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Title: Early Australian Voyages: Pelsart, Tasman, Dampier
Author: Pinkerton, John, 1758-1826
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.


*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Early Australian Voyages: Pelsart, Tasman, Dampier" ***


Transcribed from the 1886 Cassell & Company edition by David Price, email


EARLY AUSTRALIAN VOYAGES
BY JOHN PINKERTON


Contents:

Introduction
Pelsart
Tasman
Dampier



INTRODUCTION.


In the days of Plato, imagination found its way, before the mariners, to
a new world across the Atlantic, and fabled an Atlantis where America now
stands.  In the days of Francis Bacon, imagination of the English found
its way to the great Southern Continent before the Portuguese or Dutch
sailors had sight of it, and it was the home of those wise students of
God and nature to whom Bacon gave his New Atlantis.  The discoveries of
America date from the close of the fifteenth century.  The discoveries of
Australia date only from the beginning of the seventeenth.  The
discoveries of the Dutch were little known in England before the time of
Dampier's voyage, at the close of the seventeenth century, with which
this volume ends.  The name of New Holland, first given by the Dutch to
the land they discovered on the north-west coast, then extended to the
continent and was since changed to Australia.

During the eighteenth century exploration was continued by the English.
The good report of Captain Cook caused the first British settlement to be
made at Port Jackson, in 1788, not quite a hundred years ago, and the
foundations were then laid of the settlement of New South Wales, or
Sydney.  It was at first a penal colony, and its Botany Bay was a name of
terror to offenders.  Western Australia, or Swan River, was first settled
as a free colony in 1829, but afterwards used also as a penal settlement;
South Australia, which has Adelaide for its capital, was first
established in 1834, and colonised in 1836; Victoria, with Melbourne for
its capital, known until 1851 as the Port Philip District, and a
dependency of New South Wales, was first colonised in 1835.  It received
in 1851 its present name.  Queensland, formerly known as the Moreton Bay
District, was established as late as 1859.  A settlement of North
Australia was tried in 1838, and has since been abandoned.  On the other
side of Bass's Straits, the island of Van Diemen's Land, was named
Tasmania, and established as a penal colony in 1803.

Advance, Australia!  The scattered handfuls of people have become a
nation, one with us in race, and character, and worthiness of aim.  These
little volumes will, in course of time, include many aids to a knowledge
of the shaping of the nations.  There will be later records of Australia
than these which tell of the old Dutch explorers, and of the first real
awakening of England to a knowledge of Australia by Dampier's voyage.

The great Australian continent is 2,500 miles long from east to west, and
1,960 miles in its greatest breadth.  Its climates are therefore various.
The northern half lies chiefly within the tropics, and at Melbourne snow
is seldom seen except upon the hills.  The separation of Australia by
wide seas from Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, gives it animals and
plants peculiarly its own.  It has been said that of 5,710 plants
discovered, 5,440 are peculiar to that continent.  The kangaroo also is
proper to Australia, and there are other animals of like kind.  Of 58
species of quadruped found in Australia, 46 were peculiar to it.  Sheep
and cattle that abound there now were introduced from Europe.  From eight
merino sheep introduced in 1793 by a settler named McArthur, there has
been multiplication into millions, and the food-store of the Old World
begins to be replenished by Australian mutton.

The unexplored interior has given a happy hunting-ground to satisfy the
British spirit of adventure and research; but large waterless tracts,
that baffle man's ingenuity, have put man's powers of endurance to sore
trial.

The mountains of Australia are all of the oldest rocks, in which there
are either no fossil traces of past life, or the traces are of life in
the most ancient forms.  Resemblance of the Australian cordilleras to the
Ural range, which he had especially been studying, caused Sir Roderick
Murchison, in 1844, to predict that gold would be found in Australia.  The
first finding of gold--the beginning of the history of the Australian
gold-fields--was in February, 1851, near Bathurst and Wellington, and to-
day looks back to the morning of yesterday in the name of Ophir, given to
the Bathurst gold-diggings.

Gold, wool, mutton, wine, fruits, and what more Australia can now add to
the commonwealth of the English-speaking people, Englishmen at home have
been learning this year in the great Indian and Colonial Exhibition,
which is to stand always as evidence of the numerous resources of the
Empire, as aid to the full knowledge of them, and through that to their
wide diffusion.  We are a long way now from the wrecked ship of Captain
Francis Pelsart, with which the histories in this volume begin.

John Pinkerton was born at Edinburgh in February, 1758, and died in Paris
in March, 1826, aged sixty-eight.  He was the best classical scholar at
the Lanark grammar school; but his father, refusing to send him to a
university, bound him to Scottish law.  He had a strong will, fortified
in some respects by a weak judgment.  He wrote clever verse; at the age
of twenty-two he went to London to support himself by literature, began
by publishing "Rimes" of his own, and then Scottish Ballads, all issued
as ancient, but of which he afterwards admitted that fourteen out of the
seventy-three were wholly written by himself.  John Pinkerton, whom Sir
Walter Scott described as "a man of considerable learning, and some
severity as well as acuteness of disposition," made clear conscience on
the matter in 1786, when he published two volumes of genuine old Scottish
Poems from the MS. collections of Sir Richard Maitland.  He had added to
his credit as an antiquary by an Essay on Medals, and then applied his
studies to ancient Scottish History, producing learned books, in which he
bitterly abused the Celts.  It was in 1802 that Pinkerton left England
for Paris, where he supported himself by indefatigable industry as a
writer during the last twenty-four years of his life.  One of the most
useful of his many works was that _General Collection of the best and
most interesting Voyages and Travels of the World_, which appeared in
seventeen quarto volumes, with maps and engravings, in the years 1808-
1814.  Pinkerton abridged and digested most of the travellers' records
given in this series, but always studied to retain the travellers' own
words, and his occasional comments have a value of their own.

H. M.



VOYAGE OF FRANCIS PELSART TO AUSTRALASIA.  1628-29.


It has appeared very strange to some very able judges of voyages, that
the Dutch should make so great account of the southern countries as to
cause the map of them to be laid down in the pavement of the Stadt House
at Amsterdam, and yet publish no descriptions of them.  This mystery was
a good deal heightened by one of the ships that first touched on
Carpenter's Land, bringing home a considerable quantity of gold, spices,
and other rich goods; in order to clear up which, it was said that these
were not the product of the country, but were fished out of the wreck of
a large ship that had been lost upon the coast.  But this story did not
satisfy the inquisitive, because not attended with circumstances
necessary to establish its credit; and therefore they suggested that,
instead of taking away the obscurity by relating the truth, this story
was invented in order to hide it more effectually.  This suspicion gained
ground the more when it was known that the Dutch East India Company from
Batavia had made some attempts to conquer a part of the Southern
continent, and had been repulsed with loss, of which, however, we have no
distinct or perfect relation, and all that hath hitherto been collected
in reference to this subject, may be reduced to two voyages.  All that we
know concerning the following piece is, that it was collected from the
Dutch journal of the voyage, and having said thus much by way of
introduction, we now proceed to the translation of this short history.

The directors of the East India Company, animated by the return of five
ships, under General Carpenter, richly laden, caused, the very same year,
1628, eleven vessels to be equipped for the same voyage; amongst which
there was one ship called the _Batavia_, commanded by Captain Francis
Pelsart.  They sailed out of the Texel on the 28th of October, 1628; and
as it would be tedious and troublesome to the reader to set down a long
account of things perfectly well known, I shall say nothing of the
occurrences that happened in their passage to the Cape of Good Hope; but
content myself with observing that on the 4th of June, in the following
year 1629, this vessel, the _Batavia_, being separated from the fleet in
a storm, was driven on the Abrollos or shoals, which lie in the latitude
of 28 degrees south, and which have been since called by the Dutch, the
Abrollos of Frederic Houtman.  Captain Pelsart, who was sick in bed when
this accident happened, perceiving that his ship had struck, ran
immediately upon deck.  It was night indeed; but the weather was fair,
and the moon shone very bright; the sails were up; the course they
steered was north-east by north, and the sea appeared as far as they
could behold it covered with a white froth.  The captain called up the
master and charged him with the loss of the ship, who excused himself by
saying he had taken all the care he could; and that having discerned this
froth at a distance, he asked the steersman what he thought of it, who
told him that the sea appeared white by its reflecting the rays of the
moon.  The captain then asked him what was to be done, and in what part
of the world he thought they were.  The master replied, that God only
knew that; and that the ship was fast on a bank hitherto undiscovered.
Upon this they began to throw the lead, and found that they had forty-
eight feet of water before, and much less behind the vessel.  The crew
immediately agreed to throw their cannon overboard, in hopes that when
the ship was lightened she might be brought to float again.  They let
fall an anchor however; and while they were thus employed, a most
dreadful storm arose of wind and rain; which soon convinced them of the
danger they were in; for being surrounded with rocks and shoals, the ship
was continually striking.

They then resolved to cut away the mainmast, which they did, and this
augmented the shock, neither could they get clear of it, though they cut
it close by the board, because it was much entangled within the rigging;
they could see no land except an island which was about the distance of
three leagues, and two smaller islands, or rather rocks, which lay
nearer.  They immediately sent the master to examine them, who returned
about nine in the morning, and reported that the sea at high water did
not cover them, but that the coast was so rocky and full of shoals that
it would be very difficult to land upon them; they resolved, however, to
run the risk, and to send most of their company on shore to pacify the
women, children, sick people, and such as were out of their wits with
fear, whose cries and noise served only to disturb them.  About ten
o'clock they embarked these in their shallop and skiff, and, perceiving
their vessel began to break, they doubled their diligence; they likewise
endeavoured to get their bread up, but they did not take the same care of
the water, not reflecting in their fright that they might be much
distressed for want of it on shore; and what hindered them most of all
was the brutal behaviour of some of the crew that made themselves drunk
with wine, of which no care was taken.  In short, such was their
confusion that they made but three trips that day, carrying over to the
island 180 persons, twenty barrels of bread, and some small casks of
water.  The master returned on board towards evening, and told the
captain that it was to no purpose to send more provisions on shore, since
the people only wasted those they had already.  Upon this the captain
went in the shallop, to put things in better order, and was then informed
that there was no water to be found upon the island; he endeavoured to
return to the ship in order to bring off a supply, together with the most
valuable part of their cargo, but a storm suddenly arising, he was forced
to return.

The next day was spent in removing their water and most valuable goods on
shore; and afterwards the captain in the skiff, and the master in the
shallop, endeavoured to return to the vessel, but found the sea run so
high that it was impossible to get on board.  In this extremity the
carpenter threw himself out of the ship, and swam to them, in order to
inform them to what hardships those left in the vessel were reduced, and
they sent him back with orders for them to make rafts, by tying the
planks together, and endeavour on these to reach the shallop and skiff;
but before this could be done, the weather became so rough that the
captain was obliged to return, leaving, with the utmost grief, his
lieutenant and seventy men on the very point of perishing on board the
vessel.  Those who were got on the little island were not in a much
better condition, for, upon taking an account of their water, they found
they had not above 40 gallons for 40 people, and on the larger island,
where there were 120, their stock was still less.  Those on the little
island began to murmur, and to complain of their officers, because they
did not go in search of water, in the islands that were within sight of
them, and they represented the necessity of this to Captain Pelsart, who
agreed to their request, but insisted before he went to communicate his
design to the rest of the people; they consented to this, but not till
the captain had declared that, without the consent of the company on the
large is land, he would, rather than leave them, go and perish on board
the ship.  When they were got pretty near the shore, he who commanded the
boat told the captain that if he had anything to say, he must cry out to
the people, for that they would not suffer him to go out of the boat.  The
captain immediately attempted to throw himself overboard in order to swim
to the island.  Those who were in the boat prevented him; and all that he
could obtain from them was, to throw on shore his table-book, in which
line wrote a line or two to inform them that he was gone in the skiff to
look for water in the adjacent islands.

He accordingly coasted them all with the greatest care, and found in most
of them considerable quantities of water in the holes of the rocks, but
so mixed with the sea-water that it was unfit for use; and therefore they
were obliged to go farther.  The first thing they did was to make a deck
to their boat, because they found it was impracticable to navigate those
seas in an open vessel.  Some of the crew joined them by the time the
work was finished; and the captain having obtained a paper, signed by all
his men, importing that it was their desire that he should go in search
of water, he immediately put to sea, having first taken an observation by
which he found they were in the latitude of 28 degrees 13 minutes south.
They had not been long at sea before they had sight of the continent,
which appeared to them to lie about sixteen miles north by west from the
place they had suffered shipwreck.  They found about twenty-five or
thirty fathoms water; and as night drew on, they kept out to sea; and
after midnight stood in for the land, that they might be near the coast
in the morning.  On the 9th of June they found themselves as they
reckoned, about three miles from the shore; on which they plied all that
day, sailing sometimes north, sometimes west; the country appearing low,
naked, and the coast excessively rocky; so that they thought it resembled
the country near Dover.  At last they saw a little creek, into which they
were willing to put, because it appeared to have a sandy bottom; but when
they attempted to enter it, the sea ran so high that they were forced to
desist.

On the 10th they remained on the same coast, plying to and again, as they
had done the day before; but the weather growing worse and worse, they
were obliged to abandon their shallop, and even throw part of their
breath overboard, because it hindered them from clearing themselves of
the water, which their vessel began to make very fast.  That night it
rained most terribly, which, though it gave them much trouble, afforded
them hopes that it would prove a great relief to the people they had left
behind them on the islands.  The wind began to sink on the 11th; and as
it blew from the west-south-west, they continued their course to the
north, the sea running still so high that it was impossible to approach
the shore.  On the 12th, they had an observation, by which they found
themselves in the latitude of 27 degrees; they sailed with a south-east
wind all that day along the coast, which they found so steep that there
was no getting on shore, inasmuch as there was no creek or low land
without the rocks, as is commonly observed on seacoasts; which gave them
the more pain because within land the country appeared very fruitful and
pleasant.  They found themselves on the 13th in the latitude of 25
degrees 40 minutes; by which they discovered that the current set to the
north.  They were at this time over against an opening; the coast lying
to the north-east, they continued a north course, but found the coast one
continued rock of red colour all of a height, against which the waves
broke with such force that it was impossible for them to land.

The wind blew very fresh in the morning on the 14th, but towards noon it
fell calm; they were then in the height of 24 degrees, with a small gale
at east, but the tide still carried them further north than they desired,
because their design was to make a descent as soon as possible; and with
this view they sailed slowly along the coast, till, perceiving a great
deal of smoke at a distance, they rowed towards it as fast as they were
able, in hopes of finding men, and water, of course.  When they came near
the shore, they found it so steep, so full of rocks, and the sea beating
over them with such fury, that it was impossible to land.  Six of the
men, however, trusting to their skill in swimming, threw themselves into
the sea and resolved to get on shore at any rate, which with great
difficulty and danger they at last effected, the boat remaining at anchor
in twenty-five fathoms water.  The men on shore spent the whole day in
looking for water; and while they were thus employed, they saw four men,
who came up very near; but one of the Dutch sailors advancing towards
them, they immediately ran away as fast as they were able, so that they
were distinctly seen by those in the boat.  These people were black
savages, quite naked, not having so much as any covering about their
middle.  The sailors, finding no hopes of water on all the coast, swam on
board again, much hurt and wounded by their being beat by the waves upon
the rocks; and as soon as they were on board, they weighed anchor, and
continued their course along the shore, in hopes of finding some better
landing-place.

On the 25th, in the morning, they discovered a cape, from the point of
which there ran a ridge of rocks a mile into the sea, and behind it
another ridge of rocks.  They ventured between them, as the sea was
pretty calm; but finding there was no passage, they soon returned.  About
noon they saw another opening, and the sea being still very smooth, they
entered it, though the passage was very dangerous, inasmuch as they had
but two feet water, and the bottom full of stones, the coast appearing a
flat sand for about a mile.  As soon as they got on shore they fell to
digging in the sand, but the water that came into their wells was so
brackish that they could not drink it, though they were on the very point
of choking for thirst.  At last, in the hollows of the rocks, they met
with considerable quantities of rainwater, which was a great relief to
them, since they had been for some days at no better allowance than a
pint a-piece.  They soon furnished themselves in the night with about
eighty gallons, perceiving, in the place where they landed, that the
savages had been there lately, by a large heap of ashes and the remains
of some cray-fish.

On the 16th, in the morning, they returned on shore, in hopes of getting
more water, but were disappointed; and having now time to observe the
country, it gave them no great hopes of better success, even if they had
travelled farther within land, which appeared a thirsty, barren plain,
covered with ant-hills, so high that they looked afar off like the huts
of negroes; and at the same time they were plagued with flies, and those
in such multitudes that they were scarce able to defend themselves.  They
saw at a distance eight savages, with each a staff in his hand, who
advanced towards them within musket-shot; but as soon as they perceived
the Dutch sailors moving towards them, they fled as fast as they were
able.  It was by this time about noon, and, perceiving no appearance
either of getting water, or entering into any correspondence with the
natives, they resolved to go on board and continue their course towards
the north, in hopes, as they were already in the latitude of 22 degrees
17 minutes, they might be able to find the river of Jacob Remmescens; but
the wind veering about to the north-east, they were not able to continue
longer upon that coast, and therefore reflecting that they were now above
one hundred miles from the place where they were shipwrecked, and had
scarce as much water as would serve them in their passage back, they came
to a settled resolution of making the best of their way to Batavia, in
order to acquaint the Governor-General with their misfortunes, and to
obtain such assistance as was necessary to get their people off the
coast.

On the 17th they continued their course to the north-east, with a good
wind and fair weather; the 18th and 19th it blew hard, and they had much
rain; on the 20th they found themselves in 19 degrees 22 minutes; on the
22nd they had another observation, and found themselves in the height of
16 degrees 10 minutes, which surprised them very much, and was a plain
proof that the current carried them northwards at a great rate; on the
27th it rained very hard, so that they were not able to take an
observation; but towards noon they saw, to their great satisfaction, the
coasts of Java, in the latitude of 8 degrees, at the distance of about
four or five miles.  They altered their course to west-north-west, and
towards evening entered the gulf of an island very full of trees, where
they anchored in eight fathoms water, and there passed the night; on the
28th, in the morning, they weighed, and rowed with all their force, in
order to make the land, that they might search for water, being now again
at the point of perishing for thirst.  Very happily for them, they were
no sooner on shore than they discovered a fine rivulet at a small
distance, where, having comfortably quenched their thirst, and filled all
their casks with water, they about noon continued their course for
Batavia.

On the 29th, about midnight, in the second watch, they discovered an
island, which they left on their starboard.  About noon they found
themselves in the height of 6 degrees 48 minutes.  About three in the
afternoon they passed between two islands, the westernmost of which
appeared full of cocoa trees.  In the evening they were about a mile from
the south point of Java, and in the second watch exactly between Java and
the Isle of Princes.  The 30th, in the morning, they found themselves on
the coast of the last-mentioned island, not being able to make above two
miles that day.  On July 1st the weather was calm, and about noon they
were three leagues from Dwaersindenwegh, that is, Thwart-the-way Island;
but towards the evening they had a pretty brisk wind at north-west, which
enabled them to gain that coast.  On the 2nd, in the morning, they were
right against the island of Topershoetien, and were obliged to lie at
anchor till eleven o'clock, waiting for the sea-breeze, which, however,
blew so faintly that they were not able to make above two miles that day.
About sunset they perceived a vessel between them and Thwart-the-way
Island, upon which they resolved to anchor as near the shore as they
could that night, and there wait the arrival of the ship.  In the morning
they went on board her, in hopes of procuring arms for their defence, in
case the inhabitants of Java were at war with the Dutch.  They found two
other ships in company, on board one of which was Mr. Ramburg, counsellor
of the Indies.  Captain Pelsart went immediately on board his ship, where
he acquainted him with the nature of his misfortune, and went with him
afterwards to Batavia.

We will now leave the captain soliciting succours from the
Governor-General, in order to return to the crew who were left upon the
islands, among whom there happened such transactions as, in their
condition, the reader would little expect, and perhaps will hardly
credit!  In order to their being thoroughly understood, it is necessary
to observe that they had for supercargo one Jerom Cornelis, who had been
formerly an apothecary at Harlem.  This man, when they were on the coast
of Africa, had plotted with the pilot and some others to run away with
the vessel, and either to carry her into Dunkirk, or to turn pirates in
her on their own account.  This supercargo had remained ten days on board
the wreck, not being able in all that time to get on shore.  Two whole
days he spent on the mainmast, floating to and fro, till at last, by the
help of one of the yards, he got to land.  When he was once on shore, the
command, in the absence of Captain Pelsart, devolved of course upon him,
which immediately revived in his mind his old design, insomuch that he
resolved to lay hold of this opportunity to make himself master of all
that could be saved out of the wreck, conceiving that it would be easy to
surprise the captain on his return, and determining to go on the
account--that is to say, to turn pirate in the captain's vessel.  In
order to carry this design into execution, he thought necessary to rid
themselves of such of the crew as were not like to come into their
scheme; but before he proceeded to dip his hands in blood, he obliged all
the conspirators to sign an instrument, by which they engaged to stand by
each other.

The whole ship's company were on shore in three islands, the greatest
part of them in that where Cornelis was, which island they thought fit to
call the burying-place of Batavia.  One Mr. Weybhays was sent with
another body into an adjacent island to look for water, which, after
twenty days' search, he found, and made the appointed signal by lighting
three fires, which, however, were not seen nor taken notice of by those
under the command of Cornelis, because they were busy in butchering their
companions, of whom they had murdered between thirty and forty; but some
few, however, got off upon a raft of planks tied together, and went to
the island where Mr. Weybhays was, in order to acquaint him with the
dreadful accident that had happened.  Mr. Weybhays having with him forty-
five men, they all resolved to stand upon their guard, and to defend
themselves to the last man, in case these villains should attack them.
This indeed was their design, for they were apprehensive both of this
body, and of those who were on the third island, giving notice to the
captain on his return, and thereby preventing their intention of running
away with his vessel.  But as this third company was by much the weakest,
they began with them first, and cut them all off, except five women and
seven children, not in the least doubting that they should be able to do
as much by Weybhays and his company.  In the meantime, having broke open
the merchant's chests, which had been saved out of the wreck, they
converted them to their own use without ceremony.

The traitor, Jerom Cornelis, was so much elevated with the success that
had hitherto attended his villainy, that he immediately began to fancy
all difficulties were over, and gave a loose to his vicious inclinations
in every respect.  He ordered clothes to be made of rich stuffs that had
been saved, for himself and his troop, and having chosen out of them a
company of guards, he ordered them to have scarlet coats, with a double
lace of gold or silver.  There were two minister's daughters among the
women, one of whom he took for his own mistress, gave the second to a
favourite of his, and ordered that the other three women should be common
to the whole troop.  He afterwards drew up a set of regulations, which
were to be the laws of his new principality, taking to himself the style
and title of Captain-General, and obliging his party to sign an act, or
instrument, by which they acknowledged him as such.  These points once
settled, he resolved to carry on the war.  He first of all embarked on
board two shallops twenty-two men, well armed, with orders to destroy Mr.
Weybhays and his company; and on their miscarrying, he undertook a like
expedition with thirty-seven men, in which, however, he had no better
success; for Mr. Weybhays, with his people, though armed only with staves
with nails drove into their heads, advanced even into the water to meet
them, and after a brisk engagement compelled these murderers to retire.

Cornelis then thought fit to enter into a negotiation, which was managed
by the chaplain, who remained with Mr. Weybhays, and after several
comings and goings from one party to the other, a treaty was concluded
upon the following terms--viz., That Mr. Weybhays and his company should
for the future remain undisturbed, provided they delivered up a little
boat, in which one of the sailors had made his escape from the island in
which Cornelis was with his gang, in order to take shelter on that where
Weybhays was with his company.  It was also agreed that the latter should
have a part of the stuffs and silks given them for clothes, of which they
stood in great want.  But, while this affair was in agitation, Cornelis
took the opportunity of the correspondence between them being restored,
to write letters to some French soldiers that were in Weybhays's company,
promising them six thousand livres apiece if they would comply with his
demands, not doubting but by this artifice he should be able to
accomplish his end.

His letters, however, had no effect; on the contrary, the soldiers to
whom they were directed carried them immediately to Mr. Weybhays.
Cornelis, not knowing that this piece of treachery was discovered, went
over the next morning, with three or four of his people, to carry to Mr.
Weybhays the clothes that had been promised him.  As soon as they landed,
Weybhays attacked them, killed two or three, and made Cornelis himself
prisoner.  One Wonterloss, who was the only man that made his escape,
went immediately back to the conspirators, put himself at their head, and
came the next day to attack Weybhays, but met with the same fate as
before--that is to say, he and the villains that were with him were
soundly beat.

Things were in this situation when Captain Pelsart arrived in the
_Sardam_ frigate.  He sailed up to the wreck, and saw with great joy a
cloud of smoke ascending from one of the islands, by which he knew that
all his people were not dead.  He came immediately to an anchor, and
having ordered some wine and provisions to be put into the skiff,
resolved to go in person with these refreshments to one of these islands.
He had hardly quitted the ship before he was boarded by a boat from the
island to which he was going.  There were four men in the boat, of whom
Weybhays was one, who immediately ran to the captain, told him what had
happened, and begged him to return to his ship immediately, for that the
conspirators intended to surprise her, that they had already murdered 125
persons, and that they had attacked him and his company that very morning
with two shallops.

While they were talking the two shallops appeared; upon which the captain
rowed to his ship as fast as he could, and was hardly got on board before
they arrived at the ship's side.  The captain was surprised to see men in
red coats laced with gold and silver, with arms in their hands.  He
demanded what they meant by coming on board armed.  They told him he
should know when they were on board the ship.  The captain replied that
they should come on board, but that they must first throw their arms into
the sea, which if they did not do immediately, he would sink them as they
lay.  As they saw that disputes were to no purpose, and that they were
entirely in the captain's power, they were obliged to obey.  They
accordingly threw their arms overboard, and were then taken into the
vessel, where they were instantly put in irons.  One of them, whose name
was John Bremen, and who was first examined, owned that he had murdered
with his own hands, or had assisted in murdering, no less than twenty-
seven persons.  The same evening Weybhays brought his prisoner Cornelis
on board, where he was put in irons and strictly guarded.

On the 18th of September, Captain Pelsart, with the master, went to take
the rest of the conspirators in Cornelis's island.  They went in two
boats.  The villains, as soon as they saw them land, lost all their
courage, and fled from them.  They surrendered without a blow, and were
put in irons with the rest.  The captain's first care was to recover the
jewels which Cornelis had dispersed among his accomplices: they were,
however, all of them soon found, except a gold chain and a diamond ring;
the latter was also found at last, but the former could not be recovered.
They went next to examine the wreck, which they found staved into an
hundred pieces; the keel lay on a bank of sand on one side, the fore part
of the vessel stuck fast on a rock, and the rest of her lay here and
there as the pieces had been driven by the waves, so that Captain Pelsart
had very little hopes of saving any of the merchandise.  One of the
people belonging to Weybhays's company told him that one fair day, which
was the only one they had in a month, as he was fishing near the wreck,
he had struck the pole in his hand against one of the chests of silver,
which revived the captain a little, as it gave him reason to expect that
something might still be saved.  They spent all the 19th in examining the
rest of the prisoners, and in confronting them with those who escaped
from the massacre.

On the 20th they sent several kinds of refreshments to Weybhays's
company, and carried a good quantity of water from the isle.  There was
something very singular in finding this water; the people who were on
shore there had subsisted near three weeks on rainwater, and what lodged
in the clefts of the rocks, without thinking that the water of two wells
which were on the island could be of any use, because they saw them
constantly rise and fall with the tide, from whence they fancied they had
a communication within the sea, and consequently that the water must be
brackish; but upon trial they found it to be very good, and so did the
ship's company, who filled their casks with it.

On the 21st the tide was so low, and an east-south-east wind blew so
hard, that during the whole day the boat could not get out.  On the 22nd
they attempted to fish upon the wreck, but the weather was so bad that
even those who could swim very well durst not approach it.  On the 25th
the master and the pilot, the weather being fair, went off again to the
wreck, and those who were left on shore, observing that they wanted hands
to get anything out of her, sent off some to assist them.  The captain
went also himself to encourage the men, who soon weighed one chest of
silver, and some time after another.  As soon as these were safe ashore
they returned to their work, but the weather grew so bad that they were
quickly obliged to desist, though some of their divers from Guzarat
assured them they had found six more, which might easily be weighed.  On
the 26th, in the afternoon, the weather being fair, and the tide low, the
master returned to the place where the chests lay, and weighed three of
them, leaving an anchor with a gun tied to it, and a buoy, to mark the
place where the fourth lay, which, notwithstanding their utmost efforts,
they were not able to recover.

On the 27th, the south wind blew very cold.  On the 28th the same wind
blew stronger than the day before; and as there was no possibility of
fishing in the wreck for the present, Captain Pelsart held a council to
consider what they should do with the prisoners: that is to say, whether
it would be best to try them there upon the spot, or to carry them to
Batavia, in order to their being tried by the Company's officers.  After
mature deliberation, reflecting on the number of prisoners, and the
temptation that might arise from the vast quantity of silver on board the
frigate, they at last came to a resolution to try and execute them there,
which was accordingly done; and they embarked immediately afterwards for
Batavia.



REMARKS.


This voyage was translated from the original Dutch by Thevenot, and
printed by him in the first volume of his collections.  Pelsart's route
is traced in the map of the globe published by Delisle in the year 1700.

As this voyage is of itself very short, I shall not detain the reader
with many remarks; but shall confine myself to a very few observations,
in order to show the consequences of the discovery made by Captain
Pelsart.  The country upon which he suffered shipwreck was New Holland,
the coast of which had not till then been at all examined, and it was
doubtful how far it extended.  There had indeed been some reports spread
with relation to the inhabitants of this country, which Captain Pelsart's
relation shows to have been false; for it had been reported that when the
Dutch East India Company sent some ships to make discoveries, their
landing was opposed by a race of gigantic people, with whom the Dutch
could by no means contend.  But our author says nothing of the
extraordinary size of the savages that were seen by Captain Pelsart's
people; from whence it is reasonable to conclude that this story was
circulated with no other view than to prevent other nations from
venturing into these seas.  It is also remarkable that this is the very
coast surveyed by Captain Dampier, whose account agrees exactly with that
contained in this voyage.  Now though it be true, that from all these
accounts there is nothing said which is much to the advantage either of
the country or its inhabitants, yet we are to consider that it is
impossible to represent either in a worse light than that in which the
Cape of Good Hope was placed, before the Dutch took possession of it; and
plainly demonstrated that industry could make a paradise of what was a
perfect purgatory while in the hands of the Hottentots.  If, therefore,
the climate of this country be good, and the soil fruitful, both of which
were affirmed in this relation, there could not be a more proper place
for a colony than some part of New Holland, or of the adjacent country of
Carpentaria.  I shall give my reasons for asserting this when I come to
make my remarks on a succeeding voyage.  At present I shall confine
myself to the reasons that have induced the Dutch East India Company to
leave all these countries unsettled, after having first shown so strong
an inclination to discover them, which will oblige me to lay before the
reader some secrets in commerce that have hitherto escaped common
observation, and which, whenever they are as thoroughly considered as
they deserve, will undoubtedly lead us to as great discoveries as those
of Columbus or Magellan.

In order to make myself perfectly understood, I must observe that it was
the finding out of the Moluccas, or Spice Islands, by the Portuguese,
that raised that spirit of discovery which produced Columbus's voyage,
which ended in finding America; though in fact Columbus intended rather
to reach this country of New Holland.  The assertion is bold, and at
first sight may appear improbable; but a little attention will make it so
plain, that the reader must be convinced of the truth of what I say.  The
proposition made by Columbus to the State of Genoa, the Kings of
Portugal, Spain, England, and France, was this, that he could discover a
new route to the East Indies; that is to say, without going round the
Cape of Good Hope.  He grounded this proposition on the spherical figure
of the earth, from whence he thought it self-evident that any given point
might be sailed to through the great ocean, either by steering east or
west.  In his attempt to go to the East Indies by a west course, he met
with the islands and continent of America; and finding gold and other
commodities, which till then had never been brought from the Indies, he
really thought that this was the west coast of that country to which the
Portuguese sailed by the Cape of Good Hope, and hence came the name of
the West Indies.  Magellan, who followed his steps, and was the only
discoverer who reasoned systematically, and knew what he was doing,
proposed to the Emperor Charles V. to complete what Columbus had begun,
and to find a passage to the Moluccas by the west; which, to his immortal
honour, he accomplished.

When the Dutch made their first voyages to the East Indies, which was not
many years before Captain Pelsart's shipwreck on the coast of New
Holland, for their first fleet arrived in the East Indies in 1596, and
Pelsart lost his ship in 1629--I say, when the Dutch first undertook the
East India trade, they had the Spice Islands in view: and as they are a
nation justly famous for the steady pursuit of whatever they take in
hand, it is notorious that they never lost sight of their design till
they had accomplished it, and made themselves entirely masters of these
islands, of which they still continue in possession.  When this was done,
and they had effectually driven out the English, who were likewise
settled in them, they fixed the seat of their government in the island of
Amboyna, which lay very convenient for the discovery of the southern
countries; which, therefore, they prosecuted with great diligence from
the year 1619 to the time of Captain Pelsart's shipwreck; that is, for
the space of twenty years.

But after they removed the seat of their government from Amboyna to
Batavia, they turned their views another way, and never made any voyage
expressly for discoveries on that side, except the single one of Captain
Tasman, of which we are to speak presently.  It was from this period of
time that they began to take new measures, and having made their
excellent settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, resolved to govern their
trade to the East Indies by these two capital maxims: 1.  To extend their
trade all over the Indies, and to fix themselves so effectually in the
richest countries as to keep all, or at least the best and most
profitable part of, their commerce to themselves; 2.  To make the
Moluccas, and the islands dependent on them, their frontier, and to omit
nothing that should appear necessary to prevent strangers, or even Dutch
ships not belonging to the Company, from ever navigating those seas, and
consequently from ever being acquainted with the countries that lie in
them.  How well they have prosecuted the first maxim has been very
largely shown in a foregoing article, wherein we have an ample
description of the mighty empire in the hands of their East India
Company.  As for the second maxim, the reader, in the perusal of
Funnel's, Dampier's, and other voyages, but especially the first, must be
satisfied that it is what they have constantly at heart, and which, at
all events, they are determined to pursue, at least with regard to
strangers; and as to their own countrymen, the usage they gave to James
le Maire and his people is a proof that cannot be contested.

Those things being considered, it is very plain that the Dutch, or rather
the Dutch East India Company, are fully persuaded that they have already
as munch or more territory in the East Indies than they can well manage,
and therefore they neither do nor ever will think of settling New Guinea,
Carpentaria, New Holland, or any of the adjacent islands, till either
their trade declines in the East Indies, or they are obliged to exert
themselves on this side to prevent other nations from reaping the
benefits that might accrue to them by their planting those countries.  But
this is not all; for as the Dutch have no thoughts of settling these
countries themselves, they have taken all imaginable pains to prevent any
relations from being published which might invite or encourage any other
nation to make attempts this way; and I am thoroughly persuaded that this
very account of Captain Pelsart's shipwreck would never have come into
the world if it had not been thought it would contribute to this end, or,
in other words, would serve to frighten other nations from approaching
such an inhospitable coast, everywhere beset with rocks absolutely void
of water, and inhabited by a race of savages more barbarous, and, at the
same time, more miserable than any other creatures in the world.

The author of this voyage remarks, for the use of seamen, that in the
little island occupied by Weybhays, after digging two pits, they were for
a considerable time afraid to use the water, having found that these pits
ebbed and flowed with the sea; but necessity at last constraining them to
drink it, they found it did them no hurt.  The reason of the ebbing and
flowing of these pits was their nearness to the sea, the water of which
percolated through the sand, lost its saltness, and so became potable,
though it followed the motions of the ocean whence it came.



THE VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN ABEL JANSEN TASMAN FOR THE DISCOVERY OF SOUTHERN
COUNTRIES.  1642-43.


By direction of the Dutch East India Company.  [Taken from his original
Journal.]



CHAPTER I: THE OCCASION AND DESIGN OF THIS VOYAGE.


The great discoveries that were made by the Dutch in these southern
countries were subsequent to the famous voyage of Jaques le Maire, who in
1616 passed the straits called by his name; in 1618, that part of Terra
Australia was discovered which the Dutch called Concordia.  The next
year, the Land of Edels was found, and received its name from its
discoverer.  In 1620, Batavia was built on the ruins of the old city of
Jacatra; but the seat of government was not immediately removed from
Amboyna.  In 1622, that part of New Holland which is called Lewin's Land
was first found; and in 1627, Peter Nuyts discovered between New Holland
and New Guinea a country which bears his name.  There were also some
other voyages made, of which, however, we have no sort of account, except
that the Dutch were continually beaten in all their attempts to land upon
this coast.  On their settlement, however, at Batavia, the then general
and council of the Indies thought it requisite to have a more perfect
survey made of the new-found countries, that the memory of them at least
might be preserved, in case no further attempts were made to settle them;
and it was very probably a foresight of few ships going that route any
more, which induced such as had then the direction of the Company's
affairs to wish that some such survey and description might be made by an
able seaman, who was well acquainted with those coasts, and who might be
able to add to the discoveries already made, as well as furnish a more
accurate description, even of them, than had been hitherto given.

This was faithfully performed by Captain Tasman; and from the lights
afforded by his journal, a very exact and curious map was made of all
these new countries.  But his voyage was never published entire; and it
is very probable that the East India Company never intended it should be
published at all.  However, Dirk Rembrantz, moved by the excellency and
accuracy of the work, published in Low Dutch an extract of Captain
Tasman's Journal, which has been ever since considered as a very great
curiosity; and, as such, has been translated into many languages,
particularly into our own, by the care of the learned Professor of
Gresham College, Doctor Hook, an abridgment of which translation found a
place in Doctor Harris's Collection of Voyages.  But we have made no use
of either of these pieces, the following being a new translation, made
with all the care and diligence that is possible.



CHAPTER II: CAPTAIN TASMAN SAILS FROM BATAVIA, AUGUST 14, 1642.


On August 14, 1642, I sailed from Batavia with two vessels; the one
called the _Heemskirk_, and the other the _Zee-Haan_.  On September 5 I
anchored at Maurice Island, in the latitude of 20 degrees south, and in
the longitude of 83 degrees 48 minutes.  I found this island fifty German
miles more to the east than I expected; that is to say, 3 degrees 33
minutes of longitude.  This island was so called from Prince Maurice,
being before known by the name of Cerne.  It is about fifteen leagues in
circumference, and has a very fine harbour, at the entrance of which
there is one hundred fathoms water.  The country is mountainous; but the
mountains are covered with green trees.  The tops of these mountains are
so high that they are lost in the clouds, and are frequently covered by
thick exhalations or smoke that ascends from them.  The air of this
island is extremely wholesome.  It is well furnished with flesh and fowl;
and the sea on its coasts abounds with all sorts of fish.  The finest
ebony in the world grows here.  It is a tall, straight tree of a moderate
thickness, covered with a green bark, very thick, under which the wood is
as black as pitch, and as close as ivory.  There are other trees on the
island, which are of a bright red, and a third sort as yellow as wax.  The
ships belonging to the East India Company commonly touch at this island
for refreshments on their passage to Batavia.

I left this island on the 8th of October, and continued my course to the
south to the latitude of 40 degrees or 41 degrees, having a strong north-
west wind; and finding the needle vary 23, 24, and 25 degrees to the 22nd
of October, I sailed from that time to the 29th to the east, inclining a
little to the south, till I arrived in the latitude of 45 degrees 47
minutes south, and in the longitude of 89 degrees 44 minutes; and then
observed the variation of the needle to be 26 degrees 45 minutes towards
the west.

As our author was extremely careful in this particular, and observed the
variation of the needle with the utmost diligence, it may not be amiss to
take this opportunity of explaining this point, so that the importance of
his remarks may sufficiently appear.  The needle points exactly north
only in a few places, and perhaps not constantly in them; but in most it
declines a little to the east, or to the west, whence arises eastern and
western declination: when this was first observed, it was attributed to
certain excavations or hollows in the earth, to veins of lead, stone, and
other such-like causes.  But when it was found by repeated experiments
that this variation varied, it appeared plainly that none of those causes
could take place; since if they had, the variation in the same place must
always have been the same, whereas the fact is otherwise.

Here at London, for instance, in the year 1580, the variation was
observed to be 11 degrees 17 minutes to the east; in the year 1666, the
variation was here 34 minutes to the west; and in the year 1734, the
variation was somewhat more than 1 degree west.  In order to find the
variation of the needle with the least error possible, the seamen take
this method: they observe the point the sun is in by the compass, any
time after its rising, and then take the altitude of the sun; and in the
afternoon they observe when the sun comes to the same altitude, and
observe the point the sun is then in by the compass; for the middle,
between these two, is the true north or south point of the compass; and
the difference between that and the north or south upon the card, which
is pointed out by the needle, is the variation of the compass, and shows
how much the north and south, given by the compass, deviates from the
true north and south points of the horizon.  It appears clearly, from
what has been said, that in order to arrive at the certain knowledge of
the variation, and of the variation of that variation of the compass, it
is absolutely requisite to have from time to time distinct accounts of
the variation as it is observed in different places: whence the
importance of Captain Tasman's remarks, in this respect, sufficiently
appears.  It is true that the learned and ingenious Dr. Halley has given
a very probable account of this matter; but as the probability of that
account arises only from its agreement with observations, it follows
those are as necessary and as important as ever, in order to strengthen
and confirm it.



CHAPTER III: REMARKS ON THE VARIATION OF THE NEEDLE.


On the 6th of November, I was in 49 degrees 4 minutes south latitude, and
in the longitude of 114 degrees 56 minutes; the variation was at this
time 26 degrees westward; and, as the weather was foggy, with hard gales,
and a rolling sea from the south-west and from the south, I concluded
from thence that it was not at all probable there should be any land
between those two points.  On November 15th I was in the latitude of 44
degrees 33 minutes south, and in the longitude of 140 degrees 32 minutes.
The variation was then 18 degrees 30 minutes west, which variation
decreased every day, in such a manner, that, on the 21st of the same
month, being in the longitude of 158 degrees, I observed the variation to
be no more than 4 degrees.  On the 22nd of that month, the needle was in
continual agitation, without resting in any of the eight points; which
led me to conjecture that we were near some mine of loadstone.

This may, at first sight, seem to contradict what has been before laid
down, as to the variation, and the causes of it: but, when strictly
considered, they will be found to agree very well; for when it is
asserted that veins of loadstone have nothing to do with the variation of
the compass, it is to be understood of the constant variation of a few
degrees to the east, or to the west: but in cases of this nature, where
the variation is absolutely irregular, and the needle plays quite round
the compass, our author's conjecture may very well find place: yet it
must be owned that it is a point far enough from being clear, that mines
of loadstone affect the compass at a distance; which, however, might be
very easily determined, since there are large mines of loadstone in the
island of Elba, on the coast of Tuscany.



CHAPTER IV: HE DISCOVERS A NEW COUNTRY TO WHICH HE GIVES THE NAME OF VAN
DIEMEN'S LAND.


On the 24th of the same month, being in the latitude of 42 degrees 25
minutes south, and in the longitude of 163 degrees 50 minutes, I
discovered land, which lay east-south-east at the distance of ten miles,
which I called Van Diemen's Land.  The compass pointed right towards this
land.  The weather being bad, I steered south and by east along the
coast, to the height of 44 degrees south, where the land runs away east,
and afterwards north-east and by north.  In the latitude of 43 degrees 10
minutes south, and in the longitude of 167 degrees 55 minutes, I anchored
on the 1st of December, in a bay, which I called the Bay of Frederic
Henry.  I heard, or at least fancied I heard, the sound of people upon
the shore; but I saw nobody.  All I met with worth observing was two
trees, which were two fathoms or two fathoms and a half in girth, and
sixty or sixty-five feet high from the root to the branches: they had cut
with a flint a kind of steps in the bark, in order to climb up to the
birds' nests: these steps were the distance of five feet from each other;
so that we must conclude that either these people are of a prodigious
size, or that they have some way of climbing trees that we are not used
to; in one of the trees the steps were so fresh, that we judged they
could not have been cut above four days.

The noise we heard resembled the noise of some sort of trumpet; it seemed
to be at no great distance, but we saw no living creature
notwithstanding.  I perceived also in the sand the marks of wild beasts'
feet, resembling those of a tiger, or some such creature; I gathered also
some gum from the trees, and likewise some lack.  The tide ebbs and flows
there about three feet.  The trees in this country do not grow very
close, nor are they encumbered with bushes or underwood.  I observed
smoke in several places; however, we did nothing more than set up a post,
on which every one cut his name, or his mark, and upon which I hoisted a
flag.  I observed that in this place the variation was changed to 3
degrees eastward.  On December 5th, being then, by observation, in the
latitude of 41 degrees 34 minutes, and in the longitude 169 degrees, I
quitted Van Diemen's Land, and resolved to steer east to the longitude of
195 degrees, in hopes of discovering the Islands of Solomon.



CHAPTER V: SAILS FROM THENCE FOR NEW ZEALAND.


On September 9th I was in the latitude of 42 degrees 37 minutes south,
and in the longitude of 176 degrees 29 minutes; the variation being there
5 degrees to the east.  On the 12th of the same month, finding a great
rolling sea coming in on the south-west, I judged there was no land to be
hoped for on that point.  On the 13th, being in the latitude of 42
degrees 10 minutes south, and in the longitude of 188 degrees 28 minutes,
I found the variation 7 degrees 30 minutes eastward.  In this situation I
discovered a high mountainous country, which is at present marked in the
charts under the name of New Zealand.  I coasted along the shore of this
country to the north-north-east till the 18th; and being then in the
latitude of 40 degrees 50 minutes south, and in the longitude of 191
degrees 41 minutes, I anchored in a fine bay, where I observed the
variation to be 9 degrees towards the east.

We found here abundance of the inhabitants: they had very hoarse voices,
and were very large-made people.  They durst not approach the ship nearer
than a stone's throw; and we often observed them playing on a kind of
trumpet, to which we answered with the instruments that were on board our
vessel.  These people were of a colour between brown and yellow, their
hair long, and almost as thick as that of the Japanese, combed up, and
fixed on the top of their heads with a quill, or some such thing, that
was thickest in the middle, in the very same manner that Japanese
fastened their hair behind their heads.  These people cover the middle of
their bodies, some with a kind of mat, others with a sort of woollen
cloth, but, as for their upper and lower parts, they leave them
altogether naked.

On the 19th of December, these savages began to grow a little bolder, and
more familiar, insomuch that at last they ventured on board the
_Heemskirk_ in order to trade with those in the vessel.  As soon as I
perceived it, being apprehensive that they might attempt to surprise that
ship, I sent my shallop, with seven men, to put the people in the
_Heemskirk_ upon their guard, and to direct them not to place any
confidence in those people.  My seven men, being without arms, were
attacked by these savages, who killed three of the seven, and forced the
other four to swim for their lives, which occasioned my giving that place
the name of the Bay of Murderers.  Our ship's company would, undoubtedly,
have taken a severe revenge, if the rough weather had not hindered them.
From this bay we bore away east, having the land in a manner all round
us.  This country appeared to us rich, fertile, and very well situated,
but as the weather was very foul, and we had at this time a very strong
west wind, we found it very difficult to get clear of the land.



CHAPTER VI: VISITS THE ISLAND OF THE THREE KINGS, AND GOES IN SEARCH OF
OTHER ISLANDS DISCOVERED BY SCHOVTEN.


On the 24th of December, as the wind would not permit us to continue our
way to the north, as we knew not whether we should be able to find a
passage on that side, and as the flood came in from the south-east, we
concluded that it would be the best to return into the bay, and seek some
other way out, but on the 26th, the wind becoming more favourable, we
continued our route to the north, turning a little to the west.  On the
4th of January, 1643, being then in the latitude of 34 degrees 35 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 191 degrees 9 minutes, we sailed quite to
the cape, which lies north-west, where we found the sea rolling in from
the north-east, whence we concluded that we had at last found a passage,
which gave us no small joy.  There was in this strait an island, which we
called the island of the Three Kings; the cape of which we doubled, with
a design to have refreshed ourselves; but, as we approached it, we
perceived on the mountain thirty or five-and-thirty persons, who, as far
as we could discern at such a distance, were men of very large size, and
had each of them a large club in his hand: they called out to us in a
rough strong voice, but we could meet understand anything of what they
said.  We observed that these people walked at a very great rate, and
that they took prodigious large strides.  We made the tour of the island,
in doing which we saw but very few inhabitants; nor did any of the
country seem to be cultivated; we found, indeed, a fresh-water river, and
then we resolved to sail east, as far as 220 degrees of longitude; and
from thence north, as far as the latitude of 17 degrees south; and thence
to the west, till we arrived at the isles of Cocos and Horne, which were
discovered by William Schovten, where we intended to refresh ourselves,
in case we found no opportunity of doing it before, for though we had
actually landed on Van Diemen's Land, we met with nothing there; and, as
for New Zealand, we never set foot on it.

In order to render this passage perfectly intelligible it is necessary to
observe that the island of Cocos lies in the latitude of 15 degrees 10
minutes south; and, according to Schovten's account, is well inhabited,
and well cultivated, abounding with all sorts of refreshments; but, at
the same time, he describes the people as treacherous and base to the
last degree.  As for the islands of Horne, they lie nearly in the
latitude of 15 degrees, are extremely fruitful, and inhabited by people
of a kind and gentle disposition, who readily bestowed on the Hollanders
whatever refreshments they could ask.  It was no wonder, therefore, that,
finding themselves thus distressed, Captain Tasman thought of repairing
to these islands, where he was sure of obtaining refreshments, either by
fair means or otherwise, which design, however, he did not think fit to
put in execution.



CHAPTER VII: REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES IN THE VOYAGE.


On the 8th of January, being in the latitude of 30 degrees 25 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 192 degrees 20 minutes, we observed the
variation of the needle to be 90 degrees towards the east, and as we had
a high rolling sea from the south-west, I conjectured there could not be
any land hoped for on that side.  On the 12th we found ourselves in 30
degrees 5 minutes south latitude, and in 195 degrees 27 minutes of
longitude, where we found the variation 9 degrees 30 minutes to the east,
a rolling sea from the south-east and from the south-west.  It is very
plain, from these observations, that the position laid down by Dr.
Halley, that the motion of the needle is not governed by the poles of the
world, but by other poles, which move round them, is highly probable, for
otherwise it is not easy to understand how the needle came to have, as
our author affirms it had, a variation of near 27 degrees to the west, in
the latitude of 45 degrees 47 minutes, and then gradually decreasing till
it had no variation at all; after which it turned east, in the latitude
of 42 degrees 37 minutes, and so continued increasing its variation
eastwardly to this time.



CHAPTER VIII: OBSERVATIONS ON, AND EXPLANATION OF, THE VARIATION OF THE
COMPASS.


On the 16th we were in the latitude of 26 degrees 29 minutes south, and
in the longitude of 199 degrees 32 minutes, the variation of the needle
being 8 degrees.  Here we are to observe that the eastern variation
decreases, which is likewise very agreeable to Doctor Halley's
hypothesis; which, in few words, is this: that a certain large solid body
contained within, and every way separated from the earth (as having its
own proper motion), and being included like a kernel in its shell,
revolves circularly from east to west, as the exterior earth revolves the
contrary way in the diurnal motion, whence it is easy to explain the
position of the four magnetical poles which he attributes to the earth,
by allowing two to the nucleus, and two to the exterior earth.  And, as
the two former perpetually alter the situation by their circular motion,
their virtue, compared with the exterior poles, must be different at
different times, and consequently the variation of the needle will
perpetually change.  The doctor attributes to the nucleus an European
north pole and an American south one, on account of the variation of
variations observed near these places, as being much greater than those
found near the two other poles.  And he conjectures that these poles will
finish their revolution in about seven hundred years, and after that time
the same situation of the poles obtain again as at present, and,
consequently, the variations will be the same again over all the globe;
so that it requires several ages before this theory can be thoroughly
adjusted.  He assigns this probable cause of the circular revolution of
the nucleus that the diurnal motion, being impressed from without, was
not so exactly communicated to the internal parts as to give them the
same precise velocity of rotation as the external, whence the nucleus,
being left behind by the exterior earth, seems to move slowly in a
contrary direction, as from east to west, with regard to the external
earth, considered as at rest in respect of the other.  But to return to
our voyage.



CHAPTER IX: DISCOVERS A NEW ISLAND, WHICH HE CALLS PYLSTAART ISLAND.


On the 19th of January, being in the latitude of 22 degrees 35 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 204 degrees 15 minutes, we had 7 degrees
30 minutes east variation.  In this situation we discovered an island
about two or three miles in circumference, which was, as far as we could
discern, very high, steep, and barren.  We were very desirous of coming
nearer it, but were hindered by south-east and south-south-east winds.  We
called it the Isle of Pylstaart, because of the great number of that sort
of birds we saw flying about it, and the next day we saw two other
islands.



CHAPTER X: AND TWO ISLANDS, TO WHICH HE GIVES THE NAME OF AMSTERDAM AND
ROTTERDAM


On the 21st, being in the latitude of 21 degrees 20 minutes south, and in
the longitude of 205 degrees 29 minutes, we found our variation 7 degrees
to the north-east.  We drew near to the coast of the most northern
island, which, though not very high, yet was the larger of the two: we
called one of these islands Amsterdam, and the other Rotterdam.  Upon
that of Rotterdam we found great plenty of hogs, fowls, and all sorts of
fruits, and other refreshments.  These islanders did not seem to have the
use of arms, inasmuch as we saw nothing like them in any of their hands
while we were upon the island; the usage they gave us was fair and
friendly, except that they would steal a little.  The current is not very
considerable in this place, where it ebbs north-east, and flows south-
west.  A south-west moon causes a spring-tide, which rises seven or eight
feet at least.  The wind blows there continually south-east, or south-
south-east, which occasioned the _Heemskirk's_ being carried out of the
road, but, however, without any damage.  We did not fill any water here
because it was extremely hard to get it to the ship.

On the 25th we were in the latitude 20 degrees 15 minutes south, and in
the longitude of 206 degrees 19 minutes.  The variation here was 6
degrees 20 minutes to the east; and, after leaving had sight of several
other islands, we made that of Rotterdam: the islanders here resemble
those on the island of Amsterdam.  The people were very good-natured,
parted readily with what they had, did not seem to be acquainted with the
use of arms, but were given to thieving like the natives of Amsterdam
Island.  Here we took in water, and other refreshments, with all the
conveniency imaginable.  We made the whole circuit of the island, which
we found well-stocked with cocoa-trees, very regularly planted; we
likewise saw abundance of gardens, extremely well laid out, plentifully
stocked with all kinds of fruit-trees, all planted in straight lines, and
the whole kept in such excellent order, that nothing could have a better
effect upon the eye.  After quitting the island of Rotterdam, we had
sight of several other islands; which, however, did not engage us to
alter the resolution we had taken of sailing north, to the height of 17
degrees south latitude, and from thence to shape a west course, without
going near either Traitor's Island, or those of Horne, we having then a
very brisk wind from the south-east, or east-south-east.

I cannot help remarking upon this part of Captain Tasman's journal, that
it is not easy to conceive, unless he was bound up by leis instructions,
why he did not remain some time either at Rotterdam or at Amsterdam
Island, but especially at the former; since, perhaps, there is not a
place in the world so happily seated, for making new discoveries with
ease and safety.  He owns that he traversed the whole island, that he
found it a perfect paradise, and that the people gave him not the least
cause of being diffident in point of security; so that if his men had
thrown up ever so slight a fortification, a part of them might have
remained there in safety, while the rest had attempted the discovery of
the Islands of Solomon on the one hand, or the continent of De Quiros on
the other, from neither of which they were at any great distance, and,
from his neglecting this opportunity, I take it for granted that he was
circumscribed, both as to his course and to the time he was to employ in
these discoveries, by his instructions, for otherwise so able a seaman
and so curious a man as his journal shows him to have been, would not
certainly have neglected so fair an opportunity.



CHAPTER XI: AND AN ARCHIPELAGO OF TWENTY SMALL ISLANDS.


On February 6th, being in 17 degrees 19 minutes of south latitude, and in
the longitude of 201 degrees 35 minutes, we found ourselves embarrassed
by nineteen or twenty small islands, every one of which was surrounded
with sands, shoals, and rocks.  These are marked in the charts by the
name of Prince William's Islands, or Heemskirk's Shallows.  On the 8th we
were in the latitude of 15 degrees 29 minutes, and in the longitude of
199 degrees 31 minutes.  We had abundance of rain, a strong wind from the
north-east, or the north-north-east, with dark cold weather.  Fearing,
therefore, that we were run farther to the west than we thought ourselves
by our reckoning, and dreading that we should fall to the south of New
Guinea, or be thrown upon some unknown coast in such blowing misty
weather, we resolved to stand away to the north, or to the north-north-
west, till we should arrive in the latitude of 4, 5, or 6 degrees south,
and then to bear away west for the coast of New Guinea, as the least
dangerous way that we could take.

It is very plain from hence, that Captain Tasman had now laid aside all
thoughts of discovering farther, and I think it is not difficult to guess
at the reason; when he was in this latitude, he was morally certain that
he could, without further difficulty, sail round by the coast of New
Guinea, and so back again to the East Indies.  It is therefore extremely
probable that he was directed by his instructions to coast round that
great southern continent already discovered, in order to arrive at a
certainty whether it was joined to any other part of the world, or
whether, notwithstanding its vast extent, viz., from the equator to 43
degrees of south latitude, and from the longitude of 123 degrees to near
190 degrees, it was, notwithstanding, an island.  This, I say, was in all
appearance the true design of his voyage, and the reason of it seems to
be this: that an exact chart being drawn from his discoveries, the East
India Company might have perfect intelligence of the extent and situation
of this now-found country before they executed the plan they were then
contriving for preventing its being visited or farther discovered by
their own or any other nation; and this too accounts for the care taken
in laying down the map of this country on the pavement of the new
stadthouse at Amsterdam; for as this county was henceforward to remain as
a kind of deposit or land of reserve in the hands of the East India
Company, they took this method of intimating as much to their countrymen,
so that, while strangers are gaping at this map as a curiosity, every
intelligent Dutchman may say to himself, "Behold the wisdom of the East
India Company.  By their present empire they support the authority of
this republic abroad, and by their extensive commerce enrich its subjects
at home, and at the same time show us here what a reserve they have made
for the benefit of posterity, whenever, through the vicissitudes to which
all sublunary things are liable, their present sources of power and
grandeur shall fail."

I cannot help supporting my opinion in this respect, by putting the
reader in mind of a very curious piece of ancient history, which
furnishes us with the like instance in the conduct of another republic.
Diodorus Siculus, in the fifth book of his Historical Library, informs us
that in the African Ocean, some days' sail west from Libya, there had
been discovered an island, the soil of which was exceedingly fertile and
the country no less pleasant, all the land being finely diversified by
mountains and plains, the former thick clothed with trees, the latter
abounding with fruits and flowers, the whole watered by innumerable
rivulets, and affording so pleasant an habitation that a finer or more
delightful country fancy itself could not feign; yet he assures us, the
Carthagenians, those great masters of maritime power and commerce, though
they had discovered this admirable island, would never suffer it to be
planted, but reserved it as a sanctuary to which they might fly, whenever
the ruin of their own republic left them no other resource.  This tallies
exactly with the policy of the Dutch East India Company, who, if they
should at any time be driven from their possessions in Java, Ceylon, and
other places in that neighbourhood, would without doubt retire back into
the Moluccas, and avail themselves effectually of this noble discovery,
which lies open to them, and has been hitherto close shut up to all the
world beside.  But to proceed.



CHAPTER XII: OCCURRENCES IN THE VOYAGE.


On February 14th we were in the latitude of 16 degrees 30 minutes south,
and in the longitude of 193 degrees 35 minutes.  We had hitherto had much
rain and bad weather, but this day the wind sinking, we hailed our
consort the _Zee-Haan_, and found to our great satisfaction that our
reckonings agreed.  On the 20th, in the latitude of 13 degrees 45
minutes, and in the longitude of 193 degrees 35 minutes, we had dark,
cloudy weather, much rain, thick fogs, and a rolling sea, on all sides
the wind variable.  On the 26th, in the latitude of 9 degrees 48 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 193 degrees 43 minutes, we had a north-
west wind, having every day, for the space of twenty-one days, rained
more or less.  On March 2nd, in the latitude of 9 degrees 11 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 192 degrees 46 minutes, the variation was
10 degrees to the east, the wind and weather still varying.  On March
8th, in the latitude of 7 degrees 46 minutes south, and in the longitude
of 190 degrees 47 minutes, the wind was still variable.



CHAPTER XIII: HE ARRIVES AT THE ARCHIPELAGO OF ANTHONG JAVA.


On the 14th, in the latitude of 10 degrees 12 minutes south, and in the
longitude of 186 degrees 14 minutes, we found the variation 8 degrees 45
minutes to the east.  We passed some days without being able to take any
observation, because the weather was all that time dark and rainy.  On
March 20th, in the latitude of 5 degrees 15 minutes south, and in the
longitude of 181 degrees 16 minutes, the weather being then fair, we
found the variation 9 degrees eastward.  On the 22nd, in the latitude of
5 degrees 2 minutes south, and in the longitude of 178 degrees 32
minutes, we had fine fair weather, and the benefit of the east trade
wind.  This day we had sight of land, which lay four miles west.  This
land proved to be a cluster of twenty islands, which in the maps are
called Anthong Java.  They lie ninety miles or thereabouts from the coast
of New Guinea.  It may not be amiss to observe here, that what Captain
Tasman calls the coast of New Guinea, is in reality the coast of New
Britain, which Captain Dampier first discovered to be a large island
separated from the coast of New Guinea.



CHAPTER XIV: HIS ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF NEW GUINEA.


On the 25th, in the latitude of 4 degrees 35 minutes south, and in the
longitude of 175 degrees 10 minutes, we found the variation 9 degrees 30
minutes east.  We were then in the height of the islands of Mark, which
were discovered by William Schovten and James le Maire.  They are
fourteen or fifteen in number, inhabited by savages, with black hair,
dressed and trimmed in the same manner as those we saw before at the Bay
of Murderers in New Zealand.  On the 29th we passed the Green Islands,
and on the 30th that of St. John, which were likewise discovered by
Schovten and Le Maire.  This island they found to be of a considerable
extent, and judged it to lie at the distance of one thousand eight
hundred and forty leagues from the coast of Peru.  It appeared to them
well inhabited and well cultivated, abounding with flesh, fowl, fish,
fruit, and other refreshments.  The inhabitants made use of canoes of all
sizes, were armed with slings, darts, and wooden swords, wore necklaces
and bracelets of pearl, and rings in their noses.  They were, however,
very intractable, notwithstanding all the pains that could be taken to
engage them in a fair correspondence, so that Captain Schovten was at
last obliged to fire upon them to prevent them from making themselves
masters of his vessel, which they attacked with a great deal of vigour;
and very probably this was the reason that Captain Tasman did not attempt
to land or make any farther discovery.  On April 1st, we were in the
latitude of 4 degrees 30 minutes south, and in the longitude of 171
degrees 2 minutes, the variation being 8 degrees 45 minutes to the east,
having now sight of the coast of New Guinea; and endeavouring to double
the cape which the Spaniards call Cobo Santa Maria, we continued to sail
along the coast which lies north-west.  We afterwards passed the islands
of Antony Caens, Gardeners Island, and Fishers Island, advancing towards
the promontory called Struis Hoek, where the coast runs south and south-
east.  We resolved to pursue the same route, and to continue steering
south till we should either discover land or a passage on that side.

It is necessary to observe, that all this time they continued on the
coast, not of New Guinea but of New Britain, for that cape which the
Spaniards called Santa Maria is the very same that Captain Dampier called
Cape St. George, and Caens, Gardeners, and Fishers Islands all lie upon
the same coast.  They had been discovered by Schovten and Le Maire, who
found them to be well inhabited, but by a very base and treacherous
people, who, after making signs of peace, attempted to surprise their
ships; and these islanders managed their slings with such force and
dexterity, as to drive the Dutch sailors from their decks; which account
of Le Maire's agree perfectly well with what Captain Dampier tells us of
the same people.  As for the continent of New Guinea, it lies quite
behind the island of New Britain, and was therefore laid down in all the
charts before Dampier's discovery, at least four degrees more to the east
than it should have been.



CHAPTER XV: CONTINUES HIS VOYAGE ALONG THAT COAST.


On April 12th, in the latitude of 3 degrees 45 minutes south, and in the
longitude of 167 degrees, we found the variation 10 degrees towards the
east.  That night part of the crew were wakened out of their sleep by an
earthquake.  They immediately ran upon deck, supposing that the ship had
struck.  On heaving the lead, however, there was no bottom to be found.
We had afterwards several shocks, but none of them so violent as the
first.  We had then doubled the Struis Hoek, and were at that time in the
Bay of Good Hope.  On the 14th, in the latitude of 5 degrees 27 minutes
south, and in the longitude of 166 degrees 57 minutes, we observed the
variation to be 9 degrees 15 minutes to the east.  The land lay then
north-east, east-north-east, and again south-south-west, so that we
imagined there had been a passage between those two points; but we were
soon convinced of our mistake, and that it was all one coast, so that we
were obliged to double the West Cape and to continue creeping along
shore, and were much hindered in our passage by calms.  This description
agrees very well with that of Schovten and Le Maire, so that probably
they had now sight again of the coast of New Guinea.

It is very probable, from the accident that happened to Captain Tasman,
and which also happened to others upon that coast, and from the burning
mountains that will be hereafter mentioned, that this country is very
subject to earthquakes, and if so, without doubt it abounds with metals
and minerals, of which we have also another proof from a point in which
all these writers agree, viz., that the people they saw had rings on
their noses and ears, though none of them tell us of what metal these
rings were made, which Le Maire might easily have done, since he carried
off a man from one of the islands whose name was Moses, from whom he
learned that almost every nation on this coast speaks a different
language.



CHAPTER XVI: ARRIVES IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF BURNING ISLAND, AND SURVEYS
THE WHOLE COAST OF NEW GUINEA.


On the 20th, in the latitude of 5 degrees 4 minutes south, and in the
longitude 164 degrees 27 minutes, we found the variation 8 degrees 30
minutes east.  We that night drew near the Brandande Yland, _i.e_.,
burning island, which William Schovten mentions, and we perceived a great
flame issuing, as he says, from the top of a high mountain.  When we were
between that island and the continent, we saw a vast number of fires
along the shore and half-way up the mountain, from whence we concluded
that the country must be very populous.  We were often detained on this
coast by calms, and frequently observed small trees, bamboos, and shrubs,
which the rivers on that coast carried into the sea; from which we
inferred that this part of the country was extremely well watered, and
that the land must be very good.  The next morning we passed the burning
mountain, and continued a west-north-west course along that coast.

It is remarkable that Schovten had made the same observation with respect
to the driftwood forced by the rivers into the sea.  He likewise observed
that there was so copious a discharge of fresh water, that it altered the
colour and the taste of the sea.  He likewise says that the burning
island is extremely well peopled, and also well cultivated.  He
afterwards anchored on the coast of the continent, and endeavoured to
trade with the natives, who made him pay very dear for hogs and cocoa-
nuts, and likewise showed him some ginger.  It appears from Captain
Tasman's account that he was now in haste to return to Batavia, and did
not give himself so much trouble as at the beginning about discoveries,
and to say the truth, there was no great occasion, if, as I observed, his
commission was no more than to sail round the new discovered coasts, in
order to lay them down with greater certainty in the Dutch charts.



CHAPTER XVII: COMES TO THE ISLANDS OF JAMA AND MOA.


On the 27th, being in the latitude of 2 degrees 10 minutes south, and in
the longitude of 146 degrees 57 minutes, we fancied that we had a sight
of the island of Moa, but it proved to be that of Jama, which lies a
little to the east of Moa.  We found here great plenty of cocoa-nuts and
other refreshments.  The inhabitants were absolutely black, and could
easily repeat the words that they heard others speak, which shows their
own to be a very copious language.  It is, however, exceedingly difficult
to pronounce, because they make frequent use of the letter R, and
sometimes to such a degree that it occurs twice or thrice in the same
word.  The next day we anchored on the coast of the island of Moa, where
we likewise found abundance of refreshments, and where we were obliged by
bad weather to stay till May 9th.  We purchased there, by way of
exchange, six thousand cocoa-nuts, and a hundred bags of pysanghs or
Indian figs.  When we first began to trade with these people, one of our
seamen was wounded by an arrow that one of the natives let fly, either
through malice or inadvertency.  We were at that very juncture
endeavouring to bring our ships close to the shore, which so terrified
these islanders, that they brought of their own accord on board us, the
man who had shot the arrow and left him at our mercy.  We found them
after this accident much more tractable than before in every respect.  Our
sailors, therefore, pulled off the iron hoops from some of the old water-
casks, stuck them into wooden handles, and filing them to an edge, sold
these awkward knives to the inhabitants for their fruits.

In all probability they had not forgot what happened to our people on
July 16th, 1616, in the days of William Schovten: these people, it seems,
treated him very ill; upon which James le Maire brought his ship close to
the shore, and fired a broadside through the woods; the bullets, flying
through the trees, struck the negroes with such a panic, that they fled
in an instant up into the country, and durst not show their heads again
till they had made full satisfaction for what was past, and thereby
secured their safety for the time to come; and he traded with them
afterwards very peaceably, and with mutual satisfaction.

This account of our author's seems to have been taken upon memory, and is
not very exact.  Schovten's seamen, or rather the petty officer who
commanded his long boat, insulted the natives grossly before they offered
any injury to his people; and then, notwithstanding they fired upon them
with small arms, the islanders obliged them to retreat; so that they were
forced to bring the great guns to bear upon the island before they could
reduce them.  These people do not deserve to be treated as savages,
because Schovten acknowledges that they had been engaged in commerce with
the Spaniards; as appeared by their having iron pots, glass beads, and
pendants, with other European commodities, before he came thither.  He
also tells us that they were a very civilised people, their country well
cultivated and very fruitful; that they had a great many boats, and other
small craft, which they navigated with great dexterity.  He adds also,
that they gave him a very distinct account of the neighbouring islands,
and that they solicited him to fire upon the Arimoans, with whom it seems
they are always at war; which, however, he refused to do, unless provoked
to it by some injury offered by those people.  It is therefore very
apparent that the inhabitants of Moa are a people with whom any
Europeans, settled in their neighbourhood, might without any difficulty
settle a commerce, and receive considerable assistance from them in
making discoveries.  But perhaps some nations are fitter for these kind
of expeditions than others, as being less apt to make use of their
artillery and small arms upon every little dispute; for as the
inhabitants of Moa are well enough acquainted with the superiority which
the Europeans have over them, it cannot be supposed that they will ever
hazard their total destruction by committing any gross act of cruelty
upon strangers who visit their coast; and it is certainly very unfair to
treat people as savages and barbarians, merely for defending themselves
when insulted or attacked without cause.  The instance Captain Tasman
gives us of their delivering up the man who wounded his sailor is a plain
proof of this; and as to the diffidence and suspicion which some later
voyagers have complained of with respect to the inhabitants of this
island, they must certainly be the effects of the bad behaviour of such
Europeans as this nation have hitherto dealt with, and would be
effectually removed, if ever they had a settled experience of a contrary
conduct.  The surest method of teaching people to behave honestly towards
us is to behave friendly and honestly towards them, and then there is no
great reason to fear, that such as give evident proofs of capacity and
civility in the common affairs of life should be guilty of treachery that
must turn to their own disadvantage.



CHAPTER XVIII: PROSECUTES HIS VOYAGE TO CERAM.


On the 12th of May, being then in the latitude of 54 minutes south, and
in the longitude of 153 degrees 17 minutes, we found the variation 6
degrees 30 minutes to the east.  We continued coasting the north side of
the island of William Schovten, which is about eighteen or nineteen miles
long, very populous, and the people very brisk and active.  It was with
great caution that Schovten gave his name to this island, for having
observed that there were abundance of small islands laid down in the
charts on the coast of New Guinea, he was suspicious that this might be
of the number.  But since that time it seems a point generally agreed,
that this island had not before any particular name; and therefore, in
all subsequent voyages, we find it constantly mentioned by the name of
Schovten's Island.

He describes it as a very fertile and well-peopled island; the
inhabitants of which were so far from discovering anything of a savage
nature, that they gave apparent testimonies of their having had an
extensive commerce before he touched there, since they not only showed
him various commodities from the Spaniards, but also several samples of
China ware; he observes that they are very unlike the nations he had seen
before, being rather of an olive colour than black; some having short,
others long hair, dressed after different fashions; they were also a
taller, stronger, and stouter people than their neighbours.  These little
circumstances, which may seem tedious or trifling to such as read only
for amusement, are, however, of very great importance to such as have
discoveries in view; because they argue that these people have a general
correspondence; the difference of their complexion must arise from a
mixed descent; and the different manner of wearing their hair is
undoubtedly owing to their following the fashion of different nations, as
their fancies lead them.  He farther observes that their vessels were
larger and better contrived than their neighbours; that they readily
parted with their bows and arrows in exchange for goods, and that they
were particularly fond of glass and ironware, which, perhaps, they not
only used themselves, but employed likewise in their commerce.  The most
western point of the island he called the Cape of Good Hope, because by
doubling that cape he expected to reach the island of Banda; and that we
may not wonder that he was in doubts and difficulties as to the situation
on of these places, we ought to reflect that Schovten was the first who
sailed round the world by this course, and the last too, except Commodore
Roggewein, other navigators choosing rather to run as high as California,
and from thence to the Ladrone Islands, merely because it is the ordinary
route.

In the neighbourhood of this island Schovten also met with an earthquake,
which alarmed the ship's company excessively, from an apprehension that
they had struck upon a rock.  There are some other islands in the
neighbourhood of this, well peopled, and well planted, abounding with
excellent fruits, especially of the melon kind.  These islands lie, as it
were, on the confines of the southern continent, and the East Indies, so
that the inhabitants enjoy all the advantages resulting from their own
happy climate, and from their traffic with their neighbours, especially
with those of Ternate and Amboyna, who come thither yearly to purchase
their commodities, and who are likewise visited at certain seasons by the
people of these islands in their turn.



CHAPTER XIX: ARRIVES SAFELY AT BATAVIA, JUNE 15, 1643.


On the 18th of May, in the latitude of 26 minutes south and in the
longitude of 147 degrees 55 minutes, we observed the variation to be 5
degrees 30 minutes east.  We were now arrived at the western extremity of
New Guinea, which is a detached point or promontory (though it is not
marked so even in the latest maps); here we met with calms, variable and
contrary winds, with much rain; from thence we steered for Ceram, leaving
the Cape on the north, and arrived safely on that island; by this time
Captain Tasman had fairly surrounded the continent he was instructed to
discover, and had therefore nothing now farther in view than to return to
Batavia, in order to report the discoveries he had made.

On the 27th of May we passed through the straits of Boura, or Bouton, and
continued our passage to Batavia, where we arrived on the 15th of June,
in the latitude of 6 degrees 12 minutes south, and in the longitude of
127 degrees 18 minutes.  This voyage was made in the space of ten months.
Such was the end of this expedition, which has been always considered as
the clearest and most exact that was ever made for the discovery of the
Terra Australis Incognita, from whence that chart and map was laid down
in the pavement of the stadt-house at Amsterdam, as is before mentioned.
We have now nothing to do but to shut up this voyage and our history of
circumnavigators, with a few remarks, previous to which it will be
requisite to state clearly and succinctly the discoveries, either made or
confirmed by Captain Tasman's voyage, that the importance of it may fully
appear, as well as the probability of our conjectures with regard to the
motives that induced the Dutch East India Company to be at so much pains
about these discoveries.



CHAPTER XX: CONSEQUENCES OF CAPTAIN TASMAN'S DISCOVERIES.


In the first place, then, it is most evident, from Captain Tasman's
voyage, that New Guinea, Carpentaria, New Holland, Antony van Diemen's
Land, and the countries discovered by De Quiros, make all one continent,
from which New Zealand seems to be separated by a strait; and, perhaps,
is part of another continent, answering to Africa, as this, of which we
are now speaking, plainly does to America.  This continent reaches from
the equinoctial to 44 degrees of south latitude, and extends from 122
degrees to 188 degrees of longitude, making indeed a very large country,
but nothing like what De Quiros imagined; which shows how dangerous a
thing it is to trust too much to conjecture in such points as these.  It
is, secondly, observable, that as New Guinea, Carpentaria, and New
Holland, had been already pretty well examined, Captain Tasman fell
directly to the south of these; so that his first discovery was Van
Diemen's Land, the most southern part of the continent on this side the
globe, and then passing round by New Zealand, he plainly discovered the
opposite side of that country towards America, though he visited the
islands only, and never fell in again with the continent till he arrived
on the coast of New Britain, which he mistook for that of New Guinea, as
he very well might; that country having never been suspected to be an
island, till Dampier discovered it to be such in the beginning of the
present century.  Thirdly, by this survey, these countries are for ever
marked out, so long as the map or memory of this voyage, shall remain.
The Dutch East India Company have it always in their power to direct
settlements, or new discoveries, either in New Guinea, from the Moluccas,
or in New Holland, from Batavia directly.  The prudence shown in the
conduct of this affair deserves the highest praise.  To have attempted
heretofore, or even now, the establishing colonies in those countries,
would be impolitic, because it would be grasping more than the East India
Company, or than even the republic of Holland, could manage; for, in the
first place, to reduce a continent between three and four thousand miles
broad is a prodigious undertaking, and to settle it by degrees would be
to open to all the world the importance of that country which, for
anything we can tell, may be much superior to any country yet known: the
only choice, therefore, that the Dutch had left, was to reserve this
mighty discovery till the season arrived, in which they should be either
obliged by necessity or invited by occasion to make use of it; but though
this country be reserved, it is no longer either unknown or neglected by
the Dutch, which is a point of very great consequence.  To the other
nations of Europe, the southern continent is a chimera, a thing in the
clouds, or at least a country about which there are a thousand doubts and
suspicions, so that to talk of discovering or settling it must be
regarded as an idle and empty project: but, with respect to them, it is a
thing perfectly well known; its extent, its boundaries, its situation,
the genius of its several nations, and the commodities of which they are
possessed, are absolutely within their cognisance, so that they are at
liberty to take such measures as appear to them best, for securing the
eventual possession of this country, whenever they think fit.  This
account explains at once all the mysteries which the best writers upon
this subject have found in the Dutch proceedings.  It shows why they have
been at so much pains to obtain a clear and distinct survey of these
distant countries; why they have hitherto forborne settling, and why they
take so much pains to prevent other nations from coming at a distinct
knowledge of them: and I may add to this another particular, which is
that it accounts for their permitting the natives of Amboyna, who are
their subjects, to carry on a trade to New Guinea, and the adjacent
countries, since, by this very method, it is apparent that they gain
daily fresh intelligence as to the product and commodities of those
countries.  Having thus explained the consequence of Captain Tasman's
voyage, and thereby fully justified my giving it a place in this part of
my work, I am now at liberty to pursue the reflections with which I
promised to close this section, and the history of circumnavigators, and
in doing which, I shall endeavour to make the reader sensible of the
advantages that arise from publishing these voyages in their proper
order, so as to show what is, and what is yet to be discovered of the
globe on which we live.



CHAPTER XXI: REMARKS UPON THE VOYAGE.


In speaking of the consequences of Captain Tasman's voyage, it has been
very amply shown that this part of Terra Australis, or southern country,
has been fully and certainly discovered.  To prevent, however, the
reader's making any mistake, I will take this opportunity of laying
before him some remarks on the whole southern hemisphere, which will
enable him immediately to comprehend all that I have afterwards to say on
this subject.

If we suppose the south pole to be the centre of a chart of which the
equinoctial is the circumference, we shall then discern four quarters, of
the contents of which, if we could give a full account, this part of the
world would be perfectly discovered.  To begin then with the first of
these, that is, from the first meridian, placed in the island of Fero.
Within this division, that is to say, from the first to the nineteenth
degree of longitude, there lies the great continent of Africa, the most
southern point of which is the Cape of Good Hope, lying in the latitude
of 34 degrees 15 minutes south.  Between that and the pole, several small
but very inconsiderable islands have been discovered, affording us only
this degree of certainty, that to the latitude of 50 degrees there is no
land to be found of any consequence; there was, indeed, a voyage made by
Mr. Bovet in the year 1738, on purpose to discover whether there were any
lands to the south in that quarter or not.  This gentleman sailed from
Port l'Orient July the 18th, 1738, and on the 1st of January, 1739,
discovered a country, the coasts of which were covered with ice, in the
latitude of 54 degrees south, and in the longitude of 28 degrees 30
minutes, the variation of the compass being there 6 degrees 45 minutes,
to the west.

In the next quarter, that is to say, from 90 degrees longitude to 180
degrees, lie the countries of which we have been speaking, or that large
southern island, extending from the equinoctial to the latitude of 43
degrees 10 minutes, and the longitude of 167 degrees 55 minutes, which is
the extremity of Van Diemen's Land.

In the third quarter, that is, from the longitude of 150 degrees to 170
degrees, there is very little discovered with any certainty.  Captain
Tasman, indeed, visited the coast of New Zealand, in the latitude of 42
degrees 10 minutes south, and in the longitude of 188 degrees 28 minutes;
but besides this, and the islands of Amsterdam and Rotterdam, we know
very little; and therefore, if there be any doubts about the reality of
Terra Australis, it must be with respect to that part of it which lies
within this quarter, through which Schovten and Le Maire sailed, but
without discovering anything more than a few small islands.

The fourth and last quarter is from 270 degrees of longitude to the first
meridian, within which lies the continent of South America, and the
island of Terra del Fuego, the most southern promontory of which is
supposed to be Cape Horn, which, according to the best of observations,
is in the latitude of 56 degrees, beyond which there has been nothing
with any degree of certainty discovered on this side.

On the whole, therefore, it appears there are three continents already
tolerably discovered which point towards the south pole, and therefore it
is very probable there is a fourth, which if there be, it must lie
between the country of New Zealand, discovered by Captain Tasman, and
that country which was seen by Captain Sharpe and Mr. Wafer in the South
Seas, to which land therefore, and no other, the title of Terra Australis
Incognita properly belongs.  Leaving this, therefore, to the industry of
future ages to discover, we will now return to that great southern island
which Captain Tasman actually surrounded, and the bounds of which are
tolerably well known.

In order to give the reader a proper idea of the importance of this
country, it will be requisite to say something of the climates in which
it is situated.  As it lies from the equinoctial to near the latitude of
44 degrees, the longest day in the most northern parts must be twelve
hours, and in the southern about fifteen hours, or somewhat more, so that
it extends from the first to the seventh climate, which shows its
situation to be the happiest in the world, the country called Van
Diemen's Land resembling in all respects the south of France.  As there
are in all countries some parts more pleasant than others, so there seems
good reason to believe that within two or three degrees of the tropic of
Capricorn, which passes through the midst of New Holland, is the most
unwholesome and disagreeable part of this country; the reason of which is
very plain, for in those parts it must be excessively hot, much more so
than under the line itself, since the days and nights are there always
equal, whereas within three or four degrees of the tropic of Capricorn,
that is to say, in the latitude 27 degrees south, the days are thirteen
hours and a half long, and the sun is twice in their zenith, first in the
beginning of December, or rather in the latter end of November, and again
when it returns back, which occasions a burning heat for about two
months, or something more; whereas, either farther to the south or nearer
to the line, the climate must be equally wholesome and pleasant.

As to the product and commodities of this country in general, there is
the greatest reason in the world to believe that they are extremely rich
and valuable, because the richest and finest countries in the known world
lie all of them within the same latitude; but to return from conjectures
to facts, the country discovered by De Quiros makes a part of this great
island, and is the opposite coast to that of Carpentaria.  This country,
the discoverer called La Australia del Espiritu Santo, in the latitude of
15 degrees 40 minutes south, and, as he reports, it abounds with gold,
silver, pearl, nutmegs, mace, ginger, and sugar-canes, of an
extraordinary size.  I do not wonder that formerly the fact might be
doubted, but at present I think there is sufficient reason to induce us
to believe it, for Captain Dampier describes the country about Cape St.
George and Port Mountague, which are within 9 degrees of the country
described by De Quiros.  I say Captain Dampier describes what he saw in
the following words: "The country hereabouts is mountainous and woody,
full of rich valleys and pleasant fresh-water brooks; the mould in the
valleys is deep and yellowish, that on the sides of the hills of a very
brown colour, and not very deep, but rocky underneath, yet excellent
planting land; the trees in general are neither very straight, thick, nor
tall, yet appear green and pleasant enough; some of them bear flowers,
some berries, and others big fruits, but all unknown to any of us; cocoa-
nut trees thrive very well here, as well on the bays by the sea-side, as
more remote among the plantations; the nuts are of an indifferent size,
the milk and kernel very thick and pleasant; here are ginger, yams, and
other very good roots for the pot, that our men saw and tasted; what
other fruits or roots the country affords I know not; here are hogs and
dogs, other land animals we saw none; the fowls we saw and knew were
pigeons, parrots, cocadores, and crows, like those in England; a sort of
birds about the bigness of a blackbird, and smaller birds many.  The sea
and rivers have plenty of fish; we saw abundance, though we catched but
few, and these were cavallies, yellow-tails, and whip-wreys."

This account is grounded only on a very slight view, whereas De Quiros
resided for some time in the place he has mentioned.  In another place
Captain Dampier observes that he saw nutmegs amongst them, which seemed
to be fresh-gathered, all which agrees perfectly with the account given
by De Quiros; add to this, that Schovten had likewise observed, that they
had ginger upon this coast, and some other spices, so that on the whole
there seems not the least reason to doubt that if any part of this
country was settled, it must be attended with a very rich commerce; for
it cannot be supposed that all these writers should be either mistaken,
or that they should concur in a design to impose upon their readers;
which is the less to be suspected, if we consider how well their reports
agree with the situation of the country, and that the trees on the land,
and the fish on the coast, corresponding exactly with the trees of those
countries, and the fish on the coasts, where these commodities are known
to abound within land, seem to intimate a perfect conformity throughout.

The next thing to be considered is, the possibility of planting in this
part of the world, which at first sight, I must confess, seems to be
attended with considerable difficulties with respect to every other
nation except the Dutch, who either from Batavia, the Moluccas, or even
from the Cape of Good Hope, might with ease settle themselves wherever
they thought fit; as, however, they have neglected this for above a
century, there seems to be no reason why their conduct in this respect
should become the rule of other nations, or why any other nation should
be apprehensive of drawing on herself the displeasure of the Dutch, by
endeavouring to turn to their benefit countries the Dutch have so long
suffered to lie, with respect to Europe, waste and desert.

The first point, with respect to a discovery, would be to send a small
squadron on the coast of Van Diemen's Land, and from thence round, in the
same course taken by Captain Tasman, by the coast of New Guinea, which
might enable the nations that attempted it to come to an absolute
certainty with regard to its commodities and commerce.  Such a voyage as
this might be performed with very great ease, and at a small expense, by
our East India Company; and this in the space of eight or nine months'
time; and considering what mighty advantages might accrue to the nation,
there seems to be nothing harsh or improbable in supposing that some time
or other, when the legislature is more than usually intent on affairs of
commerce, they may be directed to make such an expedition at the expense
of the public.  By this means all the back coast of New Holland and New
Guinea might be thoroughly examined, and we might know as well, and as
certainly as the Dutch, how far a colony settled there might answer our
expectations; one thing is certain, that to persons used to the
navigation of the Indies, such an expedition could not be thought either
dangerous or difficult, because it is already sufficiently known that
there are everywhere islands upon the coast, where ships upon such a
discovery might be sure to meet with refreshments, as is plain from
Commodore Roggewein's voyage, made little more than twenty years ago.

The only difficulty that I can see would be the getting a fair and honest
account of this expedition when made; for private interest is so apt to
interfere, and get the better of the public service, that it is very hard
to be sure of anything of this sort.  That I may not be suspected of any
intent to calumniate, I shall put the reader in mind of two instances;
the first is, as to the new trade from Russia, for establishing of which
an Act of Parliament was with great difficulty obtained, though visibly
for the advantage of the nation; the other instance is, the voyage of
Captain Middleton, for the discovery of a north-west passage into the
south seas, which is ended by a very warm dispute, whether that passage
be found or not, the person supposed to have found it maintaining the
negative.

Whenever, therefore, such an expedition is undertaken, it ought to be
under the direction, not only of a person of parts and experience, but of
unspotted character, who, on his return, should be obliged to deliver his
journal upon oath, and the principal officers under him should likewise
be directed to keep their journals distinctly, and without their being
inspected by the principal officer; all which journals ought to be
published by authority as soon as received, that every man might be at
liberty to examine them, and deliver his thoughts as to the discoveries
made, or the impediments suggested to have hindered or prevented such
discoveries, by which means the public would be sure to obtain a full and
distinct account of the matter; and it would thence immediately appear
whether it would be expedient to prosecute the design or not.

But if it should be thought too burdensome for a company in so
flourishing a condition, and consequently engaged in so extensive a
commerce as the East India Company is, to undertake such an expedition,
merely to serve the public, promote the exportation of our manufactures,
and increase the number of industrious persons who are maintained by
foreign trade; if this, I say, should be thought too grievous for a
company that has purchased her privileges from the public by a large loan
at low interest, there can certainly be no objection to the putting this
project into the hands of the Royal African Company, who are not quite in
so flourishing a condition; they have equal opportunities for undertaking
it, since the voyage might be with great ease performed from their
settlements in ten months, and if the trade was found to answer, it might
encourage the settling a colony at Madagascar to and from which ships
might, with the greatest conveniency, carry on the trade to New Guinea.  I
cannot say how far such a trade might be consistent with their present
charter; but if it should be found advantageous to the public, and
beneficial to the company, I think there can be no reason assigned why it
should not be secured to them, and that too in the most effectual manner.

A very small progress in it would restore the reputation of the company,
and in time, perhaps, free the nation from the annual expense she is now
at, for the support of the forts and garrisons belonging to that company
on the coasts of Africa; which would alone prove of great and immediate
service, both to the public and to the company.  To say the truth,
something of this sort is absolutely necessary to vindicate the expense
the nation is at; for if the trade, for the carrying on of which a
company is established, proves, by a change of circumstances, incapable
of supporting that company, and thereby brings a load upon the public,
this ought to be a motive, it ought, indeed, to be the strongest motive,
for that company to endeavour the extension of its commerce, or the
striking out, if possible, some new branch of trade, which may restore it
to its former splendour; and in this as it hath an apparent right, so
there is not the least reason to doubt that it would meet with all the
countenance and assistance from the government that it could reasonably
expect or desire.

If such a design should ever be attempted, perhaps the island of New
Britain might be the properest place for them to settle.  As to the
situation, extent, and present condition of that island, all that can be
said of it must be taken from the account given by its discoverer Captain
Dampier, which, in few words, amounts to this: "The island which I call
Nova Britannia has about 4 degrees of latitude, the body of it lying in 4
degrees, the northernmost part in 2 degrees 30 minutes, and the
southernmost in 6 degrees 30 minutes.  It has about 5 degrees 18 minutes
longitude from east to west; it is generally high mountainous land, mixed
with large valleys, which, as well as the mountains, appeared very
fertile; and in most places that we saw the trees are very large, tall,
and thick.  It is also very well inhabited with strong, well-limbed
negroes, whom we found very daring and bold at several places: as to the
product of it, it is very probable this island may afford as many rich
commodities as any in the world; and the natives may be easily brought to
commerce, though I could not pretend to it in my circumstances."  If any
objections should be raised from Dampier's misfortune in that voyage, it
is easy to show that it ought to have no manner of weight whatever,
since, though he was an excellent pilot, he is allowed to have been but a
bad commander; besides, the _Roebuck_, in which he sailed, was a worn-out
frigate that would hardly swim; and it is no great wonder that in so
crazy a vessel the people were a little impatient at being abroad on
discoveries; yet, after all, he performed what he was sent for; and, by
the discovery of this island of New Britain, secured us an indisputable
right to a country, that is, or might be made, very valuable.

It is so situated, that a great trade might be carried on from thence
through the whole Terra Australis on one side, and the most valuable
islands of the East Indies on the other.  In short, all, or at least
most, of the advantages proposed by the Dutch West India Company's
joining with their East India Company, of which a large account has
already been given, might be procured for this nation, by the
establishing a colony in this island of New Britain, and securing the
trade of that colony to the African Company by law; the very passing of
which law would give the company more than sufficient credit, to fit out
a squadron at once capable of securing the possession of that island, and
of giving the public such satisfaction as to its importance, as might be
requisite to obtain further power and assistance from the State, if that
should be found necessary.  It would be very easy to point out some
advantages peculiarly convenient for that company; but it will be time
enough to think of these whenever the African Company shall discover an
inclination to prosecute this design.  At present I have done what I
proposed, and have shown that such a collection of voyages as this ought
not to be considered as a work of mere amusement, but as a work
calculated for the benefit of mankind in general, and of this nation in
particular, which it is the duty of every man to promote in his station;
and whatever fate these reflections may meet with, I shall always have
the satisfaction of remembering that I have not neglected it in mine, but
have taken the utmost pains to turn a course of laborious reading to the
advantage of my country.

But, supposing that neither of these companies should think it expedient,
or, in other words, should not think it consistent with their interest to
attempt this discovery, there is yet a third company, within the spirit
of whose charter, I humbly conceive, the prosecution of such a scheme
immediately lies.  The reader will easily discern that I mean the company
for carrying on a trade to the South Seas, who, notwithstanding the
extensiveness of their charter, confirmed and supported by authority of
parliament, have not, so far as my information reaches, ever attempted to
send so much as a single ship for the sake of discoveries into the South
Seas, which, however, was the great point proposed when this company was
first established.  In order to prove this, I need only lay before the
reader the limits assigned that company by their charter, the substance
of which is contained in the following words:--

"The corporation, and their successors, shall, for ever, be vested in the
sole trade into and from all the kingdoms and lands on the east side of
America, from the River Oroonoco, to the southernmost part of Terra del
Fuego, and on the west side thereof from the said southernmost part of
Terra del Fuego, through the South Sea, to the northernmost part of
America, and into and through all the countries, islands, and places
within the said limits, which are reputed to belong to Spain, or which
shall hereafter be found out and discovered within the limits aforesaid,
not exceeding 300 leagues from the continent of America, between the
southernmost part of the Terra del Fuego and the northernmost part of
America, on the said west side thereof, except the Kingdom of Brazil, and
such other places on the east side of America, as are now in the
possession of the King of Portugal, and the country of Surinam, in the
possession of the States-general.  The said company, and none else, are
to trade within the said limits; and, if any other persons shall trade to
the South Seas, they shall forfeit the ship and goods, and double value,
one-fourth part to the crown, and another fourth part to the prosecutor,
and the other two-fourths to the use of the company.  And the company
shall be the sole owners of the islands, forts, etc., which they shall
discover within the said limits, to be held of the crown, under an annual
rent of an ounce of gold, and of all ships taken as prizes by the ships
of the said company; and the company may seize, by force of arms, all
other British ships trading in those seas."

It is, I think, impossible for any man to imagine that either these
limits should be secured to the company for no purpose in the world; or
that these prohibitions and penalties should take place, notwithstanding
the company's never attempting to make any use of these powers; from
whence I infer that it was the intent of the legislature that new
discoveries should be made, new plantations settled, and a new trade
carried on by this new corporation, agreeable to the rules prescribed,
and for the general benefit of this nation; which I apprehend was chiefly
considered in the providing that this new commerce should be put under
the management of a particular company.  But I am very well aware of an
objection that may be made to what I have advanced; _viz_., that, from my
own showing, this southern continent lies absolutely without their
limits; and that there is also a proviso in the charter of that company
that seems particularly calculated to exclude it, since it recites that.

"The agents of the company shall not sail beyond the southernmost parts
of Terra del Fuego, except through the Straits of Magellan, or round
Terra del Fuego; nor go from thence to any part of the East Indies, nor
return to Great Britain, or any port or place, unless through the said
straits, or by Terra del Fuego: nor shall they trade in East India goods,
or in any places within the limits granted to the united company of
merchants of England trading to East India (such India goods excepted as
shall be actually exported from Great Britain, and also such gold,
silver, wrought plate, and other goods and commodities, which are the
produce, growth, or manufactures of the West Indies, or continent of
America): neither shall they send ships, or use them or any vessel,
within the South Seas, from Terra del Fuego to the northernmost parts of
America, above three hundred leagues to the westward of, and distant from
the land of Chili, Peru, Mexico, California, or any other the lands or
shores of Southern or Northern America, between Terra del Fuego and the
northernmost part of America, on pain of the forfeiture of the ships and
goods; one-third to the crown, and the other two-thirds to the East India
Company."

But the reader will observe that I mentioned the East India and African
Companies before; and that I now mention the South Sea Company, on a
supposition that the two former may refuse it.  In that case, I presume,
the legislature will make the same distinction that the States of Holland
did, and not suffer the private advantage of any particular company to
stand in competition with the good of a whole people.  It was upon this
principle that I laid it down as a thing certain, that the African
company would be allowed to settle the island of Madagascar, though it
lies within the limits of the East India Company's charter, in case it
should be found necessary for the better carrying on of this trade.  It
is upon the same principle I say this southern continent lies within the
intention of the South Sea Company's charter, because, I presume, the
intent of that charter was to grant them all the commerce in those seas,
not occupied before by British subjects; for, if it were otherwise, what
a condition should we be in as a maritime power?  If a grant does not
oblige a company to carry on a trade within the limits granted to that
company, and is, at the same time, of force to preclude all the subjects
of this nation from the right they before had to carry on a trade within
those limits, such a law is plainly destructive to the nation's interest
and to commerce in general.  I therefore suppose, that, if the South Sea
Company should think proper to revive their trade in the manner I
propose, this proviso would be explained by Parliament to mean no more
than excluding the South Sea Company from settling or trading in or to
any place at present settled in or traded to by the East India Company:
for, as this interpretation would secure the just rights of both
companies, and, at the same time reconcile the laws for establishing them
to the general interest of trade and the nation, there is the greatest
reason to believe this to be the intention of the legislature.  I have
been obliged to insist fully upon this matter, because it is a point
hitherto untouched, and a point of such high importance, that, unless it
be understood according to my sense of the matter, there is an end of all
hopes of extending our trade on this side, which is perhaps the only side
on which there is the least probability that it ever can be extended;
for, as to the north-west passage into the South Seas, that seems to be
blocked up by the rights of another company; so that, according to the
letter of our laws, each company is to have its rights, and the nation in
general no right at all.

If, therefore, the settling of this part of Terra Australis should
devolve on the South Sea Company, by way of equivalent for the loss of
their Assiento contract, there is no sort of question but it might be as
well performed by them as by any other, and the trade carried on without
interfering with that which is at present carried on, either by the East
India or African Companies.  It would indeed, in this case, be absolutely
necessary to settle Juan Fernandez, the settlement of which place, under
the direction of that company, if they could, as very probably they
might, fall into some share of the slave-trade from New Guinea, must
prove wonderfully advantageous, considering the opportunity they would
have of vending those slaves to the Spaniards in Chili and Peru.  The
settling of this island ought to be performed at once, and with a
competent force, since, without doubt, the Spaniards would leave no means
unattempted to dispossess them: yet, if a good fortification was once
raised, the passes properly retrenched, and a garrison left there of
between three and five hundred men, it would be simply impossible for the
Spaniards to force them out of it before the arrival of another squadron
from hence.  Neither do I see any reason why, in the space of a very few
years, the plantation of this island should not prove of as great
consequence to the South Sea Company as that of Curacao to the Dutch West
India Company, who raise no less than sixty thousand florins per annum
for licensing ships to trade there.

From Juan Fernandez to Van Diemen's Land is not above two months' sail;
and a voyage for discovery might be very conveniently made between the
time that a squadron returned from Juan Fernandez, and another squadron's
arrival there from hence.  It is true that, if once a considerable
settlement was made in the most southern part of Terra Australis, the
company might then fall into a large commerce in the most valuable East
India goods, very probably gold, and spices of all sorts: yet I cannot
think that even these would fall within the exclusive proviso of their
charter; for that was certainly intended to hinder their trading in such
goods as are brought hither by our East India Company; and I must confess
I see no difference, with respect to the interest of that company,
between our having cloves, cinnamon, and mace, by the South Sea Company's
ships from Juan Fernandez, and our receiving them from Holland, after the
Dutch East India Company's ships have brought them thither by the way of
the Cape of Good Hope.  Sure I am they would come to us sooner by some
months by the way of Cape Horn.  If this reasoning does not satisfy
people, but they still remain persuaded that the South Sea Company ought
not to intermeddle with the East India trade at all, I desire to know why
the West India merchants are allowed to import coffee from Jamaica, when
it is well known that the East India Company can supply the whole demand
of this kingdom from Mocha?  If it be answered that the Jamaica coffee
comes cheaper, and is the growth of our own plantations, I reply, that
these spices will not only be cheaper, but better, and be purchased by
our own manufacturers; and these, I think, are the strongest reasons that
can be given.

If it be demanded what certainty I have that spices can be had from
thence, I answer, all the certainty that in a thing of this nature can be
reasonably expected: Ferdinand de Quiros met with all sorts of spices in
the country he discovered; William Schovten, and Jacques le Maire, saw
ginger and nutmegs; so did Dampier; and the author of Commodore
Roggewein's Voyage asserts, that the free burgesses of Amboyna purchase
nutmegs from the natives of New Guinea for bits of iron.  All, therefore,
I contend for, is that these bits of iron may be sent them from Old
England.

The reason I recommend settling on the south coast of Terra Australis, if
this design should be prosecuted, from Juan Fernandez, rather than the
island of New Britain, which I mentioned before, is, because that coast
is nearer, and is situated in a better and pleasanter climate.  Besides
all which advantages, as it was never hitherto visited by the Dutch, they
cannot, with any colour of justice, take umbrage at our attempting such a
settlement.  To close then this subject, the importance of which alone
inclined me to spend so much of mine and the reader's time about it:

It is most evident, that, if such a settlement was made at Juan
Fernandez, proper magazines erected, and a constant correspondence
established between that island and the Terra Australis, these three
consequences must absolutely follow from thence: 1.  That a new trade
would be opened, which must carry off a great quantity of our goods and
manufactures, that cannot, at present, be brought to any market, or at
least, not to so good a market as if there was a greater demand for them.
2.  It would render this navigation, which is at present so strange, and
consequently so terrible, to us, easy and familiar; which might be
attended with advantages that cannot be foreseen, especially since there
is, as I before observed, in all probability another southern continent,
which is still to be discovered.  3.  It would greatly increase our
shipping and our seamen, which are the true and natural strength of this
country, extend our naval power, and raise the reputation of this nation;
the most distant prospect of which is sufficient to warm the soul of any
man who has the least regard for his country, with courage sufficient to
despise the imputations that may be thrown upon him as a visionary
projector, for taking so much pains about an affair that can tend so
little to his private advantage.  We will now add a few words with
respect to the advantages arising from having thus digested the history
of circumnavigators, from the earliest account of time to the present,
and then shut up the whole with another section, containing the last
circumnavigation by Rear-Admiral Anson, whose voyage has at least shown
that, under a proper officer, English seamen are able to achieve as much
as they ever did; and that is as much as was ever done by any nation in
the world.

It is a point that has always admitted some debate, whether science
stands more indebted to speculation or practice; or, in other words,
whether the greater discoveries have been made by men of deep study, or
persons of great experience in the most useful parts of knowledge.  But
this, I think, is a proposition that admits of no dispute at all, that
the noblest discoveries have been the result of a just mixture of theory
with practice.  It was from hence that the very notion of sailing round
the earth took rise; and the ingenious Genoese first laid down this
system of the world, according to his conception, and then added the
proofs derived from experience.  It is much to be deplored that we have
not that plan of discovery which the great Christopher Columbus sent over
thither by his brother Bartholomew to King Henry VII., for if we had we
should certainly find abundance of very curious observations, which might
still be useful to mariners: for it appears clearly, from many little
circumstances, that he was a person of universal genius, and, until bad
usage obliged him to take many precautions, very communicative.

It was from this plan, as it had been communicated to the Portuguese
court, that the famous Magellan came to have so just notions of the
possibility of sailing by the West to the East Indies; and there was a
great deal of theory in the proposal made by that great man to the
Emperor Charles V.  Sir Francis Drake was a person of the same genius,
and of a like general knowledge; and it is very remarkable that these
three great seamen met also with the same fate; by which I mean, that
they were constantly pursued by envy while they lived, which hindered so
much notice being taken of their discourses and discoveries as they
deserved.  But when the experience of succeeding times had verified many
of their sayings, which had been considered as vain and empty boastings
in their lifetimes, then prosperity began to pay a superstitious regard
to whatever could be collected concerning them, and to admire all they
delivered as oraculous.  Our other discoverer, Candish, was likewise a
man of great parts and great penetration, as well as of great spirit; he
had, undoubtedly, a mighty genius for discoveries; but the prevailing
notion of those times, that the only way to serve the nation was
plundering the Spaniards, seems to have got the better of his desire to
find out unknown countries; and made him choose to be known to posterity
rather as a gallant privateer than as an able seaman, though in truth he
was both.

After these follow Schovten and Le Maire, who were fitted out to make
discoveries; and executed their commission with equal capacity and
success.  If Le Maire had lived to return to Holland, and to have
digested into proper order his own accounts, we should, without question,
have received a much fuller and clearer, as well as a much more correct
and satisfactory detail of them than we have at present: though the
voyage, as it is now published, is in all respects the best, and the most
curious of all the circumnavigators.  This was, very probably, owing to
the ill-usage he met with from the Dutch East India Company; which put
Captain Schovten, and the relations of Le Maire, upon giving the world
the best information they could of what had been in that voyage
performed.  Yet the fate of Le Maire had a much greater effect in
discouraging, than the fame of his discoveries had in exciting, a spirit
of emulation; so that we may safely say, the severity of the East India
Company in Holland extinguished that generous desire of exploring unknown
lands, which might otherwise have raised the reputation and extended the
commerce of the republic much beyond what they have hitherto reached.
This is so true that for upwards of one hundred years we hear of no Dutch
voyage in pursuit of Le Maire's discoveries; and we see, when Commodore
Roggewein, in our own time, revived that noble design, it was again
cramped by the same power that stifled it before; and though the States
did justice to the West India Company, and to the parties injured, yet
the hardships they suffered, and the plain proof they gave of the
difficulties that must be met with in the prosecution of such a design,
seem to have done the business of the East India Company, and damped the
spirit of discovery, for perhaps another century, in Holland.

It is very observable that all the mighty discoveries that have been made
arose from these great men, who joined reasoning with practice, and were
men of genius and learning, as well as seamen.  To Columbus we owe the
finding America; to Magellan the passing by the straits which bear his
name, by a new route to the East Indies; to Le Maire a more commodious
passage round Cape Horn, and without running up to California; Sir
Francis Drake, too, hinted the advantages that might arise by examining
the north-west side of America; and Candish had some notions of
discovering a passage between China and Japan.  As to the history we have
of Roggewein's voyage, it affords such lights as nothing but our own
negligence can render useless.  But in the other voyages, whatever
discoveries we meet with are purely accidental, except it be Dampier's
voyage to the coasts of New Holland and New Guinea, which was expressly
made for discoveries; and in which, if an abler man had been employed in
conjunction with Dampier, we cannot doubt that the interior and exterior
of those countries would have been much better known than they are at
present; because such a person would rather have chosen to have refreshed
in the island of New Britain, or some other country not visited before,
than at that of Timer, already settled both by the Portuguese and the
Dutch.

In all attempts, therefore, of this sort, those men are fittest to be
employed who, with competent abilities as seamen, have likewise general
capacities, are at least tolerably acquainted with other sciences, and
have settled judgments and solid understandings.  These are the men from
whom we are to expect the finishing that great work which former
circumnavigators have begun; I mean the discovering every part and parcel
of the globe, and the carrying to its utmost perfection the admirable and
useful science of navigation.

It is, however, a piece of justice due to the memory of these great men,
to acknowledge that we are equally encouraged by their examples and
guided by their discoveries.  We owe to them the being freed, not only
from the errors, but from the doubts and difficulties with which former
ages were oppressed; to them we stand indebted for the discovery of the
best part of the world, which was entirely unknown to the ancients,
particularly some part of the eastern, most of the southern, and all the
western hemisphere; from them we have learned that the earth is
surrounded by the ocean, and that all the countries under the torrid zone
are inhabited, and that, quite contrary to the notions that were formerly
entertained, they are very far from being the most sultry climate in the
world, those within a few degrees of the tropics, though habitable, being
much more hot, for reasons which have been elsewhere explained.  By their
voyages, and especially by the observations of Columbus, we have been
taught the general motion of the sea, the reason of it, and the cause and
difference of currents in particular places, to which we may add the
doctrine of tides, which were very imperfectly known, even by the
greatest men in former times, whose accounts have been found equally
repugnant to reason and experience.

By their observations we have acquired a great knowledge as to the nature
and variation of winds, particularly the monsoons, or trade winds, and
other periodical winds, of which the ancients had not the least
conception; and by these helps we not only have it in our power to
proceed much farther in our discoveries, but we are likewise delivered
from a multitude of groundless apprehensions, that frightened them from
prosecuting discoveries.  We give no credit now to the fables that not
only amused antiquity, but even obtained credit within a few generations.
The authority of Pliny will not persuade us that there are any nations
without heads, whose eyes and mouths are in their breasts, or that the
Arimaspi have only one eye, fixed in their forehead, and that they are
perpetually at war with the Griffins, who guard hidden treasures; or that
there are nations that have long hairy tales, and grin like monkeys.  No
traveller can make us believe that, under the torrid zone, there are a
nation every man of which has one large flat foot, with which, lying upon
his back, he covers himself from the sun.  In this respect we have the
same advantage over the ancients that men have over children; and we
cannot reflect without amazement on men's having so much knowledge and
learning in other respects, with such childish understandings in these.

By the labours of these great men in the two last centuries we are taught
to know what we seek, and how it is to be sought.  We know, for example,
what parts of the north are yet undiscovered, and also what parts of the
south.  We can form a very certain judgment of the climate of countries
undiscovered, and can foresee the advantages that will result from
discoveries before they are made; all which are prodigious advantages,
and ought certainly to animate us in our searches.  I might add to this
the great benefits we receive from our more perfect acquaintance with the
properties of the loadstone, and from the surprising accuracy of
astronomical observations, to which I may add the physical discoveries
made of late years in relation to the figure of the earth, all of which
are the result of the lights which these great men have given us.

It is true that some of the zealous defenders of the ancients, and some
of the great admirers of the Eastern nations, dispute these facts, and
would have us believe that almost everything was known to the old
philosophers, and not only known but practised by the Chinese long before
the time of the great men to whom we ascribe them.  But the difference
between their assertions and ours is, that we fully prove the facts we
allege, whereas they produce no evidence at all; for instance, Albertus
Magnus says that Aristotle wrote an express treatise on the direction of
the loadstone; but nobody ever saw that treatise, nor was it ever heard
of by any of the rest of his commentators.  We have in our hands some of
the best performances of antiquity in regard to geography, and any man
who has eyes, and is at all acquainted with that science, can very easily
discern how far they fall short of maps that were made even a hundred
years ago.  The celebrated Vossius, and the rest of the admirers of the
Chinese, who, by the way, derived all their knowledge from hearsay, may
testify, in as strong terms as they think fit, their contempt for the
Western sages and their high opinion of those in the East; but till they
prove to us that their favourite Chinese made any voyages comparable to
the Europeans, before the discovery of a passage to China by the Cape of
Good Hope, they will excuse us from believing them.  Besides, if the
ancients had all this knowledge, how came it not to display itself in
their performances?  How came they to make such difficulties of what are
now esteemed trifles?  And how came they never to make any voyages, by
choice at least, that were out of sight of land?  Again, with respect to
the Chinese, if they excel us so much in knowledge, how came the
missionaries to be so much admired for their superior skill in the
sciences?  But to cut the matter short, we are not disputing now about
speculative points of science, but as to the practical application of it;
in which, I think, there is no doubt that the modern inhabitants of the
western parts of the world excel, and excel chiefly from the labours and
discoveries of these great and ingenious men, who applied their abilities
to the improvement of useful arts, for the particular benefit of their
countrymen, and to the common good of mankind; which character is not
derived from any prejudice of ours, either against the ancients or the
Oriental nations, but is founded on facts of public notoriety, and on
general experience, which are a kind of evidence not to be controverted
or contradicted.

We are still, however, in several respects short of perfection, and there
are many things left to exercise the sagacity, penetration, and
application of this and of succeeding ages; for instance, the passages to
the north-east and north-west are yet unknown; there is a great part of
the southern continent undiscovered; we are, in a manner, ignorant of
what lies between America and Japan, and all beyond that country lies
buried in obscurity, perhaps in greater obscurity than it was an age ago;
so that there is still room for performing great things, which in their
consequences perhaps might prove greater than can well be imagined.  I
say nothing of the discoveries that yet remain with regard to inland
countries, because these fall properly under another head, I mean that of
travels.  But it will be time enough to think of penetrating into the
heart of countries when we have discovered the seacoasts of the whole
globe, towards which the voyages recorded in this chapter have so far
advanced already.  But the only means to arrive at these great ends, and
to transmit to posterity a fame approaching, at least in some measure, to
that of our ancestors, is to revive and restore that glorious spirit
which led them to such great exploits; and the most natural method of
doing this is to collect and preserve the memory of their exploits, that
they may serve at once to excite our imitation, encourage our endeavours,
and point out to us how they may be best employed, and with the greatest
probability of success.



AN ACCOUNT OF NEW HOLLAND AND THE ADJACENT ISLANDS.  1699-1700.


BY CAPTAIN WILLIAM DAMPIER.

Having described his voyage from Brazil to New Holland, this celebrated
navigator thus proceeds:

About the latitude of 26 degrees south we saw an opening, and ran in,
hoping to find a harbour there; but when we came to its mouth, which was
about two leagues wide, we saw rocks and foul ground within, and
therefore stood out again; there we had twenty fathom water within two
miles of the shore: the land everywhere appeared pretty low, flat, and
even, but with steep cliffs to the sea, and when we came near it there
were no trees, shrubs, or grass to be seen.  The soundings in the
latitude of 26 degrees south, from about eight or nine leagues off till
you come within a league of the shore, are generally about forty fathoms,
differing but little, seldom above three or four fathoms; but the lead
brings up very different sorts of sand, some coarse, some fine, and of
several colours, as yellow, white, grey, brown, bluish, and reddish.

When I saw there was no harbour here, nor good anchoring, I stood off to
sea again in the evening of the 2nd of August, fearing a storm on a lee-
shore, in a place where there was no shelter, and desiring at least to
have sea-room, for the clouds began to grow thick in the western-board,
and the wind was already there and began to blow fresh almost upon the
shore, which at this place lies along north-north-west and south-south-
east.  By nine o'clock at night we got a pretty good offing, but the wind
still increasing, I took in my main-top-sail, being able to carry no more
sail than two courses and the mizen.  At two in the morning, August 3rd,
it blew very hard, and the sea was much raised, so that I furled all my
sails but my mainsail, though the wind blew so hard, we had pretty clear
weather till noon, but then the whole sky was blackened with thick
clouds, and we had some rain, which would last a quarter of an hour at a
time, and then it would blow very fierce while the squalls of rain were
over our heads, but as soon as they were gone the wind was by much
abated, the stress of the storm being over; we sounded several times, but
had no ground till eight o'clock, August the 4th, in the evening, and
then had sixty fathom water, coral ground.  At ten we had fifty-six
fathom, fine sand.  At twelve we had fifty-five fathom, fine sand, of a
pale bluish colour.  It was now pretty moderate weather, yet I made no
sail till morning, but then the wind veering about to the south-west, I
made sail and stood to the north, and at eleven o'clock the next day,
August 5th, we saw land again, at about ten leagues distant.  This noon
we were in latitude 25 degrees 30 minutes, and in the afternoon our cook
died, an old man, who had been sick a great while, being infirm before we
came out of England.

The 6th of August, in the morning, we saw an opening in the land, and we
ran into it, and anchored in seven and a half fathom water, two miles
from the shore, clean sand.  It was somewhat difficult getting in here,
by reason of many shoals we met with; but I sent my boat sounding before
me.  The mouth of this sound, which I called Shark's Bay, lies in about
25 degrees south latitude, and our reckoning made its longitude from the
Cape of Good Hope to be about 87 degrees, which is less by one hundred
and ninety-five leagues than is usually laid down in our common draughts,
if our reckoning was right and our glasses did not deceive us.  As soon
as I came to anchor in this bay, I sent my boat ashore to seek for fresh
water, but in the evening my men returned, having found none.  The next
morning I went ashore myself, carrying pickaxes and shovels with me, to
dig for water, and axes to cut wood.  We tried in several places for
water, but finding none after several trials, nor in several miles
compass, we left any further search for it, and spending the rest of the
day in cutting wood, we went aboard at night.

The land is of an indifferent height, so that it may be seen nine or ten
leagues off.  It appears at a distance very even; but as you come nigher
you find there are many gentle risings, though none steep or high.  It is
all a steep shore against the open sea; but in this bay or sound we were
now in, the land is low by the seaside, rising gradually in with the
land.  The mould is sand by the seaside, producing a large sort of
samphire, which bears a white flower.  Farther in the mould is reddish, a
sort of sand, producing some grass, plants, and shrubs.  The grass grows
in great tufts as big as a bushel, here and there a tuft, being
intermixed with much heath, much of the kind we have growing on our
commons in England.  Of trees or shrubs here are divers sorts, but none
above ten feet high, their bodies about three feet about, and five or six
feet high before you come to the branches, which are bushy, and composed
of small twigs there spreading abroad, though thick set and full of
leaves, which were mostly long and narrow.  The colour of the leaves was
on one side whitish, and on the other green, and the bark of the trees
was generally of the same colour with the leaves, of a pale green.  Some
of these trees were sweet-scented, and reddish within the bark, like
sassafras, but redder.  Most of the trees and shrubs had at this time
either blossoms or berries on them.  The blossoms of the different sorts
of trees were of several colours, as red, white, yellow, etc., but mostly
blue, and these generally smelt very sweet and fragrant, as did some also
of the rest.  There were also besides some plants, herbs, and tall
flowers, some very small flowers growing on the ground, that were sweet
and beautiful, and, for the most part, unlike any I had seen elsewhere.

There were but few land fowls.  We saw none but eagles of the larger
sorts of birds, but five or six sorts of small birds.  The biggest sort
of these were not bigger than larks, some no bigger than wrens, all
singing with great variety of fine shrill notes; and we saw some of their
nests with young ones in them.  The water-fowls are ducks (which had
young ones now, this being the beginning of the spring in these parts),
curlews, galdens, crab-catchers, cormorants, gulls, pelicans, and some
water-fowl, such as I have not seen anywhere besides.

The land animals that we saw here were only a sort of raccoons, different
from those of the West Indies, chiefly as to their legs, for these have
very short forelegs, but go jumping upon them as the others do (and like
them are very good meat), and a sort of guanos, of the same shape and
size with other guanos described, but differing from them in three
remarkable particulars; for these had a larger and uglier head, and had
no tail, and at the rump, instead of the tail there, they had a stump of
a tail, which appeared like another head, but not really such, being
without mouth or eyes; yet this creature seemed by this means to have a
head at each end, and, which may be reckoned a fourth difference, the
legs also seemed all four of them to be forelegs, being all alike in
shape and length, and seeming by the joints and bending to be made as if
they were to go indifferently either head or tail foremost.  They were
speckled black and yellow like toads, and had scales or knobs on their
backs like those of crocodiles, plated on to the skin, or stuck into it,
as part of the skin.  They are very slow in motion, and when a man comes
nigh them they will stand still and hiss, not endeavouring to get away.
Their livers are also spotted black and yellow; and the body, when
opened, hath a very unsavoury smell.  I did never see such ugly creatures
anywhere but here.  The guanos I have observed to be very good meat, and
I have often eaten of them with pleasure; but though I have eaten of
snakes, crocodiles, and alligators, and many creatures that look
frightfully enough, and there are but few I should have been afraid to
eat of if pressed by hunger, yet I think my stomach would scarce have
served to venture upon these New Holland guanos, both the looks and the
smell of them being so offensive.

The sea-fish that we saw here (for here was no river, land or pond of
fresh water to be seen) are chiefly sharks.  There are abundance of them
in this particular sound, that I therefore gave it the name of Shark's
Bay.  Here are also skates, thornbacks, and other fish of the ray kind
(one sort especially like the sea-devil), and gar-fish, bonetas, etc.  Of
shell-fish we got here mussels, periwinkles, limpets, oysters, both of
the pearl kind and also eating oysters, as well the common sort as long
oysters, besides cockles, etc.  The shore was lined thick with many other
sorts of very strange and beautiful shells for variety of colour and
shape, most finely spotted with red, black, or yellow, etc., such as I
have not seen anywhere but at this place.  I brought away a great many of
them, but lost all except a very few, and those not of the best.

There are also some green turtle weighing about two hundred pounds.  Of
these we caught two, which the water ebbing had left behind a ledge of
rock which they could not creep over.  These served all my company two
days, and they were indifferent sweet meat.  Of the sharks we caught a
great many, which our men ate very savourily.  Among them we caught one
which was eleven feet long.  The space between its two eyes was twenty
inches, and eighteen inches from one corner of his mouth to the other.
Its maw was like a leather sack, very thick, and so tough that a sharp
knife could scarce cut it, in which we found the head and bones of a
hippopotamus, the hairy lips of which were still sound and not putrified,
and the jaw was also firm, out of which we plucked a great many teeth,
two of them eight inches long and as big as a man's thumb, small at one
end, and a little crooked, the rest not above half so long.  The maw was
full of jelly, which stank extremely.  However, I saved for awhile the
teeth and the shark's jaw.  The flesh of it was divided among my men, and
they took care that no waste should be made of it.

It was the 7th of August when we came into Shark's Bay, in which we
anchored at three several places, and stayed at the first of them (on the
west side of the bay) till the 11th, during which time we searched about,
as I said, for fresh water, digging wells, but to no purpose.  However,
we cut good store of firewood at this first anchoring-place, and my
company were all here very well refreshed with raccoons, turtle, shark,
and other fish, and some fowls, so that we were now all much brisker than
when we came in hither.  Yet still I was for standing farther into the
bay, partly because I had a mind to increase my stock of fresh water,
which was begun to be low, and partly for the sake of discovering this
part of the coast.  I was invited to go further by seeing from this
anchoring-place all open before me, which therefore I designed to search
before I left the bay.  So on the 11th about noon I steered further in,
with an easy sail, because we had but shallow water.  We kept, therefore,
good looking out for fear of shoals, sometimes shortening, sometimes
deepening the water.  About two in the afternoon we saw the land ahead
that makes the south of the bay, and before night we had again sholdings
from that shore, and therefore shortened sail and stood off and on all
night, under two top-sails, continually sounding, having never more than
ten fathom, and seldom less than seven.  The water deepened and sholdened
so very gently, that in heaving the lead five or six times we should
scarce have a foot difference.  When we came into seven fathom either
way, we presently went about.  From this south part of the bay we could
not see the land from whence we came in the afternoon; and this land we
found to be an island of three or four leagues long; but it appearing
barren, I did not strive to go nearer it, and the rather because the
winds would not permit us to do it without much trouble, and at the
openings the water was generally shoal: I therefore made no farther
attempts in this south-west and south part of the bay, but steered away
to the eastward, to see if there was any land that way, for as yet we had
seen none there.  On the 12th, in the morning, we passed by the north
point of that land, and were confirmed in the persuasion of its being an
island by seeing an opening to the east of it, as we had done on the
west.  Having fair weather, a small gale, and smooth water, we stood
further on in the bay to see what land was on the east of it.  Our
soundings at first were seven fathom, which held so a great while, but at
length it decreased to six.  Then we saw the land right ahead.  We could
not come near it with the ship, having but shoal water, and it being
dangerous lying there, and the land extraordinarily low, very unlikely to
have fresh water (though it had a few trees on it, seemingly mangroves),
and much of it probably covered at high water, I stood out again that
afternoon, deepening the water, and before night anchored in eight
fathom, clean white sand, about the middle of the bay.  The next day we
got up our anchor, and that afternoon came to an anchor once more near
two islands and a shoal of coral rocks that face the bay.  Here I
scrubbed my ship; and finding it very improbable I should get any further
here, I made the best of my way out to sea again, sounding all the way;
but finding, by the shallowness of the water, that there was no going out
to sea to the east of the two islands that face the bay, nor between
them, I returned to the west entrance, going out by the same way I came
in at, only on the east instead of the west side of the small shoal: in
which channel we had ten, twelve, and thirteen fathom water, still
deepening upon us till we were out at sea.  The day before we came out I
sent a boat ashore to the most northerly of the two islands, which is the
least of them, catching many small fish in the meanwhile, with hook and
line.  The boat's crew returning told me that the isle produces nothing
but a sort of green, short, hard, prickly grass, affording neither wood
nor fresh water, and that a sea broke between the two islands--a sign
that the water was shallow.  They saw a large turtle, and many skates and
thornbacks, but caught none.

It was August the 14th when I sailed out of this bay or sound, the mouth
of which lies, as I said, in 25 degrees 5 minutes, designing to coast
along to the north-east till I might commodiously put in at some other
port of New Holland.  In passing out we saw three water-serpents swimming
about in the sea, of a yellow colour spotted with dark brown spots.  They
were each about four foot long, and about the bigness of a man's wrist,
and were the first I saw on this coast, which abounds with several sorts
of them.  We had the winds at our first coming out at north, and the land
lying north-easterly.  We plied off and on, getting forward but little
till the next day, when the wind coming at south-south-west and south, we
began to coast it along the shore on the northward, keeping at six or
seven leagues off shore, and sounding often, we had between forty and
forty-six fathom water, brown sand with some white shells.  This 15th of
August we were in latitude 24 degrees 41 minutes.  On the 16th day, at
noon, we were in 23 degrees 22 minutes.  The wind coming at east by
north, we could not keep the shore aboard, but were forced to go farther
off, and lost sight of the land; then sounding, we had no ground with
eighty-fathom line.  However, the wind shortly after came about again to
the southward, and then we jogged on again to the northward, and saw many
small dolphins and whales, and abundance of cuttle-shells swimming on the
sea, and some water-snakes every day.  The 17th we saw the land again and
took a sight of it.

The 18th, in the afternoon, being three or four leagues off shore, I saw
a shoal-point stretching from the land into the sea a league or more; the
sea broke high on it, by which I saw plainly there was a shoal there.  I
stood farther off and coasted along shore to about seven or eight leagues
distance, and at twelve o'clock at night we sounded, and had but twenty
fathom, hard sand.  By this I found I was upon another shoal, and so
presently steered off west half an hour, and had then forty fathom.  At
one in the morning of the 18th day we had eighty-five fathom; by two we
could find no ground, and then I ventured to steer along shore again due
north, which is two points wide of the coast (that lies
north-north-east), for fear of another shoal.  I would not be too far off
from the land, being desirous to search into it wherever I should find an
opening or any convenience of searching about for water, etc.  When we
were off the shoal-point I mentioned, where we had but twenty fathom
water, we had in the night abundance of whales about the ship, some
ahead, others astern, and some on each side, blowing and making a very
dismal noise; but when we came out again into deeper water, they left us;
indeed, the noise that they made by blowing and dashing of the sea with
their tails, making it all of a breach and foam, was very dreadful to us,
like the breach of the waves in very shoal water or among rocks.  The
shoal these whales were upon had depth of water sufficient, no less than
twenty fathom, as I said, and it lies in latitude 22 degrees 22 minutes.
The shore was generally bold all along.  We had met with no shoal at sea
since the Abrohlo shoal, when we first fell on the New Holland coast in
the latitude of 28 degrees, till yesterday in the afternoon and this
night.  This morning also, when we expected by the draught we had with us
to have been eleven leagues off shore, we were but four, so that either
our draughts were faulty, which yet hitherto and afterwards we found true
enough as to the lying of the coast, or else here was a tide unknown to
us that deceived us, though we had found very little of any tide on this
coast hitherto; as to our winds in the coasting thus far, as we had been
within the verge of the general trade (though interrupted by the storm I
mentioned), from the latitude of 28 degrees, when we first fell in with
the coast, and by that time we were in the latitude of 25 degrees, we had
usually the regular trade wind (which is here south-south-east) when we
were at any distance from shore; but we had often sea and land breezes,
especially when near shore and when in Shark's Bay, and had a particular
north-west wind or storm that set us in thither.  On this 18th of August
we coasted with a brisk gale of the true trade wind at south-south-east,
very fair and clear weather; but hauling off in the evening to sea, were
next morning out of sight of land, and the land now trending away north-
easterly, and we being to the northward of it, and the wind also
shrinking from the south-south-east to the east-south-east (that is, from
the true trade wind to the sea breeze, as the land now lay), we could not
get in with the land again yet awhile so as to see it, though we trimmed
sharp and kept close on a wind.  We were this 19th day in latitude 21
degrees 42 minutes.  The 20th we were in latitude 19 degrees 37 minutes,
and kept close on a wind to get sight of the land again, but could not
yet see it.  We had very fair weather, and though we were so far from the
land as to be out of sight of it, yet we had the sea and land breezes.  In
the night we had the land breeze at south-south-east, a small gentle
gale, which in the morning about sun-rising would shift about gradually
(and withal increasing in strength) till about noon we should have it at
east-south-east, which is the true sea breeze here.  Then it would blow a
brisk gale so that we could scarce carry our top-sails double-reefed; and
it would continue thus till three in the afternoon, when it would
decrease again.  The weather was fair all the while, not a cloud to be
seen, but very hazy, especially nigh the horizon.  We sounded several
times this 20th day, and at first had no ground, but had afterwards from
fifty-two to forty-five fathom, coarse brown sand, mixed with small brown
and white stones, with dints besides in the tallow.

The 21st day also we had small land breezes in the night, and sea breezes
in the day, and as we saw some sea-snakes every day, so this day we saw a
great many, of two different sorts or shapes.  One sort was yellow, and
about the bigness of a man's wrist, about four feet long, having a flat
tail about four fingers broad.  The other sort was much smaller and
shorter, round, and spotted black and yellow.  This day we sounded
several times, and had forty-five fathom, sand.  We did not make the land
till noon, and then saw it first from our topmast head; it bore south-
east by east about nine leagues distance, and it appeared like a cape or
head of land.  The sea breeze this day was not so strong as the day
before, and it veered out more, so that we had a fair wind to run in with
to the shore, and at sunset anchored in twenty fathom, clean sand, about
five leagues from the Bluff point, which was not a cape (as it appeared
at a great distance), but the easternmost end of an island about five or
six leagues in length, and one in breadth.  There were three or four
rocky islands about a league from us, between us and the Bluff point, and
we saw many other islands both to the east and west of it, as far as we
could see either way from our topmast-head, and all within them to the
south there was nothing but islands of a pretty height, that may be seen
eight or nine leagues off; by what we saw of them they must have been a
range of islands of about twenty leagues in length, stretching from east-
north-east to west-south-west, and, for aught I know, as far as to those
of Shark's Bay, and to a considerable breadth also, for we could see nine
or ten leagues in among them, towards the continent or mainland of New
Holland, if there be any such thing hereabouts; and by the great tides I
met with awhile afterwards, more to the north-east, I had a strong
suspicion that here might be a kind of archipelago of islands, and a
passage possibly to the south of New Holland and New Guinea into the
great South Sea eastward, which I had thoughts also of attempting in my
return from New Guinea, had circumstances permitted, and told my officers
so; but I would not attempt it at this time, because we wanted water, and
could not depend upon finding it there.  This place is in the latitude of
20 degrees 21 minutes, but in the draught that I had of this coast, which
was Tasman's, it was laid down in 19 degrees 50 minutes, and the shore is
laid down as all along joining in one body or continent, with some
openings appearing like rivers, and not like islands as really they are.
This place lies more northerly by 40 minutes than is laid down in Mr.
Tasman's draught, and besides its being made a firm continued land, only
with some openings like the mouths of rivers, I found the soundings also
different from what the pricked line of his course shows them, and
generally shallower than he makes them, which inclines me to think that
he came not so near the shore as his line shows, and so had deeper
soundings, and could not so well distinguish the islands.  His meridian
or difference of longitude from Shark's Bay agrees well enough with my
account, which is two hundred and thirty-two leagues, though we differ in
latitude; and to confirm my conjecture that the line of his course is
made too near the shore, at least not far to the east of this place, the
water is there so shallow that he could not come there so nigh.

But to proceed.  In the night we had a small land breeze, and in the
morning I weighed anchor, designing to run in among the islands, for they
had large channels between them of a league wide at least, and some two
or three leagues wide.  I sent in my boat before to sound, and if they
found shoal water to return again, but if they found water enough to go
ashore on one of the islands and stay till the ship came in, where they
might in the meantime search for water.  So we followed after with the
ship, sounding as we went in, and had twenty fathom till within two
leagues of the Bluff head, and then we had shoal water and very uncertain
soundings; yet we ran in still with an easy sail, sounding and looking
out well, for this was dangerous work.  When we came abreast of the Bluff
head, and about two miles from it, we had but seven fathom, then we edged
away from it, but had no more water, and running in a little farther we
had but four fathoms, so we anchored immediately; and yet when we had
veered out a third of a cable, we had seven fathom water again, so
uncertain was the water.  My boat came immediately on board, and told me
that the island was very rocky and dry, and they had little hopes of
finding water there.  I sent them to sound, and bade them, if they found
a channel of eight or ten fathom water, to keep on, and we would follow
with the ship.  We were now about four leagues within the outer small
rocky islands, but still could see nothing but islands within us, some
five or six leagues long, others not above a mile round.  The large
islands were pretty high, but all appeared dry, and mostly rocky and
barren.  The rocks looked of a rusty yellow colour, and therefore I
despaired of getting water on any of them, but was in some hopes of
finding a channel to run in beyond all these islands, could I have spent
time here, and either got to the main of New Holland or find out some
other islands that might afford us water and other refreshments; besides
that among so many islands we might have found some sort of rich mineral,
or ambergris, it being a good latitude for both these.  But we had not
sailed above a league farther before our water grew shoaler again, and
then we anchored in six fathom, hard sand.

We were now on the inner side of the island, on whose outside is the
Bluff point.  We rode a league from the island, and I presently went
ashore and carried shovels to dig for water, but found none.  There grow
here two or three sorts of shrubs, one just like rosemary, and therefore
I called this Rosemary Island; it grew in great plenty here, but had no
smell.  Some of the other shrubs had blue and yellow flowers; and we
found two sorts of grain like beans; the one grew on bushes, the other on
a sort of creeping vine that runs along on the ground, having very thick
broad leaves, and the blossom like a bean blossom, but much larger and of
a deep red colour, looking very beautiful.  We saw here some cormorants,
gulls, crab-catchers, etc., a few small land birds, and a sort of white
parrots, which flew a great many together.  We found some shell-fish,
viz., limpets, periwinkles, and abundance of small oysters growing on the
rocks, which were very sweet.  In the sea we saw some green turtle, many
sharks, and abundance of water-snakes of several sorts and sizes.  The
stones were all of rusty colour, and ponderous.

We saw a smoke on an island three or four leagues off, and here also the
bushes had been burned, but we found no other sign of inhabitants.  It
was probable that on the island where the smoke was there were
inhabitants, and fresh water for them.  In the evening I went aboard, and
consulted with my officers whether it was best to send thither, or to
search among any other of these islands with my boat, or else go from
hence and coast along shore with the ship, till we could find some better
place than this was to ride in, where we had shoal water and lay exposed
to winds and tides.  They all agreed to go from hence, so I gave orders
to weigh in the morning as soon as it should be light, and to get out
with the land breeze.

Accordingly, August 23rd, at five in the morning, we ran out, having a
pretty fresh land breeze at south-south-east.  By eight o'clock we were
got out, and very seasonably, for before nine the sea breeze came on us
very strong, and increasing, we took in our top-sails and stood off under
two courses and a mizen, this being as much sail as we could carry.  The
sky was clear, there being not one cloud to be seen, but the horizon
appeared very hazy, and the sun at setting the night before, and this
morning at rising, appeared very red.  The wind continued very strong
till twelve, then it began to abate; I have seldom met with a stronger
breeze.  These strong sea breezes lasted thus in their turns three or
four days.  They sprang up with the sunrise; by nine o'clock they were
very strong, and so continued till noon, when they began to abate; and by
sunset there was little wind, or a calm, till the land breezes came,
which we should certainly have in the morning about one or two o'clock.
The land breezes were between the south-south-west and south-south-east:
the sea breezes between the east-north-east and north-north-east.  In the
night while calm, we fished with hook and line, and caught good store of
fish viz., snappers, breams, old-wives, and dog-fish.  When these last
came we seldom caught any others; for it they did not drive away the
other fish, yet they would be sure to keep them from taking our hooks,
for they would first have them themselves, biting very greedily.  We
caught also a monk-fish, of which I brought home the picture.

On the 25th of August we still coasted along shore, that we might the
better see any opening; kept sounding, and had about twenty fathom, clean
sand.  The 26th day, being about four leagues off shore, the water began
gradually to sholden from twenty to fourteen fathom.  I was edging in a
little towards the land, thinking to have anchored; but presently after
the water decreased almost at once, till we had but five fathom.  I
durst, therefore, adventure no farther, but steered out the same way that
we came in, and in a short time had ten fathom (being then about four
leagues and a half from the shore), and even soundings.  I steered away
east-north-east, coasting along as the land lies.  This day the sea
breezes began to be very moderate again, and we made the best of our way
along shore, only in the night edging off a little for fear of shoals.
Ever since we left Shark's Bay we had fair clear weather, and so for a
great while still.

The 27th day we had twenty fathom water all night, yet we could not see
land till one in the afternoon from our topmast-head.  By three we could
just discern land from our quarter-deck; we had then sixteen fathom.  The
wind was at north, and we steered east-by-north, which is but one point
in on the land; yet we decreased our water very fast, for at four we had
but nine fathom, the next cast but seven, which frightened us; and we
then tacked instantly and steed off, but in a short time the wind coming
at north-west and west-north-west, we tacked again and steered
north-north-east, and then deepened our water again, and had all night
from fifteen to twenty fathom.

The 28th day we had between twenty and forty fathom.  We saw no land this
day, but saw a great many snakes and some whales.  We saw also some
boobies and noddy-birds, and in the night caught one of these last.  It
was of another shape and colour than any I had seen before.  It had a
small long bill, as all of them have, flat feet like ducks' feet, its
tail forked like a swallow, but longer and broader, and the fork deeper
than that of the swallow, with very long wings; the top or crown of the
head of this noddy was coal-black, having also small black streaks round
about and close to the eyes; and round these streaks on each side, a
pretty broad white circle.  The breast, belly, and under part of the
wings of this noddy were white, and the back and upper part of its wings
of a faint black or smoke colour.  Noddies are seen in most places
between the tropics, as well in the East Indies and on the coast of
Brazil, as in the West Indies.  They rest ashore at night, and therefore
we never see them far at sea, not above twenty or thirty leagues, unless
driven off in a storm.  When they come about a ship they commonly perch
in the night, and will sit still till they are taken by the seamen.  They
build on cliffs against the sea, or rocks.

The 30th day, being in latitude 18 degrees 21 minutes, we made the land
again, and saw many great smokes near the shore; and having fair weather
and moderate breezes, I steered in towards it.  At four in the afternoon
I anchored in eight fathom water, clear sand, about three leagues and a
half from the shore.  I presently sent my boat to sound nearer in, and
they found ten fathom about a mile farther in, and from thence still
farther in the water decreased gradually to nine, eight, seven, and at
two miles distance to six fathom.  This evening we saw an eclipse of the
moon, but it was abating before the moon appeared to us; for the horizon
was very hazy, so that we could not see the moon till she had been half
an hour above the horizon; and at two hours twenty-two minutes after
sunset, by the reckoning of our glasses, the eclipse was quite gone,
which was not of many digits.  The moon's centre was then 33 degrees 40
minutes high.

The 31st of August, betimes in the morning, I went ashore with ten or
eleven men to search for water.  We went armed with muskets and cutlasses
for our defence, expecting to see people there, and carried also shovels
and pickaxes to dig wells.  When we came near the shore we saw three
tall, black, naked men on the sandy bay ahead of us; but as we rowed in,
they went away.  When we were landed, I sent the boat with two men in her
to lie a little from the shore at an anchor, to prevent being seized;
while the rest of us went after the three black men, who were now got on
the top of a small hill about a quarter of a mile from us, with eight or
nine men more in their company.  They, seeing us coming, ran away.  When
we came on the top of the hill where they first stood, we saw a plain
savannah, about half a mile from us, farther in from the sea.  There were
several things like hay-cocks standing in the savannah, which at a
distance we thought were houses, looking just like the Hottentots' houses
at the Cape of Good Hope: but we found them to be so many rocks.  We
searched about these for water, but could find none, nor any houses, nor
people, for they were all gone.  Then we turned again to the place where
we landed, and there we dug for water.

While we were at work there came nine or ten of the natives to a small
hill a little way from us, and stood there menacing and threatening us,
and making a great noise.  At last one of them came towards us, and the
rest followed at a distance.  I went out to meet him, and came within
fifty yards of him, making to him all the signs of peace and friendship I
could, but then he ran away, neither would they any of them stay for us
to come nigh them, for we tried two or three times.  At last I took two
men with me, and went in the afternoon along by the sea-side, purposely
to catch one of them, if I could, of whom I might learn where they got
their fresh water.  There were ten or twelve of the natives a little way
off, who, seeing us three going away from the rest of our men, followed
us at a distance.  I thought they would follow us, but there being for
awhile a sand-bank between us and them, that they could not then see us,
we made a halt, and hid ourselves in a bending of the sand-bank.  They
knew we must be thereabouts, and being three or four times our numbers,
thought to seize us.  So they dispersed themselves, some going to the sea-
shore, and others beating about the sand-hills.  We knew by what
rencounter we had had with them in the morning that we could easily out-
run them, so a nimble young man that was with me, seeing some of them
near, ran towards them; and they for some time ran away before him, but
he soon overtaking them, they faced about and fought him.  He had a
cutlass and they had wooden lances, with which, being many of them, they
were too hard for him.  When he first ran towards them I chased two more
that were by the shore; but fearing how it might be with my young man, I
turned back quickly and went to the top of a sand-hill, whence I saw him
near me, closely engaged with them.  Upon their seeing me, one of them
threw a lance at me, that narrowly missed me.  I discharged my gun to
scare them, but avoided shooting any of them, till finding the young man
in great danger from them, and myself in some; and that though the gun
had a little frightened them at first, yet they had soon learnt to
despise it, tossing up their hands and crying, "pooh, pooh, pooh," and
coming on afresh with a great noise, I thought it high time to charge
again, and shoot one of them, which I did.  The rest, seeing him fall,
made a stand again, and my young man took the opportunity to disengage
himself and come off to me; my other man also was with me, who had done
nothing all this while, having come out unarmed, and I returned back with
my men, designing to attempt the natives no farther, being very sorry for
what had happened already.  They took up their wounded companion; and my
young man, who had been struck through the cheek by one of their lances,
was afraid it had been poisoned, but I did not think that likely.  His
wound was very painful to him, being made with a blunt weapon; but he
soon recovered of it.

Among the New Hollanders, whom we were thus engaged with, there was one
who by his appearance and carriage, as well in the morning as this
afternoon, seemed to be the chief of them, and a kind of prince or
captain among them.  He was a young brisk man, not very tall, nor so
personable as some of the rest, though more active and courageous: he was
painted (which none of the rest were at all) with a circle of white paste
or pigment (a sort of lime, as we thought) about his eyes, and a white
streak down his nose, from his forehead to the tip of it: and his breast
and some part of his arms were also made white with the same paint; not
for beauty or ornament, one would think, but as some wild Indian warriors
are said to do, he seemed thereby to design the looking more terrible;
this his painting adding very much to his natural deformity; for they all
of them have the most unpleasant looks and the worst features of any
people that ever I saw, though I have seen great variety of savages.
These New Hollanders were probably the same sort of people as those I met
with on this coast in my voyage round the world, for the place I then
touched at was not above forty or fifty leagues to the north-east of
this, and these were much the same blinking creatures (here being also
abundance of the same kind of flesh-flies teazing them,) and with the
same black skins, and hair frizzled, tall and thin, &c. as those were:
but we had not the opportunity to see whether these, as the former,
wanted two of their fore-teeth.

We saw a great many places where they had made fires, and where there
were commonly three or four boughs stuck up to windward of them; for the
wind, (which is the sea-breeze), in the day-time blows always one way
with them, and the land-breeze is but small.  By their fire-places we
should always find great heaps of fish-shells of several sorts; and it is
probable that these poor creatures here lived chiefly on the shell-fish,
as those I before described did on small fish, which they caught in wires
or holes in the sand at low water.  These gathered their shell-fish on
the rocks at low water but had no wires (that we saw), whereby to get any
other sorts of fish; as among the former I saw not any heaps of shells as
here, though I know they also gathered some shell-fish.  The lances also
of those were such as these had; however, they being upon an island, with
their women and children, and all in our power, they did not there use
them against us, as here on the continent, where we saw none but some of
the men under head, who come out purposely to observe us.  We saw no
houses at either place, and I believe they have none, since the former
people on the island had none, though they had all their families with
them.

Upon returning to my men I saw that though they had dug eight or nine
feet deep, yet found no water.  So I returned aboard that evening, and
the next day, being September 1st, I sent my boatswain ashore to dig
deeper, and sent the seine within him to catch fish.  While I stayed
aboard I observed the flowing of the tide, which runs very swift here, so
that our nun-buoy would not bear above the water to be seen.  It flows
here (as on that part of New Holland I described formerly) about five
fathom; and here the flood runs south-east by south till the last
quarter; then it sets right in towards the shore (which lies here south-
south-west and north north-east) and the ebb runs north-west by north.
When the tides slackened we fished with hook and line, as we had already
done in several places on this coast; on which in this voyage hitherto we
had found but little tides; but by the height, and strength, and course
of them hereabouts, it should seem that if there be such a passage or
strait going through eastward to the great South Sea, as I said one might
suspect, one would expect to find the mouth of it somewhere between this
place and Rosemary Island, which was the part of New Holland I came last
from.

Next morning my men came aboard and brought a runlet of brackish water
which they had got out of another well that they dug in a place a mile
off, and about half as far from the shore; but this water was not fit to
drink.  However, we all concluded that it would serve to boil our
oatmeal, for burgoo, whereby we might save the remains of our other water
for drinking, till we should get more: and accordingly the next day we
brought aboard four hogsheads of it: but while we were at work about the
well we were sadly pestered with the flies, which were more troublesome
to us than the sun, though it shone clear and strong upon us all the
while very hot.  All this while we saw no more of the natives, but saw
some of the smoke of some of their fires at two or three miles distance.

The land hereabouts was much like the port of New Holland that I formerly
described; it is low, but seemingly barricaded with a long chain of sand-
hills to the sea, that lets nothing be seen of what is farther within
land.  At high water the tides rising so high as they do, the coast shows
very low: but when it is low water it seems to be of an indifferent
height.  At low water-mark the shore is all rocky, so that then there is
no landing with a boat; but at high water a boat may come in over those
rocks to the sandy bay, which runs all along on this coast.  The land by
the sea for about five or six hundred yards is a dry sandy soil, bearing
only shrubs and bushes of divers sorts.  Some of these had them at this
time of the year, yellow flowers or blossoms, some blue, and some white;
most of them of a very fragrant smell.  Some had fruit like peascods, in
each of which there were just ten small peas; I opened many of them, and
found no more nor less.  There are also here some of that sort of bean
which I saw at Rosemary Island: and another sort of small red hard pulse,
growing in cods also, with little black eyes like beans.  I know not
their names, but have seen them used often in the East Indies for
weighing gold; and they make the same use of them at Guinea, as I have
heard, where the women also make bracelets with them to wear about their
arms.  These grow on bushes; but here are also a fruit like beans growing
on a creeping sort of shrub-like vine.  There was great plenty of all
these sorts of cod-fruit growing on the sand-hills by the sea side, some
of them green, some ripe, and some fallen on the ground: but I could not
perceive that any of them had been gathered by the natives; and might not
probably be wholesome food.

The land farther in, that is, lower than what borders on the sea, was so
much as we saw of it, very plain and even; partly savannahs and partly
woodland.  The savannahs bear a sort of thin coarse grass.  The mould is
also a coarser sand than that by the sea-side, and in some places it is
clay.  Here are a great many rocks in the large savannah we were in,
which are five or six feet high, and round at top like a hay-cock, very
remarkable; some red and some white.  The woodland lies farther in still,
where there were divers sorts of small trees, scarce any three feet in
circumference, their bodies twelve or fourteen feet high, with a head of
small knibs or boughs.  By the sides of the creeks, especially nigh the
sea, there grow a few small black mangrove-trees.

There are but few land animals.  I saw some lizards; and my men saw two
or three beasts like hungry wolves, lean like so many skeletons, being
nothing but skin and bones; it is probable that it was the foot of one of
those beasts that I mentioned as seen by us in New Holland.  We saw a
raccoon or two, and one small speckled snake.

The land fowls that we saw here were crows, just such as ours in England,
small hawks and kites, a few of each sort: but here are plenty of small
turtle doves, that are plump, fat, and very good meat.  Here are two or
three sorts of smaller birds, some as big as larks, some less; but not
many of either sort.  The sea-fowl are pelicans, boobies, noddies,
curlews, seapies, &c., and but few of these neither.

The sea is plentifully stocked with the largest whales that I ever saw;
but not to compare with the vast ones of the Northern Seas.  We saw also
a great many green turtle, but caught none, here being no place to set a
turtle net in; there being no channel for them, and the tides running so
strong.  We saw some sharks and parracoots; and with hooks and lines we
caught some rock-fish and old-wives.  Of shell-fish, here were oysters
both of the common kind for eating, and of the pearl kind; and also
whelks, conchs, muscles, limpits, periwinkles, &c., and I gathered a few
strange shells, chiefly a sort not large, and thickset all about with
rays or spikes growing in rows.

And thus having ranged about a considerable time upon this coast, without
finding any good fresh water or any convenient place to clean the ship,
as I had hoped for; and it being moreover the height of the dry season,
and my men growing scorbutic for want of refreshments, so that I had
little encouragement to search further, I resolved to leave this coast,
and accordingly in the beginning of September set sail towards Timor.

On the 12th of December, 1699, we sailed from Babao, coasting along the
island Timor to the eastward, towards New Guinea.  It was the 20th before
we got as far as Laphao, which is but forty leagues.  We saw black clouds
in the north-west, and expected the wind from that quarter above a month
sooner.

That afternoon we saw the opening between the islands Omba and Fetter,
but feared to pass through in the night.  At two o'clock in the morning
it fell calm, and continued so till noon, in which time we drove with the
current back again south-west six or seven leagues.

On the 22nd, steering to the eastward to get through between Omba and
Fetter, we met a very strong tide against us, so that although we had a
very fresh gale, we yet made way very slowly; but before night got
through.  By a good observation we found that the south-east point of
Omba lies in latitude 8 degrees 25 minutes.  In my drafts it is laid down
in 8 degrees 10 minutes.  My true course from Babao, is east 25 degrees
north, distance one hundred eighty-three miles.  We sounded several times
when near Omba, but had no ground.  On the north-east point of Omba we
saw four or five men, and a little further three pretty houses on a low
point, but did not go ashore.

At five this afternoon we had a tornado, which yielded much rain,
thunder, and lightning; yet we had but little wind.  The 24th in the
morning we caught a large shark, which gave all the ship's company a
plentiful meal.

The 27th we saw the Burning Island; it lies in latitude 6 degrees 36
minutes south; it is high, and but small; it runs from the sea a little
sloping towards the top, which is divided in the middle into two peaks,
between which issued out much smoke: I have not seen more from any
volcano.  I saw no trees; but the north side appeared green, and the rest
looked very barren.

Having passed the Burning Island, I shaped my course for two islands,
called Turtle Isles, which lie north-east by east a little easterly, and
distant about fifty leagues from the Burning Isle.  I fearing the wind
might veer to the eastward of the north, steered twenty leagues north-
east, then north-east by east.  On the 28th we saw two small low islands,
called Lucca-Parros, to the north of us.  At noon I accounted myself
twenty leagues short of the Turtle Isles.

The next morning, being in the latitude of the Turtle Islands, we looked
out sharp for them, but saw no appearance of any island till eleven
o'clock, when we saw an island at a great distance.  At first we supposed
it might be one of the Turtle Isles, but it was not laid down true,
neither in latitude nor longitude from the Burning Isle, nor from the
Lucca-Parros, which last I took to be a great help to guide me, they
being laid down very well from the Burning Isle, and that likewise in
true latitude and distance from Omba, so that I could not tell what to
think of the island now in sight, we having had fair weather, so that we
could not pass by the Turtle Isles without seeing them, and this in sight
was much too far off for them.  We found variation 1 degrees 2 minutes
east.  In the afternoon I steered north-east by east for the islands that
we saw.  At two o'clock I went and looked over the fore-yard, and saw two
islands at much greater distance than the Turtle Islands are laid down in
my drafts, one of them was a very high peaked mountain, cleft at top, and
much like the Burning Island that we passed by, but bigger and higher;
the other was a pretty long high flat island.  Now I was certain that
these were not the Turtle Islands, and that they could be no other than
the Bande Isles, yet we steered in to make them plainer.  At three
o'clock we discovered another small flat island to the north-west of the
others, and saw a great deal of smoke rise from the top of the high
island.  At four we saw other small islands, by which I was now assured
that these were the Bande Isles there.  At five I altered my course and
steered east, and at eight east-south-east, because I would not be seen
by the inhabitants of those islands in the morning.  We had little wind
all night, and in the morning, as soon as it was light we saw another
high peaked island; at eight it bore south-south-east half-east, distance
eight leagues: and this I knew to be Bird Isle.  It is laid down in our
drafts in latitude 5 degrees 9 minutes south, which is too far southerly
by twenty-seven miles, according to our observation, and the like error
in laying down the Turtle Islands might be the occasion of our missing
them.

At night I shortened sail, for fear of coming too nigh some islands, that
stretch away bending like a half moon from Ceram towards Timor, and which
in my course I must of necessity pass through.  The next morning betimes
I saw them, and found them to be at a farther distance from Bird Island
than I expected.  In the afternoon it fell quite calm, and when we had a
little wind, it was so unconstant, flying from one point to another, that
I could not without difficulty get through the islands where I designed;
besides, I found a current setting to the southward, so that it was
betwixt five and six in the evening before I passed through the islands,
and then just weathered little Watela, whereas I thought to have been two
or three leagues more northerly.  We saw the day before, betwixt two and
three, a spout but a small distance from us, it fell down out of a black
cloud, that yielded great store of rain, thunder and lightning; this
cloud hovered to the southward of us for the space of three hours, and
then drew to the westward a great pace, at which time it was that we saw
the spout, which hung fast to the cloud till it broke, and then the cloud
whirled about to the south-east, then to east-north-east, where meeting
with an island, it spent itself and so dispersed, and immediately we had
a little of the tail of it, having had none before.  Afterwards we saw a
smoke on the island Kosiway, which continued till night.

On New Year's Day we first descried the land of New Guinea, which
appeared to be high land, and the next day we saw several high islands on
the coast of New Guinea, and ran in with the main land.  The shore here
lies along east-south-east and west-north-west.  It is high even land,
very well clothed with tall flourishing trees, which appeared very green,
and gave us a very pleasant prospect.  We ran to the westward of four
mountainous islands, and in the night had a small tornado, which brought
with it some rain and a fair wind.  We had fair weather for a long time,
only when near any land we had some tornadoes; but off, at sea, commonly
clear weather, though, if in sight of land, we usually saw many black
clouds hovering about it.

On the 5th and 6th of January we plied to get in with the land, designing
to anchor, fill water, and spend a little time in searching the country,
till after the change of the moon, for I found a strong current setting
against us.  We anchored in thirty-eight fathom water, good oozy ground.
We had an island of a league long without us, about three miles distant,
and we rode from the main about a mile.  The easternmost point of land
seen bore east-by-south half-south, distance three leagues, and the
westernmost west-south-west half-south, distance two leagues.  So soon as
we anchored, we sent the pinnace to look for water and try if they could
catch any fish.  Afterwards we sent the yawl another way to see for
water.  Before night the pinnace brought on board several sorts of fruits
that they found in the woods, such as I never saw before.  One of my men
killed a stately land-fowl, as big as the largest dunghill cock; it was
of a sky-colour, only in the middle of the wings was a white spot, about
which were some reddish spots; on the crown it had a large bunch of long
feathers, which appeared very pretty; his bill was like pigeon's; he had
strong legs and feet, like dunghill fowls, only the claws were reddish;
his crop was full of small berries.  It lays an egg as big as a large
hen's egg, for our men climbed the tree where it nested, and brought off
one egg.  They found water, and reported that the trees were large, tall,
and very thick, and that they saw no sign of people.  At night the yawl
came aboard and brought a wooden fish-spear, very ingeniously made, the
matter of it was a small cane; they found it by a small barbecue, where
they also saw a shattered canoe.

The next morning I sent the boatswain ashore fishing, and at one haul he
caught three hundred and fifty-two mackerel, and about twenty other
fishes, which I caused to be equally divided among all my company.  I
sent also the gunner and chief mate to search about if they could find
convenient anchoring near a watering-place; by night they brought word
that they had found a fine stream of good water, where the boat could
come close to, and it was very easy to be filled, and that the ship might
anchor as near to it as I pleased, so I went thither.  The next morning,
therefore, we anchored in twenty-five fathom water, soft oozy ground,
about a mile from the river; we got on board three tuns of water that
night, and caught two or three pike-fish, in shape much like a parracota,
but with a longer snout, something resembling a garr, yet not so long.
The next day I sent the boat again for water, and before night all my
casks were full.

Having filled here about fifteen tuns of water, seeing we could catch but
little fish, and had no other refreshments, I intended to sail next day,
but finding that we wanted wood, I sent to cut some, and going ashore to
hasten it, at some distance from the place where our men were, I found a
small cove, where I saw two barbecues, which appeared not to be above two
months' standing; the spars were cut with some sharp instrument, so that,
if done by the natives, it seems that they have iron.  On the 10th, a
little after twelve o'clock, we weighed and stood over to the north side
of the bay, and at one o'clock stood out with the wind at north and north-
north-west.  At four we passed out by a White Island, which I so named
from its many white cliffs, having no name in our drafts.  It is about a
league long, pretty high, and very woody; it is about five miles from the
main, only at the west end it reaches within three miles of it.  At some
distance off at sea the west point appears like a cape-land, the north
side trends away north-north-west, and the east side east-south-east.
This island lies in latitude 3 degrees 4 minutes south, and the meridian
distance from Babao five hundred and twelve miles east.  After we were
out to sea, we plied to get to the northward, but met with such a strong
current against us, that we got but little, for if the wind favoured us
in the night, that we got three or four leagues, we lost it again, and
were driven as far astern next morning, so that we plied here several
days.

The 14th, being past a point of land that we had been three days getting
about, we found little or no current, so that, having the wind at north-
west-by-west and west-north-west, we stood to the northward, and had
several soundings: at three o'clock thirty-eight fathom, the nearest part
of New Guinea being about three leagues' distance; at four, thirty-seven;
at five, thirty-six; at six, thirty-six; at eight, thirty-three fathom;
then the Cape was about four leagues' distant, so that as we ran off we
found our water shallower; we had then some islands to the westward of
us, at about four leagues' distance.

A little after noon we saw smoke on the islands to the west of us, and
having a fine gale of wind, I steered away for them.  At seven o'clock in
the evening we anchored in thirty-five fathom, about two leagues from an
island, good soft oozy ground.  We lay still all night, and saw fires
ashore.  In the morning we weighed again, and ran farther in, thinking to
have shallower water; but we ran within a mile of the shore, and came to
in thirty-eight fathom good soft holding ground.  While we were under
sail two canoes came off within call of us.  They spoke to us, but we did
not understand their language nor signs.  We waved to them to come
aboard, and I called to them in the Malayan language to do the same, but
they would not.  Yet they came so nigh us that we could show them such
things as we had to truck with them; yet neither would this entice them
to come on board, but they made signs for us to come ashore, and away
they went.  Then I went after them in my pinnace, carrying with me
knives, beads, glasses, hatchets, &c.  When we came near the shore, I
called to them in the Malayan language.  I saw but two men at first, the
rest lying in ambush behind the bushes; but as soon as I threw ashore
some knives and other toys, they came out, flung down their weapons, and
came into the water by the boat's side, making signs of friendship by
pouring water on their heads with one hand, which they dipped into the
sea.  The next day, in the afternoon, several other canoes came aboard,
and brought many roots and fruits, which we purchased.

The island has no name in our drafts, but the natives call it Pub Sabuda;
it is about three leagues long, and two miles wide, more or less; it is
of a good height, so as to be seen eleven or twelve leagues; it is very
rocky, yet above the rocks there is good yellow and black mould, not
deep, yet producing plenty of good tall trees, and bearing any fruits or
roots which the inhabitants plant.  I do not know all its produce, but
what we saw were plantains, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, oranges, papaes,
potatoes, and other large roots.  Here are also another sort of wild
jacas, about the bigness of a man's two fists, full of stones or kernels,
which eat pleasant enough when roasted.  The libby tree grows here in the
swampy valleys, of which they make sago cakes.  I did not see them make
any, but was told by the inhabitants that it was made of the pith of the
tree, in the same manner I have described in my "Voyage Round the World."
They showed me the tree whereof it was made, and I bought about forty of
the cakes.  I bought also three or four nutmegs in their shell, which did
not seem to have been long gathered; but whether they be the growth of
this island or not, the natives would not tell whence they had them, and
seem to prize them very much.  What beasts the island affords I know not,
but here are both sea and land fowl.  Of the first, boobies and men-of-
war birds are the chief, some goldens, and small milk-white
crab-catchers; the land-fowl are pigeons, about the bigness of mountain-
pigeons in Jamaica, and crows about the bigness of those in England, and
much like them, but the inner part of their feathers are white, and the
outside black, so that they appear all black, unless you extend the
feathers.  Here are large sky-coloured birds, such as we lately killed on
New Guinea, and many other small birds, unknown to us.  Here are likewise
abundance of bats, as big as young coneys, their necks, head, ears, and
noses like foxes, their hair rough, that about their necks is of a
whitish yellow, that on their heads and shoulders black, their wings are
four feet over from tip to tip; they smell like foxes.  The fish are
bass, rock-fish, and a sort of fish like mullets, old-wives, whip-rays,
and some other sorts that I knew not; but no great plenty of any, for it
is deep water till within less than a mile of the shore, then there is a
bank of coral rocks, within which you have shoal-water, white clean sand,
so there is no good fishing with the seine.

This island lies in latitude 2 degrees 43 minutes south, and meridian
distance from port Babo, on the island Timor, four hundred and eighty-six
miles: besides this island, here are nine or ten other small islands.

The inhabitants of this island are a sort of very tawny Indians, with
long black hair, who in their manners differ but little from the
Mindanayans, and others of these eastern islands.  These seem to be the
chief; for besides them we saw also shock curl pated New Guinea negroes,
many of which are slaves to the others, but I think not all.  They are
very poor, wear no clothes but have a clout about their middle, made of
the rinds of the tops of palmetto trees; but the women had a sort of
calico cloth.  Their chief ornaments are blue and yellow beads, worn
about their wrists.  The men arm themselves with bows and arrows, lances,
broad swords, like those of Mindanao; their lances are pointed with bone:
they strike fish very ingeniously with wooden fish-spears, and have a
very ingenious way of making the fish rise; for they have a piece of wood
curiously carved, and painted much like a dolphin (and perhaps other
figures); these they let down into the water by a line with a small
weight to sink it; when they think it low enough, they haul the line into
their boats very fast, and the fish rise up after this figure, and they
stand ready to strike them when they are near the surface of the water.
But their chief livelihood is from their plantations; yet they have large
boats, and go over to New Guinea, where they get slaves, fine parrots,
&c, which they carry to Goram and exchange for calicoes.  One boat came
from thence a little before I arrived here, of whom I bought some
parrots, and would have bought a slave but they would not barter for
anything but calicoes, which I had not.  Their houses on this side were
very small, and seemed only to be for necessity; but on the other side of
the island we saw good large houses.  Their prows are narrow, with
outriggers on each side, like other Malayans.  I cannot tell of what
religion these are; but I think they are not Mahometans, by their
drinking brandy out of the same cup with us without any scruple.  At this
island we continued till the 20th instant, having laid in store of such
roots and fruits as the island afforded.

On the 20th, at half an hour after six in the morning, I weighed, and
standing out we saw a large boat full of men lying at the north point of
the island.  As we passed by, they rowed towards their habitations, where
we supposed they had withdrawn themselves for fear of us, though we gave
them no cause of terror, or for some differences among themselves.

We stood to the northward till seven in the evening, then saw a rippling;
and, the water being discoloured, we sounded, and had but twenty-two
fathom.  I went about and stood to the westward till two next morning
then tacked again, and had these several soundings: at eight in the
evening, twenty-two; at ten, twenty-five; at eleven, twenty-seven; at
twelve, twenty-eight fathom; at two in the morning, twenty-six; at four,
twenty-four; at six, twenty-three; at eight, twenty-eight; at twelve,
twenty-two.

We passed by many small islands, and among many dangerous shoals without
any remarkable occurrence till the 4th of February, when we got within
three leagues of the north-west cape of New Guinea, called by the Dutch
Cape Mabo.  Off this cape there lies a small woody island, and many
islands of different sizes to the north and north-east of it.  This part
of New Guinea is high land, adorned with tall trees, that appeared very
green and flourishing.  The cape itself is not very high, but ends in a
low sharp point, and on either side there appears another such point at
equal distances, which makes it resemble a diamond.  This only appears
when you are abreast of the middle point, and then you have no ground
within three leagues of the shore.

In the afternoon we passed by the cape and stood over for the islands.
Before it was dark we were got within a league of the westernmost, but
had no ground with fifty fathom of line: however, fearing to stand nearer
in the dark, we tacked and stood to the east and plied all night.  The
next morning we were got five or six leagues to the eastward of that
island, and, having the wind easterly, we stood in to the northward among
the islands, sounded, and had no ground; then I sent in my boat to sound,
and they had ground with fifty fathom near a mile from the shore.  We
tacked before the boat came aboard again, for fear of a shoal that was
about a mile to the east of that island the boat went to, from whence
also a shoal-point stretched out itself till it met the other: they
brought with them such a cockle as I have mentioned in my "Voyage Round
the World" found near Celebes, and they saw many more, some bigger than
that which they brought aboard, as they said, and for this reason I named
it Cockle Island.  I sent them to sound again, ordering them to fire a
musket if they found good anchoring; we were then standing to the
southward, with a fine breeze.  As soon as they fired, I tacked and stood
in; they told me they had fifty fathom when they fired.  I tacked again,
and made all the sail I could to get out, being near some rocky islands
and shoals to leeward of us.  The breeze increased, and I thought we were
out of danger, but having a shoal just by us, and the wind failing again,
I ordered the boat to tow us, and by their help we got clear from it.  We
had a strong tide setting to the westward.

At one o'clock, being past the shoal, and finding the tide setting to the
westward, I anchored in thirty-five fathom coarse sand, with small coral
and shells.  Being nearest to Cockle Island, I immediately sent both the
boats thither, one to cut wood, and the other to fish.  At four in the
afternoon, having a small breeze at south-south-west, I made a sign for
my boats to come on board.  They brought some wood, and a few small
cockles, none of them exceeding ten pounds' weight, whereas the shell of
the great one weighed seventy-eight pounds; but it was now high water,
and therefore they could get no bigger.  They also brought on board some
pigeons, of which we found plenty on all the islands where we touched in
these seas: also in many places we saw many large bats, but killed none,
except those I mentioned at Pub Sabuda.  As our boats came aboard, we
weighed and made sail, steering east-south-east as long as the wind held.
In the morning we found we had got four or five leagues to the east of
the place where we weighed.  We stood to and fro till eleven; and finding
that we lost ground, anchored in forty-two fathom coarse gravelly sand,
with some coral.  This morning we thought we saw a sail.

In the afternoon I went ashore on a small woody island, about two leagues
from us.  Here I found the greatest number of pigeons that ever I saw
either in the East or West Indies, and small cockles in the sea round the
island in such quantities that we might have laden the boat in an hour's
time.  These were not above ten or twelve pounds' weight.  We cut some
wood, and brought off cockles enough for all the ship's company; but
having no small shot, we could kill no pigeons.  I returned about four
o'clock, and then my gunner and both mates went thither, and in less than
three-quarters of an hour they killed and brought off ten pigeons.  Here
is a tide: the flood sets west and the ebb east, but the latter is very
faint and but of small continuance, and so we found it ever since we came
from Timer: the winds we found easterly, between north-east and
east-south-east, so that if these continue, it is impossible to beat
farther to the eastward on this coast against wind and current.  These
easterly winds increased from the time we were in the latitude of about 2
degrees south, and as we drew nigher the line they hung more easterly:
and now being to the north of the continent of New Guinea, where the
coast lies east and west, I find the trade-wind here at east, which yet
in higher latitudes is usually at north-north-west and north-west; and so
I did expect them here, it being to the south of the line.

The 7th, in the morning, I sent my boat ashore on Pigeon Island, and
stayed till noon.  In the afternoon my men returned, brought twenty-two
pigeons, and many cockles, some very large, some small: they also brought
one empty shell, that weighed two hundred and fifty-eight pounds.

At four o'clock we weighed, having a small westerly wind and a tide with
us; at seven in the evening we anchored in forty-two fathom, near King
William's Island, where I went ashore the next morning, drank His
Majesty's health, and honoured it with his name.  It is about two leagues
and a half in length, very high and extraordinarily well clothed with
woods; the trees are of divers sorts, most unknown to us, but all very
green and flourishing; many of them had flowers, some white, some purple,
others yellow: all which smelt very fragrantly: the trees are generally
tall and straight bodied, and may be fit for any use.  I saw one of a
clean body, without knot or limb, sixty or seventy feet high by
estimation; it was three of my fathoms about, and kept its bigness,
without any sensible decrease, even to the top.  The mould of the island
is black, but not deep, it being very rocky.  On the sides and top of the
island are many palmetto trees, whose heads we could discern over all the
other trees, but their bodies we could not see.

About one in the afternoon we weighed and stood to the eastward, between
the main and King William's Island, leaving the island on our larboard
side, and sounding till we were past the island, and then we had no
ground.  Here we found the flood setting east-by-north, and the ebb west-
by-south; there were shoals and small islands between us and the main,
which caused the tide to set very inconstantly, and make many whirlings
in the water; yet we did not find the tide to set strong any way, nor the
water to rise much.

On the 9th, being to the eastward of King William's Island, we plied all
day between the main and other islands, having easterly winds and fair
weather till seven the next morning; then we had very hard rain till
eight, and saw many shoals of fish.  We lay becalmed off a pretty deep
bay on New Guinea, about twelve or fourteen leagues wide, and seven or
eight leagues deep, having low land near its bottom, but high land
without.  The easternmost part of New Guinea seen bore east-by-south,
distant twelve leagues; Cape Mabo west-south-west half-south, distant
seven leagues.

At one in the afternoon it began to rain, and continued till six in the
evening, so that, having but little wind and most calms, we lay still off
the forementioned bay, having King William's Island still in sight,
though distant by judgment fifteen or sixteen leagues west.  We saw many
shoals of small fish, some sharks, and seven or eight dolphins, but
caught none.  In the afternoon, being about four leagues from the shore,
we saw an opening in the land, which seemed to afford good harbour.  In
the evening we saw a large fire there, and I intended to go in (if winds
and weather would permit) to get some acquaintance with the natives.

Since the 4th instant that we passed Cape Mabo, to the 12th, we had small
easterly winds and calms, so that we anchored several times, where I made
my men cut wood, that we might have a good stock when a westerly wind
should present, and so we plied to the eastward, as winds and currents
would permit, having not got in all above thirty leagues to the eastward
of Cape Mabo; but on the 12th, at four in the afternoon, a small gale
sprang up at north-east-by-north, with rain; at five it shuffled about to
north-west, from thence to the south-west, and continued between those
two points a pretty brisk gale, so that we made sail and steered away
north-east, till the 13th, in the morning, to get about the Cape of Good
Hope.  When it was day we steered north-east half east, then north-east-
by-east till seven o'clock, and, being then seven or eight leagues off
shore, we steered away east, the shore trending east-by-south.  We had
very much rain all night, so that we could not carry much sail, yet we
had a very steady gale.  At eight this morning the weather cleared up,
and the wind decreased to a fine top-gallant gale, and settled at west-by-
south.  We had more rain these three days past, than all the voyage, in
so short a time.  We were now about six leagues from the land of New
Guinea, which appeared very high; and we saw two headlands about twenty
leagues asunder, the one to the east and the other to the west, which
last is called the Cape of Good Hope.  We found variation east 4 degrees.

The 15th, in the morning, between twelve and two o'clock, it blew a very
brisk gale at north-west, and looked very black in the south-west.  At
two it flew about at once to the south-south-west, and rained very hard.
The wind settled some time at west-south-west, and we steered east-north-
east till three in the morning; then the wind and rain abating, we
steered east-half-north for fear of coming near the land.  Presently
after, it being a little clear, the man at the bowsprit end called out,
"Land on our starboard bow."  We looked out and saw it plain: I presently
sounded, and had but ten fathom, soft ground.  The master, being somewhat
scared, came running in haste with this news, and said it was best to
anchor.  I told him no, but sound again; then we had twelve fathom; the
next cast, thirteen and a half; the fourth, seventeen fathom; and then no
ground with fifty fathom line.  However, we kept off the island, and did
not go so fast but that we could see any other danger before we came nigh
it; for here might have been more islands not laid down in my drafts
besides this, for I searched all the drafts I had, if perchance I might
find any island in the one which was not in the others, but I could find
none near us.  When it was day we were about five leagues off the land we
saw; but, I believe, not above five miles, or at most two leagues, off it
when we first saw it in the night.

This is a small island, but pretty high; I named it Providence.  About
five leagues to the southward of this there is another island, which is
called William Scouten's Island, and laid down in our drafts: it is a
high island, and about twenty leagues big.

It was by mere providence that we missed the small island; for, had not
the wind come to west-south-west, and blown hard, so that we steered east-
north-east, we had been upon it by our course that we steered before, if
we could not have seen it.  This morning we saw many great trees and logs
swim by us, which, it is probable, came out of some great rivers on the
main.

On the 16th we crossed the line, and found variation 6 degrees 26 minutes
east.  The 18th, by my observation at noon, we found that we had had a
current setting to the southward, and probably that drew us in so nigh
Scouten's Island.  For this twenty-four hours we steered east-by-north
with a large wind, yet made but an east-by-south half south course,
though the variation was not above 7 degrees east.

The 21st we had a current setting to the northward, which is against the
true trade monsoon, it being now near the full moon.  I did expect it
here, as in all other places.  We had variation 8 degrees 45 minutes
east.  The 22nd we found but little current, if any; it set to the
southward.

On the 23rd, in the afternoon, we saw two snakes, and the next morning
another passing by us, which was furiously assaulted by two fishes, that
had kept us company five or six days; they were shaped like mackerel, and
were about that bigness and length, and of a yellow-greenish colour.  The
snake swam away from them very fast, keeping his head above water; the
fish snapped at his tail, but when he turned himself, that fish would
withdraw, and another would snap, so that by turns they kept him
employed, yet he still defended himself, and swam away a great pace, till
they were out of sight.

The 25th, betimes in the morning, we saw an island to the southward of
us, at about fifteen leagues' distance.  We steered away for it,
supposing it to be that which the Dutch call Wishart's Island; but,
finding it otherwise, I called it Matthias, it being that saint's day.
This island is about nine or ten leagues long, mountainous and woody,
with many savannahs, and some spots of land which seemed to be cleared.

At eight in the evening we lay by, intending, if I could, to anchor under
Matthias Isle; but the next morning, seeing another island about seven or
eight leagues to the eastward of it, we steered away for it.  At noon we
came up fair with its south-west end, intending to run along by it and
anchor on the south-east side, but the tornadoes came in so thick and
hard that I could not venture in.  This island is pretty low and plain,
and clothed with wood; the trees were very green, and appeared to be
large and tall, as thick as they could stand one by another.  It is about
two or three leagues long, and at the south-west point there is another
small, low, woody island, about a mile round, and about a mile from the
other.  Between them there runs a reef of rocks which joins them.  (The
biggest I named Squally Island.)

Seeing we could not anchor here, I stood away to the southward, to make
the main; but having many hard squalls and tornadoes, we were often
forced to hand all our sails and steer more easterly to go before it.  On
the 26th at four o'clock it cleared up to a hard sky and a brisk settled
gale; then we made as much sail as we could.  At five it cleared up over
the land, and we saw, as we thought, Cape Solomaswer bearing south-south-
east, distance ten leagues.  We had many great logs and trees swimming by
us all this afternoon, and much grass; we steered in south-south-east
till six, then the wind slackened, and we stood off till seven, having
little wind; then we lay by till ten, at which time we made sail, and
steered away east all night.  The next morning, as soon as it was light,
we made all the sail we could, and steered away east-south-east, as the
land lay, being fair in sight of it, and not above seven leagues'
distance.  We passed by many small low woody islands which lay between us
and the main, not laid down in our drafts.  We found variation 9 degrees
50 minutes east.

The 28th we had many violent tornadoes, wind, rain, and some spouts, and
in the tornadoes the wind shifted.  In the night we had fair weather, but
more lightning than we had seen at any time this voyage.  This morning we
left a large high island on our larboard side, called in the Dutch drafts
Wishart's Isle, about six leagues from the main; and, seeing many smokes
upon the main, I therefore steered towards it.

The mainland at this place is high and mountainous, adorned with tall,
flourishing trees; the sides of the hills had many large plantations and
patches of clear land, which, together with the smoke we saw, were
certain signs of its being well inhabited; and I was desirous to have
some commerce with the inhabitants.  Being nigh shore, we saw first one
proa; a little after, two or three more, and at last a great many boats
came from all the adjacent bays.  When they were forty-six in number they
approached so near us that we could see each other's signs and hear each
other speak, though we could not understand them, nor they us.  They made
signs for us to go in towards the shore, pointing that way.  It was
squally weather, which at first made me cautious of going too near; but
the weather beginning to look pretty well, I endeavoured to get into a
bay ahead of us, which we could have got into well enough at first; but
while we lay by, we were driven so far to leeward that now it was more
difficult to get in.  The natives lay in their proas round us; to whom I
showed beads, knives, glasses, to allure them to come nearer.  But they
would not come so nigh as to receive anything from us; therefore I threw
out some things to them, viz., a knife fastened to a piece of board, and
a glass bottle corked up with some beads in it, which they took up, and
seemed well pleased.  They often struck their left breast with their
right hand, and as often held up a black truncheon over their heads,
which we thought was a token of friendship, wherefore we did the like.
And when we stood in towards their shore, they seemed to rejoice; but
when we stood off, they frowned, yet kept us company in their proas,
still pointing to the shore.  About five o'clock we got within the mouth
of the bay, and sounded several times, but had no ground, though within a
mile of the shore.  The basin of this bay was about two miles within us,
into which we might have gone; but as I was not assured of anchorage
there, so I thought it not prudent to run in at this time, it being near
night, and seeing a black tornado rising in the west, which I most
feared.  Besides, we had near two hundred men in proas close by us; and
the bays on the shore were lined with men from one end to the other,
where there could not be less than three or four hundred more.  What
weapons they had, we knew not, nor yet their design; therefore I had, at
their first coming near us, got up all our small arms, and made several
put on cartouch boxes, to prevent treachery.  At last I resolved to go
out again; which, when the natives in their proas perceived, they began
to fling stones at us as fast as they could, being provided with engines
for that purpose, wherefore I named this place Slinger's Bay; but at the
firing of one gun they were all amazed, drew off, and flung no more
stones.  They got together, as if consulting what to do; for they did not
make in towards the shore, but lay still, though some of them were killed
or wounded; and many more of them had paid for their boldness, but that I
was unwilling to cut off any of them, which, if I had done, I could not
hope afterwards to bring them to treat with me.

The next day we sailed close by an island, where we saw many smokes, and
men in the bays, out of which came two or three canoes, taking much pains
to overtake us, but they could not, though we went with an easy sail, and
I could not now stay for them.  As I passed by the south-east point I
sounded several times within a mile of the Sandy Bays, but had no ground.
About three leagues to the northward of the south-east point we opened a
large, deep bay, secured from west-north-west and south-west winds.  There
were two other islands that lay to the north-east of it, which secured
the bay from north-east winds; one was but small, yet woody; the other
was a league long, inhabited, and full of cocoa-nut trees.  I endeavoured
to get into this bay, but there came such flaws off from the high land
over it that I could not.  Besides, we had many hard squalls, which
deterred me from it; and, night coming on, I would not run any hazard,
but bore away to the small inhabited island, to see if we could get
anchorage on the east side of it.  When we came there we found the island
so narrow, that there could be no shelter; therefore I tacked and stood
towards the greater island again; and being more than midway between
both, I lay by, designing to endeavour for anchorage next morning.
Between seven and eight at night we spied a canoe close by us, and seeing
no more, suffered her to come aboard.  She had three men in her, who
brought off five cocoa-nuts, for which I gave each of them a knife and a
string of beads, to encourage them to come off again in the morning: but
before these went away we saw two more canoes coming; therefore we stood
away to the northward from them, and then lay by again till day.  We saw
no more boats this night, neither designed to suffer any to come aboard
in the dark.

By nine o'clock the next morning we were got within a league of the great
island, but were kept off by violent gusts of wind.  These squalls gave
us warning of their approach by the clouds which hung over the mountains,
and afterwards descended to the foot of them; and then it is we expect
them speedily.

On the 3rd of March, being about five leagues to leeward of the great
island, we saw the mainland ahead, and another great high island to
leeward of us, distant about seven leagues, which we bore away for.  It
is called in the Dutch drafts Garret Dennis Isle.  It is about fourteen
or fifteen leagues round, high and mountainous, and very woody.  Some
trees appeared very large and tall, and the bays by the seaside are well
stared with cocoa-nut trees, where we also saw some small houses.  The
sides of the mountains are thickset with plantations, and the mould in
the new-cleared land seemed to be of a brown-reddish colour.  This island
is of no regular figure, but is full of points shooting forth into the
sea, between which are many sandy bays, full of cocoa-nut trees.  The
middle of the isle lies in 3 degrees 10 minutes south latitude.  It is
very populous.  The natives are very black, strong, and well-limbed
people, having great round heads, their hair naturally curled and short,
which they shave into several forms, and dye it also of divers
colours--viz., red, white, and yellow.  They have broad round faces, with
great bottle-noses, yet agreeable enough till they disfigure them by
painting, and by wearing great things through their noses as big as a
man's thumb, and about four inches long.  These are run clear through
both nostrils, one end coming out by one cheek-bone, and the other end
against the other; and their noses so stretched that only a small slip of
them appears about the ornament.  They have also great holes in their
ears, wherein they wear such stuff as in their noses.  They are very
dexterous, active fellows in their proas, which are very ingeniously
built.  They are narrow and long, with outriggers on one side, the head
and stern higher than the rest, and carved into many devices--viz., some
fowl, fish, or a man's head painted or carved; and though it is but
rudely done, yet the resemblance appears plainly, and shows an ingenious
fancy.  But with what instruments they make their proas or carved work I
know not, for they seem to be utterly ignorant of iron.  They have very
neat paddles, with which they manage their proas dexterously, and make
great way through the water.  Their weapons are chiefly lances, swords
and slings, and some bows and arrows.  They have also wooden fish-spears
for striking fish.  Those that came to assault us in Slinger's Bay on the
main are in all respects like these, and I believe these are alike
treacherous.  Their speech is clear and distinct.  The words they used
most when near us were _vacousee allamais_, and then they pointed to the
shore.  Their signs of friendship are either a great truncheon, or bough
of a tree full of leaves, put on their heads, often striking their heads
with their hands.

The next day, having a fresh gale of wind, we got under a high island,
about four or five leagues round, very woody, and full of plantations
upon the sides of the hills; and in the bays, by the waterside, are
abundance of cocoa-nut trees.  It lies in the latitude of 3 degrees 25
minutes south, and meridian distance from Cape Mabo 1,316 miles.  On the
south-east part of it are three or four other small woody islands, one
high and peaked, the others low and flat, all bedecked with cocoa-nut
trees and other wood.  On the north there is another island of an
indifferent height and of a somewhat larger circumference than the great
high island last mentioned.  We passed between this and the high island.
The high island is called in the Dutch drafts Anthony Cave's Island.  As
for the flat, low island, and the other small one, it is probable they
were never seen by the Dutch, nor the islands to the north of Garret
Dennis's Island.  As soon as we came near Cave's Island some canoes came
about us, and made signs for us to come ashore, as all the rest had done
before, probably thinking we could run the ship aground anywhere, as they
did their proas, for we saw neither sail nor anchor among any of them,
though most Eastern Indians have both.  These had proas made of one tree,
well dug, with outriggers on one side; they were but small, yet well
shaped.  We endeavoured to anchor, but found no ground within a mile of
the shore.  We kept close along the north side, still sounding till we
came to the north-east end, but found no ground, the canoes still
accompanying us, and the bays were covered with men going along as we
sailed.  Many of them strove to swim off to us, but we left them astern.
Being at the north-east point, we found a strong current setting to the
north-west, so that though we had steered to keep under the high island,
yet we were driven towards the flat one.  At this time three of the
natives came on board.  I gave each of them a knife, a looking-glass, and
a string of beads.  I showed them pumpkins and cocoa-nut shells, and made
signs to them to bring some aboard, and had presently three cocoa-nuts
out of one of the canoes.  I showed them nutmegs, and by their signs I
guessed they had some on the island.  I also showed them some gold dust,
which they seemed to know, and called out "Manneel, Manneel," and pointed
towards the land.  A while after these men were gone, two or three canoes
came from the flat island, and by signs invited us to their island, at
which the others seemed displeased, and used very menacing gestures and,
I believe, speeches to each other.  Night coming on, we stood off to sea,
and having but little wind all night, were driven away to the north-west.
We saw many great fires on the flat island.  The last men that came off
to us were all black as those we had seen before, with frizzled hair.
They were very tall, lusty, well-shaped men.  They wear great things in
their noses, and paint as the others, but not much.  They make the same
signs of friendship, and their language seems to be one; but the others
had proas, and these canoes.  On the sides of some of these we saw the
figures of several fish neatly cut, and these last were not so shy as the
others.

Steering away from Cave's Island south-south-east, we found a strong
current against us, which set only in some places in streams, and in them
we saw many trees and logs of wood, which drove by us.  We had but little
wood aboard; wherefore I hoisted out the pinnace, and sent her to take up
some of this driftwood.  In a little time she came aboard with a great
tree in tow, which we could hardly hoist in with all our tackles.  We cut
up the tree and split it for firewood.  It was much worm-eaten, and had
in it some live worms above an inch long, and about the bigness of a
goose-quill, and having their heads crusted over with a thin shell.

After this we passed by an island, called by the Dutch St. John's Island,
leaving it to the north of us.  It is about nine or ten leagues round,
and very well adorned with lofty trees.  We saw many plantations on the
sides of the hills, and abundance of cocoa-nut trees about them, as also
thick groves on the bays by the seaside.  As we came near it three canoes
came off to us, but would not come aboard.  They were such as we had seen
about the other islands.  They spoke the same language, and made the same
signs of peace, and their canoes were such as at Cave's Island.

We stood along by St. John's Island till we came almost to the south-east
point, and then, seeing no more islands to the eastward of us, nor any
likelihood of anchoring under this, I steered away for the main of New
Guinea, we being now, as I supposed, to the east of it, on this north
side.  My design of seeing these islands as I passed along was to get
wood and water, but could find no anchor ground, and therefore could not
do as I purposed; besides, these islands are all so populous, that I
dared not send my boat ashore, unless I could have anchored pretty nigh;
wherefore I rather chose to prosecute my design on the main, the season
of the year being now at hand, for I judged the westerly winds were nigh
spent.

On the 8th of March we saw some smoke on the main, being distant from it
four or five leagues.  It is very high, woody land, with some spots of
savannah.  About ten in the morning six or seven canoes came off to us.
Most of them had no more than one man in them.  They were all black, with
short curled hair, having the same ornaments in their noses, and their
heads so shaved and painted, and speaking the same words as the
inhabitants of Cave's Island before mentioned.

There was a headland to the southward of us, beyond which, seeing no
land, I supposed that from thence the land trends away more westerly.
This headland lies in the latitude of 5 degrees 2 minutes south, and
meridian distance from Cape Mabo 1,290 miles.  In the night we lay by,
for fear of overshooting this headland, between which and Cape St. Manes
the land is high, mountainous and woody, having many points of land
shooting out into the sea, which make so many fine bays; the coast lies
north-north-east and south-south-west.

The 9th, in the morning a huge black man came off to us in a canoe, but
would not come aboard.  He made the same signs of friendship to us as the
rest we had met with; yet seemed to differ in his language, not using any
of those words which the others did.  We saw neither smoke nor
plantations near this headland.  We found here variation 1 degree east.

In the afternoon, as we plied near the shore, three canoes came off to
us; one had four men in her, the others two apiece.  That with the four
men came pretty nigh us, and showed us a cocoa-nut and water in a bamboo,
making signs that there was enough ashore where they lived; they pointed
to the place where they would have us go, and so went away.  We saw a
small round pretty high island about a league to the north of this
headland, within which there was a large deep bay, whither the canoes
went; and we strove to get thither before night, but could not; wherefore
we stood off, and saw land to the westward of this headland, bearing west-
by-south-half-south distance about ten leagues, and, as we thought, still
more land bearing south-west-by-south, distance twelve or fourteen
leagues, but being clouded, it disappeared, and we thought we had been
deceived.  Before night we opened the headland fair, and I named it Cape
St. George.  The land from hence trends away west-north-west about ten
leagues, which is as far as we could see it; and the land that we saw to
the westward of it in the evening, which bore west-by-south-half-south,
was another point about ten leagues from Cape St. George; between which
there runs in a deep bay for twenty leagues or more.  We saw some high
land in spots like islands, down in that bay at a great distance; but
whether they are islands, or the main closing there we know not.  The
next morning we saw other land to the south-east of the westernmost
point, which till then was clouded; it was very high land, and the same
that we saw the day before, that disappeared in a cloud.  This Cape St.
George lies in the latitude of 5 degrees 5 minutes south; and meridian
distance from Cape Mabo 1,290 miles.  The island off this cape I called
St. George's Isle; and the bay between it and the west point I named St.
George's Bay.  [Note:--No Dutch drafts go so far as this cape by ten
leagues.]  On the 10th, in the evening, we got within a league of the
westernmost land seen, which is pretty high and very woody, but no
appearance of anchoring.  I stood off again, designing, if possible, to
ply to and fro in this bay till I found a conveniency to wood and water.
We saw no more plantations nor cocoa-nut trees; yet in the night we
discerned a small fire right against us.  The next morning we saw a
burning mountain in the country.  It was round, high, and peaked at top,
as most volcanoes are, and sent forth a great quantity of smoke.  We took
up a log of driftwood, and split it for firing; in which we found some
small fish.

The day after we passed by the south-west cape of this bay, leaving it to
the north of us.  When we were abreast of it I called my officers
together, and named it Cape Orford, in honour of my noble patron,
drinking his Lordship's health.  This cape bears from Cape St. George
south-west about eighteen leagues.  Between them there is a bay about
twenty-five leagues deep, having pretty high land all round it,
especially near the capes, though they themselves are not high.  Cape
Orford lies in the latitude of 5 degrees 24 minutes south, by my
observation; and meridian distance from Cape St. George, forty-four miles
west.  The land trends from this cape north-west by west into the bay,
and on the other side south-west per compass, which is south-west 9
degrees west, allowing the variation, which is here 9 degrees east.  The
land on each side of the cape is more savannah than woodland, and is
highest on the north-west side.  The cape itself is a bluff-point, of an
indifferent height, with a flat tableland at top.  When we were to the
south-west of the cape, it appeared to be a low point shooting out, which
you cannot see when abreast of it.  This morning we struck a log of
driftwood with our turtle-irons, hoisted it in, and split it for
firewood.  Afterwards we struck another, but could not get it in.  There
were many fish about it.

We steered along south-west as the land lies, keeping about six leagues
off the shore; and, being desirous to cut wood and fill water, if I saw
any conveniency, I lay by in the night, because I would not miss any
place proper for those ends, for fear of wanting such necessaries as we
could not live without.  This coast is high and mountainous, and not so
thick with trees as that on the other side of Cape Orford.

On the 14th, seeing a pretty deep bay ahead, and some islands where I
thought we might ride secure, we ran in towards the shore and saw some
smoke.  At ten o'clock we saw a point which shot out pretty well into the
sea, with a bay within it, which promised fair for water; and we stood in
with a moderate gale.  Being got into the bay within the point, we saw
many cocoa-nut-trees, plantations, and houses.  When I came within four
or five miles of the shore, six small boats came off to view us, with
about forty men in them all.  Perceiving that they only came to view us,
and would not come aboard, I made signs and waved to them to go ashore;
but they did not or would not understand me; therefore I whistled a shot
over their heads out of my fowling-piece, and then they pulled away for
the shore as hard as they could.  These were no sooner ashore, than we
saw three boats coming from the islands to leeward of us, and they soon
came within call, for we lay becalmed.  One of the boats had about forty
men in her, and was a large, well-built boat; the other two were but
small.  Not long after, I saw another boat coming out of the bay where I
intended to go; she likewise was a large boat, with a high head and stern
painted, and full of men.  This I thought came off to fight us, as it is
probable they all did; therefore I fired another small shot over the
great boat that was nigh us, which made them leave their babbling and
take to their paddles.  We still lay becalmed; and therefore they, rowing
wide of us, directed their course towards the other great boat that was
coming off.  When they were pretty near each other I caused the gunner to
fire a gun between them, which he did very dexterously; it was loaded
with round and partridge shot; the last dropped in the water somewhat
short of them, but the round shot went between both boats, and grazed
about one hundred yards beyond them.  This so affrighted them that they
both rowed away for the shore as fast as they could, without coming near
each other; and the little boats made the best of their way after them.
And now, having a gentle breeze at south-south-east, we bore into the bay
after them.  When we came by the point, I saw a great number of men
peeping from under the rocks: I ordered a shot to be fired close by, to
scare them.  The shot grazed between us and the point, and, mounting
again, flew over the point, and grazed a second time just by them.  We
were obliged to sail along close by the bays; and, seeing multitudes
sitting under the trees, I ordered a third gun to be fired among the
cocoa-nut-trees to scare them; for my business being to wood and water, I
thought it necessary to strike some terror into the inhabitants, who were
very numerous, and (by what I saw now, and had formerly experienced)
treacherous.  After this I sent my boat to sound; they had first forty,
then thirty, and at last twenty fathom water.  We followed the boat, and
came to anchor about a quarter of a mile from the shore, in twenty-six
fathom water, fine black sand and ooze.  We rode right against the mouth
of a small river, where I hoped to find fresh water.  Some of the natives
standing on a small point at the river's mouth, I sent a small shot over
their heads to frighten them, which it did effectually.  In the afternoon
I sent my boat ashore to the natives who stood upon the point by the
river's mouth with a present of cocoa-nuts; when the boat was come near
the shore, they came running into the water, and put their nuts into the
boat.  Then I made a signal for the boat to come aboard, and sent both it
and the yawl into the river to look for fresh water, ordering the pinnace
to lie near the river's mouth, while the yawl went up to search.  In an
hour's time they returned aboard with some barrecoes full fresh of water;
which they had taken up about half a mile up the river.  After which I
sent them again with casks, ordering one of them to fill water, and the
other to watch the motions of the natives, lest they should make any
opposition.  But they did not, and so the boats returned a little before
sunset with a tun and a half of water; and the next day by noon brought
aboard about six tuns of water.

I sent ashore commodities to purchase hogs, &c. being informed that the
natives have plenty of them, as also of yams and other good roots; but my
men returned without getting anything that I sent them for, the natives
being unwilling to trade with us.  Yet they admired our hatchets and
axes, but would part with nothing but cocoa-nuts, which they used to
climb the trees for; and so soon as they gave them our men, they beckoned
to them to be gone, for they were much afraid of us.

The 18th I sent both boats again for water, and before noon they had
filled all my casks.  In the afternoon I sent them both to cut wood; but
seeing about forty natives standing on the bay at a small distance from
our men, I made a signal for them to come aboard again, which they did,
and brought me word that the men which we saw on the bay were passing
that way, but were afraid to come nigh them.  At four o'clock I sent both
the boats again for more wood, and they returned in the evening.  Then I
called my officers to consult whether it were convenient to stay here
longer, and endeavour a better acquaintance with these people, or go to
sea.  My design of tarrying here longer was, if possible, to get some
hogs, goats, yams, or other roots, as also to get some knowledge of the
country and its product.  My officers unanimously gave their opinions for
staying longer here.  So the next day I sent both boats ashore again, to
fish and to cut more wood.  While they were ashore about thirty or forty
men and women passed by them; they were a little afraid of our people at
first, but upon their making signs of friendship, they passed by quietly,
the men finely bedecked with feathers of divers colours about their
heads, and lances in their hands; the women had no ornament about them,
nor anything to cover their nakedness but a bunch of small green boughs
before and behind, stuck under a string which came round their waists.
They carried large baskets on their heads, full of yams.  And this I have
observed amongst all the wild natives I have known, that they make their
women carry the burdens while the men walk before, without any other load
than their arms and ornaments.  At noon our men came aboard with the wood
they had cut, and had caught but six fishes at four or five hauls of the
seine, though we saw abundance of fish leaping in the bay all the day
long.

In the afternoon I sent the boats ashore for more wood; and some of our
men went to the natives' houses, and found they were now more shy than
they used to be, had taken down all the cocoa-nuts from the trees, and
driven away their hogs.  Our people made signs to them to know what was
become of their hogs, &e.  The natives pointing to some houses in the
bottom of the bay, and imitating the noise of those creatures, seemed to
intimate that there were both hogs and goats of several sizes, which they
expressed by holding their hands abroad at several distances from the
ground.

At night our boats came aboard with wood, and the next morning I went
myself with both boats up the river to the watering-place, carrying with
me all such trifles and iron-work as I thought most proper to induce them
to a commerce with us; but I found them very shy and roguish.  I saw but
two men and a boy.  One of the men, by some signs, was persuaded to come
to the boat's side, where I was; to him I gave a knife, a string of
beads, and a glass bottle.  The fellow called out, "Cocos, cocos,"
pointing to a village hard by, and signified to us that he would go for
some; but he never returned to us: and thus they had frequently of late
served our men.  I took eight or nine men with me, and marched to their
houses, which I found very mean, and their doors made fast with withies.

I visited three of their villages, and, finding all the houses thus
abandoned by the inhabitants, who carried with them all their hogs, &c.,
I brought out of their houses some small fishing-nets in recompense for
those things they had received of us.  As we were coming away we saw two
of the natives; I showed them the things that we carried with us, and
called to them, "Cocos, cocos," to let them know that I took these things
because they had not made good what they had promised by their signs, and
by their calling out "Cocos."  While I was thus employed the men in the
yawl filled two hogsheads of water, and all the barrecoes.  About one in
the afternoon I came aboard, and found all my officers and men very
importunate to go to that bay where the hogs were said to be.  I was loth
to yield to it, fearing they would deal too roughly with the natives.  By
two o'clock in the afternoon many black clouds gathered over the land,
which I thought would deter them from their enterprise; but they
solicited me the more to let them go.  At last I consented, sending those
commodities I had ashore with me in the morning, and giving them a strict
charge to deal by fair means, and to act cautiously for their own
security.  The bay I sent them to was about two miles from the ship.  As
soon as they were gone, I got all things ready, that, if I saw occasion,
I might assist them with my great guns.  When they came to land, the
natives in great companies stood to resist them, shaking their lances,
and threatening them, and some were so daring as to wade into the sea,
holding a target in one hand and a lance in the other.  Our men held up
to them such commodities as I had sent, and made signs of friendship, but
to no purpose, for the natives waved them off.  Seeing, therefore, they
could not be prevailed upon to a friendly commerce, my men, being
resolved to have some provision among them, fired some muskets to scare
them away, which had the desired effect upon all but two or three, who
stood still in a menacing posture, till the boldest dropped his target
and ran away.  They supposed he was shot in the arm; he and some others
felt the smart of our bullets, but none were killed, our design being
rather to frighten than to kill them.  Our men landed, and found
abundance of tame hogs running among the houses.  They shot down nine,
which they brought away, besides many that ran away wounded.  They had
but little time, for in less than an hour after they went from the ship
it began to rain; wherefore they got what they could into the boats, for
I had charged them to come away if it rained.  By the time the boat was
aboard and the hogs taken in it cleared up, and my men desired to make
another trip thither before night; this was about five in the evening,
and I consented, giving them orders to repair on board before night.  In
the close of the evening they returned accordingly, with eight hogs more,
and a little live pig; and by this time the other hogs were jerked and
salted.  These that came last we only dressed and corned till morning,
and then sent both boats ashore for more refreshments either of hogs or
roots; but in the night the natives had conveyed away their provisions of
all sorts.  Many of them were now about the houses, and none offered to
resist our boats landing, but, on the contrary, were so amicable, that
one man brought ten or twelve cocoa-nuts, left them on the shore after he
had shown them to our men, and went out of sight.  Our people, finding
nothing but nets and images, brought some of them away, which two of my
men brought aboard in a small canoe, and presently after my boats came
off.  I ordered the boatswain to take care of the nets till we came at
some place where they might be disposed of for some refreshment for the
use of all the company.  The images I took into my own custody.

In the afternoon I sent the canoe to the place from whence she had been
brought, and in her two axes, two hatchets (one of them helved), six
knives, six looking-glasses, a large bunch of beads, and four glass
bottles.  Our men drew the canoe ashore, placed the things to the best
advantage in her, and came off in the pinnace which I sent to guard them;
and now, being well-stocked with wood and all my water-casks full, I
resolved to sail the next morning.  All the time of our stay here we had
very fair weather, only sometimes in the afternoon we had a shower of
rain, which lasted not above an hour at most; also some thunder and
lightning, with very little wind; we had sea and land breezes, the former
between the south-south-east, and the latter from north-east to north-
west.

This place I named Port Montague in honour of my noble patron: it lies in
the latitude of 6 degrees 10 minutes south, and meridian distance from
Cape St. George 151 miles west.  The country hereabouts is mountainous
and woody, full of rich valleys and pleasant fresh-water brooks.  The
mould in the valleys is deep and yellowish, that on the sides of the hill
of a very brown colour, and not very deep, but rocky underneath, yet
excellent planting land.  The trees in general are neither very straight,
thick, nor tall, yet appear green and pleasant enough; some of them bore
flowers, some berries, and others big fruits, but all unknown to any of
us; cocoa-nut trees thrive very well here, as well on the bays by the sea-
side, as more remote among the plantations; the nuts are of an
indifferent size, the milk and kernel very thick and pleasant.  Here is
ginger, yams, and other very good roots for the pot, that our men saw and
tasted; what other fruits or roots the country affords I know not.  Here
are hogs and dogs; other land animals we saw none.  The fowls we saw and
knew were pigeons, parrots, cockatoos, and crows like those in England; a
sort of birds about the bigness of a blackbird, and smaller birds many.
The sea and rivers have plenty of fish; we saw abundance, though we
caught but few, and these were cavallies, yellow-tails, and whip-rays.

We departed from hence on the 22nd of March, and on the 24th, in the
evening, we saw some high land bearing north-west half-west, to the west
of which we could see no land, though there appeared something like land
bearing west a little southerly, but not being sure of it, I steered west-
north-west all night, and kept going on with an easy sail, intending to
coast along the shore at a distance.  At ten o'clock I saw a great fire
bearing north-west-by-west, blazing up in a pillar, sometimes very high
for three or four minutes, then falling quite down for an equal space of
time, sometimes hardly visible, till it blazed up again.  I had laid me
down, having been indisposed these three days; but upon a sight of this,
my chief mate called me; I got up and viewed it for about half an hour,
and knew it to be a burning hill by its intervals: I charged them to look
well out, having bright moonlight.  In the morning I found that the fire
we had seen the night before was a burning island, and steered for it.  We
saw many other islands, one large high island, and another smaller but
pretty high.  I stood near the volcano, and many small low islands, with
some shoals.

March the 25th, 1700, in the evening we came within three leagues of this
burning hill, being at the same time two leagues from the main; I found a
good channel to pass between them, and kept nearer the main than the
island.  At seven in the evening I sounded, and had fifty-two fathom fine
sand and ooze.  I stood to the northward to get clear of this strait,
having but little wind and fair weather.  The island all night vomited
fire and smoke very amazingly, and at every belch we heard a dreadful
noise like thunder, and saw a flame of fire after it the most terrifying
that ever I saw; the intervals between its belches were about half a
minute, some more, others less; neither were these pulses or eruptions
alike, for some were but faint convulsions, in comparison of the more
vigorous; yet even the weakest vented a great deal of fire; but the
largest made a roaring noise, and sent up a large flame, twenty or thirty
yards high; and then might be seen a great stream of fire running down to
the foot of the island, even to the shore.  From the furrows made by this
descending fire, we could, in the day time, see great smoke arise, which
probably were made by the sulphurous matter thrown out of the funnel at
the top, which tumbling down to the bottom, and there lying in a heap,
burned till either consumed or extinguished; and as long as it burned and
kept its heat, so long the smoke ascended from it; which we perceived to
increase or decrease, according to the quantity of matter discharged from
the funnel: but the next night, being shot to the westward of the burning
island, and the funnel of it lying on the south side, we could not
discern the fire there, as we did the smoke in the day when we were to
the southward of it.  This volcano lies in the latitude of 5 degrees 33
minutes south, and meridian distance from Cape St. George, three hundred
and thirty-two miles west.

The easternmost part of New Guinea lies forty miles to the westward of
this tract of land; and by hydrographers they are made joining together;
but here I found an opening and passage between, with many islands, the
largest of which lie on the north side of this passage or strait.  The
channel is very good, between the islands and the land to the eastward.
The east part of New Guinea is high and mountainous, ending on the north-
east with a large promontory, which I named King William's Cape, in
honour of his present Majesty.  We saw some smoke on it, and leaving it
on our larboard side, steered away near the east land, which ends with
two remarkable capes or heads, distant from each other about six or seven
leagues: within each head were two very remarkable mountains, ascending
very gradually from the sea-side, which afforded a very pleasant and
agreeable prospect.  The mountains and the lower land were pleasantly
mixed with woodland and savannahs; the trees appeared very green and
flourishing, and the savannahs seemed to be very smooth and even; no
meadow in England appears more green in the spring than these.  We saw
smoke, but did not strive to anchor here, but rather chose to get under
one of the islands (where I thought I should find few or no inhabitants),
that I might repair my pinnace, which was so crazy that I could not
venture ashore anywhere with her.  As we stood over to the islands, we
looked out very well to the north, but could see no land that way; by
which I was well assured that we were got through, and that this east
land does not join to New Guinea; therefore I named it Nova Britannia.
The north-west cape I called Cape Gloucester, and the south-west-point
Cape Anne; and the north-west mountain, which is very remarkable, I
called Mount Gloucester.

This island which I called Nova Britannia, has about 4 degrees of
latitude: the body of it lying in 4 degrees, and the northernmost part in
2 degrees 32 minutes, and the southernmost in 6 degrees 30 minutes south.
It has about 5 degrees 18 minutes longitude from east to west.  It is
generally high mountainous land, mixed with large valleys, which, as well
as the mountains appeared very fertile; and in most places that we saw,
the trees are very large, tall and thick.  It is also very well inhabited
with strong well-limbed negroes, whom we found very daring and bold at
several places.  As to the product of it, I know no more than what I have
said in my account of Port Montague; but it is very probable this island
may afford as many rich commodities as any in the world: and the natives
may be easily brought to commerce, though I could not pretend to it under
my present circumstances.

Being near the island to the northward of the volcano, I sent my boat to
sound, thinking to anchor here, but she returned and brought me word,
that they had no ground till they met with a reef of coral rocks about a
mile from the shore, then I bore away to the north side of the island,
where we found no anchoring neither.  We saw several people, and some
cocoa-nut trees, but could not send ashore for want of my pinnace, which
was out of order.  In the evening I stood off to sea, to be at such a
distance that I might not be driven by any current upon the shoals of
this island, if it should prove calm.  We had but little wind, especially
the beginning of the night; but in the morning I found myself so far to
the west of the island, that the wind being at east-south-east, I could
not fetch it, wherefore I kept on to the southward, and stemmed with the
body of a high island about eleven or twelve leagues long, lying to the
southward of that which I before designed for.  I named this island Sir
George Rook's Island.

We also saw some other islands to the westward, which may be better seen
in my draft of these lands than here described; but seeing a very small
island lying to the north-west of the long island which was before us,
and not far from it.  I steered away for that, hoping to find anchoring
there; and having but little wind, I sent my boat before to sound, which,
when we were about two miles' distance from the shore, came on board and
brought me word that there was good anchoring in thirty or forty fathom
water, a mile from the isle, and within a reef of the rocks which lay in
a half-moon, reaching from the north part of the island to the
south-east; so at noon we got in and anchored in thirty-six fathom, a
mile from the isle.

In the afternoon I sent my boat ashore to the island, to see what
convenience there was to haul our vessel ashore in order to be mended,
and whether we could catch any fish.  My men in the boat rowed about the
island, but could not land by reason of the rocks and a great surge
running in upon the shore.  We found variation here, 8 degrees 25 minutes
west.

I designed to have stayed among these islands till I got my pinnace
refitted; but having no more than one man who had skill to work upon her,
I saw she would be a long time in repairing (which was one great reason
why I could not prosecute my discoveries further); and the easterly winds
being set in, I found I should scarce be able to hold my ground.

The 31st, in the forenoon, we shot in between two islands, lying about
four leagues asunder, with intention to pass between them.  The
southernmost is a long island, with a high hill at each end; this I named
Long Island.  The northernmost is a round high island towering up with
several heads or tops, something resembling a crown; this I named Crown
Isle from its form.  Both these islands appeared very pleasant, having
spots of green savannahs mixed among the woodland: the trees appeared
very green and flourishing, and some of them looked white and full of
blossoms.  We passed close by Crown Isle, saw many cocoa-nut trees on the
bays and sides of the hills; and one boat was coming off from the shore,
but returned again.  We saw no smoke on either of the islands, neither
did we see any plantations, and it is probable they are not very well
peopled.  We saw many shoals near Crown Island, and reefs of rocks
running off from the points a mile or more into the sea: my boat was once
overboard, with design to have sent her ashore, but having little wind,
and seeing some shoals, I hoisted her in again, and stood off out of
danger.

In the afternoon, seeing an island bearing north-west-by-west, we steered
away north-west-by-north, to be to the northward of it.  The next
morning, being about midway from the islands we left yesterday, and
having this to the westward of us, the land of the main of New Guinea
within us to the southward, appeared very high.  When we came within four
or five leagues of this island to the west of us, four boats came off to
view us, one came within call, but returned with the other three without
speaking to us; so we kept on for the island, which I named Sir R. Rich's
Island.  It was pretty high, woody, and mixed with savannahs like those
formerly mentioned.  Being to the north of it, we saw an opening between
it and another island two leagues to the west of it, which before
appeared all in one.  The main seemed to be high land, trending to the
westward.

On Tuesday, the 2nd of April, about eight in the morning, we discovered a
high-peaked island to the westward, which seemed to smoke at its top: the
next day we passed by the north side of the Burning Island, and saw smoke
again at its top, but the vent lying on the south side of the peak, we
could not observe it distinctly, nor see the fire.  We afterwards opened
three more islands, and some land to the southward, which we could not
well tell whether it were islands or part of the main.  These islands are
all high, full of fair trees and spots of great savannahs, as well the
Burning Isle as the rest; but the Burning Isle was more round and peaked
at top, very fine land near the sea, and for two-thirds up it: we also
saw another isle sending forth a great smoke at once, but it soon
vanished, and we saw it no more; we saw also among these islands three
small vessels with sails, which the people of Nova Britannia seem wholly
ignorant of.

The 11th, at noon, having a very good observation, I found myself to the
northward of my reckoning, and thence concluded that we had a current
setting north-west, or rather more westerly, as the land lies.  From that
time to the next morning we had fair clear weather, and a fine moderate
gale from south-east to east-by-north: but at daybreak the clouds began
to fly, and it lightened very much in the east, south-east, and north-
east.  At sun-rising, the sky looked very red in the east near the
horizon, and there were many black clouds both to the south and north of
it.  About a quarter of an hour after the sun was up, there was a squall
to the windward of us; when on sudden one of our men on the forecastle
called out that he saw something astern, but could not tell what: I
looked out for it, and immediately saw a spout beginning to work within a
quarter of a mile of us, exactly in the wind: we presently put right
before it.  It came very swiftly, whirling the water up in a pillar about
six or seven yards high.  As yet I could not see any pendulous cloud,
from whence it might come, and was in hopes it would soon lose its force.
In four or five minutes' time it came within a cable's length of us, and
passed away to leeward, and then I saw a long pale stream coming down to
the whirling water.  This stream was about the bigness of a rainbow: the
upper end seemed vastly high, not descending from any dark cloud, and
therefore the more strange to me, I never having seen the like before.  It
passed about a mile to leeward of us, and then broke.  This was but a
small spout, not strong nor lasting; yet I perceived much wind in it as
it passed by us.  The current still continued at north-west a little
westerly, which I allowed to run a mile per hour.

By an observation the 13th, at noon, I found myself 25 minutes to the
northward of my reckoning; whether occasioned by bad steerage, a bad
account, or a current, I could not determine; but was apt to judge it
might be a complication of all; for I could not think it was wholly the
current, the land here lying east-by-south, and west-by-north, or a
little more northerly and southerly.  We had kept so nigh as to see it,
and at farthest had not been above twenty leagues from it, but sometimes
much nearer; and it is not probable that any current should set directly
off from a land.  A tide indeed may; but then the flood has the same
force to strike in upon the shore, as the ebb to strike off from it: but
a current must have set nearly along shore, either easterly or westerly;
and if anything northerly or southerly, it could be but very little in
comparison of its east or west course, on a coast lying as this doth;
which yet we did not perceive.  If therefore we were deceived by a
current, it is very probable that the land is here disjoined, and that
there is a passage through to the southward, and that the land from King
William's Cape to this place is an island, separated from New Guinea by
some strait, as Nova Britannia is by that which we came through.  But
this being at best but a probable conjecture, I shall insist no farther
upon it.

The 14th we passed by Scouten's Island, and Providence Island, and found
still a very strong current setting to the north-west.  On the 17th we
saw a high mountain on the main, that sent forth great quantities of
smoke from its top: this volcano we did not see in our voyage out.  In
the afternoon we discovered King William's Island, and crowded all the
sail we could to get near it before night, thinking to lie to the
eastward of it till day, for fear of some shoals that lie at the west end
of it.  Before night we got within two leagues of it, and having a fine
gale of wind and a light moon, I resolved to pass through in the night,
which I hoped to do before twelve o'clock, if the gale continued; but
when we came within two miles of it, it fell calm: yet afterwards by the
help of the current, a small gale, and our boat, we got through before
day.  In the night we had a very fragrant smell from the island.  By
morning light we were got two leagues to the westward of it; and then
were becalmed all the morning; and met such whirling tides, that when we
came into them, the ship turned quite round: and though sometimes we had
a small gale of wind, yet she could not feel the helm when she came into
these whirlpools: neither could we get from amongst them, till a brisk
gale sprang up: yet we drove not much any way, but whirled round like a
top.  And those whirlpools were not constant to one place but drove about
strangely: and sometimes we saw among them large ripplings of the water,
like great over-falls making a fearful noise.  I sent my boat to sound,
but found no ground.

The 18th Cape Mabo bore south, distance nine leagues; by which account it
lies in the latitude of 50 minutes south, and meridian distance from Cape
St. George one thousand two hundred and forty-three miles.  St. John's
Isle lies forty-eight miles to the east of Cape St. George; which being
added to the distance between Cape St. George and Cape Mabo, makes one
thousand two hundred and ninety-one meridional parts; which was the
furthest that I was to the east.  In my outward-bound voyage I made
meridian distance between Cape Mabo and Cape St. George, one thousand two
hundred and ninety miles; and now in my return, but one thousand two
hundred and forty-three; which is forty-seven short of my distance going
out.  This difference may probably be occasioned by the strong western
current which we found in our return, which I allowed for after I
perceived it; and though we did not discern any current when we went to
the eastward, except when near the islands, yet it is probable we had one
against us, though we did not take notice of it because of the strong
easterly winds.  King William's Island lies in the latitude of 21 minutes
south, and may be seen distinctly off Cape Mabo.

In the evening we passed by Cape Mabo; and afterwards steered away south-
east half-east, keeping along the shore, which here trends
south-easterly.  The next morning, seeing a large opening in the land,
with an island near the south side; I stood in, thinking to anchor there.
When we were shot in within two leagues of the island, the wind came to
the west, which blows right into the opening.  I stood to the north
shore, intending, when I came pretty nigh, to send my boat into the
opening and sound, before I would venture in.  We found several deep
bays, but no soundings within two miles of the shore; therefore I stood
off again, then seeing a rippling under our lee, I sent my boat to sound
on it; which returned in half an hour, and brought me word that the
rippling we saw was only a tide, and that they had no ground there.





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