heart as it breathed in unconscious repose under the
open canopy of heaven, was enough to entwine a thousand new chords of
affection around the heart of its keepers, like the clasping ivy around
the tree which gave them shelter, and to nerve them anew, for its sake,
for the rough and perilous journey upon which they had entered. The fond
mother imprints a kiss upon its cheek, and moistens it with tears of
mingled joy and grief, and clasping it to her bosom is instantly
absorbed in the sweet embrace of Morpheus. The hardy sire, it was
agreed, would keep the first watch and take his rest in turn, the latter
part of the night. He is now virtually alone, in deep and pensive
meditation. He surveys with tender solicitude his precious charge, which
was dearer to him than his own life, and for whose sake he would risk
ten lives. He paces the sward during the night watches. He meditates his
plans for the following day. He deliberates and schemes how he can take
advantage of the flowing sheet of water before him, for the more easy
conveyance of his precious belongings. The mode of travel hitherto
adopted, he saw, to be simply impossible. The delay involved might be
ruinous to his hopes. With these cogitations he sat down, without
bringing any plan to maturity. He gazed at the burning embers as if in a
reverie, and as he gazed he thought he had seen, either by actual vision
or by the 'second sight,' in which he was a firm believer, the form of a
canoe with a single sable steersman coming to his rescue. He felt
tempted to communicate the vision to his sleeping partner; but, thinking
it unkind to disturb her slumbers, he desists from his resolution,
reclines on the ground, and without intending it, he falls fast asleep.
But imagine his astonishment and alarm when he came to consciousness, to
find that he had slept for three full hours without interruption. He
could hardly realize it, the interval seemed like an instant. However,
all was well; his wife and babe were still enjoying unbroken rest, and
no foe had discovered their retreat; and withal, the gladsome light of
day is now breaking in around them and eclipsing the glare of the
smouldering embers. Up starts our hero much refreshed and invigorated,
and exulting in surprising buoyancy of spirit for running the race of
the new day now ushering in. He withdraws a gunshot from the camp: and
what does he descry in the grey dawn but, apparently, a small skiff with
a single rower crossing the river towards them, but a short distance
down the stream. The advancing light of day soon confirmed his hopes. He
at once started in the direction of the skiff, having armed himself with
his loaded musket, and resolved to get possession of it by fair means or
by foul. A few minutes brought him to the spot, and to his great
astonishment he found himself in the undisputed possession of the object
of his wishes, a tiny little canoe drawn up on the beach. In connection
with the night's vision he would have positively declared that there was
something supernatural in the affair, but having marked the bare
footprints of its late occupant on the muddy soil, and heard the
rustling of leaves in the distance, calling attention to the woolly head
of its owner getting out of sight through the bush, and making his way
for a neighboring plantation. He could explain the event upon strict
natural principles. The happy coincidence, however, filled him with
emotions of joy, in so readily securing the means of an earlier and more
expeditious transit. He retraces his steps and joins his little circle,
and in joyous ecstacy relates to his sympathetic spouse, just aroused
from her long slumbers, the tenor of his lucky adventure. There is now
no time to lose. The crimson rays of the rising sun peering through a
dense morning atmosphere and a dense forest, are reflected upon the
surface of the stream to which they are about to commit their fortune,
and admonish them to be off. They break their fast upon the remnants of
the dry morsels with which they last appeased their hunger. This
dispatched, they hasten to the beach, and speedily embark, seating
themselves with the utmost caution in the narrow hull, which good luck
and Sambo had placed at their disposal, and with less apprehension of
danger from winds and waves than from the angry billows of human
passion. A push from the shore and the voyage is fairly and auspiciously
begun, the good lady seated in the prow in charge of the tender object
of her unremitting care, and giving it the shelter of her parasol from
the advancing rays of the sun, and the skilful Palinurus himself
squatted in the stern, with a small paddle in his hand, giving alternate
strokes, first to the right and then to the left, and thus, with the aid
of the slow current propelling his diminutive barque at the rate of
about six knots an hour, and enjoying the simultaneous pleasure of
'paddling his own canoe.' Onward they glide, smoothly and pleasantly,
over the unruffled water, the steersman taking occasional rests from his
monotonous strokes, while having the satisfaction of noting some
progress by the flow of the current. Thus, hours passed away without the
occurrence of anything worth noting, except the happy reflection that
their memorable encampment was left several leagues in the distance. But
lo! here is the first interruption to their navigation! About the hour
of noon a mastless hull is seen in the distance. Their first impulse was
fear, but this was soon dispelled on discovering it to be a flat or
'pole boat,' without sail or rigging, used for the conveyance of
merchandise to the head of navigation, and propelled by long poles which
the hardy craftsmen handled with great dexterity. It was, in fact, the
steamer of the day, creating upon its arrival the same stir and bustle
that is now caused by its more agreeable and efficient substitute, the
'Flora Macdonald.' The sight of this advancing craft, however, suggested
the necessity of extreme caution, and of getting out of its way for a
time. The Highland royalist felt greatly tempted to wait and hail the
crew, whom he felt pretty sure to be his own friendly countrymen, and
who, like their sires, in the case of prince Charlie, thirty years
before, would scorn to betray their brother Celt, even for the gold of
Carolina. Still, like the royal outlaw in his wanderings, he also deemed
it more prudent to conceal his whereabouts even from his most
confidential friends. He at once quits the river, and thus for a good
while suspends his navigation. He takes special precaution to secure his
little transport by drawing it a considerable distance from the water, a
feat which required no great effort. The party stroll out of the way,
and up the rising beach, watching for a time the tardy movement of the
'flat.' Tired of this they continue their slow ramble further into the
interior, in hopes, at the same time, of making some accidental
discovery by which to replenish their commissariat, which was quite
empty, and made their steps faint and feeble, for it was now
considerably past noon. As 'fortune favors the brave' they did succeed
in making a discovery. They saw 'the opening' of a small plantation in
the forest, an event which, in Carolina, is hailed with immense
satisfaction by those who chance to lose their way in the woods, as
suggestive of kindness and hospitality. Nothing short of such a
treatment would be expected by our adventurers as a matter of course, if
they could only afford to throw themselves upon the hospitality of
settlers. In their situation, however, they must take their bearings
with anxious circumspection, and weigh the consequences of the
possibility of their falling into the hands of foes. But here, all of a
sudden, their path is intercepted by the actual presence of a formidable
foe. One of the pursuers? No, but one equally defiant. It is a huge
serpent of the 'Whip snake' species, which never gives way, but always
takes a bold and defiant stand. It took its stand about fifty yards
ahead, ready for battle, its head, and about a yard of its length, in
semi-erect posture, and displaying every sign of its proverbial enmity
to Adam's race. It has no poison, but its mode of attack is still more
horrible, by throwing itself with electric speed in coils around its
antagonist, tight as the strongest cord, and lashing with a yard of its
tail, till it puts its combatant to death. Knowing its nature, the
assailed levels his piece, and in an instant leaves the assailant
turning a thousand somersaults until its strength is spent, and, is at
last, wriggling on the ground.
The discharge of the musket was the signal to those within hearing that
somebody was about. It awakened to his senses an old negro, the honest
'Uncle Ned,' and brought him to the edge of the 'clearing,' in order to
satisfy his curiosity, and to see if it was 'old Massa' making an
unceremonious visit to the farm of which Ned was virtually overseer. Our
disconsolate party could not avoid an interview even if they would. They
summoned their courage and affected to feel at ease. And truly they
might, for Ned, like the class to which he belonged, would never dream
of asking impertinent questions of any respectable white man, his known
duty being to answer, not to ask, questions. Our weary party invited
themselves to 'Uncle Ned's' cabin, which stood in the edge of the
clearing close by, and turned out to be a tidy log cottage. The
presiding divinity, of its single apartment was our kind hostess, 'Aunt
Lucy,' Ned's better half, who felt so highly charmed and flattered by
the visit of such distinguished guests that she scarcely knew what she
was saying or doing. She dropt her lighted pipe on the floor, hustled
and scraped and curtsied to the gentle lady over and over, and caressed
the beautiful little 'Missie' with emotions which bordered on
questionable kindness. This ovation over, our hungry guests began to
think of the chief object of their visit--getting something in the shape
of warm luncheon--and with this in view they eyed with covetous interest
the large flock of fine plump pullets about the door. There was fine
material for a feast to begin with. The hint was given to 'Aunt Lucy,'
and when that aged dame became conscious of the great honor thus to be
conferred upon her, she at once set to work in the culinary department
with a dexterity and skill of art which is incredible to those who are
ignorant of the great speciality of negresses. There was sudden havoc
among the poultry, and fruit and vegetables found their way from the
corn field in abundant variety to the large chimney place. Meanwhile the
captain shouldered his piece and brought, from an adjacent thicket, two
large fox squirrels to add to the variety of the feast, extorting from
the faithful Ned the flattering compliment 'b' gollies, Boss, you is the
best shot I ever see'd.' Preparation is rapidly advancing, and so is the
appetite of the longing expectants. But such preparation was not the
work of a moment, especially, from the scantiness of Lucy's cooking
utensils. So the guests thought they would withdraw for a time in order
to relieve the busy cook of all ceremony, and at the same time relieve
themselves of the uncomfortable reflection of three blazing fires in the
chimney place. After partaking of a few slices of a delicious
water-melon, they retired to the shade of a tree in the yard, and there
enjoyed a most refreshing nap. In due course the sumptuous meal is
ready; the small table is loaded with a most substantial repast, the
over plus finding a receptacle upon the board floor of the apartment,
which was covered with white sand. It is needless to say that the guests
discharged their duty with great gusto, notwithstanding the absence of
any condiments, save pepper and salt, in their case hunger being the
best sauce. Who but an epicure could grumble at the repast before them?
What better than stewed fowls and squirrels, boiled rice, Indian hoe
cake and yams smoking hot from the ashes, squashes, pumpkin pies and
apple dumpling, and all this followed by a course of fruit, peaches and
apples, musk and water-melons, all of a flavor and size inconceivable by
any but the inhabitants of the sunny climes which brought them to
maturity. Her ladyship could not help making the contrast with a
service of fruit upon an extra occasion in her home circle, which cost
several golden guineas, and yet was not to be compared with that
furnished for the merest trifle by these sable purveyors--so much for
the sun rays of the latitude. There was, however, the absence of any
beverage stronger than water, not even tea, a name which the humble
hostess scarcely comprehended. But a good substitute was readily
presented, in the form of strong coffee, without cream or sugar. It was
now drawing late in the afternoon, and our party refreshed and delighted
with their adventure, must begin to retrace their steps towards the
canoe. The reckoning was soon settled. A few shillings, the idex of the
late regime of George in the colony, more than satisfied all demands,
and surpassed all expectations. But the fair visitor was not content,
without leaving an additional, and more pleasant memento. She took a
beautiful gold ring, bearing the initials B.J.C., and placed it upon the
swarthy finger of 'Aunt Lucy,' with many thanks and blessings for her
kindness, on that eventful occasion. This kindly expression was heartily
reciprocated by the negress, and responded by a flood of tears from her
eyes, and a volley of blessings from her lips. The party bade a final
adieu to their entertainers, and they had to veto their pressing offer
of escorting them to the river. Off they went, leaving the aged couple
gazing after them, and lost in amazement as to who they could be, or
whither they were going, and all the more astonished that the mysterious
visitors had supplied themselves with such a load of the leavings of the
repast.
The navigation was at length resumed, and onward they glide as before,
without the sight of anything to obstruct their course. Their prosperous
voyaging continued till about midnight, for they resolved to continue
their course during the whole night, unless necessity compelled them to
do otherwise. Long before this hour, the mother and child resigned
themselves to sleep, which was only interrupted by occasional starts,
while the indefatigable steersman watched his charge, and plied his
vocation with improving expertness. At this hour again, in the dim light
of the crescent moon, a second 'pole boat' was discovered making towards
them, but which they easily avoided by rowing to the opposite side of
the river, thus continuing their course, and escaping observation. In
passing the 'flat' an animated conversation was overheard among the
hands, from which it was easily gathered that the escape of the rebel
was the engrossing topic in the town of Wilmington, the place of their
departure, and towards which the rebel himself was now finding his way
as fast as the tide and paddle could carry him. At present, however, he
felt no cause of alarm. One of the hands speaking in vulgar English
accent was heard to depone, 'By George if I could only get that prize
I'd be a happy man, and would go back to old h-England.' To this base
insinuation a threatening proof was administered by other parties, who
replied in genuine Gaelic idiom and said, 'It's yourself that would need
to have the face and the conscience, the day you would do that;' and
they further signified their readiness to render any assistance to their
brave countryman should opportunity offer. Those parties were readily
recognized from their accent to be no other than Captain McArthur's
intimate acquaintances, Sandie McDougall and Angus Ray, and who were so
well qualified from their known strength and courage to render most
valuable assistance in any cause in which their bravery might be
enlisted. If he only gave them the signal of his presence they would
instantly fly into his service and share his fate. However, it was
deemed the wisest course to pass on, and not put their prowess to the
test. Hours had now passed in successful progress without notice or
interruption; and they are at long last approaching Wilmington, their
seaport, but a considerable distance from the mouth of the river. The
question is how are they to pass it, whether by land or water, for it is
now approaching towards day. What is to be done must be done without a
moment's delay. It is at length resolved to hazard the chance of passing
it by canoe rather than encountering the untried perils of a dismal
swamp. The daring leader puts his utmost strength to the test, striking
the water right and left with excited vigor. His feeling is 'now or
never'; for he knew this to be the most critical position of his whole
route; unless he could get past it before break of day his case was
hopeless. The dreaded town is at length in view, engendering fear and
terror, but not despair. Several large crafts are seen lying at the
wharf, and lights are reflected from adjacent shipping offices. Two
small boats are observed crossing the river, and in rather uncomfortable
proximity. With these exceptions the inhabitants are evidently in the
enjoyment of undisturbed repose, and quite unconscious of the phenomenon
of such a notorious personage passing their doors with triumphant
success. Scarcely a word was heard, it was like a city of the dead. Who
can imagine the internal raptures of our lucky hero, on leaving behind
him, in the distance, that spot upon which his fate was suspended, and
in having the consciousness that he is now not far from the goal of
safety. Even now there are signals which cheer his heart. He begins
already to inhale the ocean breeze, and from that he derives an
exhilirating sensation such as he had not experienced for many years. He
gets the benefit of the ocean tide, fortunately, in his favor, and
carrying his little hull upon its bosom at such a rate as to supersede
the use of the paddle except in guiding the course. The ocean wave,
however, is scarcely so favorable. It rocks and rolls their frail abode
in such a way as to threaten to put a sad finish to the successful
labors of the past. There is no help for it but to abandon the canoe a
few miles sooner than intended. There is, however, little cause for
complaint, for they can now see their way clear to their final terminus,
if no untoward circumstance arises. They leave the canoe on the beach,
parting with it forever, but not without a sigh of emotion, as if
bidding farewell to a good friend. But the paddle they cling to as a
memento of its achievements, the operator remarking--'It did me better
service than any sword ever put into my hand.' A few miles walk from the
landing, which is on the southern shore of the estuary, and they are in
sight of a small hamlet, which lies upon the shore. And what is more
inspiring of hope and courage, they are in sight of a vessel of
considerable tonnage, lying at anchor off the shore, and displaying the
British flag, floating in the morning breeze, evidently preparing to
hoist sail. Now is their chance. This must be their ark of safety if
they are ever to escape such billows of adversity as they have been
struggling with for some days past. To get on board is that upon which
their hearts are set, and all that is required in order to defy all
enemies and pursuers. Not thinking that there is anything in the wind,
in this pretty hamlet, they make straight for the vessel, but they go
but a few paces in that direction before another crisis turns up.
Enemies are still in pursuit. A small body of men, apparently under
commission, are observed a short distance beyond the hamlet as if
anticipating the possibility of the escaped prisoner making his way to
the British ship. Nor is the surmise groundless, as the signal proves.
In their perplexity the objects of pursuit have to lie in ambush and
await the course of events. Their military pursuers are now wending
their way in the opposite direction until they are almost lost to view.
Now is the time for a last desperate effort. They rush for the shore,
and there accost a sallow lank-looking boatman followed by a negro, on
the lookout for custom, in their marine calling. A request is made for
their boat and services, for conveyance to the ship. At first the man
looks suspicious and sceptical, but on expostulation that there was the
utmost necessity for an interview with the captain before sailing, and
important dispatches to be sent home, and a hint given that a fee for
services in such a case was of no object, he at once consents; the ferry
boat is launched, and in a few minutes the party are off from the shore.
But the military party observing these movements begin to retrace their
steps in order to ascertain what all this means, and who the party are.
They put to their heels and race towards the shore as fast as their feet
can carry them. They feel tantalised to find that they have been
sleeping at their post, and that the very object of their search is now
halfway to the goal of safety. They signal and halloo with all their
might, but getting no answer they fire a volley of shot in the direction
of the boat. This has no effect, except for an instant, to put a stop to
the rowing. The boatman gets alarmed as he now more than guesses who the
noted passenger is, and he signifies his determination to put back and
avoid the consequences that may be fatal to himself. The hero puts a
sudden stop to further parley. He flings a gold sovereign to the swarthy
rower, commands him simply to fulfil his promise, but to refund the
balance of change upon their return from the ship--'he must see the
captain before sailing.' To enforce his command the sturdy Highlander,
who was more than a match for the two, took up his loaded musket and
intimated what the consequences would be if they refused to obey orders.
This had the desired effect. The rowers pulled with might and main, and
in a few minutes the passengers were left safe and sound on board the
gallant ship, and surrounded by a sympathising and hospitable crew. The
fugitives were at last safe, despite rewards and sanguine pursuers. But
their situation they could scarcely realize, their past life seemed more
like a dream than a reality. Our brave heroine was again quite overcome.
The reaction was too much for her nerves. In being led to the cabin she
would have fallen prostrate on the deck had she not been supported. And
who can wonder, in view of her fatigues and privations, her hair-breadth
escapes and mental anxieties. But she survived it all. Sails are now
hoisted to the favoring breeze, anchor weighed, and our now rejoicing
pilgrims bade a lasting farewell to the ever memorable shores of
Carolina. In care of the courteous commander they, in due time, reached
their island home in the Scottish Highlands, and there lived to a good
old age in peace and contentment. They had the pleasure of seeing the
tender object of their solicitude grow up to womanhood, and afterwards
enjoying the blessings of married life. And the veteran officer himself
found no greater pleasure in whiling away the hours of his repose than
in rehearsing to an entranced auditory, among the stirring scenes of the
American Revolution, the marvellous story of his own fate: the principal
events of which are here hurriedly and imperfectly sketched from a
current tradition among his admiring countrymen in the two
hemispheres."--_John Darroch._
NOTE H.
HIGHLANDERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA.
There was no distinctively Highland settlement in South Carolina,
although there was quite an influx of emigrants of this class into the
province. Efforts were made to divert the Highlanders into the new
settlements. As early as 1716 Governor Daniel informed the Assembly that
he had bought thirty of the Highland Scots rebels at £30 per head, for
whom the London agent had petitioned, and requested power to purchase
more. This purchase was sanctioned by the Assembly, but wished no more
"till we see how these behave themselves." On August 4th another issue
of £15000 in bills was authorized to be stamped to pay for these Scots,
who were to be employed as soldiers in defending the province.
Inducements were held out to the Highlanders, who had left their homes
after the battle of Culloden, to settle in South Carolina. The "High
Hills of Santee," which lie between Lynche's creek and the Wateree, in
what is now Sumter County, were designed for them. The exiles, however,
baffled by contrary winds, were driven into the Cape Fear, and from
thence a part of them crossed and settled higher up, in what is now
Darlington County, the rest having taken up their abode in North
Carolina.
The war fever engendered by the Revolution was exhibited by these
people, some of whom, at least, took up arms against their adopted
country. October 31, 1776, at Charleston, South Carolina, the following,
who had been taken prisoners by the navy, signed their parole, which
also stipulated that they should go to Salisbury, North Carolina:
Dun McNicol, Cap. R.H.E., Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R.H.E., Dun MacDougall,
Walter Cunningham, Angus Cameron, Laughlin McDonald, Hector McQuary,
Alexr. Chisholm.
"We also undertake for Neal McNicol, James Fraser, Alexr. McDonald &
David Donaldson, that they shall be on the same footing with
ourselves."[195]
"Jany 28. 177.
These are to certify that Duncan Nicol, Hugh Fraser, Alex. Chisholm,
Angs. Cameron, Lach. MacDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham.
Duncan MacDougall. Alen. McDonald, David Donaldson, Jas. Fraser. Niel
McNicol--prisoners of war from the neighboring state of South Carolina
have been on Parole in this town and within ten miles Y. of for upwards
of ten weeks--during which time they have behaved themselves agreeable
to their Parole and that they are now removed to Halifax by order of the
commanding officer of the District, in order to be forwarded to the
northward agreeable to order of Congress.
(Signed) Duncan McNicol, Capt., Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R.H.E., Alex.
McDonald, James Fraser, David Donaldson, Niel McNicol, Alex Chisholm,
Angus Cameron, Lach McDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham,
Privates, Dun, McDougall, Ensign.
N.B. The Parole of the prisoners of war above mentd was sent to the
Congress at Halifax, at their last sitting. They are now sent under the
direction of Capt. Martin Fifer--Certified by orders of Committee at
Salisbury this 28 Jan'y, 1777.
(Signed) May Chambers, Chr. Com."[196]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 184: Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland, Vol. I, p.
198.]
[Footnote 185: Holmes' Annals of America, Vol. II, p. 183.]
[Footnote 186: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III, p. 1649.]
[Footnote 187: _Ibid_, Vol. IV, p. 983.]
[Footnote 188: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 119.]
[Footnote 189: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. IV, p. 274.]
[Footnote 190: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. II, p. 473.]
[Footnote 191: See page 141.]
[Footnote 192: Cornwallis' Letter to Sir Henry Clinton, April 10, 1781.]
[Footnote 193: Campaigns of 1780-1781, p. 281.]
[Footnote 194: History of the American War, Vol. II, p. 352.]
[Footnote 195: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 830.]
NOTE I.
ALEXANDER MCNAUGHTON.
Miss Jennie M. Patten of Brush, Colorado, a descendant of Alexander
McNaughton, in a letter dated Feb. 20th, 1900, gives some very
interesting facts, among which may be related that at the close of the
Revolution all of the Highland settlers of Washington county would have
been sent to Canada, had it not been for Hon. Edward Savage, son-in-law
of Alexander McNaughton, who had been an officer in the Revolutionary
army, and had sufficient influence to prevent his wife's relatives and
friends being sent out of the country on account of their tory
proclivities. They considered that they had sworn allegiance to the
king, and considered themselves perjured persons if they violated their
oath. This idea appeared to be due from the fact that the land given to
them was in "the name of the king." From this the colonists thought the
land was given to them by the king.
The colonists did not all come to Washington county to occupy the land
allotted to them, for some remained where they had settled after the
collapse of Captain Campbell's scheme, but those who did settle in
Argyle were related either by blood, or else by marriage.
Alexander McNaughton came to America in 1738, accompanied by his wife,
Mary McDonald, and his children, John, Moses, Eleanor and Jeannette.
They first settled at a place called Kaket, where they lived several
years, when they removed up the river to Tappan, and there continued
until the grant was made in Argyle. Alexander McNaughton died at the
home of his son-in-law, Edward Savage, near Salem, and was buried on the
land that had been granted him. The first to be interred in the old
Argyle cemetery was the daughter Jeannette. The wife. Mary, died on the
way home from Burgoyne's camp. The children of the colonists were loyal
Americans, although many of the colonists had been carried to the
British camp for protection.
NOTE J.
ALLAN MCDONALD'S COMPLAINT TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
"Philadelphia, March 25, 1776.
Sir: It is now several weeks since the Scotch inhabitants in and about
Johnstown, Tryon County, have been required by General Schuyler to
deliver up their arms; and that each and all of them should parade in
the above place, that he might take from this small body six prisoners
of his own nomination. The request was accordingly complied with, and
five other gentlemen with myself were made prisoners of. As we are not
conscious of having acted upon any principle that merits such severe
proceedings from Congress, we cannot help being a good deal surprised at
such treatment; but are willing to attribute this rather to malicious,
ill-designing people, than to gentlemen of so much humanity and known
character as the Congress consists of. The many difficulties we met with
since our landing on this Continent, (which is but very lately,)
burdened with women and children, we hope merit a share in their
feeling; and that they would obtain the surest conviction, before we
were removed from our families; as, by a separation of the kind, they
are rendered destitute, and without access to either money or credit.
This is the reason why you will observe, in the article of capitulation
respecting the Scotch, that they made such a struggle for having their
respective families provided for in their absence. The General declared
he had no discretionary power to grant such, but that he would represent
it, as he hoped with success, to Congress; and in this opinion two other
gentlemen present supported him. The request is so just in itself that
it is but what you daily grant to the meanest of your prisoners. As we
cannot, we do not claim it by any agreement. Though, by a little
attention to that part of the capitulation, you will observe that we
were put in the hope and expectation of having them supported in their
different situations.
As to ourselves, we are put into a tavern, with the proper allowance of
bed and board. This is all that is necessary so far. But what becomes of
the external part of the body? This requires its necessaries, and
without the decent part of such, a gentleman must be very intolerable to
himself and others. I know I need not enter so minutely in representing
those difficulties to Congress or you, as your established character and
feelings will induce you to treat us as gentlemen and prisoners, removed
from all means of relief for ourselves or families, but that of
application to Congress. I arrived here last night in order to have the
honor of laying those matters personally, or in writing, before you and
them. Shall accordingly expect to be honored with an answer.
I am, most respectfully, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
Allan McDonald."[197]
NOTE K.
THE GLENGARRY SETTLERS.
Major General D. McLeod, of the Patriot Army, Upper Canada, in his
"Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada," published in 1841,
adds the following interesting statements: "Gen. Howe, the then
commander in chief of the British forces in North America, on hearing
that the Scots in Virginia had joined the continentals, and were among
the most active of the opposers of British domination, despatched Sir
John Johnstone to the Scots settlement on the Mohawk--Captain James
Craig, afterwards Governor of Lower Canada, and Lieut. Donald Cameron of
the Regulars, to other parts, to induce the Highlanders to join the
Royal Standard, and to convince them, that their interest and safety
depended on their doing so.
They persuaded the uninstructed Highlanders, that the rebels had neither
money, means, nor allies; that it was impossible they could for any
length of time, withstand the mighty power and means of Great Britain;
that their property would be confiscated, and apportioned to the
royalists who should volunteer to reduce them to subjection. The
Highlanders having duly weighed these circumstances, came to the
conclusion, that the Americans would, like the Scots, in 1746 be
ultimately overpowered;--that it was therefore to their interest, as
they would not be permitted to remain neutral, to join the British
standard.
The greater part of them volunteered under the command of Sir. J.
Johnstone, and served faithfully with him until the peace of 1783. On
the exchange of the ratification of peace, these unfortunate
Highlanders, saw themselves once more bereft of house and home. The
reward of their loyalty, and attachment to British supremacy, after
fighting the battles of England for seven long and doubtful years, and
sacrificing their all, was finally, an ungenerous abandonment by the
British government of their interests, in not securing their property
and personal safety in the treaty of peace. The object for which their
services were required, not being accomplished, they were
unceremoniously left to shift for themselves in the lower Province,
among a race of people, whose language they did not understand, and
whose manners and habits of life were quite dissimilar to their own.
Col. McDonald, a near kinsman of the chief of that name, and who had,
also, taken an active part in the royal army, during the revolution,
commiserating their unfortunate condition, collected them together, and
in a friendly manner, in their own native language, informed them, that
if it were agreeable to their wishes, he would forthwith apply to the
governor for a tract of land in the upper Province, where they might
settle down in a body; and where, as they spoke a language different to
that of the natives, they might enjoy their own society, and be better
able to assist each other.
This, above all things, was what they wished for, and they therefore
received the proposal with gratitude. Without much further delay, the
Colonel proceeded to the Upper Province, pitched upon the eastern part
of the eastern District; and after choosing a location for himself,
directed his course to head quarters--informed the Governor of his plans
and intentions, praying him to confirm the request of his countrymen,
and prevent their return to the United States. The governor approved of
his design, and promised every assistance. Satisfied that all was done,
that could be reasonably expected, the Colonel lost no time, in
communicating the result of his mission to his expectant countrymen; and
they, in a short time afterwards, removed with him to their new
location. The Highlanders, not long after, proposed to the Colonel as a
mark of their approbation for his services, to call the settlement
Glengarry, in honor of the chief of his clan, by which name it is
distinguished to this day. It may be proper, to remember, in this place,
that many of these were the immediate descendants of the proscribed
Highlanders of 1715, and not a few the descendants of the relatives of
the treacherously murdered clans of Glencoe (for their faithful and
incorruptible adherence to the royal family of Stuart,) by king William
the 3d, of Bloody memory, the Dutch defender of the English christian
tory faith. But by far the major part, were the patriots of 1745,--the
gallant supporters of the deeply lamented prince Charles Edward, and
who, as before stated, had sought refuge in the colonies, from the
British dungeons and bloody scaffolds.
It was not, therefore, their attachment to the British crown, nor their
love of British institutions, that induced them to take up arms against
the Americans; but their fears that the insurrection, would prove as
disastrous to the sons of Liberty, as the Rebellion and the fatal field
of Culloden had been to themselves; and that if any of them were found
in the ranks of the discontented, they would be more severely dealt with
in consequence of their former rebellion. Their chagrin was great
indeed, especially, when they compared their former comfortable
circumstances, in the state of New York, with their present miserable
condition; and particularly, when they reflected how foolishly they had
permitted themselves to be duped, out of their once happy homes by the
promises of a government, which they knew from former experience, to be
as false and treacherous, as it was cruel and over-bearing. They settled
down, but with no very friendly feelings towards a government which had
allured them to their ruin, and which at last, left them to their own
resources, after fighting their battles for eight sanguinary years. Nor
are their descendants, at this day, remarkable for either their loyalty,
or attachment, to the reigning family. These were the first settlers of
Glengarry. It is a singular circumstance, that, nearly all the
Highlanders, who fought for liberty and independence, and who remained
in the U.S., afterwards became rich and independent, while on the other
hand, with a very few exceptions, every individual, whether American or
European, who took up arms against the revolution, became blighted in
his prospects," (pp. 33-36).
Having mentioned in particular Butler's Rangers the following from
Lossing's "Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812," may be of some
interest: "Some of Butler's Rangers, those bitter Tory marauders in
Central New York during the Revolution, who in cruelty often shamed
Brant and his braves, settled in Toronto, and were mostly men of savage
character, who met death by violence. Mr. John Ross knew a Mr. D----,
one of these Rangers, who, when intoxicated, once told him that 'the
sweetest steak he ever ate was the breast of a woman, which he cut off
and broiled,'" (p. 592).
NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII.
The method of warfare carried on by Sir John Johnson and his adherents
did not sway the lofty mind of Washington, as may be illustrated in the
following narration furnished the author by Rev. Dr. R. Cameron,
grandson of Alexander Cameron, who was a direct descendant of Donald
Dubh of Lochiel. This Alexander Cameron came to America in 1773, and on
the outbreak of the Revolution enlisted as a private under Sir John
Johnson. Three times he was taken prisoner and condemned to be executed
as a spy. How he escaped the first time is unknown. The second time, the
wife of the presiding officer at the court-martial, informed him in
Gaelic that he would be condemned, and assisted him in dressing him in
her own clothes, and thus escaped to the woods. The third time, his
mother, Mary Cameron of Glennevis, rode all the way from Albany to
Valley Forge on horseback and personally plead her cause before
Washington. Having listened to her patiently, the mighty chief replied:
"Mrs. Cameron, I will pardon your son for your sake, but you must
promise me that you will take him to Canada at once, or he will be
shot." The whole family left for Canada.
NOTE L.
MORAVIAN INDIANS.
It is now scarcely known that one company of Montgomery's Highlanders
took part in the attempted expatriation of the Christian Indians--better
known as Moravian Indians--in Pennsylvania. Owing to an attack made by
savages, in 1763, against a Scotch-Irish settlement, those of that
nationality at Paxton became bitterly inflamed against the Moravian
Indians and determined upon their extermination. As these Indians were
harmless and never engaged in strife, they appealed to the governor of
Pennsylvania for protection. These people, then living at Nazareth, Nain
and Bethlehem, under the decree of the Council and the Assembly, were
ordered by Governor Penn to be disarmed and taken to Philadelphia.
Although their arms were the insignia of their freedom, yet these they
surrendered to Sheriff Jennings, and on the eighth of November the
procession moved towards Philadelphia. On their arrival in Philadelphia
they were ordered to the "British Barracks," which had been erected soon
after Braddock's defeat. At this time several companies of Montgomery's
Highlanders were there quartered. On the morning of the eleventh, the
first three wagons, filled with women and children, passed in at the
gate. This movement aroused the Highlanders, and seizing their muskets,
they rushed tumultuously together, stopped the rest of the wagons, and
threatened to fire among the cowering women and children in the yard if
they did not instantly leave. Meanwhile a dreadful mob gathered around,
the Indians, deriding, reviling, and charging them with all the outrages
committed by the savages, threatening to kill them on the spot. From ten
o'clock until three these Indians, with the missionaries, endured every
abuse which wild frenzy and ribald vulgarity could clothe in words. In
the midst of this persecution some Quakers braved the danger of the mob
and taking the Indians by the hand gave them words of encouragement.
During all this tumult the Indians remained silent, but considered "what
insult and mockery our Savior had suffered on their account."
The soldiers persisting in their refusal to allow the Moravian Indians
admission, after five hours, the latter were marched through the city,
thousands following them with great clamor, to the outskirts, where the
mob dispersed. The Indians were from thence conveyed to Province Island.
The Scotch-Irish of Paxton next turned their attention to a party of
peaceable Indians who had long lived quietly among white people in the
small village of Canestoga, near Lancaster, and on the fourteenth of
December attacked and murdered fourteen of them in their huts. The rest
fled to Lancaster and for protection were lodged in the work-house, a
strong building and well secured. They were followed by the miscreants
who broke into the building, and though the Indians begged their lives
on their knees, yet all were cruelly murdered and their mangled remains
thrown into the court-yard.
The assassins became emboldened by many hundreds from Paxton and other
parts of the county of Lancaster joining their number, and planned to
set out for Philadelphia, and not rest until all the Indians were
massacred. While these troubles were brewing the Moravian Indians
celebrated the Lord's Supper at the commencement of the year 1764, and
renewed their covenant to show forth his death in his walk and
conversation.
In order to protect them the government determined to send them out of
the colony and place them under the care of Sir William Johnson, in New
York, as the Indians had expressed their desire to be no longer detained
from their families.[198] On January 4, 1764, the Moravian Indians
numbering about one hundred and forty persons,[199] were placed under
the convoy of Captain James Robertson, of Montgomery's Highlanders, and
seventy Highlanders, for New York City. The Highlanders "behaved at
first very wild and unfriendly, being particularly troublesome to the
young women by their profane conversation, but were persuaded by degrees
to conduct themselves with more order and decency." On arriving at
Amboy, one of the soldiers exclaimed: "Would to God, all the white
people were as good Christians, as these Indians."
The Indians were not allowed to enter New York, but were returned to
Philadelphia under a guard of one hundred and seventy men from General
Gage's army, commanded by Captain Schloffer, one party leading the van,
and the other bringing up the rear. Captain Robertson and his
Highlanders passed over to New York.[200]
NOTE M.
HIGHLANDERS REFUSED LANDS IN AMERICA.
"To the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council,
The Humble Petition of James Macdonald, Merchant in Porterie in the Isle
of Sky and Normand Macdonald of Slate in the said Island for themselves
and on behalf of Hugh Macdonald Edmund Macqueen John Betton and
Alexander Macqueen of Slate. The Reverend Mr. William Macqueen and
Alexander Macdonald of the said Island of Sky and county of Inverness
Most Humbly Sheweth
That your petitioners having had in view to form a settlement to
themselves and Families in your Majesty's Province in North Carolina
have for some time been making Dispositions for that purpose by engaging
Servants and disposing of their effects in this country.
And being now ready to embark and carry their intentions into Execution.
They most humbly pray your Majesty will be graciously pleased to Grant
unto your petitioners Forty thousand Acres of Land in the said province
of North Carolina upon the Terms and Conditions it has been usual to
give such Grants or as to your Majesty shall seem proper,
"And your petitioners shall ever pray,
Jas Macdonald,
Normand Macdonald."[201]
"To the Right Honble the Lords of the Committee of his Majesty's most
Honble Privy Council for Plantation Affairs.
Whitehall 21st of June 1771.
My Lords,
In obedience to His Majesty's Order in Council, dated June 14th, 1771,
we have taken into consideration, the humble Petition of James
Macdonald, Merchant in Porterie in the Isle of Sky and Normand Macdonald
of Slate in the said Island for themselves and on behalf of Hugh
Macdonald, Edmund Macqueen, John Belton and Alexander Macqueen of Slate
the Reverend Mr William Macqueen and Alexander Macdonald of the said
Isle of Sky and County of Inverness, setting forth that the Petitioners
having had in view to form a Settlement to themselves and their Families
in His Majesty's province of North Carolina, have for some time been
making dispositions for that purpose by engaging servants and disposing
of their effects in this Country and being now ready to embark and carry
their said intention into execution, the Petitioners humbly pray, that
His Majesty will be pleased to grant them forty thousand Acres of Land
in the said Province upon the terms and conditions it hath been usual to
grant such Lands. Whereupon We beg leave to report to your Lordships,
That the emigration of inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland to the
American Colonies is a circumstance which in our opinion cannot fail to
lessen the strength and security and to prejudice the landed Interest
and Manufactures of these Kingdoms and the great extent to which this
emigration hath of late years prevailed renders it an object well
deserving the serious attention of government.
Upon the ground of this opinion We have thought it necessary in Cases
where we have recommended Grants of Land in America, to be made to
persons of substance and ability in this Kingdom, to propose amongst
other conditions, that they should be settled by foreign Protestants;
and therefore We can on no account recommend to your Lordships to advise
His Majesty to comply with the prayer of a Petition, founded on a
resolution taken by a number of considerable persons to abandon their
settlements in this Kingdom and to pass over into America, with their
Families and Dependants in a large Body and which therefore holds out a
Plan that we think, instead of meriting the Encouragement, ought rather
to receive the discountenance of government.
We are My Lords &c.
Hillsborough
Ed: Eliot
John Roberts
Wm Fitzherbert."[202]
"At the Court of St James's the 19th day of June 1772. Present The
King's most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Whereas there was this day read at the Board a Report from the Right
Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for plantation affairs
Dated the 17th of this Instant in the words following viz,
Your Majesty having been pleased by your order in council of the 14th
June 1771, to refer to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations
the humble petition of James Macdonald Merchant of Portrie in the Isle
of Sky and Norman Macdonald of Slate in the said Island for themselves
and on behalf of Hugh Macdonald Edmund Macqueen John Betton and
Alexander Macqueen of Slate and Reverend Mr Wm Macqueen and Alexander
Macdonald of the said Isle of Sky and County of Inverness setting forth
that the petitioners have had in view to form a settlement to themselves
and their families in your Majesty's Province of North Carolina have for
sometime been making Dispositions for that purpose by engaging servants
and disposing of their Effects in this Country and being now ready to
embark and carry their said intention into execution the petitioners
humbly pray that your Majesty will be pleased to grant them Forty
thousand acres of Land in the said Province upon the terms and
conditions it hath been usual to grant such Lands. The said Lords
Commissioners have reported to this Committee "that the emigration of
the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland to the American Colonies is
a circumstance which in their opinion cannot fail to lessen the strength
and security and to prejudice the landed Interest and manufactures of
these Kingdoms and the great extent to which this emigration has of late
years prevailed renders it an object well deserving the serious
attention of Government that upon the Ground of this opinion they have
thought it necessary in cases where they have recommended Grants of Land
in America to be made to persons of substance and ability in this
Kingdom to propose amongst other conditions that they should be settled
by foreign protestants and therefore the said Lords Commissioners can on
no account recommend to this committee to advise your Majesty to comply
with the prayer of a petition founded on a resolution taken by a number
of considerable persons to abandon their settlements in this Kingdom and
to pass over to America with their Families and Dependants in a large
body and which therefore holds out a plan that they think instead of
meeting the encouragement ought rather to receive the discouragement of
Government. The Lords of the Committee this day took the said
Representation and petition into consideration and concurring in opinion
with the said Lord Commissioners for Trade and Plantations do agree
humbly to report as their opinion to your Majesty that the said Petition
of the said James and Norman Macdonald ought to be dismissed.
His Majesty taking the said Report into consideration was pleased with
the advise of his Privy Council to approve thereof and to order as it is
hereby ordered that the said Petition of the said James and Norman
Macdonald be and it is hereby dismissed this board."[203]
NOTE N.
CAPTAIN JAMES STEWART COMMISSIONED TO RAISE A COMPANY OF HIGHLANDERS.
The Records of the New York Convention of July 25, 1775, contain the
following:
"The Committee appointed to take into consideration and report the most
proper mode for employing in the service of this State Mr. James
Stewart, late Lieutenant in Colonel Livingston's Regiment, delivered in
their Report, which was read; and the same being read, paragraph by
paragraph, and amended, was agreed to, and is in the words following, to
wit:
_Resolved_, That the said James Stewart is desiring a Captain's
Commission in the service of this State, and that a Warrant be
immediately given to him to raise a Company with all possible despatch.
That the said Company ought to consist of Scotch Highlanders, or as many
of them as possible, and that they serve during the war, unless sooner
discharged by this Convention, or a future Legislature of this State.
That the said Company shall consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, one
Ensign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Drum, one Fife, and not less
than sixty-two Privates.
That a Bounty of fifteen dollars be allowed to each Non-Commissioned
Officer and Private.
That they be entitled to Continental Pay and Rations, and subject to the
Continental Articles of War, till further orders from this Convention or
a future Legislature of this State.
That the said James Stewart shall not receive pay as a Captain until he
shall have returned to this Convention, or a future Legislature of this
State, a regular muster roll, upon oath, of thirty able-bodied men, duly
inlisted.
That the Treasurer of this Convention be ordered to advance to the said
James Stewart £144, in order to enable him to advance the bounty to
those he may inlist taking his receipt to account for the same to the
Treasurer of this State.
That as soon as the said James Stewart shall have returned to this
Convention, or a future Legislature of this State, a regular muster-roll
of thirty able-bodied men, duly inlisted, certifying that the said men
have been mustered, in the presence of a person to be appointed by the
Chairman of the Committee of the City and County of Albany, or of a
person to be appointed by the Chairman of the Committee of the City and
County of New York, that then, and not before, the said James Stewart
shall be authorized to draw upon the Chairman of the Committee of the
City and County of Albany for the further sum of £100 in order that he
may be enabled to proceed in his inlistment, giving his receipt to
account for the same to the Treasurer of this State; and that when the
said James Stewart shall have been duly inlisted and mustered, in the
presence of a person to be appointed by the Chairman of the Committee of
the City and County of Albany, the whole of his Company, or as many as
he can inlist, and then he shall be entitled to receive of the said
Chairman of the County Committee the remaining proportion of bounty due
to the non-commissioned officers and privates which he shall have
inlisted.
That if the said James Stewart shall not be able to complete the
inlistment of this Company, that he shall make a report of the same,
with all dispatch, to the President of this Convention, or to a future
Legislature, who will either order his Commission to issue, or make such
further provision for his trouble in recruiting as the equity of the
case shall require.
That the Treasurer of this Convention be ordered to remit into the hands
of John Barclay, Esquire, of the City of Albany, the sum of £288, on or
before the last day of December next, in order to enable him to make
unto the said James Stewart the disbursements aforesaid.
That the said James Stewart shall be authorized to engage to each man
the sum of 7s. per week, billeting money, till such time as further
provision is made for the subsistence of his recruits.
That the said Company, when raised, shall be either employed as an
independent Company, or incorporated into any Battallion as to this
Convention, or to a future proper authority of this State, shall appear
advisable."[204]
There is no evidence that this action of the Convention terminated in
any thing tangible. There was a James Stewart, captain of the third
company, in the Fifth regiment of the New York Line, and while there was
a large percentage in that regiment bearing Highland names, yet Captain
Stewart's company had but five. It is not to be assumed that the two
names represented the same person.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 196: _Ibid_, Vol. XI, p. 370.]
[Footnote 197: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 495.]
[Footnote 198: Colonial Records of Penna., Vol. IX, p. 111.]
[Footnote 199: _Ibid._]
[Footnote 200: See Loskiel's Hist. Indian Mission, Book II, Chapter XVI.
Schweinitz's Life of Zeisberger, Chap, XV.]
[Footnote 201: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. VIII, p. 620.]
[Footnote 202: _Ibid_, p. 621.]
[Footnote 203: N.C. Colonial Records, Vol. IX, p. 303.]
[Footnote 204: American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. I, p. 1441.]
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