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Title: Seventh Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing - Office, Washington, 1891
Author: Powell, John Wesley, 1834-1902 [Editor]
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.
Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Seventh Annual Report - of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the - Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing - Office, Washington, 1891" ***

This book is indexed by ISYS Web Indexing system to allow the reader find any word or number within the document.

Julia Miller, Frank van Drogen, Louise Hope, and the Online
by the Bibliothèque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at
http://gallica.bnf.fr and First-Hand History at

[Transcriber’s Note:

This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8
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  ā, ē ... (vowel with macron or “long” mark)
  ă, ĕ ... (vowel with breve or “short” mark)
  ‛ (glottal stop, shown as “reverse high-9” quotation mark)

  In Linguistic Families article only (all infrequent):
    χ (chi)
    ʇ ʞ (inverted letters)
    e̥ (e with ring under),
    ż (z with over-dot)

  In Sacred Formulas article only:
    ⁿ ⁱ ᵘ ᵁ ʷ (small raised n, i, u, U, w)

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vertically. Note that the stress marks, as in “Midē´wiwin,” are _not_
meant to display on top of the adjoining letter.

The three “Accompanying Papers” that make up the bulk of this book are

  J. W. Powell, _Indian Linguistic Families of America North
    of Mexico_ (pages 1-140): e-text 17286
  W. J. Hoffman, _The Midē´wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the
    Ojibwa_ (pages 141-300): e-text 19368
  J. Mooney, _The Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees_ (pages 300-398):
    e-text 24788

The papers are identical except that a few more typographical errors
have been corrected in this combined version, and some minor formatting
has been changed for consistency. Plates and Figures were numbered
continuously in the published volume, and have not been changed.

Typographical errors are listed separately after each paper and
after the combined Index. Bracketed passages other than footnotes or
illustration tags are in the original.]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *


                     of the


                     to the

    Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution



                 J. W. POWELL


           Government Printing Office

       *       *       *       *       *



  Letter of transmittal                                     XIII
  Introduction                                                XV
  Field work                                                 XVI
    Mound explorations                                       XVI
      Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas                             XVI
    Explorations in stone villages                         XVIII
      Work of Director J. W. Powell                        XVIII
      Work of Mr. James Stevenson                           XXIV
      Work of Messrs. Victor Mindeleff and Cosmos
        Mindeleff                                            XXV
      Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson                            XXVIII
    General field studies                                 XXVIII
      Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow                            XXVIII
      Work of Mr. James C. Pilling                           XXX
      Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin                            XXX
  Office work                                                XXX
      Work of Prof. Cyrus Thomas                             XXX
      Work of Mrs. V. L. Thomas                             XXXI
      Work of Mr. James C. Pilling                          XXXI
      Work of Mr. Frank H. Cushing                          XXXI
      Work of Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith                        XXXI
      Work of Mr. Charles C. Royce                         XXXII
      Work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow                             XXXII
      Work of Dr. Washington Matthews                      XXXII
      Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes                             XXXII
      Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff                         XXXII
      Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff                        XXXIII
      Work of Mr. E. W. Nelson                            XXXIII
      Work of Col. Garrick Mallery                         XXXIV
      Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw                            XXXIV
      Work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet                       XXXIV
      Work of Rev. J. Owen Dorsey                          XXXIV
      Work of Mr. James Mooney                             XXXIV
    Synonymy of Indian tribes                              XXXIV
  Accompanying papers                                      XXXVI
    Linguistic families of North America                   XXXVI
    The Midē´wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the
      Ojibwa, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, and The Sacred
      Formulas of the Cherokees, by Mr. James Mooney       XXXIX
  Financial statement                                        XLI



  Nomenclature of linguistic families                          7
  Literature relating to the classification of
      Indian languages                                        12
  Linguistic map                                              25
    Indian tribes sedentary                                   30
    Population                                                33
    Tribal land                                               40
      Village sites                                           40
      Agricultural land                                       41
      Hunting claims                                          42
    Summary of deductions                                     44
  Linguistic families                                         45
    Adaizen family                                            45
    Algonquian family                                         47
      Algonquian area                                         47
      Principal Algonquian tribes                             48
        Population                                            48
    Athapascan family                                         51
      Boundaries                                              52
        Northern group                                        53
        Pacific group                                         53
        Southern group                                        54
      Principal tribes                                        55
        Population                                            55
    Attacapan family                                          56
    Beothukan family                                          57
      Geographic distribution                                 58
    Caddoan family                                            58
        Northern group                                        60
        Middle group                                          60
        Southern group                                        60
      Principal tribes                                        61
        Population                                            62
    Chimakuan family                                          62
      Principal tribes                                        63
    Chimarikan family                                         63
      Principal tribes                                        63
    Chimmesyan family                                         63
      Principal tribes or villages                            64
        Population                                            64
    Chinookan family                                          65
      Principal tribes                                        66
        Population                                            66
    Chitimachan family                                        66
    Chumashan family                                          67
        Population                                            68
    Coahuiltecan family                                       68
      Principal tribes                                        69
    Copehan family                                            69
      Geographic distribution                                 69
      Principal tribes                                        70
    Costanoan family                                          70
      Geographic distribution                                 71
        Population                                            71
    Eskimauan family                                          71
      Geographic distribution                                 72
      Principal tribes and villages                           74
        Population                                            74
    Esselenian family                                         75
    Iroquoian family                                          76
      Geographic distribution                                 77
      Principal tribes                                        79
        Population                                            79
    Kalapooian family                                         81
      Principal tribes                                        82
        Population                                            82
    Karankawan family                                         82
    Keresan family                                            83
      Villages                                                83
        Population                                            83
    Kiowan family                                             84
        Population                                            84
    Kitunahan family                                          85
      Tribes                                                  85
        Population                                            85
    Koluschan family                                          85
      Tribes                                                  87
        Population                                            87
    Kulanapan family                                          87
      Geographic distribution                                 88
      Tribes                                                  88
    Kusan family                                              89
      Tribes                                                  89
        Population                                            89
    Lutuamian family                                          89
      Tribes                                                  90
        Population                                            90
    Mariposan family                                          90
      Geographic distribution                                 91
      Tribes                                                  91
        Population                                            91
    Moquelumnan family                                        92
      Geographic distribution                                 93
      Principal tribes                                        93
        Population                                            93
    Muskhogean family                                         94
      Geographic distribution                                 94
      Principal tribes                                        95
        Population                                            95
    Natchesan family                                          95
      Principal tribes                                        97
        Population                                            97
    Palaihnihan family                                        97
      Geographic distribution                                 98
      Principal tribes                                        98
    Piman family                                              98
      Principal tribes                                        99
        Population                                            99
    Pujunan family                                            99
      Geographic distribution                                100
      Principal tribes                                       100
    Quoratean family                                         100
      Geographic distribution                                101
      Tribes                                                 101
        Population                                           101
    Salinan family                                           101
        Population                                           102
    Salishan family                                          102
      Geographic distribution                                104
      Principal tribes                                       104
        Population                                           105
    Sastean family                                           105
      Geographic distribution                                106
    Shahaptian family                                        106
      Geographic distribution                                107
      Principal tribes and population                        107
    Shoshonean family                                        108
      Geographic distribution                                109
      Principal tribes and population                        110
    Siouan family                                            111
      Geographic distribution                                112
      Principal tribes                                       114
        Population                                           116
    Skittagetan family                                       118
      Geographic distribution                                120
      Principal tribes                                       120
        Population                                           121
    Takilman family                                          121
      Geographic distribution                                121
    Tañoan family                                            121
      Geographic distribution                                123
        Population                                           123
    Timuquanan family                                        123
      Geographic distribution                                123
      Principal tribes                                       124
    Tonikan family                                           125
      Geographic distribution                                125
    Tonkawan family                                          125
      Geographic distribution                                125
    Uchean family                                            126
      Geographic distribution                                126
        Population                                            27
    Waiilatpuan family                                       127
      Geographic distribution                                127
      Principal tribes                                       127
        Population                                           128
    Wakashan family                                          128
      Geographic distribution                                130
      Principal Aht tribes                                   130
        Population                                           130
      Principal Haeltzuk tribes                              131
        Population                                           131
    Washoan family                                           131
    Weitspekan family                                        131
      Geographic distribution                                132
      Tribes                                                 132
    Wishoskan family                                         133
      Geographic distribution                                133
      Tribes                                                 133
    Yokonan family                                           133
      Geographic distribution                                134
      Tribes                                                 134
        Population                                           135
    Yanan family                                             135
      Geographic distribution                                135
    Yukian family                                            135
      Geographic distribution                                136
    Yuman family                                             136
      Geographic distribution                                137
      Principal tribes                                       138
        Population                                           138
    Zuñian family                                            138
      Geographic distribution                                139
        Population                                           139
  Concluding remarks                                         139


  Introduction                                               149
  Shamans                                                    156
  Midē´wiwin                                                 164
    Midē´wigân                                               187
  First degree                                               189
    Preparatory instruction                                  189
    Midē´ therapeutics                                       197
    Imploration for clear weather                            207
    Initiation of candidate                                  210
    Descriptive notes                                        220
  Second degree                                              224
    Preparation of candidate                                 224
    Initiation of candidate                                  231
    Descriptive notes                                        236
  Third degree                                               240
    Preparation of candidate                                 241
    Initiation of candidate                                  243
    Descriptive notes                                        251
  Fourth degree                                              255
    Preparation of candidate                                 257
    Initiation of candidate                                  258
    Descriptive notes                                        274
  Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân                                        278
  Initiation by substitution                                 281
  Supplementary notes                                        286
    Pictography                                              286
    Music                                                    289
    Dress and ornaments                                      298
    Future of the society                                    299


  Introduction                                               307
  How the formulas were obtained                             310
    The A‛yûⁿinĭ (Swimmer) manuscript                        310
    The Gatigwanastĭ (Belt) manuscript                       312
    The Gahunĭ manuscript                                    313
    The Inâlĭ (Black Fox) manuscript                         314
    Other manuscripts                                        316
    The Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ Etĭ or Ancient Cherokee
      Formulas                                               317
  Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion          318
  Myth of the origin of disease and medicine                 319
  Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches               332
  Selected list of plants used                               324
  Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting--
      tabu-- seclusion-- women                               328
    Illustration of the gaktûⁿta or tabu                     331
    Neglect of sanitary regulations                          332
    The sweat bath-- bleeding-- rubbing-- bathing            333
    Opposition of shamans to white physicians                336
    Medicine dances                                          337
    Description of symptoms                                  337
  The ugista´‛tĭ or pay of the shaman                        337
  Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine     339
  The Cherokee gods and their abiding places                 340
  Color symbolism                                            342
  Importance attached to names                               343
  Language of the formulas                                   343
  Specimen formulas                                          344
    Medicine                                                 345
      To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni       345
      Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni          349
      Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni    351
      When something is causing something to eat them--
        Gahuni                                               353
      Second formula for the same disease-- A‛wanita         355
      For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)--
        Gatigwanasti                                         356
      Song and prayer for the great chill-- A‛yûⁿini         359
      To make children jump down (child birth)-- A‛yûⁿini    363
      Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi             364
      Song and prayer for the black yellowness
        (biliousness)-- A‛yûⁿini                             365
      To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)-- A‛yûⁿini   366
    Hunting                                                  369
      Concerning hunting-- A‛yûⁿini                          369
      For hunting birds-- A‛yûⁿini                           371
      To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A‛wanita         372
      Bear song-- A‛yûⁿini                                   373
      For catching large fish-- A‛yûⁿini                     374
    Love                                                     375
      Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti              376
      For going to water-- Gatigwanasti                      378
      Yûⁿwehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti               379
      Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A‛yûⁿini       380
      To separate lovers-- A‛yûⁿini                          381
      Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti   382
    Miscellaneous                                            384
      To shorten a night-goer on this side-- A‛yûⁿini        384
      To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti                   386
      To frighten away a storm-- A‛yûⁿini                    387
      To help warriors-- A‛wanita                            388
      To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A‛yûⁿini       391
      To take to water for the ball play-- A‛yûⁿini          395


  Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of America north
             of Mexico                                 In pocket.
       II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa        150
      III. Bed Lake and Leech Lake records                   166
       IV. Sikas´sige’s record                               170
        V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg                            172
       VI. Facial decoration                                 174
      VII. Facial decoration                                 178
     VIII. Ojibwa’s record                                   182
       IX. Mnemonic songs                                    192
        X. Mnemonic songs                                    202
       XI. Sacred objects                                    220
      XII. Invitation sticks                                 226
     XIII. Mnemonic songs                                    228
      XIV. Mnemonic songs                                    238
       XV. Sacred posts                                      240
      XVI. Mnemonic songs                                    244
     XVII. Mnemonic songs                                    266
    XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease                      278
      XIX. Birch-bark records                                286
       XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents                   288
      XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake                      290
     XXII. Mnemonic songs                                    292
    XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters                             298
     XXIV. Portrait of A‛yûⁿini (Swimmer)                    306
      XXV. Facsimile of A‛yûⁿini manuscript-- Formula for
             Dalâni Ûⁿagei                                   310
     XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--
             Yûⁿwĕhĭ formula                                 312
    XXVII. Facsimile of Grahuni manuscript-- Formula for
             Didûⁿlĕskĭ                                      314

  Fig.  1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating
             patient                                         159
        2. Sikas´sigē’s combined charts, showing descent
             of Mī´nabō´zho                                  174
        3. Origin of ginseng                                 175
        4. Peep-hole post                                    178
        5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg                         179
        6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth               185
        7. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake                  186
        8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake                  186
        9. Eshgibō´ga                                        187
       10. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree         188
       11. Interior of Midē´wigân                            188
       12. Ojibwa drums                                      190
       13. Midē´ rattle                                      191
       14. Midē´ rattle                                      191
       15. Shooting the Mīgis                                192
       16. Wooden beads                                      205
       17. Wooden effigy                                     205
       18. Wooden effigy                                     205
       19. Hawk-leg fetish                                   220
       20. Hunter’s medicine                                 222
       21. Hunter’s medicine                                 222
       22. Wâbĕnō´ drum                                      223
       23. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree        224
       34. Midē´ destroying an enemy                         238
       25. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree         240
       26. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                   252
       27. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                   252
       28. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                   252
       29. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                   252
       30. Jĕs’sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                   252
       31. Jĕs’sakkīd´ curing woman                          255
       32. Jĕs’sakkīd´ curing man                            255
       33. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree        255
       34. General view of Midē´wigân                        256
       35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge                     279
       36. Leech Lake Midē´ song                             295
       37. Leech Lake Midē´ song                             296
       38. Leech Lake Midē´ song                             297
       39. Leech Lake Midē´ song                             297


  Smithsonian Institution,
  Bureau of Ethnology,
  _Washington, D.C., October 1, 1886_.

SIR: I have the honor to submit my Seventh Annual Report as Director of
the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and operations
of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series of papers on
anthropologic subjects, prepared to illustrate the methods and results
of the work of the Bureau.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your wise
counsel relating to the work under my charge. I am, with respect, your
obedient servant,

[Signature:] J. W. Powell

    _Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution._

       *       *       *       *       *


                     of the

              BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

           By J. W. POWELL, Director.

       *       *       *       *       *


The prosecution of ethnologic researches among the North American
Indians, in accordance with act of Congress, was continued during the
fiscal year 1885-’86.

The general plan upon which the work has been prosecuted in former
years, and which has been explained in earlier reports, was continued in

General lines of investigation were indicated by the Director, and the
details intrusted to selected persons trained in their several pursuits,
the results of whose labors are published from time to time in the
manner provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which
each of these special students was engaged during the year, with its
condensed result, is presented below. This, however, does not specify in
detail all of the studies undertaken or services rendered by them, as
particular lines of research have been temporarily suspended in order to
accomplish immediately objects regarded as of superior importance. From
this cause the publication of several treatises and monographs has been
delayed, although in some instances they have been heretofore reported
as substantially completed, and, indeed, as partly in type.

The present opportunity is used to invite and urge again the assistance
of explorers, writers, and students, who are not and may not desire to
be officially connected with this Bureau. Their contributions, whether
in the shape of suggestion or of extended communications, will be
gratefully acknowledged and carefully considered. If published in whole
or in part, either in the series of reports or in monographs or
bulletins, as the liberality of Congress may in future allow, the
contributors will always receive proper credit.

The items which form the subject of the present report are presented in
two principal divisions. The first relates to the work prosecuted in the
field, and the second to the office work, which consists largely of the
preparation for publication of the results of the field work,
complemented and extended by study of the literature of the several
subjects and by correspondence relating to them.


This heading may be divided into, first, Mound Explorations; second,
Explorations in Stone Villages; and, third, General Field Studies, among
which those upon mythology, linguistics, and customs have been during
the year the most prominent.



The work of the mound-exploring division, under the charge of Prof.
Cyrus Thomas, was carried on during the fiscal year with the same
success that had attended its earlier operations.

It is proper to explain that the title given above to the division does
not fully indicate the extent of its work. The simple exploration of
mounds is but a part of its scope, which embraces, as contemplated in
its organization, a careful examination and study of the archeologic
remains in the United States east of the Rocky Mountains. The limitation
of the force engaged on this work renders it necessary that the
investigations should be conducted along but one or two selected lines
at a time.

Before and even during some portion of the year now reported upon
attention had been devoted almost exclusively to the exploration of
individual mounds, with a view of ascertaining the different types of
tumuli, as regards form, construction, and other particulars and the
vestiges of art and human remains found in them. The study of these
works in their relation to each other and their segregation into groups,
and of the mural works, inclosures, and works of defense, is important
in the attempt to obtain indications of the social life and customs of
the builders. This plan of study had not received the attention
desirable and involved the necessity of careful surveys. It was thought
best to make a commencement this year in this branch of investigation.

During the summer of 1885 Prof. Thomas was in Wisconsin, engaged in
investigating and studying the effigy mounds and other ancient works of
that section.

Messrs. James D. Middleton, John P. Rogan, and John W. Emmert were
permanent assistants during the year; Mr. Charles M. Smith, Rev. S. D.
Peet, and Mr. H. L. Reynolds were employed for short periods as
temporary assistants.

During the summer and autumn of 1885 Messrs. Middleton and Emmert were
at work on the mounds and ancient monuments of southwestern Wisconsin,
the former surveying the groups of effigy mounds and the latter
exploring the conical tumuli. When the weather became too cold for
operations in that section they were transferred to east Tennessee,
where Mr. Emmert continued at work throughout the remainder of the
fiscal year.

When it had been decided to commence the preparation of a report on the
field work of the division, in the hope of its early publication, Mr.
Middleton was called to the office to assist in that preparation, where
he remained, preparing maps and plats and making a catalogue of the
collections, until the latter part of April, 1886, when he again entered
upon field work in the southern part of Illinois, among the graves of
that neighborhood.

Mr. Rogan was in charge of the office work from the 1st of July until
the latter part of August, during which time Prof. Thomas was in the
field, as before mentioned. He was engaged during the remainder of the
year in exploring the mounds of northern Georgia and east Tennessee.

Rev. S. D. Peet was employed for a few months in preparing a preliminary
map showing the localities of the antiquarian remains of Wisconsin and
the areas formerly occupied by the several Indian tribes which are known
to have inhabited that region. In addition he prepared for use in the
report notes on the distribution and character of the mounds and other
ancient works of Wisconsin.

Mr. Smith was engaged during the month of June, 1886, in exploring
mounds and investigating the ancient works in southwestern Pennsylvania;
and Mr. Reynolds, during the same time, in tracing and exploring the
monumental remains of western New York.

Notwithstanding the details necessary for office work in the preparation
of maps and plats for the report, and cataloguing the collection, the
amount of field work accomplished was equal to that done in previous
years. Although, as before stated, one of the assistants, Mr. Middleton,
was chiefly engaged, while in the field, in surveying, about 3,500
specimens were collected and a large number of drawings obtained
illustrating the different modes of construction of the mounds.



During the summer of 1885 the Director, accompanied by Mr. James
Stevenson, revisited portions of Arizona and New Mexico in which many
structures are found which have greatly interested travelers and
anthropologists, and about which various theories have grown. The
results of the investigation have been so much more distinct and
comprehensive than any before obtained that they require to be reported
with some detail.

On the plain to the west of the Little Colorado River and north of the
San Francisco Mountain there are many scattered ruins, usually having
one, two, or three rooms each, all of which are built of basaltic
cinders and blocks. Through the plain a valley runs to the north, and
then east to the Little Colorado. Down the midst of the valley there is
a wash, through which, in seasons of great rainfall, a stream courses.
Along this stream there are extensive ruins built of sandstone and
limestone. At one place a village site was discovered, in which several
hundred people once found shelter. To the north of this and about
twenty-five miles from the summit of San Francisco Peak there is a
volcanic cone of cinder and basalt. This small cone had been used as the
site of a village, a pueblo having been built around the crater. The
materials of construction were derived from a great sandstone quarry
near by, and the pit from which they were taken was many feet in depth
and extended over two or three acres of ground. The cone rises on the
west in a precipitous cliff from the valley of an intermittent creek.
The pueblo was built on that side at the summit of the cliff, and
extending on the north and south sides along the summit of steep slopes,
was inclosed on the east, so that the plaza was entered by a covered
way. The court, or plaza, was about one-third of an acre in area. The
little pueblo contained perhaps sixty or seventy rooms. Southward of San
Francisco Mountain many other ruins were found.

East of the San Francisco Peak, at a distance of about twelve miles,
another cinder cone was found. Here the cinders are soft and friable,
and the cone is a prettily shaped dome. On the southern slope there are
excavations into the indurated and coherent cinder mass, constituting
chambers, often ten or twelve feet in diameter and six to ten feet in
height. The chambers are of irregular shape, and occasionally a larger
central chamber forms a kind of vestibule to several smaller ones
gathered about it. The smaller chambers are sometimes at the same
altitude as the central or principal one, and sometimes at a lower
altitude. About one hundred and fifty of these chambers have been
excavated. Most of them are now partly filled by the caving in of the
walls and ceilings, but some of them are yet in a good state of
preservation. In these chambers, and about them on the summit and sides
of the cinder cone, many stone implements were found, especially
metates. Some bone implements also were discovered. At the very summit
of the little cone there is a plaza, inclosed by a rude wall made of
volcanic cinders, the floor of which was carefully leveled. The plaza is
about forty-five by seventy-five feet in area. Here the people lived in
underground houses--chambers hewn from the friable volcanic cinders.
Before them, to the south, west, and north, stretched beautiful valleys,
beyond which volcanic cones are seen rising amid pine forests. The
people probably cultivated patches of ground in the low valleys.

About eighteen miles still farther to the east of San Francisco Mountain
another ruined village was discovered, built about the crater of a
volcanic cone. This volcanic peak is of much greater magnitude. The
crater opens to the eastward. On the south many stone dwellings have
been built of the basaltic and cinder-like rocks. Between the ridge on
the south and another on the northwest there is a low saddle in which
other buildings have been erected, and in which a great plaza was found,
much like the one previously described. But the most interesting part of
this village was on the cliff which rose on the northwest side of the
crater. In this cliff are many natural caves, and the caves themselves
were utilized as dwellings by inclosing them in front with walls made of
volcanic rocks and cinders. These cliff dwellings are placed tier above
tier, in a very irregular way. In many cases natural caves were thus
utilized; in other cases cavate chambers were made; that is, chambers
have been excavated in the friable cinders. On the very summit of the
ridge stone buildings were erected, so that this village was in part a
cliff village, in part cavate, and in part the ordinary stone pueblo.
The valley below, especially to the southward, was probably occupied by
their gardens. In the chambers among the overhanging cliffs a great many
interesting relics were found, of stone, bone, and wood, and many

About eight miles southeast of Flagstaff, a little town on the southern
slope of San Francisco Mountain, Oak Creek enters a canyon, which runs
to the eastward and then southward for a distance of about ten miles.
The gorge is a precipitous box canyon for the greater part of this
distance. It is cut through carboniferous rocks--sandstones and
limestones--which are here nearly horizontal. The softer sandstones
rapidly disintegrate, and the harder sandstones and limestones remain.
Thus broad shelves are formed on the sides of the cliffs, and these
shelves, or the deep recesses between them, were utilized, so that here
is a village of cliff dwellings. There are several hundred rooms
altogether. The rooms are of sandstone, pretty carefully worked and laid
in mortar, and the interior of the rooms was plastered. The opening for
the chimney was usually by the side of the entrance, and the ceilings of
the rooms are still blackened with soot and smoke. Around this village,
on the terrace of the canyon, great numbers of potsherds, stone
implements, and implements of bone, horn, and wood were found; and here,
as in all of the other ruins mentioned, corncobs in great abundance were

In addition to the four principal ruins thus described many others are
found, most of them being of the ordinary pueblo type. From the evidence
presented it would seem that they had all been occupied at a
comparatively late date. They were certainly not abandoned more than
three or four centuries ago.

Later in the season the Director visited the Supai Indians of Cataract
Canyon, and was informed by them that their present home had been taken
up not many generations ago, and that their ancestors occupied the ruins
which have been described; and they gave such a circumstantial account
of the occupation and of their expulsion by the Spaniards, that no doubt
can be entertained of the truth of their traditions in this respect. The
Indians of Cataract Canyon doubtless lived on the north, east, and south
of San Francisco Mountain at the time this country was discovered by the
Spaniards, and they subsequently left their cliff and cavate dwellings
and moved into Cataract Canyon, where they now live. It is thus seen
that these cliff and cavate dwellings are not of an ancient prehistoric
time, but that they were occupied by a people still existing, who also
built pueblos of the common type.

Later in the season the party visited the cavate ruins near Santa Clara,
previously explored by Mr. Stevenson. Here, on the western side of the
Rio Grande del Norte, was found a system of volcanic peaks, constituting
what is known as the Valley Range. To the east of these peaks,
stretching far beyond the present channel of the Rio Grande, there was
once a great Tertiary lake, which was gradually filled with the sands
washed into it on every hand and by the ashes blown out of the adjacent
volcanoes. This great lake formation is in some places a thousand feet
in thickness. When the lake was filled the Rio Grande cut its channel
through the midst to a depth of many hundreds of feet. The volcanic
mountains to the westward send to the Rio Grande a number of minor
streams, which in a general way are parallel with one another. The Rio
Grande itself, and all of these lateral streams, have cut deep gorges
and canyons, so that there are long, irregular table-lands, or mesas,
extending from the Rio Grande back to the Valley Mountains, each mesa
being severed from the adjacent one by a canyon or canyon valley; and
each of these long mesas rises with a precipitous cliff from the valley
below. The cliffs themselves are built of volcanic sands and ashes, and
many of the strata are exceedingly light and friable. The specific
gravity of some of these rocks is so low that they will float on water.
Into the faces of these cliffs, in the friable and easily worked rock,
many chambers have been excavated; for mile after mile the cliffs are
studded with them, so that altogether there are many thousands.
Sometimes a chamber or series of chambers is entered from a terrace, but
usually they were excavated many feet above any landing or terrace
below, so that they could be reached only by ladders. In other places
artificial terraces were built by constructing retaining walls and
filling the interior next to the cliff with loose rock and sand. Very
often steps were cut into the face of a cliff and a rude stairway formed
by which chambers could be reached. The chambers were very irregularly
arranged and very irregular in size and structure. In many cases there
is a central chamber, which seems to have been a general living room for
the people, back of which two, three, or more chambers somewhat smaller
are found. The chambers occupied by one family are sometimes connected
with those occupied by another family, so that two or three or four sets
of chambers have interior communication. Usually, however, the
communication from one system of chambers to another was by the outside.
Many of the chambers had evidently been occupied as dwellings. They
still contained fireplaces and evidences of fire; there were little
caverns or shelves in which various vessels were placed, and many
evidences of the handicraft of the people were left in stone, bone,
horn, and wood, and in the chambers and about the sides of the cliffs
potsherds are abundant. On more careful survey it was found that many
chambers had been used as stables for asses, goats, and sheep. Sometimes
they had been filled a few inches, or even two or three feet, with the
excrement of these animals. Ears of corn and corncobs were also found in
many places. Some of the chambers were evidently constructed to be used
as storehouses or caches for grain. Altogether it is very evident that
the cliff houses have been used in comparatively modern times; at any
rate since the people owned asses, goats, and sheep. The rock is of such
a friable nature that it will not stand atmospheric degradation very
long, and there is abundant evidence of this character testifying to the
recent occupancy of these cavate dwellings.

Above the cliffs, on the mesas, which have already been described,
evidences of more ancient ruins were found. These were pueblos built of
cut stone rudely dressed. Every mesa had at least one ancient pueblo
upon it, evidently far more ancient than the cavate dwellings found in
the face of the cliffs. It is, then, very plain that the cavate
dwellings are not of great age; that they have been occupied since the
advent of the white man, and that on the summit of the cliffs there are
ruins of more ancient pueblos.

Now, the pottery of Santa Clara had been previously studied by Mr.
Stevenson, who made a large collection there two or three years ago, and
it was at once noticed that the potsherds of these cliff dwellings are,
both in shape and material, like those now made by the Santa Clara
Indians. The peculiar pottery of Santa Clara is readily distinguished,
as may be seen by examining the collection now in the National Museum.
While encamped in the valley below, the party met a Santa Clara Indian
and engaged him in conversation. From him the history of the cliff
dwellings was soon obtained. His statement was that originally his
people lived in six pueblos, built of cut stone, upon the summit of the
mesas; that there came a time when they were at war with the Apaches and
Navajos, when they abandoned their stone pueblos above and for greater
protection excavated the chambers in the cliffs below; that when this
war ended part of them returned to the pueblos above, which were
rebuilt; that there afterward came another war, with the Comanche
Indians, and they once more resorted to cliff dwellings. At the close of
this war they built a pueblo in the valley of the Rio Grande, but at the
time of the invasion of the Spaniards their people refused to be
baptized, and a Spanish army was sent against them, when they abandoned
the valley below and once more inhabited the cliff dwellings above. Here
they lived many years, until at last a wise and good priest brought them
peace, and persuaded them to build the pueblo which they now occupy--the
village of Santa Clara. The ruin of the pueblo which they occupied
previous to the invasion of the Spaniards is still to be seen about a
mile distant from the present pueblo.

The history thus briefly given was repeated by the governor and by other
persons, all substantially to the same effect. It is therefore evident
that the cavate dwellings of the Santa Clara region belong to a people
still extant; that they are not of great antiquity, and do not give
evidence of a prehistoric and now extinct race.

Plans and measurements were made of some of the villages with sufficient
accuracy to prepare models. Photographic views and sketches were also
procured with which to illustrate a detailed report of the subject to be
published by the Bureau.


After the investigations made in company with the Director, as mentioned
above, Mr. Stevenson proceeded with a party to the ancient province of
Tusayan, in Arizona, to study the characteristics of the Moki tribes,
its inhabitants, and to make collections of such implements and utensils
as illustrate their arts and industries. Several months were spent among
the villages, resulting in a large collection of rare objects, all of
which were selected with special reference to their anthropologic
importance. This collection contains many articles novel in character
and with uses differing from any heretofore obtained, and forms an
important addition to the collections in the National Museum.

A study of their religious ceremonials and mythology was made, of which
full notes were taken. Sketches were made of their masks and other
objects which could not be obtained for the collection.

Mrs. Stevenson was also enabled to obtain a minute description of the
celebrated dance, or medicine ceremony, of the Navajos, called the
Yéibit-cai. She made complete sketches of the sand altars, masks, and
other objects employed in this ceremonial.


Mr. Victor Mindeleff, who had been engaged for several years in
investigating the architecture of the pueblos and the ruins of the
southwest, was at the beginning of the fiscal year at work among the
Moki towns in Arizona, in charge of a party. Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff left
Washington on July 6 for the same locality. He was placed in charge of
the surveying necessary in the Stone Village region, and the result of
his work is included in the general report of that division.

Visits were paid to the Moki villages in succession, obtaining drawings
of some constructional details, and also traditions bearing on the ruins
in that vicinity. The main camp was established near Mashongnavi, one of
the Moki villages. A large ruined pueblo, formerly occupied by the
Mashongnavi, was here surveyed. No standing walls are found at the
present time, and many portions of the plan are entirely obliterated.
Typical fragments of pottery were collected.

Following this work, four other ruined pueblos were surveyed, and such
portions of them as clearly indicated dividing walls were drawn on the
ground plans.

Many of the ruins in this vicinity, according to the traditions of the
Mokis, have been occupied in comparatively recent times---a number of
them having been abandoned since the Spanish conquest of the country. In
several cases the villages now occupied are not upon the same sites as
those first visited by the Spaniards, although retaining the same names.

While the work of surveying was in progress, in charge of Mr. Cosmos
Mindeleff, Mr. Victor Mindeleff made a visit of several days at Keam
Canyon, there to meet a number of the Navajo Indians to explain the
purpose of the work and allay the suspicions of these Indians,
a necessary precaution, as some of the proposed work was laid out in
Canyon de Chelly, in the heart of their reservation. Recent restrictions
to which they had been subjected, as a consequence of new surveys of the
reservation line, had made them especially distrustful of parties
equipped with instruments for surveying. Incidental to explanations of
the purpose of the work, an opportunity was afforded of obtaining a
number of mythologic notes, and also interesting data regarding the
construction of their “hogans,” with the rules prescribing the
arrangement of each part of the frame and other particulars. A number of
ceremonial songs are sung at the building of these houses, but of these
only one could be secured, which was obtained in the original and
translated. Whenever opportunity occurred, during the progress of the
work, photographs and diagrams of construction of “hogans” were

On August 17 the ceremony of the snake-dance took place at Mashongnavi,
similar in every detail to that performed at Walpi, and differing only
in the number of participants. Several instantaneous negatives of the
various phases of the dance were secured. On the following day the same
ceremony was performed on a larger scale at Walpi, the easternmost of
the Moki villages.

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff assisted in collecting from the present inhabitants
of the region legendary information bearing upon ruins and in observing
the snake-dances, a description of which was prepared for publication.

While the surveys of the ruins were in progress many detailed studies
were made of special features in the modern villages, particularly among
the “kivas” or religious chambers. In several instances the large
roofing timbers of the “kiva” were found to be the old beams from the
Spanish churches, hewn square, and decorated with the characteristic
rude carving of the old Spanish work. A number of legends connected with
the ruined pueblos were recorded.

On closing this work in the vicinity of the Moki villages, late in
August, the party moved into Keam Canyon, en route for Canyon de Chelly.
A day was devoted to the survey of a small pueblo of irregular
elliptical outline, situated about eighteen miles northeast from Keam
Canyon. This ruin is in excellent state of preservation and exhibits in
the masonry some stones of remarkably large size. The early part of
September was employed in making a close survey of the Mummy Cave group
of ruins in Canyon de la Muerte, this work including a five-foot contour
map of the ground and the rocky ledge over which the houses were
distributed. Detailed drawings of a number of special features were made
here, particularly in connection with the circular ceremonial chambers.
The latter were so buried under the accumulated debris of fallen walls
that much excavation was required to lay bare the details of internal
arrangement. A high class of workmanship is here exhibited, both in the
execution of the constructional features and in the interior decoration
of these chambers. Later the White House group, in the Canyon de Chelly,
comprising a village and cliff houses, was examined and platted in the
same manner.

The drawings and plans were supplemented with a series of photographs.
Some negatives of Navajo houses were also made.

On closing this work the party went into Fort Defiance, en route for
Zuñi, and thence to Ojo Caliente, a modern farming pueblo of the Zuñi,
about twelve miles south of the principal village. Here two ruins of
villages, thought to belong to the ancient Cibola group, were platted.
One of these villages had been provided with a circular reservoir of
large size, partially walled in with masonry. Here, also, the well
preserved walls of a stone church can be seen. The other contains the
remains of a large church, built of adobe. A series of widely scattered
house-clusters, occurring two miles west of Ojo Caliente, was also
examined, but the earth had drifted over the fallen walls and so covered
them that the arrangement of rooms could scarcely be traced at all.

The modern village of Ojo Caliente was also surveyed and diagrams and
photographs made.

Towards the end of September camp was moved to the vicinity of Zuñi.
Here four other villages of the Cibola group and the old villages on the
mesa of Ta-ai-ya-lo-ne were examined. Camp was then moved to Nutria,
a farming pueblo of Zuñi. From this camp Nutria was surveyed and
photographed, and also the village of Pescado, which is occupied only
during the farming season. Both of these modern farming pueblos appear
to be built on the ruins of more ancient villages, the remains of which
were especially noticeable in the case of Pescado, where the very
carefully executed masonry, characteristic of the ancient methods of
construction, could be seen outcropping at many points.


Following the return of the main party to Washington, some preliminary
exploration was carried on by Mr. E. W. Nelson, who made an examination
of the headwaters of the South Fork of Salt River, but did not find any
ruins. Thence the Blue Ridge was crossed, and the valley of the Blue
Fork of the San Francisco River visited. Here ruins were frequently
increasing in number toward the south. Farther south three sets of cliff
ruins were also located.



During the summer and fall of 1885, Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant
surgeon U.S. Army, examined points in Arizona and Utah. In the vicinity
of Springerville, Apache County, Arizona, in company with Mr. E. W.
Nelson, he visited a number of ancient pueblos and discovered that the
people formerly occupying the towns had followed the custom of burying
their dead immediately outside the walls of their habitations, marking
the places of sepulcher with circles of stones. The graves were four or
five feet in depth, and various household utensils had been deposited
with the dead. Mr. Nelson, who had made a careful search for these
cemeteries, informed him of the locality of hundreds. Unfortunately for
anthropometric science, most of the bones are too much decayed to be of
practical value. The places of burial selected at these pueblos are
similar to the burial places discovered in 1874 near the large ruined
pueblo of Abiquiu, in the valley of the Chama, New Mexico.

Dr. Yarrow also visited the Moki pueblos in Arizona, and obtained from
one of the principal men a clear and succinct account of their burial
customs. While there he witnessed the famous snake dance, which occurs
every two years, and is supposed to have the effect of producing rain.
From his knowledge of the reptilian fauna of the country he was able to
identify the species of serpents used in the dance, and from personal
examination satisfied himself that the fangs had not been extracted from
the poisonous varieties. He thinks, however, that the reptiles are
somewhat tamed by handling during the four days that they are kept in
the estufas and possibly are made to eject the greater part of the venom
contained in the sacs at the roots of the teeth, by being teased and
forced to strike at different objects held near them. He does not think
that a vegetable decoction in which they are washed has a stupefying
effect, as has been supposed by some. He also obtained from a Moki high
priest a full account of the ceremonies attending the dance. Through the
assistance of Mr. Thomas V. Keam, of Keam Canyon, Arizona, and Mr. A. M.
Stephen, he was able to procure from a noted Navajo wise man an exact
account of the burial customs of his people, as well as valuable
information regarding their medical practices, especially such as relate
to obstetrics.

From Arizona Dr. Yarrow proceeded to Utah, and made an examination of an
old rock cemetery near Farmington, finding it similar to the one he
discovered in 1872 near the town of Fillmore. The bodies had been
carried far up the side of the mountain; cavities had been prepared in a
rock slide, and the bodies placed therein. Branches of cottonwood were
then laid over and large boulders piled on top. In several of these
graves the skeletons were in a fair state of preservation, and were
removed, as well as the articles found with them.

Through the kindness of Mr. William Young, of Grantsville, a skeleton of
a Gosiute, in excellent preservation, was obtained, and has been
presented to the Army Medical Museum. It may be stated that the
examination of the rock cemetery at Farmington showed that the
inhabitants of the eastern slope of the Wahsatch Range, in Great Salt
Lake Valley, followed the mode of rock sepulture from this, the most
northern point visited, to below Parowan, a distance of at least two
hundred miles southward, and it seems that these people occupied the
valley long subsequent to those living near the water courses who
constructed the small mounds on top of which were the rude adobe
dwellings, and in some instances used these huts for burial purposes.


In the spring of 1886 Mr. James C. Pilling made a trip to Europe in the
interest of his work on the Bibliography of the Languages of the North
American Indians, and spent many days in the library of the British
Museum, the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and several extensive
private libraries in England and France. The results of this trip are
highly satisfactory and valuable.


Mr. Jeremiah Curtin continued to collect vocabularies and myths in
California. The whole number of myths obtained in California and Oregon
was over three hundred. The number of vocabularies was eight, being the
Yana, Atsugëi (Hat Creek), Wasco, Miléblama (Warm Springs), Pai Ute,
Shasta, Maidu, and Wintu. Texts were also obtained in Yana, Wasco, Warm
Spring, and Shasta.


Prof. CYRUS THOMAS was engaged during the year, except the few weeks he
was in the field, in the preparation of his general report and in
correspondence relating to the archeology of the district before
specified. He also finished a paper published in the Sixth Annual Report
of this Bureau under the title, “Aids to the study of the Maya Codices,”
and a special report on the “Burial mounds of the northern sections of
the United States.” The latter has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report
of the Bureau.

Mrs. V. L. THOMAS, in addition to her duties as clerk, has been employed
in preparing a catalogue of the ancient works in that part of the United
States east of the Rocky Mountains. This catalogue, now nearly complete,
is intended to give the localities and character of all the antiquities
in the region mentioned, including discoveries which have been noted in
publications, as well as those mentioned in the reports of work done
under the Bureau.

Mr. JAMES C. PILLING continued to give a large share of his time and
attention throughout the year to the “Bibliography of the languages of
the North American Indians,” which has been adverted to in previous
reports. The advance “proofsheets” of this work, printed in the last
fiscal year, were distributed to collaborators and have been the means
of obtaining the active cooperation of many persons throughout this and
other countries who are interested in linguistic and bibliographic
science. They have thus elicited a large number of additions,
corrections, suggestions, and criticisms, all of which have received
careful consideration.

Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING was engaged in the preparation, from the large
amount of Zuñi material collected by him during several years, of papers
upon the language, mythology, and institutions of that people.

Mrs. ERMINNIE A. SMITH continued her study of the Iroquoian languages.
The first part of her final contribution on the subject was intended to
be a Tuscarora grammar and dictionary. The first portion of the
dictionary was completed, and had been forwarded to the Bureau when her
sudden and lamented death occurred on June 9, 1886, at her home in
Jersey City. Her former assistant, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora
descent, has been engaged to complete the work she so successfully
began, and it is expected that the results of her long labors in the
field will be published without delay.

Mr. CHARLES C. ROYCE resigned his connection with the Bureau in the
early part of the year, thereby delaying the completion of the work upon
the primal title of the Indian tribes to lands within the United States
and the methods of procuring their relinquishment, the scope and value
of which have before been explained. Mr. Royce, before his departure
from Washington, completed a paper on the “Cherokee Nation of Indians,”
which has appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau.

Dr. H. C. YARROW was still engaged in preparing the material for the
final volume upon the mortuary customs of the North American Indians, in
the prosecution of which the large amount of information received and
obtained from various sources has been carefully classified and arranged
under proper divisions, so that the manuscript is now being rapidly put
into shape for publication.

Dr. WASHINGTON MATTHEWS, U.S. Army, continued to prepare for publication
the copious notes obtained by him during former years in the Navajo
country, his chief work being upon a grammar and dictionary of the
Navajo language. He also wrote several papers, one of which, a “Chant
upon the Mountains,” has been published in the Fifth Annual Report.

Mr. W. H. HOLMES continued his work in the office during the year,
superintending the illustration of the various publications of the
Bureau. His scientific studies have been confined principally to the
field of American archeologic art. Two fully illustrated papers have
been finished and have appeared in the Sixth Annual Report of the
Bureau. They are upon “Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui,
Colombia,” and “A study of the textile art in its relations to the
development of form and ornament.” Mr. Holmes has, in addition,
continued his duties as curator of aboriginal pottery in the National

Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF, when not in the field, prepared reports on the
Tusayan and Cibola architectural groups. These, when completed, are to
be fully illustrated by a series of plans and drawings now being
prepared from the field-notes and other material. In this work it is
proposed to discuss the architecture in detail, particularly in the case
of the modern pueblos, where many of the constructional devices of the
old builders still survive. The examination of these details will be
found to throw light on obscure features of many ruined pueblos whose
state of preservation is such as to exhibit but little detail in

In connection with the classification and arrangement of new material
from Canyon de Chelly, a paper was prepared on the cliff ruins of that

Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF has been in charge of the modeling room during the
last year. Upon his return from the field a series of models to
illustrate the Chaco ruins, architecturally the most important in the
Southwest, was commenced. Two of these, viz, the ruin of Wejegi and that
of a small pueblo near Pueblo Alto, have been finished and duplicates
have been deposited in the National Museum. The third, a large model of
Peñasco Blanco, is still uncompleted. All of these models are made from
entirely new surveys made in the summer of 1884. The scale used in the
previous series--the inhabited pueblos and the cliff ruins--though
larger than usually adopted for this class of work, has shown so much
more detail and has proved generally so satisfactory, that it has been
continued in the Chaco Ruin group, bringing the entire series of models
made by the Bureau to a uniform scale of 1:60, or one inch to five feet.
In addition to this the work of duplicating the existing models of the
Bureau for purposes of exchange was commenced. Three of these have been
completed, and two others are about half finished.

Mr. E. W. NELSON was engaged upon a report of his investigations among
the Eskimo tribes of Alaska. A part of this report, consisting of an
English-Eskimo dictionary, he has already forwarded.

       *       *       *       *       *

As hereinafter explained, the year was principally devoted to the
synonymy of the Indian tribes, the special studies of several officers
of the Bureau being suspended so that their whole time might be employed
in that direction. In the year 1885, however, and at subsequent
intervals, their work was as follows:

Col. GARRICK MALLERY, U.S. Army, continued the study, by researches and
correspondence, of sign language and pictography. A comprehensive,
though preliminary, paper on the latter subject has been printed, with
copious illustrations, in the Fourth Annual Report.

Mr. H. W. HENSHAW was engaged during the year in work upon the synonymy
of Indian tribes, as specified below.

Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET continued to revise and perfect his grammar and
dictionary of the Klamath language, a large part of which work is in
print. He also took down vocabularies from Indian delegates present in
this city on tribal business, and thus succeeded in incorporating into
the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology linguistic material from the
Alibamu, Hitchiti, Muskoki, and Seneca languages.

Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY pursued his work on the Ȼegiha language. Having the
aid of a Winnebago Indian for some time he enlarged his vocabulary of
that language and recorded grammatical notes. He also reported upon
works submitted to his examination upon the Tuscarora, Micmac, and
Cherokee languages.

Mr. JAMES MOONEY, who had been officially connected with the Bureau
since the early part of the fiscal year, was also engaged upon
linguistic work.


The Director has before reported in general terms that the most serious
source of perplexity to the student of the history of the North American
Indians is the confusion existing among their tribal names. The causes
of this confusion are various. The Indian names for themselves have been
understood and recorded in diverse ways by the earlier authors, and have
been variously transmitted by the latter. Nicknames arising from trivial
causes, and often without apparent cause, have been imposed upon many
tribes. Names borne by one tribe at some period of its history have been
transferred to another, or to several other distinct tribes.
Typographical errors, and improved spelling on assumed phonetic grounds,
have swelled the number of synonyms until the investigator of a special
tribe often finds himself in a maze of nomenclatural perplexity.

It has long been the intention of the Director to prepare a work on
tribal names, which so far as possible should refer their confusing
titles to a correct and systematic standard. Delay has been occasioned
chiefly by the fundamental necessity of defining linguistic stocks or
families into which all tribes must be primarily divided; and to
accomplish this, long journeys and laborious field and office
investigations have been required during the whole time since the
establishment of the Bureau. Though a few points still remained in an
unsatisfactory condition, it was considered that a sufficient degree of
accuracy had been attained to allow of the publication for the benefit
of students of a volume devoted to the subject. The preparation of the
plan of such a volume was intrusted to Mr. H. W. Henshaw, late in the
spring of 1885, and in June of that year the work was energetically
begun in accordance with the plans submitted. The preparation of this
work, which to a great extent underlies and is the foundation for every
field of ethnologic investigation among Indians, was considered of such
prime importance that nearly all the available force of the Bureau was
placed upon it, to the suspension of the particular investigations in
which the several officers had been engaged.

In addition to the general charge of the whole work, Mr. Henshaw gave
special attention to the families of the northwest coast from Oregon
northward, including the Eskimo, and also several in California. To Mr.
Albert S. Gatschet the tribes of the southeastern United States,
together with the Pueblo and Yuman tribes, were assigned. The Algonkian
family in all its branches--by far the most important part of the whole,
so far as the great bulk of literature relating to it is concerned--was
intrusted to Col. Garrick Mallery and Mr. James Mooney. They also took
charge of the Iroquoian family. Rev. J. O. Dorsey’s intimate
acquaintance with the tribes of the Siouan and Caddoan families
peculiarly fitted him to cope with that part of the work, and he also
undertook the Athapascan tribes. Dr. W. J. Hoffman worked upon the
Shoshonean tribes, aided by the Director’s personal supervision. Mr.
Jeremiah Curtin, to whom was assigned the California tribes, also gave
assistance in other sections.

Each of the gentlemen named has been able to contribute largely to the
results by his personal experience and investigations in the field,
there being numerous regions concerning which published accounts are
meager and unsatisfactory. The main source of the material to be dealt
with has, however, been necessarily derived from books. A vast amount of
the current literature pertaining to the North American Indians has been
examined, amounting to over one thousand volumes, with a view to the
extraction of the tribal names and the historical data necessary to fix
their precise application.

The work at the present time is well advanced toward completion. The
examination of literature for the collation of synonyms may be regarded
as practically done. The tables of synonymy and the accounts of the
tribes have been completed for more than one-half the number of
linguistic families.



In harmony with custom, three scientific papers accompany this report,
designed to illustrate the nature, methods and spirit of the researches
conducted by the Bureau. The first is on the “Classification of the
North American Languages.” It is by no means a final paper on the
subject, but is intended rather to give an account of the present status
of the subject, and to place before the workers in this field of
scholarship the data now existing and the conclusions already reached,
so as to constitute a point of departure for new work. With this end in
view Mr. Pilling is engaged upon the bibliography of the subject and is
rapidly publishing the same, and Mr. Henshaw is employed on the tribal
synonymy. Altogether it is hoped that this work will inaugurate a new
era in the investigation of the subject by making available the vast
body of material scattered broadcast through the literature relating to
the North American Indians.

In the course of these ethnic researches an interesting field of facts
has been brought to view relating to the superstitions of the Indians.
Already a very large body of mythology has been collected--stories from
a great number of tongues which embody the rude philosophy of tribal
thought. Such philosophy or opinion finds its expression not only in the
mythic tales, but in the organization of the people into society, in
their daily life and in their habits and customs. There is a realm of
anthropology in this lower state of mankind which we call savagery, that
is hard to understand from the standpoint of modern civilization, where
science, theology, religion, medicine and the esthetic arts are
developed as more or less discrete subjects. In savagery these great
subjects are blended in one, as they are interwoven into a vast plexus
of thought and action, for mythology is the basis of philosophy,
religion, medicine, and art. In savagery the observed facts of the
universe, relating alike to physical nature and to the humanities, are
explained mythologically, and these mythic conceptions give rise to a
great variety of practices. The acts of life are born of the opinions
held as explanations of the environing world. Thus it is that philosophy
finds expression in a complex system of superstitions, ceremonies and
practices, which together constitute the religion of the people. The
purpose of these practices is to avert calamity and to secure prosperity
in the present life. It is astonishing to find how little the condition
of a life to come is involved. The future beyond the grave is scarcely
heeded, or when recognized it seems not to affect the daily life of the
people to any appreciable degree. That which occupies the attention of
the savage mind relates to the pleasures and pains, the joys and sorrows
of present existence.

Perhaps the chief motive is derived from the consideration of health and
disease, as the pleasures and pains arising therefrom are forever
present to the experience or observation. Good and evil are also
involved in those gifts of nature to man by which his biotic life is
sustained, his food, drink, clothing and shelter. These bounties come
not in a never-changing stream, but are apparently fitful and
capricious. Seasons of plenty are accented by seasons of scarcity, and
thus prosperity and adversity are strangely commingled in the history of
the people. To secure this prosperity and avert this adversity seems to
be the second great motive in the development of the superstitious
practices of the people. A third occasion for the development of this
primitive religion inheres in the social organization of mankind,
primarily expressed in the love of man and woman for each other, but
finally expressed in all the relations of kin and kith and in the
relations of tribe with tribe. This gives rise to a very important
development of primitive religion, for the savage man seeks to discover
by occult agencies the power of controlling the love and good will of
his kind and the power of averting the effect of enmity. To attain these
ends he invents a vast system of devices, from love philters to war
dances. A fourth region of exploitation in the realm of the esoteric
relates to the origin of life itself, as many of their practices are
designed to secure perpetuity of life by frequent births and less
painful throes.

It will thus be seen that life, health, prosperity, and peace are the
ends sought in all this region of human activity as they are presented
in the study of savage life. The opinions held by the people on these
subjects are primarily expressed in speech and organized into tales,
which constitute mythology, and they are expressed in acts, as
ceremonies and observances, which constitute their religion, their
medicine, and their esthetic arts. These arts consist of sculpture and
painting, by which their mythic beings are represented, and they also
consist of dancing, by which religious fervor is produced, and they give
rise to music, romance, poetry, and drama. Thus it is that the esthetic
arts have their origin in mythology. The epic poem and the symphony are
lineal descendants of the dance, and the dance arises as the first form
of worship, born of the mythic conception of the powers of nature.


Mr. Hoffman presents a paper on the “Midē´wiwin, or Grand Medicine
Society of the Ojibwa,” and sets forth the vestiges of a once powerful
organization existing among these people. Mr. Mooney has made a study of
the Cherokee with the same end in view. In the opinion of the Director
they are important contributions to this subject. The same lines of
investigation have been carried on by other members of the Bureau with
other tribes where societies and practices have been but little modified
by the contact of the white man, and where the subject is therefore much
more plainly arrayed. In due time these additional researches will be

In Mr. Hoffman’s paper it is seen that two and a half centuries of
association with the white man has not only served to break down this
organization to some extent, but has also inculcated in the minds of the
Ojibwa a clearer conception of a Great Spirit and a future life than is
normal to the savage mind. Mr. Mooney, whose paper largely deals with
the use of plants by the Indians for the healing of disease, naïvely
compares the pharmacopoeia of savagery with that of civilization,
assuming that the latter is a standard of scientific truth. Perchance
scientific men will make one step in advance of this position, and will
be interested in discovering the extent to which savage philosophy is
still represented in civilized materia medica as expressed in officinal

A word in relation to the dramatis personæ of Indian mythology. In all
those mythologies which have been studied with any degree of care up to
the present time zoic deities greatly prevail, the progenitors and
prototypes of the animals of the land, air, and water; yet there are
other deities. Chief among these are the sun, moon, stars, fire, and the
spirits of mountains and other geographical and natural phenomena. Yet
these beings are largely zoomorphic, being considered rather as mythic
animals than as mythic men; but it must be understood that the line of
demarcation between man and the lower animals is not so clearly
presented to the savage mind as to the civilized mind. In speaking of
the theology of the North American Indians as being zoomorphic it must
therefore be understood to mean that such is its chief characteristic,
but not its exclusive characteristic; and further, it must be understood
that it contains by survival many elements from an earlier condition in
which hecastotheism prevailed, that is, that the form of philosophy
known as animism was generally accepted, and that psychic life, with
feeling, thought, and will, was attributed to inanimate things. But more
than this, zootheism is not a permanent state of philosophy, but only a
stepping-stone to something higher. That something higher may be
denominated physitheism, or the worship of the powers and more obtrusive
phenomena of nature. In this higher state the sun, the planets, the
stars, the winds, the storms, the rainbow, and fire take the leading
part. The beginnings of this higher state are to be observed in many of
the mythologies of North America. It is worthy of remark that a
mythology with its religion subject to the influences of an overwhelming
civilization yields first in its zoomorphic elements. Zoic mythology
soon degenerates into folk tales of beasts, to be recited by crones to
children or told by garrulous old men as amusing stories inherited from
past generations; while physitheism is more often incorporated into the
compound of paganism and Christianity now held by the more advanced
tribes. Notwithstanding this general tendency, zootheism is often,
though not to so great an extent, compounded in the same way. The study
of this stage of mythology, and of the arts and customs arising
therefrom, as they are exhibited among the North American Indians, will
ultimately throw a flood of light upon that later stage known as
physitheism, or nature worship, now the subject of investigation by an
army of Aryan scholars.


_Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American
ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1886._

                 Expenses.              |  Amount   |    Amount
                                        | expended. | appropriated.
                                        |           |
  Services                              |$31,287.93 |
  Traveling expenses                    |  2,070.71 |
  Transportation of property            |    478.91 |
  Field subsistence                     |    284.99 |
  Field expenses and supplies           |    360.32 |
  Field material                        |    163.61 |
  Modeling material                     |     63.11 |
  Photographic material                 |     34.44 |
  Books and maps                        |    469.69 |
  Stationery and drawing material       |    169.44 |
  Illustrations for reports             |    289.65 |
  Goods for distribution to Indians     |    767.82 |
  Office furniture                      |     12.00 |
  Office supplies and repairs           |     63.56 |
  Correspondence                        |     13.87 |
  Specimens                             |    800.00 |
  Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to |           |
    Treasury for settlement             |    103.84 |
  Balance on hand to meet outstanding   |           |
    liabilities                         |  2,566.11 |
      Total                             | 40,000.00 |  $40,000.00

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata for Introduction:

  General Table of Contents:

    [_spellings unchanged; Linguistic Families article and general
    Index both have “Adaizan”, “Yakonan”_]

  expressed in officinal formulas.  [_not an error_]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *


       *       *       *       *       *


                NORTH OF MEXICO.

                 J. W. POWELL.

       *       *       *       *       *


  Nomenclature of linguistic families                          7
  Literature relating to the classification of
      Indian languages                                        12
  Linguistic map                                              25
    Indian tribes sedentary                                   30
    Population                                                33
    Tribal land                                               40
      Village sites                                           40
      Agricultural land                                       41
      Hunting claims                                          42
    Summary of deductions                                     44
  Linguistic families                                         45
    Adaizan family                                            45
    Algonquian family                                         47
      Algonquian area                                         47
      Principal Algonquian tribes                             48
        Population                                            48
    Athapascan family                                         51
      Boundaries                                              52
        Northern group                                        53
        Pacific group                                         53
        Southern group                                        54
      Principal tribes                                        55
        Population                                            55
    Attacapan family                                          56
    Beothuakan family                                         57
      Geographic distribution                                 58
    Caddoan family                                            58
        Northern group                                        60
        Middle group                                          60
        Southern group                                        60
      Principal tribes                                        61
        Population                                            62
    Chimakuan family                                          62
      Principal tribes                                        63
    Chimarikan family                                         63
      Principal tribes                                        63
    Chimmesyan family                                         63
      Principal tribes or villages                            64
        Population                                            64
    Chinookan family                                          65
      Principal tribes                                        66
        Population                                            66
    Chitimachan family                                        66
    Chumashan family                                          67
        Population                                            68
    Coahuiltecan family                                       68
      Principal tribes                                        69
    Copehan family                                            69
      Geographic distribution                                 69
      Principal tribes                                        70
    Costanoan family                                          70
      Geographic distribution                                 71
        Population                                            71
    Eskimauan family                                          71
      Geographic distribution                                 72
      Principal tribes and villages                           74
        Population                                            74
    Esselenian family                                         75
    Iroquoian family                                          76
      Geographic distribution                                 77
      Principal tribes                                        79
        Population                                            79
    Kalapooian family                                         81
      Principal tribes                                        82
        Population                                            82
    Karankawan family                                         82
    Keresan family                                            83
      Villages                                                83
        Population                                            83
    Kiowan family                                             84
        Population                                            84
    Kitunahan family                                          85
      Tribes                                                  85
        Population                                            85
    Koluschan family                                          85
      Tribes                                                  87
        Population                                            87
    Kulanapan family                                          87
      Geographic distribution                                 88
      Tribes                                                  88
    Kusan family                                              89
      Tribes                                                  89
        Population                                            89
    Lutuamian family                                          89
      Tribes                                                  90
        Population                                            90
    Mariposan family                                          90
      Geographic distribution                                 91
      Tribes                                                  91
        Population                                            91
    Moquelumnan family                                        92
      Geographic distribution                                 93
      Principal tribes                                        93
        Population                                            93
    Muskhogean family                                         94
      Geographic distribution                                 94
      Principal tribes                                        95
        Population                                            95
    Natchesan family                                          95
      Principal tribes                                        97
        Population                                            97
    Palaihnihan family                                        97
      Geographic distribution                                 98
      Principal tribes                                        98
    Piman family                                              98
      Principal tribes                                        99
        Population                                            99
    Pujunan family                                            99
      Geographic distribution                                100
      Principal tribes                                       100
    Quoratean family                                         100
      Geographic distribution                                101
      Tribes                                                 101
        Population                                           101
    Salinan family                                           101
        Population                                           102
    Salishan family                                          102
      Geographic distribution                                104
      Principal tribes                                       104
        Population                                           105
    Sastean family                                           105
      Geographic distribution                                106
    Shahaptian family                                        106
      Geographic distribution                                107
      Principal tribes and population                        107
    Shoshonean family                                        108
      Geographic distribution                                109
      Principal tribes and population                        110
    Siouan family                                            111
      Geographic distribution                                112
      Principal tribes                                       114
        Population                                           116
    Skittagetan family                                       118
      Geographic distribution                                120
      Principal tribes                                       120
        Population                                           121
    Takilman family                                          121
      Geographic distribution                                121
    Tañoan family                                            121
      Geographic distribution                                122
        Population                                           123
    Timuquanan family                                        123
      Geographic distribution                                123
      Principal tribes                                       124
    Tonikan family                                           125
      Geographic distribution                                125
    Tonkawan family                                          125
      Geographic distribution                                125
    Uchean family                                            126
      Geographic distribution                                126
        Population                                           127
    Waiilatpuan family                                       127
      Geographic distribution                                127
      Principal tribes                                       127
        Population                                           128
    Wakashan family                                          128
      Geographic distribution                                130
      Principal Aht tribes                                   130
        Population                                           130
      Principal Haeltzuk tribes                              131
        Population                                           131
    Washoan family                                           131
    Weitspekan family                                        131
      Geographic distribution                                132
      Tribes                                                 132
    Wishoskan family                                         132
      Geographic distribution                                133
      Tribes                                                 133
    Yakonan family                                           133
      Geographic distribution                                134
      Tribes                                                 134
        Population                                           135
    Yanan family                                             135
      Geographic distribution                                135
    Yukian family                                            135
      Geographic distribution                                136
    Yuman family                                             136
      Geographic distribution                                137
      Principal tribes                                       138
        Population                                           138
    Zuñian family                                            138
      Geographic distribution                                139
        Population                                           139
  Concluding remarks                                         139


  Plate I. Map. Linguistic stocks of North America north of Mexico.
  In pocket at end of volume

[Transcriber’s Note:

The Map is available in the “images” directory accompanying the html
version of this file. There are two sizes in addition to the thumbnail:

  mapsmall.jpg: 615×732 pixels (about 9×11 in / 23×28 cm, 168K)
  maplarge.jpg: 1521×1818 pixels (about 22×27 in / 56×70 cm, 1MB)]

       *       *       *       *       *


                By J. W. POWELL.

       *       *       *       *       *


The languages spoken by the pre-Columbian tribes of North America were
many and diverse. Into the regions occupied by these tribes travelers,
traders, and missionaries have penetrated in advance of civilization,
and civilization itself has marched across the continent at a rapid
rate. Under these conditions the languages of the various tribes have
received much study. Many extensive works have been published,
embracing grammars and dictionaries; but a far greater number of minor
vocabularies have been collected and very many have been published. In
addition to these, the Bible, in whole or in part, and various religious
books and school books, have been translated into Indian tongues to be
used for purposes of instruction; and newspapers have been published in
the Indian languages. Altogether the literature of these languages and
that relating to them are of vast extent.

While the materials seem thus to be abundant, the student of Indian
languages finds the subject to be one requiring most thoughtful
consideration, difficulties arising from the following conditions:

(1) A great number of linguistic stocks or families are discovered.

(2) The boundaries between the different stocks of languages are not
immediately apparent, from the fact that many tribes of diverse stocks
have had more or less association, and to some extent linguistic
materials have been borrowed, and thus have passed out of the exclusive
possession of cognate peoples.

(3) Where many peoples, each few in number, are thrown together, an
intertribal language is developed. To a large extent this is gesture
speech; but to a limited extent useful and important words are adopted
by various tribes, and out of this material an intertribal “jargon” is
established. Travelers and all others who do not thoroughly study a
language are far more likely to acquire this jargon speech than the real
speech of the people; and the tendency to base relationship upon such
jargons has led to confusion.

(4) This tendency to the establishment of intertribal jargons was
greatly accelerated on the advent of the white man, for thereby many
tribes were pushed from their ancestral homes and tribes were mixed with
tribes. As a result, new relations and new industries, especially of
trade, were established, and the new associations of tribe with tribe
and of the Indians with Europeans led very often to the development of
quite elaborate jargon languages. All of these have a tendency to
complicate the study of the Indian tongues by comparative methods.

The difficulties inherent in the study of languages, together with the
imperfect material and the complicating conditions that have arisen by
the spread of civilization over the country, combine to make the problem
one not readily solved.

In view of the amount of material on hand, the comparative study of the
languages of North America has been strangely neglected, though perhaps
this is explained by reason of the difficulties which have been pointed
out. And the attempts which have been made to classify them has given
rise to much confusion, for the following reasons: First, later authors
have not properly recognized the work of earlier laborers in the field.
Second, the attempt has more frequently been made to establish an ethnic
classification than a linguistic classification, and linguistic
characteristics have been confused with biotic peculiarities, arts,
habits, customs, and other human activities, so that radical differences
of language have often been ignored and slight differences have been
held to be of primary value.

The attempts at a classification of these languages and a corresponding
classification of races have led to the development of a complex, mixed,
and inconsistent synonymy, which must first be unraveled and a selection
of standard names made therefrom according to fixed principles.

It is manifest that until proper rules are recognized by scholars the
establishment of a determinate nomenclature is impossible. It will
therefore be well to set forth the rules that have here been adopted,
together with brief reasons for the same, with the hope that they will
commend themselves to the judgment of other persons engaged in
researches relating to the languages of North America.

A fixed nomenclature in biology has been found not only to be
advantageous, but to be a prerequisite to progress in research, as the
vast multiplicity of facts, still ever accumulating, would otherwise
overwhelm the scholar. In philological classification fixity of
nomenclature is of corresponding importance; and while the analogies
between linguistic and biotic classification are quite limited, many of
the principles of nomenclature which biologists have adopted having no
application in philology, still in some important particulars the
requirements of all scientific classifications are alike, and though
many of the nomenclatural points met with in biology will not occur in
philology, some of them do occur and may be governed by the same rules.

Perhaps an ideal nomenclature in biology may some time be established,
as attempts have been made to establish such a system in chemistry; and
possibly such an ideal system may eventually be established in
philology. Be that as it may, the time has not yet come even for its
suggestion. What is now needed is a rule of some kind leading scholars
to use the same terms for the same things, and it would seem to matter
little in the case of linguistic stocks what the nomenclature is,
provided it becomes denotive and universal.

In treating of the languages of North America it has been suggested that
the names adopted should be the names by which the people recognize
themselves, but this is a rule of impossible application, for where the
branches of a stock diverge very greatly no common name for the people
can be found. Again, it has been suggested that names which are to go
permanently into science should be simple and euphonic. This also is
impossible of application, for simplicity and euphony are largely
questions of personal taste, and he who has studied many languages loses
speedily his idiosyncrasies of likes and dislikes and learns that words
foreign to his vocabulary are not necessarily barbaric.

Biologists have decided that he who first distinctly characterizes and
names a species or other group shall thereby cause the name thus used to
become permanently affixed, but under certain conditions adapted to a
growing science which is continually revising its classifications. This
law of priority may well be adopted by philologists.

By the application of the law of priority it will occasionally happen
that a name must be taken which is not wholly unobjectionable or which
could be much improved. But if names may be modified for any reason, the
extent of change that may be wrought in this manner is unlimited, and
such modifications would ultimately become equivalent to the
introduction of new names, and a fixed nomenclature would thereby be
overthrown. The rule of priority has therefore been adopted.

Permanent biologic nomenclature dates from the time of Linnæus simply
because this great naturalist established the binominal system and
placed scientific classification upon a sound and enduring basis. As
Linnæus is to be regarded as the founder of biologic classification, so
Gallatin may be considered the founder of systematic philology relating
to the North American Indians. Before his time much linguistic work had
been accomplished, and scholars owe a lasting debt of gratitude to
Barton, Adelung, Pickering, and others. But Gallatin’s work marks an era
in American linguistic science from the fact that he so thoroughly
introduced comparative methods, and because he circumscribed the
boundaries of many families, so that a large part of his work remains
and is still to be considered sound. There is no safe resting place
anterior to Gallatin, because no scholar prior to his time had properly
adopted comparative methods of research, and because no scholar was
privileged to work with so large a body of material. It must further be
said of Gallatin that he had a very clear conception of the task he was
performing, and brought to it both learning and wisdom. Gallatin’s work
has therefore been taken as the starting point, back of which we may not
go in the historic consideration of the systematic philology of North
America. The point of departure therefore is the year 1836, when
Gallatin’s “Synopsis of Indian Tribes” appeared in vol. 2 of the
Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society.

It is believed that a name should be simply a denotive word, and that no
advantage can accrue from a descriptive or connotive title. It is
therefore desirable to have the names as simple as possible, consistent
with other and more important considerations. For this reason it has
been found impracticable to recognize as family names designations based
on several distinct terms, such as descriptive phrases, and words
compounded from two or more geographic names. Such phrases and compound
words have been rejected.

There are many linguistic families in North America, and in a number of
them there are many tribes speaking diverse languages. It is important,
therefore, that some form should be given to the family name by which it
may be distinguished from the name of a single tribe or language. In
many cases some one language within a stock has been taken as the type
and its name given to the entire family; so that the name of a language
and that of the stock to which it belongs are identical. This is
inconvenient and leads to confusion. For such reasons it has been
decided to give each family name the termination “an” or “ian.”

Conforming to the principles thus enunciated, the following rules have
been formulated:

  I. The law of priority relating to the nomenclature of the
  systematic philology of the North American tribes shall not extend
  to authors whose works are of date anterior to the year 1836.

  II. The name originally given by the founder of a linguistic group
  to designate it as a family or stock of languages shall be
  permanently retained to the exclusion of all others.

  III. No family name shall be recognized if composed of more than one

  IV. A family name once established shall not be canceled in any
  subsequent division of the group, but shall be retained in a
  restricted sense for one of its constituent portions.

  V. Family names shall be distinguished as such by the termination
  “an” or “ian.”

  VI. No name shall be accepted for a linguistic family unless used to
  designate a tribe or group of tribes as a linguistic stock.

  VII. No family name shall be accepted unless there is given the
  habitat of tribe or tribes to which it is applied.

  VIII. The original orthography of a name shall be rigidly preserved
  except as provided for in rule III, and unless a typographical error
  is evident.

The terms “family” and “stock” are here applied interchangeably to a
group of languages that are supposed to be cognate.

A single language is called a stock or family when it is not found to be
cognate with any other language. Languages are said to be cognate when
such relations between them are found that they are supposed to have
descended from a common ancestral speech. The evidence of cognation is
derived exclusively from the vocabulary. Grammatic similarities are not
supposed to furnish evidence of cognation, but to be phenomena, in part
relating to stage of culture and in part adventitious. It must be
remembered that extreme peculiarities of grammar, like the vocal
mutations of the Hebrew or the monosyllabic separation of the Chinese,
have not been discovered among Indian tongues. It therefore becomes
necessary in the classification of Indian languages into families to
neglect grammatic structure, and to consider lexical elements only. But
this statement must be clearly understood. It is postulated that in the
growth of languages new words are formed by combination, and that these
new words change by attrition to secure economy of utterance, and also
by assimilation (analogy) for economy of thought. In the comparison of
languages for the purposes of systematic philology it often becomes
necessary to dismember compounded words for the purpose of comparing the
more primitive forms thus obtained. The paradigmatic words considered in
grammatic treatises may often be the very words which should be
dissected to discover in their elements primary affinities. But the
comparison is still lexic, not grammatic.

A lexic comparison is between vocal elements; a grammatic comparison is
between grammatic methods, such, for example, as gender systems. The
classes into which things are relegated by distinction of gender may be
animate and inanimate, and the animate may subsequently be divided into
male and female, and these two classes may ultimately absorb, in part at
least, inanimate things. The growth of a system of genders may take
another course. The animate and inanimate may be subdivided into the
standing, the sitting, and the lying, or into the moving, the erect and
the reclined; or, still further, the superposed classification may be
based upon the supposed constitution of things, as the fleshy, the
woody, the rocky, the earthy, the watery. Thus the number of genders may
increase, while further on in the history of a language the genders may
decrease so as almost to disappear. All of these characteristics are in
part adventitious, but to a large extent the gender is a phenomenon of
growth, indicating the stage to which the language has attained. A
proper case system may not have been established in a language by the
fixing of case particles, or, having been established, it may change by
the increase or diminution of the number of cases. A tense system also
has a beginning, a growth, and a decadence. A mode system is variable in
the various stages of the history of a language. In like manner a
pronominal system undergoes changes. Particles may be prefixed, infixed,
or affixed in compounded words, and which one of these methods will
finally prevail can be determined only in the later stage of growth. All
of these things are held to belong to the grammar of a language and to
be grammatic methods, distinct from lexical elements.

With terms thus defined, languages are supposed to be cognate when
fundamental similarities are discovered in their lexical elements. When
the members of a family of languages are to be classed in subdivisions
and the history of such languages investigated, grammatic
characteristics become of primary importance. The words of a language
change by the methods described, but the fundamental elements or roots
are more enduring. Grammatic methods also change, perhaps even more
rapidly than words, and the changes may go on to such an extent that
primitive methods are entirely lost, there being no radical grammatic
elements to be preserved. Grammatic structure is but a phase or accident
of growth, and not a primordial element of language. The roots of a
language are its most permanent characteristics, and while the words
which are formed from them may change so as to obscure their elements or
in some cases even to lose them, it seems that they are never lost from
all, but can be recovered in large part. The grammatic structure or plan
of a language is forever changing, and in this respect the language may
become entirely transformed.

       *       *       *       *       *


              OF INDIAN LANGUAGES.

While the literature relating to the languages of North America is very
extensive, that which relates to their classification is much less
extensive. For the benefit of future students in this line it is thought
best to present a concise account of such literature, or at least so
much as has been consulted in the preparation of this paper.

  1836. Gallatin (Albert).

  A synopsis of the Indian tribes within the United States east of the
    Rocky Mountains, and in the British and Russian possessions in North
    America. In Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian
    Society (Archæologia Americana) Cambridge, 1836, vol. 2.

The larger part of the volume consists of Gallatin’s paper. A short
chapter is devoted to general observations, including certain historical
data, and the remainder to the discussion of linguistic material and the
affinities of the various tribes mentioned. Vocabularies of many of the
families are appended. Twenty-eight linguistic divisions are recognized
in the general table of the tribes. Some of these divisions are purely
geographic, such as the tribes of Salmon River, Queen Charlotte’s
Island, etc. Vocabularies from these localities were at hand, but of
their linguistic relations the author was not sufficiently assured. Most
of the linguistic families recognized by Gallatin were defined with much
precision. Not all of his conclusions are to be accepted in the presence
of the data now at hand, but usually they were sound, as is attested by
the fact that they have constituted the basis for much classificatory
work since his time.

The primary, or at least the ostensible, purpose of the colored map
which accompanies Gallatin’s paper was, as indicated by its title, to
show the distribution of the tribes, and accordingly their names appear
upon it, and not the names of the linguistic families. Nevertheless, it
is practically a map of the linguistic families as determined by the
author, and it is believed to be the first attempted for the area
represented. Only eleven of the twenty-eight families named in this
table appear, and these represent the families with which he was best
acquainted. As was to be expected from the early period at which the map
was constructed, much of the western part of the United States was left
uncolored. Altogether the map illustrates well the state of knowledge of
the time.

  1840. Bancroft (George).

  History of the colonization of the United States, Boston. 1840,
    vol. 3.

In Chapter XXII of this volume the author gives a brief synopsis of the
Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, under a linguistic
classification, and adds a brief account of the character and methods of
Indian languages. A linguistic map of the region is incorporated, which
in general corresponds with the one published by Gallatin in 1836. A
notable addition to the Gallatin map is the inclusion of the Uchees in
their proper locality. Though considered a distinct family by Gallatin,
this tribe does not appear upon his map. Moreover, the Choctaws and
Muskogees, which appear as separate families upon Gallatin’s map (though
believed by that author to belong to the same family), are united upon
Bancroft’s map under the term Mobilian.

The linguistic families treated of are, I. Algonquin, II. Sioux or
Dahcota, III. Huron-Iroquois, IV. Catawba, V. Cherokee, VI. Uchee, VII.
Natchez, VIII. Mobilian.

  1841. Scouler (John).

  Observations of the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast of
    America. In Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London.
    London, 1841, vol. 11.

The chapter cited is short, but long enough to enable the author to
construct a very curious classification of the tribes of which he
treats. In his account Scouler is guided chiefly, to use his own words,
“by considerations founded on their physical character, manners and
customs, and on the affinities of their languages.” As the linguistic
considerations are mentioned last, so they appear to be the least
weighty of his “considerations.”

Scouler’s definition of a family is very broad indeed, and in his
“Northern Family,” which is a branch of his “Insular Group,” he includes
such distinct linguistic stocks as “all the Indian tribes in the Russian
territory,” the Queen Charlotte Islanders, Koloshes, Ugalentzes, Atnas,
Kolchans, Kenáïes, Tun Ghaase, Haidahs, and Chimmesyans. His
Nootka-Columbian family is scarcely less incongruous, and it is evident
that the classification indicated is only to a comparatively slight
extent linguistic.

  1846. Hale (Horatio).

  United States exploring expedition, during the years 1838, 1839, 1840,
    1841, 1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy, vol. 6,
    ethnography and philology. Philadelphia, 1846.

In addition to a large amount of ethnographic data derived from the
Polynesian Islands, Micronesian Islands, Australia, etc., more than
one-half of this important volume is devoted to philology, a large share
relating to the tribes of northwestern America.

The vocabularies collected by Hale, and the conclusions derived by him
from study of them, added much to the previous knowledge of the
languages of these tribes. His conclusions and classification were in
the main accepted by Gallatin in his linguistic writings of 1848.

  1846. Latham (Robert Gordon).

  Miscellaneous contributions to the ethnography of North America. In
    Proceedings of the Philological Society of London. London, 1816,
    vol. 2.

In this article, which was read before the Philological Society, January
24, 1845, a large number of North American languages are examined and
their affinities discussed in support of the two following postulates
made at the beginning of the paper: First, “No American language has an
isolated position when compared with the other tongues en masse rather
than with the language of any particular class;” second, “The affinities
between the language of the New World, as determined by their
_vocabularies_, is not less real than that inferred from the analogies
of their _grammatical structure_.” The author’s conclusions are that
both statements are substantiated by the evidence presented. The paper
contains no new family names.

  1847. Prichard (James Cowles).

  Researches into the physical history of mankind (third edition), vol.
    5, containing researches into the history of the Oceanic and of the
    American nations. London, 1847.

It was the purpose of this author, as avowed by himself, to determine
whether the races of men are the cooffspring of a single stock or have
descended respectively from several original families. Like other
authors on this subject, his theory of what should constitute a race was
not clearly defined. The scope of the inquiry required the consideration
of a great number of subjects and led to the accumulation of a vast body
of facts. In volume 5 the author treats of the American Indians, and in
connection with the different tribes has something to say of their
languages. No attempt at an original classification is made, and in the
main the author follows Gallatin’s classification and adopts his

  1848. Gallatin (Albert).

  Hale’s Indians of Northwest America, and vocabularies of North
    America, with an introduction. In Transactions of the American
    Ethnological Society, New York, 1848, vol. 2.

The introduction consists of a number of chapters, as follows: First,
Geographical notices and Indian means of subsistence; second, Ancient
semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila and its vicinity; third,
Philology; fourth, Addenda and miscellaneous. In these are brought
together much valuable information, and many important deductions are
made which illustrate Mr. Gallatin’s great acumen. The classification
given is an amplification of that adopted in 1836, and contains changes
and additions. The latter mainly result from a consideration of the
material supplied by Mr. Hale, or are simply taken from his work.

The groups additional to those contained in the Archæologia Americana

     1. Arrapahoes.
     2. Jakon.
     3. Kalapuya.
     4. Kitunaha.
     5. Lutuami.
     6. Palainih.
     7. Sahaptin.
     8. Selish (Tsihaili-Selish).
     9. Saste.
    10. Waiilatpu.

  1848, Latham (Robert Gordon).

  On the languages of the Oregon Territory. In Journal of the
    Ethnological Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.

This paper was read before the Ethnological Society on the 11th of
December. The languages noticed are those that lie between “Russian
America and New California,” of which the author aims to give an
exhaustive list. He discusses the value of the groups to which these
languages have been assigned, viz, Athabascan and Nootka-Columbian, and
finds that they have been given too high value, and that they are only
equivalent to the primary subdivisions of _stocks_, like the Gothic,
Celtic, and Classical, rather than to the stocks themselves. He further
finds that the Athabascan, the Kolooch, the Nootka-Columbian, and the
Cadiak groups are subordinate members of one large and important
class--the Eskimo.

No new linguistic groups are presented.

  1848. Latham (Robert Gordon).

  On the ethnography of Russian America. In Journal of the Ethnological
    Society of London, Edinburgh, 1848, vol. 1.

This essay was read before the Ethnological Society February 19, 1845.
Brief notices are given of the more important tribes, and the languages
are classed in two groups, the Eskimaux and the Kolooch. Each of these
groups is found to have affinities--

(1) With the Athabascan tongues, and perhaps equal affinities.

(2) Each has affinities with the Oregon languages, and each perhaps

(3) Each has definite affinities with the languages of New California,
and each perhaps equal ones.

(4) Each has miscellaneous affinities with all the other tongues of
North and South America.

  1848. Berghaus (Heinrich).

  Physikalischer Atlas oder Sammlung von Karten, auf denen die
    hauptsächlichsten erscheinungen der anorganischen und organischen
    Natur nach ihrer geographischen Verbreitung und Vertheilung bildlich
    dargestellt sind. Zweiter Band, Gotha, 1848.

This, the first edition of this well known atlas, contains, among other
maps, an ethnographic map of North America, made in 1845. It is based,
as is stated, upon material derived from Gallatin, Humboldt, Clavigero,
Hervas, Vater, and others. So far as the eastern part of the United
States is concerned it is largely a duplication of Gallatin’s map of
1836, while in the western region a certain amount of new material is

1852. In the edition of 1852 the ethnographic map bears date of 1851.
Its eastern portion is substantially a copy of the earlier edition, but
its western half is materially changed, chiefly in accordance with the
knowledge supplied by Hall in 1848.

Map number 72 of the last edition of Berghaus by no means marks an
advance upon the edition of 1852. Apparently the number of families is
much reduced, but it is very difficult to interpret the meaning of the
author, who has attempted on the same map to indicate linguistic
divisions and tribal habitats with the result that confusion is made
worse confounded.

  1853. Gallatin (Albert).

  Classification of the Indian Languages; a letter inclosing a table of
    generic Indian Families of languages. In Information respecting the
    History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United
    States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3.

This short paper by Gallatin consists of a letter addressed to W.
Medill, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, requesting his cooperation in an
endeavor to obtain vocabularies to assist in a more complete study of
the grammar and structure of the languages of the Indians of North
America. It is accompanied by a “Synopsis of Indian Tribes,” giving the
families and tribes so far as known. In the main the classification is a
repetition of that of 1848, but it differs from that in a number of
particulars. Two of the families of 1848 do not appear in this paper,
viz, Arapaho and Kinai. Queen Charlotte Island, employed as a family
name in 1848, is placed under the Wakash family, while the Skittagete
language, upon which the name Queen Charlotte Island was based in 1848,
is here given as a family designation for the language spoken at “Sitka,
bet. 52 and 59 lat.” The following families appear which are not
contained in the list of 1848:

     1. Cumanches.
     2. Gros Ventres.
     3. Kaskaias.
     4. Kiaways.
     5. Natchitoches.
     6. Pani, Towiacks.
     7. Ugaljachmatzi.

  1853. Gibbs (George).

  Observations on some of the Indian dialects of northern California. In
    Information respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the
    Indian tribes of the United States, by Henry E. Schoolcraft.
    Philadelphia, 1853, vol. 3.

The “Observations” are introductory to a series of vocabularies
collected in northern California, and treat of the method employed in
collecting them and of the difficulties encountered. They also contain
notes on the tribes speaking the several languages as well as on the
area covered. There is comparatively little of a classificatory nature,
though in one instance the name Quoratem is proposed as a proper one for
the family “should it be held one.”

  1854. Latham (Robert Gordon).

  On the languages of New California. In Proceedings of the Philological
    Society of London for 1852 and 1853. London, 1854, vol. 6.

Read before the Philological Society, May 13, 1853. A number of
languages are examined in this paper for the purpose of determining the
stocks to which they belong and the mutual affinities of the latter.
Among the languages mentioned are the Saintskla, Umkwa, Lutuami, Paduca,
Athabascan, Dieguno, and a number of the Mission languages.

  1855. Lane (William Carr).

  Letter on affinities of dialects in New Mexico. In Information
    respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian
    tribes of the United States, by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Philadelphia,
    1855, vol. 5.

The letter forms half a page of printed matter. The gist of the
communication is in effect that the author has heard it said that the
Indians of certain pueblos speak three different languages, which he has
heard called, respectively, (1) Chu-cha-cas and Kes-whaw-hay; (2)
E-nagh-magh; (3) Tay-waugh. This can hardly be called a classification,
though the arrangement of the pueblos indicated by Lane is quoted at
length by Keane in the Appendix to Stanford’s Compendium.

  1856. Latham (Robert Gordon).

  On the languages of Northern, Western, and Central America. In
    Transactions of the Philological Society of London, for 1856. London

This paper was read before the Philological Society May 9, 1856, and is
stated to be “a supplement to two well known contributions to American
philology by the late A. Gallatin.”

So far as classification of North American languages goes, this is
perhaps the most important paper of Latham’s, as in it a number of new
names are proposed for linguistic groups, such as Copeh for the
Sacramento River tribes, Ehnik for the Karok tribes, Mariposa Group and
Mendocino Group for the Yokut and Pomo tribes respectively, Moquelumne
for the Mutsun, Pujuni for the Meidoo, Weitspek for the Eurocs.

  1856. Turner (William Wadden).

  Report upon the Indian tribes, by Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas
    Ewbank, esq., and Prof. William W. Turner, Washington, D.C.,
    1855. In Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most
    practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi
    to the Pacific Ocean. Washington, 1856, vol. 3. part 3.

Chapter V of the above report is headed “Vocabularies of North American
Languages,” and is by Turner, as is stated in a foot-note. Though the
title page of Part III is dated 1855, the chapter by Turner was not
issued till 1856, the date of the full volume, as is stated by Turner
on page 84. The following are the vocabularies given, with their
arrangement in families:

        I. Delaware.  }
       II. Shawnee.   } Algonkin.
      III. Choctaw.
       IV. Kichai.  }
        V. Huéco.   } Pawnee?
       VI. Caddo.
      VII. Comanche.    }
     VIII. Chemehuevi.  } Shoshonee.
       IX. Cahuillo.    }
        X. Kioway.
       XI. Navajo.      }
      XII. Pinal Leño.  } Apache.
     XIII. Kiwomi.     }
      XIV. Cochitemi.  } Keres.
       XV. Acoma.      }
      XVI. Zuñi.
     XVII. Pima.
    XVIII. Cuchan.         }
      XIX. Coco-Maricopa.  }
       XX. Mojave.         } Yuma.
      XXI. Diegeno.        }

Several of the family names, viz, Keres, Kiowa, Yuma, and Zuñi, have
been adopted under the rules formulated above.

  1858. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).

  Die Völker und Sprachen Neu-Mexiko’s und der Westseite des britischen
    Nordamerika’s, dargestellt von Hrn. Buschmann. In Abhandlungen (aus
    dem Jahre 1857) der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
    Berlin. Berlin, 1858.

This work contains a historic review of early discoveries in New Mexico
and of the tribes living therein, with such vocabularies as were
available at the time. On pages 315-414 the tribes of British America,
from about latitude 54° to 60°, are similarly treated, the various
discoveries being reviewed; also those on the North Pacific coast. Much
of the material should have been inserted in the volume of 1859 (which
was prepared in 1854), to which cross reference is frequently made, and
to which it stands in the nature of a supplement.

  1859. Buschmann (Johann Carl Eduard).

  Die Spuren der aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und höheren
    amerikanischen Norden. Zugleich eine Musterung der Völker und
    Sprachen des nördlichen Mexico’s und der Westseite Nordamerika’s von
    Guadalaxara an bis zum Eismeer. In Abhandlungen aus dem Jahre 1854
    der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Berlin, 1859.

The above, forming a second supplemental volume of the Transactions for
1854, is an extensive compilation of much previous literature treating
of the Indian tribes from the Arctic Ocean southward to Guadalajara, and
bears specially upon the Aztec language and its traces in the languages
of the numerous tribes scattered along the Pacific Ocean and inland
to the high plains. A large number of vocabularies and a vast amount
of linguistic material are here brought together and arranged in
a comprehensive manner to aid in the study attempted. In his
classification of the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains, Buschmann
largely followed Gallatin. His treatment of those not included in
Gallatin’s paper is in the main original. Many of the results obtained
may have been considered bold at the time of publication, but recent
philological investigations give evidence of the value of many of the
author’s conclusions.

  1859. Kane (Paul).

  Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America from Canada
    to Vancouver’s Island and Oregon through the Hudson’s Bay Company’s
    territory and back again. London, 1859.

The interesting account of the author’s travels among the Indians,
chiefly in the Northwest, and of their habits, is followed by a four
page supplement, giving the names, locations, and census of the tribes
of the Northwest coast. They are classified by language into Chymseyan,
including the Nass, Chymseyans, Skeena and Sabassas Indians, of whom
twenty-one tribes are given; Ha-eelb-zuk or Ballabola, including the
Milbank Sound Indians, with nine tribes; Klen-ekate, including twenty
tribes; Hai-dai, including the Kygargey and Queen Charlotte’s Island
Indians, nineteen tribes being enumerated; and Qua-colth, with
twenty-nine tribes. No statement of the origin of these tables is given,
and they reappear, with no explanation, in Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes,
volume V, pp. 487-489.

In his Queen Charlotte Islands, 1870, Dawson publishes the part of this
table relating to the Haida, with the statement that he received it from
Dr. W. F. Tolmie. The census was made in 1836-’41 by the late Mr. John
Work, who doubtless was the author of the more complete tables published
by Kane and Schoolcraft.

  1862. Latham (Robert Gordon).

  Elements of comparative philology. London, 1862.

The object of this volume is, as the author states in his preface, “to
lay before the reader the chief facts and the chief trains of reasoning
in Comparative Philology.” Among the great mass of material accumulated
for the purpose a share is devoted to the languages of North America.
The remarks under these are often taken verbatim from the author’s
earlier papers, to which reference has been made above, and the family
names and classification set forth in them are substantially repeated.

  1862. Hayden (Ferdinand Vandeveer).

  Contributions to the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of
    the Missouri Valley. Philadelphia, 1862.

This is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the Missouri River
tribes, made at a time when the information concerning them was none too
precise. The tribes treated of are classified as follows:

       I. Knisteneaux, or Crees. }
      II. Blackfeet.             } Algonkin Group, A.
     III. Shyennes.              }
      IV. Arapohos.   } Arapoho Group, B.
       V. Atsinas.    }
      VI. Pawnees.  } Pawnee Group, C.
     VII. Arikaras. }
    VIII. Dakotas.     }
      IX. Assiniboins. }
       X. Crows.       }
      XI. Minnitarees. } Dakota Group, D.
     XII. Mandans.     }
    XIII. Omahas.      }
     XIV. Iowas.       }

  1864. Orozco y Berra (Manuel).

  Geografía de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica de México Precedidas de
    un ensayo de clasificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para
    las inmigraciones de las tribus. Mexico, 1864.

The work is divided into three parts. (1) Tentative classification of
the languages of Mexico; (2) notes on the immigration of the tribes of
Mexico; (3) geography of the languages of Mexico.

The author states that he has no knowledge whatever of the languages he
treats of. All he attempts to do is to summarize the opinions of others.
His authorities were (1) writers on native grammars; (2) missionaries;
(3) persons who are reputed to be versed in such matters. He professes
to have used his own judgment only when these authorities left him free
to do so.

His stated method in compiling the ethnographic map was to place before
him the map of a certain department, examine all his authorities bearing
on that department, and to mark with a distinctive color all localities
said to belong to a particular language. When this was done he drew a
boundary line around the area of that language. Examination of the map
shows that he has partly expressed on it the classification of languages
as given in the first part of his text, and partly limited himself to
indicating the geographic boundaries of languages, without, however,
giving the boundaries of all the languages mentioned in his lists.

  1865. Pimentel (Francisco).

  Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indígenas de México.
    México, 1865.

According to the introduction this work is divided into three parts: (1)
descriptive; (2) comparative; (3) critical.

The author divides the treatment of each language into (1) its
mechanism; (2) its dictionary; (3) its grammar. By “mechanism” he means
pronunciation and composition; by “dictionary” he means the commonest or
most notable words.

In the case of each language he states the localities where it is
spoken, giving a short sketch of its history, the explanation of its
etymology, and a list of such writers on that language as he has become
acquainted with. Then follows: “mechanism, dictionary, and grammar.”
Next he enumerates its dialects if there are any, and compares specimens
of them when he is able. He gives the Our Father when he can.

Volume I (1862) contains introduction and twelve languages. Volume II
(1865) contains fourteen groups of languages, a vocabulary of the Opata
language, and an appendix treating of the Comanche, the Coahuilteco, and
various languages of upper California.

Volume III (announced in preface of Volume II) is to contain the
“comparative part” (to be treated in the same “mixed” method as the
“descriptive part”), and a scientific classification of all the
languages spoken in Mexico.

In the “critical part” (apparently dispersed through the other two
parts) the author intends to pass judgment on the merits of the
languages of Mexico, to point out their good qualities and their

  1870. Dall (William Healey).

  On the distribution of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent
    territory. In Proceedings of the American Association for the
    Advancement of Science. Cambridge, 1870, vol. 18.

In this important paper is presented much interesting information
concerning the inhabitants of Alaska and adjacent territories. The
natives are divided into two groups, the Indians of the interior, and
the inhabitants of the coast, or Esquimaux. The latter are designated by
the term Orarians, which are composed of three lesser groups, Eskimo,
Aleutians, and Tuski. The Orarians are distinguished, first, by their
language; second, by their distribution; third, by their habits; fourth,
by their physical characteristics.

  1870. Dall (William Healey).

  Alaska and its Resources. Boston, 1870.

The classification followed is practically the same as is given in the
author’s article in the Proceedings of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science.

  1877. Dall (William Healey).

  Tribes of the extreme northwest. In Contributions to North American
    Ethnology (published by United States Geographical and Geological
    Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1877, vol. 1.

This is an amplification of the paper published in the Proceedings of
the American Association, as above cited. The author states that
“numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal observations of
much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge
and improve my original arrangement.”

In this paper the Orarians are divided into “two well marked groups,”
the Innuit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Tuskis, and the
Aleuts. The paper proper is followed by an appendix by Gibbs and Dall,
in which are presented a series of vocabularies from the northwest,
including dialects of the Tlinkit and Haida nations, T’sim-si-ans, and

  1877. Gibbs (George).

  Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon. In Contributions
    to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1887, vol. 1.

This is a valuable article, and gives many interesting particulars of
the tribes of which it treats. References are here and there made to the
languages of the several tribes, with, however, no attempt at their
classification. A table follows the report, in which is given by Dall,
after Gibbs, a classification of the tribes mentioned by Gibbs. Five
families are mentioned, viz: Nūtka, Sahaptin, Tinneh, Selish, and
T’sinūk. The comparative vocabularies follow Part II.

  1877. Powers (Stephen).

  Tribes of California. In Contributions to North American Ethnology.
    Washington, 1877, vol. 3.

The extended paper on the Californian tribes which makes up the bulk of
this volume is the most important contribution to the subject ever made.
The author’s unusual opportunities for personal observation among these
tribes were improved to the utmost and the result is a comparatively
full and comprehensive account of their habits and character.

Here and there are allusions to the languages spoken, with reference to
the families to which the tribes belong. No formal classification is

  1877. Powell (John Wesley).

  Appendix. Linguistics edited by J. W. Powell. In Contributions to
    North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877, vol. 3.

This appendix consists of a series of comparative vocabularies collected
by Powers, Gibbs and others, classified into linguistic families, as

     1. Ká-rok.
     2. Yú-rok.
     3. Chim-a-rí-ko.
     4. Wish-osk.
     5. Yú-ki.
     6. Pómo.
     7. Win-tūn´.
     8. Mūt´-sūn.
     9. Santa Barbara.
    10. Yó-kuts.
    11. Mai´-du.
    12. A-cho-mâ´-wi.
    13. Shaś-ta.

  1877. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).

  Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories. In Magazine of
    American History. New York, 1877, vol. 1.

After some remarks concerning the nature of language and of the special
characteristics of Indian languages, the author gives a synopsis of the
languages of the Pacific region. The families mentioned are:

   1. Shóshoni.           15. Cahrok.
   2. Yuma.               16. Tolewa.
   3. Pima.               17. Shasta.
   4. Santa Barbara.      18. Pit River.
   5. Mutsun.             19. Klamath.
   6. Yocut.              20. Tinné.
   7. Meewoc.             21. Yakon.
   8. Meidoo.             22. Cayuse.
   9. Wintoon.            23. Kalapuya.
  10. Yuka.               24. Chinook.
  11. Pomo.               25. Sahaptin.
  12. Wishosk.            26. Selish.
  13. Eurok.              27. Nootka.
  14. Weits-pek.          28. Kootenai.

This is an important paper, and contains notices of several new stocks,
derived from a study of the material furnished by Powers.

The author advocates the plan of using a system of nomenclature similar
in nature to that employed in zoology in the case of generic and
specific names, adding after the name of the tribe the family to which
it belongs; thus: Warm Springs, Sahaptin.

  1878. Powell (John Wesley).

  The nationality of the Pueblos. In the Rocky Mountain Presbyterian.
    Denver, November, 1878.

This is a half-column article, the object of which is to assign the
several Pueblos to their proper stocks. A paragraph is devoted to
contradicting the popular belief that the Pueblos are in some way
related to the Aztecs. No vocabularies are given or cited, though the
classification is stated to be a linguistic one.

  1878. Keane (Augustus H).

  Appendix. Ethnography and philology of America. In Stanford’s
    Compendium of Geography and Travel, edited and extended by H. W.
    Bates. London, 1878.

In the appendix are given, first, some of the more general
characteristics and peculiarities of Indian languages, followed by a
classification of all the tribes of North America, after which is given
an alphabetical list of American tribes and languages, with their
habitats and the stock to which they belong.

The classification is compiled from many sources, and although it
contains many errors and inconsistencies, it affords on the whole a good
general idea of prevalent views on the subject.

  1880. Powell (John Wesley).

  Pueblo Indians. In the American Naturalist. Philadelphia, 1880,
    vol. 14.

This is a two-page article in which is set forth a classification of the
Pueblo Indians from linguistic considerations. The Pueblos are divided
into four families or stocks, viz:

     1. Shínumo.
     2. Zunian.
     3. Kéran.
     4. Téwan.

Under the several stocks is given a list of those who have collected
vocabularies of these languages and a reference to their publication.

  1880. Eells (Myron).

  The Twana language of Washington Territory. In the American
    Antiquarian. Chicago, 1880-’81, vol. 3.

This is a brief article--two and a half pages--on the Twana, Clallam,
and Chemakum Indians. The author finds, upon a comparison of
vocabularies, that the Chemakum language has little in common with
its neighbors.

  1885. Dall (William Healey).

  The native tribes of Alaska. In Proceedings of the American
    Association for the Advancement of Science, thirty-fourth meeting,
    held at Ann Arbor, Mich., August, 1885. Salem, 1886.

This paper is a timely contribution to the subject of the Alaska tribes,
and carries it from the point at which the author left it in 1869 to
date, briefly summarizing the several recent additions to knowledge. It
ends with a geographical classification of the Innuit and Indian tribes
of Alaska, with estimates of their numbers.

  1885. Bancroft (Hubert Howe).

  The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, vol. 3: the native races, vol. 3,
    myths and languages. San Francisco, 1882.

  [Transcriber’s Note:
  Vols. 1-5 collectively are “The Native Races”; vol. 3 is _Myths and

In the chapter on that subject the languages are classified by divisions
which appear to correspond to groups, families, tribes, and dialects.

The classification does not, however, follow any consistent plan, and is
in parts unintelligible.

  1882. Gatschet (Albert Samuel).

  Indian languages of the Pacific States and Territories and of the
    Pueblos of New Mexico. In the Magazine of American History. New
    York, 1882, vol. 8.

This paper is in the nature of a supplement to a previous one in the
same magazine above referred to. It enlarges further on several of the
stocks there considered, and, as the title indicates, treats also of the
Pueblo languages. The families mentioned are:

     1. Chimariko.
     2. Washo.
     3. Yákona.
     4. Sayúskla.
     5. Kúsa.
     6. Takilma.
     7. Rio Grande Pueblo.
     8. Kera.
     9. Zuñi.

  1883. Hale (Horatio).

  Indian migrations, as evidenced by language. In The American
    Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Chicago, 1888, vol. 5.

In connection with the object of this paper--the study of Indian
migrations--several linguistic stocks are mentioned, and the linguistic
affinities of a number of tribes are given. The stocks mentioned are:


  1885. Tolmie (W. Fraser) and Dawson (George M.)

  Comparative vocabularies of the Indian tribes of British Columbia,
    with a map illustrating distribution (Geological and Natural History
    Survey of Canada). Montreal, 1884.

The vocabularies presented constitute an important contribution to
linguistic science. They represent “one or more dialects of every Indian
language spoken on the Pacific slope from the Columbia River north to
the Tshilkat River, and beyond, in Alaska; and from the outermost
sea-board to the main continental divide in the Rocky Mountains.”
A colored map shows the area occupied by each linguistic family.

       *       *       *       *       *

                LINGUISTIC MAP.

In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by
classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in
the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest
upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, however, was too
scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers
have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner, Prichard,
Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important
classificatory results.

The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for
a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20
years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being
brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to collect a
large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of
Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the
labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published
in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of
vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau assistants and by
collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of
all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters
largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map.

The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been
so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the
student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the reproach
which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of
American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however,
and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for
collecting linguistic material are growing fewer day by day, as tribes
are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the
older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it
may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study.
History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became
extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left
and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown.

It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their
contemplation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many
gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the
classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of
the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the
languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with
the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made.

After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the
accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the
contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible
form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and
aid to future effort.

Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct
linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole
area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages
represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they
are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in
their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably,
future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of
these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate,
resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships
hitherto unsuspected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be
anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present
classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where
relationships between families are suspected, but can not be
demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to
unite them, but to keep them apart until more material shall have
accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been
brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in
future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced,
there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the
linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at
least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is
little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the
field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not
classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the
total by reason of consolidation may be compensated by a corresponding
increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the
similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further
study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased
thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the
future to decide.

As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissimilarity
from one another--i.e., none of them are related--and consequently no
two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except
in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to
constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of
superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world.
No matter how widely separated geographically two families of languages
may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their
origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial
examination to indicate relationship. There is not a single Indian
linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar
in sound, and more rarely similar in both sound and meaning, to words
in English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such
resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not
as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship.
Borrowed linguistic material also appears in every family, tempting the
unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous
conclusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be
properly regarded as evidence of cognation.

While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the families
are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory
occupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the
number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of
them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude
and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that
the colors representing them are hardly discernible upon the map. Some
of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of
tribes. In the case of a few, the term “family” is commensurate with
language, since there is but one language and no dialects. In the case
of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one
another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the
languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse.

The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are engaged in
investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to
this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of
North America north of Mexico. Such an extension of its plan was,
indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely
represented in the United States, are yet more largely represented in
the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and
relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan,
Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including
extralimital territory.

To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend
beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed,
mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the
tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California;
Piman, which has only a small representation in southern Arizona; and
the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan
family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache
and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern
Mexico, while the Tañoan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has
established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the
purpose of necessary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include
all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower
California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of
families common to that country and to the United States. It is left to
a future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of
Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in passing,
much material has been accumulated.

It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the locations
of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single
map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes composing the
linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter
subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the
areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted
and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or
the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data
necessary for a complete representation of tribal migration, even for
the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist,
still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand,
and exceedingly valuable results in this direction could be presented
did not the amount of time and labor and the large expense attendant
upon such a project forbid the attempt for the present.

The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only,
and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time
when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or
when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the
different tribes became known vary, it follows as a matter of course
that the periods represented by the colors in one portion of the map are
not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the
Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey
of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-’05, long before which period radical
changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern
United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the
different sections of the map not synchronous, but only in the case of a
few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is
it possible to make the coloring synchronous for different sections of
the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern
members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which
absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members
of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our
knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600,
while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Blackfeet, Cheyenne,
and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two
centuries later.

Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas formerly
occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes
of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For
instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the
period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their
position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a
rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When
changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the
nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a linguistic family
was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment
by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring territory, which resulted simply
in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense
of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within
narrower limits. If the above inference be correct, the fact that
different chronologic periods are represented upon the map is of
comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the
main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of
one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the
opposite opinion, however, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that
the North American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by
these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here,
to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes--if
nomads can be said to have homes--only to abandon them. Such a picture,
however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition
of our Indian tribes. As the question has significance in the present
connection it must be considered somewhat at length.


In the first place, the linguistic map, based as it is upon the earliest
evidence obtainable, itself offers conclusive proof, not only that the
Indian tribes were in the main sedentary at the time history first
records their position, but that they had been sedentary for a very long
period. In order that this may be made plain, it should be clearly
understood, as stated above, that each of the colors or patterns upon
the map indicates a distinct linguistic family. It will be noticed that
the colors representing the several families are usually in single
bodies, i.e., that they represent continuous areas, and that with some
exceptions the same color is not scattered here and there over the map
in small spots. Yet precisely this last state of things is what would be
expected had the tribes representing the families been nomadic to a
marked degree. If nomadic tribes occupied North America, instead of
spreading out each from a common center, as the colors show that the
tribes composing the several families actually did, they would have been
dispersed here and there over the whole face of the country. That they
are not so dispersed is considered proof that in the main they were
sedentary. It has been stated above that more or less extensive
migrations of some tribes over the country had taken place prior to
European occupancy. This fact is disclosed by a glance at the present
map. The great Athapascan family, for instance, occupying the larger
part of British America, is known from linguistic evidence to have sent
off colonies into Oregon (Wilopah, Tlatskanai, Coquille), California
(Smith River tribes, Kenesti or Wailakki tribes, Hupa), and Arizona and
New Mexico (Apache, Navajo). How long before European occupancy of this
country these migrations took place can not be told, but in the case of
most of them it was undoubtedly many years. By the test of language it
is seen that the great Siouan family, which we have come to look upon as
almost exclusively western, had one offshoot in Virginia (Tutelo),
another in North and South Carolina (Catawba), and a third in
Mississippi (Biloxi); and the Algonquian family, so important in the
early history of this country, while occupying a nearly continuous area
in the north and east, had yet secured a foothold, doubtless in very
recent times, in Wyoming and Colorado. These and other similar facts
sufficiently prove the power of individual tribes or gentes to sunder
relations with the great body of their kindred and to remove to distant
homes. Tested by linguistic evidence, such instances appear to be
exceptional, and the fact remains that in the great majority of cases
the tribes composing linguistic families occupy continuous areas, and
hence are and have been practically sedentary. Nor is the bond of a
common language, strong and enduring as that bond is usually thought to
be, entirely sufficient to explain the phenomenon here pointed out. When
small in number the linguistic tie would undoubtedly aid in binding
together the members of a tribe; but as the people speaking a common
language increase in number and come to have conflicting interests, the
linguistic tie has often proved to be an insufficient bond of union. In
the case of our Indian tribes feuds and internecine conflicts were
common between members of the same linguistic family. In fact, it is
probable that a very large number of the dialects into which Indian
languages are split originated as the result of internecine strife.
Factions, divided and separated from the parent body, by contact,
intermarriage, and incorporation with foreign tribes, developed distinct
dialects or languages.

But linguistic evidence alone need not be relied upon to prove that the
North American Indian was not nomadic.

Corroborative proof of the sedentary character of our Indian tribes is
to be found in the curious form of kinship system, with mother-right as
its chief factor, which prevails. This, as has been pointed out in
another place, is not adapted to the necessities of nomadic tribes,
which need to be governed by a patriarchal system, and, as well, to be
possessed of flocks and herds.

There is also an abundance of historical evidence to show that, when
first discovered by Europeans, the Indians of the eastern United States
were found living in fixed habitations. This does not necessarily imply
that the entire year was spent in one place. Agriculture not being
practiced to an extent sufficient to supply the Indian with full
subsistence, he was compelled to make occasional changes from his
permanent home to the more or less distant waters and forests to procure
supplies of food. When furnished with food and skins for clothing, the
hunting parties returned to the village which constituted their true
home. At longer periods, for several reasons--among which probably the
chief were the hostility of stronger tribes, the failure of the fuel
supply near the village, and the compulsion exercised by the ever lively
superstitious fancies of the Indians--the villages were abandoned and
new ones formed to constitute new homes, new focal points from which to
set out on their annual hunts and to which to return when these were
completed. The tribes of the eastern United States had fixed and
definitely bounded habitats, and their wanderings were in the nature of
temporary excursions to established points resorted to from time
immemorial. As, however, they had not yet entered completely into the
agricultural condition, to which they were fast progressing from the
hunter state, they may be said to have been nomadic to a very limited
extent. The method of life thus sketched was substantially the one which
the Indians were found practicing throughout the eastern part of the
United States, as also, though to a less degree, in the Pacific States.
Upon the Pacific coast proper the tribes were even more sedentary than
upon the Atlantic, as the mild climate and the great abundance and
permanent supply of fish and shellfish left no cause for a seasonal
change of abode.

When, however, the interior portions of the country were first visited
by Europeans, a different state of affairs was found to prevail. There
the acquisition of the horse and the possession of firearms had wrought
very great changes in aboriginal habits. The acquisition of the former
enabled the Indian of the treeless plains to travel distances with ease
and celerity which before were practically impossible, and the
possession of firearms stimulated tribal aggressiveness to the utmost
pitch. Firearms were everywhere doubly effective in producing changes in
tribal habitats, since the somewhat gradual introduction of trade placed
these deadly weapons in the hands of some tribes, and of whole congeries
of tribes, long before others could obtain them. Thus the general state
of tribal equilibrium which had before prevailed was rudely disturbed.
Tribal warfare, which hitherto had been attended with inconsiderable
loss of life and slight territorial changes, was now made terribly
destructive, and the territorial possessions of whole groups of tribes
were augmented at the expense of those less fortunate. The horse made
wanderers of many tribes which there is sufficient evidence to show were
formerly nearly sedentary. Firearms enforced migration and caused
wholesale changes in the habitats of tribes, which, in the natural order
of events, it would have taken many centuries to produce. The changes
resulting from these combined agencies, great as they were, are,
however, slight in comparison with the tremendous effects of the
wholesale occupancy of Indian territory by Europeans. As the acquisition
of territory by the settlers went on, a wave of migration from east to
west was inaugurated which affected tribes far remote from the point of
disturbance, ever forcing them within narrower and narrower bounds, and,
as time went on, producing greater and greater changes throughout the
entire country.

So much of the radical change in tribal habitats as took place in the
area remote from European settlements, mainly west of the Mississippi,
is chiefly unrecorded, save imperfectly in Indian tradition, and is
chiefly to be inferred from linguistic evidence and from the few facts
in our possession. As, however, the most important of these changes
occurred after, and as a result of, European occupancy, they are noted
in history, and thus the map really gives a better idea of the pristine
or prehistoric habitat of the tribes than at first might be thought

Before speaking of the method of establishing the boundary lines between
the linguistic families, as they appear upon the map, the nature of the
Indian claim to land and the manner and extent of its occupation should
be clearly set forth.


As the question of the Indian population of the country has a direct
bearing upon the extent to which the land was actually occupied, a few
words on the subject will be introduced here, particularly as the area
included in the linguistic map is so covered with color that it may
convey a false impression of the density of the Indian population.
As a result of an investigation of the subject of the early Indian
population, Col. Mallery long ago arrived at the conclusion that their
settlements were not numerous, and that the population, as compared with
the enormous territory occupied, was extremely small.[1]

    [Footnote 1: Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. Science, 1877, vol. 26.]

Careful examination since the publication of the above tends to
corroborate the soundness of the conclusions there first formulated.
The subject may be set forth as follows:

The sea shore, the borders of lakes, and the banks of rivers, where fish
and shell-fish were to be obtained in large quantities, were naturally
the Indians’ chief resort, and at or near such places were to be found
their permanent settlements. As the settlements and lines of travel of
the early colonists were along the shore, the lakes and the rivers,
early estimates of the Indian population were chiefly based upon the
numbers congregated along these highways, it being generally assumed
that away from the routes of travel a like population existed. Again,
over-estimates of population resulted from the fact that the same body
of Indians visited different points during the year, and not
infrequently were counted two or three times; change of permanent
village sites also tended to augment estimates of population.

For these and other reasons a greatly exaggerated idea of the Indian
population was obtained, and the impressions so derived have been
dissipated only in comparatively recent times.

As will be stated more fully later, the Indian was dependent to no small
degree upon natural products for his food supply. Could it be affirmed
that the North American Indians had increased to a point where they
pressed upon the food supply, it would imply a very much larger
population than we are justified in assuming from other considerations.
But for various reasons the Malthusian law, whether applicable elsewhere
or not, can not be applied to the Indians of this country. Everywhere
bountiful nature had provided an unfailing and practically inexhaustible
food supply. The rivers teemed with fish and mollusks, and the forests
with game, while upon all sides was an abundance of nutritious roots and
seeds. All of these sources were known, and to a large extent they were
drawn upon by the Indian, but the practical lesson of providing in the
season of plenty for the season of scarcity had been but imperfectly
learned, or, when learned, was but partially applied. Even when taught
by dire experience the necessity of laying up adequate stores, it was
the almost universal practice to waste great quantities of food by a
constant succession of feasts, in the superstitious observances of which
the stores were rapidly wasted and plenty soon gave way to scarcity and
even to famine.

Curiously enough, the hospitality which is so marked a trait among our
North American Indians had its source in a law, the invariable practice
of which has had a marked effect in retarding the acquisition by the
Indian of the virtue of providence. As is well known, the basis of the
Indian social organization was the kinship system. By its provisions
almost all property was possessed in common by the gens or clan. Food,
the most important of all, was by no means left to be exclusively
enjoyed by the individual or the family obtaining it.

For instance, the distribution of game among the families of a party was
variously provided for in different tribes, but the practical effect of
the several customs relating thereto was the sharing of the supply. The
hungry Indian had but to ask to receive and this no matter how small the
supply, or how dark the future prospect. It was not only his privilege
to ask, it was his right to demand. Undoubtedly what was originally a
right, conferred by kinship connections, ultimately assumed broader
proportions, and finally passed into the exercise of an almost
indiscriminate hospitality. By reason of this custom, the poor hunter
was virtually placed upon equality with the expert one, the lazy with
the industrious, the improvident with the more provident. Stories of
Indian life abound with instances of individual families or parties
being called upon by those less fortunate or provident to share their

The effect of such a system, admirable as it was in many particulars,
practically placed a premium upon idleness. Under such communal rights
and privileges a potent spur to industry and thrift is wanting.

There is an obverse side to this problem, which a long and intimate
acquaintance with the Indians in their villages has forced upon the
writer. The communal ownership of food and the great hospitality
practiced by the Indian have had a very much greater influence upon his
character than that indicated in the foregoing remarks. The peculiar
institutions prevailing in this respect gave to each tribe or clan a
profound interest in the skill, ability and industry of each member. He
was the most valuable person in the community who supplied it with the
most of its necessities. For this reason the successful hunter or
fisherman was always held in high honor, and the woman, who gathered
great store of seeds, fruits, or roots, or who cultivated a good
corn-field, was one who commanded the respect and received the highest
approbation of the people. The simple and rude ethics of a tribal people
are very important to them, the more so because of their communal
institutions; and everywhere throughout the tribes of the United States
it is discovered that their rules of conduct were deeply implanted in
the minds of the people. An organized system of teaching is always
found, as it is the duty of certain officers of the clan to instruct the
young in all the industries necessary to their rude life, and simple
maxims of industry abound among the tribes and are enforced in diverse
and interesting ways. The power of the elder men in the clan over its
young members is always very great, and the training of the youth is
constant and rigid. Besides this, a moral sentiment exists in favor of
primitive virtues which is very effective in molding character. This may
be illustrated in two ways.

Marriage among all Indian tribes is primarily by legal appointment, as
the young woman receives a husband from some other prescribed clan or
clans, and the elders of the clan, with certain exceptions, control
these marriages, and personal choice has little to do with the affair.
When marriages are proposed, the virtues and industry of the candidates,
and more than all, their ability to properly live as married couples and
to supply the clan or tribe with a due amount of subsistence, are
discussed long and earnestly, and the young man or maiden who fails in
this respect may fail in securing an eligible and desirable match. And
these motives are constantly presented to the savage youth.

A simple democracy exists among these people, and they have a variety of
tribal offices to fill. In this way the men of the tribe are graded, and
they pass from grade to grade by a selection practically made by the
people. And this leads to a constant discussion of the virtues and
abilities of all the male members of the clan, from boyhood to old age.
He is most successful in obtaining clan and tribal promotion who is most
useful to the clan and the tribe. In this manner all of the ambitious
are stimulated, and this incentive to industry is very great.

When brought into close contact with the Indian, and into intimate
acquaintance with his language, customs, and religious ideas, there is a
curious tendency observable in students to overlook aboriginal vices and
to exaggerate aboriginal virtues. It seems to be forgotten that after
all the Indian is a savage, with the characteristics of a savage, and he
is exalted even above the civilized man. The tendency is exactly the
reverse of what it is in the case of those who view the Indian at a
distance and with no precise knowledge of any of his characteristics. In
the estimation of such persons the Indian’s vices greatly outweigh his
virtues; his language is a gibberish, his methods of war cowardly, his
ideas of religion utterly puerile.

The above tendencies are accentuated in the attempt to estimate the
comparative worth and position of individual tribes. No being is more
patriotic than the Indian. He believes himself to be the result of a
special creation by a partial deity and holds that his is the one
favored race. The name by which the tribes distinguish themselves from
other tribes indicates the further conviction that, as the Indian is
above all created things, so in like manner each particular tribe is
exalted above all others. “Men of men” is the literal translation of one
name; “the only men” of another, and so on through the whole category. A
long residence with any one tribe frequently inoculates the student with
the same patriotic spirit. Bringing to his study of a particular tribe
an inadequate conception of Indian attainments and a low impression of
their moral and intellectual plane, the constant recital of its virtues,
the bravery and prowess of its men in war, their generosity, the chaste
conduct and obedience of its women as contrasted with the opposite
qualities of all other tribes, speedily tends to partisanship. He
discovers many virtues and finds that the moral and intellectual
attainments are higher than he supposed; but these advantages he
imagines to be possessed solely, or at least to an unusual degree, by
the tribe in question. Other tribes are assigned much lower rank in the

The above is peculiarly true of the student of language. He who studies
only one Indian language and learns its manifold curious grammatic
devices, its wealth of words, its capacity of expression, is speedily
convinced of its superiority to all other Indian tongues, and not
infrequently to all languages by whomsoever spoken.

If like admirable characteristics are asserted for other tongues he is
apt to view them but as derivatives from one original. Thus he is led to
overlook the great truth that the mind of man is everywhere practically
the same, and that the innumerable differences of its products are
indices merely of different stages of growth or are the results of
different conditions of environment. In its development the human mind
is limited by no boundaries of tribe or race.

Again, a long acquaintance with many tribes in their homes leads to the
belief that savage people do not lack industry so much as wisdom. They
are capable of performing, and often do perform, great and continuous
labor. The men and women alike toil from day to day and from year to
year, engaged in those tasks that are presented with the recurring
seasons. In civilization, hunting and fishing are often considered
sports, but in savagery they are labors, and call for endurance,
patience, and sagacity. And these are exercised to a reasonable degree
among all savage peoples.

It is probable that the real difficulty of purchasing quantities of food
from Indians has, in most cases, not been properly understood. Unless
the alien is present at a time of great abundance, when there is more on
hand or easily obtainable than sufficient to supply the wants of the
people, food can not be bought of the Indians. This arises from the fact
that the tribal tenure is communal, and to get food by purchase requires
a treaty at which all the leading members of the tribe are present and
give consent.

As an illustration of the improvidence of the Indians generally, the
habits of the tribes along the Columbia River may be cited. The Columbia
River has often been pointed to as the probable source of a great part
of the Indian population of this country, because of the enormous supply
of salmon furnished by it and its tributaries. If an abundant and
readily obtained supply of food was all that was necessary to insure a
large population, and if population always increased up to the limit of
food supply, unquestionably the theory of repeated migratory waves of
surplus population from the Columbia Valley would be plausible enough.
It is only necessary, however, to turn to the accounts of the earlier
explorers of this region, Lewis and Clarke, for example, to refute the
idea, so far at least as the Columbia Valley is concerned, although a
study of the many diverse languages spread over the United States would
seem sufficiently to prove that the tribes speaking them could not have
originated at a common center, unless, indeed, at a period anterior to
the formation of organized language.

The Indians inhabiting the Columbia Valley were divided into many
tribes, belonging to several distinct linguistic families. They all were
in the same culture status, however, and differed in habits and arts
only in minor particulars. All of them had recourse to the salmon of the
Columbia for the main part of their subsistence, and all practiced
similar crude methods of curing fish and storing it away for the winter.
Without exception, judging from the accounts of the above mentioned and
of more recent authors, all the tribes suffered periodically more or
less from insufficient food supply, although, with the exercise of due
forethought and economy, even with their rude methods of catching and
curing salmon, enough might here have been cured annually to suffice for
the wants of the Indian population of the entire Northwest for several

In their ascent of the river in spring, before the salmon run, it was
only with great difficulty that Lewis and Clarke were able to provide
themselves by purchase with enough food to keep themselves from
starving. Several parties of Indians from the vicinity of the Dalles,
the best fishing station on the river, were met on their way down in
quest of food, their supply of dried salmon having been entirely

Nor is there anything in the accounts of any of the early visitors to
the Columbia Valley to authorize the belief that the population there
was a very large one. As was the case with all fish-stocked streams, the
Columbia was resorted to in the fishing season by many tribes living at
considerable distance from it; but there is no evidence tending to show
that the settled population of its banks or of any part of its drainage
basin was or ever had been by any means excessive.

The Dalles, as stated above, was the best fishing station on the river,
and the settled population there may be taken as a fair index of that of
other favorable locations. The Dalles was visited by Ross in July, 1811,
and the following is his statement in regard to the population:

  The main camp of the Indians is situated at the head of the narrows,
  and may contain, during the salmon season, 3,000 souls, or more; but
  the constant inhabitants of the place do not exceed 100 persons, and
  are called Wy-am-pams; the rest are all foreigners from different
  tribes throughout the country, who resort hither, not for the
  purpose of catching salmon, but chiefly for gambling and

    [Footnote 2: Adventures on the Columbia River, 1849, p. 117.]

And as it was on the Columbia with its enormous supply of fish, so was
it elsewhere in the United States.

Even the practice of agriculture, with its result of providing a more
certain and bountiful food supply, seems not to have had the effect of
materially augmenting the Indian population. At all events, it is in
California and Oregon, a region where agriculture was scarcely practiced
at all, that the most dense aboriginal population lived. There is no
reason to believe that there ever existed within the limits of the
region included in the map, with the possible exception of certain areas
in California, a population equal to the natural food supply. On the
contrary, there is every reason for believing that the population at the
time of the discovery might have been many times more than what it
actually was had a wise economy been practised.

The effect of wars in decimating the people has often been greatly
exaggerated. Since the advent of the white man on the continent, wars
have prevailed to a degree far beyond that existing at an earlier time.
From the contest which necessarily arose between the native tribes and
invading nations many wars resulted, and their history is well known.
Again, tribes driven from their ancestral homes often retreated to lands
previously occupied by other tribes, and intertribal wars resulted
therefrom. The acquisition of firearms and horses, through the agency of
white men, also had its influence, and when a commercial value was given
to furs and skins, the Indian abandoned agriculture to pursue hunting
and traffic, and sought new fields for such enterprises, and many new
contests arose from this cause. Altogether the character of the Indian
since the discovery of Columbus has been greatly changed, and he has
become far more warlike and predatory. Prior to that time, and far away
in the wilderness beyond such influence since that time, Indian tribes
seem to have lived together in comparative peace and to have settled
their difficulties by treaty methods. A few of the tribes had distinct
organizations for purposes of war; all recognized it to a greater or
less extent in their tribal organization; but from such study as has
been given the subject, and from the many facts collected from time to
time relating to the intercourse existing between tribes, it appears
that the Indians lived in comparative peace. Their accumulations were
not so great as to be tempting, and their modes of warfare were not
excessively destructive. Armed with clubs and spears and bows and
arrows, war could be prosecuted only by hand-to-hand conflict, and
depended largely upon individual prowess, while battle for plunder,
tribute, and conquest was almost unknown. Such intertribal wars as
occurred originated from other causes, such as infraction of rights
relating to hunting grounds and fisheries, and still oftener prejudices
growing out of their superstitions.

That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source,
which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or
efficacious system of medicine. They believed that diseases were caused
by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every
toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and
every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attributed to such cause.
Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and
to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The
sufferers were given over to priest doctors to be tormented, bedeviled,
and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made
them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious
people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely
said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed
many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage
tent is a comparatively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine,
and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly

Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teeming with
natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said
that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically
the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to
some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the
Indian by no means implies occupancy in the modern or civilized sense of
the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent
individual control and ownership. Very different was it with the
Indians. Individual ownership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely
foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to
which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized,
was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by the clan.
Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the
case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by
Dawson. According to him[3] the land is divided among the different
families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary
rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. “The
lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are,
however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The
tendency in this case is toward personal right in land.

    [Footnote 3: Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117.]


For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into
three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the
land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the
tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground.

_Village sites_.--The amount of land taken up as village sites varied
considerably in different parts of the country. It varied also in the
same tribe at different times. As a rule, the North American Indians
lived in communal houses of sufficient size to accommodate several
families. In such cases the village consisted of a few large structures
closely grouped together, so that it covered very little ground. When
territory was occupied by warlike tribes, the construction of rude
palisades around the villages and the necessities of defense generally
tended to compel the grouping of houses, and the permanent village sites
of even the more populous tribes covered only a very small area. In the
case of confederated tribes and in the time of peace the tendency was
for one or more families to establish more or less permanent settlements
away from the main village, where a livelihood was more readily
obtainable. Hence, in territory which had enjoyed a considerable
interval of peace the settlements were in the nature of small
agricultural communities, established at short distances from each other
and extending in the aggregate over a considerable extent of country. In
the case of populous tribes the villages were probably of the character
of the Choctaw towns described by Adair.[4] “The barrier towns, which
are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries, are compactly settled
for social defense, according to the general method of other savage
nations; but the rest, both in the center and toward the Mississippi,
are only scattered plantations, as best suits a separate easy way of
living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of their populous,
extensive towns without seeing half a dozen houses in the direct course
of his path.” More closely grouped settlements are described by Wayne in
American State Papers, 1793, in his account of an expedition down the
Maumee Valley, where he states that “The margins of the Miamis of the
Lake and the Au Glaize appear like one continuous village for a number
of miles, nor have I ever beheld such immense fields of corn in any part
of America from Canada to Florida.” Such a chain of villages as this was
probably highly exceptional; but even under such circumstances the
village sites proper formed but a very small part of the total area

    [Footnote 4: Hist. of Am. Ind., 1775, p. 282.]

From the foregoing considerations it will be seen that the amount of
land occupied as village sites under any circumstances was

_Agricultural land_.--It is practically impossible to make an accurate
estimate of the relative amount of land devoted to agricultural purposes
by any one tribe or by any family of tribes. None of the factors which
enter into the problem are known to us with sufficient accuracy to
enable reliable estimates to be made of the amount of land tilled or of
the products derived from the tillage; and only in few cases have we
trustworthy estimates of the population of the tribe or tribes
practicing agriculture. Only a rough approximation of the truth can be
reached from the scanty data available and from a general knowledge of
Indian methods of subsistence.

The practice of agriculture was chiefly limited to the region south of
the St. Lawrence and east of the Mississippi. In this region it was far
more general and its results were far more important than is commonly
supposed. To the west of the Mississippi only comparatively small areas
were occupied by agricultural tribes and these lay chiefly in New Mexico
and Arizona and along the Arkansas, Platte, and Missouri Rivers. The
rest of that region was tenanted by non-agricultural tribes--unless
indeed the slight attention paid to the cultivation of tobacco by a few
of the west coast tribes, notably the Haida, may be considered
agriculture. Within the first mentioned area most of the tribes, perhaps
all, practiced agriculture to a greater or less extent, though
unquestionably the degree of reliance placed upon it as a means of
support differed much with different tribes and localities.

Among many tribes agriculture was relied upon to supply an
important--and perhaps in the case of a few tribes, the most
important--part of the food supply. The accounts of some of the early
explorers in the southern United States, where probably agriculture was
more systematized than elsewhere, mention corn fields of great extent,
and later knowledge of some northern tribes, as the Iroquois and some of
the Ohio Valley tribes, shows that they also raised corn in great
quantities. The practice of agriculture to a point where it shall prove
the main and constant supply of a people, however, implies a degree of
sedentariness to which our Indians as a rule had not attained and an
amount of steady labor without immediate return which was peculiarly
irksome to them. Moreover, the imperfect methods pursued in clearing,
planting, and cultivating sufficiently prove that the Indians, though
agriculturists, were in the early stages of development as such--a fact
also attested by the imperfect and one-sided division of labor between
the sexes, the men as a rule taking but small share of the burdensome
tasks of clearing land, planting, and harvesting.

It is certain that by no tribe of the United States was agriculture
pursued to such an extent as to free its members from the practice of
the hunter’s or fisher’s art. Admitting the most that can be claimed for
the Indian as an agriculturist, it may be stated that, whether because
of the small population or because of the crude manner in which his
operations were carried on, the amount of land devoted to agriculture
within the area in question was infinitesimally small as compared with
the total. Upon a map colored to show only the village sites and
agricultural land, the colors would appear in small spots, while by far
the greater part of the map would remain uncolored.

_Hunting claims_.--The great body of the land within the area mapped
which was occupied by agricultural tribes, and all the land outside it,
was held as a common hunting ground, and the tribal claim to territory,
independent of village sites and corn fields, amounted practically to
little else than hunting claims. The community of possession in the
tribe to the hunting ground was established and practically enforced by
hunting laws, which dealt with the divisions of game among the village,
or among the families of the hunters actually taking part in any
particular hunt. As a rule, such natural landmarks as rivers, lakes,
hills, and mountain chains served to mark with sufficient accuracy the
territorial tribal limits. In California, and among the Haida and
perhaps other tribes of the northwest coast, the value of certain
hunting and fishing claims led to their definition by artificial
boundaries, as by sticks or stones.[5]

    [Footnote 5: Powers, Cont. N.A. Eth. 1877, vol. 3, p. 109: Dawson,
    Queen Charlotte Islands, 1880, p. 117.]

Such precautions imply a large population, and in such regions as
California the killing of game upon the land of adjoining tribes was
rigidly prohibited and sternly punished.

As stated above, every part of the vast area included in the present map
is to be regarded as belonging, according to Indian ideas of land title,
to one or another of the Indian tribes. To determine the several tribal
possessions and to indicate the proper boundary lines between individual
tribes and linguistic families is a work of great difficulty. This is
due more to the imperfection and scantiness of available data concerning
tribal claims than to the absence of claimants or to any ambiguity in
the minds of the Indians as to the boundaries of their several

Not only is precise data wanting respecting the limits of land actually
held or claimed by many tribes, but there are other tribes, which
disappeared early in the history of our country, the boundaries to whose
habitat is to be determined only in the most general way. Concerning
some of these, our information is so vague that the very linguistic
family they belonged to is in doubt. In the case of probably no one
family are the data sufficient in amount and accuracy to determine
positively the exact areas definitely claimed or actually held by the
tribes. Even in respect of the territory of many of the tribes of the
eastern United States, much of whose land was ceded by actual treaty
with the Government, doubt exists. The fixation of the boundary points,
when these are specifically mentioned in the treaty, as was the rule, is
often extremely difficult, owing to the frequent changes of geographic
names and the consequent disagreement of present with ancient maps.
Moreover, when the Indian’s claim to his land had been admitted by
Government, and the latter sought to acquire a title through voluntary
cession by actual purchase, land assumed a value to the Indian never
attaching to it before.

Under these circumstances, either under plea of immemorial occupancy or
of possession by right of conquest, the land was often claimed, and the
claims urged with more or less plausibility by several tribes, sometimes
of the same linguistic family, sometimes of different families.

It was often found by the Government to be utterly impracticable to
decide between conflicting claims, and not infrequently the only way out
of the difficulty lay in admitting the claim of both parties, and in
paying for the land twice or thrice. It was customary for a number of
different tribes to take part in such treaties, and not infrequently
several linguistic families were represented. It was the rule for each
tribe, through its representatives, to cede its share of a certain
territory, the natural boundaries of which as a whole are usually
recorded with sufficient accuracy. The main purpose of the Government in
treaty-making being to obtain possession of the land, comparatively
little attention was bestowed to defining the exact areas occupied by
the several tribes taking part in a treaty, except in so far as the
matter was pressed upon attention by disputing claimants. Hence the
territory claimed by each tribe taking part in the treaty is rarely
described, and occasionally not all the tribes interested in the
proposed cession are even mentioned categorically. The latter statement
applies more particularly to the territory west of the Mississippi, the
data for determining ownership to which is much less precise, and the
doubt and confusion respecting tribal boundary lines correspondingly
greater than in the country east of that river. Under the above
circumstances, it will be readily understood that to determine tribal
boundaries within accurately drawn lines is in the vast majority of
cases quite impossible.

Imperfect and defective as the terms of the treaties frequently are as
regards the definition of tribal boundaries, they are by far the most
accurate and important of the means at our command for fixing boundary
lines upon the present map. By their aid the territorial possessions of
a considerable number of tribes have been determined with desirable
precision, and such areas definitely established have served as checks
upon the boundaries of other tribes, concerning the location and extent
of whose possessions little is known.

For establishing the boundaries of such tribes as are not mentioned in
treaties, and of those whose territorial possessions are not given with
sufficient minuteness, early historical accounts are all important. Such
accounts, of course, rarely indicate the territorial possessions of the
tribes with great precision. In many cases, however, the sites of
villages are accurately given. In others the source of information
concerning a tribe is contained in a general statement of the occupancy
of certain valleys or mountain ranges or areas at the heads of certain
rivers, no limiting lines whatever being assigned. In others, still, the
notice of a tribe is limited to a brief mention of the presence in a
certain locality of hunting or war parties.

Data of this loose character would of course be worthless in an attempt
to fix boundary lines in accordance with the ideas of the modern
surveyor. The relative positions of the families and the relative size
of the areas occupied by them, however, and not their exact boundaries,
are the chief concern in a linguistic map, and for the purpose of
establishing these, and, in a rough way, the boundaries of the territory
held by the tribes composing them, these data are very important, and
when compared with one another and corrected by more definite data, when
such are at hand, they have usually been found to be sufficient for the


In conclusion, the more important deductions derivable from the data
upon which the linguistic map is based, or that are suggested by it, may
be summarized as follows:

First, the North American Indian tribes, instead of speaking related
dialects, originating in a single parent language, in reality speak many
languages belonging to distinct families, which have no apparent unity
of origin.

Second, the Indian population of North America was greatly exaggerated
by early writers, and instead of being large was in reality small as
compared with the vast territory occupied and the abundant food supply;
and furthermore, the population had nowhere augmented sufficiently,
except possibly in California, to press upon the food supply.

Third, although representing a small population, the numerous tribes had
overspread North America and had possessed themselves of all the
territory, which, in the case of a great majority of tribes, was owned
in common by the tribe.

Fourth, prior to the advent of the European, the tribes were probably
nearly in a state of equilibrium, and were in the main sedentary, and
those tribes which can be said with propriety to have been nomadic
became so only after the advent of the European, and largely as the
direct result of the acquisition of the horse and the introduction of

Fifth, while agriculture was general among the tribes of the eastern
United States, and while it was spreading among western tribes, its
products were nowhere sufficient wholly to emancipate the Indian from
the hunter state.

       *       *       *       *       *


Within the area covered by the map there are recognized fifty-eight
distinct linguistic families.

These are enumerated in alphabetical order and each is accompanied by
a table of the synonyms of the family name, together with a brief
statement of the geographical area occupied by each family, so far as it
is known. A list of the principal tribes of each family also is given.


  = Adaize, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306,
  1836. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., II, 31-59, 1846. Latham,
  Opuscula, 293, 1860. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848.
  Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham, Elements
  Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to as one of the most isolated
  languages of N.A.). Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So.
  Am.), 478, 1878 (or Adees).

  = Adaizi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847.

  = Adaise, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.

  = Adahi, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Latham in Trans. Philolog.
  Soc., Lond., 103, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 366, 368, 1860. Latham,
  Elements Comp., Phil., 473, 477, 1863 (same as his Adaize above).

  = Adaes, Buschmann, Spuren der aztekischen Sprache, 424, 1859.

  = Adees. Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.) 478, 1878
  (same as his Adaize).

  = Adái, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., 41, 1884.

Derivation: From a Caddo word hadai, sig. “brush wood.”

This family was based upon the language spoken by a single tribe who,
according to Dr. Sibley, lived about the year 1800 near the old Spanish
fort or mission of Adaize, “about 40 miles from Natchitoches, below the
Yattassees, on a lake called Lac Macdon, which communicates with the
division of Red River that passes by Bayau Pierre.”[6] A vocabulary of
about two hundred and fifty words is all that remains to us of their
language, which according to the collector, Dr. Sibley, “differs from
all others, and is so difficult to speak or understand that no nation
can speak ten words of it.”

    [Footnote 6: Travels of Lewis and Clarke, London, 1809, p. 189.]

It was from an examination of Sibley’s vocabulary that Gallatin reached
the conclusion of the distinctness of this language from any other
known, an opinion accepted by most later authorities. A recent
comparison of this vocabulary by Mr. Gatschet, with several Caddoan
dialects, has led to the discovery that a considerable percentage of the
Adái words have a more or less remote affinity with Caddoan, and he
regards it as a Caddoan dialect. The amount of material, however,
necessary to establish its relationship to Caddoan is not at present
forthcoming, and it may be doubted if it ever will be, as recent inquiry
has failed to reveal the existence of a single member of the tribe, or
of any individual of the tribes once surrounding the Adái who remembers
a word of the language.

Mr. Gatschet found that some of the older Caddo in the Indian Territory
remembered the Adái as one of the tribes formerly belonging to the Caddo
Confederacy. More than this he was unable to learn from them.

Owing to their small numbers, their remoteness from lines of travel, and
their unwarlike character the Adái have cut but a small figure in
history, and accordingly the known facts regarding them are very meager.
The first historical mention of them appears to be by Cabeça de Vaca,
who in his “Naufragios,” referring to his stay in Texas, about 1530,
calls them Atayos. Mention is also made of them by several of the early
French explorers of the Mississippi, as d’Iberville and Joutel.

The Mission of Adayes, so called from its proximity to the home of the
tribe, was established in 1715. In 1792 there was a partial emigration
of the Adái to the number of fourteen families to a site south of San
Antonio de Bejar, southwest Texas, where apparently they amalgamated
with the surrounding Indian population and were lost sight of. (From
documents preserved at the City Hall, San Antonio, and examined by Mr.
Gatschet in December, 1886.) The Adái who were left in their old homes
numbered one hundred in 1802, according to Baudry de Lozieres. According
to Sibley, in 1809 there were only “twenty men of them remaining, but
more women.” In 1820 Morse mentions only thirty survivors.


  > Algonkin-Lenape, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 23, 305,
  1836. Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid, 1852.

  > Algonquin, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 337, 1840. Prichard Phys.
  Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847 (follows Gallatin).

  > Algonkins, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77,
  1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.

  > Algonkin, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rept., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (gives
  Delaware and Shawnee vocabs.). Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri
  Inds., 232, 1862 (treats only of Crees, Blackfeet, Shyennes). Hale in
  Am. Antiq., 112, April, 1883 (treated with reference to migration).

  < Algonkin, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 1856 (adds to
  Gallatin’s list of 1836 the Bethuck, Shyenne, Blackfoot, and
  Arrapaho). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860 (as in preceding). Latham,
  Elements Comp. Phil, 447, 1862.

  < Algonquin, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp., (Cent. and S. Am.), 460,
  465, 1878 (list includes the Maquas, an Iroquois tribe).

  > Saskatschawiner, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (probably
  designates the Arapaho).

  > Arapahoes, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  X Algonkin und Beothuk, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

Derivation: Contracted from Algomequin, an Algonkin word, signifying
“those on the other side of the river,” i.e., the St. Lawrence River.


The area formerly occupied by the Algonquian family was more extensive
than that of any other linguistic stock in North America, their
territory reaching from Labrador to the Rocky Mountains, and from
Churchill River of Hudson Bay as far south at least as Pamlico Sound of
North Carolina. In the eastern part of this territory was an area
occupied by Iroquoian tribes, surrounded on almost all sides by their
Algonquian neighbors. On the south the Algonquian tribes were bordered
by those of Iroquoian and Siouan (Catawba) stock, on the southwest and
west by the Muskhogean and Siouan tribes, and on the northwest by the
Kitunahan and the great Athapascan families, while along the coast of
Labrador and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay they came in contact with
the Eskimo, who were gradually retreating before them to the north. In
Newfoundland they encountered the Beothukan family, consisting of but a
single tribe. A portion of the Shawnee at some early period had
separated from the main body of the tribe in central Tennessee and
pushed their way down to the Savannah River in South Carolina, where,
known as Savannahs, they carried on destructive wars with the
surrounding tribes until about the beginning of the eighteenth century
they were finally driven out and joined the Delaware in the north. Soon
afterwards the rest of the tribe was expelled by the Cherokee and
Chicasa, who thenceforward claimed all the country stretching north to
the Ohio River.

The Cheyenne and Arapaho, two allied tribes of this stock, had become
separated from their kindred on the north and had forced their way
through hostile tribes across the Missouri to the Black Hills country of
South Dakota, and more recently into Wyoming and Colorado, thus forming
the advance guard of the Algonquian stock in that direction, having the
Siouan tribes behind them and those of the Shoshonean family in front.


  Abnaki.         Menominee.    Ottawa.
  Algonquin.      Miami.          Pamlico.
  Arapaho.        Micmac.         Pennacook.
  Cheyenne.       Mohegan.        Pequot.
  Conoy.          Montagnais.     Piankishaw.
  Cree.           Montauk.        Pottawotomi.
  Delaware.       Munsee.         Powhatan.
  Fox.            Nanticoke.      Sac.
  Illinois.       Narraganset.    Shawnee.
  Kickapoo.       Nauset.         Siksika.
  Mahican.        Nipmuc.         Wampanoag.
  Massachuset.    Ojibwa.         Wappinger.

_Population._--The present number of the Algonquian stock is about
95,600, of whom about 60,000 are in Canada and the remainder in the
United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the United States Indian
Commissioner’s report for 1889 and the Canadian Indian report for 1888.
It is impossible to give exact figures, owing to the fact that in many
instances two or more tribes are enumerated together, while many
individuals are living with other tribes or amongst the whites:

    “Oldtown Indians,” Maine                                  410
    Passamaquoddy Indians, Maine                              215?
    Abenakis of St. Francis and Bécancour, Quebec             369
    “Amalecites” of Témiscouata and Viger, Quebec             198
    “Amalecites” of Madawaska, etc., New Brunswick            683
                                                            -----  1,874?
    Of Renfrew, Golden Lake and Carleton, Ontario             797
    With Iroquois (total 131) at Gibson, Ontario               31?
    With Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec             30
    Quebec Province                                         3,909
                                                            -----  4,767?
    Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory           1,272
    Shoshone Agency, Wyoming (Northern Arapaho)               885
    Carlisle school, Pennsylvania,
      and Lawrence school, Kansas                              55
                                                            -----  2,212
    Pine Ridge Agency, South Dakota (Northern Cheyenne)       517
    Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory           2,091
    Carlisle school, Pennsylvania,
      and Lawrence school, Kansas                             153
    Tongue River Agency, Montana (Northern Cheyenne)          865
                                                            -----  3,626
    With Salteau in Manitoba, etc., British America
      (treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5: total, 6,066)             3,066?
    Plain and Wood Cree, treaty No. 6, Manitoba, etc.       5,790
    Cree (with Salteau, etc.), treaty No. 4,
      Manitoba, etc.                                        8,530
                                                            ----- 17,386?
  Delaware, etc.:
    Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Agency, Indian Territory      95
    Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory            1,000?
    Delaware with the Seneca in New York                        3
    Hampton and Lawrence schools                                3
    Muncie in New York,
      principally with Onondaga and Seneca                     36
    Munsee with Stockbridge (total 133),
      Green Bay Agency, Wis.                                   23?
    Munsee with Chippewa at Pottawatomie and
      Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas (total 75)                   37?
    Munsee with Chippewa on the Thames, Ontario               131
    “Moravians” of the Thames, Ontario                        288
    Delaware with Six Nations on Grand River, Ontario         134
                                                            -----  1,750?
    Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory                      325
    Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas              237
    In Mexico                                                 200?
                                                            -----    762?
    Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin                             1,311
    Carlisle school                                             1
                                                            -----  1,312
    Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory                            67
    Indiana, no agency                                        300?
    Lawrence and Carlisle schools                               7
                                                            -----    374?
    Restigouche, Maria, and Gaspé, Quebec                     732
    In Nova Scotia                                          2,145
    New Brunswick                                             912
    Prince Edward Island                                      319
                                                            -----  4,108
    Alnwick, New Credit, etc., Ontario                               774

  Monsoni, Maskegon, etc.:
    Eastern Rupert’s Land, British America                         4,016

    Betsiamits, Lake St. John, Grand Romaine, etc., Quebec  1,607
    Seven Islands, Quebec                                     312
                                                            -----  1,919
    Lower St. Lawrence, Quebec                                     2,860

    White Earth Agency, Minnesota                           6,263
    La Pointe Agency, Wisconsin                             4,778
    Mackinac Agency, Michigan
      (about one-third of 5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)        1,854?
    Mackinac Agency, Michigan (Chippewa alone)              1,351
    Devil’s Lake Agency, North Dakota
      (Turtle Mountain Chippewa)                            1,340
    Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas
      (one-half of 75 Chippewa and Muncie)                     38?
    Lawrence and Carlisle schools                              15
    “Ojibbewas” of Lake Superior and Lake Huron, Ontario    5,201
    “Chippewas” of Sarnia, etc., Ontario                    1,956
    “Chippewas” with Munsees on Thames, Ontario               454
    “Chippewas” with Pottawatomies
      on Walpole Island, Ontario                              658
    “Ojibbewas” with Ottawas (total 1,856)
      on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Ontario             928?
    “Salteaux” of treaty Nos. 3 and 4, etc.,
      Manitoba, etc.                                        4,092
    “Chippewas” with Crees in Manitoba, etc.,
      treaties Nos. 1, 2, and 5 (total Chippewa
      and Cree, 6,066)                                      3,000?
                                                            ----- 31,928?
    Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory                           137
    Mackinac Agency, Michigan (5,563 Ottawa and Chippewa)   3,709?
    Lawrence and Carlisle schools                              20
    With “Ojibbewas” on Manitoulin and Cockburn
      Islands, Ontario                                        928
                                                            -----  4,794?
  Peoria, etc.:
    Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory                           160
    Lawrence and Carlisle schools                               5
                                                            -----    165
    Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory                      480
    Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas              462
    Mackinac Agency, Michigan                                  77
    Prairie band, Wisconsin                                   280
    Carlisle, Lawrence and Hampton schools                    117
    With Chippewa on Walpole Island, Ontario                  166
                                                            -----  1,582
  Sac and Fox:
    Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory                      515
    Sac and Fox Agency, Iowa                                  381
    Pottawatomie and Great Nemaha Agency, Kansas               77
    Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools                     8
                                                            -----    981
    Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory                            79
    Sac and Fox Agency, Indian Territory                      640
    Incorporated with Cherokee, Indian Territory              800?
    Lawrence, Carlisle, and Hampton schools                    40
                                                            -----  1,559?
    Blackfoot Agency, Montana. (Blackfoot, Blood, Piegan)   1,811
    Blackfoot reserves in Alberta, British America
      (with Sarcee and Assiniboine)                         4,932
                                                            -----  6,743
  Stockbridge (Mahican):
    Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin                               110
    In New York (with Tuscarora and Seneca)                     7
    Carlisle school                                             4
                                                            -----    121


  > Athapascas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 16,
  305, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847. Gallatin in
  Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1845),
  Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Turner in “Literary World,”
  281, April 17, 1852 (refers Apache and Navajo to this family on
  linguistic evidence).

  > Athapaccas, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.
  (Evident misprint.)

  > Athapascan, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 84, 1856. (Mere
  mention of family; Apaches and congeners belong to this family, as
  shown by him in “Literary World.” Hoopah also asserted to be

  > Athabaskans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 302, 1850. (Under Northern
  Athabaskans, includes Chippewyans Proper, Beaver Indians, Daho-dinnis,
  Strong Bows, Hare Indians, Dog-ribs, Yellow Knives, Carriers. Under
  Southern Athabaskans, includes (p. 308) Kwalioqwa, Tlatskanai, Umkwa.)

  = Athabaskan, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 65, 96, 1856.
  Buschmann (1854), Der athapaskische Sprachstamm, 250, 1856 (Hoopahs,
  Apaches, and Navajoes included). Latham, Opuscula, 333, 1860. Latham,
  El. Comp. Phil., 388, 1862. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II,
  31-50, 1846 (indicates the coalescence of Athabascan family with
  Esquimaux). Latham (1844), in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 161, 1848
  (Nagail and Taculli referred to Athabascan). Scouler (1846), in Jour.
  Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 230, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 257, 259, 276, 1860.
  Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 463, 1878.

  > Kinai, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14, 305,
  1836 (Kinai and Ugaljachmutzi; considered to form a distinct family,
  though affirmed to have affinities with western Esquimaux and with
  Athapascas). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 440-448, 1847 (follows
  Gallatin; also affirms a relationship to Aztec). Gallatin in Trans.
  Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.

  > Kenay, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 32-34, 1846.
  Latham, Opuscula, 275, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 389, 1862
  (referred to Esquimaux stock).

  > Kinætzi, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 441, 1847 (same as his
  Kinai above).

  > Kenai, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, xcix, 1848 (see Kinai
  above). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 695, 1856 (refers it to

  X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841.
  (Includes Atnas, Kolchans, and Kenáïes of present family.)

  X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as his Northern family).

  > Chepeyans, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 375, 1847 (same as
  Athapascas above).

  > Tahkali-Umkwa, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 201, 569, 1846
  (“a branch of the great Chippewyan, or Athapascan, stock;” includes
  Carriers, Qualioguas, Tlatskanies, Umguas). Gallatin, after Hale in
  Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 9, 1848.

  > Digothi, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Digothi,
  Loucheux, ibid. 1852.

  > Lipans, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (Lipans (Sipans) between
  Rio Arkansas and Rio Grande).

  > Tototune, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (seacoast south of the

  > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (“perhaps Athapascas”).

  > Umkwa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 72, 1854 (a single
  tribe). Latham, Opuscula, 300, 1860.

  > Tahlewah. Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853
  (a single tribe). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856
  (a single tribe). Latham. Opuscula, 342, 1860.

  > Tolewa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (vocab. from Smith
  River, Oregon; affirmed to be distinct from any neighboring tongue).
  Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Miscellany, 438, 1877.

  > Hoo-pah, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (tribe on
  Lower Trinity, California).

  > Hoopa, Powers in Overland Monthly, 135, August, 1872.

  > Hú-pâ, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 72, 1877 (affirmed to be

  = Tinneh, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass. A. S., XVIII, 269, 1869 (chiefly
  Alaskan tribes). Dall, Alaska and its Resources, 428, 1870. Dall in
  Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 24, 1877. Bancroft, Native Races, III, 562, 583,
  603, 1882.

  = Tinné, Gatschet in Mag. Am, Hist., 165, 1877 (special mention of
  Hoopa, Rogue River, Umpqua.) Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 440, 1877.
  Gatschet in Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 406, 1879. Tolmie and
  Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72,

  = Tinney, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  463, 1878.

  X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
  1878; or Lutuami, (Lototens and Tolewahs of his list belong here.)

Derivation: From the lake of the same name; signifying, according to
Lacombe, “place of hay and reeds.”

As defined by Gallatin, the area occupied by this great family is
included in a line drawn from the mouth of the Churchill or Missinippi
River to its source; thence along the ridge which separates the north
branch of the Saskatchewan from those of the Athapascas to the Rocky
Mountains; and thence northwardly till within a hundred miles of the
Pacific Ocean, in latitude 52° 30'.

The only tribe within the above area excepted by Gallatin as of probably
a different stock was the Quarrelers or Loucheux, living at the mouth of
Mackenzie River. This tribe, however, has since been ascertained to be

The Athapascan family thus occupied almost the whole of British Columbia
and of Alaska, and was, with the exception of the Eskimo, by whom they
were cut off on nearly all sides from the ocean, the most northern
family in North America.

Since Gallatin’s time the history of this family has been further
elucidated by the discovery on the part of Hale and Turner that isolated
branches of the stock have become established in Oregon, California, and
along the southern border of the United States.

The boundaries of the Athapascan family, as now understood, are best
given under three primary groups--Northern, Pacific, and Southern.

_Northern group_.--This includes all the Athapascan tribes of British
North America and Alaska. In the former region the Athapascans occupy
most of the western interior, being bounded on the north by the Arctic
Eskimo, who inhabit a narrow strip of coast; on the east by the Eskimo
of Hudson’s Bay as far south as Churchill River, south of which river
the country is occupied by Algonquian tribes. On the south the
Athapascan tribes extended to the main ridge between the Athapasca and
Saskatchewan Rivers, where they met Algonquian tribes; west of this area
they were bounded on the south by Salishan tribes, the limits of whose
territory on Fraser River and its tributaries appear on Tolmie and
Dawson’s map of 1884. On the west, in British Columbia, the Athapascan
tribes nowhere reach the coast, being cut off by the Wakashan, Salishan,
and Chimmesyan families.

The interior of Alaska is chiefly occupied by tribes of this family.
Eskimo tribes have encroached somewhat upon the interior along the
Yukon, Kuskokwim, Kowak, and Noatak Rivers, reaching on the Yukon to
somewhat below Shageluk Island,[7] and on the Kuskokwim nearly or quite
to Kolmakoff Redoubt.[8] Upon the two latter they reach quite to their
heads.[9] A few Kutchin tribes are (or have been) north of the Porcupine
and Yukon Rivers, but until recently it has not been known that they
extended north beyond the Yukon and Romanzoff Mountains. Explorations of
Lieutenant Stoney, in 1885, establish the fact that the region to the
north of those mountains is occupied by Athapascan tribes, and the map
is colored accordingly. Only in two places in Alaska do the Athapascan
tribes reach the coast--the K’naia-khotana, on Cook’s Inlet, and the
Ahtena, of Copper River.

    [Footnote 7: Dall, Map Alaska, 1877.]

    [Footnote 8: Fide Nelson in Dall’s address, Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci.,
    1885, p. 13.]

    [Footnote 9: Cruise of the _Corwin_, 1887.]

_Pacific group_.--Unlike the tribes of the Northern group, most of those
of the Pacific group have removed from their priscan habitats since the
advent of the white race. The Pacific group embraces the following:
Kwalhioqua, formerly on Willopah River, Washington, near the Lower
Chinook;[10] Owilapsh, formerly between Shoalwater Bay and the heads of
the Chehalis River, Washington, the territory of these two tribes being
practically continuous; Tlatscanai, formerly on a small stream on the
northwest side of Wapatoo Island.[11] Gibbs was informed by an old
Indian that this tribe “formerly owned the prairies on the Tsihalis at
the mouth of the Skukumchuck, but, on the failure of game, left the
country, crossed the Columbia River, and occupied the mountains to the
south”--a statement of too uncertain character to be depended upon; the
Athapascan tribes now on the Grande Ronde and Siletz Reservations,
Oregon,[12] whose villages on and near the coast extended from Coquille
River southward to the California line, including, among others, the
Upper Coquille, Sixes, Euchre, Creek, Joshua, Tutu tûnnĕ, and other
“Rogue River” or “Tou-touten bands,” Chasta Costa, Galice Creek,
Naltunne tûnnĕ and Chetco villages;[13] the Athapascan villages formerly
on Smith River and tributaries, California;[14] those villages extending
southward from Smith River along the California coast to the mouth of
Klamath River;[15] the Hupâ villages or “clans” formerly on Lower
Trinity River, California;[16] the Kenesti or Wailakki (2), located as
follows: “They live along the western slope of the Shasta Mountains,
from North Eel River, above Round Valley, to Hay Fork; along Eel and Mad
Rivers, extending down the latter about to Low Gap; also on Dobbins and
Larrabie Creeks;”[17] and Saiaz, who “formerly occupied the tongue of
land jutting down between Eel River and Van Dusen’s Fork.”[18]

    [Footnote 10: Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep. I, 1855, p. 428.]

    [Footnote 11: Lewis and Clarke, Exp., 1814, vol. 2, p. 382.]

    [Footnote 12: Gatschet and Dorsey, MS., 1883-’84.]

    [Footnote 13: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.]

    [Footnote 14: Hamilton, MS., Haynarger Vocab., B.E.; Powers,
    Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 65.]

    [Footnote 15: Dorsey, MS., map, 1884, B.E.]

    [Footnote 16: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, pp. 72, 73.]

    [Footnote 17: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 114.]

    [Footnote 18: Powers, Contr. N.A. Ethn., 1877, vol. 3, p. 122.]

_Southern group_.--Includes the Navajo, Apache, and Lipan. Engineer José
Cortez, one of the earliest authorities on these tribes, writing in
1799, defines the boundaries of the Lipan and Apache as extending north
and south from 29° N. to 36° N., and east and west from 99° W. to 114°
W.; in other words from central Texas nearly to the Colorado River in
Arizona, where they met tribes of the Yuman stock. The Lipan occupied
the eastern part of the above territory, extending in Texas from the
Comanche country (about Red River) south to the Rio Grande.[19] More
recently both Lipan and Apache have gradually moved southward into
Mexico where they extend as far as Durango.[20]

    [Footnote 19: Cortez in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1856, vol. 3, pt. 3,
    pp. 118, 119.]

    [Footnote 20: Bartlett, Pers. Narr., 1854; Orozco y Berra, Geog.,

The Navajo, since first known to history, have occupied the country on
and south of the San Juan River in northern New Mexico and Arizona and
extending into Colorado and Utah. They were surrounded on all sides by
the cognate Apache except upon the north, where they meet Shoshonean


  A. Northern group:    B. Pacific group:        C. Southern group:

    Ah-tena.            Ătaăkût.                 Arivaipa.
    Kaiyuh-khotana.     Chasta Costa.            Chiricahua.
    Kcaltana.           Chetco.                  Coyotero.
    K’naia-khotana.     Dakube tede              Faraone.
    Koyukukhotana.        (on Applegate Creek).  Gileño.
    Kutchin.            Euchre Creek.            Jicarilla.
    Montagnais.         Hupâ.                    Lipan.
    Montagnards.        Kălts’erea tûnnĕ.        Llanero.
    Nagailer.           Kenesti or Wailakki.     Mescalero.
    Slave.              Kwalhioqua.              Mimbreño.
    Sluacus-tinneh.     Kwaʇami.                 Mogollon.
    Taculli.            Micikqwûtme tûnnĕ.       Na-isha.
    Tahl-tan (1).       Mikono tûnnĕ.            Navajo.
    Unakhotana.         Owilapsh.                Pinal Coyotero.
                        Qwinctûnnetûn.           Tchĕkûn.
                        Saiaz.                   Tchishi.
                        Taltûctun tûde.
                          (on Galice Creek).
                        Tcêmê (Joshuas).
                        Tcĕtlĕstcan tûnnĕ.
                        Tutu tûnnĕ.

_Population._--The present number of the Athapascan family is about
32,899, of whom about 8,595, constituting the Northern group, are in
Alaska and British North America, according to Dall, Dawson, and the
Canadian Indian-Report for 1888; about 895, comprising the Pacific
group, are in Washington, Oregon, and California; and about 23,409,
belonging to the Southern group, are in Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado,
and Indian Territory. Besides these are the Lipan and some refugee
Apache, who are in Mexico. These have not been included in the above
enumeration, as there are no means of ascertaining their number.

Northern group.--This may be said to consist of the following:
  Ah-tena (1877)                                                     364?
  Ai-yan (1888)                                                      250
  Al-ta-tin (Sicannie) estimated (1888)                              500
    of whom there are at Fort Halkett (1887)                   73
    of whom there are at Fort Liard (1887)                     78
  Chippewyan, Yellow Knives, with a few Slave and Dog Rib
    at Fort Resolution                                               469
  Dog Rib at Fort Norman                                             133
  Dog Rib, Slave, and Yellow Knives at Fort Rae                      657
  Hare at Fort Good Hope                                             364
  Hare at Fort Norman                                                103
  Kai-yuh-kho-tána (1877), Koyukukhotána (1877),
    and Unakhotána (1877)                                          2,000?
  K’nai-a Khotána (1880)                                             250?
  Kutchin and Bastard Loucheux at Fort Good Hope                      95
  Kutchin at Peel River and La Pierre’s House                        337
  Kutchin on the Yukon (six tribes)                                  842
  Nahanie at Fort Good Hope                                     8
  Nahanie at Fort Halkett (including Mauvais Monde,
    Bastard Nahanie, and Mountain Indians)                    332
  Nahanie at Fort Liard                                        38
  Nahanie at Fort Norman                                       43
  Nahanie at Fort Simpson and Big Island
    (Hudson Bay Company’s Territory)                                  87
  Slave, Dog Rib, and Hare at Fort Simpson and Big Island
    (Hudson Bay Company’s Territory)                                 658
  Slave at Fort Liard                                                281
  Slave at Fort Norman                                                84
  Tenán Kutchin (1877)                                               700?

To the Pacific Group may be assigned the following:
  Hupa Indians, on Hoopa Valley Reservation, California              468
  Rogue River Indians at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon             47
  Siletz Reservation, Oregon
    (about one-half the Indians thereon)                             300?
  Umpqua at Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon                          80

Southern Group, consisting of Apache, Lipan, and Navajo:
  Apache children at Carlisle, Pennsylvania                          142
  Apache prisoners at Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama                 356
  Coyotero Apache (San Carlos Reservation)                           733?
  Jicarilla Apache (Southern Ute Reservation, Colorado)              808
  Lipan with Tonkaway on Oakland Reserve, Indian Territory            15?
  Mescalero Apache (Mescalero Reservation, New Mexico)               513
  Na-isha Apache (Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation,
    Indian Territory)                                                326
  Navajo (most on Navajo Reservation, Arizona
    and New Mexico; 4 at Carlisle, Pennsylvania)                  17,208
  San Carlos Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona)              1,352?
  White Mountain Apache (San Carlos Reservation, Arizona)             36
  White Mountain Apache
    (under military at Camp Apache, Arizona)                       1,920


  = Attacapas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
  306, 1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II. pt. 1, xcix, 77,
  1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 343, 1850 (includes Attacapas and
  Carankuas). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.
  Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 426, 1859.

  = Attacapa, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846.
  Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (or “Men eaters”). Latham
  in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 105, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 293,

  = Attakapa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856. Latham,
  Opuscula, 366, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 477, 1862 (referred to
  as one of the two most isolated languages of N.A.).

  = Atákapa, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Leg., I, 45, 1884. Gatschet in
  Science, 414, Apr. 29, 1887.

Derivation: From a Choctaw word meaning “man-eater.”

Little is known of the tribe, the language of which forms the basis of
the present family. The sole knowledge possessed by Gallatin was derived
from a vocabulary and some scanty information furnished by Dr. John
Sibley, who collected his material in the year 1805. Gallatin states
that the tribe was reduced to 50 men. According to Dr. Sibley the
Attacapa language was spoken also by another tribe, the “Carankouas,”
who lived on the coast of Texas, and who conversed in their own language
besides. In 1885 Mr. Gatschet visited the section formerly inhabited by
the Attacapa and after much search discovered one man and two women at
Lake Charles, Calcasieu Parish, Louisiana, and another woman living 10
miles to the south; he also heard of five other women then scattered in
western Texas; these are thought to be the only survivors of the tribe.
Mr. Gatschet collected some two thousand words and a considerable body
of text. His vocabulary differs considerably from the one furnished by
Dr. Sibley and published by Gallatin, and indicates that the language of
the western branch of the tribe was dialectically distinct from that of
their brethren farther to the east.

The above material seems to show that the Attacapa language is distinct
from all others, except possibly the Chitimachan.


  = Bethuck, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (stated to
  be “Algonkin rather than aught else”). Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860.
  Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 453, 1862.

  = Beothuk, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., 408, Oct., 1885.
  Gatschet, ibid., 411, July, 1886 (language affirmed to represent a
  distinct linguistic family). Gatschet, ibid., 1, Jan-June, 1890.

Derivation: Beothuk signifies “Indian” or “red Indian.”

The position of the language spoken by the aborigines of Newfoundland
must be considered to be doubtful.

In 1846 Latham examined the material then accessible, and was led to the
somewhat ambiguous statement that the language “was akin to those of the
ordinary American Indians rather than to the Eskimo; further
investigation showing that, of the ordinary American languages, it was
Algonkin rather than aught else.”

Since then Mr. Gatschet has been able to examine a much larger and more
satisfactory body of material, and although neither in amount nor
quality is the material sufficient to permit final and satisfactory
deductions, yet so far as it goes it shows that the language is quite
distinct from any of the Algonquian dialects, and in fact from any other
American tongue.


It seems highly probable that the whole of Newfoundland at the time of
its discovery by Cabot in 1497 was inhabited by Beothuk Indians.

In 1534 Cartier met with Indians inhabiting the southeastern part of the
island, who, very likely, were of this people, though the description is
too vague to permit certain identification. A century later the southern
portion of the island appears to have been abandoned by these Indians,
whoever they were, on account of European settlements, and only the
northern and eastern parts of the island were occupied by them. About
the beginning of the eighteenth century western Newfoundland was
colonized by the Micmac from Nova Scotia. As a consequence of the
persistent warfare which followed the advent of the latter and which was
also waged against the Beothuk by the Europeans, especially the French,
the Beothuk rapidly wasted in numbers. Their main territory was soon
confined to the neighborhood of the Exploits River. The tribe was
finally lost sight of about 1827, having become extinct, or possibly the
few survivors having crossed to the Labrador coast and joined the
Nascapi with whom the tribe had always been on friendly terms.

Upon the map only the small portion of the island is given to the
Beothuk which is known definitely to have been occupied by them, viz.,
the neighborhood of the Exploits River, though, as stated above, it
seems probable that the entire island was once in their possession.


  > Caddoes, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116, 306,
  1836 (based on Caddoes alone). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406,
  1847. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1858 [gives as
  languages Caddo, Red River, (Nandakoes, Tachies, Nabedaches)].

  > Caddokies, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
  1836 (same as his Caddoes). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 406,

  > Caddo, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846
  (indicates affinities with Iroquois, Muskoge, Catawba, Pawnee).
  Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848, (Caddo
  only). Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848 (Caddos, etc.).
  Ibid., 1852. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (between the
  Mississippi and Sabine). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 101,
  1856. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 70, 1856 (finds
  resemblances to Pawnee but keeps them separate). Buschmann, Spuren der
  aztek. Sprache, 426, 448, 1859. Latham, Opuscula, 290, 366, 1860.

  > Caddo, Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 470, 1862 (includes Pawni and

  > Pawnees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 128, 306,
  1836 (two nations: Pawnees proper and Ricaras or Black Pawnees).
  Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin).
  Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham, Nat.
  Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (or Panis; includes Loup and Republican Pawnees).
  Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (gives as
  languages: Pawnees, Ricaras, Tawakeroes, Towekas, Wachos?). Hayden,
  Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Indians, 232, 345, 1863 (includes
  Pawnees and Arikaras).

  > Panis, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 117, 128,
  1836 (of Red River of Texas; mention of villages; doubtfully indicated
  as of Pawnee family). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847
  (supposed from name to be of same race with Pawnees of the Arkansa).
  Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (Pawnees or). Gallatin in
  Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853 (here kept separate from
  Pawnee family).

  > Pawnies, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (see
  Pawnee above).

  > Pahnies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

  > Pawnee(?), Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 65, 1856
  (Kichai and Hueco vocabularies).

  = Pawnee, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 478,
  1878 (gives four groups, viz: Pawnees proper; Arickarees; Wichitas;

  = Pani, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 42, 1884. Berghaus, Physik.
  Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  > Towiaches. Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
  128, 1836 (same as Panis above). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V,
  407, 1847.

  > Towiachs, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (includes Towiach,
  Tawakenoes, Towecas?, Wacos).

  > Towiacks, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.

  > Natchitoches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
  1836 (stated by Dr. Sibley to speak a language different from any
  other). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 342, 1850. Prichard, Phys. Hist.
  Mankind, V, 406, 1847 (after Gallatin). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
  Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (a single tribe only).

  > Aliche, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (near Nacogdoches; not

  > Yatassees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 116,
  1836 (the single tribe; said by Dr. Sibley to be different from any
  other; referred to as a family).

  > Riccarees, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 344, 1850 (kept distinct from
  Pawnee family).

  > Washita, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 103, 1856.
  Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 441, 1859 (revokes previous
  opinion of its distinctness and refers it to Pawnee family).

  > Witchitas, Buschmann, ibid., (same as his Washita).

Derivation: From the Caddo term ka´-ede, signifying “chief” (Gatschet).

The Pawnee and Caddo, now known to be of the same linguistic family,
were supposed by Gallatin and by many later writers to be distinct, and
accordingly both names appear in the Archæologia Americana as family
designations. Both names are unobjectionable, but as the term Caddo has
priority by a few pages preference is given to it.

Gallatin states “that the Caddoes formerly lived 300 miles up Red River
but have now moved to a branch of Red River.” He refers to the
Nandakoes, the Inies or Tachies, and the Nabedaches as speaking dialects
of the Caddo language.

Under Pawnee two tribes were included by Gallatin: The Pawnees proper
and the Ricaras. The Pawnee tribes occupied the country on the Platte
River adjoining the Loup Fork. The Ricara towns were on the upper
Missouri in latitude 46° 30'. The boundaries of the Caddoan family, as
at present understood, can best be given under three primary groups,
Northern, Middle, and Southern.

_Northern group_.--This comprises the Arikara or Ree, now confined to a
small village (on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota,) which they
share with the Mandan and Hidatsa tribes of the Siouan family. The
Arikara are the remains of ten different tribes of “Paneas,” who had
been driven from their country lower down the Missouri River (near the
Ponka habitat in northern Nebraska) by the Dakota. In 1804 they were in
three villages, nearer their present location.[21]

    [Footnote 21: Lewis, Travels of Lewis and Clarke, 15, 1809.]

According to Omaha tradition, the Arikara were their allies when these
two tribes and several others were east of the Mississippi River.[22]
Fort Berthold Reservation, their present abode, is in the northwest
corner of North Dakota.

    [Footnote 22: Dorsey in Am. Naturalist, March, 1886, p. 215.]

_Middle group_.--This includes the four tribes or villages of Pawnee,
the Grand, Republican, Tapage, and Skidi. Dunbar says: “The original
hunting ground of the Pawnee extended from the Niobrara,” in Nebraska,
“south to the Arkansas, but no definite boundaries can be fixed.” In
modern times their villages have been on the Platte River west of
Columbus, Nebraska. The Omaha and Oto were sometimes southeast of them
near the mouth of the Platte, and the Comanche were northwest of them on
the upper part of one of the branches of the Loup Fork.[23] The Pawnee
were removed to Indian Territory in 1876. The Grand Pawnee and Tapage
did not wander far from their habitat on the Platte. The Republican
Pawnee separated from the Grand about the year 1796, and made a village
on a “large northwardly branch of the Kansas River, to which they have
given their name; afterwards they subdivided, and lived in different
parts of the country on the waters of Kansas River. In 1805 they
rejoined the Grand Pawnee.” The Skidi (Panimaha, or Pawnee Loup),
according to Omaha tradition,[24] formerly dwelt east of the Mississippi
River, where they were the allies of the Arikara, Omaha, Ponka, etc.
After their passage of the Missouri they were conquered by the Grand
Pawnee, Tapage, and Republican tribes, with whom they have remained to
this day. De L’Isle[25] gives twelve Panimaha villages on the Missouri
River north of the Pani villages on the Kansas River.

    [Footnote 23: Dorsey, Omaha map of Nebraska.]

    [Footnote 24: Dorsey in Am. Nat., March, 1886, p. 215.]

    [Footnote 25: Carte de la Louisiane, 1718.]

_Southern group_.--This includes the Caddo, Wichita, Kichai, and other
tribes or villages which were formerly in Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas,
and Indian Territory.

The Caddo and Kichai have undoubtedly been removed from their priscan
habitats, but the Wichita, judging from the survival of local names
(Washita River, Indian Territory, Wichita Falls, Texas) and the
statement of La Harpe,[26] are now in or near one of their early abodes.
Dr. Sibley[27] locates the Caddo habitat 35 miles west of the main
branch of Red River, being 120 miles by land from Natchitoches, and they
formerly lived 375 miles higher up. Cornell’s Atlas (1870) places Caddo
Lake in the northwest corner of Louisiana, in Caddo County. It also
gives both Washita and Witchita as the name of a tributary of Red River
of Louisiana. This duplication of names seems to show that the Wichita
migrated from northwestern Louisiana and southwestern Arkansas to the
Indian Territory. After comparing the statements of Dr. Sibley (as
above) respecting the habitats of the Anadarko, Ioni, Nabadache, and
Eyish with those of Schermerhorn respecting the Kädo hadatco,[28] of Le
Page Du Pratz (1758) concerning the Natchitoches, of Tonti[29] and La
Harpe[30] about the Yatasi, of La Harpe (as above) about the Wichita,
and of Sibley concerning the Kichai, we are led to fix upon the
following as the approximate boundaries of the habitat of the southern
group of the Caddoan family: Beginning on the northwest with that part
of Indian Territory now occupied by the Wichita, Chickasaw, and Kiowa
and Comanche Reservations, and running along the southern border of the
Choctaw Reservation to the Arkansas line; thence due east to the
headwaters of Washita or Witchita River, Polk County, Arkansas; thence
through Arkansas and Louisiana along the western bank of that river to
its mouth; thence southwest through Louisiana striking the Sabine River
near Salem and Belgrade; thence southwest through Texas to Tawakonay
Creek, and along that stream to the Brazos River; thence following that
stream to Palo Pinto, Texas; thence northwest to the mouth of the North
Fork of Red River; and thence to the beginning.

    [Footnote 26: In 1719, _fide_ Margry, VI, 289, “the Ousita village
    is on the southwest branch of the Arkansas River.”]

    [Footnote 27: 1805, in Lewis and Clarke, Discov., 1806, p. 66.]

    [Footnote 28: Second Mass, Hist. Coll., vol. 2, 1814, p. 23.]

    [Footnote 29: 1690, in French, Hist. Coll. La., vol. 1, p. 72.]

    [Footnote 30: 1719, in Margry, vol. 6, p. 264.]


  A. Pawnee.
      Grand Pawnee.
      Republican Pawnee.

  B. Arikara.

  C. Wichita.
    (Ki-¢i´-tcac, Omaha pronunciation of the name of a Pawnee tribe,
     Ki-dhi´-chash or Ki-ri´-chash).

  D. Kichai.

  E. Caddo (Kä´-do).

_Population._--The present number of the Caddoan stock is 2,259, of whom
447 are on the Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota, and the rest in
the Indian Territory, some on the Ponca, Pawnee, and Otoe Reservation,
the others on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation. Below is
given the population of the tribes officially recognized, compiled
chiefly from the Indian Report for 1889:

  Arikara                                                            448
  Pawnee                                                             824
    Wichita                                                  176
    Towakarehu                                               145
    Waco                                                      64
                                                             ---     385
  Kichai                                                              63
  Caddo                                                              539
  Total                                                            2,259


  = Chimakum, Gibbs in Pac. R. R. Rep., I, 431, 1855 (family doubtful).

  = Chemakum, Eells in Am. Antiquarian, 52, Oct., 1880 (considers
  language different from any of its neighbors).

  < Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
  474, 1878 (Chinakum included in this group).

  < Nootka, Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Chimakum).

Derivation unknown.

Concerning this language Gibbs, as above cited, states as follows:

The language of the Chimakum “differs materially from either that of the
Clallams or the Nisqually, and is not understood by any of their
neighbors. In fact, they seem to have maintained it a State secret. To
what family it will ultimately be referred, cannot now be decided.”

Eells also asserts the distinctness of this language from any of its
neighbors. Neither of the above authors assigned the language family
rank, and accordingly Mr. Gatschet, who has made a comparison of
vocabularies and finds the language to be quite distinct from any other,
gives it the above name.

The Chimakum are said to have been formerly one of the largest and most
powerful tribes of Puget Sound. Their warlike habits early tended to
diminish their numbers, and when visited by Gibbs in 1854 they counted
only about seventy individuals. This small remnant occupied some fifteen
small lodges on Port Townsend Bay. According to Gibbs “their territory
seems to have embraced the shore from Port Townsend to Port Ludlow.”[31]
In 1884 there were, according to Mr. Myron Eells, about twenty
individuals left, most of whom are living near Port Townsend,
Washington. Three or four live upon the Skokomish Reservation at the
southern end of Hood’s Canal.

    [Footnote 31: Dr. Boas was informed in 1889, by a surviving Chimakum
    woman and several Clallam, that the tribe was confined to the
    peninsula between Hood’s Canal and Port Townsend.]

The Quile-ute, of whom in 1889 there were 252 living on the Pacific
south of Cape Flattery, belong to the family. The Hoh, a sub-tribe of
the latter, number 71 and are under the Puyallup Agency.


The following tribes are recognized:



  = Chim-a-ri´-ko, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 474, 1877. Gatschet
  in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882 (stated to be a distinct family).

According to Powers, this family was represented, so far as known, by
two tribes in California, one the Chi-mál-a-kwe, living on New River,
a branch of the Trinity, the other the Chimariko, residing upon the
Trinity itself from Burnt Ranch up to the mouth of North Fork,
California. The two tribes are said to have been as numerous formerly as
the Hupa, by whom they were overcome and nearly exterminated. Upon the
arrival of the Americans only twenty-five of the Chimalakwe were left.
In 1875 Powers collected a Chimariko vocabulary of about two hundred
words from a woman, supposed to be one of the last three women of that
tribe. In 1889 Mr. Curtin, while in Hoopa Valley, found a Chimariko man
seventy or more years old, who is believed to be one of the two living
survivors of the tribe. Mr. Curtin obtained a good vocabulary and much
valuable information relative to the former habitat and history of the
tribe. Although a study of these vocabularies reveals a number of words
having correspondences with the Kulanapan (Pomo) equivalents, yet the
greater number show no affinities with the dialects of the latter
family, or indeed with any other. The family is therefore classed as




  = Chimmesyan, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (between
  53° 30' and 55° 30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860.

    Chemmesyan, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes Naaskok,
  Chemmesyan, Kitshatlah, Kethumish). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc.
  Lond., 72, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp.
  Phil., 401, 1862.

  = Chymseyans, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of
  tribes of N.W. coast classified by languages).

  = Chimayans, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855 (gives Kane’s list
  but with many orthographical changes). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269,
  1869 (published in 1870). Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 39, 40, 1877
  (probably distinct from T’linkets). Bancroft, Native Races, III, 564,
  607, 1882.

  = Tshimsian, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14-25, 1884.

  = Tsimpsi-an´, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 379, 1885 (mere mention of

  X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841
  (includes Chimmesyans).

  X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 220, 1841 (same
  as his Northern family).

  < Naas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848
  (including Chimmesyan). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  < Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848.
  Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.

  = Nasse, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 40, 1877 (or Chimsyan).

  < Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Nass and
  Sebassa Indians of this family, also Hailtza).

  = Hydahs, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
  1878 (includes Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas, Sebasses of present

Derivation: From the Chimsian ts’em, “on;” kcian, “main river:” “On the
main (Skeena) river.”

This name appears in a paper of Latham’s published in 1848. To it is
referred a vocabulary of Tolmie’s. The area where it is spoken is said
by Latham to be 50° 30' and 55° 30'. The name has become established by
long usage, and it is chiefly on this account that it has been given
preference over the Naas of Gallatin of the same year. The latter name
was given by Gallatin to a group of languages now known to be not
related, viz, Hailstla, Haceltzuk Billechola, and Chimeysan. Billechola
belongs under Salishan, a family name of Gallatin’s of 1836.

Were it necessary to take Naas as a family name it would best apply to
Chimsian, it being the name of a dialect and village of Chimsian
Indians, while it has no pertinency whatever to Hailstla and Haceltzuk,
which are closely related and belong to a family quite distinct from the
Chimmesyan. As stated above, however, the term Naas is rejected in favor
of Chimmesyan of the same date.

For the boundaries of this family the linguistic map published by Tolmie
and Dawson, in 1884, is followed.


Following is a list of the Chimmesyan tribes, according to Boas:[32]

  A. Nasqa´:

  B. Tsimshian proper:

    [Footnote 32: B.A.A.S. Fifth Rep. of Committee on NW. Tribes of
    Canada. Newcastle-upon-Tyne meeting, 1889, pp. 8-9.]

_Population._--The Canadian Indian Report for 1888 records a total for
all the tribes of this family of 5,000. In the fall of 1887 about 1,000
of these Indians, in charge of Mr. William Duncan, removed to Annette
Island, about 60 miles north of the southern boundary of Alaska, near
Port Chester, where they have founded a new settlement called New
Metlakahtla. Here houses have been erected, day and industrial schools
established, and the Indians are understood to be making remarkable
progress in civilization.


  > Chinooks, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134,
  306, 1836 (a single tribe at mouth of Columbia).

  = Chinooks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 1846. Gallatin, after
  Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 15, 1848 (or Tsinuk).

  = Tshinuk, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 562, 569, 1846 (contains
  Watlala or Upper Chinook, including Watlala, Nihaloitih, or Echeloots;
  and Tshinuk, including Tshinuk, Tlatsap, Wakaikam).

  = Tsinuk, Gallatin, after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
  15, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  > Cheenook, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 236, 1848. Latham,
  Opuscula, 253, 1860.

  > Chinuk, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 317, 1850 (same as Tshinúk; includes
  Chinúks proper, Klatsops, Kathlamut, Wakáikam, Watlala, Nihaloitih).
  Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of
  family name). Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Buschmann. Spuren der
  aztek. Sprache, 616-619, 1859.

  = Tschinuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (mere mention of family name).
  Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 402, 1862 (cites
  a short vocabulary of Watlala).

  = Tshinook, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (Chinooks, Clatsops, and Watlala). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs.
  Brit. Col., 51, 61, 1884.

  > Tshinuk, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 616, 1859 (same as
  his Chinuk).

  = T’sinūk, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (mere
  mention of family).

  = Chinook, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 167, 1877 (names and gives
  habitats of tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.

  < Chinooks, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474,
  1878 (includes Skilloots, Watlalas, Lower Chinooks, Wakiakurns,
  Cathlamets, Clatsops, Calapooyas, Clackamas, Killamooks, Yamkally,
  Chimook Jargon; of these Calapooyas and Yamkally are Kalapooian,
  Killamooks are Salishan).

  > Chinook, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 626-628, 1882 (enumerates
  Chinook, Wakiakum, Cathlamet, Clatsop, Multnomah, Skilloot, Watlala).

  X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224,
  1841 (includes Cheenooks, and Cathlascons of present family).

  X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 234 (same as his Nootka-Columbian family

The vocabulary of the Chinook tribe, upon which the family name was
based, was derived from the mouth of the Columbia. As now understood the
family embraces a number of tribes, speaking allied languages, whose
former homes extended from the mouth of the river for some 200 miles, or
to The Dalles. According to Lewis and Clarke, our best authorities on
the pristine home of this family, most of their villages were on the
banks of the river, chiefly upon the northern bank, though they probably
claimed the land upon either bank for several miles back. Their villages
also extended on the Pacific coast north nearly to the northern extreme
of Shoalwater Bay, and to the south to about Tillamook Head, some 20
miles from the mouth of the Columbia.


  Lower Chinook:

  Upper Chinook:

_Population._--There are two hundred and eighty-eight Wasco on the Warm
Springs Reservation, Oregon, and one hundred and fifty on the Yakama
Reservation, Washington. On the Grande Ronde Reservation, Oregon, there
are fifty-nine Clackama. From information derived from Indians by Mr.
Thomas Priestly, United States Indian Agent at Yakama, it is learned
that there still remain three or four families of “regular Chinook
Indians,” probably belonging to one of the down-river tribes, about 6
miles above the mouth of the Columbia. Two of these speak the Chinook
proper, and three have an imperfect command of Clatsop. There are eight
or ten families, probably also of one of the lower river tribes, living
near Freeport, Washington.

Some of the Watlala, or Upper Chinook, live near the Cascades, about 55
miles below The Dalles. There thus remain probably between five and six
hundred of the Indians of this family.


  = Chitimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 114,
  117, 1836. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 407, 1847.

  = Chetimachas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306,
  1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 1848. Latham,
  Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III,
  402, 1853.

  = Chetimacha, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846.
  Latham, Opuscula, 293, 1860.

  = Chetemachas, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848
  (same as Chitimachas).

  = Shetimasha, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 44, 1884. Gatschet in
  Science, 414, April 29, 1887.

Derivation: From Choctaw words tchúti, “cooking vessels,” másha, “they
possess,” (Gatschet).

This family was based upon the language of the tribe of the same name,
“formerly living in the vicinity of Lake Barataria, and still existing
(1836) in lower Louisiana.”

Du Pratz asserted that the Taensa and Chitimacha were kindred tribes of
the Na’htchi. A vocabulary of the Shetimasha, however, revealed to
Gallatin no traces of such affinity. He considered both to represent
distinct families, a conclusion subsequent investigations have

In 1881 Mr. Gatschet visited the remnants of this tribe in Louisiana. He
found about fifty individuals, a portion of whom lived on Grand River,
but the larger part in Charenton, St. Mary’s Parish. The tribal
organization was abandoned in 1879 on the death of their chief.


  > Santa Barbara, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 85, 1856
  (includes Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, San Luis Obispo languages).
  Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 531, 535, 538, 602, 1859.
  Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860. Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 550, 567,
  1877 (Kasuá, Santa Inez, Id. of Santa Cruz, Santa Barbara). Gatschet
  in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 419, 1879 (cites La Purísima,
  Santa Inez, Santa Barbara, Kasuá, Mugu, Santa Cruz Id.).

  X Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877 (Santa Inez,
  Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz Id., San Luis Obispo, San Antonio).

Derivation: From Chumash, the name of the Santa Rosa Islanders.

The several dialects of this family have long been known under the group
or family name, “Santa Barbara,” which seems first to have been used in
a comprehensive sense by Latham in 1856, who included under it three
languages, viz: Santa Barbara, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo. The term
has no special pertinence as a family designation, except from the fact
that the Santa Barbara Mission, around which one of the dialects of the
family was spoken, is perhaps more widely known than any of the others.
Nevertheless, as it is the family name first applied to the group and
has, moreover, passed into current use its claim to recognition would
not be questioned were it not a compound name. Under the rule adopted
the latter fact necessitates its rejection. As a suitable substitute the
term Chumashan is here adopted. Chumash is the name of the Santa Rosa
Islanders, who spoke a dialect of this stock, and is a term widely known
among the Indians of this family.

The Indians of this family lived in villages, the villages as a whole
apparently having no political connection, and hence there appears to
have been no appellation in use among them to designate themselves as a
whole people.

Dialects of this language were spoken at the Missions of San
Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Iñez, Purísima, and San Luis Obispo.
Kindred dialects were spoken also upon the Islands of Santa Rosa and
Santa Cruz, and also, probably, upon such other of the Santa Barbara
Islands as formerly were permanently inhabited.

These dialects collectively form a remarkably homogeneous family, all of
them, with the exception of the San Luis Obispo, being closely related
and containing very many words in common. Vocabularies representing six
dialects of the language are in possession of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The inland limits of this family can not be exactly defined, although a
list of more than one hundred villages with their sites, obtained by Mr.
Henshaw in 1884, shows that the tribes were essentially maritime and
were closely confined to the coast.

_Population._--In 1884 Mr. Henshaw visited the several counties formerly
inhabited by the populous tribes of this family and discovered that
about forty men, women, and children survived. The adults still speak
their old language when conversing with each other, though on other
occasions they use Spanish. The largest settlement is at San
Buenaventura, where perhaps 20 individuals live near the outskirts of
the town.


  = Coahuilteco, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México,
  map, 1864.

  = Tejano ó Coahuilteco, Pimentel, Cuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de
  las Lenguas Indígenas de México, II, 409, 1865. (A preliminary notice
  with example from the language derived from Garcia’s Manual, 1760.)

Derivation: From the name of the Mexican State Coahuila.

This family appears to have included numerous tribes in southwestern
Texas and in Mexico. They are chiefly known through the record of the
Rev. Father Bartolomé Garcia (Manual para administrar, etc.), published
in 1760. In the preface to the “Manual” he enumerates the tribes and
sets forth some phonetic and grammatic differences between the dialects.

On page 63 of his Geografía de las Lenguas de México, 1864, Orozco y
Berra gives a list of the languages of Mexico and includes Coahuilteco,
indicating it as the language of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas.
He does not, however, indicate its extension into Texas. It would thus
seem that he intended the name as a general designation for the language
of all the cognate tribes.

Upon his colored ethnographic map, also, Orozco y Berra designates the
Mexican portion of the area formerly occupied by the tribes of this
family Coahuilteco.[33] In his statement that the language and tribes
are extinct this author was mistaken, as a few Indians still survive who
speak one of the dialects of this family, and in 1886 Mr. Gatschet
collected vocabularies of two tribes, the Comecrudo and Cotoname, who
live on the Rio Grande, at Las Prietas, State of Tamaulipas. Of the
Comecrudo some twenty-five still remain, of whom seven speak the

    [Footnote 33: Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map, 1864.]

The Cotoname are practically extinct, although Mr. Gatschet obtained one
hundred and twenty-five words from a man said to be of this blood.
Besides the above, Mr. Gatschet obtained information of the existence of
two women of the Pinto or Pakawá tribe who live at La Volsa, near
Reynosa, Tamaulipas, on the Rio Grande, and who are said to speak their
own language.


  Alasapa.            Pajalate.
  Cachopostate.       Pakawá.
  Casa chiquita.      Pamaque.
  Chayopine.          Pampopa.
  Comecrudo.          Pastancoya.
  Cotoname.           Patacale.
  Mano de perro.      Pausane.
  Mescal.             Payseya.
  Miakan.             Sanipao.
  Orejone.            Tâcame.
  Pacuâche.           Venado.


  > Cop-eh, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853 (mentioned
  as a dialect).

  = Copeh, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc., Lond., 79, 1856 (of Upper
  Sacramento; cites vocabs. from Gallatin and Schoolcraft). Latham,
  Opuscula, 345, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 412, 1862.

  = Wintoons, Powers in Overland Monthly, 530, June, 1874 (Upper
  Sacramento and Upper Trinity). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, 1877
  (defines habitat and names tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
  Miscellany, 434, 1877.

  = Win-tún, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 518-534, 1877 (vocabularies
  of Wintun, Sacramento River, Trinity Indians). Gatschet in U.S. Geog.
  Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 418, 1879 (defines area occupied by family).

  X Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
  1878 (cited as including Copahs, Patawats, Wintoons). Bancroft, Nat.
  Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Copah).

  > Napa, Keane, ibid., 476, 524, 1878 (includes Myacomas, Calayomanes,
  Caymus, Ulucas, Suscols). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 567, 1882
  (includes Napa, Myacoma, Calayomane, Caymus, Uluca, Suscol).

This name was proposed by Latham with evident hesitation. He says of it:
“How far this will eventually turn out to be a convenient name for the
group (or how far the group itself will be real), is uncertain.” Under
it he places two vocabularies, one from the Upper Sacramento and the
other from Mag Redings in Shasta County. The head of Putos Creek is
given as headquarters for the language. Recent investigations have
served to fully confirm the validity of the family.


The territory of the Copehan family is bounded on the north by Mount
Shasta and the territory of the Sastean and Lutuamian families, on the
east by the territory of the Palaihnihan, Yanan, and Pujunan families,
and on the south by the bays of San Pablo and Suisun and the lower
waters of the Sacramento.

The eastern boundary of the territory begins about 5 miles east of Mount
Shasta, crosses Pit River a little east of Squaw Creek, and reaches to
within 10 miles of the eastern bank of the Sacramento at Redding. From
Redding to Chico Creek the boundary is about 10 miles east of the
Sacramento. From Chico downward the Pujunan family encroaches till at
the mouth of Feather River it occupies the eastern bank of the
Sacramento. The western boundary of the Copehan family begins at the
northernmost point of San Pablo Bay, trends to the northwest in a
somewhat irregular line till it reaches John’s Peak, from which point it
follows the Coast Range to the tipper waters of Cottonwood Creek, whence
it deflects to the west, crossing the headwaters of the Trinity and
ending at the southern boundary of the Sastean family.


  A. Patwin:        B. Wintu:
    Chenposel.        Daupom.
    Gruilito.         Nomlaki.
    Korusi.           Nommuk.
    Liwaito.          Norelmuk.
    Lolsel.           Normuk.
    Makhelchel.       Waikenmuk.
    Malaka.           Wailaki.


  = Costano, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 82, 1856 (includes
  the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos, Romonans, Tulornos, Altatmos).
  Latham, Opuscula, 348, 1860.

  < Mutsun, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (includes Ahwastes,
  Olhones, Altahmos, Romonans, Tulomos). Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III,
  535, 1877 (includes under this family vocabs. of Costano, Mutsun,
  Santa Clara, Santa Cruz).

Derivation: From the Spanish costano, “coast-men.”

Under this group name Latham included five tribes, given above, which
were under the supervision of the Mission Dolores. He gives a few words
of the Romonan language, comparing it with Tshokoyem which he finds to
differ markedly. He finally expresses the opinion that, notwithstanding
the resemblance of a few words, notably personal pronouns, to Tshokoyem
of the Moquelumnan group, the affinities of the dialects of the Costano
are with the Salinas group, with which, however, he does not unite it
but prefers to keep it by itself. Later, in 1877, Mr. Gatschet,[34]
under the family name Mutsun, united the Costano dialects with the ones
classified by Latham under Moquelumnan. This arrangement was followed by
Powell in his classification of vocabularies.[35] More recent comparison
of all the published material by Mr. Curtin, of the Bureau, revealed
very decided and apparently radical differences between the two groups
of dialects. In 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the coast to the north
and south of San Francisco, and obtained a considerable body of
linguistic material for further comparison. The result seems fully
to justify the separation of the two groups as distinct families.

    [Footnote 34: Mag. Am. Hist., 1877, p. 157.]

    [Footnote 35: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 535.]


The territory of the Costanoan family extends from the Golden Gate to a
point near the southern end of Monterey Bay. On the south it is bounded
from Monterey Bay to the mountains by the Esselenian territory. On the
east side of the mountains it extends to the southern end of Salinas
Valley. On the east it is bounded by a somewhat irregular line running
from the southern end of Salinas Valley to Gilroy Hot Springs and the
upper waters of Conestimba Creek, and, northward from the latter points
by the San Joaquin River to its mouth. The northern boundary is formed
by Suisun Bay, Carquinez Straits, San Pablo and San Francisco Bays, and
the Golden Gate.

_Population._--The surviving Indians of the once populous tribes of this
family are now scattered over several counties and probably do not
number, all told, over thirty individuals, as was ascertained by Mr.
Henshaw in 1888. Most of these are to be found near the towns of Santa
Cruz and Monterey. Only the older individuals speak the


  > Eskimaux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 9, 305,
  1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848.
  Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.

  = Eskimo, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.
  Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 288, 1850 (general remarks on origin and
  habitat). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 689, 1859. Latham, El.
  Comp. Phil., 385, 1862. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 574, 1882.

  > Esquimaux, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 367-371, 1847 (follows
  Gallatin). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 182-191, 1848. Latham,
  Opuscula, 266-274, 1860.

  > Eskimo, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869 (treats of Alaskan Eskimo
  and Tuski only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (excludes the

  > Eskimos, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878
  (excludes Aleutian).

  > Ounángan, Veniamínoff, Zapíski ob ostrovaχ Unaláshkinskago otdailo,
  II, 1, 1840 (Aleutians only).

  > Ūnŭǵŭn, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 22, 1877 (Aleuts a division of
  his Orarian group).

  > Unangan, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841
  (includes Ugalentzes of present family).

  X Haidah, Scouler, ibid., 224, 1841 (same as his Northern family).

  > Ugaljachmutzi, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (lat. 60°, between Prince Williams Sound and Mount St. Elias, perhaps

    Aleuten, Holmberg, Ethnog. Skizzen d. Völker Russ. Am., 1855.

  > Aleutians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 266, 1869. Dall, Alaska and
  Resources, 374, 1870 (in both places a division of his Orarian

  > Aleuts, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 1878
  (consist of Unalaskans of mainland and of Fox and Shumagin Ids., with
  Akkhas of rest of Aleutian Arch.).

  > Aleut, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562, 1882 (two dialects, Unalaska
  and Atkha).

  > Konjagen, Holmberg, Ethnograph. Skizzen Volker Russ. Am., 1855
  (Island of Koniag or Kadiak).

  = Orarians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 265, 1869 (group name; includes
  Innuit, Aleutians, Tuski). Dall, Alaska and Resources, 374, 1870. Dall
  in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 8, 9, 1877.

  X Tinneb, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 269, 1869 (includes “Ugalense”).

  > Innuit, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 9, 1877 (“Major group” of
  Orarians: treats of Alaska Innuit only). Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map
  73, 1887 (excludes the Aleutians).

Derivation: From an Algonkin word eskimantik, “eaters of raw flesh.”


The geographic boundaries of this family were set forth by Gallatin
in 1836 with considerable precision, and require comparatively little
revision and correction.

In the linear extent of country occupied, the Eskimauan is the most
remarkable of the North American linguistic families. It extends
coastwise from eastern Greenland to western Alaska and to the extremity
of the Aleutian Islands, a distance of considerably more than 5,000
miles. The winter or permanent villages are usually situated on the
coast and are frequently at considerable distances from one another,
the intervening areas being usually visited in summer for hunting and
fishing purposes. The interior is also visited by the Eskimo for the
purpose of hunting reindeer and other animals, though they rarely
penetrate farther than 50 miles. A narrow strip along the coast,
perhaps 30 miles wide, will probably, on the average, represent
Eskimo occupancy.

Except upon the Aleutian Islands, the dialects spoken over this vast
area are very similar, the unity of dialect thus observable being in
marked contrast to the tendency to change exhibited in other linguistic
families of North America.

How far north the east coast of Greenland is inhabited by Eskimo is
not at present known. In 1823 Capt. Clavering met with two families of
Eskimo north of 74° 30'. Recent explorations (1884-’85) by Capt. Holm,
of the Danish Navy, along the southeast coast reveal the presence of
Eskimo between 65° and 66° north latitude. These Eskimo profess entire
ignorance of any inhabitants north of themselves, which may be taken as
proof that if there are fiords farther up the coast which are inhabited
there has been no intercommunication in recent times at least between
these tribes and those to the south. It seems probable that more or less
isolated colonies of Eskimo do actually exist along the east coast of
Greenland far to the north.

Along the west coast of Greenland, Eskimo occupancy extends to
about 74°. This division is separated by a considerable interval of
uninhabited coast from the Etah Eskimo who occupy the coast from Smith
Sound to Cape York, their most northerly village being in 78° 18'. For
our knowledge of these interesting people we are chiefly indebted to
Ross and Bessels.

In Grinnell Land, Gen. Greely found indications of permanent Eskimo
habitations near Fort Conger, lat. 81° 44'.

On the coast of Labrador the Eskimo reach as far south as Hamilton
Inlet, about 55° 30'. Not long since they extended to the Straits of
Belle Isle, 50° 30'.

On the east coast of Hudson Bay the Eskimo reach at present nearly to
James Bay. According to Dobbs[36] in 1744 they extended as far south as
east Maine River, or about 52°. The name Notaway (Eskimo) River at the
southern end of the bay indicates a former Eskimo extension to that

    [Footnote 36: Dobbs (Arthur). An account of the Countries adjoining
    to Hudson’s Bay. London, 1744.]

According to Boas and Bessels the most northern Eskimo of the middle
group north of Hudson Bay reside on the southern extremity of Ellesmere
Land around Jones Sound. Evidences of former occupation of Prince
Patrick, Melville, and other of the northern Arctic islands are not
lacking, but for some unknown cause, probably a failure of food supply,
the Eskimo have migrated thence and the islands are no longer inhabited.
In the western part of the central region the coast appears to be
uninhabited from the Coppermine River to Cape Bathurst. To the west of
the Mackenzie, Herschel Island marks the limit of permanent occupancy by
the Mackenzie Eskimo, there being no permanent villages between that
island and the settlements at Point Barrow.

The intervening strip of coast is, however, undoubtedly hunted over more
or less in summer. The Point Barrow Eskimo do not penetrate far into the
interior, but farther to the south the Eskimo reach to the headwaters of
the Nunatog and Koyuk Rivers. Only visiting the coast for trading
purposes, they occupy an anomalous position among Eskimo.

Eskimo occupancy of the rest of the Alaska coast is practically
continuous throughout its whole extent as far to the south and east as
the Atna or Copper River, where begin the domains of the Koluschan
family. Only in two places do the Indians of the Athapascan family
intrude upon Eskimo territory, about Cook’s Inlet, and at the mouth of
Copper River.

Owing to the labors of Dall, Petroff, Nelson, Turner, Murdoch, and
others we are now pretty well informed as to the distribution of the
Eskimo in Alaska.

Nothing is said by Gallatin of the Aleutian Islanders and they were
probably not considered by him to be Eskimauan. They are now known to
belong to this family, though the Aleutian dialects are unintelligible
to the Eskimo proper. Their distribution has been entirely changed since
the advent of the Russians and the introduction of the fur trade, and at
present they occupy only a very small portion of the islands. Formerly
they were much more numerous than at present and extended throughout the

The Eskimauan family is represented in northeast Asia by the Yuit of the
Chukchi peninsula, who are to be distinguished from the sedentary
Chukchi or the Tuski of authors, the latter being of Asiatic origin.
According to Dall the former are comparatively recent arrivals from the
American continent, and, like their brethren of America, are confined
exclusively to the coast.


  Greenland group--           Labrador group:        Alaska group:
  East Greenland villages:      Itivimiut.             Chiglit.
    Akorninak.                  Kiguaqtagmiut.         Chugachigmiut.
    Aluik.                      Suqinimiut.            Ikogmiut.
    Anarnitsok.                 Taqagmiut.             Imahklimiut.
    Angmagsalik.                                       Inguhklimiut.
    Igdlolnarsuk.             Middle Group:            Kaialigmiut.
    Ivimiut.                    Aggomiut.              Kangmaligmiut.
    Kemisak.                    Ahaknanelet.           Kaviagmiut.
    Kikkertarsoak.              Aivillirmiut.          Kittegareut.
    Kinarbik.                   Akudliarmiut.          Kopagmiut.
    Maneetsuk.                  Akudnirmiut.           Kuagmiut.
    Narsuk.                     Amitormiut.            Kuskwogmiut.
    Okkiosorbik.                Iglulingmiut.          Magemiut.
    Sermiligak.                 Kangormiut.            Mahlemiut.
    Sermilik.                   Kinnepatu.             Nunatogmiut.
    Taterat.                    Kramalit.              Nunivagmiut.
    Umanak.                     Nageuktormiut.         Nushagagmiut.
    Umerik.                     Netchillirmiut.        Nuwungmiut.
                                Nugumiut.              Oglemiut.
  West coast villages:          Okomiut.               Selawigmiut.
    Akbat.                      Pilinginiut.           Shiwokugmiut.
    Karsuit.                    Sagdlirmiut.           Ukivokgmiut.
    Tessuisak.                  Sikosuilarmiut.        Unaligmiut.
                                Ugjulirmiut.         Aleutian group:
                                Ukusiksalingmiut.      Atka.

                                                     Asiatic group:

_Population._--Only a rough approximation of the population of the
Eskimo can be given, since of some of the divisions next to nothing is
known. Dall compiles the following estimates of the Alaskan Eskimo from
the most reliable figures up to 1885: Of the Northwestern Innuit 3,100
(?), including the Kopagmiut, Kangmaligmiut, Nuwukmiut, Nunatogmiut,
Kuagmiut, the Inguhklimiut of Little Diomede Island 40 (?), Shiwokugmiut
of St. Lawrence Island 150 (?), the Western Innuit 14,500 (?), the
Aleutian Islanders (Unungun) 2,200 (?); total of the Alaskan Innuit,
about 20,000.

The Central or Baffin Land Eskimo are estimated by Boas to number about

    [Footnote 37: Sixth Ann. Rep. Bu. Eth., 426, 1888.]

From figures given by Rink, Packard, and others, the total number of
Labrador Eskimo is believed to be about 2,000.

According to Holm (1884-’85) there are about 550 Eskimo on the east
coast of Greenland. On the west coast the mission Eskimo numbered 10,122
in 1886, while the northern Greenland Eskimo, the Arctic Highlanders of
Ross, number about 200.

Thus throughout the Arctic regions generally there is a total of about


  < Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
  Gioloco?, Ruslen, Soledad, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, and San Miguel,
  cited as including Eslen). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860.

As afterwards mentioned under the Salinan family, the present family was
included by Latham in the heterogeneous group called by him Salinas. For
reasons there given the term Salinan was restricted to the San Antonio
and San Miguel languages, leaving the present family without a name. It
is called Esselenian, from the name of the single tribe Esselen, of
which it is composed.

Its history is a curious and interesting one. Apparently the first
mention of the tribe and language is to be found in the Voyage de la
Pérouse, Paris, 1797, page 288, where Lamanon (1786) states that the
language of the Ecclemachs (Esselen) differs “absolutely from all those
of their neighbors.” He gives a vocabulary of twenty-two words and by
way of comparison a list of the ten numerals of the Achastlians
(Costanoan family). It was a study of the former short vocabulary,
published by Taylor in the California Farmer, October 24, 1862, that
first led to the supposition of the distinctness of this language.

A few years later the Esselen people came under the observation of
Galiano,[38] who mentions the Eslen and Runsien as two distinct nations,
and notes a variety of differences in usages and customs which are of no
great weight. It is of interest to note, however, that this author also
appears to have observed essential differences in the languages of the
two peoples, concerning which he says: “The same difference as in usage
and custom is observed in the languages of the two nations, as will be
perceived from the following comparison with which we will conclude this

    [Footnote 38: Relacion del viage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y
    Mexicana en el año de 1792. Madrid, 1802, p. 172.]

Galiano supplies Esselen and Runsien vocabularies of thirty-one words,
most of which agree with the earlier vocabulary of Lamanon. These were
published by Taylor in the California Farmer under date of April 20,

In the fall of 1888 Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited the vicinity of Monterey
with the hope of discovering survivors of these Indians. Two women were
found in the Salinas Valley to the south who claimed to be of Esselen
blood, but neither of them was able to recall any of the language, both
having learned in early life to speak the Runsien language in place of
their own. An old woman was found in the Carmelo Valley near Monterey
and an old man living near the town of Cayucos, who, though of Runsien
birth, remembered considerable of the language of their neighbors with
whom they were connected by marriage. From them a vocabulary of one
hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases and short sentences were
obtained. These serve to establish the general correctness of the short
lists of words collected so long ago by Lamanon and Galiano, and they
also prove beyond reasonable doubt that the Esselen language forms a
family by itself and has no connection with any other known.

The tribe or tribes composing this family occupied a narrow strip of the
California coast from Monterey Bay south to the vicinity of the Santa
Lucia Mountain, a distance of about 50 miles.


  > Iroquois, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 21, 23, 305, 1836
  (excludes Cherokee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 381, 1847
  (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix,
  77, 1848 (as in 1836). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401,
  1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856. Latham,
  Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, Elements Comp. Phil., 463, 1862.

  > Irokesen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

  X Irokesen, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887 (includes Kataba and
  said to be derived from Dakota).

  > Huron-Iroquois, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840.

  > Wyandot-Iroquois, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
  460, 468, 1878.

  > Cherokees, Gallatin in Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 89, 306, 1836 (kept
  apart from Iroquois though probable affinity asserted). Bancroft,
  Hist. U.S., III, 246, 1840. Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 401,
  1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848.
  Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (a separate group
  perhaps to be classed with Iroquois and Sioux). Gallatin in
  Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853. Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860.
  Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 472, 1878 (same
  as Chelekees or Tsalagi--“apparently entirely distinct from all other
  American tongues”).

  > Tschirokies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848.

  > Chelekees, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
  1878 (or Cherokees).

  > Cheroki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in
  Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

  = Huron-Cherokee, Hale in Am. Antiq., 20, Jan., 1883 (proposed as a
  family name instead of Huron-Iroquois; relationship to Iroquois

Derivation: French, adaptation of the Iroquois word hiro, used to
conclude a speech, and koué, an exclamation (Charlevoix). Hale gives as
possible derivations ierokwa, the indeterminate form of the verb to
smoke, signifying “they who smoke;” also the Cayuga form of bear,
iakwai.[39] Mr. Hewitt[39] suggests the Algonkin words īrīn, true, or
real; ako, snake; with the French termination ois, the word becomes

    [Footnote 39: Iroquois Book of Rites, 1883, app., p. 173.]

    [Footnote 40: American Anthropologist, 1888, vol. 1, p. 188.]

With reference to this family it is of interest to note that as early as
1798 Barton[41] compared the Cheroki language with that of the Iroquois
and stated his belief that there was a connection between them.
Gallatin, in the Archæologia Americana, refers to the opinion expressed
by Barton, and although he states that he is inclined to agree with that
author, yet he does not formally refer Cheroki to that family,
concluding that “We have not a sufficient knowledge of the grammar, and
generally of the language of the Five Nations, or of the Wyandots, to
decide that question.”[42]

    [Footnote 41: New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of
    America. Phila., 1798.]

    [Footnote 42: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 92.]

Mr. Hale was the first to give formal expression to his belief in the
affinity of the Cheroki to Iroquois.[43] Recently extensive Cheroki
vocabularies have come into possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and a
careful comparison of them with ample Iroquois material has been made by
Mr. Hewitt. The result is convincing proof of the relationship of the
two languages as affirmed by Barton so long ago.

    [Footnote 43: Am. Antiq., 1883, vol. 5, p. 20.]


Unlike most linguistic stocks, the Iroquoian tribes did not occupy a
continuous area, but when first known to Europeans were settled in three
distinct regions, separated from each other by tribes of other lineage.
The northern group was surrounded by tribes of Algonquian stock, while
the more southern groups bordered upon the Catawba and Maskoki.

A tradition of the Iroquois points to the St. Lawrence region as the
early home of the Iroquoian tribes, whence they gradually moved down to
the southwest along the shores of the Great Lakes.

When Cartier, in 1534, first explored the bays and inlets of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence he met a Huron-Iroquoian people on the shores of the Bay of
Gaspé, who also visited the northern coast of the gulf. In the following
year when he sailed up the St. Lawrence River he found the banks of the
river from Quebec to Montreal occupied by an Iroquoian people. From
statements of Champlain and other early explorers it seems probable that
the Wyandot once occupied the country along the northern shore of Lake

The Conestoga, and perhaps some allied tribes, occupied the country
about the Lower Susquehanna, in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and have
commonly been regarded as an isolated body, but it seems probable that
their territory was contiguous to that of the Five Nations on the north
before the Delaware began their westward movement.

As the Cherokee were the principal tribe on the borders of the southern
colonies and occupied the leading place in all the treaty negotiations,
they came to be considered as the owners of a large territory to which
they had no real claim. Their first sale, in 1721, embraced a tract in
South Carolina, between the Congaree and the South Fork of the
Edisto,[44] but about one-half of this tract, forming the present
Lexington County, belonging to the Congaree.[45] In 1755 they sold a
second tract above the first and extending across South Carolina from
the Savannah to the Catawba (or Wateree),[46] but all of this tract east
of Broad River belonged to other tribes. The lower part, between the
Congaree and the Wateree, had been sold 20 years before, and in the
upper part the Broad River was acknowledged as the western Catawba
boundary.[48] In 1770 they sold a tract, principally in Virginia and
West Virginia, bounded east by the Great Kanawha,[47] but the Iroquois
claimed by conquest all of this tract northwest of the main ridge of the
Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains, and extending at least to the
Kentucky River,[49] and two years previously they had made a treaty
with Sir William Johnson by which they were recognized as the owners of
all between Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio down to the Tennessee.[50]
The Cumberland River basin was the only part of this tract to which the
Cherokee had any real title, having driven out the former occupants, the
Shawnee, about 1721.[51] The Cherokee had no villages north of the
Tennessee (this probably includes the Holston as its upper part), and at
a conference at Albany the Cherokee delegates presented to the Iroquois
the skin of a deer, which they said belonged to the Iroquois, as the
animal had been killed north of the Tennessee.[52] In 1805, 1806, and
1817 they sold several tracts, mainly in middle Tennessee, north of the
Tennessee River and extending to the Cumberland River watershed, but
this territory was claimed and had been occupied by the Chickasaw, and
at one conference the Cherokee admitted their claim.[53] The adjacent
tract in northern Alabama and Georgia, on the headwaters of the Coosa,
was not permanently occupied by the Cherokee until they began to move
westward, about 1770.

    [Footnote 44: Cession No. 1, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.]

    [Footnote 45: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4,
    p. 163.]

    [Footnote 46: Cession 2, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.]

    [Footnote 47: Howe in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1854, vol. 4, pp.

    [Footnote 48: Cession 4, on Royce’s Cherokee map, 1884.]

    [Footnote 49: Sir William Johnson in Parkman’s Conspiracy of
    Pontiac, app.]

    [Footnote 50: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.]

    [Footnote 51: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.]

    [Footnote 52: Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee, 1853.]

    [Footnote 53: Blount (1792) in Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4,
    p. 336.]

The whole region of West Virginia, Kentucky, and the Cumberland River
region of Tennessee was claimed by the Iroquois and Cherokee, but the
Iroquois never occupied any of it and the Cherokee could not be said to
occupy any beyond the Cumberland Mountains. The Cumberland River was
originally held by the Shawnee, and the rest was occupied, so far as it
was occupied at all, by the Shawnee, Delaware, and occasionally by the
Wyandot and Mingo (Iroquoian), who made regular excursions southward
across the Ohio every year to hunt and to make salt at the licks. Most
of the temporary camps or villages in Kentucky and West Virginia were
built by the Shawnee and Delaware. The Shawnee and Delaware were the
principal barrier to the settlement of Kentucky and West Virginia for a
period of 20 years, while in all that time neither the Cherokee nor the
Iroquois offered any resistance or checked the opposition of the Ohio

The Cherokee bounds in Virginia should be extended along the mountain
region as far at least as the James River, as they claim to have lived
at the Peaks of Otter,[54] and seem to be identical with the Rickohockan
or Rechahecrian of the early Virginia writers, who lived in the
mountains beyond the Monacan, and in 1656 ravaged the lowland country as
far as the site of Richmond and defeated the English and the Powhatan
Indians in a pitched battle at that place.[55]

    [Footnote 54: Schoolcraft, Notes on Iroquois, 1847.]

    [Footnote 55: Bancroft, Hist. U.S.]

The language of the Tuscarora, formerly of northeastern North Carolina,
connect them directly with the northern Iroquois. The Chowanoc and
Nottoway and other cognate tribes adjoining the Tuscarora may have been
offshoots from that tribe.



_Population._--The present number of the Iroquoian stock is about
43,000, of whom over 34,000 (including the Cherokees) are in the United
States while nearly 9,000 are in Canada. Below is given the population
of the different tribes, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian
Report for 1888, and the United States Census Bulletin for 1890:

  Cherokee and Choctaw Nations, Indian Territory
    (exclusive of adopted Indians, negroes, and whites)           25,557
  Eastern Band, Qualla Reservation, Cheowah, etc., North Carolina
    (exclusive of those practically white)                         1,500?
  Lawrence school, Kansas                                              6
    Caughnawaga, Quebec                                            1,673

    Grand River, Ontario                                             972?
    With Seneca, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)         128?
    Cattaraugus Reserve, New York                                    165
    Other Reserves in New York                                        36
    Of Lake of Two Mountains, Quebec, mainly Mohawk
      (with Algonquin)                                               345
    With Algonquin at Gibson, Ontario (total 131)                    31?
    Quinte Bay, Ontario                                            1,050
    Grand River, Ontario                                           1,302
    Tonawanda, Onondaga, and Cattaraugus Reserves, New York            6
    Oneida and other Reserves, New York                              295
    Green Bay Agency, Wisconsin (“including homeless Indians”)     1,716
    Carlisle and Hampton schools                                     104
    Thames River, Ontario                                            778
    Grand River, Ontario                                             236
    Onondaga Reserve, New York                                       380
    Allegany Reserve, New York                                        77
    Cattaraugus Reserve, New York                                     38
    Tuscarora (41) and Tonawanda (4) Reserves, New York               45
    Carlisle and Hampton schools                                       4
    Grand River, Ontario                                             346
    With Cayuga, Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory (total 255)         127?
    Allegany Reserve, New York                                       862
    Cattaraugus Reserve, New York                                  1,318
    Tonawanda Reserve, New York                                      517
    Tusarora and Onondaga Reserves, New York                          12
    Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools                           13
    Grand River, Ontario                                             206
  St. Regis:
    St. Regis Reserve, New York                                    1,053
    Onondaga and other Reserves, New York                             17
    St. Regis Reserve, Quebec                                      1,179
    Tuscarora Reserve, New York                                      398
    Cattaraugus and Tonawanda Reserves, New York                       6
    Grand River, Ontario                                             329
    Quapaw Agency, Indian Territory                                  288
    Lawrence, Hampton, and Carlisle schools                           18
    “Hurons” of Lorette, Quebec                                      279
    “Wyandots” of Anderdon, Ontario                                   98

The Iroquois of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, Lake of Two Mountains (Oka), and
Gibson speak a dialect mainly Mohawk and Oneida, but are a mixture of
all the tribes of the original Five Nations.


  = Kalapooiah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 335, 1841
  (includes Kalapooiah and Yamkallie; thinks the Umpqua and Cathlascon
  languages are related). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 599,
  617, 1859, (follows Scouler).

  = Kalapuya, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 3217, 584, 1846 (of Willamet
  Valley above Falls). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., I pt. 1, c, 17,
  77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1853. Gallatin in
  Sohoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog.
  Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 617, 1859.
  Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Gatschet in Mag. Arn. Hist., 167, 1877.
  Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877.

  > Calapooya, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 639, 1883.

  X Chinooks, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474,
  1878 (includes Calapooyas and Yamkally).

  > Yamkally, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 630, 1883 (bears a certain
  relationship to Calapooya).

Under this family name Scouler places two tribes, the Kalapooiah,
inhabiting “the fertile Willamat plains” and the Yamkallie, who live
“more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River.”
Scouler adds that the Umpqua “appear to belong to this Family, although
their language is rather more remote from the Kalapooiah than the
Yamkallie is.” The Umpqua language is now placed under the Athapascan
family. Scouler also asserts the intimate relationship of the Cathlascon
tribes to the Kalapooiah family. They are now classed as Chinookan.

The tribes of the Kalapooian family inhabited the valley of Willamette
River, Oregon, above the falls, and extended well up to the headwaters
of that stream. They appear not to have reached the Columbia River,
being cut off by tribes of the Chinookan family, and consequently were
not met by Lewis and Clarke, whose statements of their habitat were
derived solely from natives.


    (Pudding River Indians).

_Population._--So far as known the surviving Indians of this family are
all at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon.

The following is a census for 1890:

    Atfálati        28
    Calapooya       22
    Lákmiut         29
    Mary’s River    28
    Santiam         27
    Yámil           30
    Yonkalla         7
        Total      171


  = Karánkawa, Gatschet in Globus, XLIX, No. 8, 123, 1886 (vocabulary
  of 25 terms; distinguished as a family provisionally). Gatschet in
  Science, 414, April 9, 1887.

The Karankawa formerly dwelt upon the Texan coast, according to Sibley,
upon an island or peninsula in the Bay of St. Bernard (Matagorda Bay).
In 1804 this author, upon hearsay evidence, stated their number to be
500 men.[56] In several places in the paper cited it is explicitly
stated that the Karankawa spoke the Attakapa language; the Attakapa was
a coast tribe living to the east of them. In 1884 Mr. Gatschet found a
Tonkawe at Fort Griffin, Texas, who claimed to have formerly lived among
the Karankawa. From him a vocabulary of twenty-five terms was obtained,
which was all of the language he remembered.

    [Footnote 56: Am. State Papers, 1832, vol. 4, p. 722.]

The vocabulary is unsatisfactory, not only because of its meagerness,
but because most of the terms are unimportant for comparison.
Nevertheless, such as it is, it represents all of the language that is
extant. Judged by this vocabulary the language seems to be distinct not
only from the Attakapa but from all others. Unsatisfactory as the
linguistic evidence is, it appears to be safer to class the language
provisionally as a distinct family upon the strength of it than to
accept Sibley’s statement of its identity with Attakapa, especially as
we know nothing of the extent of his information or whether indeed his
statement was based upon a personal knowledge of the language.

A careful search has been made with the hope of finding a few survivors
of this family, but thus far not a single descendant of the tribe has
been discovered and it is probable that not one is now living.


  > Keres, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 86-90, 1856
  (includes Kiwomi, Cochitemi, Acoma).

  = Kera, Powell in Rocky Mt. Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes San
  Felipe, Santo Domingo, Cóchiti, Santa Aña, Cia, Acoma, Laguna, Povate,
  Hasatch, Mogino). Gratschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 417,
  1879. Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 259, 1883.

  = Keran, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, Aug., 1880 (enumerates pueblos and
  gives linguistic literature).

  = Queres, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Ana.), 479,

  = Chu-cha-cas, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855
  (includes Laguna, Acoma, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana,
  Cochite, Sille).

  = Chu-cha-chas, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479,
  1878 (misprint; follows Lane).

  = Kes-whaw-hay, Lane in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855 (same
  as Chu-cha-cas above). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So.
  Am.), 479, 1878 (follows Lane).

Derivation unknown. The name is pronounced with an explosive initial
sound, and Ad. F. Bandelier spells it Qq’uêres, Quéra, Quéris.

Under this name Turner, as above quoted, includes the vocabularies of
Kiwomi, Cochitemi, and Acoma.

The full list of pueblos of Keresan stock is given below. They are
situated in New Mexico on the upper Rio Grande, on several of its small
western affluents, and on the Jemez and San José, which also are
tributaries of the Rio Grande.


  San Felipe.
  Santa Ana.
  Santo Domingo.

    [Footnote 57: Summer pueblos only.]

_Population._--According to the census of 1890 the total population of
the villages of the family is 3,560, distributed as follows:

    Acoma[58]              566
    Cochití                268
    Laguna[59]           1,143
    Santa Ana              253
    San Felipe             554
    Santo Domingo          670
    Sia                    106

    [Footnote 58: Includes Acomita and Pueblito.]

    [Footnote 59: Includes Hasatch, Paguate, Punyeestye, Punyekia,
    Pusityitcho, Seemunah, Wapuchuseamma, and Ziamma.]


  = Kiaways, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (on
  upper waters Arkansas).

  = Kioway, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 80, 1856 (based
  on the (Caigua) tribe only). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache,
  432, 433, 1859. Latham, EL. Comp. Phil., 444, 1862 (“more Paduca than
  aught else”).

  = Kayowe, Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 280, Oct., 1882 (gives phonetics

Derivation: From the Kiowa word Kó-i, plural Kó-igu, meaning “Káyowe
man.” The Comanche term káyowe means “rat.”

The author who first formally separated this family appears to have been
Turner. Gallatin mentions the tribe and remarks that owing to the loss
of Dr. Say’s vocabularies “we only know that both the Kiowas and
Kaskaias languages were harsh, guttural, and extremely difficult.”[60]
Turner, upon the strength of a vocabulary furnished by Lieut. Whipple,
dissents from the opinion expressed by Pike and others to the effect
that the language is of the same stock as the Comanche, and, while
admitting that its relationship to Camanche is greater than to any other
family, thinks that the likeness is merely the result of long
intercommunication. His opinion that it is entirely distinct from any
other language has been indorsed by Buschmann and other authorities. The
family is represented by the Kiowa tribe.

    [Footnote 60: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. II,
    p. 133.]

So intimately associated with the Comanches have the Kiowa been since
known to history that it is not easy to determine their pristine home.
By the Medicine Creek treaty of October 18, 1867, they and the Comanches
were assigned their present reservation in the Indian Territory, both
resigning all claims to other territory, especially their claims and
rights in and to the country north of the Cimarron River and west of the
eastern boundary of New Mexico.

The terms of the cession might be taken to indicate a joint ownership of
territory, but it is more likely that the Kiowa territory adjoined the
Comanche on the northwest. In fact Pope[61] definitely locates the Kiowa
in the valley of the Upper Arkansas, and of its tributary, the Purgatory
(Las Animas) River. This is in substantial accord with the statements of
other writers of about the same period. Schermerhorn (1812) places the
Kiowa on the heads of the Arkansas and Platte. Earlier still they appear
upon the headwaters of the Platte, which is the region assigned them
upon the map.[62] This region was occupied later by the Cheyenne and
Arapaho of Algonquian stock.

    [Footnote 61: Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 2, pt. 3, p. 16.]

    [Footnote 62: Pike, Exp. to sources of the Mississippi, App., 1810,
    pt. 3, p. 9.]

_Population._--According to the United States census for 1890 there are
1,140 Kiowa on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation, Indian


  = Kitunaha, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 535, 1846 (between the
  forks of the Columbia). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
  c, 10, 77, 1848 (Flatbow). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
  1853. Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 70, 1856. Latham,
  Opuscula, 388, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (between 52°
  and 48° N.L., west of main ridge of Rocky Mountains). Gatschet in Mag.
  Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (on Kootenay River).

  = Coutanies, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha).

  = Kútanis, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 316, 1850 (Kitunaha).

  = Kituanaha, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (Coutaria or Flatbows, north of lat. 49°).

  = Kootanies, Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859.

  = Kutani, Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha).

  = Cootanie, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (synonymous with

  = Kootenai, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (defines area
  occupied). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 446, 1877. Bancroft, Nat.
  Races, III, 565, 1882.

  = Kootenuha, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 79-87, 1884 (vocabulary
  of Upper Kootenuha).

  = Flatbow, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 204, 1846 (= Kitunaha).
  Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 10, 77, 1848 (after
  Hale). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 661, 1859. Latham, El.
  Comp. Phil., 395, 1862 (or Kitunaha). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170,

  = Flachbogen, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  474, 1878 (includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)).

This family was based upon a tribe variously termed Kitunaha, Kutenay,
Cootenai, or Flatbow, living on the Kootenay River, a branch of the
Columbia in Oregon.

Mr. Gatschet thinks it is probable that there are two dialects of the
language spoken respectively in the extreme northern and southern
portions of the territory occupied, but the vocabularies at hand are not
sufficient to definitely settle the question.

The area occupied by the Kitunahan tribes is inclosed between the
northern fork of the Columbia River, extending on the south along the
Cootenay River. By far the greater part of the territory occupied by
these tribes is in British Columbia.


The principal divisions or tribes are Cootenai, or Upper Cootenai;
Akoklako, or Lower Cootenai; Klanoh-Klatklam, or Flathead Cootenai;
Yaketahnoklatakmakanay, or Tobacco Plains Cootenai.

_Population._--There are about 425 Cootenai at Flathead Agency, Montana,
and 539 at Kootenay Agency, British Columbia; total, 964.


  = Koluschen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 14,
  1836 (islands and adjacent coast from 60° to 55° N.L.).

  = Koulischen, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306,
  1836. Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848,
  (Koulischen and Sitka languages). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
  Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Sitka, bet. 52° and 59° lat.).

  < Kolooch, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50, 1846
  (tends to merge Kolooch into Esquimaux). Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc.
  Lond., 1, 163, 1848 (compared with Eskimo language.). Latham,
  Opuscula, 259, 276, 1860.

  = Koluschians, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows
  Gallatin). Scouler (1846) in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 231, 1848.

  < Kolúch, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 294, 1850 (more likely forms a
  subdivision of Eskimo than a separate class; includes Kenay of Cook’s
  Inlet, Atna of Copper River, Koltshani, Ugalents, Sitkans, Tungaas,
  Inkhuluklait, Magimut, Inkalit; Digothi and Nehanni are classed as
  “doubtful Kolúches”).

  = Koloschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,
  1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 680, 1859. Berghaus,
  Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  = Kolush, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (mere mention of family
  with short vocabulary).

  = Kaloshians, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (gives tribes and

  X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 218, 1841
  (includes Koloshes and Tun Ghasse).

  X Haidah, Scouler, ibid, 219, 1841 (same as his Northern).

  = Klen-ee-kate, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855.

  = Klen-e-kate, Kane, Wanderings of an Artist, app., 1859 (a census of
  N.W. coast tribes classified by language).

  = Thlinkithen, Holmberg in Finland Soc., 284, 1856 (fide Buschmann,
  676, 1859).

  = Thl’nkets, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 268, 269, 1869 (divided into
  Sitka-kwan, Stahkin-kwan, “Yakutats”).

  = T’linkets, Dall in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 36, 1877 (divided into
  Yăk´ūtăts, Chilkāht’-kwan, Sitka-kwan, Stākhin´-kwān, Kygāh´ni).

  = Thlinkeet, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460,
  462, 1878 (from Mount St. Elias to Nass River; includes Ugalenzes,
  Yakutats, Chilkats, Hoodnids, Hoodsinoos, Takoos, Auks, Kakas,
  Stikines, Eeliknûs, Tungass, Sitkas). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 562,
  579, 1882.

  = Thlinkit, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 14, 1884 (vocab. of
  Skutkwan Sept; also map showing distribution of family). Berghaus,
  Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  = Tlinkit, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass., 375, 1885 (enumerates tribes and
  gives population).

Derivation: From the Aleut word kolosh, or more properly, kaluga,
meaning “dish,” the allusion being to the dish-shaped lip ornaments.

This family was based by Gallatin upon the Koluschen tribe (the
Tshinkitani of Marchand), “who inhabit the islands and the adjacent
coast from the sixtieth to the fifty-fifth degree of north latitude.”

In the Koluschan family, Gallatin observes that the remote analogies to
the Mexican tongue to be found in several of the northern tribes, as the
Kinai, are more marked than in any other.

The boundaries of this family as given by Gallatin are substantially in
accordance with our present knowledge of the subject. The southern
boundary is somewhat indeterminate owing to the fact, ascertained by the
census agents in 1880, that the Haida tribes extend somewhat farther
north than was formerly supposed and occupy the southeast half of Prince
of Wales Island. About latitude 56°, or the mouth of Portland Canal,
indicates the southern limit of the family, and 60°, or near the mouth
of Atna River, the northern limit. Until recently they have been
supposed to be exclusively an insular and coast people, but Mr. Dawson
has made the interesting discovery[63] that the Tagish, a tribe living
inland on the headwaters of the Lewis River, who have hitherto been
supposed to be of Athapascan extraction, belong to the Koluschan family.
This tribe, therefore, has crossed the coast range of mountains, which
for the most part limits the extension of this people inland and
confines them to a narrow coast strip, and have gained a permanent
foothold in the interior, where they share the habits of the neighboring
Athapascan tribes.

    [Footnote 63: Annual Report of the Geological Survey of Canada,



_Population._--The following figures are from the census of 1880.[64]
The total population of the tribes of this family, exclusive of the
Tagish, is 6,437, distributed as follows:

    Auk                        640
    Chilcat                    988
    Hanega (including Kouyon
      and Klanak)              587
    Hoodsunu                   666
    Hunah                      908
    Kek                        568
    Sitka                      721
    Stahkin                    317
    Taku                       269
    Tongas                     273
    Yakutat                    500

    [Footnote 64: Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and
    Resources of Alaska, 1884, p. 33.]


  X Kula-napo, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 431, 1853 (the
  name of one of the Clear Lake bands).

  > Mendocino (?), Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (name
  suggested for Choweshak, Batemdaikai, Kulanapo, Yukai, Khwaklamayu
  languages). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 410,
  1863 (as above).

  > Pomo, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 498, Dec., 1873 (general
  description of habitat and of family). Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III,
  146, 1877. Powell, ibid., 491 (vocabularies of Gal-li-no-mé-ro,
  Yo-kai´-a, Ba-tem-da-kaii, Chau-i-shek, Yu-kai, Ku-la-na-po, H’hana,
  Venaambakaiia, Ka´-bi-na-pek, Chwachamaju). Gatschet in Mag. Am.
  Hist., 16, 1877 (gives habitat and enumerates tribes of family).
  Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 436, 1877. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp.
  (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878 (includes Castel Pomos, Ki, Cahto,
  Choam, Chadela, Matomey Ki, Usal or Calamet, Shebalne Pomos,
  Gallinomeros, Sanels, Socoas, Lamas, Comachos).

  < Pomo, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 566, 1882 (includes Ukiah,
  Gallinomero, Masallamagoon, Gualala, Matole, Kulanapo, Sanél, Yonios,
  Choweshak, Batemdakaie, Chocuyem, Olamentke, Kainamare, Chwachamaju.
  Of these, Chocuyem and Olamentke are Moquelumnan).

The name applied to this family was first employed by Gibbs in 1853, as
above cited. He states that it is the “name of one of the Clear Lake
bands,” adding that “the language is spoken by all the tribes occupying
the large valley.” The distinctness of the language is now generally


The main territory of the Kulanapan family is bounded on the west by the
Pacific Ocean, on the east by the Yukian and Copehan territories, on the
north by the watershed of the Russian River, and on the south by a line
drawn from Bodega Head to the southwest corner of the Yukian territory,
near Santa Rosa, Sonoma County, California. Several tribes of this
family, viz, the Kastel Pomo, Kai Pomo, and Kato Pomo, are located in
the valley between the South Fork of Eel River and the main river, and
on the headwaters of the South Fork, extending thence in a narrow strip
to the ocean. In this situation they were entirely cut off from the main
body by the intrusive Yuki tribes, and pressed upon from the north by
the warlike Wailakki, who are said to have imposed their language and
many of their customs upon them and as well doubtless to have
extensively intermarried with them.


  Balló Kaì Pomo, “Oat Valley People.”
  Búldam Pomo (Rio Grande or Big River).
  Choam Chadila Pomo (Capello).
  Dápishul Pomo (Redwood Cañon).
  Eastern People (Clear Lake about Lakeport).
  Erío (mouth of Russian River).
  Erússi (Fort Ross).
  Gallinoméro (Russian River Valley below Cloverdale
    and in Dry Creek Valley).
  Grualála (northwest corner of Sonoma County).
  Kabinapek (western part of Clear Lake basin).
  Kaimé (above Healdsburgh).
  Kai Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork).
  Kastel Pomo (between Eel River and South Fork).
  Kato Pomo, “Lake People.”
  Komácho (Anderson and Rancheria Valleys).
  Kulá Kai Pomo (Sherwood Valley).
  Láma (Russian River Valley).
  Misálamagūn or Musakakūn (above Healdsburgh).
  Mitoám Kai Pomo, “Wooded Valley People” (Little Lake).
  Poam Pomo.
  Senel (Russian River Valley).
  Shódo Kaí Pomo (Coyote Valley).
  Síako (Russian River Valley).
  Sokóa (Russian River Valley).
  Yokáya Pomo, “Lower Valley People” (Ukiah City).
  Yusâl (or Kámalel) Pomo, “Ocean People”
    (on coast and along Yusal Creek).


  = Kúsa, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1883.

Derivation: Milhau, in a manuscript letter to Gibbs (Bureau of
Ethnology), states that “Coos in the Rogue River dialect is said to mean
lake, lagoon or inland bay.”

The “Kaus or Kwokwoos” tribe is merely mentioned by Hale as living on a
river of the same name between the Umqua and the Clamet.[65] Lewis and
Clarke[66] also mention them in the same location as the Cookkoo-oose.
The tribe was referred to also under the name Kaus by Latham,[67] who
did not attempt its classification, having in fact no material for the

    [Footnote 65: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, p, 221.]

    [Footnote 66: Allen Ed., 1814, vol. 2, p. 118.]

    [Footnote 67: Nat. Hist. Man, 1850, p. 325.]

Mr. Gatschet, as above, distinguishes the language as forming a distinct
stock. It is spoken on the coast of middle Oregon, on Coos River and
Bay, and at the mouth of Coquille River, Oregon.


  Mulluk or Lower Coquille.

_Population._--Most of the survivors of this family are gathered upon
the Siletz Reservation, Oregon, but their number can not be stated as
the agency returns are not given by tribes.


  = Lutuami, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (headwaters
  Klamath River and lake). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
  c, 17, 77, 1848 (follows Hale). Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850
  (headwaters Clamet River). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
  1852. Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 300, 310,
  1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

  = Luturim, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (misprint for Lutuami; based on Clamets language).

  = Lutumani, Latham, Opuscula, 341, 1860 (misprint for Lutuami).

  = Tlamatl, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of
  Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  = Clamets, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (alternative of

  = Klamath, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach.
  Ind. Misc., 439, 1877. Gatschet in Am. Antiq., 81-84, 1878 (general
  remarks upon family).

  < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475,
  1878 (a geographic group rather than a linguistic family; includes, in
  addition to the Klamath proper or Lutuami, the Yacons, Modocs, Copahs,
  Shastas, Palaiks, Wintoons, Eurocs, Cahrocs, Lototens, Weeyots,
  Wishosks, Wallies, Tolewahs, Patawats, Yukas, “and others between Eel
  River and Humboldt Bay.” The list thus includes several distinct
  families). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882 (includes Lutuami
  or Klamath, Modoc and Copah, the latter belonging to the Copehan

  = Klamath Indians of Southwestern Oregon, Gatschet in Cont, N.A. Eth.,
  II, pt. 1, XXXIII, 1890.

Derivation: From a Pit River word meaning “lake.”

The tribes of this family appear from time immemorial to have occupied
Little and Upper Klamath Lakes, Klamath Marsh, and Sprague River,
Oregon. Some of the Modoc have been removed to the Indian Territory,
where 84 now reside; others are in Sprague River Valley.

The language is a homogeneous one and, according to Mr. Gatschet who has
made a special study of it, has no real dialects, the two divisions of
the family, Klamath and Modoc, speaking an almost identical language.

The Klamaths’ own name is É-ukshikni, “Klamath Lake people.” The Modoc
are termed by the Klamath Módokni, “Southern people.”



_Population._--There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath
Reservation in 1889. Since then they have slightly decreased.


  > Mariposa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 84, 1856 (Coconoons
  language, Mariposa County). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860. Latham, El.
  Comp. Philology, 416, 1862 (Coconoons of Mercede River).

  = Yo´-kuts, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 369, 1877. Powell, ibid.,
  570 (vocabularies of Yo´-kuts, Wi´-chi-kik, Tin´-lin-neh, King’s
  River, Coconoons, Calaveras County).

  = Yocut, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 158, 1877 (mentions Taches,
  Chewenee, Watooga, Chookchancies, Coconoons and others). Gatschet in
  Beach, Ind. Misc., 432, 1877.

Derivation: A Spanish word meaning “butterfly,” applied to a county in
California and subsequently taken for the family name.

Latham mentions the remnants of three distinct bands of the Coconoon,
each with its own language, in the north of Mariposa County. These are
classed together under the above name. More recently the tribes speaking
languages allied to the Coconūn have been treated of under the family
name Yokut. As, however, the stock was established by Latham on a sound
basis, his name is here restored.


The territory of the Mariposan family is quite irregular in outline. On
the north it is bounded by the Fresno River up to the point of its
junction with the San Joaquin; thence by a line running to the northeast
corner of the Salinan territory in San Benito County, California; on the
west by a line running from San Benito to Mount Pinos. From the middle
of the western shore of Tulare Lake to the ridge at Mount Pinos on the
south, the Mariposan area is merely a narrow strip in and along the
foothills. Occupying one-half of the western and all the southern shore
of Tulare Lake, and bounded on the north by a line running from the
southeast corner of Tulare Lake due east to the first great spur of the
Sierra Nevada range is the territory of the intrusive Shoshoni. On the
east the secondary range of the Sierra Nevada forms the Mariposan

In addition to the above a small strip of territory on the eastern
bank of the San Joaquin is occupied by the Cholovone division of the
Mariposan family, between the Tuolumne and the point where the San
Joaquin turns to the west before entering Suisun Bay.


  Ayapaì (Tule River).
  Chainímaini (lower King’s River).
  Chukaímina (Squaw Valley).
  Chūk’chansi (San Joaquin River above Millerton).
  Ćhunut (Kaweah River at the lake).
  Coconūn´ (Merced River).
  Ititcha (King’s River).
  Kassovo (Day Creek).
  Kau-í-a (Kaweah River; foothills).
  Kiawétni (Tule River at Porterville).
  Mayáyu (Tule River, south fork).
  Notoánaiti (on the lake).
  Ochíngita (Tule River).
  Pitkachì (extinct; San Joaquin River below Millerton).
  Pohállin Tinleh (near Kern lake).
  Sawákhtu (Tule River, south fork).
  Táchi (Kingston).
  Télumni (Kaweah River below Visalia).
  Tínlinneh (Fort Tejon).
  Tisèchu (upper King’s River).
  Wíchikik (King’s River).
  Wikchúmni (Kaweah River; foothills).
  Wíksachi (upper Kaweah Valley).
  Yúkol (Kaweah River plains).

_Population._--There are 145 of the Indians of this family now attached
to the Mission Agency, California.


  > Tcho-ko-yem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 421, 1853
  (mentioned as a band and dialect).

  > Moquelumne, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 81, 1856
  (includes Hale’s Talatui, Tuolumne from Schoolcraft, Mumaltachi,
  Mullateco, Apangasi, Lapappu, Siyante or Typoxi, Hawhaw’s band of
  Aplaches, San Rafael vocabulary, Tshokoyem vocabulary, Cocouyem and
  Yonkiousme Paternosters, Olamentke of Kostromitonov, Paternosters
  for Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los Tulares of Mofras,
  Paternoster of the Langue Guiloco de la Mission de San Francisco).
  Latham, Opuscula, 347, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 414, 1862 (same
  as above).

  = Meewoc, Powers in Overland Monthly, 322, April, 1873 (general
  account of family with allusions to language). Gatschet in Mag. Am.
  Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and bands of family). Gatschet in
  Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877.

  = Mí-wok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 346, 1877 (nearly as above).

  < Mutsun, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 535, 1877 (vocabs. of
  Mi´-wok, Tuolumne, Costano, Tcho-ko-yem, Mūtsūn, Santa Clara, Santa
  Cruz, Chum-te´-ya, Kawéya, San Raphael Mission, Talatui, Olamentke).
  Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (gives habitat and members of
  family). Gatschet, in Beach, Ind. Misc., 430, 1877.

  X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476,
  1878 (includes Olhones, Eslenes, Santa Cruz, San Miguel,
  Lopillamillos, Mipacmacs, Kulanapos, Yolos, Suisunes, Talluches,
  Chowclas, Waches, Talches, Poowells).

Derivation: From the river and hill of same name in Calaveras County,
California; according to Powers the Meewoc name for the river is

The Talatui mentioned by Hale[68] as on the Kassima (Cosumnes) River
belong to the above family. Though this author clearly distinguished the
language from any others with which he was acquainted, he nowhere
expressed the opinion that it is entitled to family rank or gave it a
family name. Talatui is mentioned as a tribe from which he obtained an
incomplete vocabulary.

    [Footnote 68: U.S. Expl. Exp., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 630, 633.]

It was not until 1856 that the distinctness of the linguistic family was
fully set forth by Latham. Under the head of Moquelumne, this author
gathers several vocabularies representing different languages and
dialects of the same stock. These are the Talatui of Hale, the Tuolumne
from Schoolcraft, the Sonoma dialects as represented by the Tshokoyem
vocabulary, the Chocuyem and Youkiousme paternosters, and the Olamentke
of Kostromitonov in Bäer’s Beiträge. He also places here provisionally
the paternosters from the Mission de Santa Clara and the Vallee de los
Tulares of Mofras; also the language Guiloco de la Mission de San
Francisco. The Costano containing the five tribes of the Mission of
Dolores, viz., the Ahwastes, Olhones or Costanos of the coast, Romonans,
Tulomos and the Altahmos seemed to Latham to differ from the Moquelumnan
language. Concerning them he states “upon the whole, however, the
affinities seem to run in the direction of the languages of the next
group, especially in that of the Ruslen.” He adds: “Nevertheless, for
the present I place the Costano by itself, as a transitional form of
speech to the languages spoken north, east, and south of the Bay of San
Francisco.” Recent investigation by Messrs. Curtin and Henshaw have
confirmed the soundness of Latham’s views and, as stated under head of
the Costanoan family, the two groups of languages are considered to be


The Moquelumnan family occupies the territory bounded on the north by
the Cosumne River, on the south by the Fresno River, on the east by the
Sierra Nevada, and on the west by the San Joaquin River, with the
exception of a strip on the east bank occupied by the Cholovone. A part
of this family occupies also a territory bounded on the south by San
Francisco Bay and the western half of San Pablo Bay; on the west by the
Pacific Ocean from the Golden Gate to Bodega Head; on the north by a
line running from Bodega Head to the Yukian territory northeast of Santa
Rosa, and on the east by a line running from the Yukian territory to the
northernmost point of San Pablo Bay.


  Miwok division:                  Olamentke division:
    Awani.          Olowidok.        Bollanos.
    Chauchila.      Olowit.          Chokuyem.
    Chumidok.       Olowiya.         Guimen.
    Chumtiwa.       Sakaiakumni.     Likatuit.
    Chumuch.        Seroushamne.     Nicassias.
    Chumwit.        Talatui.         Numpali.
    Hettitoya.      Tamoleka.        Olamentke.
    Kani.           Tumidok.         Olumpali.
    Lopolatimne.    Tumun.           Sonomi.
    Machemni.       Walakumni.       Tamal.
    Mokelumni.      Yuloni.          Tulare.
    Newichumni.                      Utchium.

_Population._--Comparatively few of the Indians of this family survive,
and these are mostly scattered in the mountains and away from the routes
of travel. As they were never gathered on reservations, an accurate
census has not been taken.

In the detached area north of San Francisco Bay, chiefly in Marin
County, formerly inhabited by the Indians of this family, almost none
remain. There are said to be none living about the mission of San
Rafael, and Mr. Henshaw, in 1888, succeeded in locating only six at
Tomales Bay, where, however, he obtained a very good vocabulary from a


  > Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 94,
  306, 1836 (based upon Muskhogees, Hitchittees, Seminoles). Prichard,
  Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 1847 (includes Muskhogees, Seminoles,

  > Muskhogies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,

  > Muscogee, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  471, 1878 (includes Muscogees proper, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws,
  Hitchittees, Coosadas or Coosas, Alibamons, Apalaches).

  = Maskoki, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 50, 1884 (general account
  of family; four branches, Maskoki, Apalachian, Alibamu, Chahta).
  Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  > Choctaw Muskhogee, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II,
  119, 1836.

  > Chocta-Muskhog, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix,
  77, 1848. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.

  = Chata-Muskoki, Hale in Am. Antiq., 108, April, 1883 (considered with
  reference to migration).

  > Chahtas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 100, 306,
  1836 (or Choctaws).

  > Chahtahs, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (or Choktahs
  or Flatheads).

  > Tschahtas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid.,

  > Choctah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 337, 1850 (includes Choctahs,
  Muscogulges, Muskohges). Latham in Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond., 103, 1856.
  Latham, Opuscula, 366, 1860.

  > Mobilian, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 349, 1840.

  > Flat-heads, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 403, 1847 (Chahtahs or

  > Coshattas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 349, 1850 (not classified).

  > Humas, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (east of Mississippi above
  New Orleans).

Derivation: From the name of the principal tribe of the Creek

In the Muskhogee family Gallatin includes the Muskhogees proper, who
lived on the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; the Hitchittees, living on the
Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers; and the Seminoles of the peninsula of
Florida. It was his opinion, formed by a comparison of vocabularies,
that the Choctaws and Chickasaws should also be classed under this
family. In fact, he called[69] the family Choctaw Muskhogee. In
deference, however, to established usage, the two tribes were kept
separate in his table and upon the colored map. In 1848 he appears to be
fully convinced of the soundness of the view doubtfully expressed in
1836, and calls the family the Chocta-Muskhog.

    [Footnote 69: On p. 119, Archæologia Americana.]


The area occupied by this family was very extensive. It may be described
in a general way as extending from the Savannah River and the Atlantic
west to the Mississippi, and from the Gulf of Mexico north to the
Tennessee River. All of this territory was held by Muskhogean tribes
except the small areas occupied by the Yuchi, Ná’htchi, and some small
settlements of Shawni.

Upon the northeast Muskhogean limits are indeterminate. The Creek
claimed only to the Savannah River; but upon its lower course the Yamasi
are believed to have extended east of that river in the sixteenth to the
eighteenth century.[70] The territorial line between the Muskhogean
family and the Catawba tribe in South Carolina can only be conjectured.

    [Footnote 70: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, 1884, vol. 1, p. 62.]

It seems probable that the whole peninsula of Florida was at one time
held by tribes of Timuquanan connection; but from 1702 to 1708, when the
Apalachi were driven out, the tribes of northern Florida also were
forced away by the English. After that time the Seminole and the Yamasi
were the only Indians that held possession of the Floridian peninsula.


  Creek or Maskoki proper.

_Population._--There is an Alibamu town on Deep Creek, Indian Territory,
an affluent of the Canadian, Indian Territory. Most of the inhabitants
are of this tribe. There are Alibamu about 20 miles south of Alexandria,
Louisiana, and over one hundred in Polk County, Texas.

So far as known only three women of the Apalachi survived in 1886, and
they lived at the Alibamu town above referred to. The United States
Census bulletin for 1890 gives the total number of pureblood Choctaw at
9,996, these being principally at Union Agency, Indian Territory. Of the
Chicasa there are 3,464 at the same agency; Creek 9,291; Seminole 2,539;
of the latter there are still about 200 left in southern Florida.

There are four families of Koasáti, about twenty-five individuals, near
the town of Shepherd, San Jacinto County, Texas. Of the Yamasi none are
known to survive.


  > Natches, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 95, 806,
  1836 (Natches only). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 402, 403, 1847.

  > Natsches, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

  > Natchez, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., 248, 1840. Gallatin in Trans. Am.
  Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (Natchez only). Latham, Nat.
  Hist. Man, 340, 1850 (tends to include Taensas, Pascagoulas,
  Colapissas, Biluxi in same family). Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
  Tribes, III, 401, 1853 (Natchez only). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp.
  (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878 (suggests that it may include the

  > Naktche, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 34, 1884. Gatschet in
  Science, 414, April 29, 1887.

  > Taensa, Gatschet in The Nation, 383, May 4, 1882. Gatschet in Am.
  Antiq., IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 33, 1884.
  Gatschet in Science, 414, April 29, 1887 (Taensas only).

The Na’htchi, according to Gallatin, a residue of the well-known nation
of that name, came from the banks of the Mississippi, and joined the
Creek less than one hundred years ago.[71] The seashore from Mobile to
the Mississippi was then inhabited by several small tribes, of which the
Na’htchi was the principal.

    [Footnote 71: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1836, vol. 2, p. 95.]

Before 1730 the tribe lived in the vicinity of Natchez, Miss., along St.
Catherine Creek. After their dispersion by the French in 1730 most of
the remainder joined the Chicasa and afterwards the Upper Creek. They
are now in Creek and Cherokee Nations, Indian Territory.

The linguistic relations of the language spoken by the Taensa tribe have
long been in doubt, and it is probable that they will ever remain so. As
no vocabulary or text of this language was known to be in existence, the
“Grammaire et vocabulaire de la langue Taensa, avec textes traduits et
commentés par J.-D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam,” published in Paris in
1882, was received by American linguistic students with peculiar
interest. Upon the strength of the linguistic material embodied in the
above Mr. Gatschet (loc. cit.) was led to affirm the complete linguistic
isolation of the language.

Grave doubts of the authenticity of the grammar and vocabulary have,
however, more recently been brought forward.[72] The text contains
internal evidences of the fraudulent character, if not of the whole, at
least of a large part of the material. So palpable and gross are these
that until the character of the whole can better be understood by the
inspection of the original manuscript, alleged to be in Spanish, by a
competent expert it will be far safer to reject both the vocabulary and
grammar. By so doing we are left without any linguistic evidence
whatever of the relations of the Taensa language.

    [Footnote 72: D. G. Brinton in Am. Antiquarian, March, 1885,
    pp. 109-114.]

D’Iberville, it is true, supplies us with the names of seven Taensa
towns which were given by a Taensa Indian who accompanied him; but most
of these, according to Mr. Gatschet, were given, in the Chicasa trade
jargon or, as termed by the French, the “Mobilian trade jargon,” which
is at least a very natural supposition. Under these circumstances we
can, perhaps, do no better than rely upon the statements of several of
the old writers who appear to be unanimous in regarding the language of
the Taensa as of Na’htchi connection. Du Pratz’s statement to that
effect is weakened from the fact that the statement also includes the
Shetimasha, the language of which is known from a vocabulary to be
totally distinct not only from the Na’htchi but from any other. To
supplement Du Pratz’s testimony, such as it is, we have the statements
of M. de Montigny, the missionary who affirmed the affinity of the
Taensa language to that of the Na’htchi, before he had visited the
latter in 1699, and of Father Gravier, who also visited them. For the
present, therefore, the Taensa language is considered to be a branch of
the Na’htchi.

The Taensa formerly dwelt upon the Mississippi, above and close to the
Na’htchi. Early in the history of the French settlements a portion of
the Taensa, pressed upon by the Chicasa, fled and were settled by the
French upon Mobile Bay.



_Population._--There still are four Na’htchi among the Creek in Indian
Territory and a number in the Cheroki Hills near the Missouri border.


  = Palaihnih, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (used in
  family sense).

  = Palaik, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846 (southeast
  of Lutuami in Oregon), Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
  18, 77, 1848. Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 325, 1850 (southeast of
  Lutuami). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Latham in
  Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 82, 1854 (cites Hale’s vocab). Latham
  in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 74, 1856 (has Shoshoni affinities).
  Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

  = Palainih, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 1848.
  (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  = Pulairih, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (obvious typographical error; quotes Hale’s Palaiks).

  = Pit River, Powers in Overland Monthly, 412, May, 1874 (three
  principal tribes: Achomáwes, Hamefcuttelies, Astakaywas or
  Astakywich). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (gives habitat;
  quotes Hale for tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 439, 1877.

  = A-cho-mâ´-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs. of
  A-cho-mâ´-wi and Lutuami). Powers in ibid., 267 (general account of
  tribes; A-cho-mâ´-wi, Hu-mâ´-whi, Es-ta-ke´-wach, Han-te´-wa,
  Chu-mâ´-wa, A-tu-a´-mih, Il-mâ´-wi).

  < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 475,
  1878 (includes Palaiks).

  < Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (contains Palaik of
  present family).

Derivation: From the Klamath word _p’laikni_, signifying “mountaineers”
or “uplanders” (Gatschet).

In two places[73] Hale uses the terms Palaihnih and Palaiks
interchangeably, but inasmuch as on page 569, in his formal table of
linguistic families and languages, he calls the family Palaihnih, this
is given preference over the shorter form of the name.

    [Footnote 73: U.S. Expl. Expd., 1846, vol. 6, pp. 199, 218.]

Though here classed as a distinct family, the status of the Pit River
dialects can not be considered to be finally settled. Powers speaks of
the language as “hopelessly consonantal, harsh, and sesquipedalian,”
* * * “utterly unlike the sweet and simple languages of the Sacramento.”
He adds that the personal pronouns show it to be a true Digger Indian
tongue. Recent investigations by Mr. Gatschet lead him, however, to
believe that ultimately it will be found to be linguistically related
to the Sastean languages.


The family was located by Hale to the southeast of the Lutuami
(Klamath). They chiefly occupied the area drained by the Pit River in
extreme northeastern California. Some of the tribe were removed to Round
Valley Reservation, California.


Powers, who has made a special study of the tribe, recognizes the
following principal tribal divisions:[74]


    [Footnote 74: Cont. N.A. Eth. vol. 3, p. 267.]


  = Pima, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 898, 1850 (cites three languages from
  the Mithridates, viz, Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve). Turner in Pac. R.
  R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 1856 (Pima proper). Latham in Trans.
  Philolog. Soc. Lond., 92, 1856 (contains Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve,
  Papagos). Latham, Opuscula, 356, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 427,
  1862 (includes Pima proper, Opata, Eudeve, Papago, Ibequi, Hiaqui,
  Tubar, Tarahumara, Cora). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877
  (includes Pima, Névome, Pápago). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429,
  1877 (defines area and gives habitat).

Latham used the term Pima in 1850, citing under it three dialects or
languages. Subsequently, in 1856, he used the same term for one of the
five divisions into which he separates the languages of Sonora and

The same year Turner gave a brief account of Pima as a distinct
language, his remarks applying mainly to Pima proper of the Gila River,
Arizona. This tribe had been visited by Emory and Johnston and also
described by Bartlett. Turner refers to a short vocabulary in the
Mithridates, another of Dr. Coulter’s in Royal Geological Society
Journal, vol. XI, 1841, and a third by Parry in Schoolcraft, Indian
Tribes, vol. III, 1853. The short vocabulary he himself published was
collected by Lieut. Whipple.

Only a small portion of the territory occupied by this family is
included within the United States, the greater portion being in Mexico
where it extends to the Gulf of California. The family is represented in
the United States by three tribes, Pima alta, Sobaipuri, and Papago. The
former have lived for at least two centuries with the Maricopa on the
Gila River about 160 miles from the mouth. The Sobaipuri occupied the
Santa Cruz and San Pedro Rivers, tributaries of the Gila, but are no
longer known. The Papago territory is much more extensive and extends to
the south across the border. In recent times the two tribes have been
separated, but the Pima territory as shown upon the map was formerly
continuous to the Gila River.

According to Buschmann, Gatschet, Brinton, and others the Pima language
is a northern branch of the Nahuatl, but this relationship has yet to be

    [Footnote 75: Buschmann, Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der
    Koloschen, pp. 321-432.]


  Northern group:

  Southern group:

_Population._--Of the above tribes the Pima and Papago only are within
our boundaries. Their numbers under the Pima Agency, Arizona,[76] are
Pima, 4,464; Papago, 5,163.

    [Footnote 76: According to the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.]


  > Pujuni, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 80, 1856 (contains
  Pujuni, Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, Cushna of Schoolcraft). Latham,
  Opuscula, 346, 1860.

  > Meidoos, Powers in Overland Monthly, 420, May, 1874.

  = Meidoo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 159, 1877 (gives habitat and
  tribes). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 433, 1877.

  > Mai´-du, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 282, 1877 (same as
  Mai´-deh; general account of; names the tribes). Powell, ibid., 586
  (vocabs. of Kon´-kau, Hol-o´-lu-pai, Na´-kum, Ni´-shi-nam, “Digger,”
  Cushna, Nishinam, Yuba or Nevada, Punjuni, Sekumne, Tsamak).

  > Neeshenams, Powers in Overland Monthly, 21, Jan., 1874 (considers
  this tribe doubtfully distinct from Meidoo family).

  > Ni-shi-nam, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 313, 1877
  (distinguishes them from Maidu family).

  X Sacramento Valley, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
  476, 1878 (Ochecumne, Chupumne, Secumne, Cosumne, Sololumne, Puzlumne,
  Yasumne, etc.; “altogether about 26 tribes”).

The following tribes were placed in this group by Latham: Pujuni,
Secumne, Tsamak of Hale, and the Cushna of Schoolcraft. The name adopted
for the family is the name of a tribe given by Hale.[77] This was one of
the two races into which, upon the information of Captain Sutter as
derived by Mr. Dana, all the Sacramento tribes were believed to be
divided. “These races resembled one another in every respect but

    [Footnote 77: U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, p. 631.]

Hale gives short vocabularies of the Pujuni, Sekumne, and Tsamak. Hale
did not apparently consider the evidence as a sufficient basis for a
family, but apparently preferred to leave its status to be settled


The tribes of this family have been carefully studied by Powers, to whom
we are indebted for most all we know of their distribution. They
occupied the eastern bank of the Sacramento in California, beginning
some 80 or 100 miles from its mouth, and extended northward to within a
short distance of Pit River, where they met the tribes of the
Palaihnihan family. Upon the east they reached nearly to the border of
the State, the Palaihnihan, Shoshonean, and Washoan families hemming
them in in this direction.


  Bayu.            Olla.
  Boka.            Otaki.
  Eskin.           Paupákan.
  Hélto.           Pusúna.
  Hoak.            Taitchida.
  Hoankut.         Tíshum.
  Hololúpai.       Toámtcha.
  Koloma.          Tosikoyo.
  Konkau.          Toto.
  Kū´lmeh.         Ustóma.
  Kulomum.         Wapúmni.
  Kwatóa.          Wima.
  Nakum.           Yuba.


  > Quoratem, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853
  (proposed as a proper name of family “should it be held one”).

  > Eh-nek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 423, 1853 (given as
  name of a band only; but suggests Quoratem as a proper family name).

  > Ehnik, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 76, 1856 (south of
  Shasti and Lutuami areas). Latham, Opuscula, 342, 1860.

  = Cahrocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, 328, April, 1872 (on Klamath
  and Salmon Rivers).

  = Cahrok, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.

  = Ka´-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 19, 1877. Powell in ibid.,
  447, 1877 (vocabularies of Ka´-rok, Arra-Arra, Peh´-tsik, Eh-nek).

  < Klamath, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475,
  1878 (cited as including Cahrocs).

Derivation: Name of a band at mouth of Salmon River, California.
Etymology unknown.

This family name is equivalent to the Cahroc or Karok of Powers and
later authorities.

In 1853, as above cited, Gibbs gives Eh-nek as the titular heading of
his paragraphs upon the language of this family, with the remark that it
is “The name of a band at the mouth of the Salmon, or Quoratem river.”
He adds that “This latter name may perhaps be considered as proper to
give to the family, should it be held one.” He defines the territory
occupied by the family as follows: “The language reaches from Bluff
creek, the upper boundary of the Pohlik, to about Clear creek, thirty or
forty miles above the Salmon; varying, however, somewhat from point to

The presentation of the name Quoratem, as above, seems sufficiently
formal, and it is therefore accepted for the group first indicated by

In 1856 Latham renamed the family Ehnik, after the principal band,
locating the tribe, or rather the language, south of the Shasti and
Lutuami areas.


The geographic limits of the family are somewhat indeterminate, though
the main area occupied by the tribes is well known. The tribes occupy
both banks of the lower Klamath from a range of hills a little above
Happy Camp to the junction of the Trinity, and the Salmon River from its
mouth to its sources. On the north, Quoratean tribes extended to the
Athapascan territory near the Oregon line.



_Population._--According to a careful estimate made by Mr. Curtin in the
region in 1889, the Indians of this family number about 600.


  < Salinas, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
  Gioloco, Ruslen, Soledad of Mofras, Eslen, Carmel, San Antonio, San
  Miguel). Latham, Opuscula, 350, 1860.

  > San Antonio, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 568, 1877 (vocabulary
  of; not given as a family, but kept by itself).

  < Santa Barbara, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 157, 1877 (cited here as
  containing San Antonio). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M.,
  VII, 419, 1879 (contains San Antonio, San Miguel).

  X Runsiens, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476,
  1878 (San Miguel of his group belongs here).

Derivation: From river of same name.

The language formerly spoken at the Missions of San Antonio and San
Miguel in Monterey County, California, have long occupied a doubtful
position. By some they have been considered distinct, not only from each
other, but from all other languages. Others have held that they
represent distinct dialects of the Chumashan (Santa Barbara) group of
languages. Vocabularies collected in 1884 by Mr. Henshaw show clearly
that the two are closely connected dialects and that they are in no wise
related to any other family.

The group established by Latham under the name Salinas is a
heterogeneous one, containing representatives of no fewer than four
distinct families. Gioloco, which he states “may possibly belong to this
group, notwithstanding its reference to the Mission of San Francisco,”
really is congeneric with the vocabularies assigned by Latham to the
Mendocinan family. The “Soledad of Mofras” belongs to the Costanoan
family mentioned on page 348 of the same essay, as also do the Ruslen
and Carmel. Of the three remaining forms of speech, Eslen, San Antonio,
and San Miguel, the two latter are related dialects, and belong within
the drainage of the Salinas River. The term Salinan is hence applied to
them, leaving the Eslen language to be provided with a name.

_Population._--Though the San Antonio and San Miguel were probably never
very populous tribes, the Missions of San Antonio and San Miguel, when
first established in the years 1771 and 1779, contained respectively
1,400 and 1,300 Indians. Doubtless the larger number of these converts
were gathered in the near vicinity of the two missions and so belonged
to this family. In 1884 when Mr. Henshaw visited the missions he was
able to learn of the existence of only about a dozen Indians of this
family, and not all of these could speak their own language.


  > Salish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 306, 1836 (or
  Flat Heads only). Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II, 31-50,
  1846 (of Duponceau. Said to be the Okanagan of Tolmie).

  X Salish, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 474,
  1878 (includes Flatheads, Kalispelms, Skitsuish, Colvilles, Quarlpi,
  Spokanes, Pisquouse, Soaiatlpi).

  = Salish, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 618, 1882.

  > Selish, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (vocab.
  of Nsietshaws). Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 63, 78, 1884
  (vocabularies of Lillooet and Kullēspelm).

  > Jelish, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853
  (obvious misprint for Selish; follows Hale as to tribes).

  = Selish, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 169, 1877 (gives habitat and
  tribes of family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 444, 1877.

  < Selish, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877
  (includes Yakama, which is Shahaptian).

  > Tsihaili-Selish, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 205, 535, 569, 1846
  (includes Shushwaps. Selish or Flatheads, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Skwale,
  Tsihailish, Kawelitsk, Nsietshawus). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc.,
  II, pt. 1, c, 10, 1848 (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas,
  map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 658-661, 1859.
  Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 399, 1862 (contains Shushwap or Atna Proper,
  Kuttelspelm or Pend d’Oreilles, Selish, Spokan, Okanagan, Skitsuish,
  Piskwaus, Nusdalum, Kawitchen, Cathlascou, Skwali, Chechili, Kwaintl,
  Kwenaiwtl, Nsietshawus, Billechula).

  > Atnahs, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 134, 135, 306, 1836
  (on Fraser River). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 427, 1847 (on
  Fraser River).

  > Atna, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 71, 1856
  (Tsihaili-Selish of Hale and Gallatin).

  X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224,
  1841 (includes, among others, Billechoola, Kawitchen, Noosdalum,
  Squallyamish of present family).

  X Insular, Scouler, ibid., (same as Nootka-Columbian family).

  X Shahaptan, Scouler, ibid., 225 (includes Okanagan of this family).

  X Southern, Scouler, ibid., 224 (same as Nootka-Columbian family).

  > Billechoola, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 154, 1848 (assigns
  Friendly Village of McKenzie here). Latham, Opuscula, 250, 1860 (gives
  Tolmie’s vocabulary).

  > Billechula, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (mouth of Salmon
  River). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856 (same).
  Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860.

  > Bellacoola, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (Bellacoolas
  only; specimen vocabulary).

  > Bilhoola, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 62, 1884 (vocab. of

  > Bilchula, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (mentions
  Sātsq, Nūte̥´l, Nuchalkmχ, Taleómχ).

  X Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848
  (cited as including Billechola).

  > Tsihaili, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 310, 1850 (chiefly lower part of
  Fraser River and between that and the Columbia; includes Shuswap,
  Salish, Skitsuish, Piskwaus, Kawitchen, Skwali, Checheeli, Kowelits,
  Noosdalum, Nsietshawus).

  X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301, 1850 (cited as including

  X Shushwaps, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  474, 1878 (quoted as including Shewhapmuch and Okanagans).

  X Hydahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Bellacoolas of present family).

  X Nootkahs, Keane, ibid., 473 (includes Komux, Kowitchans, Klallums,
  Kwantlums, Teets of present family).

  X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains the following
  Salishan tribes: Cowichin, Soke, Comux, Noosdalum, Wickinninish,
  Songhie, Sanetch, Kwantlum, Teet, Nanaimo, Newchemass, Shimiahmoo,
  Nooksak, Samish, Skagit, Snohomish, Clallam, Toanhooch).

  < Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
  474, 1878 (comprises Nooksahs, Lummi, Samish, Skagits, Nisqually,
  Neewamish, Sahmamish, Snohomish, Skeewamish, Squanamish, Klallums,
  Classets, Chehalis, Cowlitz, Pistchin, Chinakum; all but the last
  being Salishan).

  > Flatheads, Keane, ibid., 474, 1878 (same as his Salish above).

  > Kawitshin, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 39, 1884 (vocabs. of
  Songis and Kwantlin Sept and Kowmook or Tlathool).

  > Qauitschin, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 131, 1887.

  > Niskwalli, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 121, 1884 (or
  Skwalliamish vocabulary of Sinahomish).

The extent of the Salish or Flathead family was unknown to Gallatin, as
indeed appears to have been the exact locality of the tribe of which he
gives an anonymous vocabulary from the Duponceau collection. The tribe
is stated to have resided upon one of the branches of the Columbia
River, “which must be either the most southern branch of Clarke’s River
or the most northern branch of Lewis’s River.” The former supposition
was correct. As employed by Gallatin the family embraced only a single
tribe, the Flathead tribe proper. The Atnah, a Salishan tribe, were
considered by Gallatin to be distinct, and the name would be eligible as
the family name; preference, however, is given to Salish. The few words
from the Friendly Village near the sources of the Salmon River given by
Gallatin in Archæologia Americana, II, 1836, pp. 15, 306, belong under
this family.


Since Gallatin’s time, through the labors of Riggs, Hale, Tolmie,
Dawson, Boas, and others, our knowledge of the territorial limits of
this linguistic family has been greatly extended. The most southern
outpost of the family, the Tillamook and Nestucca, were established on
the coast of Oregon, about 50 miles to the south of the Columbia, where
they were quite separated from their kindred to the north by the
Chinookan tribes. Beginning on the north side of Shoalwater Bay,
Salishan tribes held the entire northwestern part of Washington,
including the whole of the Puget Sound region, except only the Macaw
territory about Cape Flattery, and two insignificant spots, one near
Port Townsend, the other on the Pacific coast to the south of Cape
Flattery, which were occupied by Chimakuan tribes. Eastern Vancouver
Island to about midway of its length was also held by Salishan tribes,
while the great bulk of their territory lay on the mainland opposite and
included much of the upper Columbia. On the south they were hemmed in
mainly by the Shahaptian tribes. Upon the east Salishan tribes dwelt to
a little beyond the Arrow Lakes and their feeder, one of the extreme
north forks of the Columbia. Upon the southeast Salishan tribes extended
into Montana, including the upper drainage of the Columbia. They were
met here in 1804 by Lewis and Clarke. On the northeast Salish territory
extended to about the fifty-third parallel. In the northwest it did not
reach the Chilcat River.

Within the territory thus indicated there is considerable diversity of
customs and a greater diversity of language. The language is split into
a great number of dialects, many of which are doubtless mutually

The relationship of this family to the Wakashan is a very interesting
problem. Evidences of radical affinity have been discovered by Boas and
Gatschet, and the careful study of their nature and extent now being
prosecuted by the former may result in the union of the two, though
until recently they have been considered quite distinct.


  Atnah.            Pentlatc.       Skitsuish.
  Bellacoola.       Pisquow.        Skokomish.
  Chehalis.         Puyallup.       Skopamish.
  Clallam.          Quaitso.        Sktehlmish.
  Colville.         Queniut.        Smulkamish.
  Comux.            Queptlmamish.   Snohomish.
  Copalis.          Sacumehu.       Snoqualmi.
  Cowichin.         Sahewamish.     Soke.
  Cowlitz.          Salish.         Songish.
  Dwamish.          Samamish.       Spokan.
  Kwantlen.         Samish.         Squawmisht.
  Lummi.            Sanetch.        Squaxon.
  Met’how.          Sans Puell.     Squonamish.
  Nanaimo.          Satsop.         Stehtsasamish.
  Nanoos.           Sawamish.       Stillacum.
  Nehalim.          Sekamish.       Sumass.
  Nespelum.         Shomamish.      Suquamish.
  Nicoutamuch.      Shooswap.       Swinamish.
  Nisqualli.        Shotlemamish.   Tait.
  Nuksahk.          Skagit.         Tillamook.
  Okinagan.         Skihwamish.     Twana.
  Pend d’Oreilles.

_Population._--The total Salish population of British Columbia is
12,325, inclusive of the Bellacoola, who number, with the Hailtzuk,
2,500, and those in the list of unclassified, who number 8,522,
distributed as follows:

Under the Fraser River Agency, 4,986; Kamloops Agency, 2,579; Cowichan
Agency, 1,852; Okanagan Agency, 942; Williams Lake Agency, 1,918;
Kootenay Agency, 48.

Most of the Salish in the United States are on reservations. They number
about 5,500, including a dozen small tribes upon the Yakama Reservation,
which have been consolidated with the Clickatat (Shahaptian) through
intermarriage. The Salish of the United States are distributed as
follows (Indian Affairs Report, 1889, and U.S. Census Bulletin, 1890):

Colville Agency, Washington, Coeur d’ Alene, 422; Lower Spokane, 417;
Lake, 303; Colville, 247; Okinagan, 374; Kespilem, 67; San Pueblo (Sans
Puell), 300; Calispel, 200; Upper Spokane, 170.

Puyallup Agency, Washington, Quaitso, 82; Quinaielt (Queniut), 101;
Humptulip, 19; Puyallup, 563; Chehalis, 135; Nisqually, 94; Squaxon, 60;
Clallam, 351; Skokomish, 191; Oyhut, Hoquiam, Montesano, and Satsup, 29.

Tulalip Agency, Washington, Snohomish, 443; Madison, 144; Muckleshoot,
103; Swinomish, 227; Lummi, 295.

Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, Tillamook, 5.


  = Saste, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846. Gallatin in
  Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848. Berghaus (1851), Physik.
  Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 572, 1859.

  = Shasty, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (= Saste). Buschmann,
  Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 573, 1859 (= Saste).

  = Shasties, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 569, 1846 (= Saste).
  Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  = Shasti, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (southwest of Lutuami).
  Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc., Lond., VI, 82, 1854. Latham, ibid, 74,
  1856. Latham, Opuscula, 310, 341, 1860 (allied to both Shoshonean and
  Shahaptian families). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 407, 1862.

  = Shaste, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (mentions
  Watsa-he’-wa, a Scott’s River band).

  = Sasti, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (= Shasties).

  = Shasta, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 607, 1877. Gatschet in Mag.
  Am. Hist., 164, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.

  = Shas-ti-ka, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 243, 1877.

  = Shasta, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 164, 1877 (= Shasteecas).

  < Shasta, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 1882 (includes Palaik,
  Watsahewah, Shasta).

  < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
  (contains Shastas of present family).

Derivation: The single tribe upon the language of which Hale based his
name was located by him to the southwest of the Lutuami or Klamath
tribes. He calls the tribe indifferently Shasties or Shasty, but the
form applied by him to the family (see pp. 218, 569) is Saste, which
accordingly is the one taken.


The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained by the
Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of the Cascade
range to the point where the Klamath flows through the ridge of hills
east of Happy Camp, which forms the boundary between the Sastean and the
Quoratean families. In addition to this region of the Klamath, the
Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range northward as far as Ashland,


  X Shahaptan, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 225, 1841 (three
  tribes, Shahaptan or Nez-percés, Kliketat, Okanagan; the latter being

  < Shahaptan, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (two classes,
  Nez-perces proper of mountains, and Polanches of plains; includes also
  Kliketat and Okanagan).

  > Sahaptin, Hale in U.S. Expl. Expd., VI, 198, 212, 542, 1846
  (Shahaptin or Nez-percés, Wallawallas, Pelooses, Yakemas, Klikatats).
  Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 1848 (follows
  Hale). Gallatin, ibid., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (Nez-percés only).
  Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
  Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (Nez-perces and Wallawallas). Dall, after
  Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1, 241, 1877 (includes Taitinapam and

  > Saptin, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (or Shahaptan).

  < Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (includes Wallawallas,
  Kliketat, Proper Sahaptin or Nez-percés, Pelús, Yakemas, Cayús?).
  Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (includes Waiilatpu).
  Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 614, 615, 1859. Latham,
  Opuscula, 340, 1860 (as in 1856). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 440, 1862
  (vocabularies Sahaptin, Wallawalla, Kliketat). Keane, App. Stanford’s
  Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 460, 474, 1878 (includes Palouse, Walla
  Wallas, Yakimas, Tairtlas, Kliketats or Pshawanwappams, Cayuse,
  Mollale; the two last are Waiilatpuan).

  = Sahaptin, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 168, 1877 (defines habitat and
  enumerates tribes of). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 443, 1877.
  Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565, 620, 1882.

  > Shahaptani, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 78, 1884 (Whulwhaipum

  < Nez-percés, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 428, 1847 (see
  Shahaptan). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 474,
  1878 (see his Sahaptin).

  X Seliah, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 241, 1877
  (includes Yakama which belongs here).

Derivation: From a Selish word of unknown significance.

The Shahaptan family of Scouler comprised three tribes--the Shahaptan or
Nez Percés, the Kliketat, a scion of the Shahaptan, dwelling near Mount
Ranier, and the Okanagan, inhabiting the upper part of Fraser River and
its tributaries; “these tribes were asserted to speak dialects of the
same language.” Of the above tribes the Okinagan are now known to be

The vocabularies given by Scouler were collected by Tolmie. The term
“Sahaptin” appears on Gallatin’s map of 1836, where it doubtless refers
only to the Nez Percé tribe proper, with respect to whose linguistic
affinities Gallatin apparently knew nothing at the time. At all events
the name occurs nowhere in his discussion of the linguistic families.


The tribes of this family occupied a large section of country along the
Columbia and its tributaries. Their western boundary was the Cascade
Mountains; their westernmost bands, the Klikitat on the north, the Tyigh
and Warm Springs on the south, enveloping for a short distance the
Chinook territory along the Columbia which extended to the Dalles.
Shahaptian tribes extended along the tributaries of the Columbia for a
considerable distance, their northern boundary being indicated by about
the forty-sixth parallel, their southern by about the forty-fourth.
Their eastern extension was interrupted by the Bitter Root Mountains.


  Chopunnish (Nez Percé), 1,515 on Nez Percé Reservation, Idaho.
  Klikitat, say one-half of 330 natives, on Yakama Reservation,
  Paloos, Yakama Reservation, number unknown.
  Tenaino, 69 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
  Tyigh, 430 on Warm Springs Reservation, Oregon.
  Umatilla, 179 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.
  Walla Walla, 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.


  > Shoshonees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120,
  133, 306, 1836 (Shoshonee or Snake only). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI,
  218, 1846 (Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Gallatin
  in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848 (as above). Gallatin,
  ibid., 18, 1848 (follows Hale; see below). Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
  Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3,
  55, 71, 76, 1856 (treats only of Comanche, Chemehuevi, Cahuillo).
  Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 553, 649, 1859.

  > Shoshoni, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 218, 569, 1846
  (Shóshoni, Wihinasht, Pánasht, Yutas, Sampiches, Comanches). Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.

  > Schoschonenu Kamantschen, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17,
  1848. Ibid., 1852.

  > Shoshones, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (or Snakes;
  both sides Rocky Mountains and sources of Missouri).

  = Shoshóni, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist. 154, 1877. Gatschet in Beach,
  Ind. Misc., 426, 1877.

  < Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  477, 1878 (includes Washoes of a distinct family). Bancroft, Nat.
  Races, III, 567, 661, 1882.

  > Snake, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 120, 133,
  1836 (or Shoshonees). Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 1846 (as under
  Shoshonee). Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 429, 1847 (as under
  Shoshones). Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 76, 1856 (as under
  Shoshonees). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 552, 649, 1859 (as
  under Shoshonees).

  < Snake, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477, 1878
  (contains Washoes in addition to Shoshonean tribes proper).

  > Kizh, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 569, 1846 (San Gabriel language

  > Netela, Hale, ibid., 569, 1846 (San Juan Capestrano language).

  > Paduca, Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 415, 1847 (Cumanches,
  Kiawas, Utas). Latham, Nat. Hist., Man., 310, 326, 1850. Latham (1853)
  in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 73, 1854 (includes Wihinast,
  Shoshoni, Uta). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 96, 1856.
  Latham, Opuscula, 300, 360, 1860.

  < Paduca, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 346, 1850 (Wihinast, Bonaks,
  Diggers, Utahs, Sampiches, Shoshonis, Kiaways, Kaskaias?, Keneways?,
  Bald-heads, Cumanches, Navahoes, Apaches, Carisos). Latham, El. Comp.
  Phil., 440, 1862 (defines area of; cites vocabs. of Shoshoni,
  Wihinasht, Uta, Comanch, Piede or Pa-uta, Chemuhuevi, Cahuillo,
  Kioway, the latter not belonging here).

  > Cumanches, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853.

  > Netela-Kij, Latham (1853) in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 76,
  1854 (composed of Netela of Hale, San Juan Capistrano of Coulter, San
  Gabriel of Coulter, Kij of Hale).

  > Capistrano, Latham in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 85, 1856 (includes
  Netela, of San Luis Rey and San Juan Capistrano, the San Gabriel or
  Kij of San Gabriel and San Fernando).

In his synopsis of the Indian tribes[78] Gallatin’s reference to this
great family is of the most vague and unsatisfactory sort. He speaks of
“some bands of Snake Indians or Shoshonees, living on the waters of the
river Columbia” (p. 120), which is almost the only allusion to them to
be found. The only real claim he possesses to the authorship of the
family name is to be found on page 306, where, in his list of tribes and
vocabularies, he places “Shoshonees” among his other families, which is
sufficient to show that he regarded them as a distinct linguistic group.
The vocabulary he possessed was by Say.

    [Footnote 78: Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 1836.]

Buschmann, as above cited, classes the Shoshonean languages as a
northern branch of his Nahuatl or Aztec family, but the evidence
presented for this connection is deemed to be insufficient.


This important family occupied a large part of the great interior basin
of the United States. Upon the north Shoshonean tribes extended far into
Oregon, meeting Shahaptian territory on about the forty-fourth parallel
or along the Blue Mountains. Upon the northeast the eastern limits of
the pristine habitat of the Shoshonean tribes are unknown. The narrative
of Lewis and Clarke[79] contains the explicit statement that the
Shoshoni bands encountered upon the Jefferson River, whose summer home
was upon the head waters of the Columbia, formerly lived within their
own recollection in the plains to the east of the Rocky Mountains,
whence they were driven to their mountain retreats by the Minnetaree
(Atsina), who had obtained firearms. Their former habitat thus given is
indicated upon the map, although the eastern limit is of course quite
indeterminate. Very likely much of the area occupied by the Atsina was
formerly Shoshonean territory. Later a division of the Bannock held the
finest portion of southwestern Montana,[80] whence apparently they were
being pushed westward across the mountains by Blackfeet.[81] Upon the
east the Tukuarika or Sheepeaters held the Yellowstone Park country,
where they were bordered by Siouan territory, while the Washaki occupied
southwestern Wyoming. Nearly the entire mountainous part of Colorado was
held by the several bands of the Ute, the eastern and southeastern parts
of the State being held respectively by the Arapaho and Cheyenne
(Algonquian), and the Kaiowe (Kiowan). To the southeast the Ute country
included the northern drainage of the San Juan, extending farther east a
short distance into New Mexico. The Comanche division of the family
extended farther east than any other. According to Crow tradition the
Comanche formerly lived northward in the Snake River region. Omaha
tradition avers that the Comanche were on the Middle Loup River,
probably within the present century. Bourgemont found a Comanche tribe
on the upper Kansas River in 1724.[82] According to Pike the Comanche
territory bordered the Kaiowe on the north, the former occupying the
head waters of the upper Red River, Arkansas, and Rio Grande.[83] How
far to the southward Shoshonean tribes extended at this early period is
not known, though the evidence tends to show that they raided far down
into Texas to the territory they have occupied in more recent years,
viz, the extensive plains from the Rocky Mountains eastward into Indian
Territory and Texas to about 97°. Upon the south Shoshonean territory
was limited generally by the Colorado River. The Chemehuevi lived on
both banks of the river between the Mohave on the north and the Cuchan
on the south, above and below Bill Williams Fork.[84] The Kwaiantikwoket
also lived to the east of the river in Arizona about Navajo Mountain,
while the Tusayan (Moki) had established their seven pueblos, including
one founded by people of Tañoan stock, to the east of the Colorado
Chiquito. In the southwest Shoshonean tribes had pushed across
California, occupying a wide band of country to the Pacific. In their
extension northward they had reached as far as Tulare Lake, from which
territory apparently they had dispossessed the Mariposan tribes, leaving
a small remnant of that linguistic family near Fort Tejon.[85]

    [Footnote 79: Allen ed., Philadelphia, 1814, vol. 1, p. 418.]

    [Footnote 80: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1869, p. 289.]

    [Footnote 81: Stevens in Pac. R. R. Rep., 1855, vol. 1, p. 329.]

    [Footnote 82: Lewis and Clarke, Allen ed., 1814, vol. 1, p. 34.]

    [Footnote 83: Pike, Expl. to sources of the Miss., app. pt. 3, 16,

    [Footnote 84: Ives, Colorado River, 1861, p. 54.]

    [Footnote 85: Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 369.]

A little farther north they had crossed the Sierras and occupied the
heads of San Joaquin and Kings Rivers. Northward they occupied nearly
the whole of Nevada, being limited on the west by the Sierra Nevada. The
entire southeastern part of Oregon was occupied by tribes of Shoshoni


  Bannock, 514 on Fort Hall Reservation
    and 75 on the Lemhi Reservation, Idaho.
  Chemehuevi, about 202 attached to the Colorado River Agency, Arizona.
  Comanche, 1,598 on the Kiowa, Comanche and Wichita Reservation,
    Indian Territory.
  Gosiute, 256 in Utah at large.
  Pai Ute, about 2,300 scattered in southeastern California and
    southwestern Nevada.
  Paviotso, about 3,000 scattered in western Nevada and southern Oregon.
  Saidyuka, 145 under Klamath Agency.
  Shoshoni, 979 under Fort Hall Agency and 249 at the Lemhi Agency.
  Tobikhar, about 2,200, under the Mission Agency, California.
  Tukuarika, or Sheepeaters, 108 at Lemhi Agency.
  Tusayan (Moki), 1,996 (census of 1890).
  Uta, 2,839 distributed as follows:
    985 under Southern Ute Agency, Colorado;
    1,021 on Ouray Reserve, Utah;
    833 on Uintah Reserve, Utah.


  X Sioux, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 121, 306,
  1836 (for tribes included see text below). Prichard, Phys. Hist.
  Mankind, V, 408, 1847 (follows Gallatin). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth.
  Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848 (as in 1836). Berghaus (1845), Physik.
  Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind.
  Tribes, III, 402, 1853. Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

  > Sioux, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 333, 1850 (includes Winebagoes,
  Dakotas, Assineboins, Upsaroka, Mandans, Minetari, Osage). Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 58, 1856 (mere mention of family).
  Latham, Opuscula, 327, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil, 458, 1862.

  > Catawbas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 87, 1836
  (Catawbas and Woccons). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 245, et map, 1840.
  Prichard, Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 399, 1847. Gallatin in Trans. Am.
  Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp.
  (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473, 1878.

  > Catahbas, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

  > Catawba, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man., 334, 1850 (Woccoon are allied).
  Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 401, 1853.

  > Kataba, Gatschet in Am. Antiquarian, IV, 238, 1882. Gatschet, Creek
  Mig. Legend, I, 15, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

  > Woccons, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 306, 1836
  (numbered and given as a distinct family in table, but inconsistently
  noted in foot-note where referred to as Catawban family.)

  > Dahcotas, Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III, 243, 1840.

  > Dakotas, Hayden, Cont. Eth. and Phil. Missouri Ind., 232, 1862
  (treats of Dakotas, Assiniboins, Crows, Minnitarees, Mandans, Omahas,

  > Dacotah, Keane, App. to Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460,
  470, 1878. (The following are the main divisions given: Isaunties,
  Sissetons, Yantons, Teetons, Assiniboines, Winnebagos, Punkas, Omahas,
  Missouris, Iowas, Otoes, Kaws, Quappas, Osages, Upsarocas,

  > Dakota, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 72, 1887.

Derivation: A corruption of the Algonkin word “nadowe-ssi-wag,” “the
snake-like ones,” “the enemies” (Trumbull).

Under the family Gallatin makes four subdivisions, viz, the Winnebagos,
the Sioux proper and the Assiniboins, the Minnetare group, and the
Osages and southern kindred tribes. Gallatin speaks of the distribution
of the family as follows: The Winnebagoes have their principal seats on
the Fox River of Lake Michigan and towards the heads of the Rock River
of the Mississippi; of the Dahcotas proper, the Mendewahkantoan or “Gens
du Lac” lived east of the Mississippi from Prairie du Chien north to
Spirit Lake. The three others, Wahkpatoan, Wahkpakotoan and Sisitoans
inhabit the country between the Mississippi and the St. Peters, and that
on the southern tributaries of this river and on the headwaters of the
Red River of Lake Winnipek. The three western tribes, the Yanktons, the
Yanktoanans and the Tetons wander between the Mississippi and the
Missouri, extending southerly to 43° of north latitude and some distance
west of the Missouri, between 43° and 47° of latitude. The “Shyennes”
are included in the family but are marked as doubtfully belonging here.

Owing to the fact that “Sioux” is a word of reproach and means snake or
enemy, the term has been discarded by many later writers as a family
designation, and “Dakota,” which signifies friend or ally, has been
employed in its stead. The two words are, however, by no means properly
synonymous. The term “Sioux” was used by Gallatin in a comprehensive or
family sense and was applied to all the tribes collectively known to him
to speak kindred dialects of a widespread language. It is in this sense
only, as applied to the linguistic family, that the term is here
employed. The term “Dahcota” (Dakota) was correctly applied by Gallatin
to the Dakota tribes proper as distinguished from the other members of
the linguistic family who are not Dakotas in a tribal sense. The use of
the term with this signification should be perpetuated.

It is only recently that a definite decision has been reached respecting
the relationship of the Catawba and Woccon, the latter an extinct tribe
known to have been linguistically related to the Catawba. Gallatin
thought that he was able to discern some affinities of the Catawban
language with “Muskhogee and even with Choctaw,” though these were not
sufficient to induce him to class them together. Mr. Gatschet was the
first to call attention to the presence in the Catawba language of a
considerable number of words having a Siouan affinity.

Recently Mr. Dorsey has made a critical examination of all the Catawba
linguistic material available, which has been materially increased by
the labors of Mr. Gatschet, and the result seems to justify its
inclusion as one of the dialects of the widespread Siouan family.


The pristine territory of this family was mainly in one body, the only
exceptions being the habitats of the Biloxi, the Tutelo, the Catawba and

Contrary to the popular opinion of the present day, the general trend of
Siouan migration has been westward. In comparatively late prehistoric
times, probably most of the Siouan tribes dwelt east of the Mississippi

The main Siouan territory extended from about 53° north in the Hudson
Bay Company Territory, to about 33°, including a considerable part of
the watershed of the Missouri River and that of the Upper Mississippi.
It was bounded on the northwest, north, northeast, and for some distance
on the east by Algonquian territory. South of 45° north the line ran
eastward to Lake Michigan, as the Green Bay region belonged to the

    [Footnote 86: See treaty of Prairie du Chien, 1825.]

It extended westward from Lake Michigan through Illinois, crossing the
Mississippi River at Prairie du Chien. At this point began the
Algonquian territory (Sac, etc.) on the west side of the Mississippi,
extending southward to the Missouri, and crossing that river it returned
to the Mississippi at St. Louis. The Siouan tribes claimed all of the
present States of Iowa and Missouri, except the parts occupied by
Algonquian tribes. The dividing line between the two for a short
distance below St. Louis was the Mississippi River. The line then ran
west of Dunklin, New Madrid, and Pemiscot Counties, in Missouri, and
Mississippi County and those parts of Craighead and Poinsett Counties,
Arkansas, lying east of the St. Francis River. Once more the Mississippi
became the eastern boundary, but in this case separating the Siouan from
the Muskhogean territory. The Quapaw or Akansa were the most southerly
tribe in the main Siouan territory. In 1673[87] they were east of the
Mississippi. Joutel (1687) located two of their villages on the Arkansas
and two on the Mississippi one of the latter being on the east bank, in
our present State of Mississippi, and the other being on the opposite
side, in Arkansas. Shea says[88] that the Kaskaskias were found by De
Soto in 1540 in latitude 36°, and that the Quapaw were higher up the
Mississippi. But we know that the southeast corner of Missouri and the
northeast corner of Arkansas, east of the St. Francis River, belonged to
Algonquian tribes. A study of the map of Arkansas shows reason for
believing that there may have been a slight overlapping of habitats, or
a sort of debatable ground. At any rate it seems advisable to
compromise, and assign the Quapaw and Osage (Siouan tribes) all of
Arkansas up to about 36° north.

    [Footnote 87: Marquette’s Autograph Map.]

    [Footnote 88: Disc. of Miss. Valley, p. 170, note.]

On the southwest of the Siouan family was the Southern Caddoan group,
the boundary extending from the west side of the Mississippi River in
Louisiana, nearly opposite Vicksburg, Mississippi, and running
northwestwardly to the bend of Red River between Arkansas and Louisiana;
thence northwest along the divide between the watersheds of the Arkansas
and Red Rivers. In the northwest corner of Indian Territory the Osages
came in contact with the Comanche (Shoshonean), and near the western
boundary of Kansas the Kiowa, Cheyenne, and Arapaho (the two latter
being recent Algonquian intruders?) barred the westward march of the
Kansa or Kaw.

The Pawnee group of the Caddoan family in western Nebraska and
northwestern Kansas separated the Ponka and Dakota on the north from the
Kansa on the south, and the Omaha and other Siouan tribes on the east
from Kiowa and other tribes on the west. The Omaha and cognate peoples
occupied in Nebraska the lower part of the Platte River, most of the
Elkhorn Valley, and the Ponka claimed the region watered by the Niobrara
in northern Nebraska.

There seems to be sufficient evidence for assigning to the Crows
(Siouan) the northwest corner of Nebraska (i.e., that part north of the
Kiowan and Caddoan habitats) and the southwest part of South Dakota (not
claimed by Cheyenne[89]), as well as the northern part of Wyoming and
the southern part of Montana, where they met the Shoshonean stock.[90]

    [Footnote 89: See Cheyenne treaty, in Indian Treaties, 1873, pp.
    124, 5481-5489.]

    [Footnote 90: Lewis and Clarke, Trav., Lond., 1807, p. 25. Lewis
    and Clarke, Expl., 1874, vol. 2, p. 390. A. L. Riggs, MS. letter
    to Dorsey, 1876 or 1877. Dorsey, Ponka tradition: “The Black Hills
    belong to the Crows.” That the Dakotas were not there till this
    century see Corbusier’s Dakota Winter Counts, in 4th Rept. Bur.
    Eth., p. 130, where it is also said that the Crow were the
    original owners of the Black Hills.]

The Biloxi habitat in 1699 was on the Pascogoula river,[91] in the
southeast corner of the present State of Mississippi. The Biloxi
subsequently removed to Louisiana, where a few survivors were found by
Mr. Gatschet in 1886.

    [Footnote 91: Margry, Découvertes, vol. 4, p. 195.]

The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick County, southern Virginia,
and it probably included Lunenburgh and Mecklenburg Counties.[92] The
Earl of Bellomont (1699) says[93] that the Shateras were “supposed to be
the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia,” and Pownall, in his map of
North America (1776), gives the Totteroy (i.e., Big Sandy) River.
Subsequently to 1671 the Tutelo left Virginia and moved to North
Carolina.[94] They returned to Virginia (with the Sapona), joined the
Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they and the Tuscarora followed into
Pennsylvania in the last century; thence they went to New York, where
they joined the Six Nations, with whom they removed to Grand River
Reservation, Ontario, Canada, after the Revolutionary war. The last
full-blood Tutelo died in 1870. For the important discovery of the
Siouan affinity of the Tutelo language we are indebted to Mr. Hale.

    [Footnote 92: Batts in Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1853, vol. 3, p. 194.
    Harrison, MS. letter to Dorsey, 1886.]

    [Footnote 93: Doc. Col. Hist. N.Y., 1854, vol. 4. p. 488.]

    [Footnote 94: Lawson, Hist. Carolina, 1714; reprint of 1860,
    p. 384.]

The Catawba lived on the river of the same name on the northern boundary
of South Carolina. Originally they were a powerful tribe, the leading
people of South Carolina, and probably occupied a large part of the
Carolinas. The Woccon were widely separated from kinsmen living in North
Carolina in the fork of the Cotentnea and Neuse Rivers.

The Wateree, living just below the Catawba, were very probably of the
same linguistic connection.


I. _Dakota_.

 (A) Santee: include Mde´-wa-kaⁿ-toⁿ-waⁿ (Spirit Lake village, Santee
    Reservation, Nebraska), and Wa-qpe´-ku-te (Leaf Shooters);
    some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

 (B) Sisseton (Si-si´-toⁿ-waⁿ), on Sisseton Reservation, South Dakota,
    and part on Devil’s Lake Reservation, North Dakota.

 (C) Wahpeton (Wa-qpe´-toⁿ-waⁿ, Wa-hpe-ton-wan); Leaf village.
    Some on Sisseton Reservation; most on Devil’s Lake Reservation.

 (D) Yankton (I-hañk´-toⁿ-waⁿ), at Yankton Reservation, South Dakota.

 (E) Yanktonnais (I-hañk´-toⁿ-waⁿ´-na); divided into _Upper_ and
    _Lower_. Of the _Upper Yanktonnais_, there are some of the
    _Cut-head band_ (Pa´-ba-ksa gens) on Devil’s Lake Reservation.
    _Upper Yanktonnais_, most are on Standing Rock Reservation, North
    Dakota; _Lower Yanktonnais_, most are on Crow Creek Reservation,
    South Dakota, some are on Standing Rock Reservation, and some on
    Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

 (F) Teton (Ti-toⁿ-waⁿ); some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

   (a) _Brulé_ (Si-tcaⁿ´-xu); some are on Standing Rock Reservation.
      Most of the _Upper Brulé_ (Highland Sitcaⁿxu) are on Rosebud
      Reservation, South Dakota. Most of the _Lower Brulé_ (Lowland
      Sitcaⁿxu) are on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota.

   (b) _Sans Arcs_ (I-ta´-zip-tco´, Without Bows).
      Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, South Dakota; some on Standing
      Rock Reservation.

   (c) _Blackfeet_ (Si-ha´sa´-pa).
      Most are on Cheyenne Reservation; some on Standing Rock

   (d) _Minneconjou_ (Mi´-ni-ko´-o-ju).
      Most are on Cheyenne Reservation, some are on Rosebud Reservation,
      and some on Standing Rock Reservation.

   (e) _Two Kettles_ (O-o´-he-noⁿ´-pa, Two Boilings), on Cheyenne

   (f) _Ogalalla_ (O-gla´-la). Most on Pine Ridge Reservation, South
      Dakota; some on Standing Rock Reservation. _Wa-ża-ża_ (Wa-ja-ja,
      Wa-zha-zha), a gens of the Oglala (Pine Ridge Reservation);
      _Loafers_ (Wa-glu-xe, In-breeders), a gens of the Oglala;
      most on Pine Ridge Reservation; some on Rosebud Reservation.

   (g) _Uncpapa_ (1862-’63), _Uncapapa_ (1880-’81), (Huñ´-kpa-pa), on
      Standing Rock Reservation.

II. _Assinaboin_ (Hohe, Dakota name); most in British North America;
  some on Fort Peck Reservation, Montana.

III. _Omaha_ (U-maⁿ´-haⁿ), on Omaha Reservation, Nebraska.

IV. _Ponca_ (formerly _Ponka_ on maps; Ponka); 605 on Ponca Reservation,
  Indian Territory; 217 at Santee Agency, Nebraska.

  [Transcriber’s Note: [K] and [S] represent inverted K and S]

V. _Kaw_ ([K]aⁿ´-ze; the Kansa Indians); on the Kansas Reservation,
  Indian Territory.

VI. _Osage_; _Big Osage_ (Pa-he´-tsi, Those on a Mountain); _Little
  Osage_ (Those at the foot of the Mountain); _Arkansas Band_
  ([S]an-ʇsu-ʞ¢iⁿ, Dwellers in a Highland Grove), Osage Reservation,
  Indian Territory.

VII. _Quapaw_ (U-ʞa´-qpa; Kwapa). A few are on the Quapaw Reserve, but
  about 200 are on the Osage Reserve, Oklahoma. (They are the _Arkansa_
  of early times.)

VIII. _Iowa_, on Great Nemaha Reserve, Kansas and Nebraska, and 86 on
  Sac and Fox Reserve, Indian Territory.

IX. _Otoe_ (Wa-to´-qta-ta), on Otoe Reserve, Indian Territory.

X. _Missouri_ or _Missouria_ (Ni-u´-t’a-tci), on Otoe Reserve.

XI. _Winnebago_ (Ho-tcañ´-ga-ra); most in Nebraska, on their reserve:
  some are in Wisconsin; some in Michigan, according to Dr. Reynolds.

XII. _Mandan_, on Fort Berthold Reserve, North Dakota.

XIII. _Gros Ventres_ (a misleading name; syn. _Minnetaree_; Hi-da´-tsa);
  on the same reserve.

XIV. _Crow_ (Absáruqe, Aubsároke, etc.), Crow Reserve, Montana.

XV. _Tutelo_ (Ye-saⁿ´); among the Six Nations, Grand River Reserve,
  Province of Ontario, Canada.

XVI. _Biloxi_ (Ta´-neks ha´-ya), part on the Red River, at Avoyelles,
  Louisiana; part in Indian Territory, among the Choctaw and Caddo.

XVII. _Catawba_.

XVIII. _Woccon_.

_Population._--The present number of the Siouan family is about 43,400,
of whom about 2,204 are in British North America, the rest being in the
United States. Below is given the population of the tribes officially
recognized, compiled chiefly from the Canadian Indian Report for 1888,
the United States Indian Commissioner’s Report for 1889, and the United
States Census Bulletin for 1890:

    Mdewakantonwan and Wahpekute (Santee) on Santee Reserve,
      Nebraska                                                       869
    At Flandreau, Dakota                                             292
    Santee at Devil’s Lake Agency                                     54
    Sisseton and Wahpeton on Sisseton Reserve, South Dakota        1,522
    Sisseton, Wahpeton, and Cuthead (Yanktonnais)
      at Devil’s Lake Reservation                                    857

    On Yankton Reservation, South Dakota                    1,725
    At Devil’s Lake Agency                                    123
    On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana                       1,121
    A few on Crow Creek Reservation, South Dakota              10
    A few on Lower Brulé Reservation, South Dakota             10
                                                            -----  2,989
    Upper Yanktonnais on Standing Rock Reservation          1,786
    Lower Yanktonnais on Crow Creek Reservation             1,058
    At Standing Rock Agency                                 1,739
                                                            -----  4,583
    Brulé, Upper Brulé on Rosebud Reservation               3,245
    On Devil’s Lake Reservation                                 2
    Lower Brulé at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé Agency        1,026
    Minneconjou (mostly) and Two Kettle, on Cheyenne
      River Reserve                                         2,823
    Blackfeet on Standing Rock Reservation                    545
    Two Kettle on Rosebud Reservation                         315
    Oglala on Pine Ridge Reservation                        4,552
      Wajaja (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation           1,825
      Wagluxe (Oglala gens) on Rosebud Reservation          1,353
    Uncapapa, on Standing Rock Reservation                    571
    Dakota at Carlisle, Lawrence, and Hampton schools         169
                                                            ----- 16,426
  Dakota in British North America (tribes not stated):
    On Bird Tail Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency,
      Northwest Territory                                     108
    On Oak River Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency                 276
    On Oak Lake Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency                   55
    On Turtle Mountain Sioux Reserve, Birtle Agency            34
    On Standing Buffalo Reserve, under Northwest Territory    184
    Muscowpetung’s Agency:
      White Cap Dakota (Moose Woods Reservation)              105
      American Sioux (no reserve)                              95
                                                            -----    857
    On Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana                      952
    On Fort Peck Reservation, Montana                         719
    At Devil’s Lake Agency                                      2
      The following are in British North America:
    Pheasant Rump’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 6 at
      Missouri and 4 at Turtle Mountain)                       69
    Ocean Man’s band, at Moose Mountain (of whom 4 at
       Missouri)                                               68
    The-man-who-took-the-coat’s band, at Indian Head (of
      whom 5 are at Milk River)                               248
    Bear’s Head band, Battleford Agency                       227
    Chee-pooste-quahn band, at Wolf Creek, Peace Hills
      Agency                                                  128
    Bear’s Paw band, at Morleyville                           236
    Chiniquy band, Reserve, at Sarcee Agency                  134
    Jacob’s band                                              227
                                                            -----  3,008
    Omaha and Winnebago Agency, Nebraska                    1,158
    At Carlisle School, Pennsylvania                           19
    At Hampton School, Virginia                                10
    At Lawrence School, Kansas                                 10
                                                            -----  1,197
    In Nebraska (under the Santee agent)                      217
    In Indian Territory (under the Ponka agent)               605
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                   1
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                        24
                                                            -----    847
    At Osage Agency, Indian Territory                       1,509
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                   7
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                        65
                                                            -----  1,581
  Kansa or Kaw:
    At Osage Agency, Indian Territory                         198
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                   1
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                        15
                                                            -----    214
    On Quapaw Reserve, Indian Territory                       154
    On Osage Reserve, Indian Territory                         71
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                   3
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                         4
                                                            -----    232
    On Great Nemaha Reservation, Kansas                       165
    On Sac and Fox Reservation, Oklahoma                      102
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                   1
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                         5
                                                            -----    273

  Oto and Missouri, in Indian Territory                              358

    In Nebraska                                             1,215
    In Wisconsin (1889)                                       930
    At Carlisle, Pennsylvania                                  27
    At Lawrence, Kansas                                         2
    At Hampton, Virginia                                       10
                                                            -----  2,184
    On Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota                251
    At Hampton, Virginia                                        1
                                                            -----    252

  Hidatsa, on Fort Berthold Reservation, North Dakota                522

  Crow, on Crow Reservation, Montana                               2,287

  Tutelo, about a dozen mixed bloods on Grand River
    Reserve, Ontario, Canada, and a few more near
    Montreal (?), say, about                                          20

    In Louisiana, about                                        25
    At Atoka, Indian Territory                                  1
                                                            -----     26
    In York County, South Carolina, about                      80
    Scattered through North Carolina, about                    40?
                                                            -----    120?


  > Skittagets, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1,
  c, 1848 (the equivalent of his Queen Charlotte’s Island group, p. 77).

  > Skittagetts, Berghaus, Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  > Skidegattz, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 403, 1853
  (obvious typographical error; Queen Charlotte Island).

  X Haidah, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 224, 1841 (same
  as his Northern family; see below).

  = Haidah, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (Skittegats, Massets,
  Kumshahas, Kyganie). Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856
  (includes Skittigats, Massetts, Kumshahas, and Kyganie of Queen
  Charlotte’s Ids. and Prince of Wales Archipelago). Latham, Opuscula,
  339, 1860. Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 673, 1859. Latham,
  El. Comp. Phil., 401, 1862 (as in 1856). Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n. 269,
  1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids. and southern part of Alexander
  Archipelago). Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 604, 1882.

  > Hai-dai, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 489, 1855. Kane, Wanderings of
  an Artist, app., 1859, (Work’s census, 1836-’41, of northwest coast
  tribes, classified by language).

  = Haida, Gibbs in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 135, 1877. Tolmie and Dawson,
  Comp. Vocabs., 15, 1884 (vocabs. of Kaigani Sept, Masset, Skidegate,
  Kumshiwa dialects; also map showing distribution). Dall in Proc. Am.
  Ass’n, 375, 1885 (mere mention of family).

  < Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 473,
  1878 (enumerates Massets, Klue, Kiddan, Ninstance, Skid-a-gate,
  Skid-a-gatees, Cum-she-was, Kaiganies, Tsimsheeans, Nass, Skeenas,
  Sebasses, Hailtzas, Bellacoolas).

  > Queen Charlotte’s Island, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq.
  Soc., II, 15, 306, 1836 (no tribe indicated). Gallatin in Trans. Am.
  Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Skittagete language). Latham
  in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., 1, 154, 1848. Latham, Opuscula, 349, 1860.

  X Northern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond., XI, 219, 1841
  (includes Queen Charlotte’s Island and tribes on islands and coast up
  to 60° N.L.; Haidas, Massettes, Skittegás, Cumshawás). Prichard,
  Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 433, 1847 (follows Scouler).

  = Kygáni, Dall in Proc. Am. Ass’n, 269, 1869 (Queen Charlotte’s Ids.
  or Haidahs).

  X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 1882 (contains Quane,
  probably of present family; Quactoe, Saukaulutuck).

The vocabulary referred by Gallatin[95] to “Queen Charlotte’s Islands”
unquestionably belongs to the present family. In addition to being a
compound word and being objectionable as a family name on account of its
unwieldiness, the term is a purely geographic one and is based upon no
stated tribe; hence it is not eligible for use in systematic
nomenclature. As it appears in the Archæologia Americana it represents
nothing but the locality whence the vocabulary of an unknown tribe was

    [Footnote 95: Archæologia Americana, 1836, II, pp. 15, 306.]

The family name to be considered as next in order of date is the
Northern (or Haidah) of Scouler, which appears in volume XI, Royal
Geographical Society, page 218, et seq. The term as employed by Scouler
is involved in much confusion, and it is somewhat difficult to determine
just what tribes the author intended to cover by the designation.
Reduced to its simplest form, the case stands as follows: Scouler’s
primary division of the Indians of the Northwest was into two groups,
the insular and the inland. The insular (and coast tribes) were then
subdivided into two families, viz, Northern or Haidah family (for the
terms are interchangeably used, as on page 224) and the Southern or
Nootka-Columbian family. Under the Northern or Haidah family the author
classes all the Indian tribes in the Russian territory, the Kolchians
(Athapascas of Gallatin, 1836), the Koloshes, Ugalentzes, and Tun Ghaase
(the Koluscans of Gallatin, 1836); the Atnas (Salish of Gallatin, 1836);
the Kenaians (Athapascas, Gallatin, 1836); the Haidah tribes proper of
Queen Charlotte Island, and the Chimesyans.

It will appear at a glance that such a heterogeneous assemblage of
tribes, representing as they do several distinct stocks, can not have
been classed together on purely linguistic evidence. In point of fact,
Scouler’s remarkable classification seems to rest only in a very slight
degree upon a linguistic basis, if indeed it can be said to have a
linguistic basis at all. Consideration of “physical character, manners,
and customs” were clearly accorded such weight by this author as to
practically remove his Northern or Haidah family from the list of
linguistic stocks.

The next family name which was applied in this connection is the
Skittagets of Gallatin as above cited. This name is given to designate a
family on page _c_, volume II, of Transactions of the Ethnological
Society, 1848. In his subsequent list of vocabularies, page 77, he
changes his designation to Queen Charlotte Island, placing under this
family name the Skittagete tribe. His presentation of the former name of
Skittagets in his complete list of families is, however, sufficiently
formal to render it valid as a family designation, and it is, therefore,
retained for the tribes of the Queen Charlotte Archipelago which have
usually been called Haida.

From a comparison of the vocabularies of the Haida language with others
of the neighboring Koluschan family, Dr. Franz Boas is inclined to
consider that the two are genetically related. The two languages possess
a considerable number of words in common, but a more thorough
investigation is requisite for the settlement of the question than has
yet been given. Pending this the two families are here treated


The tribes of this family occupy Queen Charlotte Islands, Forrester
Island to the north of the latter, and the southeastern part of Prince
of Wales Island, the latter part having been ascertained by the agents
of the Tenth Census.[96]

    [Footnote 96: See Petroff map of Alaska, 1880-’81.]


The following is a list of the principal villages:

  Haida:              Kaigani:
    Aseguang.           Chatcheeni.
    Cumshawa.           Clickass.
    Kayung.             Howakan.
    Kung.               Quiahanless.
    Kunχit.             Shakan.
    New Gold Harbor.

_Population._--The population of the Haida is 2,500, none of whom are at
present under an agent.


  = Takilma, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 1882 (Lower Rogue River).

This name was proposed by Mr. Gatschet for a distinct language spoken on
the coast of Oregon about the lower Rogue River. Mr. Dorsey obtained a
vocabulary in 1884 which he has compared with Athapascan, Kusan,
Yakonan, and other languages spoken in the region without finding any
marked resemblances. The family is hence admitted provisionally. The
language appears to be spoken by but a single tribe, although there is
a manuscript vocabulary in the Bureau of Ethnology exhibiting certain
differences which may be dialectic.


The Takilma formerly dwelt in villages along upper Rogue River, Oregon,
all the latter, with one exception, being on the south side, from
Illinois River on the southwest, to Deep Rock, which was nearer the head
of the stream. They are now included among the “Rogue River Indians,”
and they reside to the number of twenty-seven on the Siletz Reservation,
Tillamook County, Oregon, where Dorsey found them in 1884.


  > Tay-waugh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V. 689, 1855
  (Pueblos of San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe. San Il de Conso,
  and one Moqui pueblo). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So.
  Am.), 479, 1878.

  > Taño, Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, Nov., 1878 (includes
  Sandia, Téwa, San Ildefonso, San Juan, Santa Clara, Pojoaque, Nambé,
  Tesuque, Sinecú, Jemez, Taos, Picuri).

  > Tegna, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878
  (includes S. Juan, Sta. Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, Tesugue, S. Ildefonso,

  = Téwan, Powell in Am. Nat., 605, Aug., 1880 (makes five divisions: 1.
  Taño (Isleta, Isleta near El Paso, Sandía); 2. Taos (Taos, Picuni); 3.
  Jemes (Jemes); 4. Tewa or Tehua (San Ildefonso, San Juan, Pojoaque,
  Nambe, Tesuque, Santa Clara, and one Moki pueblo); 5. Piro).

  > E-nagh-magh, Lane (1854) in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 689, 1855
  (includes Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, Ystete, and two pueblos near
  El Paso, Texas). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.),
  479, 1878 (follows Lane, but identifies Texan pueblos with Lentis? and

  > Picori, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 479, 1878
  (or Enaghmagh).

  = Stock of Rio Grande Pueblos, Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th
  M., vii, 415, 1879.

  = Rio Grande Pueblo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 258, 1882.

Derivation: Probably from “taínin,” plural of tá-ide, “Indian,” in the
dialect of Isleta and Sandia (Gatschet).

In a letter[97] from Wm. Carr Lane to H. R. Schoolcraft, appear some
remarks on the affinities of the Pueblo languages, based in large part
on hearsay evidence. No vocabularies are given, nor does any real
classification appear to be attempted, though referring to such of his
remarks as apply in the present connection, Lane states that the Indians
of “Taos, Vicuris, Zesuqua, Sandia, and Ystete, and of two pueblos of
Texas, near El Paso, are said to speak the same language, which I have
heard called E-nagh-magh,” and that the Indians of “San Juan, Santa
Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, San Il de Conso, and one Moqui pueblo, all speak
the same language, as it is said: this I have heard called Tay-waugh.”
The ambiguous nature of his reference to these pueblos is apparent from
the above quotation.

    [Footnote 97: Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, 1855, vol. 5, p. 689.]

The names given by Lane as those he had “heard” applied to certain
groups of pueblos which “it is said” speak the same language, rest on
too slender a basis for serious consideration in a classificatory sense.

Keane in the appendix to Stanford’s Compendium (Central and South
America), 1878, p. 479, presents the list given by Lane, correcting his
spelling in some cases and adding the name of the Tusayan pueblo as Haro
(Hano). He gives the group no formal family name, though they are
classed together as speaking “Tegua or Tay-waugh.”

The Taño of Powell (1878), as quoted, appears to be the first name
formally given the family, and is therefore accepted. Recent
investigations of the dialect spoken at Taos and some of the other
pueblos of this group show a considerable body of words having
Shoshonean affinities, and it is by no means improbable that further
research will result in proving the radical relationship of these
languages to the Shoshonean family. The analysis of the language has not
yet, however, proceeded far enough to warrant a decided opinion.


The tribes of this family in the United States resided exclusively upon
the Rio Grande and its tributary valleys from about 33° to about 36°.
A small body of these people joined the Tusayan in northern Arizona,
as tradition avers to assist the latter against attacks by the
Apache--though it seems more probable that they fled from the Rio Grande
during the pueblo revolt of 1680--and remained to found the permanent
pueblo of Hano, the seventh pueblo of the group. A smaller section of
the family lived upon the Rio Grande in Mexico and Texas, just over the
New Mexico border.

_Population._--The following pueblos are included in the family, with a
total population of about 3,237:

  Hano (of the Tusayan group)     132
  Isleta (New Mexico)           1,059
  Isleta (Texas)                  few
  Jemez                           428
  Nambé                            79
  Picuris                         100
  Pojoaque                         20
  Sandia                          140
  San Ildefonso                   148
  San Juan                        406
  Santa Clara                     225
  Senecú (below El Paso)          few
  Taos                            409
  Tesuque                          91


  = Timuquana, Smith in Hist. Magazine, II, 1, 1858 (a notice of the
  language with vocabulary; distinctness of the language affirmed).
  Brinton. Floridian Peninsula, 134, 1859 (spelled also Timuaca,
  Timagoa, Timuqua).

  = Timucua, Gatschet in Proc. Am. Phil. Soc., XVI, April 6, 1877 (from
  Cape Cañaveral to mouth of St. John’s River). Gatschet, Creek Mig.
  Legend I, 11-13, 1884. Gatschet in Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

  = Atimuca, Gatschet in Science, ibid, (proper name).

Derivation: From ati-muca, “ruler,” “master;” literally, “servants
attend upon him.”

In the Historical Magazine as above cited appears a notice of the
Timuquana language by Buckingham Smith, in which is affirmed its
distinctness upon the evidence of language. A short vocabulary is
appended, which was collated from the “Confessionario” by Padre Pareja,
1613. Brinton and Gatschet have studied the Timuquana language and have
agreed as to the distinctness of the family from any other of the United
States. Both the latter authorities are inclined to take the view that
it has affinities with the Carib family to the southward, and it seems
by no means improbable that ultimately the Timuquana language will be
considered an offshoot of the Carib linguistic stock. At the present
time, however, such a conclusion would not be justified by the evidence
gathered and published.


It is impossible to assign definite limits to the area occupied by the
tribes of this family. From documentary testimony of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries the limits of the family domain appear to have
been about as follows: In general terms the present northern limits of
the State of Florida may be taken as the northern frontier, although
upon the Atlantic side Timuquanan territory may have extended into
Georgia. Upon the northwest the boundary line was formed in De Soto’s
time by the Ocilla River. Lake Okeechobee on the south, or as it was
then called Lake Sarrape or Mayaimi, may be taken as the boundary
between the Timuquanan tribes proper and the Calusa province upon the
Gulf coast and the Tegesta province upon the Atlantic side. Nothing
whatever of the languages spoken in these two latter provinces is
available for comparison. A number of the local names of these provinces
given by Fontanedo (1559) have terminations similar to many of the
Timuquanan local names. This slender evidence is all that we have from
which to infer the Timuquanan relationship of the southern end of the


The following settlements appear upon the oldest map of the regions we
possess, that of De Bry (Narratio; Frankf. a. M. 15, 1590):

(A) Shores of St. John’s River, from mouth to sources:

  Patica.              Utina.
  Saturiwa.            Patchica.
  Atore.               Chilili.
  Homolua or Molua.    Calanay.
  Alimacani.           Onochaquara.
  Casti.               Mayarca.
  Malica.              Mathiaca.
  Melona.              Maiera.
  Timoga or Timucua.   Mocoso.
  Enecaqua.            Cadica.
  Choya.               Eloquale.
  Edelano (island).    Aquonena.

(B) On a (fictitious) western tributary of St. John’s River, from mouth
  to source:


(C) East Floridian coast, from south to north:


(D) On coast north of St. John’s River:


(E) The following are gathered from all other authorities, mostly from
the accounts of De Soto’s expedition:

  Acquera.                  San Mateo (1688).
  Aguile.                   Santa Lucia de Acuera
  Basisa or Vacissa           (SE. coast).
    (1688).                 Tacatacuru.
  Cholupaha.                Tocaste.
  Hapaluya.                 Tolemato.
  Hirrihiqua.               Topoqui.
  Itafi                     Tucururu
    (perhaps a province).     (SE. coast)
  Itara                     Ucita.
  Machaua (1688).           Urriparacuxi.
  Napetuca.                 Yupaha
  Osile (Oxille).             (perhaps a province).
  San Juan de Guacara


  = Tunicas, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 115, 116,
  1836 (quotes Dr. Sibley, who states they speak a distinct language).
  Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 341, 1850 (opposite mouth of Red River; quotes
  Dr. Sibley as to distinctness of language).

  = Tonica, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 39, 1884 (brief account of

  = Tonika, Gatschet in Science, 412, April 29, 1887 (distinctness as a
  family asserted; the tribe calls itself Túniχka).

Derivation: From the Tonika word óni, “man,” “people;” t- is a prefix or
article; -ka, -χka a nominal suffix.

The distinctness of the Tonika language, has long been suspected, and
was indeed distinctly stated by Dr. Sibley in 1806.[98] The statement to
this effect by Dr. Sibley was quoted by Gallatin in 1836, but as the
latter possessed no vocabulary of the language he made no attempt to
classify it. Latham also dismisses the language with the same quotation
from Sibley. Positive linguistic proof of the position of the language
was lacking until obtained by Mr. Gatschet in 1886, who declared it to
form a family by itself.

    [Footnote 98: President’s message, February 19, 1806.]


The Tonika are known to have occupied three localities: First, on the
Lower Yazoo River (1700); second, east shore of Mississippi River (about
1704); third, in Avoyelles Parish, Louisiana (1817). Near Marksville,
the county seat of that parish, about twenty-five are now living.


  = Tonkawa, Gatschet, Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nordamerikas,
  76, 1876 (vocabulary of about 300 words and some sentences). Gatschet,
  Die Sprache der Tonkawas, in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 64, 1877.
  Gatschet (1876), in Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., XVI, 318, 1877.

Derivation: the full form is the Caddo or Wako term tonkawéya, “they all
stay together” (wéya, “all”).

After a careful examination of all the linguistic material available for
comparison, Mr. Gatschet has concluded that the language spoken by the
Tonkawa forms a distinct family.


The Tónkawa were a migratory people and a _colluvies gentium_, whose
earliest habitat is unknown. Their first mention occurs in 1719; at that
time and ever since they roamed in the western and southern parts of
what is now Texas. About 1847 they were engaged as scouts in the United
States Army, and from 1860-’62 (?) were in the Indian Territory; after
the secession war till 1884 they lived in temporary camps near Fort
Griffin, Shackelford County, Texas, and in October, 1884, they removed
to the Indian Territory (now on Oakland Reserve). In 1884 there were
seventy-eight individuals living; associated with them were nineteen
Lipan Apache, who had lived in their company for many years, though in a
separate camp. They have thirteen divisions (partly totem-clans) and
observe mother-right.


  = Uchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 95, 1836
  (based upon the Uchees alone). Bancroft, Hist. U.S., III., 247, 1840.
  Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II., pt. 1, xcix, 77, 1848. Keane,
  App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878 (suggests that
  the language may have been akin to Natchez).

  = Utchees, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II., 306,
  1836. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III., 401, 1853. Keane,
  App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 472, 1878.

  = Utschies, Berghaus (1845), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1848. Ibid., 1852.

  = Uché, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 338, 1850 (Coosa River). Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., II., 31-50, 1846. Latham, Opuscula, 293,

  = Yuchi, Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 17, 1884. Gatschet in
  Science, 413, April 29, 1887.

The following is the account of this tribe given by Gallatin (probably
derived from Hawkins) in Archæologia Americana, page 95:

  The original seats of the Uchees were east of Coosa and probably of
  the Chatahoochee; and they consider themselves as the most ancient
  inhabitants of the country. They may have been the same nation which
  is called Apalaches in the accounts of De Soto’s expedition, and
  their towns were till lately principally on Flint River.


The pristine homes of the Yuchi are not now traceable with any degree of
certainty. The Yuchi are supposed to have been visited by De Soto during
his memorable march, and the town of Cofitachiqui chronicled by him, is
believed by many investigators to have stood at Silver Bluff, on the
left bank of the Savannah, about 25 miles below Augusta. If, as is
supposed by some authorities, Cofitachiqui was a Yuchi town, this would
locate the Yuchi in a section which, when first known to the whites, was
occupied by the Shawnee. Later the Yuchi appear to have lived somewhat
farther down the Savannah, on the eastern and also the western side, as
far as the Ogeechee River, and also upon tracts above and below Augusta,
Georgia. These tracts were claimed by them as late as 1736.

In 1739 a portion of the Yuchi left their old seats and settled among
the Lower Creek on the Chatahoochee River; there they established three
colony villages in the neighborhood, and later on a Yuchi settlement is
mentioned on Lower Tallapoosa River, among the Upper Creek.[99]
Filson[100] gives a list of thirty Indian tribes and a statement
concerning Yuchi towns, which he must have obtained from a much earlier
source: “Uchees occupy four different places of residence--at the head
of St. John’s, the fork of St. Mary’s, the head of Cannouchee, and the
head of St. Tillis” (Satilla), etc.[101]

    [Footnote 99: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, 21-22, 1884.]

    [Footnote 100: Discovery, etc., of Kentucky, 1793, II, 84-7.]

    [Footnote 101: Gatschet, Creek Mig. Legend, I, p. 20.]

_Population._--More than six hundred Yuchi reside in northeastern Indian
Territory, upon the Arkansas River, where they are usually classed as
Creek. Doubtless the latter are to some extent intermarried with them,
but the Yuchi are jealous of their name and tenacious of their position
as a tribe.


  = Waiilatpu, Hale, in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 199, 214, 569, 1846
  (includes Cailloux or Cayuse or Willetpoos, and Molele). Gallatin,
  after Hale, in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 14, 56, 77, 1848
  (after Hale). Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Buschmann,
  Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 628, 1859. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 565,
  1882 (Cayuse and Mollale).

  = Wailatpu, Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853
  (Cayuse and Molele).

  X Sahaptin, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 323, 1850 (cited as including

  X Sahaptins, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 474,
  1878 (cited because it includes Cayuse and Mollale).

  = Molele, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850 (includes Molele, Cayús?).

  > Cayús?, Latham, ibid.

  = Cayuse, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 166, 1877 (Cayuse and Moléle).
  Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 442, 1877.

Derivation: Wayíletpu, plural form of Wa-ílet, “one Cayuse man”

Hale established this family and placed under it the Cailloux or Cayuse
or Willetpoos, and the Molele. Their headquarters as indicated by Hale
are the upper part of the Walla Walla River and the country about Mounts
Hood and Vancouver.


The Cayuse lived chiefly near the mouth of the Walla Walla River,
extending a short distance above and below on the Columbia, between the
Umatilla and Snake Rivers. The Molále were a mountain tribe and occupied
a belt of mountain country south of the Columbia River, chiefly about
Mounts Hood and Jefferson.



_Population._--There are 31 Molále now on the Grande Ronde Reservation,
Oregon,[102] and a few others live in the mountains west of Klamath
Lake. The Indian Affairs Report for 1888 credits 401 and the United
States Census Bulletin for 1890, 415 Cayuse Indians to the Umatilla
Reservation, but Mr. Henshaw was able to find only six old men and women
upon the reservation in August, 1888, who spoke their own language. The
others, though presumably of Cayuse blood, speak the Umatilla tongue.

    [Footnote 102: U.S. Ind. Aff., 1889.]


  > Wakash, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II, 15, 306,
  1836 (of Nootka Sound; gives Jewitt’s vocab.). Gallatin in Trans. Am.
  Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848 (based on Newittee). Berghaus (1851),
  Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes,
  III, 402, 1853 (includes Newittee and Nootka Sound). Latham in Trans.
  Philolog. Soc. Lond., 73, 1856 (of Quadra and Vancouver’s Island).
  Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 403, 1862
  (Tlaoquatsh and Wakash proper; Nutka and congeners also referred

  X Wakash, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 301. 1850 (includes Naspatle, proper
  Nutkans, Tlaoquatsh, Nittenat, Klasset, Klallems; the last named is

  X Nootka-Columbian, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 221, 1841
  (includes Quadra and Vancouver Island, Haeeltzuk, Billechoola,
  Tlaoquatch, Kawitchen, Noosdalum, Squallyamish, Cheenooks). Prichard,
  Phys. Hist. Mankind, V, 435, 1847 (follows Scouler). Latham in Jour.
  Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 162, 1848 (remarks upon Scouler’s group of this
  name). Latham, Opuscula, 257, 1860 (the same).

  < Nootka, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 220, 569, 1846 (proposes family
  to include tribes of Vancouver Island and tribes on south side of Fuca

  > Nutka, Buschmann, Neu-Mexico, 329, 1858.

  > Nootka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 170, 1877 (mentions only Makah,
  and Classet tribes of Cape Flattery). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
  446. 1877.

  X Nootkahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473,
  1878 (includes Muchlahts, Nitinahts, Ohyahts, Manosahts, and
  Quoquoulths of present family, together with a number of Salishan

  X Nootka, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 607, 1882 (a heterogeneous
  group, largely Salishan, with Wakashan, Skittagetan, and other
  families represented).

  > Straits of Fuca, Gallatin in Trans. and Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc., II,
  134, 306, 1836 (vocabulary of, referred here with doubt; considered
  distinct by Gallatin).

  X Southern, Scouler in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XI, 224, 1841 (same as
  his Noctka-Columbian above).

  X Insular, Scouler ibid. (same as his Nootka-Columbian above).

  X Haeltzuk, Latham in Jour. Eth. Soc. Lond., I, 155, 1848 (cities
  Tolmie’s vocab. Spoken from 50°30' to 53°30' N.L.). Latham, Opuscula,
  251, 1860 (the same).

  > Haeeltsuk and Hailtsa, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 300, 1850 (includes
  Hyshalla, Hyhysh, Esleytuk, Weekenoch, Nalatsenoch, Quagheuil,
  Tlatla-Shequilla, Lequeeltoch).

  > Hailtsa, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 72, 1856. Buschmann,
  Neu-Mexico, 322, 1858. Latham, Opuscula, 339, 1860. Latham, El. Comp.
  Phil., 401, 1862 (includes coast dialects between Hawkesbury Island,
  Broughton’s Archipelago, and northern part of Vancouver Island).

  > Ha-eelb-zuk, Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, V, 487, 1855. Kane, Wand. of
  an Artist, app., 1859 (or Ballabola; a census of N.W. tribes
  classified by language).

  > Ha-ilt´-zŭkh, Dall, after Gibbs, in Cont. N.A. Eth., I, 144, 1877
  (vocabularies of Bel-bella of Milbank Sound and of Kwákiūtl’).

  < Nass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt 1, c, 1848.

  < Naass, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 77, 1848
  (includes Hailstla, Haceltzuk, Billechola, Chimeysan). Gallatin in
  Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (includes Huitsla).

  X Nass, Bancroft, Nat. Races, III, 564, 606, 1882 (includes Hailtza of
  present family).

  > Aht, Sproat, Savage Life, app., 312, 1868 (name suggested for family
  instead of Nootka-Columbian).

  > Aht, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 50, 1884 (vocab. of

  X Puget Sound Group, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.),
  460, 474, 1878.

  X Hydahs, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 473, 1878
  (includes Hailtzas of the present family).

  > Kwakiool, Tolmie and Dawson, Comp. Vocabs., 27-48, 1884 (vocabs. of
  Haishilla, Hailtzuk, Kwiha, Likwiltoh, Septs; also map showing family

  > Kwā´kiūṯḻ, Boas in Petermann’s Mitteilungen, 130, 1887 (general
  account of family with list of tribes).

Derivation: Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word “good” “good.” When
heard by Cook at Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound, it was supposed to be the
name of the tribe.

Until recently the languages spoken by the Aht of the west coast of
Vancouver Island and the Makah of Cape Flattery, congeneric tribes, and
the Haeltzuk and Kwakiutl peoples of the east coast of Vancouver Island
and the opposite mainland of British Columbia, have been regarded as
representing two distinct families. Recently Dr. Boas has made an
extended study of these languages, has collected excellent vocabularies
of the supposed families, and as a result of his study it is now
possible to unite them on the basis of radical affinity. The main body
of the vocabularies of the two languages is remarkably distinct, though
a considerable number of important words are shown to be common to the

Dr. Boas, however, points out that in both languages suffixes only are
used in forming words, and a long list of these shows remarkable

The above family name was based upon a vocabulary of the Wakash Indians,
who, according to Gallatin, “inhabit the island on which Nootka Sound is
situated.” The short vocabulary given was collected by Jewitt. Gallatin
states[103] that this language is the one “in that quarter, which, by
various vocabularies, is best known to us.” In 1848[104] Gallatin
repeats his Wakash family, and again gives the vocabulary of Jewitt.
There would thus seem to be no doubt of his intention to give it formal
rank as a family.

    [Footnote 103: Archæologia Americana, II, p. 15.]

    [Footnote 104: Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. II, p. 77.]

The term “Wakash” for this group of languages has since been generally
ignored, and in its place Nootka or Nootka-Columbian has been adopted.
“Nootka-Columbian” was employed by Scouler in 1841 for a group of
languages, extending from the mouth of Salmon River to the south of the
Columbia River, now known to belong to several distinct families.
“Nootka family” was also employed by Hale[105] in 1846, who proposed the
name for the tribes of Vancouver Island and those along the south side
of the Straits of Fuca.

    [Footnote 105: U.S. Expl. Expd., vol. 6, p. 220.]

The term “Nootka-Columbian” is strongly condemned by Sproat.[106] For
the group of related tribes on the west side of Vancouver Island this
author suggests Aht, “house, tribe, people,” as a much more appropriate
family appellation.

    [Footnote 106: Savage Life, 312.]

Though by no means as appropriate a designation as could be found, it
seems clear that for the so-called Wakash, Newittee, and other allied
languages usually assembled under the Nootka family, the term Wakash of
1836 has priority and must be retained.


The tribes of the Aht division of this family are confined chiefly to
the west coast of Vancouver Island. They range to the north as far as
Cape Cook, the northern side of that cape being occupied by Haeltzuk
tribes, as was ascertained by Dr. Boas in 1886. On the south they
reached to a little above Sooke Inlet, that inlet being in possession of
the Soke, a Salishan tribe.

The neighborhood of Cape Flattery, Washington, is occupied by the Makah,
one of the Wakashan tribes, who probably wrested this outpost of the
family from the Salish (Clallam) who next adjoin them on Puget Sound.

The boundaries of the Haeltzuk division of this family are laid down
nearly as they appear on Tolmie and Dawson’s linguistic map of 1884. The
west side of King Island and Cascade Inlet are said by Dr. Boas to be
inhabited by Haeltzuk tribes, and are colored accordingly.


  Ahowsaht.       Mowachat.
  Ayhuttisaht.    Muclaht.
  Chicklesaht.    Nitinaht.
  Clahoquaht.     Nuchalaht.
  Hishquayquaht.  Ohiaht.
  Howchuklisaht.  Opechisaht.
  Kitsmaht.       Pachenaht.
  Kyoquaht.       Seshaht.
  Macaw.          Toquaht.
  Manosaht.       Yuclulaht.

_Population._--There are 457 Makah at the Neah Bay Agency,
Washington.[107] The total population of the tribes of this family under
the West Coast Agency, British Columbia, is 3,160.[108] The grand total
for this division of the family is thus 3,617.

    [Footnote 107: U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890.]

    [Footnote 108: Canada Ind. Aff. Rep. for 1888.]


  Aquamish.      Likwiltoh.
  Belbellah.     Mamaleilakitish.
  Clowetsus.     Matelpa.
  Hailtzuk.      Nakwahtoh.
  Haishilla.     Nawiti.
  Kakamatsis.    Nimkish.
  Keimanoeitoh.  Quatsino.
  Kwakiutl.      Tsawadinoh.

_Population._--There are 1,898 of the Haeltzuk division of the family
under the Kwawkewlth Agency, British Columbia. Of the Bellacoola
(Salishan family) and Haeltzuk, of the present family, there are 2,500
who are not under agents. No separate census of the latter exists at


  = Washo, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 255, April, 1882.

  < Shoshone, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 477,
  1878 (contains Washoes).

  < Snake, Keane, ibid. (Same as Shoshone, above.)

This family is represented by a single well known tribe, whose range
extended from Reno, on the line of the Central Pacific Railroad, to the
lower end of the Carson Valley.

On the basis of vocabularies obtained by Stephen Powers and other
investigators, Mr. Gatschet was the first to formally separate the
language. The neighborhood of Carson is now the chief seat of the tribe,
and here and in the neighboring valleys there are about 200 living a
parasitic life about the ranches and towns.


  = Weits-pek, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (a band
  and language on Klamath at junction of Trinity). Latham, El. Comp.
  Phil., 410, 1862 (junction of Klamath and Trinity Rivers). Gatschet in
  Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877 (affirmed to be distinct from any
  neighboring tongue). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 438, 1877.

  < Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (junction
  of Klamath and Trinity Rivers; Weyot and Wishosk dialects). Latham,
  Opuscula, 343, 1860.

  = Eurocs, Powers in Overland Monthly, VII, 530, June, 1872 (of the
  Lower Klamath and coastwise; Weitspek, a village of).

  = Eurok, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 163, 1877. Gatschet in Beach,
  Ind. Misc., 437, 1877.

  = Yu´-rok, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 45, 1877 (from junction of
  Trinity to mouth and coastwise). Powell, ibid., 460 (vocabs. of
  Al-i-kwa, Klamath, Yu´-rok.)

  X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
  (Eurocs belong here).

Derivation: Weitspek is the name of a tribe or village of the family
situated on Klamath River. The etymology is unknown.

Gibbs was the first to employ this name, which he did in 1853, as above
cited. He states that it is “the name of the principal band on the
Klamath, at the junction of the Trinity,” adding that “this language
prevails from a few miles above that point to the coast, but does not
extend far from the river on either side.” It would thus seem clear that
in this case, as in several others, he selected the name of a band to
apply to the language spoken by it. The language thus defined has been
accepted as distinct by later authorities except Latham, who included as
dialects under the Weitspek language, the locality of which he gives as
the junction of the Klamath and Trinity Rivers, the Weyot and Wishosk,
both of which are now classed under the Wishoskan family.

By the Karok these tribes are called Yurok, “down” or “below,” by which
name the family has recently been known.


For our knowledge of the range of the tribes of this family we are
chiefly indebted to Stephen Powers.[109] The tribes occupy the lower
Klamath River, Oregon, from the mouth of the Trinity down. Upon the
coast, Weitspekan territory extends from Gold Bluff to about 6 miles
above the mouth of the Klamath. The Chillúla are an offshoot of the
Weitspek, living to the south of them, along Redwood Creek to a point
about 20 miles inland, and from Gold Bluff to a point about midway
between Little and Mad Rivers.

    [Footnote 109: Cont. N.A. Eth., 1877, vol. 3, p. 44.]


  Chillúla, Redwood Creek.
  Mita, Klamath River.
  Pekwan, Klamath River.
  Rikwa, Regua, fishing village at outlet of Klamath River.
  Sugon, Shragoin, Klamath River.
  Weitspek, Klamath River (above Big Bend).


  > Wish-osk, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given
  as the name of a dialect on Mad River and Humboldt Bay).

  = Wish-osk, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 478, 1877 (vocabularies of
  Wish-osk, Wi-yot, and Ko-wilth). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 162, 1877
  (indicates area occupied by family). Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc.,
  437, 1877.

  > Wee-yot, Gibbs in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, 422, 1853 (given as
  the name of a dialect on Eel River and Humboldt Bay).

  X Weitspek, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 77, 1856 (includes
  Weyot and Wishosk). Latham, Opuscula, 343, 1860.

  < Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
  (cited as including Patawats, Weeyots, Wishosks).

Derivation: Wish-osk is the name given to the Bay and Mad River Indians
by those of Eel River.

This is a small and obscure linguistic family and little is known
concerning the dialects composing it or of the tribes which speak it.

Gibbs[110] mentions Wee-yot and Wish-osk as dialects of a general
language extending “from Cape Mendocino to Mad River and as far back
into the interior as the foot of the first range of mountains,” but does
not distinguish the language by a family name.

    [Footnote 110: Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1853, vol. 3, p. 422.]

Latham considered Weyot and Wishosk to be mere dialects of the same
language, i.e., the Weitspek, from which, however, they appeared to him
to differ much more than they do from each other. Both Powell and
Gatschet have treated the language represented by these dialects as
quite distinct from any other, and both have employed the same name.


The area occupied by the tribes speaking dialects of this language was
the coast from a little below the mouth of Eel River to a little north
of Mad River, including particularly the country about Humboldt Bay.
They also extended up the above-named rivers into the mountain passes.


  Patawat, Lower Mad River and Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata.
  Weeyot, mouth of Eel River.
  Wishosk, near mouth of Mad River and north part of Humboldt Bay.


  > Yakones, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 198, 218, 1846 (or Iakon,
  coast of Oregon). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.

  > Iakon, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or Lower
  Killamuks). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 612, 1859.

  > Jacon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, c, 77, 1848.

  > Jakon, Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, pt. 1, 17, 1848.
  Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852. Gallatin in Schoolcraft,
  Ind. Tribes, III, 402, 1853 (language of Lower Killamuks). Latham in
  Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 78, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 340, 1860.

  > Yakon, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 324, 1850. Gatschet, in Mag. Am.
  Hist., 166, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 441, 1877. Bancroft,
  Nat. Races, III, 565, 640, 1882.

  > Yákona, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 256, 1882.

  > Southern Killamuks, Hale in U.S. Expl. Exp., VI, 218, 569, 1846 (or
  Yakones). Gallatin in Trans. Am. Eth. Soc., II, 17, 1848 (after Hale).

  > Süd Killamuk, Berghaus (1851), Physik. Atlas, map 17, 1852.

  > Sainstskla, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (“south of the Yakon,
  between the Umkwa and the sea”).

  > Sayúskla, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 257, 1882 (on Lower Umpqua,
  Sayúskla, and Smith Rivers).

  > Killiwashat, Latham, Nat. Hist. Man, 325, 1850 (“mouth of the

  X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
  (cited as including Yacons).

Derivation: From yakwina, signifying “spirit” (Everette).

The Yakwina was the leading tribe of this family. It must have been of
importance in early days, as it occupied fifty-six villages along
Yaquina River, from the site of Elk City down to the ocean. Only a few
survive, and they are with the Alsea on the Siletz Reservation,
Tillamook County, Oregon. They were classed by mistake with the
Tillamook or “Killamucks” by Lewis and Clarke. They are called by Lewis
and Clarke[111] Youikcones and Youkone.[112]

    [Footnote 111: Allen, ed. 1814, vol. 2, p. 473.]

    [Footnote 112: Ibid., p. 118.]

The Alsea formerly dwelt in villages along both sides of Alsea River,
Oregon, and on the adjacent coast. They are now on the Siletz
Reservation, Oregon. Perhaps a few are on the Grande Ronde Reservation,

The Siuslaw used to inhabit villages on the Siuslaw River, Oregon. There
may be a few pure Siuslaw on the Siletz Reservation, but Mr. Dorsey did
not see any of them. They are mentioned by Drew,[113] who includes them
among the “Kat-la-wot-sett” bands. At that time, they were still on the
Siuslaw River. The Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua villages were on both sides of
the lower part of Umpqua River, Oregon, from its mouth upward for about
30 miles. Above them were the Upper Umpqua villages, of the Athapascan
stock. A few members of the Ku-itc still reside on the Siletz
Reservation, Oregon.

    [Footnote 113: U.S. Ind. Aff. Rept., 1857, p. 359.]

This is a family based by Hale upon a single tribe, numbering six or
seven hundred, who live on the coast, north of the Nsietshawus, from
whom they differ merely in language. Hale calls the tribe Iakon or
Yakones or Southern Killamuks.

The Sayúsklan language has usually been assumed to be distinct from all
others, and the comments of Latham and others all tend in this
direction. Mr. Gatschet, as above quoted, finally classed it as a
distinct stock, at the same time finding certain strong coincidences
with the Yakonan family. Recently Mr. Dorsey has collected extensive
vocabularies of the Yakonan, Sayúskla, and Lower Umpqua languages and
finds unquestioned evidence of relationship.


The family consists of four primary divisions or tribes: Yakwina, Alsea,
Siuslaw, and Ku-itc or Lower Umpqua. Each one of these comprised many
villages, which were stretched along the western part of Oregon on the
rivers flowing into the Pacific, from the Yaquina on the north down to
and including the Umpqua River.


  Alsea (on Alseya River).

_Population._--The U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890 mentions thirty-one
tribes as resident on the Siletz Reservation with a combined population
of 571. How many Yakwina are among this number is not known. The
breaking down of tribal distinctions by reason of the extensive
intermarriage of the several tribes is given as the reason for the
failure to give a census by tribes.


  = Nó-zi, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 275, 1877 (or No-si; mention
  of tribe; gives numerals and states they are different from any he has
  found in California).

  = Noces, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 160, March, 1877 (or Nozes;
  merely mentioned under Meidoo family).

Derivation: Yana means “people” in the Yanan language.

In 1880 Powell collected a short vocabulary from this tribe, which is
chiefly known to the settlers by the name Noje or Nozi. Judged by this
vocabulary the language seemed to be distinct from any other. More
recently, in 1884, Mr. Curtin visited the remnants of the tribe,
consisting of thirty-five individuals, and obtained an extensive
collection of words, the study of which seems to confirm the impression
of the isolated position of the language as regards other American

The Nozi seem to have been a small tribe ever since known to Europeans.
They have a tradition to the effect that they came to California from
the far East. Powers states that they differ markedly in physical traits
from all California tribes met by him. At present the Nozi are reduced
to two little groups, one at Redding, the other in their original
country at Round Mountain, California.


The eastern boundary of the Yanan territory is formed by a range of
mountains a little west of Lassen Butte and terminating near Pit River;
the northern boundary by a line running from northeast to southwest,
passing near the northern side of Round Mountain, 3 miles from Pit
River. The western boundary from Redding southward is on an average 10
miles to the east of the Sacramento. North of Redding it averages double
that distance or about 20 miles.


  = Yuki, Powers in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 125-138, 1877 (general
  description of tribe).

  = Yú-ki, Powell in ibid., 483 (vocabs. of Yú-ki, Hūchnpōm, and a
  fourth unnamed vocabulary).

  = Yuka, Powers in Overland Monthly, IX, 305, Oct., 1872 (same as
  above). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877 (defines habitat of
  family; gives Yuka, Ashochemies or Wappos, Shumeias, Tahtoos).
  Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 435, 1877. Bancroft, Nat. Races, III,
  566, 1882 (includes Yuka, Tahtoo, Wapo or Ashochemic).

  = Uka, Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 161, 1877. Gatschet in Beach, Ind.
  Misc., 435, 1877 (same as his Yuka).

  X Klamath, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 475, 1878
  (Yukas of his Klamath belong here).

Derivation: From the Wintun word yuki, meaning “stranger;” secondarily,
“bad” or “thieving.”

A vocabulary of the Yuki tribe is given by Gibbs in vol. III of
Schoolcraft’s Indian Tribes, 1853, but no indication is afforded that
the language is of a distinct stock.

Powell, as above cited, appears to have been the first to separate the


Round Valley, California, subsequently made a reservation to receive the
Yuki and other tribes, was formerly the chief seat of the tribes of the
family, but they also extended across the mountains to the coast.


  Ashochimi (near Healdsburgh).
  Chumaya (Middle Eel River).
  Napa (upper Napa Valley).
  Tatu (Potter Valley).
  Yuki (Round Valley, California).


  > Yuma, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 94, 101, 1856
  (includes Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave, Diegeño). Latham in Trans.
  Philolog. Soc. Lond., 86, 1856. Latham, Opuscula, 351, 1860 (as
  above). Latham in addenda to Opuscula, 392, 1860 (adds Cuchan to the
  group). Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 420, 1862 (includes Cuchan,
  Cocomaricopa, Mojave, Dieguno). Gatschet in Mag. Am. Hist., 156, 1877
  (mentions only U.S. members of family). Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp.
  (Cent. and So. Am.), 460, 479, 1878 (includes Yumas, Maricopas,
  Cuchans, Mojaves, Yampais, Yavipais, Hualpais). Bancroft, Nat. Races,
  III, 569, 1882.

  = Yuma, Gatschet in Beach, Ind. Misc., 429, 1877 (habitat and dialects
  of family). Gatschet in U.S. Geog. Surv. W. 100th M., VII, 413, 414,

  > Dieguno, Latham (1853) in Proc. Philolog. Soc. Lond., VI, 75, 1854
  (includes mission of San Diego, Dieguno, Cocomaricopas, Cuchañ, Yumas,

  > Cochimi, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 87, 1856 (northern
  part peninsula California). Buschmann, Spuren der aztek. Sprache, 471,
  1859 (center of California peninsula). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860.
  Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las
  Lenguas de México, map, 1864. Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and
  So. Am.), 476, 1878 (head of Gulf to near Loreto).

  > Layamon, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (a dialect
  of Waikur?). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,
  423, 1862.

  > Waikur, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 90, 1856 (several
  dialects of). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860. Latham, El. Comp. Phil.,
  423, 1862.

  > Guaycura, Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de México, map,

  > Guaicuri, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent. and So. Am.), 476,
  1878 (between 26th and 23d parallels).

  > Ushiti, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856 (perhaps a
  dialect of Waikur). Latham, Opuscula, 353, 1860.

  > Utshiti, Latham, El. Comp. Phil., 423, 1862 (same as Ushiti).

  > Pericú, Latham in Trans. Philolog. Soc. Lond., 88, 1856. Latham,
  Opuscula, 353, 1860. Orozco y Berra, Geografía de las Lenguas de
  México, map, 1864.

  > Pericui, Keane, App. Stanford’s Comp. (Cent, and So. Am.), 476, 1878
  (from 23° N.L. to Cape S. Lucas and islands).

  > Seri, Gatschet in Zeitschr. für Ethnologie, XV, 129, 1883, and
  XVIII, 115, 1886.

Derivation: A Cuchan word signifying “sons of the river” (Whipple).

In 1856 Turner adopted Yuma as a family name, and placed under it
Cuchan, Coco-Maricopa, Mojave and Diegeno.

Three years previously (1853) Latham[114] speaks of the Dieguno
language, and discusses with it several others, viz, San Diego,
Cocomaricopa, Cuohañ, Yuma, Amaquaqua (Mohave), etc. Though he seems to
consider these languages as allied, he gives no indication that he
believes them to collectively represent a family, and he made no formal
family division. The context is not, however, sufficiently clear to
render his position with respect to their exact status as precise as is
to be desired, but it is tolerably certain that he did not mean to make
Diegueño a family name, for in the volume of the same society for 1856
he includes both the Diegueño and the other above mentioned tribes in
the Yuma family, which is here fully set forth. As he makes no allusion
to having previously established a family name for the same group of
languages, it seems pretty certain that he did not do so, and that the
term Diegueño as a family name may be eliminated from consideration. It
thus appears that the family name Yuma was proposed by both the above
authors during the same year. For, though part 3 of vol. III of Pacific
Railroad Reports, in which Turner’s article is published, is dated 1855,
it appears from a foot-note (p. 84) that his paper was not handed to Mr.
Whipple till January, 1856, the date of title page of volume, and that
his proof was going through the press during the month of May, which is
the month (May 9) that Latham’s paper was read before the Philological
Society. The fact that Latham’s article was not read until May 9 enables
us to establish priority of publication in favor of Turner with a
reasonable degree of certainty, as doubtless a considerable period
elapsed between the presentation of Latham’s paper to the society and
its final publication, upon which latter must rest its claim. The Yuma
of Turner is therefore adopted as of precise date and of undoubted
application. Pimentel makes Yuma a part of Piman stock.

    [Footnote 114: Proc. London Philol. Soc., vol. 6, 75, 1854.]


The center of distribution of the tribes of this family is generally
considered to be the lower Colorado and Gila Valleys. At least this is
the region where they attained their highest physical and mental
development. With the exception of certain small areas possessed by
Shoshonean tribes, Indians of Yuman stock occupied the Colorado River
from its mouth as far up as Cataract Creek where dwell the Havasupai.
Upon the Gila and its tributaries they extended as far east as the Tonto
Basin. From this center they extended west to the Pacific and on the
south throughout the peninsula of Lower California. The mission of San
Luis Rey in California was, when established, in Yuman territory, and
marks the northern limit of the family. More recently and at the present
time this locality is in possession of Shoshonean tribes.

The island of Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon Island were occupied by
tribes of the Yuman family, as also was a small section of Mexico lying
on the gulf to the north of Guaymas.


  Cuchan or Yuma proper.

_Population._--The present population of these tribes, as given in
Indian Affairs Report for 1889, and the U.S. Census Bulletin for 1890,
is as follows:

Of the Yuma proper there are 997 in California attached to the Mission
Agency and 291 at the San Carlos Agency in Arizona.

Mohave, 640 at the Colorado River Agency in Arizona; 791 under the San
Carlos Agency; 400 in Arizona not under an agency.

Havasupai, 214 in Cosnino Cañon, Arizona.

Walapai, 728 in Arizona, chiefly along the Colorado.

Diegueño, 555 under the Mission Agency, California.

Maricopa, 315 at the Pima Agency, Arizona.

The population of the Yuman tribes in Mexico and Lower California is


  = Zuñi, Turner in Pac. R. R. Rep., III, pt. 3, 55, 91-93, 1856 (finds
  no radical affinity between Zuñi and Keres). Buschmann, Neu-Mexico,
  254, 266, 276-278, 280-296, 302, 1858 (vocabs. and general
  references). Keane, App. Stanford’s Com. (Cent. and So. Am.), 479,
  1878 (“a stock language”). Powell in Rocky Mountain Presbyterian,
  Nov., 1878 (includes Zuñi, Las Nutrias, Ojo de Pescado). Gatschet in
  Mag. Am. Hist., 260, 1882.

  = Zuñian, Powell in Am. Nat., 604, August, 1880.

Derivation: From the Cochití term Suinyi, said to mean “the people of
the long nails,” referring to the surgeons of Zuñi who always wear some
of their nails very long (Cushing).

Turner was able to compare the Zuñi language with the Keran, and his
conclusion that they were entirely distinct has been fully
substantiated. Turner had vocabularies collected by Lieut. Simpson and
by Capt. Eaton, and also one collected by Lieut. Whipple.

The small amount of linguistic material accessible to the earlier
writers accounts for the little done in the way of classifying the
Pueblo languages. Latham possessed vocabularies of the Moqui, Zuñi,
A´coma or Laguna, Jemez, Tesuque, and Taos or Picuri. The affinity of
the Tusayan (Moqui) tongue with the Comanche and other Shoshonean
languages early attracted attention, and Latham pointed it out with some
particularity. With the other Pueblo languages he does little, and
attempts no classification into stocks.


The Zuñi occupy but a single permanent pueblo, on the Zuñi River,
western New Mexico. Recently, however, the summer villages of Tâiakwin,
Heshotatsína, and K’iapkwainakwin have been occupied by a few families
during the entire year.

_Population._--The present population is 1,613.


The task involved in the foregoing classification has been accomplished
by intermittent labors extending through more than twenty years of time.
Many thousand printed vocabularies, embracing numerous larger lexic and
grammatic works, have been studied and compared. In addition to the
printed material, a very large body of manuscript matter has been used,
which is now in the archives of the Bureau of Ethnology, and which, it
is hoped, will ultimately be published. The author does not desire that
his work shall be considered final, but rather as initiatory and
tentative. The task of studying many hundreds of languages and deriving
therefrom ultimate conclusions as contributions to the science of
philology is one of great magnitude, and in its accomplishment an army
of scholars must be employed. The wealth of this promised harvest
appeals strongly to the scholars of America for systematic and patient
labor. The languages are many and greatly diverse in their
characteristics, in grammatic as well as in lexic elements. The author
believes it is safe to affirm that the philosophy of language is some
time to be greatly enriched from this source. From the materials which
have been and may be gathered in this field the evolution of language
can be studied from an early form, wherein words are usually not parts
of speech, to a form where the parts of speech are somewhat
differentiated; and where the growth of gender, number, and case
systems, together with the development of tense and mode systems can be
observed. The evolution of mind in the endeavor to express thought, by
coining, combining, and contracting words and by organizing logical
sentences through the development of parts of speech and their syntactic
arrangement, is abundantly illustrated. The languages are very unequally
developed in their several parts. Low gender systems appear with high
tense systems, highly evolved case systems with slightly developed mode
systems; and there is scarcely any one of these languages, so far as
they have been studied, which does not exhibit archaic devices in its

The author has delayed the present publication somewhat, expecting to
supplement it with another paper on the characteristics of those
languages which have been most fully recorded, but such supplementary
paper has already grown too large for this place and is yet unfinished,
while the necessity for speedy publication of the present results seems
to be imperative. The needs of the Bureau of Ethnology, in directing the
work of the linguists employed in it, and especially in securing and
organizing the labor of a large body of collaborators throughout the
country, call for this publication at the present time.

In arranging the scheme of linguistic families the author has proceeded
very conservatively. Again and again languages have been thrown together
as constituting one family and afterwards have been separated, while
other languages at first deemed unrelated have ultimately been combined
in one stock. Notwithstanding all this care, there remain a number of
doubtful cases. For example, Buschmann has thrown the Shoshonean and
Nahuatlan families into one. Now the Shoshonean languages are those best
known to the author, and with some of them he has a tolerable speaking
acquaintance. The evidence brought forward by Buschmann and others seems
to be doubtful. A part is derived from jargon words, another part from
adventitious similarities, while some facts seem to give warrant to the
conclusion that they should be considered as one stock, but the author
prefers, under the present state of knowledge, to hold them apart and
await further evidence, being inclined to the opinion that the peoples
speaking these languages have borrowed some part of their vocabularies
from one another.

After considering the subject with such materials as are on hand, this
general conclusion has been reached: That borrowed materials exist in
all the languages; and that some of these borrowed materials can be
traced to original sources, while the larger part of such acquisitions
can not be thus relegated to known families. In fact, it is believed
that the existing languages, great in number though they are, give
evidence of a more primitive condition, when a far greater number were
spoken. When there are two or more languages of the same stock, it
appears that this differentiation into diverse tongues is due mainly to
the absorption of other material, and that thus the multiplication of
dialects and languages of the same group furnishes evidence that at some
prior time there existed other languages which are now lost except as
they are partially preserved in the divergent elements of the group. The
conclusion which has been reached, therefore, does not accord with the
hypothesis upon which the investigation began, namely, that common
elements would be discovered in all these languages, for the longer the
study has proceeded the more clear it has been made to appear that the
grand process of linguistic development among the tribes of North
America has been toward unification rather than toward multiplication,
that is, that the multiplied languages of the same stock owe their
origin very largely to absorbed languages that are lost. The data upon
which this conclusion has been reached can not here be set forth, but
the hope is entertained that the facts already collected may ultimately
be marshaled in such a manner that philologists will be able to weigh
the evidence and estimate it for what it may be worth.

The opinion that the differentiation of languages within a single stock
is mainly due to the absorption of materials from other stocks, often to
the extinguishment of the latter, has grown from year to year as the
investigation has proceeded. Wherever the material has been sufficient
to warrant a conclusion on this subject, no language has been found to
be simple in its origin, but every language has been found to be
composed of diverse elements. The processes of borrowing known in
historic times are those which have been at work in prehistoric times,
and it is not probable that any simple language derived from some single
pristine group of roots can be discovered.

There is an opinion current that the lower languages change with great
rapidity, and that, by reason of this, dialects and languages of the
same stock are speedily differentiated. This widely spread opinion does
not find warrant in the facts discovered in the course of this research.
The author has everywhere been impressed with the fact that savage
tongues are singularly persistent, and that a language which is
dependent for its existence upon oral tradition is not easily modified.
The same words in the same form are repeated from generation to
generation, so that lexic and grammatic elements have a life that
changes very slowly. This is especially true where the habitat of the
tribe is unchanged. Migration introduces a potent agency of mutation,
but a new environment impresses its characteristics upon a language more
by a change in the semantic content or meaning of words than by change
in their forms. There is another agency of change of profound influence,
namely, association with other tongues. When peoples are absorbed by
peaceful or militant agencies new materials are brought into their
language, and the affiliation of such matter seems to be the chief
factor in the differentiation of languages within the same stock. In
the presence of opinions that have slowly grown in this direction, the
author is inclined to think that some of the groups herein recognized as
families will ultimately be divided, as the common materials of such
languages, when they are more thoroughly studied, will be seen to have
been borrowed.

In the studies which have been made as preliminary to this paper, I have
had great assistance from Mr. James C. Pilling and Mr. Henry W. Henshaw.
Mr. Pilling began by preparing a list of papers used by me, but his work
has developed until it assumes the proportions of a great bibliographic
research, and already he has published five bibliographies, amounting in
all to about 1,200 pages. He is publishing this bibliographic material
by linguistic families, as classified by myself in this paper. Scholars
in this field of research will find their labors greatly abridged by the
work of Mr. Pilling. Mr. Henshaw began the preparation of the list of
tribes, but his work also has developed into an elaborate system of
research into the synonymy of the North American tribes, and when his
work is published it will constitute a great and valuable contribution
to the subject. The present paper is but a preface to the works of Mr.
Pilling and Mr. Henshaw, and would have been published in form as such
had not their publications assumed such proportions as to preclude it.
And finally, it is needful to say that I could not have found the time
to make this classification, imperfect as it is, except with the aid of
the great labors of the gentlemen mentioned, for they have gathered the
literature and brought it ready to my hand. For the classification
itself, however, I am wholly responsible.

I am also indebted to Mr. Albert S. Gatschet and Mr. J. Owen Dorsey for
the preparation of many comparative lists necessary to my work.

The task of preparing the map accompanying this paper was greatly
facilitated by the previously published map of Gallatin. I am especially
indebted to Col. Garrick Mallery for work done in the early part of its
preparation in this form. I have also received assistance from Messrs.
Gatschet, Dorsey, Mooney and Curtin. The final form which it has taken
is largely due to the labors of Mr. Henshaw, who has gathered many
important facts relating to the habitat of North American tribes while
preparing a synonymy of tribal names.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata for Linguistic Families:

  “Lewis and Clarke”
  “Zuñi” (with tilde)
    [_these spellings are standard throughout the text_]

  (“obvious typographical error”) (“evident misprint”)
    [_this and similar notations are from original text_]

Table of Contents:

  Chimmesyan family / Principal tribes or villages
    [_main text has “Principal Tribes” only_]
  Tonkawan family / Geographic distribution  126  [125]
  Waiilatpuan family [unchanged]
    [_main text has “Waiilatpuan” only_]
  Weitspekan family / Tribes
    [_main text has “Principal Tribes”_]

  slight differences have been  [heen]
  ... kinship system, with mother-right as its chief factor
  that passes by Bayau Pierre [_spelling unchanged_]
  “more in the interior, towards the sources of the Willamat River.”
    [_“w” invisible_]
  (includes Kootenais (Flatbows or Skalzi)).  [_one ) missing_]
  There were 769 Klamath and Modoc on the Klamath Reservation
    [Klamaht Reservation]
  Hawhaw’s band of Aplaches  [_spelling unchanged: may be right_]
  Vallee de los Tulares  [_spelling unchanged_]
  Tshokoyem vocabulary  [vobabulary]
  especially in that of the Ruslen.”  [_close quote invisible_]
  = A-cho-mâ´-wi, Powell in Cont. N.A. Eth., III, 601, 1877 (vocabs.
    [_open parenthesis missing_]
  A corruption of the Algonkin word “nadowe-ssi-wag,”
    [_close quote missing_]
  Waukash, waukash, is the Nootka word “good” “good.”
    [_both repetitions in original_]
  Humboldt Bay as far south as Arcata
    [_text unchanged: Arcata is at the extreme north end of
    Humboldt Bay_]
  a change in the semantic content or meaning of words  [sematic]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *



                  THE OJIBWA.


                 W. J. HOFFMAN.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Transcriber’s Note:

The music is available in two forms, collected in the “music”
directory associated with the .html version of this text.

  --simplified lilypond files (extension .ly), with lyrics and dynamic
    markings omitted.
  --MIDI (playable sound) files for each song.

Each [Music] tag includes a page number for cross-reference.]

  Introduction                                                     149
  Shamans                                                          156
  Midē´wiwin                                                       164
    Midē´wigân                                                     187
  First degree                                                     189
    Preparatory instruction                                        189
    Midē´ therapeutics                                             197
    Imploration for clear weather                                  207
    Initiation of candidate                                        210
    Descriptive notes                                              220
  Second degree                                                    224
    Preparation of candidate                                       224
    Initiation of candidate                                        231
    Descriptive notes                                              236
  Third degree                                                     240
    Preparation of candidate                                       241
    Initiation of candidate                                        243
    Descriptive notes                                              251
  Fourth degree                                                    255
    Preparation of candidate                                       257
    Initiation of candidate                                        258
    Descriptive notes                                              274
  Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân                                              278
  Initiation by substitution                                       281
  Supplementary notes                                              286
    Pictography                                                    286
    Music                                                          289
    Dress and ornaments                                            298
    Future of the society                                          299

  Plate II. Map showing present distribution of Ojibwa             150
       III. Red Lake and Leech Lake records                        166
        IV. Sikas´sige’s record                                    170
         V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg                                 172
        VI. Facial decoration                                      174
       VII. Facial decoration                                      178
      VIII. Ojibwa’s record                                        182
        IX. Mnemonic songs                                         193
         X. Mnemonic songs                                         202
        XI. Sacred objects                                         220
       XII. Invitation sticks                                      236
      XIII. Mnemonic songs                                         238
       XIV. Mnemonic songs                                         288
        XV. Sacred posts                                           240
       XVI. Mnemonic songs                                         244
      XVII. Mnemonic songs                                         266
     XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease                           278
       XIX. Birch-bark records                                     286
        XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents                        288
       XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake                           390
      XXII. Mnemonic songs                                         392
     XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters                                  298

  Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine and treating patient        159
       2. Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts,
            showing descent of Mī´nabō´zho                         174
       3. Origin of ginseng                                        175
       4. Peep-hole post                                           178
       5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg                                179
       6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth                      185
       7. Birch-bark record, from Bed Lake                         186
       8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake                         186
       9. Eshgibō´ga                                               187
      10. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree                188
      11. Interior of Midē´wigân                                   188
      12. Ojibwa drums                                             190
      13. Midē´ rattle                                             191
      14. Midē´ rattle                                             191
      15. Shooting the Mīgis                                       192
      16. Wooden beads                                             205
      17. Wooden effigy                                            205
      18. Wooden effigy                                            205
      19. Hawk-leg fetish                                          220
      20. Hunter’s medicine                                        222
      21. Hunter’s medicine                                        222
      22. Wâbĕnō´ drum                                             223
      23. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree               224
      24. Midē´ destroying an enemy                                238
      25. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree                240
      26. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                          252
      27. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                          252
      28. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                          252
      29. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                          252
      30. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge                          252
      31. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman                                 255
      32. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man                                   255
      33. Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree               255
      34. General view of Midē´wigân                               256
      35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge                            279
      36. Leech Lake Midē´ song                                    295
      37. Leech Lake Midē´ song                                    296
      38. Leech Lake Midē´ song                                    297
      39. Leech Lake Midē´ song                                    297

       *       *       *       *       *

                OF THE OJIBWAY.

               By W. J. HOFFMAN.

       *       *       *       *       *


The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it is
scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on the
east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba
southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This
tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward
migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber
growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts
possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State
is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains,
while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or
near the meridian of 95° 50' west longitude, extends due north and
south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the
timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49°
north latitude, at about 97° 10' west longitude.

Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of which
are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely isolated.
The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being covered
chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and the
lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes, around
which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in moist
ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with oak,
poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and shrubs.

Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have
furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.

Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several
reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they
have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian
agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes
may therefore be found upon a single reservation, where they continue to
adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus presenting an
interesting field for ethnologic research.

The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is
indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion
many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the
northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their
primitive methods and are commonly designated “wild Indians.” The
habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on
the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east,
have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about
three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages
and corroborated by other traditional evidence.

Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or La
Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The settlement
at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions pertaining to the
“Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made to the fact that at
this place the rites were practiced in their greatest purity.

Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,[1] bases his belief
upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the
whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries
met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as
with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter,
inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned
in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all
those people who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is
clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity.
La Hontan speaks of the “Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs,” as good warriors.
The name Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of
the tribe.

    [Footnote 1: Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.]

According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance the
tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac at
least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating the
swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and
southwestward. According to a statement[2] of the location of the tribes
of Lake Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the
southern and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however,
that the northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region
adjacent to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present
location, thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south
of them.

    [Footnote 2: Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York
    Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.]

  [Illustration: Plate II.
  Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin.

  I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech
  Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du
  Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de
  Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.]

From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices
pertaining to the Midē´wiwin, Society of the Midē´ or Shamans, popularly
designated as the “Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the
rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly
different forms in various localities.

In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention is
made of the Midē´, the Jes´sakkīd´, or the Wâbĕnō´, but the term
sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of
persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced
incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference
is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of
Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this
antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian
genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of
the Midē´ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and
impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man.
This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of
the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of
whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the
Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the
traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of
ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged
power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the
expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are
firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings--manidos--and in order that certain desires may be
realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the present
paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of
initiation as studied and observed at White Earth, Minnesota, in 1889.
Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest to consider a
few statements made by early travelers respecting the “sorcerers or
jugglers” and the methods of medication.

In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the Northwest,
La Hontan[3] says:

  When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if
  they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d:
  They have told me frequently, that sleeping and sweating would cure
  the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that
  they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make
  merry before ’em, in order to divert ’em. To conclude, when they are
  ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (_Jongleurs_); of
  whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye.

  A _Jongleur_ is a sort of _Physician_, or rather a _Quack_, who being
  once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly
  to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all
  Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every
  Body rallies upon these Fellows when they are absent, and looks upon
  ’em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper,
  yet they allow ’em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’em with
  their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave,
  skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they
  were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a
  Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal’d at
  once with Diversion and Good Cheer.

  When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him very
  carefully; _If the Evil Spirit be here_, says he, _we shall quickly
  dislodge him._ This said, he withdraws by himself to a little Tent
  made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl;
  (which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, _That the Devil converses
  with ’em_.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes
  and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little
  Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, _That these very Bones
  came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in
  regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order
  to accelerate the Cure, ’t will be convenient to send his own and his
  Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat
  of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend._

  Commonly these Quacks bring ’em some Juices of Plants, which are a
  sort of Purges, and are called _Maskikik_.

    [Footnote 3: New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2,
    pp. 47, 48.]

Hennepin, in “A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc.,[4] speaks of
the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those
living about the Great Lakes as follows:

  We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in
  general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to
  comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will
  have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look
  upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an _Otkon_ or
  _Manitou_, either Good or Evil.

  These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all
  believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they
  make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they
  carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of
  their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell,
  or some such thing;

  There is no Nation among ’em which has not a sort of Juglers or
  Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion
  there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their
  Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil.

  These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which
  fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an
  unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to
  cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a
  Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to
  Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part
  as have little Virtue at all in ’em, especially to Cure that Distemper
  which they pretend to.

  It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange
  Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are
  disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments.

    [Footnote 4: London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.]

Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in
1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the
ceremony of the “calumet dance,” as follows:

  They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal
  when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they
  take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have
  prescrib’d them.

In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain
class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled
to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were
permitted to “assist at all the Superstitions of their _Juglers_, and
their solemn Dances in honor of the _Calumet_, in which they may sing,
but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to their
Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for, because
of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as
_Manitous_, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.”

That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is “the most mysterious thing in the World. The
Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have
such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it _The God of Peace
and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death_. Their _Calumet of Peace_ is
different from the _Calumet of War_; They make use of the former to seal
their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive
Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.”

This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is
used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious
devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian
tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin. When the
calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the
houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named
authority continues in this connection:

  They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter
  themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large
  Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company,
  who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call
  _Manitoa_. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or anything else
  that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this _Manitoa_ will
  prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To
  the Right of their _Manitoa_ they place the _Calumet_, their Great
  Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz.
  their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows.  *  *  *  Every Body
  sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all
  saluted the _Manitoa_, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their
  Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense.
  *  *  *  This _Preludium_ being over, he who is to begin the Dance
  appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the _Calumet_,
  presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to smoke. Then he
  moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes laying it near
  the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou’d make it fly, and
  then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after
  another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous

The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as
significant as the “smoke ceremonies” mentioned in connection with the
preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into
the Midē´wiwin.

In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the
sorcerers, Hennepin says:

  As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of
  a certain _Genius_, whom they call _Micaboche_, who has cover’d the
  whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable
  fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the
  Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain
  Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
  foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians,
  curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that
  these _Savages_ are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with
  a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for
  Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten
  thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a
  horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of
  Snow wou’d fall ere long, that they might have good game in the
  Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the
  bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet
  at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or
  eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among
  those poor deluded Wretches.

That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of _Micaboche_, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who
acted as an intercessor between Ki´tshi Man´idō (Great Spirit) and the
Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi´nabō´zho; but to this full
reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the
origin of the Midē´wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the
birth of Manabush (the Mi´nabō´zho of the Menomoni) and his brother, the
Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of
other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form presented by
Hennepin in the following words:

  Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. _Lawrence_,
  do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion
  with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven,
  and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground
  whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion
  for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them
  should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on
  the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed
  herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering
  together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little
  that vast Tract of Land, which we now call _America_.

  They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body
  for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more
  pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz’d upon her Spirits, she
  fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in
  that Condition approach’d and knew her unperceptibly. From which
  Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of
  her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree
  together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they
  quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one
  could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild
  Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution,
  who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he
  resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven,
  whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several
  times his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother.

  Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she
  conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated
  these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts
  of the Universe.

It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the
traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis
(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the
wind gods. Mi´nabō´zho became angered with the Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the
latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Mi´nabō´zho the rite of the
Midēwiwin. The brother of Mi´nabō´zho was destroyed by the malevolent
underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,--the “Land of
the Midnight Sun.”

Upon his arrival at the “Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette
found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: “Miamis, Maskoutens,
and Kikabeux.” He says:

  When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in
  the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red
  Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the
  Great _Manitou_, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken
  of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous
  Hunting. _Manitou_, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits
  whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.

Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the
sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin, as
will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society.
The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of
the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the
visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same
symbol of the Midē´ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with
barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of him.

The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during
the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying paper.
The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midē´ priests
living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from members
of the society from other reservations, who visited the last named
locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of
the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here be
said that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any
birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the
artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the
works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col.
Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological
Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding
this subject:

  The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such
  as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful
  minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa
  hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was
  considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain
  how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that
  purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as
  assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
  points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern
  region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be
  discovered.  *  *  *  The general results of the comparison of
  Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found shows that, in
  substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring.
  The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his
  copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent
  significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the
  birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the
  bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also
  used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian
  philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
  attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which,
  could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture
  of the Ojibwa.


There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery men,
termed respectively and in order of importance the Midē´, the
Jĕs´sakkīd´, and the Wâbĕnō´, but before proceeding to elaborate in
detail the Society of the Midē´, known as the Midē´wiwin, a brief
description of the last two is necessary.

The term Wâbĕnō´ has been explained by various intelligent Indians as
signifying “Men of the dawn,” “Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is
not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that
but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,[5]
in referring to the several classes of Shamans, says “there is a third
form or rather modification of the medawin,  *  *  *  the Wâbĕnō´;
a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a
corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore remarks[6] that “it is
stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin.
They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda.”

    [Footnote 5: Information respecting the history, condition, and
    prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia,
    1851, vol. 1, p. 319.]

    [Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 362.]

From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâbĕnō´ does
not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society,
but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâbĕnō´ is primarily
prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth, for
which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite number of
days. It is positively affirmed that evil man´idōs favor his desires,
and apart from his general routine of furnishing “hunting medicine,”
“love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a
hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the
Wâbĕnō´, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a
feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâbĕnō´ will invite a number of
friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This feast is given at
night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged in, and the
Wâbĕnō´, to sustain his reputation, entertains his visitors with a
further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to
be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot stones and
burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said
that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple
sirup. On account of such performances the general impression prevails
among the Indians that the Wâbĕnō´ is a “dealer in fire,” or
“fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always terminate at the approach of
day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are at present but two
or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake.

As a general rule, however, the Wâbĕnō´ will seek entrance into the
Midē´wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice of
medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man´idōs,
especially such as cause disease.

The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated a
“juggler,” the Indians define him as a “revealer of hidden truths.”
There is no association whatever between the members of this profession,
and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made
and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no
initiation by means of which one may become a Jĕs´sakkīd´. The gift is
believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki´, and then only at
long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth,
when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual.
His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe.
He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become
acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the
success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs
of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the
soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim
of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking, and causing
evil, while that of the Midē´ is to avert it; he attempts at times to
injure the Midē´ but the latter, by the aid of his superior man´idos,
becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes
happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midē´
alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the
chief pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes
removed by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how
the Jĕs´sakkīd´ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of
the most complicated tying of cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by
this class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming
a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are
wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright
cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful
man´idō of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and through him, with numerous other
malevolent man´idōs, especially the Animiki´, or thunder-bird. When the
prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway
violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within,
denoting the arrival of man´idōs, and numerous voices and laughter are
distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the
prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in
coming. In his notice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, Schoolcraft affirms[7] that
“while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member
of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin--a society of men
who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and
incantations.” The fact is that there is not the slightest connection
between the practice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and that of the Midē´wiwin, and
it is seldom, if at all, that a Midē´ becomes a Jĕs´sakkīd´, although
the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midē´wiwin, chiefly with
the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe.

    [Footnote 7: Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.]

The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâbĕnō´. An idea
of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by
taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the
same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the
Midē´ Society consisting, in round numbers, of one hundred members, and
among the entire population there are but two Wâbĕnō´ and five

It is evident that neither the Wâbĕnō´ nor the Jĕs´sakkīd´ confine
themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark
records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful
research and examination extending over the field seasons of three
years, prove to have been the property of Wâbĕnō´ and Jĕs´sakkīd´, who
were also Midē´. It is probable that those who practice either of the
first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may
employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are
limited to the characteristic formulæ of exorcism, as their practice
varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the
requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord

Some examples of songs used by Jĕs´sakkīd´, after they have become
Midē´, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the
Midē ’wiwin.

There is still another class of persons termed Mashkī´kĭkē´winĭnĭ, or
herbalists, who are generally denominated “medicine men,” as the Ojibwa
word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and consists in knowing the
mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries,
which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an
administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true
scientific principles, it is only in consequence of such practice having
been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the
Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the
treatment of the common disorders of life. Although these herbalists are
aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon
the human system, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such
remedies are distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in
the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these
herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally
members of the Midē´wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a

  [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Herbalist preparing medicine and treating

The origin of the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In
the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to
sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices
are dependent upon the assistance of “Manitous,” or mysterious spirits;
though, as there is no discrimination made between these different
professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of
the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that
the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or juggler, and the Midē´, or Shaman, were referred to.

The Midē´, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has by
various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer, prophet,
etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among the
Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to fill
the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar
practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock
can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes
constituting that stock.

Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the
place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, or Society of the Midē´, but who is removed by death before
the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a young man
dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a
substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or “Ghost Lodge,” a collateral branch of the

As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W.
Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren
was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the
legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled “History of the Ojibwa
Nation,” was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota
Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr.
Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own
people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the
historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His
manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following
year. In speaking of the Society of the Midē´,[8] he says:

  The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it,
  “Grand Medicine,”) and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet
  fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still
  shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much
  pains to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking
  their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their
  friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly
  acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the
  Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that I have obtained full as much
  and more general and true information on this matter than any other
  person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and
  standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojibways
  well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been
  regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a member
  of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to
  believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian
  priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a
  white man should ever have been allowed _in truth_ to become a member
  of their Me-da-we lodge.

  An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being
  enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does
  not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it
  make him a member of the Society.

    [Footnote 8: Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.]

These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of “a great and standard
authority” have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other
assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information
Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851,
p. 361, viz:

  I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and
  studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the
  region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of the
  advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a
  Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its
  principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its
  ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors,
  with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the
  result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an
  Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial
  notation which have been sometimes called “music boards,” from the
  fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda
  Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in
  accordance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society
  and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.

This statement is followed by another,[9] in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a
foot-note, affirms:

  Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the
  Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a _Sagima_ and
  _Jesukaid_ in each of the other fraternities, and studied their
  pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with
  the more decision on the subject.

    [Footnote 9: Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.]

Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies
were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly
three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not
burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as
conducted within the last three years.

Mr. Warren truly says:

  In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst
  them--songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in
  hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is
  also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language,
  which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday use.

As the ritual of the Midē´wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon
traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful
consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by
them as “their religion,” as they themselves designate it.

In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western
tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal
ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks[10] in reference to the

  Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a
  close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too
  late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion.
  And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can
  be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their
  graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of
  their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious
  belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red
  children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in
  the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this
  their most ancient belief.  *  *  *

  They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the
  world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on
  what they term the “new earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by
  their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion,
  hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.

    [Footnote 10: Op. cit., p. 25.]


  They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit
  which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it
  was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom
  they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and
  means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code
  of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could
  commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach and
  ravages of death.

It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Midē´ priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the
Missasauga--i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians
living in Canada. In his work[11] he states:

  Each tribe has its medicine men and women--an order of priesthood
  consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These powwows are
  persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary cures, either
  by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an
  Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first
  place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the
  woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful
  plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how
  to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of
  Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have

  The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not
  so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which
  they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these
  credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse
  with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever
  information they require.

    [Footnote 11: History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)],
    pp. 143,144.]

The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man´idōs, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
man´idōs, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a
charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior man´idō is termed Ki´tshi
Man´idō--Great Spirit--approaching to a great extent the idea of the God
of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe
Man´idō, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of
the Midē´wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of
the Midē´wiwin were granted to man. The Ani´miki or Thunder God is, if
not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man´idōs,
and it is from him that the Jĕs´sakkīd´ are believed to obtain their
powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom special reference will
be made, who abides in and rules the “place of shadows,” the hereafter;
he is known as Dzhibai´ Man´idō--Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost
Spirit. The name of Ki´tshi Man´idō is never mentioned but with
reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midē´wiwin, or a
sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco.

The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in
the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of
days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or
ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The
spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of
mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is
considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the
personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced,
and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small
effigy of this man´idō is made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece
of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck,
or if the wearer be a Midē´ he carries it in his “medicine bag” or
pinji´gosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his
dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary
importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful man´idō or other object held in great reverence by the members
of the Midē´ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea
of becoming a Midē´. Thereupon he makes application to a prominent Midē´
priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary course to be pursued to
attain his desire. If the Midē´ priest considers with favor the
application, he consults with his confrères and action is taken, and the
questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents,
etc., are formally discussed. If the Midē´ priests are in accord with
the desires of the applicant an instructor or preceptor is designated,
to whom he must present himself and make an agreement as to the amount
of preparatory information to be acquired and the fees and other
presents to be given in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do
with the presents which must be presented to the Midē´ priests previous
to his initiation as a member of the society, the latter being collected
during the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period
usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for
hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as presents
may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable
from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation
for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin, and there are many who have
impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for
the feast to which all visiting priests are also invited.

Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society
he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase
a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a
small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His
application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and
the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a Wâbĕnō´ wishes
to become a Midē´.


The Midē´wiwin--Society of the Midē´ or Shamans--consists of an
indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded into
four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond
the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained
by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having
submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the
officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain
localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there
is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One
circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that
is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the
Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of
the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which
reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in
forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the
importance and sacredness of the ceremony.

It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent
pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to
the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an
accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.

During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good
fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which,
according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests,
had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian
unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½
inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of
birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat
strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured
transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as
to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A,
is a reproduction of the design referred to.

It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at
the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it
in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish

It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand
Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin
was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict
accordance with ancient and traditional usage.

The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very
great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the
traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions
occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and
the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On
account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long
continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually
occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.

A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented
further on in connection with two interesting variants which were
subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the
widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa,
and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the
ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at
some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of
tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the
origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was
possible to procure will be submitted.

In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe
these people are termed A-nish´-in-â´-bēg--original people--a term
surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating
that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the
final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at
Sault Ste. Marie.

Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of
the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit, and
acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally
supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and
the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.

The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake
(Pl. III A), is as follows:

When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the
earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the
Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth--the northeast, the
southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they
were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases
with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with
animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabō´zho
remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring
to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something
laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water
to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching
it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the
north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared.
Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the
water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it
might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it
disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south
(No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he
might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing
in the west Mi´nabō´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the
earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was
the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then
Mi´nabō´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and
gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of
the sick; the sacred Midē´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of
initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in
invocations and in making peace.

  [Illustration: Plate III.
  Red Lake and Leech Lake Records.]

The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of a
large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is
called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Mi´nabō´zho
built a Midē´wigân (sacred Midē´ lodge), and taking his drum he beat
upon it and sang a Midē´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man´idō had
decided to help the Aníshinâ´bōg, that they might always have life and
an abundance of food and other things necessary for their comfort.
Mi´nabō´zho then took the Otter into the Midē´wigân and conferred upon
him the secrets of the Midē´wiwin, and with his Midē´ bag shot the
sacred mī´gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able
to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Aníshinâ´bēg.

The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may
consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar
to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and
the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this
day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the
Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted
that much of the information has been lost through the death of their
aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the
sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the
adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´
priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are
in consequence termed “pagans.”

My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of
the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter
appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the
semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the
earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8.
Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who
endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of
the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the
outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding
lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the
lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the
course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13,
14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are
always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a
rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of
this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No.
20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents
the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to
which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may
compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the
Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred
drum which the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two
offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two.

After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to
advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers
to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No.
29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are
indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27.

Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs who
oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the
four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the
two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the
middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his
way to the second degree.

Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the
entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos.
37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but
while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45
simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this second
initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in
the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and
intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as
specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.

When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō
supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from
the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he
can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that
he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance,
however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his
ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or
duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a
Midē´ of this degree has several times had the mī´gis--life--“shot into
his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity
of influence obtained thereby.

No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his
powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any
animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim,
immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent
of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass
the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the
intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the
modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig.
24, page 238.

Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special
reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50,
represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters
at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions
of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his
intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a
forest, the location usually sought by bad Midē´ and witches.

If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of
the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53
denotes that the candidate now personates the bear--not one of the
malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to
be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He
is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the
Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)--who has until this opposed his
advancement--now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances
toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midē´wiwin,
where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits,
the guardians of this degree.

Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this
degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in
connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and
more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he
becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he
possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented
in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms
denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp
from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish
extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and
assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes
more widely extended.

Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special
guardians of the third degree lodge.

To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater
number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to
personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown
sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for
his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most
powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a
candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure
(No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of
Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern
entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit.
Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain
possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance
to the candidate’s entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent
beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No.
97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions
being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but
the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate

The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing
through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure
(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is
covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midē´wiwin.
These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests, during the
initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines connecting them
in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or
organs of the body may be exercised.

The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only
endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others,
as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head,
but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at
pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the
prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he
usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly
designated “the Jugglery.”

The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may
have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was
not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the
history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin.

Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is
an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed
by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of
his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the
right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at
which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are
designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and
left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is
termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´--End of the road--and is alluded to in the
ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e.,
the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes
(No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have
been a fourth degree Midē´ for a period of 14 years.

The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the same
individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical
strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midē´
priest of the society for that number of years.

  [Illustration: Plate IV.
  Sikas´sige’s Record.]

The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the
interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and the
stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of
treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the
exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the
acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is
indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.

Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge
is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114),
leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another
similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to
the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the
north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge.

Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting
the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided
over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´.

No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân to
the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the
dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is personated by
a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when giving a feast
to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the
Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.

Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal
record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4
represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been
initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he
has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear
tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit,
considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits
of the fourth degree wigwam.

The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a
lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together
with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the
Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose
courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no
information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had
an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech
Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data
concerning them.

The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at
Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and
4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in
the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12,
and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his
initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the
four officiating priests of the Midē´wigân at his place of residence.
Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as
during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing
since he became a Midē´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify
that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in
the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A.

The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred to
will be described and figured hereafter.

The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by
Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident
at White Earth.

The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at
Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ
received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although
he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the
society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation
he was permitted to be present.

Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the
officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by
him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following
tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. V is a reduced copy:

  In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´ Man´idōs. He
  first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5);
  but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1)
  made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they
  should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians.
  When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon
  observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and
  that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon
  become extinct.

  Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth were four
  lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Man´idō decided to
  commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians
  could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told
  him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information
  to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They
  all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at
  Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for
  the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask
  Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the

  Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go
  to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the
  council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the
  earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own.

  [Illustration: Plate V.
  Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.]

  This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this
  woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they
  decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made
  preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each
  evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent
  the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging
  upon the poles, the adopted child--who was the Sun Spirit--would play
  about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father
  he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said
  he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents
  expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be

  The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he
  said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead
  boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in
  the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been
  done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated
  themselves around the corpse.

  When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through
  the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came
  towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead
  body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it towards the
  left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began
  quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he
  had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and
  stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the
  distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the
  following words:

  Nōs        ka-wī´-na  ni´-shi-na´-bi  wis-sī´  a´-ya-wī´-an  man´-i-dō
  My father  is not     an Indian       not      you are       a spirit

  nin-gī´-sis.  Be-mai´-a-mī´-nik  ni´-dzhĭ  man´-i-dō  mī-a-zhĭ´-gwa
  son.          Insomuch           my fellow spirit     now

  tshí-gĭ-a´-we-ân´.  Nōs        a-zhĭ´-gwa  a-sē´-ma  tshi´-a-tō´-yēk.
  as you are.         My father  now         tobacco   you shall put.

  A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem  mi-ē´-ta  â´-bi-dink´  dzhi-gŏsh´-kwi-tōt´
  He speaks of    only      once         to be able to do it

  wen´-dzhi-bi-mâ´-di-zid´-o-ma´  a-gâ´-wa  bi-mâ-dĭ-zĭd´-mi-o-ma´;
  why he shall live here          now       that he scarcely lives;

  ni-dzhĭ    man´-i-dō  mí-a-zhĭ´-gwa   tshí-gĭ-wĕ´-ân.
  my fellow  spirit     now I shall go  home.

  The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then
  remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of
  the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his
  adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return
  to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear
  sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable
  them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life
  but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would
  feel his influence.

This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī gē-wī-nĭp--

From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes
the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of
initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a
candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts
of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the
ceremony can take place.

Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the
tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate
the Makwa´ Man´idō--Bear Spirit--when entering the Midē´wiwin (No. 19).
No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō is termed by the Midē´
priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol
of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and
divine forms in many Midē´ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21
represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No. 22.

Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians
with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be
explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of
events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that
there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances
being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative
relating to the chart on Pl. III A.

This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baiē´dzhĕk,
was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe
about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sigĕ is
similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting
variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the
delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.

By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1,
resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl.
III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe
inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated between the cardinal
points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island,
only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted.

The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A
and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. V, No. 21)
upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands
vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the
first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between
Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have
occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sigĕ the two
charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration,
Fig. 2.

  [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent
  of Min´abō´zho.]

  [Illustration: Plate VI.
  Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]

Sikas´sigĕ’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is
substantially as follows:

  [Illustration: Fig. 3.--Origin of Ginseng.]

  When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg
  the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi
  Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without the means of
  protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent
  Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over
  the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to
  communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an
  otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the
  waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the
  surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which
  pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he
  might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi
  Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the
  north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would
  come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make
  its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of
  sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to
  approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did.
  This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of
  the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit
  always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.

  Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When
  the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish to give
  them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them the
  means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through
  you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.”

  Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed the Otter
  in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door
  of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10), sunning himself,
  after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14), where his
  progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and
  13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was
  enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the
  first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which
  those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the
  ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17)
  painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also
  have to pray to the stone and to the post, when he is within the
  Midē´wigân, because within them would be the Midē´ spirits whose help
  he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Midē´wigân
  where he picked up the mī´gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred
  objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´idō. The
  eight man´idōs around the midē´wigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25,
  and 26) were also sent by Ki´tshi Man´idō to guard the lodge against
  the entrance of bad spirits.

A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short
lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human
progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of
one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the
beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his
course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special
events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age
(No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos.
28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety,
terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,”
because when a Midē´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in
faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his
confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing--such as
making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was
not given him by Ki´tshi Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart
must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.

To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sigĕ

  The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân (No. 34), and
  finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho shot into his
  body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then Mi´nabō´zho
  said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and
  36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the

  The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree
  structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idōs
  (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away
  by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the
  sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to
  him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at
  the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other
  post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top,
  similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where
  sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midē´wiwin is
  guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there
  by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as
  shown in Nos. 58, 59.

The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the
structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line
(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote
the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points (Nos. 64,
65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the
feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.

To continue the informant’s tradition:

  When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midē´wigân four
  times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when
  Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which gave him
  renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each
  day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree.
  (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70,
  and 71.)

  The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day
  by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by
  the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night
  by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi
  Man´idō. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again
  arrested in his progress by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who
  opposed his admission, but Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter
  entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a
  post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two
  corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs
  of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and
  the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred
  stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104)
  which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105,
  106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post
  with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106),
  a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle,
  as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red,
  each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to
  have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the
  Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân he again made four
  circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated
  himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabō´zho, for the
  third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus adding to the powers
  which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the
  fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin.

Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as

  The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted
  at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually cedar,
  though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be
  had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and
  connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119,
  and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.

  After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for
  the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four
  successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded
  toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179),
  which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the
  four doors of the sacred structure.

The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the
larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by
Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line
leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or
stages of progress, equal to as many days--one spot denoting one
day--which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the

  [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Peep-hole post.]

  When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a
  short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was
  painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the
  side toward the Midē´wigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted
  to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´idō,
  that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path. Then, when the
  Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the
  inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to
  attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the outside of
  the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idōs
  (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door
  (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the
  five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited (Nos. 126,
  127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132,
  133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted
  red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with
  two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third
  consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the
  top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the
  side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green,
  that toward the west red, and that toward the north black.

  The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western
  doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit. When the
  Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of
  the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west,
  facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and for the
  fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him life
  that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This
  degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and
  138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any
  of your people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will
  guard the Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so.
  The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and
  southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places
  where Makwa´ Man´idō takes his station when guarding the doors.

  Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167,
  168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which Ki´tshi
  Man´idō had given him.

  [Illustration: Plate VII.
  Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]

The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ, viz:
The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos.
171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners
(Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there
by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for the reception
of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting
line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding
degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life--that it should be
without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the
Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184,
and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he
shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or,
in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187,
and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger
circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the
four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to
be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is
obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on
hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally
waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony.

  [Illustration: Fig. 5.--Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.]

The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made
by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west
after he had received the rite of the Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the
circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the
earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line
separating the history of the Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as
follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned,
which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the
surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg
followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected
the Midē´wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again
disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at
A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred
rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus
was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being
given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the
Midē´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate
at was Mi´shenama´kinagung-- Mackinaw (No. 6); then Ne´mikung (No. 7);
Kiwe´winang´ (No. 8); Bâwating-- Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi´towi´
(No. 10); Nega´wadzhĕ´ŭ-- Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake
Superior; Mi´nisa´wĭk [Mi´nisa´bikkăng]-- Island of rocks (No. 12);
Kawa´sitshĭŭwongk-- Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush´kisi´wi
[Mash´kisi´bi]-- Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk--
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe´dâⁿwonggâⁿ-- Sandy Bay
(No. 16); Neâ´shiwikongk-- Cliff Point (No. 17); Netâⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink--
Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs-- Little elm tree
(No. 19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20);
Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh-- Bear Island (No. 21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22);
Ni´wigwas´sikongk-- The place where bark is peeled (No. 23);
Ta´pakwe´ĭkak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]--
The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi
[Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]-- Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25);
Amini´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as
Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).

This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the
Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was finally
located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to
have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well
as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been
the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies
of the Midē´wiwin.

According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the
first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration
was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each
adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled,

_First degree._--A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow
stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.

_Second degree._--A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the
eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a
similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again
one of green.

_Third degree._--Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the
spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the

_Fourth degree._--Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the
first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green
extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal
region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face
was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across
the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by
one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midē´wiwin,
but special reference to this will be given in connection with the
ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society.

On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by
Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the
society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The
illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in
imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōⁿsh; and this last
had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years

The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake,
and Mille Lacs.

The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:

  When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the
  rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon
  the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to do.
  No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2,
  indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots
  surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about
  him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No.
  4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while
  the ten--all but himself--upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are
  represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of
  conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân
  (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched
  Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō--the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from
  side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two
  rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate
  respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred
  stone--this according to modern practices.

  When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he
  prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each
  day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are
  indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge,
  representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the
  officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20)
  may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an
  offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and
  singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of
  the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24,
  and 25) designate the village habitations.

  In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No.
  26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final
  directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The
  candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the
  offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His
  relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which
  are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the
  entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is
  shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing
  two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27
  has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to
  Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon
  the following morning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance
  (No. 30), approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins.
  No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to
  employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating
  priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the
  Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white
  spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line
  (No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents
  the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc.,
  which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.

  This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō.

  When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to
  the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants
  (No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is
  the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No.
  36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two
  sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that
  of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing
  two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A
  small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang
  the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants;
  No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45
  pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole
  (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from

  When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47)
  he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and
  whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the
  interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the
  first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the
  Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the
  top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with
  vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small
  wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their
  tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their
  religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The
  horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to
  the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.

  The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no--the Turtle--as he
  appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54).
  Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.
  55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower;
  the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a
  black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which
  is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the
  arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots--to
  designate the sacred mī´gis--the lower half of the trunk cut square,
  the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white,
  and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross
  signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No.
  60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall
  of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum.
  Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting
  gifts to the society.

  [Illustration: Plate VIII.
  Ojibwa’s Record.]

The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII),
according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:

_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the
ears across the tip of the nose.

_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids,
temples, and the root of the nose.

_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the
lower half red.

_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer
canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion
are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the
green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the
golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back.
This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of
the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of

Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it
may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of
the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his
reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the
officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the
following words[12] caught his attention:

  “Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising
  sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the
  great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were
  reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
  An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
  for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to
  the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the
  waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to
  our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it
  disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of
  the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it
  sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our
  forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun
  once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a
  long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and
  the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated
  and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La
  Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the
  sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays
  reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man
  delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he
  represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.

  A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,
  *  *  *  I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we

  After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he
  proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:

  “My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we
  religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the
  shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
  suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
  intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
  An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored
  and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great
  water and proceeded westward.

  “The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till
  our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river
  where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.

  “In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
  forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they
  reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the
  Me-da-we were practiced.

  “Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not
  built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting
  (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still
  the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge
  was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale
  face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most
  original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted
  to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were
  mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning
  of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by
  our fathers for many generations.”

    [Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]

In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the
tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of
society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr.
Warren,[13] as follows:

  There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village
  of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence
  on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in
  character to the one I have related that its introduction here would
  only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two
  traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four
  Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is
  used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in
  the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the
  depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then
  on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at
  Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
  the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
  pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke

    [Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]

It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the
country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These
have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber
people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc.
Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du
Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more
than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe
westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the
timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation
of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the
Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in
favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost
entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.

On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the
various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight
intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the
nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation
of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized
by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these
mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the
pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also
corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.

  [Illustration: Fig. 6.--Birch-bark record, from White Earth.]

The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received
from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6,
which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record
is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of
the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin:
“They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.”
Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of
the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō
is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the
privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the
left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the
Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred
objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō,
but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are
visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to
prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the
Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.

Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the
informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only
from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but
also in the light of later information and research in the
exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.

Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and
5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the
earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog
given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.

The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others
to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in
the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true
signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred
objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers.

  [Illustration: Fig. 7.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 8.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]

Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in
the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are
almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are
reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the
place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from
Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a
substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures
were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the
American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little
direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been
ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or
rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the
Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the
possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following
explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A
few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to
both illustrations:

  No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg,
    and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.

  No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.

  No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is

  No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an
    otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.

  No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the
    Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the
    line extending from the heart to the mouth.

  No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This
    character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from
    the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern
    Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.

  No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to
    the Midē´wiwin.

  No. 8, a pause or rest.

  No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving
    life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head,
    and the back of the skin.

  No. 10, represents a woman.

  No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.

  No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
    extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing
    the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
    with magic plants.

  No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no
    explanation was given.

    [Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 9.--Esh´gibō´ga.]

Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of
Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use
of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate
form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more
in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.


Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed
in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely
constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the
top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing
what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to
the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is
given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.

To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as
it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first
describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge
with which the candidate has also to do.

  [Illustration: Fig. 10.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.]

The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated
“Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing;
it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width,
extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the
compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings
from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short
branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open
spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From
each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles
to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the
inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents
a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view.
Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon
which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently
shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend
across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so
as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of
blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a
large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed
upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient;
and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the
sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet
in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band
of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the
stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the
stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and
presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from
each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine
trees, each about 10 feet in height.

  [Illustration: Fig. 11.--Interior of Midē´wigân.]

About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his
vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.

This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6
feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily
covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of
saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others
from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally
to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as
the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood
bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the
bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing
the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or

The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear
of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the
numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.



When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has
been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three
assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a
specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been
previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke
offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the
deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object
of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the
candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and
dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased
son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned,
as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the
ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents
and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those
intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also
discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the
selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being
usually appointed from among these four priests.

When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the
applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the
four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most
acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person
designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´

The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days
upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire
information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is
furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until
after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and
pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the
south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a
similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken
slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed
forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after
taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward
the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe,
and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the
candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information,
because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before
the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the
greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be
looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is
frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous
phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12 _a_) differs from the drum commonly
used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact that it is cylindrical,
consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section
of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to
20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while
wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing,
when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great

  [Illustration: Fig. 12.--Ojibwa drums.]

Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the
drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to
intensify the sound very considerably.

The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the
applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it
through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the
presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking
direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be
employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism
of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it
is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or
the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.

  [Illustration: Fig. 13.--Midē´ rattle.]

The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its
origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a
patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the
drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an
accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two
forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains
of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also
filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely
through the rattle case.

  [Illustration: Fig. 14.--Midē´ rattle.]

In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and
their properties extolled.

The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted
from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the
sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the
account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III,
IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the
narrative of the history connected with either of the records is
extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and
purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained
on page 215.

  [Illustration: Fig. 15.--Shooting the mī´gis.]

As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs,
i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and
which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when
searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a
comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which
information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the
composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters
employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of
his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.

It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite
correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the
character of the record and the particular class of service in which it
may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at
Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading
Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.

From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and
presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual.
The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and
frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or
syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad
libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the
singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of
singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch
bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have
been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the
preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic
vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The
initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the
original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in
English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters
employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists
of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key;
furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by
comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the
ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the
songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi
Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and
also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a
faithful rendering of his creed.

  [Illustration: Plate IX.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often
as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and
awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief
interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance
of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy,
therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.

  Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win.
  I rock you, you that are a spirit.
    [A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing
    of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line

  The sky I tell you.
    [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something

  O-we-nen´; hwīn´.
  Who is it, who?
    [The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.]

  The man helping me.
    [A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.]

  Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´?
  Have I told the truth to my son?
    [The bear going to the Midē´wigan, and takes with him life to the


  Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´.
  My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
    [My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.]

  A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´.
  I follow with my arms.
    [Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.]

  Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an.
  Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of
    “medicine” in the earth.
    [A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the
    secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth
    denote direction.]

  We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain?
    [The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]

  Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan.
  The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
    [Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.]

  Very seldom I make this request of you.
    [The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge
    of secrets of the earth.]

In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate
the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good
Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred
objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his
having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon
the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which
he has thus far pursued.

  Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´?
  When I am out of hearing, where am I?
    [The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed
    toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually
    made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the

  We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan.
  In my house, I see.
    [Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns
    denote superiority of the singer.]

  When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
    [The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed
    down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the
    forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an
    abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same

  The reason why I am happy.
    [Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is
    filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines
    from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances--

  [Illustration (two vertical lines) missing]

  Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´.
  The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam.
    [Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose
    bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where
    the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines
    are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line,
    at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.].

  The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
    [The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc.,
    indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short
    vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]

  Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´.
  I am holding this that I bring to you.
    [The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of
    entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]

  Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´.
  I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends.
    [The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as
    indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body,
    i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]

In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation,
and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises
of the fulfillment of his highest desires.

  Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă.
  I hear the spirit speaking to us.
    [The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns
    and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.]

  Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yaⁿ.
  I am going into the medicine lodge.
    [The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he
    is going through it, as in the initiation.]

  Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man.
  I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
    [The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]

  O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´.
  I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
    [The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to
    offer this privilege to the candidate.]

  O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt.
  I am flying into my lodge.
    [Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
    sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of
    spirits or Man´idōs.]

  Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an.
  The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
    [The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that
    the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]

  I have the medicine in my heart.
    [The singer’s body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating
    to sacred medicines from the earth.]


During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the
foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is
also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and
preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in
regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being
enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate
is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree
may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled
out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the
ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis--the
earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived
from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō.

In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the
botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of
them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of

It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific
remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is
probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the
Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of
medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal
form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned
below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their
administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that
the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional
derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent
beings--commonly designated as bad Man´idōs--supposed to have taken
possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears
most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of
the plants employed will be made at the proper time.

Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ--medicine broth--signifies liquid
medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to
pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged
medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees
and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or
employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils,
and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property,
an explanation of which they have forgotten.

  _Pinus strobus_, L.  White Pine.  Zhingwâk´.

    1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also
      boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground
      and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which
      is inhaled to cure backache.

    The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
      inhaled to cure headache.

    2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
      obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon
      which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence.
      The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.

  _Pinus resinosa_, Ait.  Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed
    Norway Pine.  Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.

    Used as the preceding.

  _Abies balsamea_, Marshall.  Balsam Fir.  Ini´nandŏk.

    1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is
      used to induce diaphoresis.

    2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and
      also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the
      crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken
      internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the
      chest resulting from colds.

    3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.

  _Abies alba_, Michx.  White Spruce.  Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split
    roots--wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers
    of canoes.

  _Abies nigra_, Poir.  Black Spruce.  A´mikwan´dŏk.

    1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
      sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.

    2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.

  _Abies Canadensis_, Michx.  Hemlock.  Gaga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.”

    Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
      diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.

  _Larix Americana_, Michx.  Tamarack.  Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.

    1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.

    2. Gum used in mending boats.

    3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.

  _Cupressus thyoides_, L.  White Cedar.  Gi´zhĭk-- “Day.”

    1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety
      of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert
      their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons
      possessing the patient’s body.

    2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe
      and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing

  _Juniperus Virginiana_, L.  Red Cedar.  Muskwa´wâ´ak.

    Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.

  _Quercus alba_, L.  White Oak.  Mītig´ōmish´.

    1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
      boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.

    2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.

  _Quercus rubra_, L.  Red Oak.  Wisug´emītig´omish´-- “Bitter Acorn

    Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.

  _Acer saccharinum_, Wang.  Sugar Maple.  Innīnâ´tik.

    1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.

    2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.

    3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.

  _Acer nigrum_, Michx.  Black Sugar Maple.  Iskig´omeaush´--

    Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer

    Sometimes used as the preceding.

  _Betula excelsa_, Ait.  Yellow Birch.  Wi´nnis´sik.

    The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer
      saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.

  _Betula papyracea_, Ait.  White Birch.  Wīgwas´.

    Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes,
      syrup-pans, mōkoks´--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the
      Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.

  _Populus monilifera_, Ait.  Cottonwood.  Mâ´nâsâ´ti.

    The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.

  _Populus balsamifera_, L.  Balsam Poplar.  Asa´dĭ.

    1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and

    2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and
      particularly for the Midē´wigân.

  _Juglans nigra_, L.  Black Walnut.  Paga´nŏk-- “Nut wood.”

    Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
      sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.

  _Smilacina racemosa_, Desf.  False Spikenard.  Kinē´bigwŏshk-- “Snake
    weed or Snake Vine.”

    1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.

    2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
      blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve

    3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.

  _Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell.  Sunflower.  Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuⁿs´.

    The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.

  _Polygala senega_, L.  Seneca Snakeroot.  Winis´sikēⁿs´.

    1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.

    2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to
      destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.

  _Rubus occidentalis_, L.  Black Raspberry.  Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk--
    “Black Blood Berry.”

    A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in
      the stomach.

  _Rubus strigosus_, Michx.  Wild Red Raspberry.  Miskwi´minŏk´-- “Blood

    The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.

  _Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr.  Huckleberry.  Mī´nŭn.

    Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The
      berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of
      the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”

  _Prunus Virginiana_, L.  Choke Cherry.  Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakŏâⁿsh´.

    1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
      during gestation.

    2. The fruit is eaten.

  _Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart.  Wild Black Cherry.  Okwē´mĭsh-- “Scabby

    1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first
      boiling, bruising, or chewing it.

    2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains
      and soreness of the chest.

  _Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L.  Wild Red Cherry.  Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.

    1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other
      stomach disorders.

    2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.

    3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of
      Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the
      “Ghost Society.”

  _Prunus Americana_, Marsh.  Wild Plum.  Bogē´sanŏk.

    The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
      boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
      remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the
      time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were
      not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish
      only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows,
      viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with
      yellow ones; Wabō´sōminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk,
      having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea,
      L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.

  _Typha latifolia_, L.  Common Cat-tail.  Napŏgŭshk-- “Flat grass.”

    The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a
      poultice to sores.

  _Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr.  Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´-- “Little Flat Grass.”

    1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.

    2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to
      remove bile.”

  _Fragaria vesca_, L.  Wild Strawberry.  Odē īmĭn´nĕ-- Heart Berry.

    Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”

    The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.

  _Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L.  Striped Maple.  Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´-- “Moose Wood.”

    The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet
    long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can
    subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as
    an emetic.

  _Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam.  Black or Water Ash.  A´gimak´.

    1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
      sore eyes.

    2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.

  _Veronica Virginica_, L.  Culver’s Root.  Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik-- “Bitter

    A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.

  _Salix Candida_, Willd.  Hoary Willow.  Sisi´gobe´mĭsh.

    The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
      decoction taken for cough.

  _Symphoricarpos vulgaris_, Michx.  Indian Currant.  Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.

    The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold,
      applied to sore eyes.

  _Geum strictum_, Ait.  Aven.  Ne´bone´ankwe´âk-- “Hair on one side.”

    The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for
      soreness in the chest, and cough.

  _Rumex crispus_, L.  Curled Dock.  O´zabetshi´wĭk.

    The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,

  _Amorpha canescens_, Nutt.  Lead Plant.  We´abŏnag´kak-- “That which
    turns white.”

    A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
      _Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.

    A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
      applied to inflamed eyes.

  _Anemone_ (_sp.?_)  Anemone.  Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant
    by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.

    The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of

  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”

    This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
      identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it
      to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when
      necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a
      snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of
      extraordinary muscular strength.

  _Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?)  “White Sumac.”  Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.

    Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
      decoction taken to cure diarrhea.

  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”

    Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.

  _Monarda fistulosa_, L.  Wild Bergamot.  Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´-- “Little
    Elk’s Tail.”

    The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several
      swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.

  _Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L.  Waterleaf.  Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´.

    The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
      back, etc.

  _Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L.  Pennsylvania Anemone.

    A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.

  _Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?).  Canada Violet.  Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.

    The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of
      the bladder.

  _Phryma leptostachya_, L.  Lopseed.  Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.

    The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in
      the legs.

  _Viola pubescens_, Ait.  Downy Yellow Violet. Ogitē´baguⁿs.

    A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
      intervals for sore throat.

  _Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?).  Dwarf Wild Rose.  Oginī´minagaⁿ´wŏs.

    The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
      applied to sore eyes.

  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.

    This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at
      which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the
      decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.

  _Actæa rubra_, Michx.  Red Baneberry.  Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´-- “Little Root.”

    A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for
      stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used
      also in conjunction with Ginseng.

    This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
      plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and
      boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size,
      color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is
      prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The
      roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become
      black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner
      as above.

    The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.

  _Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz.  Moonwort.  Ozaga´tigŭm.

    The root is bruised and applied to cuts.

  _Aralia trifolia_, Gr.  Dwarf Ginseng.  Nesō´bakŏk-- “Three Leafed.”

    The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest

  _Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm.  Stickweed.  Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs-- “Burr

    The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to
      cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and
      has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled
      for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same

It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former
times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not
imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was
reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree
to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the
mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost
through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the
so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree
preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely
conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond
the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because
the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done
their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct
opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.

When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the
ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a
song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the
knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of
tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former
sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously
prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ, and are a
copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his
possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of
his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille Lacs,

  My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of
    [The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
    designated “medicine.”]

  Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
    [The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
    the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine”
    is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
    information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed

  Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk.
  Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
    [Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]

  Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
    [The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves
    that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to
    various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]


  [Illustration: Plate X.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

  We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´.
  When I come out the sky becomes clear.
    [When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear,
    so that the ceremonies may proceed.]

  We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´.
  The spirit has given me power to see.
    [The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good

  I brought the medicine to bring life.
    [The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
    plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
    line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
    designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]

  Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban.
  I, too, see how much there is.
    [His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which
    point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]

  I am going to the medicine lodge.
    [The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the

  I take life from the sky.
    [The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
    Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the
    top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.]

  Let us talk to one another.
    [The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer
    (Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the
    Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]

  Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´.
  The spirit is in my body, my friend.
    [The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the
    Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.]

From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midē´
priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks
one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is
charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the
day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes
these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green,
sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being
thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his
invitation stick, and upon entering the Midē´wigân he lays it upon the
ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post.
In case a Midē´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a
statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks
upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and
the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the
initiation begins.

About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of
the Midē´wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the
sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of
the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water
which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones
introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of
purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day
for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor
baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however,
is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During
the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the
seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.

When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the
other officiating Midē´ priests, when the conversation is confined
chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them
presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō, with the
pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midē´ sacks and
explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the
magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of
preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous
ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the
Midē´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.

Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power
of the Midē´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the
exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such
proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold
purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midē´
themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi
Ma´nidō is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of
the candidate.

  [Illustration: Fig. 16.]

The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a string
of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig.
16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an
almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if
animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Midē´
sack. Another Midē´ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17),
measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running
through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck
forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass
stopper to a bottle.

  [Illustration: Fig. 17.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 18.]

A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the
effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of
herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it,
when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are
chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly
move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another
figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and
is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and
knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists,
each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.

One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced
only by Midē´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midē´ sack to
move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently
alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the
deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances,
as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily
be made to account for the movements.

In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public
demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the
most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer,
from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.

The preceptor then consults with the Midē´ priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following
words, viz:

  Mis-shai´-ĕ-gwa  tshi-dĕ-bŏg-in-de-mung´.
  Now is the time  that we shall fix the price

  gi´-she-gŏ-dung´                      ka-mi´-nĕ-nŏngk
  of everything pertaining to the sky,  that has been given to us

  gi´-she-goy-dŭng´   di´-bi-ga-dōnk´ gai-yé´.
  from the day [and]  the night also.

  A-pē´-gĕ-dá´wŭnk            i´-wa-pī
  When it shall come to pass  and at the time

  ge-bin´-de-ga-yŏngk´,  ă-au´-wa-mi-dē´-wĭd.
  that we shall enter,   he who wishes to become a Midē´.

When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve
of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than
usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who
have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident
to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous
beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or
the hard, sharp taps of the midē´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating
and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nidō in the service
now so near at hand.

When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate,
with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while
the assistant Midē´ priests and intimate friends or members of his
family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the
transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midē´wigân.
Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.

At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to
the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the
officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such
articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midē´
priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two
beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth
crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midē´wiwin who are
not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midē´wigân and
take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue
to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his
assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to
the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner.


Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midē´ priests
accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to dispel
the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times,
and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an

It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when
chanted or sung.

  Ki-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō.
  I swing the spirit like a child.
    [The Midē´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The
    Midē´ claims to be able to receive special favor.]

  [Music: 207_1]
  Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
  Man´ido´weēg; Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
  Man´ido´weēg´; Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´.

  Gi-zhik´-ē´ ka-hwē´ da-mū´-nĕ.
  The sky is what I am telling you about.
    [The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.]

  [Music: 207_2]
  Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´
  Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ´, Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ mu´nedē´.

  Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni
  Ko-sa´-we, hē´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´.
  We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].
    [Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midē´ is reaching up
    into it for its favor of clear weather.]

  [Music: 208_1]
  Waneo-ho hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni,
  Ko´sawe ne hē wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni.

  Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, nē´, kō´, hō.
  I am helping you.
    [The Otter-skin Midē´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit
    to aid them.]

  [Music: 208_2]
  Wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō hō´, ne´niwi´tshinan,
  wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō´ hō´. U-a-ni-ma wē u-a-ni-ma wē henigwish.

  U-a´-ni-ma´, wē´, he´-ni-gwĭsh.
  I have made an error [in sending].
    [The Otter-skin Midē´ sack has failed to produce the desired


The Midē´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance
as the song is renewed.

  Na-nin-dē´, hē´, he-yo-ya, nē´.
  I am using my heart.
    [Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midē´ ceremony.]

  Yo´-na-hĭsh´-i-me´-a´-ne´, hē´.
  yá-na-hĭsh-a-me´-a-ne´, hē´.
  What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”?

  Man´-i-dō, hē´ nē´, mē´-de-wē´, ē´.
  The spirit wolf.
    [One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony
    is assisting the evil man´idōs in causing the sky to be overcast.]

  Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´, nē´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´.
  I do not know where I am going.
    [The Midē´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance
    of initiation.]

  Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne,
  ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-dō i-ya´-nē.
  I depend on the clear sky.
    [To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]

  Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-nō´-ē´
  a´-sho-wē´ me-nō´-de ki-man´-i-dō.
  I give you the other village, spirit that you are.
    [That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and

  Tshing-gwē´-o-dē      ||: gē´.
  The thunder is heavy.
    [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.]

  [Transcriber’s Note:
  The long gap followed by “gē´” is not explained in the text. It may
  refer to the structure of the song.]

  We´-ka-ka-nō´, hō´ shi´-a-dē´.
  We are talking to one another.
    [The Midē´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´idō; he is shown near the sky;
    his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from
    the mouth signify speech.]

In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung
within the inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which they all march in
solemn procession. Those Midē´ priests who have with them their Midē´
drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the
good will of Ki´tshi Man´idō. Each line of the entire song appears as an
independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the
feelings of the officiating priest.

The words of the song are known to most of the Midē´ priests; but, as
there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the
result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung
independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary
circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the
song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany
him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some
extent when chanted or sung.

If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the
priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors
disperses to return upon the first clear day.


If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to
the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the
officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the
proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the
following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies
according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized
method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing

  to´-e-a-nē´ kan-do´-e-a-nē´,
  in-nin´-nĭ man´-e-dō´-ē´.
  The spirit man is crying out.
    [The head of the Midē´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The voice
    lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that
    Ki´tshi Man´idō is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]

  Ya-ni-nē´, na´, tshi-mo-tē´, hē´,
  Talking around in various sections.
    [The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward
    from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate
    “talks” in various directions addressed to the Midē´.]

  Man´-e-dō, wē´, hē´, pe-me´-so-wa´.
  The spirit is flying.
    [The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote

  Mi-de´-we-tē-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´,
  The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine.
    [The Midē’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other
    than upon the Midē´wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the
    curved lines denoting the sky.]

  Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-hē´,
  I am the sign that the day will be clear.
    [The Midē´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short
    transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.]

  Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-nē´, hē´,
  wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik.
  I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me.
    [The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.]

  Hwo´-ba-mī´-de, hwo´-ba-mī-de, man-ĕ-dō
  The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me.
    [The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō, the “line of
    vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot

  Ni-wĭ-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-nā´.
  I take my sack and touch him.
    [The Midē´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the

  Man´-i-dō wi-kan-ē´, mi-de´-yo.
  My medicine is the sacred spirit.
    [The Midē´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi
    Man´idō; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to
    receive them.]

  Ha-ni-ne´ ku-mē´ ni´-kan-nē´?
  How do you answer me, my Midē´ friends?
    [This is addressed to the Midē´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an
    inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midē´wigân is shown,
    the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate
    (or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the
    sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the
    outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge,
    symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Midē´ chart (Pl. III),
    those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of
    advancement in the future.]

Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which
all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to
the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´idō´, and toward the

The preceptor then says:

  Mĭs-sa´i´-a-shi-gwa,  mĭs-sa´-a-shĭ-gwa-  nŏn´-do-nŭng;  ka-kĭ-nâ
  Now is the time,      now is the time he  hears us;      all of us

  ka-kĭn´-nâ-gi-nŏn´-do-da´g-u-nan´  ga-o´-shī-dōt  mi-dē´-wĭ´-win.
  he hears us all the one            who made the   midē´wiwin.

After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the
midē´ gagĭ´kwewĭn´, or Midē´ sermon, in the following language, viz:

  An-be´-bi-sĭn´-di-wi´-shĭn,  wa´-i-ni´-nan;
  now listen to me             what I am about to say to you;

  kēsh´-pin-pe´-sin-da´-nin-wĭn                da-ma´-dzhi shka´
  If you take heed of that which I say to you  shall continue

  ke´-bi-mâ´-di-si-wĭn´.  Uⁿ, nun´-gūm,  ke-za´-ki-gi-zi-toⁿ mŏn
  always your life.       Now, to-day    I make known to you

  ki´-tshi man´-i-dō  ō´-dik-kid´-do-wĭn´;  o´-wi-dŏsh kid´-di-nĭn´
  the great spirit    That which he says;   and now this I say to you.

  ki-ī´-kid-dō´kī´-tshi  man´-i-dō         gi´-sa-gi-ĭg´.
  This is what says      the great spirit  that he loves you.

  to-wa´-bish-ga´    gi-shtig-wa        a-pī-we-
  It shall be white  the sacred object  at the time

  sa´-gi-sit´-to-wad               o-sa´-in-di-kid´-do-wīn
  When they shall let it be known  and this is what I say

  ĕ´-kid-dōdt ki´-tshi  man´-i-dō         ŏ´-gi-din´-nĭn
  That which he says    the great spirit  now this I impart to you

  mis-sâ´-wa  ke´-a-ked´-de-wó  wa´-ba-ma-tshin´ni-bŭdt
  even if     they say          That they saw him dead

  mi´-â-ma´ tshī´-ō-         nish-gâd´,    ini-â-má
  in this place he shall be  Raised again  in this place

  a-pe´-ni-nut´      nin-dē´      kid´-do-wĭn       min-nik´
  he puts his trust  In my heart  in this “saying”  the time

  kid-da´-         kĭ-o-wink´.    Ka-wī´-ka-da-an´-na-we´-was-si-nan,
  of the duration  Of the world.  It shall never fail.

  me-ē´-kid-dodt´        man´-i-dō.   Nin´-ne-dzha´-nis
  That is what he says,  the spirit.  My child,

  ke-un´-dzhi be-mâ´-dis  si´-an.
  this shall give         you life.

The Midē´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside,
while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents,
such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig´iwam to
join the Midē´ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of
the Midē´wigân is then taken up in the following order: First the
candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the
officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and
relatives as desire. At the door of the Midē´wigân all but one of the
priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure,
the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midē´ priest
upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the
inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is
continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the
candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midē´wigân.
When he is prompted to say:

  “Man-un´-ga-bīn´-di-gĕ  o-bŏg´-ga-dĭ-nan´,    o-dai´-ye-din´.”
  Let me come in          and these I put down  my things [gifts].

The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside,
taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains
standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west.
Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the
candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and
exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to
Ki´tshi Man´idō whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the
Midē´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is
presented to receive life (the mī´gis) for which he is suffering, and
invoking the divine favor.

  Hai ya ha man´-i-dō, hō´,  ti-bish´-ko-gish´-i-gŭng, hē´,
  There is a spirit    ho,   just as the one above,    he,

  we-zá-ba-mid´-mi  niⁿ-dzhá-nis,  esh-ĭ-gan´-do-we,   hē´, hwē´,
  now sits with me  my child       and now I proclaim, he,  hwe,

  mé-a-tshi-bin´-de-gan´-ni-nan,  nōs,       dzhi-man´-i-dō, hō´, hwō´,
  that I enter you here           my father  good spirit,    ho,  hwo,

  sha-wé-nĭ-mi-shin´, hē´, hwē´,  a-shig´-wa-bin´-de-gan-nŏk
  have pity on me,    he,  hwe    now that I enter him here,

  gé-gwa-da-gí-sid      wi-bĭ-mâ´-di-sĭd,  dé-bwe-daú-wi-shĭn
  he that is suffering  for life,          believe me

  dzhí-bi-mâ´-di-sĭd´,  nōs,        wē´-o-sĭm´-in-nan´, hē´, hē´.
  that he shall live,   my father,  whose child I am,   he,  he.

The following is the musical notation:

  [Music: 213_1]
  he-he-he-he yo.

The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of
the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side
to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along
the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As
he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line
of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the
entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous
drumming upon the Midē´ drums and the chief officiating priest sings:

  Ni´-sha-bōn´-da shkan  wig´-i-wam     ke-nōn´-dēg,
  I go through           [the] “house”  the long,
                                        i.e., through the Midē´wigân.

At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor
to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating
priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and
station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and
facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets
and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and
upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western
extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon
the ground and faces the four Midē´ priests. The preceptor takes his
position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another
assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding
position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle
drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the
preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and
nearer the officiating priests, and says:

  Mĭ-i´-shi-gwa´        bŏ´-gi-ta-moⁿ´-nan,
  The time has arrived  that I yield it to you.

  mi´-na-nan´-kĕ-ân-dzhi               bi-mâ´-dĭ-si´-an.
  [the midē´migis] that will give you  life.

The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one
side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midē´drum.
The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-wē man´-i-do´-wid--you shall hear me,
spirit that you are--, and the music is rendered as follows:

  [Music: 214_1]
  Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō´wid-hō dō, wē, hē,
  Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō-wid-hō, hē, hwē, hē,
  Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i-dō´-wid, kit´ta-no´do-wē,
  kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-hō, wē, hwē, hē,
  Kit´ta-no´dowē´ man´idō´wid, hō, hē, hwē, hē, hē, hwē, hē.

After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members
sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests
says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:

  Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa  ki-bo´-gĭs-sē-na-min  tshi´-ma-mâd
  Now is the time     that I hope of you    that you shall

  bi-mâ´-di-sĭ-wĭn,  mĭ-nē´-sĭd.
  take life          the bead [mi´gis shell.]

This priest then grasps his Midē´ sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward
that target uttering the syllables “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,”
rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and
repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the
last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as
if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the
preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s
shoulders and cause his body to tremble.

Then the next Midē´, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar
series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midē´ sack, uttering
similar sounds and shooting the sacred mī´gis--life--into the right
breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than
before. When the third Midē´, the second in order of precedence, goes
through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mī´gis into the
candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently agitated.

The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says
to the Midē´; “Mī´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shĭk´”--“put your helping heart with
me”--, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” at the fourth time aiming the Midē´ sack at the
candidate’s head, and as the mī´gis is supposed to be shot into it,
he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.

Then the four Midē´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their
Midē´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mī´gis shell drops
from his mouth--where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief
Midē´ picks up the mī´gis and, holding it between the thumb and index
finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth
says “wâ! wâ! hĕ hĕ hĕ hĕ,” the last syllable being uttered in a high
key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered
while the mī´gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to
the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this
time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get
upon his knees, but when the Midē´ finally places the mī´gis into his
mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Midē´
then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they
pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which
causes the candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to
him, “Ō´nishgân”--“get up”--which he does; then indicating to the
holder of the Midē´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and
presently sings the following song:

  [Music: 216_1]
  Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian,
  Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
  Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
  Ni-kan. Hĭū, Hĭū, Hĭu.

The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Midē´; I
fear all my fellow Midē´.” The last syllables, hĭū´, are meaningless.

At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask
the chief Midē´:

  Ni-kan´    k´kĕ´-nō´-mo´,  maⁿ-dzhi´-an  na´-ka-mō´-in.
  Colleague  instruct me,    give me       a song.

In response to which the Midē´ teaches him the following, which is
uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:

  We´-go-nĕn´  ge-gwed´-dzhi-me-an´,  mi-dē´-wi-wĭn
  What         are you asking,        grand medicine

  ke-kwed´-dzhi-me-an´?  Ki´-ka-mi´-nin   en-da-wĕn´-da
  are you asking?        I will give you  you want me to

  ma-wi´-nĕn   mi-dē´-wi-wĭn     tshi-da-si-nē´-ga´-na-win´-da-mōn;
  give you     “grand medicine”  always take care of;

  ki-ĭn´-tshun-di´-nĕ-ma´-so-wĭn,  tsho´-a-wa´-nin  di´-sĕ-wan.
  you have received it yourself,   never            forget.

To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, ēⁿ, yes, i.e.,
assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midē´, and adds:

  Mi-gwĕtsh´  a-shi´-wa-ka-kish´-da-win  be-mâ´-di-si´-an.
  Thanks      for giving to me           life.

Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to
seat themselves, saying:

  Mi´-a-shi´-gwa ki´-tshi-an´-wâ-bin-da-man  tshi-ō´-we-na´-bi-an.
  Now is the time I look around              where we shall be [sit].

and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.

The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts
and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of
less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is
carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of
smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the
Midē´wigân--where Ki´tshi Man´idō presides--and to the earth. Then each
person blows smoke upon his or her Midē´ sack as an offering to the
sacred mī´gis within.

The chief Midē´ advances to the new member and presents him with a new
Midē´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink
or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises,
approaches the chief Midē´, who inclines his head to the front, and,
while passing both flat hands down over either side,

  Mi-gwĕtsh´,  ni-ka´-ni,      ni-ka´-ni,      ni-ka´-ni, na-ka´.
  Thanks,      my colleagues,  my colleagues,  my colleagues.

Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the

At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of
the society for their presence, the newly elected Midē´ returns to his
place and, after placing within his Midē´ sack his mī´gis, starts out
anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the
eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a manner
similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions
toward the Midē´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth
movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter
falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is
menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently
unconscious from the powerful effects of the mī´gis. This is continued
until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the
mī´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth
experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering
in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this
procedure is termed.

When all of the Midē´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes
place. Each one places his mī´gis shell upon the right palm and,
grasping the Midē´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure
and exhibits his mī´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the
word “hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period
there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to
attract the attention of the others. Each Midē´ then pretends to swallow
his mī´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if
the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out
upon the ground the mī´gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead.
In a few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again
and pretend to swallow them. As the Midē´ return to their respective
places the mī´gis is restored to its receptacle in the Midē´ sack.

Food is then brought into the Midē´wigân and all partake of it at the
expense of the new member.

After the feast, the older Midē´ of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinâ´bēg and the
origin of the Midē´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the
benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given
utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their
boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new
member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midē´. Having
acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs
and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents
itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient
number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract
the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies--for enemies are
numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the
society of the Midē´, or who have failed to attain the desired

The new member, in the absence of a Midē´ drum of his own, borrows one
from a fellow Midē´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes
in intensity as he feels more and more inspired, then sings a song
(Pl. X, D), of which the following are the words, each line being
repeated ad libitum, viz:

  We´-nen-wi´-wik ka´-ni-an.
  The spirit has made sacred the place in which I live.
    [The singer is shown partly within, and partly above his wigwam, the
    latter being represented by the lines upon either side, and crossing
    his body.]

  En´-da-yan´ pi-ma´-ti-su´-i-ŭn en´-da-yan´.
  The spirit gave the “medicine” which we receive.
    [The upper inverted crescent is the arch of the sky, the magic
    influence descending, like rain upon the earth, the latter being
    shown by the horizontal line at the bottom.]


  Nin´-nik-ka´-ni man´-i-dō.
  I too have taken the medicine he gave us.
    [The speaker’s arm, covered with mī´gis, or magic influence, reaches
    toward the sky to receive from Ki´tshi Man´idō the divine favor of a
    Midē’s power.]

  I brought life to the people.
    [The Thunderer, the one who causes the rains, and consequently life
    to vegetation, by which the Indian may sustain life.]

  Be-mo´-se ma-kō-yan.
  I have come to the medicine lodge also.
    [The Bear Spirit, one of the guardians of the Midē´wiwin, was also
    present, and did not oppose the singer’s entrance.]

  We spirits are talking together.
    [The singer compares himself and his colleagues to spirits, i.e.,
    those possessing supernatural powers, and communes with them as an

  The mī´gis is on my body.
    [The magic power has been put into his body by the Midē priests.]

  Ni man´-i-dō ni´-yăn.
  The spirit has put away all my sickness.
    [He has received new life, and is, henceforth, free from the
    disturbing influences of evil man´idōs.]

As the sun approaches the western horizon, the Midē´ priests emerge from
the western door of the Midē´wigân and go to their respective wig´iwams,
where they partake of their regular evening repast, after which the
remainder of the evening is spent in paying calls upon other members of
the society, smoking, etc.

The preceptor and his assistant return to the Midē´wigân at nightfall,
remove the degree post and plant it at the head of the wig´iwam--that
part directly opposite the entrance--occupied by the new member. Two
stones are placed at the base of the post, to represent the two forefeet
of the bear Man´idō through whom life was also given to the

If there should be more than one candidate to receive a degree the
entire number, if not too great, is taken into the Midē´wigân for
initiation at the same time; and if one day suffices to transact the
business for which the meeting was called the Indians return to their
respective homes upon the following morning. If, however, arrangements
have been made to advance a member to a higher degree, the necessary
changes and appropriate arrangement of the interior of the Midē´wigân
are begun immediately after the society has adjourned.


The mī´gis referred to in this description of the initiation consists of
a small white shell, of almost any species, but the one believed to
resemble the form of the mythical mī´gis is similar to the cowrie,
Cypræa moneta, L., and is figured at No. 1 on Pl. XI. Nearly all of the
shells employed for this purpose are foreign species, and have no doubt
been obtained from the traders. The shells found in the country of the
Ojibwa are of rather delicate structure, and it is probable that the
salt water shells are employed as a substitute chiefly because of their
less frangible character. The mī´gis of the other degrees are presented
on the same plate, but special reference to them will be made. No. 2
represents the mī´gis in the possession of the chief Midē priest of the
society at Leech Lake, Minnesota, and consists of a pearl-white Helix

The Midē´ sack represented in No. 7 (Pl. XI.) is made of the skin of a
mink--Putorius vison, Gapp. White, downy feathers are secured to the
nose, as an additional ornament. In this sack are carried the sacred
objects belonging to its owner, such as colors for facial ornamentation,
and the magic red powder employed in the preparation of hunters’ songs;
effigies and other contrivances to prove to the incredulous the
genuineness of the Midē´ pretensions, sacred songs, amulets, and other
small man´idōs--abnormal productions to which they attach supernatural
properties--invitation sticks, etc.

  [Illustration: Plate XI.
  Sacred Objects.]

In Fig. 19 is reproduced a curious abnormal growth which was in the
possession of a Midē´ near Red Lake, Minnesota. It consists of the leg
of a Goshawk--Astur atricapillus, Wilson--from the outer inferior
condyle of the right tibia of which had projected a supernumerary leg
that terminated in two toes, the whole abnormality being about one-half
the size and length of the natural leg and toes.

  [Illustration: Fig. 19.--Hawk-leg fetish.]

This fetish was highly prized by its former owner, and was believed to
be a medium whereby the favor of the Great Thunderer, or Thunder God,
might be invoked and his anger appeased. This deity is represented in
pictography by the eagle, or frequently by one of the Falconidæ; hence
it is but natural that the superstitious should look with awe and
reverence upon such an abnormality on one of the terrestrial
representatives of this deity.

A Midē´ of the first degree, who may not be enabled to advance further
in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, owing to his inability to procure
the necessary quantity of presents and gifts which he is required to pay
to new preceptors and to the officiating priests--the latter demanding
goods of double the value of those given as an entrance to the first
degree--may, however, accomplish the acquisition of additional knowledge
by purchasing it from individual Midē´. It is customary with Midē´
priests to exact payment for every individual remedy or secret that may
be imparted to another who may desire such information. This practice is
not entirely based upon mercenary motives, but it is firmly believed
that when a secret or remedy has been paid, for it can not be imparted
for nothing, as then its virtue would be impaired, if not entirely
destroyed, by the man´idō or guardian spirit under whose special
protection it may be supposed to be held or controlled.

Under such circumstances certain first degree Midē´ may become possessed
of alleged magic powers which are in reality part of the accomplishments
of the Midē´ of the higher degrees; but, for the mutual protection of
the members of the society, they generally hesitate to impart anything
that may be considered of high value. The usual kind of knowledge sought
consists of the magic properties and use of plants, to the chief
varieties of which reference will be made in connection with the next

There is one subject, however, which first-degree Midē´ seek enlightment
upon, and that is the preparation of the “hunter’s medicine” and the
pictographic drawings employed in connection therewith. The compound is
made of several plants, the leaves and roots of which are ground into
powder. A little of this is put into the gun barrel, with the bullet,
and sometimes a small pinch is dropped upon the track of the animal to
compel it to halt at whatever place it may be when the powder is so
sprinkled upon the ground.

The method generally employed to give to the hunter success is as
follows: When anyone contemplates making a hunting trip, he first visits
the Midē´, giving him a present of tobacco before announcing the object
of his visit and afterwards promising to give him such and such portions
of the animal which he may procure. The Midē´, if satisfied with the
gift, produces his pipe and after making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō
for aid in the preparation of his “medicine,” and to appease the anger
of the man´idō who controls the class of animals desired, sings a
song, one of his own composition, after which he will draw with
a sharp-pointed bone or nail, upon a small piece of birch bark, the
outline of the animal desired by the applicant. The place of the heart
of the animal is indicated by a puncture upon which a small quantity of
vermilion is carefully rubbed, this color being very efficacious toward
effecting the capture of the animal and the punctured heart insuring its

  [Illustration: Fig. 20.--Hunter’s medicine.]

Frequently the heart is indicated by a round or triangular figure, from
which a line extends toward the mouth, generally designated the life
line, i.e., that magic power may reach its heart and influence the life
of the subject designated. Fig. 20 is a reproduction of the character
drawn upon a small oval piece of birch bark, which had been made by a
Midē´ to insure the death of two bears. Another example is presented in
Fig. 21, a variety of animals being figured and a small quantity of
vermilion being rubbed upon the heart of each. In some instances the
representation of animal forms is drawn by the Midē´ not upon birch
bark, but directly upon sandy earth or a bed of ashes, either of which
affords a smooth surface. For this purpose he uses a sharply pointed
piece of wood, thrusts it into the region of the heart, and afterwards
sprinkles upon this a small quantity of powder consisting of magic
plants and vermilion. These performances are not conducted in public,
but after the regular mystic ceremony has been conducted by the Midē´
the information is delivered with certain injunctions as to the course
of procedure, direction, etc. In the latter method of drawing the
outline upon the sand or upon ashes, the result is made known with such
directions as may be deemed necessary to insure success.

  [Illustration: Fig. 21.--Hunter’s medicine.]

For the purpose of gaining instruction and success in the disposition of
his alleged medicines, the Midē´ familiarizes himself with the
topography and characteristics of the country extending over a wide
area, to ascertain the best feeding grounds of the various animals and
their haunts at various seasons. He keeps himself informed by also
skillfully conducting inquiries of returning hunters, and thus becomes
possessed of a large amount of valuable information respecting the
natural history of the surrounding country, by which means he can, with
a tolerable amount of certainty, direct a hunter to the best localities
for such varieties of game as may be particularly desired by him.

  [Illustration: Fig. 22.--Wâbĕnō´ drum.]

In his incantations a Wâbĕnō´ uses a drum resembling a tambourine.
A hoop made of ash wood is covered with a piece of rawhide, tightly
stretched while wet. Upon the upper surface is painted a mythic figure,
usually that of his tutelaly daimon. An example of this kind is from Red
Lake, Minnesota, presented in Fig. 22. The human figure is painted red,
while the outline of the head is black, as are also the waving lines
extending from the head. These lines denote superior power. When
drumming upon this figure, the Wâbĕnō´ chants and is thus more easily
enabled to invoke the assistance of his man´idō.

Women, as before remarked, may take the degrees of the Midē´wiwin, but,
so far as could be ascertained, their professions pertain chiefly to the
treatment of women and children and to tattooing for the cure of
headache and chronic neuralgia.

Tattooing is accomplished by the use of finely powdered charcoal, soot
or gunpowder, the pricking instrument being made by tying together a
small number of needles; though formerly, it is said, fish spines or
sharp splinters of bone were used for the purpose. The marks consist of
round spots of one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter
immediately over the afflicted part, the intention being to drive out
the demon. Such spots are usually found upon the temples, though an
occasional one may be found on the forehead or over the nasal eminence.

When the pain extends over considerable space the tattoo marks are
smaller, and are arranged in rows or continuous lines. Such marks may be
found upon some individuals to run outward over either or both cheeks
from the alæ of the nose to a point near the lobe of the ear, clearly
indicating that the tattooing was done for toothache or neuralgia.

The female Midē´ is usually present at the initiation of new members,
but her duties are mainly to assist in the singing and to make herself
generally useful in connection with the preparation of the medicine


The inclosure within which the second degree of the Midē´wiwin is
conferred, resembles in almost every respect that of the first, the only
important difference being that there are two degree posts instead of
one. A diagram is presented in Fig. 23. The first post is planted a
short distance beyond the middle of the floor--toward the western
door--and is similar to the post of the first degree, i.e., red, with a
band of green around the top, upon which is perched the stuffed body of
an owl; the kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´. The second post, of similar size, is painted
red, and over the entire surface of it are spots of white made by
applying clay with the finger tips. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) These spots are
symbolical of the sacred mī´gis, the great number of them denoting
increased power of the magic influence which fills the Midē´wigân.
A small cedar tree is also planted at each of the outer angles of the

  [Illustration: Fig. 23.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the second degree.]

The sweat-lodge, as before, is erected at some distance east of the main
entrance of the Midē´wigân, but a larger structure is arranged upon a
similar plan; more ample accommodations must be provided to permit a
larger gathering of Midē´ priests during the period of preparation and
instruction of the candidate.


A Midē´ of the first degree is aware of the course to be pursued by him
when he contemplates advancement into the next higher grade. Before
making known to the other members his determination, he is compelled to
procure, either by purchase or otherwise, such a quantity of blankets,
robes, peltries, and other articles of apparel or ornament as will
amount in value to twice the sum at which were estimated the gifts
presented at his first initiation. A year or more usually elapses before
this can be accomplished, as but one hunting season intervenes before
the next annual meeting of the society, when furs are in their prime;
and fruits and maple sugar can be gathered but once during the season,
and these may be converted into money with which to purchase presents
not always found at the Indian traders’ stores. Friends may be called
upon to advance goods to effect the accomplishment of his desire, but
such loans must be returned in kind later on, unless otherwise agreed.
When a candidate feels convinced that he has gathered sufficient
material to pay for his advancement, he announces to those members of
the society who are of a higher grade than the first degree that he
wishes to present himself at the proper time for initiation. This
communication is made to eight of the highest or officiating priests, in
his own wig´iwam, to which they have been specially invited. A feast is
prepared and partaken of, after which he presents to each some tobacco,
and smoking is indulged in for the purpose of making proper offerings,
as already described. The candidate then informs his auditors of his
desire and enumerates the various goods and presents which he has
procured to offer at the proper time. The Midē´ priests sit in silence
and meditate; but as they have already been informally aware of the
applicant’s wish, they are prepared as to the answer they will give, and
are governed according to the estimated value of the gifts. Should the
decision of the Midē´ priests be favorable, the candidate procures the
services of one of those present to assume the office of instructor or
preceptor, to whom, as well as to the officiating priests, he displays
his ability in his adopted specialties in medical magic, etc. He seeks,
furthermore, to acquire additional information upon the preparation of
certain secret remedies, and to this end he selects a preceptor who has
the reputation of possessing it.

For acting in the capacity of instructor, a Midē´ priest receives
blankets, horses, and whatever may be mutually agreed upon between
himself and his pupil. The meetings take place at the instructor’s
wig´iwam at intervals of a week or two; and sometimes during the autumn
months, preceding the summer in which the initiation is to be conferred,
the candidate is compelled to resort to a sudatory and take a vapor
bath, as a means of purgation preparatory to his serious consideration
of the sacred rites and teachings with which his mind “and heart” must
henceforth be occupied, to the exclusion of everything that might tend
to divert his thoughts.

What the special peculiarities and ceremonials of initiation into the
second degree may have been in former times, it is impossible to
ascertain at this late day. The only special claims for benefits to be
derived through this advancement, as well as into the third and fourth
degrees, are, that a Midē´ upon his admission into a new degree receives
the protection of that Man´idō alleged and believed to be the special
guardian of such degree, and that the repetition of initiation adds to
the magic powers previously received by the initiate. In the first
degree the sacred mīgis was “shot” into the two sides, the heart, and
head of the candidate, whereas in the second degree this sacred, or
magic, influence, is directed by the priests toward the candidate’s
joints, in accordance with a belief entertained by some priests and
referred to in connection with the Red Lake chart presented on Pl. III.
The second, third, and fourth degrees are practically mere repetitions
of the first, and the slight differences between them are noted under
their respective captions.

In addition to a recapitulation of the secrets pertaining to the
therapeutics of the Midē´, a few additional magic remedies are taught
the candidate in his preparatory instruction. The chief of these are
described below.

  Ma-kwa´ wī´-i-sŏp, “Bear’s Gall,” and Pi´-zhi-ki wī´-i-sŏp, “Ox Gall,”
    are both taken from the freshly killed animal and hung up to dry.
    It is powdered as required, and a small pinch of it is dissolved in
    water, a few drops of which are dropped into the ear of a patient
    suffering from earache.

  Gō´-gi-mish (gen. et sp.?).--A plant, described by the preceptor as
    being about 2 feet in height, having black bark and clusters of
    small red flowers.

    1. The bark is scraped from the stalk, crushed and dried. When it is
      to be used the powder is put into a small bag of cloth and soaked
      in hot water to extract the virtue. It is used to expel evil
      man´idōs which cause obstinate coughs, and is also administered
      to consumptives. The quantity of bark derived from eight stems,
      each 10 inches long, makes a large dose. When a Midē´ gives this
      medicine to a patient, he fills his pipe and smokes, and before
      the tobacco is all consumed the patient vomits.

    2. The root of this plant mixed with the following is used to
      produce paralysis of the mouth. In consequence of the power it
      possesses it is believed to be under the special protection of
      the Midē´ Man´idō, i.e., Ki´tshi Man´idō.

  The compound is employed also to counteract the evil intentions,
    conjurations, or other charms of so-called bad Midē´, Wâbĕnō´, and

  Tzhi-bē´-gŏp-- “Ghost Leaf.”

    After the cuticle is removed from the roots the thick under-bark is
      crushed into a powder. It is mixed with Gō´gimish.

  Dzhi-bai´-ĕ-mŏk´-ke-zĭn´-- “Ghost Moccasin;” “Puff-ball.”

    The spore-dust of the ball is carefully reserved to add to the above

  O-kwē´-mish-- “Bitter Black Cherry.”

    The inner bark of branches dried and crushed is also added.

  Nē´-wĕ-- “Rattlesnake” (_Crotalus durissus, L._).

    The reptile is crushed and the blood collected, dried, and used in a
      pulverulent form. After partially crushing the body it is hung up
      and the drippings collected and dried. Other snakes may be
      employed as a substitute.

It is impossible to state the nature of the plants mentioned in the
above compound, as they are not indigenous to the vicinity of White
Earth, Minnesota, but are procured from Indians living in the eastern
extremity of the State and in Wisconsin. Poisonous plants are of rare
occurrence in this latitude, and if any actual poisonous properties
exist in the mixture they may be introduced by the Indian himself, as
strychnia is frequently to be purchased at almost any of the stores, to
be used in the extermination of noxious animals. Admitting that crotalus
venom may be present, the introduction into the human circulation of
this substance would without doubt produce death and not paralysis of
the facial muscles, and if taken into the stomach it quickly undergoes
chemical change when brought in contact with the gastric juice, as is
well known from experiments made by several well known physiologists,
and particularly by Dr. Coxe (Dispensatory, 1839), who employed the
contents of the venom sack, mixed with bread, for the cure of

  [Illustration: Plate XII.
  Invitation Sticks.]

I mention this because of my personal knowledge of six cases at White
Earth, in which paralysis of one side of the face occurred soon after
the Midē´ administered this compound. In nearly all of them the
distortion disappeared after a lapse of from six weeks to three months,
though one is known to have continued for several years with no signs of
recovery. The Catholic missionary at White Earth, with whom conversation
was held upon this subject, feels impressed that some of the so-called
“bad Midē´” have a knowledge of some substance, possibly procured from
the whites, which they attempt to employ in the destruction of enemies,
rivals, or others. It may be possible that the instances above referred
to were cases in which the dose was not sufficient to kill the victim,
but was enough to disable him temporarily. Strychnia is the only
substance attainable by them that could produce such symptoms, and then
only when given in an exceedingly small dose. It is also alleged by
almost every one acquainted with the Ojibwa that they do possess
poisons, and that they employ them when occasion demands in the removal
of personal enemies or the enemies of those who amply reward the Midē´
for such service.

When the time of ceremony of initiation approaches, the chief Midē´
priest sends out a courier to deliver to each member an invitation to
attend (Pl. XII), while the candidate removes his wig´iwam to the
vicinity of the place where the Midē´wigân has been erected. On the
fifth day before the celebration he visits the sweat-lodge, where he
takes his first vapor bath, followed on the next by another; on the
following day he takes the third bath, after which his preceptor visits
him. After making an offering to Ki´tshi Man´iō the priest sings a song,
of which the characters are reproduced in Pl. XIII, A. The Ojibwa words
employed in singing are given in the first lines, and are said to be the
ancient phraseology as taught for many generations. They are archaic, to
a great extent, and have additional meaningless syllables inserted, and
used as suffixes which are intoned to prolong notes. The second line of
the Ojibwa text consists of the words as they are spoken at the present
time, to each of which is added the interpretation. The radical
similarity between the two is readily perceived.

  Hi´-na-wi´-a-ni-kaⁿ. (As sung.)
  We´-me-a´ ni-kan mi´-sha man´-i-dō
  I am crying my colleague great spirit.
  ni-wa´-ma-bi-go´ ma´-wĭ-yan´.
  He sees me crying.
    [The singer is represented as in close relationship or communion
    with Ki´tshi Man´idō, the circle denoting union; the short zigzag
    lines within which, in this instance, represent the tears, i.e.,
    “eye rain,” directed toward the sky.]

  Ki-nŭn´-no, hē´, ki-mun´-i-dō´-we, hē´, esh´-i-ha´-ni. (As sung.)
  Gi-nŭn´-dōn ni-kan´ ē-zhi-an.
  I hear you, colleague, what you say to me.
    [The singer addresses the Otter Spirit, whose figure is emerging
    from the Midē´wigân of which he is the chief guardian.]

  Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshi-wi-mō´ a-ni´-me-ga´-si. (As sung.)
  Tē´-ti-wâ´-tshŏ-tâg´ ni-mī´-gĭ-sĭm.
  He will tell you (--inform you) [of] my migis.
  tē´-ti-wa´-tshĭ-mo-ta´ âg.
  He it is who will tell you.
    [The reference is to a superior spirit as indicated by the presence
    of horns, and the zigzag line upon the breast. The words signify
    that Ki´tshi Man´idō will make known to the candidate the presence
    within his body of the mī´gis, when the proper time arrives.]

  Rest, or pause, in the song.

During this interval another smoke offering is made, in which the Midē´
priest is joined by the candidate.

  Hĭu´-a-me´-da-ma´ ki´-a-wēn´-da-mag
  man´-i-dō´-wĭt hĭu´-a-wen´-da-mag. (As sung.)
  Ki-wĭn´-da-mag´-ū-nan man´-i-dō´-wid.
  He tells us he is [one] of the man´idōs.
    [This ma´nidō is the same as that referred to in the above-named
    phrase. This form is different, the four spots denoting the four
    sacred mī´gis points upon his body, the short radiating lines
    referring to the abundance of magic powers with which it is filled.]

  Wa´-sa-wa´-dī, hē´, wen´-da-na-ma´,
  mĭ-tē´-wiⁿ. (As sung.)
  I get it from afar
  The “grand medicine.”
    [The character represents a leg, with a magic line drawn across the
    middle, to signify that the distance is accomplished only through
    the medium of supernatural powers. The place “from afar” refers to
    the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō.]

  Ki-go´-na-bi-hiⁿ ē´-ni-na mi-tē´. (As sung.)
  Kiⁿ-do´-na-bī-in´ mi-dē´-wi-wĭn-ni-ni´
  I place you there “in the grand medicine” (among the “Midē´ people”)
  Half way (in the Midē´wigân).
    [The Midē´ priest informs the candidate that the second initiation
    will advance the candidate half way into the secrets of the
    Midē´wigân. The candidate is then placed so that his body will
    have more magic influence and power as indicated by the zigzag
    lines radiating from it toward the sky.]

  [Illustration: Plate XIII.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

  Hi´-sha-we-ne´-me-go´, hē´, nē´.
  Ni-go´-tshi-mi, hē´. (As sung.)
  Ni´-sha-we´-ni-mi-go´ ĕ´-ne-mâ´-bi-dzhĭk.
  They have pity on me those who are sitting here.
    [This request is made to the invisible man´idōs who congregate in
    the Mide´wigân during the ceremonies, and the statement implies that
    they approve of the candidate’s advancement.]

Another smoke offering is made upon the completion of this song, after
which both individuals retire to their respective habitations. Upon the
following day, that being the one immediately preceding the day of
ceremony, the candidate again repairs to the sudatory to take a last
vapor bath, after the completion of which he awaits the coming of his
preceptor for final conversation and communion with man´idōs respecting
the step he is prepared to take upon the morrow.

The preceptor’s visit is merely for the purpose of singing to the
candidate, and impressing him with the importance of the rites of the
Midē´wigân. After making the usual offering of tobacco smoke the
preceptor becomes inspired and sings a song, the following being a
reproduction of the one employed by him at this stage of the preparatory
instruction. (See Pl. XIII B.)

  Man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē, man´-i-dō´, hē´, nē´.
  Spirit, spirit,
  Ni´-man-i-dō´ win´-da-bi-an´.
  I am a spirit (is) the reason why I am here.
    [The zigzag lines extending downward and outward from the mouth
    indicate singing. He has reached the power of a man´idō, and is
    therefore empowered to sit within the sacred inclosure of the
    Midē´wigân, to which he alludes.]

  Da´-bī-wā-ni´, ha´, hē´,
  Aⁿ´-nĭn, e-kō´-wē-an´.
  Drifting snow, why do I sing.
    [The first line is sung, but no interpretation of the words could be
    obtained, and it was alleged that the second line contained the idea
    to be expressed. The horizontal curve denotes the sky, the vertical
    zigzag lines indicating falling snow--though being exactly like the
    lines employed to denote rain. The drifting snow is likened to a
    shower of delicate mī´gis shells or spots, and inquiry is made of it
    to account for the feeling of inspiration experienced by the singer,
    as this shower of mī´gis descends from the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō
    and is therefore, in this instance, looked upon as sacred.]

  Rest, or pause.

  Gi-man´-i-dō´-wē, ni´-me-ne´-ki-nan´ wan-da.
  Gi´-a-wĭngk, gi-man´-i-dō´-a-ni-min´,
  Your body, I believe it is a spirit.
  your body.
    [The first line is sung, but the last word could not be
    satisfactorily explained. The first word, as now pronounced, is
    Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the song is addressed to him. The curved line,
    from which the arm protrudes, is the Midē´wigân and the arm itself
    is that of the speaker in the attitude of adoration: reaching upward
    in worship and supplication.]

  Pi-nē´-si ne´-pi-mi´-a niⁿ´-ge-gē´-kwe-aⁿ
  The bird as I promise the falcon
  the reason he is a spirit.
    [The second word is of archaic form and no agreement concerning its
    correct signification could be reached by the Midē´. The meaning of
    the phrase appears to be that Ki´tshi Man´idō promised to create
    the Thunder-bird, one of the man´idōs. The falcon is here taken as a
    representative of that deity, the entire group of Thunderers being
    termed a-ni´-mi-ki´.]

  Zhīn´-gwe mi´-shi-ma-kwa´
  Makes a great noise the bear.
  weⁿ´-dzhi-wa-ba-mok-kwēd´ kŭn-nēt´.
  the reason I am of flame.
    [The character of the bear represents the great bear spirit of the
    malevolent type, a band about his body indicating his spirit form.
    By means of his power and influence the singer has become endowed
    with the ability of changing his form into that of the bear, and in
    this guise accomplishing good or evil. The reference to flame (fire)
    denotes the class of conjurers or Shamans to which this power is
    granted, i.e., the Wâbĕnō´, and in the second degree this power is
    reached as will be referred to further on.]

  Ni´-a-wen´-din-da-sa´, ha´, sa´, man´-i-dō´-wid.
  Gi´-a-wĭngk in´-do-sa man´-i-dō´-wid.
  In your body I put it the spirit.
    [The first line is sung, and is not of the modern style of spoken
    language. The second line signifies that the arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō,
    through the intermediary of the Midē´ priest, will put the spirit,
    i.e., the mī´gis, into the body of the candidate.]

The singer accompanies his song either by using a short baton of wood,
termed “singing stick” or the Midē´ drum. After the song is completed
another present of tobacco is given to the preceptor, and after making
an offering of smoke both persons return to their respective wig´iwams.
Later in the evening the preceptor calls upon the candidate, when both,
with the assistance of friends, carry the presents to the Midē´wigân,
where they are suspended from the rafters, to be ready for distribution
after the initiation on the following day. Several friends of the
candidate, who are Midē´, are stationed at the doors of the Midē´wigân
to guard against the intrusion of the uninitiated, or the possible
abstraction of the gifts by strangers.


The candidate proceeds early on the morning of the day of initiation to
take possession of the sweat-lodge, where he awaits the coming of his
preceptor and the eight officiating priests. He has an abundance of
tobacco with which to supply all the active participants, so that they
may appease any feeling of opposition of the man´idōs toward the
admission of a new candidate, and to make offerings of tobacco to the
guardian spirit of the second degree of the Midē´wiwin. After the usual
ceremony of smoking individual songs are indulged in by the Midē´
priests until such time as they may deem it necessary to proceed to the
Midē´wigân, where the members of the society have long since gathered
and around which is scattered the usual crowd of spectators. The
candidate leads the procession from the sweat-lodge to the eastern
entrance of the Midē´wigân, carrying an ample supply of tobacco and
followed by the priests who chant. When the head of the procession
arrives at the door of the sacred inclosure a halt is made, the priests
going forward and entering. The drummer, stationed within, begins to
drum and sing, while the preceptor and chief officiating priest continue
their line of march around the inclosure, going by way of the south or
left hand. Eight circuits are made, the last terminating at the main or
eastern entrance. The drumming then ceases and the candidate is taken to
the inner side of the door, when all the members rise and stand in their
places. The officiating priests approach and stand near the middle of
the inclosure, facing the candidate, when one of them says to the Midē´
priest beside the latter: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the tobacco,”
whereupon the Midē´ spoken to relieves the candidate of the tobacco and
carries it to the middle of the inclosure, where it is laid upon a
blanket spread upon the ground. The preceptor then takes from the
cross-poles some of the blankets or robes and gives them to the
candidate to hold. One of the malevolent spirits which oppose the
entrance of a stranger is still supposed to remain with the Midē´wigân,
its body being that of a serpent, like flames of fire, reaching from the
earth to the sky. He is called I´-shi-ga-nē´-bĭ-gŏg--“Big-Snake.” To
appease his anger the candidate must make a present; so the preceptor
says for the candidate:

  Ka-wī´ⁿ-nĭ-na-ga´ wa´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´?
  Do you not see    how he carries the goods?

This being assented to by the Midē´ priests the preceptor takes the
blankets and deposits them near the tobacco upon the ground. Slight taps
upon the Midē´ drum are heard and the candidate is led toward the left
on his march round the interior of the Midē´wigân, the officiating
priests following and being followed in succession by all others
present. The march continues until the eighth passage round, when the
members begin to step back into their respective places, while the
officiating Midē´ finally station themselves with their backs toward the
westernmost degree post, and face the door at the end of the structure.
The candidate continues round to the western end, faces the Midē´
priests, and all sit down. The following song is then sung, which may
be the individual production of the candidate (Pl. XIII, C). A song is
part of the ritual, though it is not necessary that the candidate should
sing it, as the preceptor may do so for him. In the instance under
my observation the song was an old one (which had been taught the
candidate), as the archaic form of pronunciation indicates. Each of the
lines is repeated as often as the singer may desire, the prolongation of
the song being governed by his inspired condition. The same peculiarity
governs the insertion, between words and at the end of lines, of
apparently meaningless vowel sounds, to reproduce and prolong the last
notes sounded. This may be done ad libitum, rythmical accentuation being
maintained by gently tapping upon the Midē´ drum.

  Hĭa´-ni-de hĕn´-da man´-i-dō, hō´,
  ni´-sha-bon´-de man´-i-dō´-en-dât.
  Where is the spirit lodge? I go through it.
    [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân, the arm upon the
    left indicating the course of the path leading through it, the
    latter being shown by a zigzag line.]

  Nin-gō´-sa mĭ-dē´-kwe ni-ka´ na´-ska-wa´.
  I am afraid of the “grand medicine” woman; I go to her.
    [A leg is shown to signify locomotion. The singer fears the
    opposition of a Midē´ priestess and will conciliate her.]

  Ka-ni-sa´ hi´-a-tshi´-mĭn-dē´ man´-ski-kī´, dē´, hē´, hē´.
  Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky.
    [A person of superior power, as designated by the horns attached to
    the head. The lines from the mouth signify voice or speech, while
    the horizontal lines denote the stratus clouds, the height above the
    earth of which illustrates the direction of the abode of the spirit
    whose conversation, referring to the singer, is observed crossing
    them as short vertical zigzag lines; i.e., voice lines.]

  Ke´-na-nan´-do-mē´ ko-nō´-ne-nak
  ka-ne-hē´ nin-ko´-tshi nan´-no-me´.
  The cloud looks to me for medicine.
    [The speaker has become so endowed with the power of magic influence
    that he has preference with the superior Man´idōs. The magic
    influence is shown descending to the hand which reaches beyond
    the cloud indicated by the oblong square upon the forearm.]

  Rest, after which dancing begins.

  Wa-tshu´-a-nē´ ke´-ba-bing´-e-on´, wa-dzhū.
  Going into the mountains.
    [The singer’s thoughts go to the summit to commune with Ki´tshi
    Man´idō. He is shown upon the summit.]

  Hi´-mĕ-de´-wa hen´-dĕ-a he´-na.
  The grand medicine affects me.
    [In his condition he appeals to Ki´tshi Man´idō for aid. The arms
    represent the act of supplication.]

  Hai´-an-go ho´-ya o´-gĕ-ma, ha´.
  The chief goes out.
    [The arms grasp a bear--the Bear Man´idō--and the singer intimates
    that he desires the aid of that powerful spirit, who is one of the
    guardians of the Midē´wigân.]

  Nish´-o-wē´ ni-mē´-hi-gō´, hē´, ni-gō´-tshi-mi´-go-we, hē´.
  Have pity on me wherever I have medicine.
    [The speaker is filled with magic influence, upon the strength of
    which he asks the Bear to pity and to aid him.]

  Wi´-so-mi´-ko-wē´ hĕ-a-za-we´-ne-ne-gō´, hō´.
  I am the beaver; have pity on me.
    [This is said to indicate that the original maker of the mnemonic
    song was of the Beaver totem or gens.]

  Hēn´-ta-no-wik´-ko-we´ de-wĕn´-da ĕn-da-â´-dân.
  I wish to know what is the matter with me.
    [The singer feels peculiarly impressed by his surroundings in the
    Midē´wigân, because the sacred man´idōs have filled his body with
    magic powers. These are shown by the zigzag or waving lines
    descending to the earth.]

As each of the preceding lines or verses is sung in such a protracted
manner as to appear like a distinct song, the dancers, during the
intervals of rest, always retire to their places and sit down. The
dancing is not so energetic as many of those commonly indulged in for
amusement only. The steps consist of two treading movements made by each
foot in succession. Keeping time with the drum-beats, at the same time
there is a shuffling movement made by the dancer forward, around and
among his companions, but getting back toward his place before the verse
is ended. The attitude during these movements consists in bending the
body forward, while the knees are bent, giving one the appearance of
searching for a lost object. Those who do not sing give utterance to
short, deep grunts, in accordance with the alternate heavier strokes
upon the drum.

As the dancing ceases, and all are in their proper seats, the preceptor,
acting for the candidate, approaches the pile of tobacco and distributes
a small quantity to each one present, when smoking is indulged in,
preceded by the usual offering to the east, the south, the west, the
north, the sky and the earth.

After the completion of this ceremonial an attendant carries the Midē´
drum to the southeast angle of the inclosure, where it is delivered to
the drummer; then the officiating priests rise and approach within two
or three paces of the candidate as he gets upon his knees. The preceptor
and the assistant who is called upon by him take their places
immediately behind and to either side of the candidate, and the Midē´
priest lowest in order of precedence begins to utter quick, deep tones,
resembling the sound hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, at the same time grasping
his midē´ sack with both hands, as if it were a gun, and moving it in a
serpentine and interrupted manner toward one of the large joints of the
candidate’s arms or legs. At the last utterance of this sound he
produces a quick puff with the breath and thrusts the bag forward as if
shooting, which he pretends to do, the missile being supposed to be the
invisible sacred mī´gis. The other priests follow in order from the
lowest to the highest, each selecting a different joint, during which
ordeal the candidate trembles more and more violently until at last he
is overcome with the magic influence and falls forward upon the ground
unconscious. The Midē´ priests then lay their sacks upon his back, when
the candidate begins to recover and spit out the mī´gis shell which he
had previously hidden within his mouth. Then the chief Midē´ takes it up
between the tips of the forefinger and thumb and goes through the
ceremony described in connection with the initiation into the first
degree, of holding it toward the east, south, west, north, and the sky,
and finally to the mouth of the candidate, when the latter, who has
partly recovered from his apparently insensible condition, again
relapses into that state. The eight priests then place their sacks to
the respective joints at which they previously directed them, which
fully infuses the body with the magic influence as desired. Upon this
the candidate recovers, takes up the mī´gis shell and, placing it upon
his left palm, holds it forward and swings it from side to side, saying
he! he! he! he! he! and pretends to swallow it, this time only reeling
from its effects. He is now restored to a new life for the second time;
and as the priests go to seek seats he is left on the southern side and
seats himself. After all those who have been occupied with the
initiation have hung up their midē´ sacks on available projections
against the wall or branches, the new member goes forward to the pile of
tobacco, blankets, and other gifts and divides them among those present,
giving the larger portions to the officiating priests. He then passes
around once more, stopping before each one to pass his hands over the
sides of the priests’ heads, and says:

  Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-shi-tō´-win   bi-mâ´-dĭ-si-wĭn,
  Thanks     for giving to me life,

after which he retreats a step, and clasping his hands and bowing toward
the priest, says:

  Ni-ka´-ni    ni-ka´ni     ni-ka´-ni ka-nia´,
  fellow midē´ fellow midē´ fellow midē´,

to which each responds hau´, ēⁿ. The word hau´ is a term of approbation,
ēⁿ signifying yes, or affirmation, the two thus used together serving to
intensify the expression. Those of the Midē´ present who are of the
second, or even some higher degree, then indulge in the ceremony of
passing around to the eastern part of the inclosure, where they feign
coughing and gagging, so as to produce from the mouth the mī´gis shell,
as already narrated in connection with the first degree, p. 192.

This manner of thanking the officiating Midē´ for their services in
initiating the candidate into a higher degree is extended also to those
members of the Midē´wiwin who are of the first degree only, in
acknowledgment of the favor of their presence at the ceremony, they
being eligible to attend ceremonial rites of any degree higher than the
class to which they belong, because such men are neither benefited nor
influenced in any way by merely witnessing such initiation, but they
must themselves take the principal part in it to receive the favor of a
renewed life and to become possessed of higher power and increased magic

Various members of the society indulge in short harangues, recounting
personal exploits in the performance of magic and exorcism, to which the
auditors respond in terms of gratification and exclamations of approval.
During these recitals the ushers, appointed for the purpose, leave the
inclosure by the western door to return in a short time with kettles of
food prepared for the midē´ feast. The ushers make four circuits of the
interior, giving to each person present a quantity of the contents of
the several vessels, so that all receive sufficient to gratify their
desires. When the last of the food has been consumed, or removed, the
midē´ drum is heard, and soon a song is started, in which all who desire
join. After the first two or three verses of the song are recited, a
short interval of rest is taken, but when it is resumed dancing begins
and is continued to the end. In this manner they indulge in singing and
dancing, interspersed with short speeches, until the approach of sunset,
when the members retire to their own wig´iwams, leaving the Midē´-wigân
by the western egress.

The ushers, assisted by the chief Midē´, then remove the sacred post
from the inclosure and arrange the interior for new initiations, either
of a lower or higher class, if candidates have prepared and presented
themselves. In case there is no further need of meeting again at once,
the members of the society and visitors return upon the following day to
their respective homes.


The mī´gis shell employed in the second degree initiation is of the same
species as those before mentioned. At White Earth, however, some of the
priests claim an additional shell as characteristic of this advanced
degree, and insist that this should be as nearly round as possible,
having a perforation through it by which it may be secured with a strand
or sinew. In the absence of a rounded white shell a bead may be used as
a substitute. On Pl. XI, No. 4, is presented an illustration of the bead
(the second-degree mī´gis) presented to me on the occasion of my

With reference to the style of facial decoration resorted to in this
degree nearly all of the members now paint the face according to their
own individual tastes, though a few old men still adhere to the
traditional method previously described (pp. 180, 181). The candidate
usually adopts the style practiced by his preceptor, to which he is
officially entitled; but if the preceptor employed in the preparatory
instruction for the second degree be not the same individual whose
services were retained for the first time, then the candidate has the
privilege of painting his face according to the style of the preceding
degree. If he follow his last preceptor it is regarded as an exceptional
token of respect, and the student is not expected to follow the method
in his further advancement.

A Midē´ of the second degree is also governed by his tutelary daimon;
e.g., if during the first fast and vision he saw a bear, he now prepares
a necklace of bear-claws, which is worn about the neck and crosses the
middle of the breast. He now has the power of changing his form into
that of a bear; and during that term of his disguise he wreaks vengeance
upon his detractors and upon victims for whose destruction he has been
liberally rewarded. Immediately upon the accomplishment of such an act
he resumes his human form and thus escapes identification and detection.
Such persons are termed by many “bad medicine men,” and the practice of
thus debasing the sacred teachings of the Midē´wiwin is discountenanced
by members of the society generally. Such pretensions are firmly
believed in and acknowledged by the credulous and are practiced by that
class of Shamans here designated as the Wâbĕnō´.

In his history[15] Rev. Mr. Jones says:

  As the powwows always unite witchcraft with the application of their
  medicines I shall here give a short account of this curious art.

  Witches and wizards are persons supposed to possess the agency of
  familiar spirits from whom they receive power to inflict diseases on
  their enemies, prevent good luck of the hunter and the success of the
  warrior. They are believed to fly invisibly at pleasure from place to
  place; to turn themselves into bears, wolves, foxes, owls, bats, and
  snakes. Such metamorphoses they pretend to accomplish by putting on
  the skins of these animals, at the same time crying and howling in
  imitation of the creature they wish to represent. Several of our
  people have informed me that they have seen and heard witches in the
  shape of these animals, especially the bear and the fox. They say that
  when a witch in the shape of a bear is being chased all at once she
  will run round a tree or a hill, so as to be lost sight of for a time
  by her pursuers, and then, instead of seeing a bear they behold an old
  woman walking quietly along or digging up roots, and looking as
  innocent as a lamb. The fox witches are known by the flame of fire
  which proceeds out of their mouths every time they bark.

  Many receive the name of witches without making any pretensions to the
  art, merely because they are deformed or ill-looking. Persons esteemed
  witches or wizards are generally eccentric characters, remarkably
  wicked, of a ragged appearance and forbidding countenance. The way in
  which they are made is either by direct communication with the
  familiar spirit during the days of their fasting, or by being
  instructed by those skilled in the art.

    [Footnote 15: History of the Ojebway Indians, etc., London (1843?),
    pp. 145, 146.]

A Midē´ of the second degree has the reputation of superior powers on
account of having had the mī´gis placed upon all of his joints, and
especially because his heart is filled with magic power, as is shown in
Pl. III, No. 48. In this drawing the disk upon the breast denotes where
the mī´gis has been “shot” into the figure, the enlarged size of the
circle signifying “greater abundance,” in contradistinction to the
common designation of a mī´gis shown only by a simple spot or small
point. One of this class is enabled to hear and see what is transpiring
at a remote distance, the lines from the hands indicating that he is
enabled to grasp objects which are beyond the reach of a common person,
and the lines extending from the feet signifying that he can traverse
space and transport himself to the most distant points. Therefore he is
sought after by hunters for aid in the discovery and capture of game,
for success in war, and for the destruction of enemies, however remote
may be their residence.

When an enemy or a rival is to be dealt with a course is pursued similar
to that followed when preparing hunting charts, though more powerful
magic medicines are used. In the following description of a pictograph
recording such an occurrence the Midē´, or rather the Wâbĕnō´, was of
the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin. The indication of the grade of the
operator is not a necessary part of the record, but in this instance
appears to have been prompted from motives of vanity. The original
sketch, of which Fig. 24 is a reproduction, was drawn upon birch-bark by
a Midē´, in 1884, and the ceremony detailed actually occurred at White
Earth, Minnesota. By a strange coincidence the person against whom
vengeance was aimed died of pneumonia the following spring, the disease
having resulted from cold contracted during the preceding winter. The
victim resided at a camp more than a hundred miles east of the locality
above named, and his death was attributed to the Midē´’s power, a
reputation naturally procuring for him many new adherents and disciples.
The following is the explanation as furnished by a Midē´ familiar with
the circumstances:

  [Illustration: Fig. 24.--Midē´ destroying an enemy.]

  No. 1 is the author of the chart, a Midē´ who was called upon to take
    the life of a man living at a distant camp. The line extending from
    the midē´ to the figure at No. 9, signifies that his influence will
    reach to that distance.

  No. 2, the applicant for assistance.

  Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, represent the four degrees of the Midē´wiwin (of
    which the operator, in this instance, was a member). The degrees are
    furthermore specifically designated by short vertical strokes.

  No. 7 is the midē´ drum used during the ceremony of preparing the

  No. 8 represents the body of the intended victim. The heart is
    indicated, and upon this spot was rubbed a small quantity of

  No. 9 is the outline of a lake, where the subject operated upon

War parties are not formed at this time, but mnemonic charts of songs
used by priests to encourage war parties, are still extant, and a
reproduction of one is given on Pl. XIII, D. This song was used by the
Midē´ priest to insure success to the parties. The members who intended
participating in the exhibition would meet on the evening preceding
their departure, and while listening to the words, some would join in
the singing while others would dance. The lines may be repeated ad
libitum so as to lengthen the entire series of phrases according to the
prevalent enthusiasm and the time at the disposal of the performers. The
war drum was used, and there were always five or six drummers so as to
produce sufficient noise to accord with the loud and animated singing of
a large body of excited men. This drum is, in size, like that employed
for dancing. It is made by covering with rawhide an old kettle, or
wooden vessel, from 2 to 3 feet in diameter. The drum is then attached
to four sticks, or short posts, so as to prevent its touching the
ground, thus affording every advantage for producing full and resonant
sounds, when struck. The drumsticks are strong withes, at the end of
each of which is fastened a ball of buckskin thongs. The following lines
are repeated ad libitum:

  [Illustration: Plate XIV.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

  Hu´-na-wa´-na ha´-wā,
  un-do´-dzhe-na´ ha-we´-nĕ.
  I am looking [feeling] for my paint.
    [The Midē’s hands are at his medicine sack searching for his war

  Hĭa´-dzhi-mĭn-de´ non´-da-kō´, hō´,
  They hear me speak of legs.
    [Refers to speed in the expedition. To the left of the leg is the
    arm of a spirit, which is supposed to infuse magic influence so as
    to give speed and strength.]

  Hu´-wa-ke´, na´, ha´,
  He said,
    [The Turtle Man´idō will lend his aid in speed. The turtle was one
    of the swiftest man´idōs, until through some misconduct, Min´abō´zho
    deprived him of his speed.]

  Wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē, wa´-ka-te´, hē´, wa´-tshe, ha´, hwē´.
  Powder, he said.
    [The modern form of Wa´-ka-te´, he´, hwā´, is ma´-ka-dē´-hwa; other
    archaic words occur also in other portions of this song. The phrase
    signifies that the Midē´ Man´idō favors good results from the use of
    powder. His form projects from the top of the Midē´ structure.]

  Rest. A smoke is indulged in after which the song is resumed,
  accompanied with dancing.

  Sin-go´-na wa-kī´ na-ha´-ka
  I made him cry.
    [The figure is that of a turkey buzzard which the speaker shot.]

  Te-wa´-tshi-me-kwe´-na, ha´, na-ke´-nan.
  They tell of my powers.
    [The people speak highly of the singer’s magic powers; a charmed
    arrow is shown which terminates above with feather-web ornament,
    enlarged to signify its greater power.]

  He´-wĕ-ne-nis´-sa ma-he´-ka-nĕn´-na.
  What have I killed, it is a wolf.
    [By aid of his magic influence the speaker has destroyed a bad
    man´idō which had assumed the form of a wolf.]

  Sun´-gu-we´-wa, ha´, nīn-dēn´, tshi´-man-da´-kwa ha´na-nĭn-dēn´.
  I am as strong as the bear.
    [The Midē´ likens his powers to those of the Bear Man´idō, one of
    the most powerful spirits; his figure protrudes from the top of the
    Midē´wigân while his spirit form is indicated by the short lines
    upon the back.]

  Wa´-ka-na´-ni, hē´, wa´-ka-na´-ni.
  I wish to smoke.
    [The pipe used is that furnished by the promoter or originator of
    the war party, termed a “partisan.” The Midē´ is in full accord with
    the work undertaken and desires to join, signifying his wish by
    desiring to smoke with the braves.]

  He´-wa-hō´-a hai´-a-nē´
  I even use a wooden image.
    [Effigies made to represent one who is to be destroyed. The heart is
    punctured, vermilion or other magic powder is applied, and the death
    of the victim is encompassed.]

  Pa-kwa´ ma-ko-nē´ ā´, ō´, hē´,
  The bear goes round angry.
    [The Bear Man´idō is angry because the braves are dilatory in going
    to war. The sooner they decide upon this course, the better it will
    be for the Midē´ as to his fee, and the chances of success are
    greater while the braves are infused with enthusiasm, than if they
    should become sluggish and their ardor become subdued.]


  [Illustration: Fig. 25.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the third degree.]

The structure in which the third degree of the Midē´wiwin is conferred
resembles that of the two preceding, and an outline is presented in Fig.
25. In this degree three posts are erected, the first one resembling
that of the first degree, being painted red with a band of green around
the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) This is planted a short distance to the east
of the middle of the floor. The second post is also painted red, but has
scattered over its entire surface spots of white clay, each of about the
size of a silver quarter of a dollar, symbolical of the mī´gis shell.
Upon the top of this post is placed the stuffed body of an
owl--Kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) This post is planted a short distance
west of the first one and about midway between it and the third, which
last is erected within about 6 or 8 feet from the western door, and is
painted black. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The sacred stone against which patients
are placed, and which has the alleged virtue of removing or expelling
the demons that cause disease, is placed upon the ground at the usual
spot near the eastern entrance (Fig. 25, No. 1). The Makwá Man´idō--bear
spirit--is the tutelary guardian of this degree. Cedar trees are planted
at each of the outer angles of the structure (Fig. 25, Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9).
The sudatory is erected about 100 yards due east of the main entrance of
the Midē´wigân, and is of the same size and for the same purpose as that
for the second degree.

  [Illustration: Plate XV.
  Sacred Posts of Midē´wigân.]


It is customary for the period of one year to elapse before a
second-degree Midē´ can be promoted, even if he be provided with enough
presents for such advancement. As the exacted fee consists of goods and
tobacco thrice the value of the fee for the first degree, few present
themselves. This degree is not held in as high estimation, relatively,
as the preceding one; but it is alleged that a Midē´’s powers are
intensified by again subjecting himself to the ceremony of being “shot
with the sacred mī´gis,” and he is also elevated to that rank by means
of which he may be enabled the better to invoke the assistance of the
tutelary guardian of this degree.

A Midē´ who has in all respects complied with the preliminaries of
announcing to the chief Midē´ his purpose, gaining satisfactory evidence
of his resources and ability to present the necessary presents, and of
his proficiency in the practice of medical magic, etc., selects a
preceptor of at least the third degree and one who is held in high
repute and influence in the Midē´wiwin. After procuring the services of
such a person and making a satisfactory agreement with him, he may be
enabled to purchase from him some special formulæ for which he is
distinguished. The instruction embraces a résumé of the traditions
previously given, the various uses and properties of magic plants and
compounds with which the preceptor is familiar, and conversations
relative to exploits performed in medication, incantation, and exorcism.
Sometimes the candidate is enabled to acquire new “medicines” to add to
his list, and the following is a translation of the tradition relating
to the origin of ginseng (Aralia quinquefolia, Gr.), the so-called “man
root,” held in high estimation as of divine origin. In Fig. 3 is
presented a pictorial representation of the story, made by Ojibwa,
a Midē´ priest of White Earth, Minnesota. The tradition purports
to be an account of a visit of the spirit of a boy to the abode of
Dzhibai´Man´idō, “the chief spirit of the place of souls,” called
Ne´-ba-gi´-zis, “the land of the sleeping sun.”

There appears to be some similarity between this tradition and that
given in connection with Pl. V, in which the Sun Spirit restored to
life a boy, by which act he exemplified a portion of the ritual of the
Midē´wiwin. It is probable therefore that the following tradition is a
corruption of the former and made to account for the origin of “man
root,” as ginseng is designated, this root, or certain portions of it,
being so extensively employed in various painful complaints.

  Once an old Midē´, with his wife and son, started out on a hunting
  trip, and, as the autumn was changing into winter, the three erected a
  substantial wig´iwam. The snow began to fall and the cold increased,
  so they decided to remain and eat of their stores, game having been
  abundant and a good supply having been procured. The son died;
  whereupon his mother immediately set out for the village to obtain
  help to restore him to life, as she believed her father, the chief
  priest of the Midē´-wiwin, able to accomplish this.

  When the woman informed her father of the death of her son, her
  brother, who was present, immediately set out in advance to render
  assistance. The chief priest then summoned three assistant Midē´, and
  they accompanied his daughter to the place where the body of his dead
  grandson lay upon the floor of the wig´iwam, covered with robes.

  The chief Midē´ placed himself at the left shoulder of the dead boy,
  the next in rank at the right, while the two other assistants
  stationed themselves at the feet. Then the youngest Midē´--he at the
  right foot of the deceased--began to chant a midē´ song, which he
  repeated a second, a third, and a fourth time.

  When he had finished, the Midē´ at the left foot sang a midē´ song
  four times; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder of the body did the
  same, after which the chief Midē´ priest sang his song four times,
  whereupon there was a perceptible movement under the blanket, and as
  the limbs began to move the blanket was taken off, when the boy sat
  up. Being unable to speak, he made signs that he desired water, which
  was given to him.

  The four Midē´ priests then chanted medicine songs, each preparing
  charmed remedies which were given to the boy to complete his recovery.
  The youngest Midē´, standing at the foot of the patient, gave him four
  pinches of powder, which he was made to swallow; the Midē´ at the left
  foot did the same; then the Midē´ at the right shoulder did likewise,
  and he, in turn, was followed by the chief priest standing at the left
  shoulder of the boy; whereupon the convalescent immediately recovered
  his speech and said that during the time that his body had been in a
  trance his spirit had been in the “spirit land,” and had learned of
  the “grand medicine.”

  The boy then narrated what his spirit had experienced during the
  trance, as follows: “Gi´-gi-min´-ĕ-go´-min mi-dē´-wi-wĭn mi-dē´
  man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk ban-dzhi´-ge´-o-we´-ân
  ta´-zi-ne´-zho-wak´ ni-zha´-nĕ-zak, kĭ-wi´-de-gĕt´
  mi´-o-pi´-ke´-ne-bŭi´-yan ka-ki´-nĕ ka-we´-dĕ-ge´ mi´-o-wŏk-pi´
  i-kan´-o-a-mag´-ĭ-na mi-dē´ man´i-dō wi-we´-ni-tshi mi-dē´-wi-wĭn,
  ki´-mi-mâ´-dĭ-si-win´-in-ân´ ki-mi´-nĭ-go-nan´ ge-on´-dĕ-na-mŏngk
  ki´-mi-mâ´-di-si´-wa-in-an´; ki´-ki-no´-a-mag´-wi-nan´ mash´-kĭ-ki
  o-gi´-mi-ni´-go-wan´ o-dzhi-bi´-gân gi-me´-ni-na-gŭk´
  mash´-kĭ-ki-wa´-boⁿ shtĭk-wan´-a-ko-se´-an o-ma´-mâsh´-kĭ-ki
  ma´-gi-ga´-to ki´-ka-ya-tōn.”

The following is a translation:

  “He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society, gave us the “grand
  medicine,” and he has taught us how to use it. I have come back from
  the spirit land. There will be twelve, all of whom will take wives;
  when the last of these is no longer without a wife, then will I die.
  That is the time. The Midē´ spirit taught us to do right. He gave us
  life and told us how to prolong it. These things he taught us, and
  gave us roots for medicine. I give to you medicine; if your head is
  sick, this medicine put upon it, you will put it on.”

The revelation received by the boy was in the above manner imparted
to the Indians. The reference to twelve--three times the sacred number
four--signifies that twelve chief priests shall succeed each other
before death will come to the narrator. It is observed, also, that a
number of the words are archaic, which fact appears to be an indication
of some antiquity, at least, of the tradition.

The following are the principal forms in which a Midē´ will utilize
Aralia quinquefolia, Gr., ginseng--Shtĕ´-na-bi-o´-dzhi-bik:

  1. Small quantities of powdered root are swallowed to relieve
    stomachic pains.

  2. A person complaining with acute pains in any specific part of
    the body is given that part of the root corresponding to the part
    affected; e.g., for pleurisy, the side of the root is cut out, and
    an infusion given to relieve such pains; if one has pains in the
    lower extremities, the bifurcations of the root are employed;
    should the pains be in the thorax, the upper part of the root--
    corresponding to the chest--is used in a similar manner.


As the candidate for promotion has acquired from his Midē´ friends such
new information as they choose to impart, and from his instructor all
that was practicable, he has only to await the day of ceremony to be
publicly acknowledged as a third-degree Midē´. As this time approaches
the invitation sticks are sent to the various members and to such
non-resident Midē´ as the officiating priests may wish to honor. On or
before the fifth day previous to the meeting the candidate moves to the
vicinity of the Midē´wigân. On that day the first sweat bath is taken,
and one also upon each succeeding day until four baths, as a ceremony of
purification, have been indulged in. On the evening of the day before
the meeting his preceptor visits him at his own wig´iwam when, with the
assistance of friends, the presents are collected and carried to the
Midē´-wigân and suspended from the transverse poles near the roof. The
officiating priests may subsequently join him, when smoking and singing
form the chief entertainment of the evening.

By this time numerous visitors have gathered together and are encamped
throughout the adjacent timber, and the sound of the drum, where dancing
is going on, may be heard far into the night.

Early on the morning of the day of the ceremonies the candidate goes
to the sudatory where he first awaits the coming of his preceptor and
later the arrival of the Midē´ priests by whom he is escorted to the
Midē´wigân. With the assistance of the preceptor he arranges his gift of
tobacco which he takes with him to the sacred inclosure, after which a
smoke offering is made, and later Midē´ songs are chanted. These may be
of his own composition as he has been a professor of magic a sufficient
lapse of time to have composed them, but to give evidence of superior
powers the chief, or some other of the officiating priests, will perhaps
be sufficiently inspired to sing. The following was prepared and chanted
by one of the Midē´ priests at the third-degree meeting at White Earth,
Minnesota, and the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the
original. The words, with translation, are as follows:


  Ni-ka´-ni-na man´-do-na-mō´-a.
  My friend I am shooting into you in trying to hit the mark.
    [The two arms are grasping the mī´gis, which he the Midē´ is going
    to shoot into the body of the candidate. The last word means,
    literally, trying to hit the mark at random.]

  Me-kwa´-me-sha-kwak´, mi-tē´-wi-da´.
  While it is clear let us have it, the “grand medicine.”
    [The Midē´ arm, signified by the magic zigzag lines at the lower end
    of the picture, reaches up into the sky to keep it clear; the rain
    is descending elsewhere as indicated by the lines descending from
    the sky at the right and left.]

  During this interval a smoke offering is made.

  Mi-sha´-kwi-tō-nĭ mī´-gĭs-sĭm´.
  As clear as the sky [is] my mī´gis.
    [The figure represents the sacred mī´gis, as indicated by the short
    lines radiating from the periphery. The mī´gis is white and the
    clear sky is compared to it.]

  Sōn´-gi-mi-dē´ wi-ka´-ne, hē´,
  Wi-nō´-a man´-i-dō´-wi-dzhī´-id-e´-zhi-wât.
  Take the “grand medicine” strong, as they, together
  with the “Great Spirit,” tell me.
    [The candidate is enjoined to persevere in his purpose. The
    associate Midē´ are alluded to, as also Ki´tshi Man´idō, who urge
    his continuance and advancement in the sacred society. The arm
    reaches down to search for the sacred mī´gis of the fourth degree--
    designated by four vertical lines--which is, as yet, hidden from
    the person addressed.]

  Hwa´-ba-mi-dē´, hwa´-ba-mi-dē´,
  He who sees me, he who sees me, stands on the middle of the earth.
    [The human figure symbolizes Ki´tshi Man´idō; the magic lines cross
    his body, while his legs rest upon the outline of the Midē´wigân.
    His realm, the sky, reaches from the zenith to the earth, and he
    beholds the Midē´ while chanting and conducting the Midē´wiwin.]

  Man´-i-dō´ wi´-ka-ni´ ni-mi-dē´.
  To the spirit be a friend, my Midē´.
    [The speaker enjoins the candidate to be faithful to his charge, and
    thus a friend to Ki´tshi Man´idō, who in return will always assist
    him. The figure holds a mī´gis in its right hand, and the Midē´ drum
    in its left.]

The greater number of words in the preceding text are of an archaic
form, and are presented as they were chanted. The several lines may be
repeated ad libitum to accord with the feeling of inspiration which the
singer experiences, or the amount of interest manifested by his hearers.

  [Illustration: Plate XVI.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

All the members of the society not officially inducting the candidate
have ere this entered the Midē´wigân and deposited their invitation
sticks near the sacred stone, or, in the event of their inability to
attend, have sent them with an explanation. The candidate, at the
suggestion of the Midē´ priest, then prepares to leave the sudatory,
gathers up the tobacco, and as he slowly advances toward the Midē´
inclosure his attendants fall into the procession according to their
office. The priests sing as they go forward, until they reach the
entrance of the Midē´wigân, where the candidate and his preceptor halt,
while the remainder enter and take their stations just within the door,
facing the west.

The drummers, who are seated in the southwestern angle of the inclosure,
begin to drum and sing, while the candidate is led slowly around the
exterior, going by the south, thus following the course of the sun. Upon
the completion of the fourth circuit he is halted directly opposite the
main entrance, to which his attention is then directed. The drumming and
singing cease; the candidate beholds two Midē´ near the outer entrance
and either side of it. These Midē´ represent two malevolent man´idō and
guard the door against the entrance of those not duly prepared. The one
upon the northern side of the entrance then addresses his companion in
the following words: I´-ku-tan ka´-wi-nad´-gĭ wa´-na-mâ´-sĭ
ē´-zhĭ-gĭ´-nĭ-gĕd--“Do you not see how he is formed?” To which the
other responds: O-da´-pĭ-nŏ´ ke´-no-wĭn-dŭng shkwan´-dĭm--“Take care
of it, the door;” [i.e., guard the entrance.] The former then
again speaks to his companion, and says: Ka-wīn´-nĭ-na-ga´
wâ´-ba-ma´-si-ba´-shĭ-gi´-ne-gēt´--“Do you not see how he carries the
goods?” The Midē´ spoken to assents to this, when the preceptor takes
several pieces of tobacco which he presents to the two guards, whereupon
they permit the candidate to advance to the inner entrance, where he is
again stopped by two other guardian man´idō, who turn upon him as if to
inquire the reason of his intrusion. The candidate then holds out two
parcels of tobacco and says to them: O-da´-pin a-sē´-ma--“Take it, the
tobacco,” whereupon they receive the gift and stand aside, saying:
Kun´-da-dan--“Go down;” [i.e., enter and follow the path.] As the
candidate is taken a few steps forward and toward the sacred stone, four
of the eight officiating priests receive him, one replacing the
preceptor who goes to the extreme western end there to stand and face
the east, where another joins him, while the remaining two place
themselves side by side so as to face the west.

It is believed that there are five powerful man´idōs who abide within
the third-degree Midē´wigân, one of whom is the Midē´ man´idō--Ki´tshi
Man´idō--one being present at the sacred stone, the second at that part
of the ground between the sacred stone and the first part where the
gifts are deposited, the remaining three at the three degree posts.

As the candidate starts and continues upon his walk around the interior
of the inclosure the musicians begin to sing and drum, while all those
remaining are led toward the left, and when opposite the sacred stone
he faces it and is turned round so that his back is not toward it in
passing; the same is done at the second place where one of the spirits
is supposed to abide; again at first, second, and third posts. By this
time the candidate is at the western extremity of the structure, and as
the second Midē´ receives him in charge, the other taking his station
beside the preceptor, he continues his course toward the north and east
to the point of departure, going through similar evolutions as before,
as he passes the three posts, the place of gifts and the sacred stone.
This is done as an act of reverence to the man´idōs and to acknowledge
his gratitude for their presence and encouragement. When he again
arrives at the eastern extremity of the inclosure he is placed between
the two officiating Midē´, who have been awaiting his return, while his
companion goes farther back, even to the door, from which point he
addresses the other officiating Midē´ as follows:

  Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa  wi-kan´-da´-we-an´,           mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa
  Now is the time     [I am] telling [--advising,]  now is the time

  wī´-di-wa´-mŏk  wi-un´-o-bē-ŏg.
  to be observed  [I am] ready to make him sit down.

Then one of the Midē´ priests standing beside the candidate leads him to
the spot between the sacred stone and the first-degree post where the
blankets and other goods have been deposited, and here he is seated.
This priest then walks slowly around him singing in a tremulous manner
wa´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, hĕ´, returning to a position so
as to face him, when he addresses him as follows: Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa
pŏ´-gŭ-sĕ-ni´mi-nan´ au´-u-sa´ za-a´-da-win´ man´-i-dō mī´-gis.
Na´-pish-gatsh di-mâ´-gĭ-sĭ ĕ-nĕ´-nĭ-mi-an pi´-sha-gâ-an-da-i´
na´-pish-gatsh tshi-skwa´-di-na-wâd´ dzhi-ma´-dzhi-a-ka´-ma-da-mân

The following is a free translation:

  The time has arrived for you to ask of the Great Spirit this
  “reverence” i.e., the sanctity of this degree. I am interceding in
  your behalf, but you think my powers are feeble; I am asking him to
  confer upon you the sacred powers. He may cause many to die, but I
  shall henceforth watch your course of success in life, and learn if he
  will heed your prayers and recognize your magic power.

At the conclusion of these remarks three others of the officiating Midē´
advance and seat themselves, with their chief, before the candidate. The
Midē´ drum is handed to the chief priest, and after a short prelude of
drumming he becomes more and more inspired, and sings the following
Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B.

  Man´-i-dō´ we-da´, man´-i-dō´ gi-dō´ we-do´-nĭng.
  Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth.
    [The head is said to signify that of a Midē´, who is about to sing.]

  Nin´-de-wen´-don zha´-bon-dĕsh´-kâⁿ-mân´.
  I own this lodge, through which I pass.
    [The speaker claims that he has been received into the degree of the
    Midē´wiwin to which he refers. The objects on the outer side of the
    oblong square character represent spirits, those of the bear.]

  Ân´-dzhe-ho ĭ´-a-ni´ o-gēn´, hwe´-ō-ke´, hwe´-ō-ke´.
  Mother is having it over again.
    [The reference is to the earth, as having the ceremony of the “grand
    medicine” again.]

  Ni´-ka-nan ni´-go-sân, ni´-go-sân´
  ni-ka´-ni-san´, man´-i-dō´ wi-dzhig´
  nin-go-sân´ an-i-wa´-bi-dzhig ni-ka´.
  Friends I am afraid, I am afraid, friends, of the spirits sitting
    around me.
    [The speaker reaches his hand toward the sky, i.e., places his faith
    in Ki´tshi Man´idō who abides above.]

  Ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa, ya´-ki-no´-sha-me´-wa,
  ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne,
  hē´, ki´-no-sha´-we-wa´.
  I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge.
    [The object represents an otter skin Midē´ sack, the property of the

  Ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´-ā´,
  ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, ya´-be-kai´-a-bi, hē´-ā´, hē´ā´,
  wa´-na-he´-ni´-o-ni´, ya´-be-kai´-o-bik´.
  We are still sitting in a circle.
    [A Midē´ sitting within the Midē´wigân; the circle is shown.]

  A-ya´-a-bi-ta´ pa´-ke-zhĭk´, ū´, hū´, a´,
  Half the sky
    [The hand is shown reaching toward the sky, imploring the assistance
    of Ki´tshi Man´idō that the candidate may receive advancement in
    power. He has only two degrees, one-half of the number desired.]

  Ba´-be-ke´ o´-gi-mân nish´-a-we, hē´,
  ne´-me-ke-hē´, nish´-a-we´-ni-mĭk o´-gi-mân.
  The spirit has pity on me now,
    [The “Great Spirit” is descending upon the Midē´wigân, to be present
    during the ceremony.]

  Nin-dai´-a, nin-dai´-a, ha´,
  we´-ki-ma´, ha´, wâ-no-kwe´.
  In my heart, in my heart, I have the spirit.
    [The hand is holding the mī´gis, to which reference is made.]

  I-ke´-u-ha´-ma man-ta-na´-ki-na ni-ka´-ni
  I take the earth, my Midē´ friends.
    [The earth furnishes the resources necessary to the maintenance of
    life, both food and medicines.]

  Wi´-a-ya´-din shin-da´, hān´,
  man-da´-ha-ni´, o-hō´ ni-bĭ´.
  Let us get him to take this water.
    [The figure sees medicine in the earth, as the lines from the eyes
    to the horizontal strokes indicate.]

  Hŭe´-shĭ-shi-kwa´-ni-an nin-ga´-ga-mūn´.
  I take this rattle.
    [The rattle is used when administering medicine.]

  Wi-wa´-ba-mi´na hē´-na ko´-ni-a´-ni, ka´,
  ko´-ni-a´-ho-nā´, nī´, kā´.
  See how I shine in making medicine.
    [The speaker likens himself to the Makwa´ Man´idō, one of the most
    powerful Midē´ spirits. His body shines as if it were ablaze with
    light--due to magic power.]

This song is sung ad libitum according to the inspired condition of the
person singing it. Many of the words are archaic, and differ from the
modern forms.

Then the officiating priests arise and the one lowest in rank grasps his
Midē´ sack and goes through the gestures, described in connection with
the previous degrees, of shooting into the joints and forehead of the
candidate the sacred mī´gis. At the attempt made by the chief priest the
candidate falls forward apparently unconscious. The priests then touch
his joints and forehead with the upper end of their Midē´ sacks
whereupon he recovers and rises to a standing posture. The chief then
addresses him and enjoins him to conduct himself with propriety and in
accordance with the dignity of his profession. The following is the
text, viz: Gi-gan´-bis-sĭn dau´-gē-in´-ni-nân´ kish-bin´-bish-in
dau´-o-ân-nĭn da´-ki-ka-wa´-bi-kwe ga´-kĭ-ne ke-ke´-wi-bi´-na-mōn
ki-ma´-dzhĭ-zhi we´-bĭ-zi-wĭn´.

The translation is as follows: “You heed to what I say to you; if you
are listening and will do what is right you will live to have white
hair. That is all; you will do away with all bad actions.”

The Midē´ priest second in rank then says to the candidate:
Ke´-go-wi´-ka-za´-gi-to-wa´-kin ki-da´-no-ka´tshĭ-gân kai-ē´-gi-gīt´
a-sē´-ma, kai´-e-mī´-dzĭm, which signifies: “Never begrudge your goods,
neither your tobacco, nor your provisions.” To this the candidate
responds ēⁿ´--yes, by this signifying that he will never regret what
he has given the Midē´ for their services. The candidate remains
standing while the members of the society take seats, after which he
goes to the pile of blankets, skins, and other presents, and upon
selecting appropriate ones for the officiating priests he carries them
to those persons, after which he makes presents of less value to all
other Midē´ present. Tobacco is then distributed, and while all are
preparing to make an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō of tobacco, the newly
accepted member goes around to each, member present, passes his hands
downward over the sides of the Midē’s head and says:

  Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga´shi-tō´-win   bi-ma´-dĭ-si-wīn´,
  Thanks     for giving to me life,

then, stepping back, he clasps his hands and bows toward the Midē´,
adding: Ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ka-na´,--“My Midē´ friend, my
Midē´ friend, my Midē´ friend, friend.” To this the Midē´ responds in
affirmation, hau´, ēⁿ´--yes.

The new member then finds a seat on the southern side of the
inclosure, whereupon the ushers--Midē´ appointed to attend to outside
duties--retire and bring in the vessels of food which are carried around
to various persons present, four distinct times.

The feast continues for a considerable length of time, after which the
kettles and dishes are again carried outside the Midē´wi-gân, when all
who desire indulge in smoking. Midē´ songs are chanted by one of the
priests, the accompanying, reproduced pictorially in Pl. XIV C, being an
example. The lines, as usual, are repeated ad libitum, the music being
limited to but few notes, and in a minor key. The following are the
words with translation:

  He´-ne-wi´-a ni´-na mi´-si-man´-i-dē-ge´
  Their bodies shine over the world
  unto me as unto you, my Midē´ friend.
    [This refers to the sun, and moon, whose bodies are united in the

  Ma´-na-wi-na´ hai´-e-ne-hā´ be-wa´-bik-kun kan-din´-a-we.
  Your eyes see them both eyes made of iron, piercing eyes.
    [The figure is that of the crane, whose loud, far-reaching voice is
    indicated by the short lines radiating from the mouth. The eyes of
    the crane Man´idō are equally penetrating.]

  Ta-be´-nĕ-wa´ he-shi-wa´, hā´ ma´-si-ni´-ni-he´-shi-wa´, hā´.
  Calm it leads you to guides you to your food.
    [Knowledge of superior powers gained through familiarity with the
    rites of the Midē´wiwin is here referred to. The figure points to
    the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō; three short lines indicating three
    degrees in the Midē´wiwin, which the candidate has taken.]

  Ha-nin´-di he-bik´-kĭn-he´ man´-i-dō ni-kan´
  Whence does he rise spirit Midē´ friend
  wa-ba-nŭnk´, mi-dē´-man´-i-dō wa-ba-nŭnk´.
  from the east, midē´ man´idō from the east.
    [The hand reaches up as in making the gesture for rising sun or day,
    the “sky lines” leaning to the left, or east; one making signs is
    always presumed to face the south, and signs referring to periods of
    day, sun, sunrise, etc., are made from the left side of the body.]


  Wa-dzhi-wan´, wa-dzhi-wan´-na,
  Wa-dahi-wan´ ni-ka´-na-hē´.
  There is a mountain, there is a mountain,
  There is a mountain, my friends.
    [The upright outline represents a mountain upon which a powerful
    Midē´ is seated, symbolical of the distinction attainable by a


  Wa´-bĕ-ku´ĕ-be-a´, wa´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´,
  Shot it was, shot it was
  na´-bĕ-ku´-ĕ-be-a´ man´-i-dō´-´a nĭn-dē´.
  and it hit body, your man´ido your heart.
  man´-i-dō´-a nin-dē´.
  man´ido your heart.
    [The Mī´gis is represented in the illustration by the small rings;
    the arrow indicating that it was “shot” with velocity.]

  Hwe´-kwo-nin´-na-ta, ki-wī´-kash´-ka-man;
  En-do´-ge-mā´ wesh´-in-ē´.
  What am I going around?
  I am going around the Midē´wigân.
    [The oblong structure represents the Midē´wigân. The otter-skin
    Midē´ sack is taken around it, as is shown by the outline of that
    animal and the line or course indicated. The Makwa´ Man´idō (bear
    spirit) is shown at the left, resting upon the horizontal line, the
    earth, below which are magic lines showing his power, as also the
    lines upon the back of the bear. The speaker compares himself to the
    bear spirit.]

  Nen´-do-ne´-ha-mān-ni´ nī´-ŏ,
  What am I looking at.
    [The figure denotes a leg, signifying powers of transporting one’s
    self to remote places; the magic power is indicated by the three
    transverse lines and the small spots, the mī´gis, upon it.]

  Ba´bin-ke´-en non´-do-wa-wē´, hī´,
  I soon heard him, the one who
  did not listen to them.
    [The Midē´, as a superior personage, is shown by having the horns
    attached to the head. The line of hearing has small rings, at
    intervals, indicating that something is heard.]

  Hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-gi´, ē´, hē´,
  pī´-na-nī´, hin´-ta-na´-wi ni-ka´-na-ga´ na´-ge-ka-na´ ē´, hē´.
  The Nika´ni are finding fault with me, inside of my lodge.
    [The arm at the side of the Midē´wigân points to the interior, the
    place spoken of.]

  Oⁿsh´-koⁿsh-na-nā´ pi-na´-wa niⁿ-bosh´-i-na´-na.
  With the bear’s claws I almost hit him.
    [The Midē´ used the bear’s claw to work a charm, or exorcism, and
    would seem to indicate that he claimed the powers of a Wâbĕnō´. The
    one spoken of is an evil man´idō, referred to in the preceding line,
    in which he speaks of having heard him.]

At the conclusion of this protracted ceremony a few speeches may be made
by a Midē´, recounting the benefits to be enjoyed and the powers wielded
by the knowledge thus acquired, after which the chief priest intimates
to his colleagues the advisability of adjourning. They then leave the
Midē´wigân by the western door, and before night all movable accessories
are taken away from the structure.

The remainder of the evening is spent in visiting friends, dancing,
etc., and upon the following day they all return to their respective


Although the mī´gis shell of the several degrees is generally of the
same species, some of the older Midē´ priests claim that there were
formerly specific shells, each being characteristic and pertaining
specially to each individual grade. The objects claimed by Sika´s-sigĕ
as referring to the third degree are, in addition to the Cypræa monata,
L., a piece of purple wampum, and one shell of elongated form, both
shown on Pl. XI, Nos. 3 and 5, respectively.

The fact of a Midē´ having been subjected to “mī´gis shooting” for the
third time is an all-sufficient reason to the Indian why his powers are
in a corresponding manner augmented. His powers of exorcism and
incantation are greater; his knowledge and use of magic medicines more
extended and certain of effect; and his ability to do harm, as in the
capacity of a Wâbĕnō´, is more and more lauded and feared. He becomes
possessed of a greater power in prophecy and prevision, and in this
state enters the class of personages known as the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or
jugglers. His power over darkness and obscurity is indicated on Pl. III,
A, No. 77, upon which the head, chest, and arms are represented as being
covered with lines to designate obscurity, the extended arms with
outstretched hands denoting ability to grasp and control that which is
hidden to the eye.

  [Illustration: Fig. 26.--Jĕs´sakkân´ or juggler’s lodge.]

The Jĕs´sakkīd´ and his manner of performing have already been
mentioned. This class of sorcerers were met with by the Jesuit Fathers
early in the seventeenth century, and referred to under various
designations, such as jongleur, magicien, consulteur du manitou, etc.
Their influence in the tribe was recognized, and formed one of the
greatest obstacles encountered in the Christianization of the Indians.
Although the Jĕs´sakkīd´ may be a seer and prophet as well as a
practitioner of exorcism without becoming a member of the Midē´wiwin,
it is only when a Midē´ attains the rank of the third degree that he
begins to give evidence of, or pretends to exhibit with any degree of
confidence, the powers accredited to the former. The structure erected
and occupied by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ for the performance of his powers as
prophet or oracle has before been described as cylindrical, being made
by planting four or more poles and wrapping about them sheets of birch
bark, blankets, or similar material that will serve as a covering. This
form of structure is generally represented in pictographic records, as
shown in Fig. 26.

  [Illustration: Fig. 27.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 28.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]

  [Illustration: Fig. 29.--Jĕs´sakkân´, juggler’s lodge.]

The accompanying illustrations, Figs. 27, 28, and 29, reproduced from
birch-bark etchings, were the property of Jĕs´sakkīd´, who were also
Midē´ of the third and fourth degrees. It will be noticed that the
structure used by them is in the form of the ordinary wig´iwam, as their
profession of medical magic is apparently held in higher esteem than the
art of prophecy; their status and claims as Jĕs´sakkīd´ being indicated
by the great number of ma´nidōs which they have the power of invoking.
These man´idōs, or spirits, are indicated by the outline of their
material forms, the heart being indicated and connected with the
interior of the structure to show the power of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ over the
life of the respective spirits. The Thunder-bird usually occupies the
highest position in his estimation, and for this reason is drawn
directly over the wig´iwam. The Turtle is claimed to be the man´idō who
acts as intermediary between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and the other man´idōs, and
is therefore not found among the characters on the outside of the
wig´iwam, but his presence is indicated within, either at the spot
marking the convergence of the “life lines,” or immediately below it.
Fig. 30 is a reproducton of an etching made by a Jĕs´sakkīd´ at White
Earth, Minnesota. The two curved lines above the Jĕs´sakkan´ represent
the sky, from which magic power is derived, as shown by the waving line
extending downward. The small spots within the structure are “magic
spots,” i.e., the presence of man´idōs. The juggler is shown upon the
left side near the base. When a prophet is so fortunate as to be able to
claim one of these man´idōs as his own tutelary daimon, his advantage in
invoking the others is comparatively greater. Before proceeding to the
Jĕs´sakkân´--or the “Jugglery,” as the Jĕs´sakkīd´ wig´iwam is commonly
designated, a prophet will prepare himself by smoking and making an
offering to his man´idō, and by singing a chant, of which an example is
presented on Pl. XIV, D. It is a reproduction of one made by a
Jĕs´sakkīd´ who was also a Midē´ of the third degree. Each line is
chanted as often as may be desired, or according to the effect which it
may be desirable to produce or the inspired state of the singer.

  [Illustration: Fig. 30.--Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge.]

  Me-we´-yan, ha´, ha´, ha´,
  I go into the Jĕs´sakkan´ to see the medicine.
    [The circle represents the Jĕs´sakkīd´ as viewed from above; the
    short lines denote the magic character of the structure, and the
    central ring, or spot, the magic stone used by the prophet who
    appears entering from the side.]

  Tschi-nun´-dōn´, he´, he´, he´, he´,
  I was the one who dug up life.
    [The Otter Man´idō emerging from the Midē´wigân; he received it from
    Ki´tshi Mani´dō.]

  Ni´ka-nī´ we-do-koⁿ´-a, ha´, ha´,
  The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow.
    [The sacred or magic lines descending to the earth denote
    supernatural origin of the mī´gis, which is shown by the four
    small rings. The short lines at the bottom represent the ascending
    sprouts of magic plants.]

  Te-ti-ba´-tshi mŭt´-â-wit´, tē´, hē´, hē´,
  I am the one that dug up the medicine.
    [The otter shown emerging from the jugglery. The speaker represents
    himself “like unto the Otter Man´idō.”]

  Ki´waⁿ-win´-da ma´-kwa-nan´, na´, ha´,
  I answer my brother spirit.
    [The Otter Man´idō responds to the invocation of the speaker. The
    diagonal line across the body signifies the “spirit character” of
    the animal.]

  Rest or pause.

  Wa´-a-so´-at wĕn´-ti´-na-man, ha´, ha,
  The spirit has put life into my body.
    [The speaker is represented as being in the Midē´-wigân, where
    Ki´tshi Man´idō placed magic power into his body; the arms denote
    this act of putting into his sides the mī´gis. The line crossing the
    body denotes the person to be possessed of supernatural power.]

  Ki-to´-na-bi´-in, nē´, hē´, hē´,
  This is what the medicine has given us.
    [The Midē´wigân, showing on the upper line the guardian man´idōs.]

  Ni´-sha-we´-ni-bĭ-ku´, hū´, hū´, hē´,
  I took with two hands what was thrown down to us.
    [The speaker grasped life, i.e., the migīs´, to secure the
    mysterious power which he professes.]

In addition to the practice of medical magic, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sometimes
resorts to a curious process to extract from the patient’s body the
malevolent beings or man´idōs which cause disease. The method of
procedure is as follows: The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is provided with four or more
tubular bones, consisting of the leg bones of large birds, each of the
thickness of a finger and 4 or 5 inches in length. After the priest has
fasted and chanted prayers for success, he gets down upon all fours
close to the patient and with his mouth near the affected part. After
using the rattle and singing most vociferously to cause the evil man´idō
to take shelter at some particular spot, so that it may be detected and
located by him, he suddenly touches that place with the end of one of
the bones and immediately thereafter putting the other end into his
mouth, as if it were a cigar, strikes it with the flat hand and sends it
apparently down his throat. Then the second bone is treated in the same
manner, as also the third and fourth, the last one being permitted to
protrude from the mouth, when the end is put against the affected part
and sucking is indulged in amid the most violent writhings and
contortions in his endeavors to extract the man´idō. As this object is
supposed to have been reached and swallowed by the Jĕs´sakkīd´ he crawls
away to a short distance from the patient and relieves himself of the
demon with violent retchings and apparent suffering. He recovers in a
short time, spits out the bones, and, after directing his patient what
further medicine to swallow, receives his fee and departs. Further
description of this practice will be referred to below and illustrated
on Pl. XVIII.

The above manner of disposing of the hollow bones is a clever trick and
not readily detected, and it is only by such acts of jugglery and other
delusions that he maintains his influence and importance among the

  [Illustration: Fig. 31.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman.]

Fig. 31 represents a Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing a sick woman by sucking the
demon through a bone tube. The pictograph was drawn upon a piece of
birch bark which was carried in the owner’s Midē´ sack, and was intended
to record an event of importance.

  No. 1 represents the actor, holding a rattle in hand. Around his head
    is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, more than an
    ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to the
    right indicating the tube used.

  No. 2 is the woman operated upon.

  [Illustration: Fig. 32.--Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man.]

Fig. 32 represents an exhibition by a Jĕs´sakkīd´, a resident of White
Earth, Minnesota. The priest is shown in No. 1 holding his rattle, the
line extending from his eye to the patient’s abdomen signifying that he
has located the demon and is about to begin his exorcism. No. 2 is the
patient lying before the operator.


  [Illustration: Fig. 33.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the fourth degree.]

The Midē´wigân, in which this degree is conferred, differs from the
preceding structures by having open doorways in both the northern and
southern walls, about midway between the eastern and western extremities
and opposite to one another. Fig. 33 represents a ground plan, in which
may also be observed the location of each of the four Midē´ posts. Fig.
34 shows general view of same structure. A short distance from the
eastern entrance is deposited the sacred stone, beyond which is an area
reserved for the presents to be deposited by an applicant for
initiation. The remaining two-thirds of the space toward the western
door is occupied at regular intervals by four posts, the first being
painted red with a band of green around the top. (Pl. XV, No. 1.) The
second post is red, and has scattered over its surface spots of white
clay to symbolize the sacred mī´gis shell. Upon it is perched the
stuffed skin of an owl--kŏ-kó-kŏ-ō´. (Pl. XV, No. 2.) The third post is
black; but instead of being round is cut square. (Pl. XV, No. 3.) The
fourth post, that nearest the western extremity, is in the shape of a
cross, painted white, with red spots, excepting the lower half of the
trunk, which is squared, the colors upon the four sides being white on
the east, green on the south, red on the west, and black on the north.
(Pl. XV, No. 4.)

  [Illustration: Fig. 34.--General view of Midē´wigân.]

About 10 paces east of the main entrance, in a direct line between it
and the sweat lodge, is planted a piece of thin board 3 feet high and 6
inches broad, the top of which is cut so as to present a three-lobed
apex, as shown in Fig. 3. The eastern side of this board is painted
green; that facing the Midē´wigân red. Near the top is a small opening,
through which the Midē´ are enabled to peep into the interior of the
sacred structure to observe the angry man´idōs occupying the structure
and opposing the intrusion of anyone not of the fourth degree.

A cedar tree is planted at each of the outer corners of the Midē´wigân,
and about 6 paces away from the northern, western, and southern
entrances a small brush structure is erected, sufficiently large to
admit the body. These structures are termed bears’ nests, supposed to be
points where the Bear Man´idō rested during the struggle he passed
through while fighting with the malevolent man´idōs within to gain
entrance and receive the fourth-degree initiation. Immediately within
and to either side of the east and west entrances is planted a short
post, 5 feet high and 8 inches thick, painted red upon the side facing
the interior and black upon the reverse, at the base of each being laid
a stone about as large as a human head. These four posts represent the
four limbs and feet of the Bear Man´idō, who made the four entrances and
forcibly entered and expelled the evil beings who had opposed him. The
fourth-degree Midē´ post-- the cross--furthermore symbolizes the four
days’ struggle at the four openings or doors in the north, south, east,
and west walls of the structure.


Under ordinary circumstances it requires at least one year before a
Midē´ of the third grade is considered eligible for promotion, and it is
seldom that a candidate can procure the necessary presents within that
period, so that frequently a number of years elapse before any
intimation by a candidate is made to the chief priest that the necessary
requirements can be complied with. The chief reason of this delay is
attributed to the fact that the fee to the officiating priests alone
must equal in value and quantity four times the amount paid at the first
initiation, and as the success in gathering the robes, skins, blankets,
etc., depends upon the candidate’s own exertions it will readily appear
why so few ever attain the distinction sought. Should one be so
fortunate, however, as to possess the required articles, he has only to
make known the fact to the chief and assistant Midē´ priests, when a
meeting is held at the wig´iwam of one of the members and the merits of
the candidate discussed. For this purpose tobacco is furnished by the
candidate. The more valuable and more numerous the presents the more
rapidly will his application be disposed of, and the more certainly will
favorable consideration on it be had. It becomes necessary, as in former
instances of preparation, for the candidate to procure the service of a
renowned Midē´, in order to acquire new or specially celebrated remedies
or charms. The candidate may also give evidence of his own proficiency
in magic without revealing the secrets of his success or the course
pursued to attain it. The greater the mystery the higher he is held in
esteem even by his jealous confrères.

There is not much to be gained by preparatory instruction for the fourth
degree, the chief claims being a renewal of the ceremony of “shooting
the mī´gis” into the body of the candidate, and enacting or dramatizing
the traditional efforts of the Bear Man´idō in his endeavor to receive
from the Otter the secrets of this grade. One who succeeds becomes
correspondingly powerful in his profession and therefore more feared by
the credulous. His sources of income are accordingly increased by the
greater number of Indians who require his assistance. Hunters, warriors,
and lovers have occasion to call upon him, and sometimes antidoting
charms are sought, when the evil effects of an enemy’s work are to be

The instructor receives the visit of the candidate, and upon coming to a
satisfactory agreement concerning the fee to be paid for the service he
prepares his pupil by prompting him as to the part he is to enact during
the initiation and the reasons therefor. The preparation and the merits
of magic compounds are discussed, and the pupil receives instruction in
making effective charms, compounding love powder, etc. This love powder
is held in high esteem, and its composition is held a profound secret,
to be transmitted only when a great fee is paid. It consists of the
following ingredients: Vermilion; powdered snakeroot (Polygala senega,
L.); exiguam particulam sanguinis a puella effusi, quum in primis
menstruis esset; and a piece of ginseng cut from the bifurcation of the
root, and powdered. These are mixed and put into a small buckskin bag.
The preparation is undertaken only after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō
of tobacco and a Midē´ song with rattle accompaniment. The manner of
using this powder will be described under the caption of “descriptive
notes.” It differs entirely from the powder employed in painting the
face by one who wishes to attract or fascinate the object of his or her
devotion. The latter is referred to by the Rev. Peter Jones[16] as

  There is a particular kind of charm which they use when they wish to
  obtain the object of their affections. It is made of roots and red
  ocher. With this they paint their faces, believing it to possess a
  power so irresistible as to cause the object of their desire to love
  them. But the moment this medicine is taken away and the charm
  withdrawn the person who before was almost frantic with love hates
  with a perfect hatred.

    [Footnote 16: Hist. of the Ojebway Indians. London [1843?], p. 155.]

It is necessary that the candidate take a sweat-bath once each day, for
four successive days, at some time during the autumn months of the year
preceding the year in which the initiation is to occur. This form of
preparation is deemed agreeable to Ki´tshi Man´idō, whose favor is
constantly invoked that the candidate may be favored with the powers
supposed to be conferred in the last degree. As spring approaches the
candidate makes occasional presents of tobacco to the chief priest and
his assistants, and when the period of the annual ceremony approaches,
they send out runners to members to solicit their presence, and, if of
the fourth degree, their assistance.


The candidate removes to the vicinity of the Midē´wigân so as to be able
to go through the ceremony of purgation four times before the day of
initiation. The sudatory having been constructed on the usual site, east
of the large structure, he enters it on the morning of the fifth day
preceding the initiation and after taking a sweat-bath he is joined by
the preceptor, when both proceed to the four entrances of the Midē´wigân
and deposit at each a small offering of tobacco. This procedure is
followed on the second and third days, also, but upon the fourth the
presents are also carried along and deposited at the entrances, where
they are received by assistants and suspended from the rafters of the
interior. On the evening of the last day, the chief and officiating
priests visit the candidate and his preceptor, in the sweat-lodge, when
ceremonial smoking is indulged in followed by the recitation of Midē´
chants. The following (Pl. XVI, A) is a reproduction of the chant taught
to and recited by the candidate. The original was obtained from an old
mnemonic chart in use at Mille Lacs, Minnesota, in the year 1825, which
in turn had been copied from a record in the possession of a Midē´
priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin. Many of the words are of an older form
than those in use at the present day. Each line may be repeated ad

  Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´,
  I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni,
  man´-i-dō wig´-i-wam win´-di-ge´-un.
  I am going into the sacred lodge.
    [The speaker compares himself to the Bear Man´ido, and as such is
    represented at the entrance of the Midē´wigân.]

  Ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´, ni-ka´-ni-na´,
  I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni, I am the Nika´ni,
  ni-kan´-gi-nun´-da wé-mĭ-dŭk´.
  I “suppose” you hear me.
    [The lines from the ear denotes hearing; the words are addressed to
    his auditors.]

  Wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wa ke-wâ´, he-wa´-ke-wâ´, wâ´.
  He said, he said.
    [Signifies that Ki´tshi Man´idō, who is seen with the voice lines
    issuing from the mouth, and who promised the Ani´shinâ´bēg “life,”
    that they might always live.]

  Rest. A ceremonial smoke is now indulged in.

  We´-shki-nun´-do-ni-ne´, ke-nosh´-ki-nun´-do-ni-ne´.
  This is the first time you hear it.
    [The lines of hearing are again shown; the words refer to the first
    time this is chanted as it is an intimation that the singer is to be
    advanced to the higher grade of the Midē´wiwin.]

  Hwe´-na-ni-ka he-na´, he-nō´ mi-tē´-wiⁿ-wiⁿ´ gi´-ga-wa´-pi-no-dōn´.
  You laugh, you laugh at the “grand medicine.”
    [The arms are directed towards Ki´tshi Man´idō, the creator of the
    sacred rite; the words refer to those who are ignorant of the
    Midē´wiwin and its teachings.]

  Nun-te´-ma-ne´, hē´, wi´-na-nun´-te-ma-ne´ ki´-pi-nan´.
  I hear, but they hear it not.
    [The speaker intimates that he realizes the importance of the
    Midē´ rite, but the uninitiated do not.]

  Pe´-ne-sŭi´-a ke´-ke-kwi´-yan.
  I am sitting like a sparrow-hawk.
    [The singer is sitting upright, and is watchful, like a hawk
    watching for its prey. He is ready to observe, and to acquire,
    everything that may transpire in the Midē´ structure.]

Upon the conclusion of the chant, the assembled Midē´ smoke and review
the manner of procedure for the morrow’s ceremony, and when these
details have been settled they disperse, to return to their wig´iwams,
or to visit Midē´ who may have come from distant settlements.

Early on the day of his initiation the candidate returns to the sudatory
to await the coming of his preceptor. The gifts of tobacco are divided
into parcels which may thus be easily distributed at the proper time,
and as soon as the officiating priests have arrived, and seated
themselves, the candidate produces some tobacco of which all present
take a pipeful, when a ceremonial smoke-offering is made to Ki´tshi
Man´idō. The candidate then takes his midē´ drum and sings a song of his
own composition, or one which he may have purchased from his preceptor,
or some Midē´ priest. The following is a reproduction of an old mnemonic
song which the owner, Sikas´sigĕ, had received from his father who in
turn had obtained it at La Pointe, Wisconsin, about the year 1800. The
words are archaic to a great extent, and they furthermore differ from
the modern language on account of the manner in which they are
pronounced in chanting, which peculiarity has been faithfully followed
below. The pictographic characters are reproduced in Pl. XVI, B. As
usual, the several lines are sung ad libitum, repetition depending
entirely upon the feelings of the singer.

  Hin´-to-nâ-ga-ne´ o-sa-ga-tshī´-wēd o-do´-zhi-tōn´.
  The sun is coming up, that makes my dish.
    [The dish signifies the feast to be made by the singer. The zigzag
    lines across the dish denote the sacred character of the feast. The
    upper lines are the arm holding the vessel.]

  Man´-i-dō i´-ya-nē´, ish´-ko-te´-wi-wa´-we-yan´.
  My spirit is on fire.
    [The horizontal lines across the leg signify magic power of
    traversing space. The short lines below the foot denote flames,
    i.e., magic influence obtained by swiftness of communication with
    the man´idōs.]

  Ko´tshi-hâ-ya-nē´, nē´,
  ish´-ki-to´-ya-ni´, nin-do´-we-hē´, wi´-a-we-yan´.
  I want to try you, I am of fire.
    [The zigzag lines diverging from the mouth signify voice, singing;
    the apex upon the head superior knowledge, by means of which the
    singer wishes to try his Midē´ sack upon his hearer, to give
    evidence of the power of his influence.]

  A pause. Ceremonial smoking is indulged in, after which the chant is

  Ni-mī´-ga-sim´-ma man´-i-dō, sa-ko´-tshi-na´.
  My mī´gis spirit, that is why I am stronger than you.
    [The three spots denote the three times the singer has received the
    mī´gis by being shot; it is because this spirit is within him that
    he is more powerful than those upon the outside of the wigiwam who
    hear him.]

  Mī´-ga-ye´-nin en´-dy-ân, ya´, hō´, ya´, man´-i-dō´-ya.
  That is the way I feel, spirit.
    [The speaker is filled with joy at his power, the mī´gis within him,
    shown by the spot upon the body, making him confident.]

  Ya-gō´-sha-hī´, nâ´, ha´, ha´,
  Ya-gō´-sha-hi´, man´-i-dō-wī´-yĭn.
  I am stronger than you, spirit that you are.
    [He feels more powerful, from having received three times the
    mī´gis, than the evil spirit who antagonizes his progress in

Upon the completion of this preliminary by the candidate, the priests
emerge from the wig´iwam and fall in line according to their official
status, when the candidate and preceptor gather up the parcels of
tobacco and place themselves at the head of the column and start toward
the eastern entrance of the Midē´wigân. As they approach the lone post,
or board, the candidate halts, when the priests continue to chant and
drum upon the Midē´ drum. The chief Midē´ then advances to the board and
peeps through the orifice near the top to view malevolent man´idōs
occupying the interior, who are antagonistic to the entrance of a
stranger. This spot is assumed to represent the resting place or “nest,”
from which the Bear Man´idō viewed the evil spirits during the time of
his initiation by the Otter. The evil spirits within are crouching upon
the floor, one behind the other and facing the east, the first being
Mi-shi´-bi-shi´--the panther; the second, Me-shi´-kĕ--the turtle; the
third, kwin´-go-â´-gĭ--the big wolverine; the fourth, wâ´-gŭsh--the fox;
the fifth, ma-in´-gŭn--the wolf; and the sixth, ma-kwa´--the bear. They
are the ones who endeavor to counteract or destroy the good wrought by
the rites of the Midē´wiwin, and only by the aid of the good man´idōs
can they be driven from the Midē´wigân so as to permit a candidate to
enter and receive the benefits of the degree. The second Midē´ then
views the group of malevolent beings, after which the third, and lastly
the fourth priest looks through the orifice. They then advise the
presentation by the candidate of tobacco at that point to invoke the
best efforts of the Midē´ Man´idōs in his behalf.

It is asserted that all of the malevolent man´idōs who occupied and
surrounded the preceding degree structures have now assembled about this
fourth degree of the Midē´wigân to make a final effort against the
admission and advancement of the candidate: therefore he impersonates
the good Bear Man´idō, and is obliged to follow a similar course in
approaching from his present position the entrance of the structure.
Upon hands and knees he slowly crawls toward the main entrance, when a
wailing voice is heard in the east which sounds like the word hāⁿ´,
prolonged in a monotone. This is ge´-gi-si´-bi-ga´-ne-dât man´idō. His
bones are heard rattling as he approaches; he wields his bow and arrow;
his long hair streaming in the air, and his body, covered with mī´gis
shells from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to aid in the
expulsion of the opposing spirits. This being the information given to
the candidate he assumes and personates the character of the man´idō
referred to, and being given a bow and four arrows, and under the
guidance of his preceptor, he proceeds toward the main entrance of the
structure while the officiating priests enter and station themselves
within the door facing the west. The preceptor carries the remaining
parcels of tobacco, and when the candidate arrives near the door he
makes four movements with his bow and arrow toward the interior, as if
shooting, the last time sending an arrow within, upon which the grinning
spirits are forced to retreat toward the other end of the inclosure. The
candidate then rushes in at the main entrance, and upon emerging at the
south suddenly turns and again employs his bow and arrow four times
toward the crowd of evil man´idōs, who have rushed toward him during the
interval that he was within. At the last gesture of shooting into the
inclosure, he sends forward an arrow, deposits a parcel of tobacco and
crouches to rest at the so-called “bear’s nest.” During this period of
repose the Midē´ priests continue to drum and sing. Then the candidate
approaches the southern door again, on all fours, and the moment he
arrives there he rises and is hurried through the inclosure to emerge at
the west, where he turns suddenly, and imitating the manner of shooting
arrows into the group of angry man´idōs within, he at the fourth
movement lets fly an arrow and gets down into the western “bear’s nest.”
After a short interval he again approaches the door, crawling forward on
his hands and knees until he reaches the entrance, where he leaves a
present of tobacco and is hastened through the inclosure to emerge at
the northern door, where he again turns suddenly upon the angry spirits,
and after making threatening movements toward them, at the fourth menace
he sends an arrow among them. The spirits are now greatly annoyed by the
magic power possessed by the candidate and the assistance rendered by
the Midē´ Man´idōs, so that they are compelled to seek safety in flight.
The candidate is resting in the northern “bear’s nest,” and as he again
crawls toward the Midē´wigân, on hands and knees, he deposits another
gift of a parcel of tobacco, then rises and is hurried through the
interior to emerge at the entrance door, where he turns around, and
seeing but a few angry man´idōs remaining, he takes his last arrow and
aiming it at them makes four threatening gestures toward them, at the
last sending the arrow into the structure, which puts to flight all
opposition on the part of this host of man´idōs. The path is now clear,
and after he deposits another gift of tobacco at the door he is led
within, and the preceptor receives the bow and deposits it with the
remaining tobacco upon the pile of blankets and robes that have by this
time been removed from the rafters and laid upon the ground midway
between the sacred Midē´ stone and the first Midē´ post.

The chief Midē´ priest then takes charge of the candidate, saying:

  Mi´-a-shi´-gwa   wi-ka´-we-a´-kwa-mŭs-sin´-nŭk.
  Now is the time  [to take] the path that has no end

  Mī´-a-shi´-gwa   wi-kan´-do-we-ân´
  Now is the time  I shall inform you [of]

  mi´-ga-ī´-zhid wen´-   dzhi-bi-mâ´-dis.
  that which I was told  the reason I live.

To this the second Midē´ priest remarks to the candidate,
Wa´-shi-gân´-do-we-an´ mi-gai´-i-nŏk´ wa´-ka-no´-shi-dzin--which freely
translated signifies: “The reason I now advise you is that you may
heed him when he speaks to you.” The candidate is then led around the
interior of the inclosure, the assistant Midē´ fall in line of march and
are followed by all the others present, excepting the musicians. During
the circuit, which is performed slowly, the chief Midē´ drums upon the
Midē´ drum and chants. The following, reproduced from the original, on
Pl. XVII, B, consists of a number of archaic words, some of which are
furthermore different from the spoken language on account of their being
chanted, and meaningless syllables introduced to prolong certain
accentuated notes. Each line and stanza may be repeated ad libitum.

  Man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´-yē´, man´-i-dō, hē´, nē´, yē´,
  ēn´-da-na´-bi-yĕn wen´-dō-bi´-yĕn.
  A spirit, a spirit, you who sit there, who sit there.
    [The singer makes a spirit of the candidate by thus giving him new
    life, by again shooting into his body the sacred mīgis. The disk is
    the dish for feast of spirits in the dzhibai´ midē´wigân--“Ghost
    Lodge,” the arms reaching towards it denoting the spirits who take
    food therefrom. The signification is that the candidate will be
    enabled to invoke and commune with the spirits of departed Midē´,
    and to learn of hidden powers.]

  He´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´, he´-ha-wa´-ni, yē´,
  na´-bi-nesh´-ga-na´-bi, hī´, hē´.
    [These words were chanted, while the following are those as spoken,
    apart from the music.]
  Â-wan´-ō-de´-no-wĭn nī´-bi-dĕsh´-ka-wĭn un´-de-no´-wĭn.
  The fog wind goes from place to place whence the wind blows.
    [The reason of the representation of a human form was not
    satisfactorily explained. The preceptor felt confident, however,
    that it signified a man´īdō who controls the fog, one different from
    one of the a-na´-mi-ki´, or Thunderers, who would be shown by the
    figure of an eagle, or a hawk, when it would also denote the
    thunder, and perhaps lightning, neither of which occurs in
    connection with the fog.]


  Man´-i-dō´-we ni´-mi-nan´ ku-ni´-ne man-to´-ke ni´-mi-ne´.
  I who acknowledge you to be a spirit, and am dying.
    [The figure is an outline of the Midē´wigân with the sacred Midē´
    stone indicated within, as also another spot to signify the place
    occupied by a sick person. The waving lines above and beneath the
    oblong square are magic lines, and indicate magic or supernatural
    power. The singer compares the candidate to a sick man who is
    seeking life by having shot into his body the mī´gis.]

  Ga-kwe´-in-nân´ tshi-ha´-gĕ-nâ´ ma-kwa´ ni-go´-tshi-ni´.
  I am trying you who are the bear.
    [The Midē´ who is chanting is shown in the figure; his eyes are
    looking into the candidate’s heart. The lines from the mouth are
    also shown as denoting speech, directed to his hearer. The horns
    are a representation of the manner of indicating superior powers.]

  Pĭ-nē´-si ka´-ka-gī´-wai-yan´ wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō´wid.
  The bird, the crow bird’s skin is the reason why I am a spirit.
    [Although the crow is mentioned, the Thunder-bird (eagle) is
    delineated. The signification of the phrase is, that the speaker
    is equal in power to a man´idō, at the time of using the Midē´
    sack--which is of such a skin.]

  Tshin-gwe´-wi-he´-na nē´, kaⁿ´, tshi-wâ´-ba-ku-nēt´.
  The sound of the Thunder is the white bear of fire.
    [The head is, in this instance, symbolical of the white bear
    man´idō; the short lines below it denoting flame radiating from the
    body, the eyes also looking with penetrating gaze, as indicated by
    the double waving lines from each eye. The white bear man´idō is one
    of the most powerful man´idōs, and is so recognized.]

By the time this chant is completed the head of the procession reaches
the point of departure, just within the eastern door, and all of the
members return to their seats, only the four officiating Midē´ remaining
with the candidate and his preceptor. To search further that no
malevolent man´idōs may remain lurking within the Midē´wigân, the chief
priests lead the candidate in a zigzag manner to the western door, and
back again to the east. In this way the path leads past the side of the
Midē´ stone, then right oblique to the north of the heap of presents,
thence left oblique to the south of the first-degree post, then passing
the second on the north, and so on until the last post is reached,
around which the course continues, and back in a similar serpentine
manner to the eastern door. The candidate is then led to the blankets,
upon which he seats himself, the four officiating priests placing
themselves before him, the preceptor standing back near the first of the
four degree posts.

The Midē´ priest of the fourth rank or place in order of precedence
approaches the kneeling candidate and in a manner similar to that which
has already been described shoots into his breast the mī´gis; the third,
second and first Midē´ follow in like manner, the last named alone
shooting his mī´gis into the candidate’s forehead, upon which he falls
forward, spits out a mī´gis shell which he had previously secreted in
his mouth, and upon the priests rubbing upon his back and limbs their
Midē´ sacks he recovers and resumes his sitting posture.

The officiating priests retire to either side of the inclosure to find
seats, when the newly received member arises and with the assistance of
the preceptor distributes the remaining parcels of tobacco, and lastly
the blankets, robes, and other gifts. He then begins at the southeastern
angle of the inclosure to return thanks for admission, places both hands
upon the first person, and as he moves them downward over his hair says:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ ga-o´-shi-tō´-ĭn bi-mâ´-dĭ-sĭ-win--“Thanks, for giving to me
life.” The Midē´ addressed bows his head and responds, hau´, ēⁿ´,--yes
when the newly admitted member steps back one pace, clasps his hands and
inclines his head to the front. This movement is continued until all
present have been thanked, after which he takes a seat in the
southeastern corner of the inclosure.

A curious ceremony then takes place in which all the Midē´ on one side
of the inclosure arise and approach those upon the other, each grasping
his Midē´ sack and selecting a victim pretends to shoot into his body
the mī´gis, whereupon the Midē´ so shot falls over, and after a brief
attack of gagging and retching pretends to gain relief by spitting out
of his mouth a mī´gis shell. This is held upon the left palm, and as the
opposing party retreat to their seats, the side which has just been
subjected to the attack moves rapidly around among one another as if
dancing, but simply giving rapid utterance to the word hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, and showing the mī´gis to everybody present, after which
they place the flat hands quickly to the mouth and pretend again to
swallow their respective shells. The members of this party then
similarly attack their opponents, who submit to similar treatment and go
through like movements in exhibiting the mī´gis, which they again
swallow. When quiet has been restored, and after a ceremonial smoke has
been indulged in, the candidate sings, or chants, the production being
either his own composition or that of some other person from whom it has
been purchased. The chant presented herewith was obtained from
Sikas´sigĕ, who had received it in turn from his father when the latter
was chief priest of the Midē´wiwin at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. The
pictographic characters are reproduced on Pl. XVII, A, and the musical
notation, which is also presented, was obtained during the period of my
preliminary instruction. The phraseology of the chant, of which each
line and verse is repeated ad libitum as the singer may be inspired,
is as follows:

  Do-nâ´-ga-nī´, Na´-wa-kwe´ in-do´-shi-tōn´, do-nâ´-ga-nī´.
  My dish, At noon I make it, my dish.
    [The singer refers to the feast which he gives to the Midē´ for
    admitting him into the Midē´wiwin.]

  [Music: 266_1]
  Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni,
  Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni;
  Na-´kwa-wē´, In-do-shi-tōn Donagani, Donaga-ni,
  Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni, Do-na-ga-ni.

  [Illustration: Plate XVII.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

  Man´-ī-dō´ i-yan-nī´, Esh-ko´-te nin´-do-we´-yo-wĭn´,
  I am such a spirit, My body is made of fire.
    [His power reaches to the sky, i.e., he has power to invoke the aid
    of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The four degrees which he has received are
    indicated by the four short lines at the tip of the hand.]

  [Music: 267_1]
  Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni,
  Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni; Esh´ko-te nin-do we-yo-win,
  Manidōiya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni, Ma´ni-dō-i-ya-ni.

  Kŏ´-tshi-hai´-o-nī´, Esh-ko´-te wa-ni´-yō.
  I have tried it, My body is of fire.
    [He likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, and has like power by virtue
    of his mī´gis, which is shown below the lines running downward from
    the mouth. He is represented as standing in the Midē´wigân--where
    his feet rest.]

  [Music: 267_2]
  Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni,
  Ko´tshihai´oni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni,
  Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Ko´tshi-hai´o-ni, Esh´kote´wani´yo,
  Ko´tshihaioni. Ko´tshihai´oni, Kotshihaioni, hĕ´ō, hĕ´ō.

  Pause. An offering of smoke is made to Ki´tshi Man´idō.

  Ni-mī´-gi-sĭm´ man´-i-dō´-we, hwē´, hē´,
  My mī´gis spirit,
  I overpower death with.
    [His body is covered with mī´gis as shown by the short lines
    radiating from the sides, and by this power he is enabled to
    overcome death.]

  [Music: 268_1]
  Nimegasi mani dō-wē, hwē, hē, Nimegasi mani dō-wē, hwē, hē,
  Shagodzhihinani-mega-si, Manido-wē, hwē, hē.
  Ni-me-ga-si-ma-ni-dō-wē, hwē, hē.

  Ni´-ka-ni´ nin-man´-e-dō´-we-ya´.
  Ya´-ho-ya´ man´-i-dō´-wa nin-da´-ho-ha´.
  That is the way with me, spirit that I am.
    [The hand shows how he casts the mī´gis forward into the person
    requiring life. He has fourfold power, i.e., he has received the
    mī´gis four times himself and is thus enabled to infuse into the
    person requiring it.]

  [Music: 268_2]
  Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya Ni´-ga-ne´ nin ma´ni-dō´we ya,
  Ya´ho-ya´ ma´nidō-we, Nin´dohōha ni´gane, ma´ni-dō-we, ya, hē.

  Ē-kotsh´-ha man´-i-dō´ hwe-do´-wī.
  I hang it,
  I hang up the Spirit sack.
    [After using his Midē´ sack he hangs it against the wall of the
    Midē´wigân, as is usually done during the ceremonial of initiation.]

  [Music: 269_1]
  E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha,
  E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ko´-tshi-na-ha, E-ki´-tshi-ma´-ni-dō´ hwe-do-wi,
  E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, E-ko´tshi-na-ha, hĕ´a.

  Man´-i-dō´ mi-de´-wi-he´
  Let them hear,
  Midē´ spirit, those who are sitting around.
    [He invokes Ki´tshi Man´idō to make his auditors understand his

  [Music: 269_2]
  He-a-wi-non´-da-ma-ni hē, He-a-wi-nonda-ma-ni hē;
  He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē, He´-a-wi-non-da-ma-ni hē;
  Manidomidēwi hē, Nemadawi dzhig, Heawinondamani hē, hē, hē.

  He´-a-we-na´ ni´-we-dō´,
  Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´
  Ni´-ka-nā´ ni´-na-nā´.
  He who is sleeping,
  The Spirit, I bring him, a kinsman.
    [In the employment of his powers he resorts to the help of Ki´tshi
    Man´idō--his kinsman or Midē´ colleague.]

  [Music: 270_1]
  He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō,
  He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō, He-a-we-na-ne-we-dō, hō;
  Ma´-ni-dō-we-a-ni ni-ka-na ni-ka-na, hō, hō.

  Man´-i-dō´ we-a-nī´
  Esh-ke´-ta we´-a-nĭ´ man´-i-dō´ we´-a-nĭ´.
  I am a spirit,
  Fire is my spirit body.
    [The hand reaches to the earth to grasp fire, showing his ability
    to do so without injury and illustrating in this manner his
    supernatural power.]

  [Music: 270_2]
  Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni
  hē, Ma´-ni-dō´-wi-a-ni hē, Ma´-ni-dō´wi-a-ni hē;
  Esh´kato´weani hē, Ma´nidō´wiani hē, Ma´nidō´wia-ni hē.

  Ai-ya´-swa-kĭt-te´, hē´, he´,
  He´-ā´ se-wī´-kit-te´, hē´, hē´
  Na-se´-ma-gŏt´ nin-dē´.
  It is leaning,
  My heart breathes.
    [The phrase refers to the mī´gis within his heart. The short
    radiating lines indicate the magic power of the shell.]

  [Music: 271_1]
  He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´a-si-wikit-te hē,
  He´a-si-wi-kit-te hē, Na´simagot nin´de hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē,
  He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē, He´-a-si-wi-kit-te hē´, He´a-si-wi-kitte hē.

  Rest, or pause, after which dancing accompanies the remainder of the

  Ni-ka´-nin-ko´-tshi´-ha ni´-ka-na
  Midē´ friends, I am trying, Midē´ friends, Midē´ friends, I am trying.
    [His hand and arm crossed by lines to denote magic power, in
    reaching to grasp more than four degrees have given him; he has
    in view a fifth, or its equivalent.]

  [Music: 271_2]
  Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshiha Ni´ka-ni ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´tshini Ni´-ka-ni
  ha, Ni´-ka-ni ko´-tshi-ha Ni´-ka-ni ha.

  Hi´-ne-na-wa´ ni-be´-i-dōn´ ni-di´-na.
  I hold that which I brought, and told him.
    [The singer is holding the mī´gis and refers to his having its
    power, which he desires Ki´tshi Man´idō to augment.]

  [Music: 272_1]
  He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn,
  He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn, He-ne-na-wa-ni-bei-dōn.

  Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē´, hwa´, da´, Ke-wa´-shi-mi-dē´, hĭ-a,
  hwē´, Ye´-we-ni´-mi-dē?
  Who is this grand Midē´? You have not much grand medicine.
  Who is the Midē´?
    [The first line, when used with the music, is a´-we-nin-o´-au-midē´.
    The whole phrase refers to boasters, who have not received the
    proper initiations which they profess. The figure is covered with
    mī´gis shells, as shown by the short lines attached to the body.]

  [Music: 272_2]
  Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwē,
  Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da. Ke-wa-shi-mi-dē hĭa, hwe.
  Ye-we-ni-mi-dē, Ye-we-ni-mi-dē hwa, da.

  Nai´-a-na-wi´ na-ma´, ha´, Wa-na´-he-ne-ni-wa´, ha´,
  O´-ta-be-we-ni´, mē´, hē´.
  I can not reach it,
  Only when I go round the Mide´wigân;
  I can not reach it from where I sit.
    [The mī´gis attached to the arrow signifies its swift and certain
    power and effect. The first line of the phrase, when spoken, is

  [Music: 273_1]
  Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
  Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha, Nai-a-na-wi-na-ma ha,
  Wa-na-he-ne-ni-wa ha, O-ta-be-we-ni-me ha.

  Ai-yā´ ha´-na-wi´-na-ma´.
  I can not strike him.
    [The speaker is weeping because he can not see immediate prospects
    for further advancement in the acquisition of power. The broken ring
    upon his breast is the place upon which he was shot with the

  [Music: 273_2]
  Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma,
  Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na-ma, Ai-ya-ha-na-wi-na--ma, hĕō, hĕō, hĕō.

The following musical notation presents accurately the range of notes
employed by the preceptor. The peculiarity of Midē´ songs lies in the
fact that each person has his own individual series of notes which
correspond to the number of syllables in the phrase and add thereto
meaningless words to prolong the effect. When a song is taught, the
words are the chief and most important part, the musical rendering of a
second person may be so different from that of the person from whom he
learns it as to be unrecognizable without the words. Another fact which
often presents itself is the absence of time and measure, which prevents
any reduction to notation by full bars; e.g., one or two bars may appear
to consist of four quarter notes or a sufficient number of quarters and
eighths to complete such bars, but the succeeding one may consist of an
additional quarter, or perhaps two, thus destroying all semblance of
rythmic continuity. This peculiarity is not so common in dancing music,
in which the instruments of percussion are employed to assist regularity
and to accord with the steps made by the dancers, or vice versa.

In some of the songs presented in this paper the bars have been omitted
for the reasons presented above. The peculiarity of the songs as
rendered by the preceptor is thus more plainly indicated.

When the chant is ended the ushers, who are appointed by the chief
Midē´, leave the inclosure to bring in the vessels of food. This is
furnished by the newly elected member and is prepared by his female
relatives and friends. The kettles and dishes of food are borne around
four times, so that each one present may have the opportunity of eating
sufficiently. Smoking and conversation relating to the Midē´wiwin may
then be continued until toward sunset, when, upon an intimation from the
chief Midē´, the members quietly retire, leaving the structure by the
western door. All personal property is removed, and upon the following
day everybody departs.


The amount of influence wielded by Midē´ generally, and particularly
such as have received four degrees, is beyond belief. The rite of the
Midē´wiwin is deemed equivalent to a religion--as that term is commonly
understood by intelligent people--and is believed to elevate such a
Midē´ to the nearest possible approach to the reputed character of
Mi´nabō´zho, and to place within his reach the supernatural power of
invoking and communing with Ki´tshi Man´idō himself.

By reference to Pl. III, A, No. 98, it will be observed that the human
figure is specially marked with very pronounced indications of mī´gis
spots upon the head, the extremities, and more particularly the breast.
These are placed where the mīgis was “shot” into the Midē´, and the
functions of the several parts are therefore believed to be greatly
augmented. All the spots are united by a line to denote unity and
harmony of action in the exercise of power.

The mī´gis, typical of the fourth degree, consists of small pieces of
deer horn, covered with red paint on one end and green upon the other.
Sometimes but one color is employed for the entire object. The form is
shown on Pl. XI, No. 6. No. 2, upon the same plate, represents a shell,
used as a mī´gis, observed at White Earth.

Figs. 5-11, on Pl. XV, present several forms of painting midē´ posts,
as practiced by the several societies in Minnesota. Each society claims
to preserve the ancient method. The cross, shown in No. 7, bears the
typical colors--red and green--upon the upper half, while the lower post
is square and colored white on the east, green on the south, red on the
west, and black on the north. The Midē´ explain the signification of the
colors as follows: White represents the east, the source of light and
the direction from which the sacred mī´gis came; green, sha´manō the
southern one, refers to the source of the rains, the direction from
which the Thunderers come in the spring, they who revivify the earth;
red refers to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the shadows or
the dead; and north being black, because that is the direction from
which come cold, hunger, and disease.

The words of the Midē´ priest alluding to “the path that has no end”
refer to the future course and conduct of the candidate for the last
degree, as well as to the possibility of attaining unlimited powers in
magic, and is pictorially designated upon the chart on Pl. III, A, at
No. 99. The path is devious and beset with temptations, but by strict
adherence to the principles of the Midē´wiwin the Midē´ may reach the
goal and become the superior of his confrères, designated
Mi-ni´-si-nō´-shkwe, “he who lives on the island.”

A Midē´-Wâbĕnō´ of this degree is dreaded on account of his
extraordinary power of inflicting injury, causing misfortune, etc., and
most remarkable tales are extant concerning his astounding performances
with fire.

The following performance is said to have occurred at White Earth,
Minnesota, in the presence of a large gathering of Indians and mixed
bloods. Two small wig´iwams were erected, about 50 paces from each
other, and after the Wâbĕnō´ had crawled into one of them his
disparagers built around each of them a continuous heap of brush and
firewood, which were then kindled. When the blaze was at its height all
became hushed for a moment, and presently the Wâbĕnō´ called to the
crowd that he had transferred himself to the other wig´iwam and
immediately, to their profound astonishment, crawled forth unharmed.

This is but an example of the numerous and marvelous abilities with
which the Wâbĕnō´ of the higher grade is accredited.

The special pretensions claimed by the Midē-Wâbĕnō´ have already been
mentioned, but an account of the properties and manner of using the
“love powder” may here be appropriate. This powder--the composition of
which has been given--is generally used by the owner to accomplish
results desired by the applicant. It is carried in a small bag made of
buckskin or cloth, which the Wâbĕnō´ carefully deposits within his Midē´
sack, but which is transferred to another sack of like size and loaned
to the applicant, for a valuable consideration.

During a recent visit to one of the reservations in Minnesota, I had
occasion to confer with a Catholic missionary regarding some of the
peculiar medical practices of the Indians, and the implements and other
accessories employed in connection with their profession. He related the
following incident as having but a short time previously come under his
own personal observation:

One of the members of his church, a Norwegian, sixty-two years of age,
and a widower, had for the last preceding year been considered by most
of the residents as demented. The missionary himself had observed his
erratic and frequently irrational conduct, and was impressed with the
probable truth of the prevailing rumor. One morning, however, as the
missionary was seated in his study, he was surprised to receive a very
early call, and upon invitation his visitor took a seat and explained
the object of his visit. He said that for the last year he had been so
disturbed in his peace of mind that he now came to seek advice. He was
fully aware of the common report respecting his conduct, but was utterly
unable to control himself, and attributed the cause of his unfortunate
condition to an occurrence of the year before. Upon waking one morning
his thoughts were unwillingly concentrated upon an Indian woman with
whom he had no personal acquaintance whatever, and, notwithstanding the
absurdity of the impression, he was unable to cast it aside. After
breakfast he was, by some inexplicable influence, compelled to call upon
her, and to introduce himself, and although he expected to be able to
avoid repeating the visit, he never had sufficient control over himself
to resist lurking in the vicinity of her habitation.

Upon his return home after the first visit he discovered lying upon the
floor under his bed, a Midē´ sack which contained some small parcels
with which he was unfamiliar, but was afterward told that one of them
consisted of “love powder.” He stated that he had grown children, and
the idea of marrying again was out of the question, not only on their
account but because he was now too old. The missionary reasoned with him
and suggested a course of procedure, the result of which had not been
learned when the incident was related.

Jugglery of another kind, to which allusion has before been made, is
also attributed to the highest class of Jĕs´sakkīd´. Several years ago
the following account was related to Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S. Army,
and myself, and as Col. Mallery subsequently read a paper before the
Anthropological Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in which
the account was mentioned, I quote his words:

  Paul Beaulieu, an Ojibwa of mixed blood, present interpreter at White
  Earth Agency, Minnesota, gave me his experience with a Jĕs´sakkīd´,
  at Leech Lake, Minnesota, about the year 1858. The reports of his
  wonderful performances had reached the agency, and as Beaulieu had no
  faith in jugglers, he offered to wager $100, a large sum, then and
  there, against goods of equal value, that the juggler could not
  perform satisfactorily one of the tricks of his repertoire to be
  selected by him (Beaulieu) in the presence of himself and a committee
  of his friends. The Jĕs´sakkân´--or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge--was then
  erected. The framework of vertical poles, inclined to the center, was
  filled in with interlaced twigs covered with blankets and birch-bark
  from the ground to the top, leaving an upper orifice of about a foot
  in diameter for the ingress and egress of spirits and the objects to
  be mentioned, but not large enough for the passage of a man’s body. At
  one side of the lower wrapping a flap was left for the entrance of the

  A committee of twelve was selected to see that no communication was
  possible between the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and confederates. These were reliable
  people, one of them the Episcopal clergyman of the reservation. The
  spectators were several hundred in number, but they stood off, not
  being allowed to approach.

  The Jĕs´sakkīd´ then removed his clothing, until nothing remained but
  the breech-cloth. Beaulieu took a rope (selected by himself for the
  purpose) and first tied and knotted one end about the juggler’s
  ankles; his knees were then securely tied together, next the wrists,
  after which the arms were passed over the knees and a billet of wood
  passed through under the knees, thus securing and keeping the arms
  down motionless. The rope was then passed around the neck, again and
  again, each time tied and knotted, so as to bring the face down upon
  the knees. A flat river-stone, of black color--which was the
  Jĕs´sakkīd´’s ma´nidō or amulet--was left lying upon his thighs.

  The Jĕs´sakkīd´ was then carried to the lodge and placed inside upon a
  mat on the ground, and the flap covering was restored so as to
  completely hide him from view.

  Immediately loud, thumping noises were heard, and the framework began
  to sway from side to side with great violence; whereupon the clergyman
  remarked that this was the work of the Evil One and ‘it was no place
  for him,’ so he left and did not see the end. After a few minutes of
  violent movements and swayings of the lodge accompanied by loud
  inarticulate noises, the motions gradually ceased when the voice of
  the juggler was heard, telling Beaulieu to go to the house of a
  friend, near by, and get the rope. Now, Beaulieu, suspecting some joke
  was to be played upon him, directed the committee to be very careful
  not to permit any one to approach while he went for the rope, which he
  found at the place indicated, still tied exactly as he had placed it
  about the neck and extremities of the Jĕs´sakkīd´. He immediately
  returned, laid it down before the spectators, and requested of the
  Jĕs´sakkīd´ to be allowed to look at him, which was granted, but with
  the understanding that Beaulieu was not to touch him.

  When the covering was pulled aside, the Jĕs´sakkīd´ sat within the
  lodge, contentedly smoking his pipe, with no other object in sight
  than the black stone mánidō. Beaulieu paid his wager of $100.

  An exhibition of similar pretended powers, also for a wager, was
  announced a short time after, at Yellow Medicine, Minnesota, to be
  given in the presence of a number of Army people, but at the threat of
  the Grand Medicine Man of the Leech Lake bands, who probably objected
  to interference with his lucrative monopoly, the event did not take
  place and bets were declared off.

Col. Mallery obtained further information, of a similar kind from
various persons on the Bad River Reservation, and at Bayfield,
Wisconsin. All of these he considered to be mere variants of a class of
performances which were reported by the colonists of New England and the
first French missionaries in Canada as early as 1613, where the general
designation of “The Sorcerers” was applied to the whole body of Indians
on the Ottawa River. These reports, it must be remembered, however,
applied only to the numerous tribes of the Algonkian linguistic family
among which the alleged practices existed; though neighboring tribes of
other linguistic groups were no doubt familiar with them, just as the
Winnebago, Omaha, and other allied tribes, profess to have “Medicine
Societies,” the secrets of which they claim to have obtained from tribes
located east of their own habitat, that practiced the peculiar ceremony
of “shooting small shells” (i.e., the mī´gis of the Ojibwa) into the

In Pl. XVIII is shown a Jĕs´sakkīd´ extracting sickness by sucking
through bone tubes.

  [Illustration: Plate XVIII
  Jĕs´akkīd´ Removing Disease.]


A structure erected by Indians for any purpose whatever, is now
generally designated a lodge, in which sense the term is applied in
connection with the word dzhibai´--ghost, or more appropriately
shadow--in the above caption. This lodge is constructed in a form
similar to that of the Midē´wigân, but its greatest diameter extends
north and south instead of east and west. Further reference will be made
to this in describing another method of conferring the initiation of the
first degree of the Midē´wiwin. This distinction is attained by first
becoming a member of the so-called “Ghost Society,” in the manner and
for the reason following:

After the birth of a male child it is customary to invite the friends of
the family to a feast, designating at the same time a Midē´ to serve as
godfather and to dedicate the child to some special pursuit in life. The
Midē´ is governed in his decision by visions, and it thus sometimes
happens that the child is dedicated to the “Grand Medicine,” i.e., he is
to be prepared to enter the society of the Midē´. In such a case the
parents prepare him by procuring a good preceptor, and gather together
robes, blankets, and other gifts to be presented at initiation.

Should this son die before the age of puberty, before which period it is
not customary to admit any one into the society, the father paints his
own face as before described, viz, red, with a green stripe diagonally
across the face from left to right, as in Pl. VI, No. 4, or red with two
short horizontal parallel bars in green upon the forehead as in Pl. VI,
No. 5, and announces to the chief Midē´ priest his intention of becoming
himself a member of the “Ghost Society” and his readiness to receive the
first degree of the Midē´wiwin, as a substitute for his deceased son.
Other members of the mourner’s family blacken the face, as shown on Pl.
VII, No. 5.

In due time a council of Midē´ priests is called, who visit the wig´iwam
of the mourner, where they partake of a feast, and the subject of
initiation is discussed. This wig´iwam is situated south and east of the
Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35, which illustration is a reproduction of
a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ.

  [Illustration: Fig. 35.--Indian diagram of ghost lodge.]

The following is an explanation of the several characters:

  No. 1 represents the wig´iwam of the mourner, which has been erected
    in the vicinity of the Midē´wigân, until after the ceremony of

  No. 2 is the path supposed to be taken by the shadow (spirit) of the
    deceased; it leads westward to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân; literally,
    shadow-spirit wig´iwam.

  No. 3, 4, 5, and 6, designate the places where the spirit plucks the
    fruits referred to--respectively the strawberry, the blueberry, the
    June cherries, and the plum.

  No. 7 designates the form and location of the Dzhihai´ Midē´wigân. The
    central spot is the place of the dish of food for Dzhibai´
    Man´idō--the good spirit--and the smaller spots around the interior
    of the inclosure are places for the deposit of dishes for the other
    Midē´ spirits who have left this earth.

  No. 8 is the path which is taken by the candidate when going from his
    wig´iwam to the Midē´wigân.

  No. 9 indicates the place of the sweat-lodge, resorted to at other
    periods of initiation.

  No. 10 is the Midē´wigân in which the ceremony is conducted at the
    proper time.

It is stated that in former times the Ghost Lodge was erected west of
the location of the mourner’s wig´iwam, but for a long time this
practice has been discontinued. The tradition relating to the Spirit’s
progress is communicated orally, while the dramatic representation is
confined to placing the dishes of food in the Midē´wigân, which is
selected as a fitting and appropriate substitute during the night
preceding the initiation.

This custom, as it was practiced, consisted of carrying from the
mourner’s wig´iwam to the Ghost Lodge the dishes of food for the spirits
of departed Midē´ to enjoy a feast, during the time that the Midē´
priests were partaking of one. A large dish was placed in the center of
the structure by the mourner, from which the supreme Midē´ spirit was to
eat. Dishes are now carried to the Midē´wigân, as stated above.

The chief officiating Midē´ then instructs the father of the deceased
boy the manner in which he is to dress and proceed, as symbolizing the
course pursued by the spirit of the son on the way to the spirit world.
The instructions are carried out, as far as possible, with the exception
of going to an imaginary Ghost Lodge, as he proceeds only to the
Midē´wigân and deposits the articles enumerated below. He is told to
take one pair of bear-skin moccasins, one pair of wolf-skin, and one
pair of birds’ skins, in addition to those which he wears upon his feet;
these are to be carried to the structure in which the Midē´ spirits are
feasting, walking barefooted, picking a strawberry from a plant on the
right of the path and a blueberry from a bush on the left, plucking June
cherries from a tree on the right and plums on the left. He is then to
hasten toward the Ghost Lodge, which is covered with mī´gis, and to
deposit the fruit and the moccasins; these will be used by his son’s
spirit in traveling the road of the dead after the spirits have
completed their feast and reception of him. While the candidate is on
his mission to the Ghost Lodge (for the time being represented by the
Midē´wigân) the assemblage in the wig´iwam chant the following for the
mourner: Yan´-i-ma-tsha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´, ha´, yan´-i-ma-tsha´
yan´-i-ma-tsha´ ha´, yu´-te-no-win´ gē´, hē´ nin-de´-so-ne´--“I am going
away, I am going away, I am going away, to the village I walk”--i.e.,
the village of the dead.

The person who desires to receive initiation into the Midē´wigân, under
such circumstances, impersonates Minabō´zho, as he is believed to have
penetrated the country of the abode of shadows, or ne´-ba-gī´-zis--“land
of the sleeping sun.” He, it is said, did this to destroy the “Ghost
Gambler” and to liberate the many victims who had fallen into his power.
To be enabled to traverse this dark and dismal path, he borrowed of
Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--his eyes, and received also the services of
wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg--the firefly, both of which were sent back to the
earth upon the completion of his journey. By referring to Pl. III, A,
the reference to this myth will be observed as pictorially represented
in Nos. 110 to 114. No. 110 is the Midē´wigân from which the traveler
has to visit the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân (No. 112) in the west. No. 113,
represented as Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the owl--whose eyes enabled Mī´nabō´zho to
follow the path of the dead (No. 114); the owl skin Midē´ sack is also
sometimes used by Midē´ priests who have received their first degree in
this wise. The V-shaped characters within the circle at No. 111 denote
the presence of spirits at the Ghost Lodge, to which reference has been

The presents which had been gathered as a gift or fee for the deceased
are now produced and placed in order for transportation to the
Midē´wigân, early on the following morning.

The Midē´ priests then depart, but on the next morning several of them
make their appearance to assist in clearing the Midē´wigân of the dishes
which had been left there over night, and to carry thither the robes,
blankets, and other presents, and suspend them from the rafters. Upon
their return to the candidate’s wig´iwam, the Midē´ priests gather, and
after the candidate starts to lead the procession toward the Midē´wigân,
the priests fall in in single file, and all move forward, the Midē´
priests chanting the following words repeatedly, viz: Ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´
ki-e´-ne-kwo-tâ´, ha´, ha´, ha´, nōs e´wi-e´, hē´, ki´-na-ka´-ta-mŭn´
do-nâ´-gan--“I also, I also, my father, leave you my dish.”

This is sung for the deceased, who is supposed to bequeath to his father
his dish, or other articles the names of which are sometimes added.

The procession continues toward and into the Midē´wigân, passing around
the interior by the left side toward the west, north, and east to a
point opposite the space usually reserved for the deposit of goods,
where the candidate turns to the right and stands in the middle of the
inclosure, where he now faces the Midē´ post in the west. The members
who had not joined the procession, but who had been awaiting its
arrival, now resume their seats, and those who accompanied the candidate
also locate themselves as they desire, when the officiating priests
begin the ceremony as described in connection with the initiation for
the first degree after the candidate has been turned over to the chief
by the preceptor.

Sometimes the mother of one who had been so dedicated to the Midē´wiwin
is taken into that society, particularly when the father is absent or


It sometimes happens that a sick person can not be successfully treated
by the Midē´, especially in the wig´iwam of the patient, when it becomes
necessary for the latter to be carried to the Midē´wigân and the
services of the society to be held. This course is particularly followed
when the sick person or the family can furnish a fee equivalent to the
gift required for initiation under ordinary circumstances.

It is believed, under such conditions, that the evil man´idōs can be
expelled from the body only in the sacred structure, at which place
alone the presence of Ki´tshi Man´idō may be felt, after invocation, and
in return for his aid in prolonging the life of the patient the latter
promises his future existence to be devoted to the practice and
teachings of the Midē´wiwin. Before proceeding further, however, it is
necessary to describe the method pursued by the Midē´ priest.

The first administrations may consist of mashki´kiwabūⁿ´, or medicine
broth, this being the prescription of the Midē´ in the capacity of
mashki´kike´winĭ´nĭ, or herbalist, during which medication he resorts to
incantation and exorcism, accompanying his song by liberal use of the
rattle. As an illustration of the songs used at this period of the
illness, the following is presented, the mnemonic characters being
reproduced on Pl. XVI, C. The singing is monotonous and doleful, though
at times it becomes animated and discordant.

  In´-do-nâ-gât in-da´-kwo-nan
  That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit.
    [Ki´tshi Man´idō provides the speaker with the necessary food for
    the maintenance of life. The dish, or feast, is shown by the
    concentric rings, the spirit’s arm is just below it.]

  Mo´-ki-yan tshik´-ko-min´.
  I bring life to the people.
    [The speaker, as the impersonator of the sacred Otter, brings life.
    The Otter is just emerging from the surface of the water, as he
    emerged from the great salt sea before the Âni´shi-nâ´beg, after
    having been instructed by Mi´nabō´zho to carry life to them.]

  Ni´-no-mūn´ mash-ki´-ki
  I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth
    [The Midē´’s arm is reaching down to extract magic remedies from the
    earth. The four spots indicate the remedies, while the square figure
    denotes a hole in the ground.]

  Rest. During this interval the Midē´’s thoughts dwell upon the sacred
  character of the work in which he is engaged.

  Ni´-nin-dē´ in´-dai-yo´.
  It is all in my heart, the life.
    [The concentric circles indicates the mī´gis, life, within the
    heart, the former showing radiating lines to denote its magic

  The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above.
    [The figure is that of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who granted power to the

  Dōn´-de-na mi-tĭz´-kŭnk.
  It is also on the trees, that from which I take life.
    [The tree bears “medicine” which the speaker has at his command,
    and is enabled to use.]

When the ordinary course of treatment fails to relieve the patient the
fact is made known to the Midē´ priests and he is consequently taken
to the Midē´wigân and laid upon blankets so that part of his body may
rest against the sacred midē´ stone. Associate Midē´ then attend,
in consultation, with the Midē´-in-chief, the other members present
occupying seats around the walls of the structure.

The accompanying lecture is then addressed to the sick person, viz:

  Mi-shosh´-yâ-gwa´ ga´-a-nin-nan´ gi´-de-wēn´-du-nŭn
  ne´-tun-ga´-da-da-we´-in man´-i-dōmī´-gis. Kit´-ti-mâ´-gĭ-si
  ē´-ni-dau´-â-ya-we´-yĭn o-ma´-e-nâ´-sa-ba-bĭt bī-ĭ-sha´-gaban´-dĕ-a
  gi-bi´-sha-ban-da´-ĕt na-pĭsh-kâ-tshi-dŏsh ke´-a-yū´-ĭn-ki-go
  gŏt-tâ-sō-nĕn´, mi´-a-shi´-gwa-gō-dĭn´-na-wât
  dzhi-ma´-di-a-kad´-dŏ-yōn bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´.

The following is a free translation of the above:

  The time of which I spoke to you has now arrived, and you may deem it
  necessary to first borrow the sacred mī´gis. Who are you that comes
  here as a supplicant? Sit down opposite to me, where I can see you and
  speak to you, and fix your attention upon me, while you receive life
  you must not permit your thoughts to dwell upon your present
  condition, but to support yourself against falling into despondency.

  Now we are ready to try him; now we are ready to initiate him.

The reference to borrowing a mī´gis signifies that the patient may have
this mysterious power “shot into his body” where he lies upon the ground
and before he has arrived at the place where candidates are properly
initiated; this, because of his inability to walk round the inclosure.

The last sentence is spoken to the assisting Midē´. The following song
is sung, the mnemonic characters pertaining thereto being reproduced on
Pl. XVI, D.

  O-da´-pi-nŭng´-mung oâ´-ki-wen´-dzhi man´-i-dō
  We are going to take the sacred medicine out of the ground.
    [The speaker refers to himself and the assistants as resorting
    to remedies adopted after consultation, the efficiency thereof
    depending upon their combined prayers. The arm is represented as
    reaching for a remedy which is surrounded by lines denoting soil.]

  We-a´-ki man´-i-dō we-an-gwĭs´.
  The ground is why I am a spirit, my son.
    [The lower horizontal line is the earth, while the magic power which
    he possesses is designated by short vertical wavy lines which reach
    his body.]


  Nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu nish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu we´-gi ma´-ŏ-dzhig´.
  The spirits have pity; the spirits have pity on me.
    [The Midē´ is supplicating the Midē´ spirits for aid in his wishes
    to cure the sick.]

  Kish´-u-we-ni-mi´-qu ki´-shi´-gŭng don´-dzhi-wa´-wa-mĭk.
  The spirits have pity on me; from on high I see you.
    [The sky is shown by the upper curved lines, beneath which the Midē´
    is raising his arm in supplication.]

  Man´-i-dō´-â ni´-o.
  My body is a spirit.
    [The Midē´ likens himself to the Bear Man´idō, the magic powers of
    which are shown by the lines across the body and short strokes upon
    the back.]

  Pi-ne´-si-wi-ân´ ke-ke´-u-wi-an´.
  A little bird I am: I am the hawk.
    [Like the thunderer, he penetrates the sky in search of power and

  Man´-i-dō´ nu´-tu wa´-kan.
  Let us hear the spirit.
    [The Ki´tshi Man´idō is believed to make known his presence, and all
    are enjoined to listen for such intimation.]

  Ka´-nun-ta´-wa man´-i-dō´ wi´-da-ku-ē´, hē´, ki´-a-ha-mī´.
  You might hear that he is a spirit.
    [The line on the top of the head signifies the person to be a
    superior being.]

  Ka´-ke-na gus-sâ´ o´-mi-si´-nī´ na´-ēn.
  I am afraid of all, that is why I am in trouble.
    [The Midē´ fears that life can not be prolonged because the evil
    man´idōs do not appear to leave the body of the sick person. The
    arm is shown reaching for mī´gis, or life, the strength of the
    speaker’s, having himself received it four times, does not appear
    to be of any avail.]

Should the patient continue to show decided symptoms of increased
illness, the singing or the use of the rattle is continued until life is
extinct, and no other ceremony is attempted; but if he is no worse after
the preliminary course of treatment, or shows any improvement, the first
attendant Midē´ changes his songs to those of a more boastful character.
The first of these is as follows, chanted repeatedly and in a monotonous
manner, viz:

  A´-si-na´-bi-hu´-ya, a-si´-na´-b-hu´-ya.
  I have changed my looks, I have changed my looks.

    [This refers to the appearance of the Midē´ stone which it is
    believed absorbs some of the disease and assumes a change of color.]

  Nish´-a-we´nī´, hū´, gū´, mi-dē´, wug, a-ne´-ma-bī´-tshig.
  The Midē´ have pity on me, those who are sitting around,
    and those who are sitting from us.

    [The last line refers to those Midē´ who are sitting, though absent
    from the Midē´wigân.]

The following illustrates the musical rendering:

  [Music: 285_1]
  A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa,
  A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya, A-si-na-bi-hŭ-i-ya hĭa.

  [Music: 285_2]
  Nish-a-wi-in-hu gū, O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē,
  A-ne-ma-bi-tshig hē, Nishawiinhu gū,
  O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē, Nish-a-wi-ni-hu gŭ O-ko-mi-dē-wog hē.

As the patient continues to improve the song of the Midē´ becomes more
expressive of his confidence in his own abilities and importance.

The following is an example in illustration, viz:

  Ni-ne´-ta-we-hē´ wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´ man´-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma´.
  [I am the only one who sees the spirit, who sees the spirit.]
  Nin´-da-nī-wĭ-a, nin´-da-nī´-wĭ-a.
  I surpass him, I surpass him.
    [The speaker overcomes the malevolent man´idō and causes him to take

  Na´-sa-ni-nēn´-di-yaⁿ a-we´-si-yŏk´ no-gwe´-no´-wŏk.
  See how I act, beasts I shoot on the wing.
    [The signification of this is, that he “shoots at them as they fly,”
    referring to the man´idōs as they escape from the body.]

The following is the musical notation of the above, viz:

  [Music: 285_3]
  Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´bâ-ma man-i-dō wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō,
  Ni-ne-ta-we-hē wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō, wa-wâ´-bâ-ma man-i-dō.

  [Music: 286_1]
  Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
  Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a,
  Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, Hen-ta-ne-we-a, hō.

  [Music: 286_2]
  Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya, Na-sa-ni-nen-di-ya,
  Awasiyōk, Nogwenowōk.

If the patient becomes strong enough to walk round the inclosure he is
led to the western end and seated upon a blanket, where he is initiated.
If not, the mī´gis is “shot into his body” as he reclines against the
sacred stone, after which a substitute is selected from among the Midē´
present, who takes his place and goes through the remainder of the
initiation for him. Before proceeding upon either course, however,
the chief attendant Midē´ announces his readiness in the following
manner: Mi´-o-shi´-gwa, wi-kwod´-gi-o-wŏg´ ga-mâ´-dzhi-a-ka´-dŭng
bi-mâ-di-si-wĭn´--“Now we are ready to escape from this and to begin
to watch life.” This signifies his desire to escape from his present
procedure and to advance to another course of action, to the exercise
of the power of giving life by transferring the sacred mī´gis.

The remainder of the ceremony is then conducted as in the manner
described as pertains to the first degree of the Midē´wiwin.



Before concluding, it may be of interest to refer in some detail to
several subjects mentioned in the preceding pages. The mnemonic songs
are in nearly every instance incised upon birch bark by means of a
sharp-pointed piece of bone or a nail. The inner surface of the bark is
generally selected because it is softer than the reverse. Bark for such
purposes is peeled from the trunk during the spring months. On the right
hand upper corner of Pl. XIX is reproduced a portion of a mnemonic song
showing characters as thus drawn. The specimen was obtained at White
Earth, and the entire song is presented on Pl. XVI, C. A piece of bark
obtained at Red Lake, and known to have been incised more than seventy
years ago, is shown on the right lower corner of Pl. XIX. The drawings
are upon the outer surface and are remarkably deep and distinct. The
left hand specimen is from the last named locality, and of the same
period, and presents pictographs drawn upon the inner surface.

  [Illustration: Plate XIX.
  Sacred Birch Bark Records.]

In a majority of songs the characters are drawn so as to be read from
left to right, in some from right to left, and occasionally one is found
to combine both styles, being truly boustrophic. Specimens have been
obtained upon which the characters were drawn around and near the margin
of an oblong piece of bark, thus appearing in the form of an irregular

The pictographic delineation of ideas is found to exist chiefly among
the shamans, hunters, and travelers of the Ojibwa, and there does not
appear to be a recognized system by which the work of any one person is
fully intelligible to another. A record may be recognized as pertaining
to the Midē´ ceremonies, as a song used when hunting plants, etc.; but
it would be impossible for one totally unfamiliar with the record to
state positively whether the initial character was at the left or the
right hand. The figures are more than simply mnemonic; they are
ideographic, and frequently possess additional interest from the fact
that several ideas are expressed in combination. Col. Garrick Mallery,
U.S. Army, in a paper entitled “Recently Discovered Algonkian
Pictographs,” read before the American Association for the Advancement
of Science, at Cleveland, 1888, expressed this fact in the following

  It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē´ and other bark
  records of the Ojibwa and also those of other Algonkian tribes to be
  mentioned in this paper. The comparison made by Dr. E. B. Tylor of the
  pictorial alphabet to teach children “A was an archer,” etc., is not
  strictly appropriate in this case. The devices are not only mnemonic,
  but are also ideographic and descriptive. They are not merely invented
  to express or memorize the subject, but are evolved therefrom. To
  persons acquainted with secret societies a good comparison for the
  charts or rolls would be what is called the tressel board of the
  Masonic order, which is printed and published and publicly exposed
  without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, yet is not only
  significant, but useful to the esoteric in assistance to their memory
  as to degrees and details of ceremony.

  A more general mode of explaining the so-called symbolism is by a
  suggestion that the charts of the order or the song of a myth should
  be likened to the popular illustrated poems and songs lately published
  in Harper’s Magazine for instance, “Sally in our Alley,” where every
  stanza has an appropriate illustration. Now, suppose that the text was
  obliterated forever, indeed the art of reading lost, the illustrations
  remaining, as also the memory to many persons of the ballad. The
  illustrations kept in order would supply always the order of the
  stanzas and also the general subject-matter of each particular stanza
  and the latter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the
  rolls of birch bark do to the initiated Ojibwa, and what Schoolcraft
  pretended in some cases to show, but what for actual understanding
  requires that all the vocables of the actual songs and charges of the
  initiation should be recorded and translated. This involves not only
  profound linguistic study, but the revelation of all the mysteries.
  In other instances the literation in the aboriginal language of the
  nonesoteric songs and stories and their translation is necessary to
  comprehend the devices by which they are memorized rather than
  symbolized. Nevertheless, long usage has induced some degree of
  ideography and symbolism.

  [Illustration: Plate XX.
  Sacred Bark Scroll and Contents.]

On Pl. XX are presented illustrations of several articles found in a
Midē´ sack which had been delivered to the Catholic priest at Red Lake
over seventy years ago, when the owner professed Christianity and
forever renounced (at least verbally) his pagan profession. The
information given below was obtained from Midē´ priests at the above
locality. They are possessed of like articles, being members of the same
society to which the late owners of the relics belonged. The first is a
birch-bark roll, the ends of which were slit into short strips, so as to
curl in toward the middle to prevent the escaping of the contents. The
upper figure is that of the Thunder god, with waving lines extending
forward from the eyes, denoting the power of peering into futurity. This
character has suggested to several Midē´ priests that the owner might
have been a Midē´-Jĕs´sakkīd´. This belief is supported by the actual
practice pursued by this class of priests when marking their personal
effects. The lower figure is that of a buffalo, as is apparent from the
presence of the hump. Curiously enough both eyes are drawn upon one side
of the head, a practice not often followed by Indian artists.

The upper of the four small figures is a small package, folded,
consisting of the inner sheet of birch-bark and resembling paper both in
consistence and color. Upon the upper fold is the outline of the Thunder
bird. The next two objects represent small boxes made of pine wood,
painted or stained red and black. They were empty when received, but
were no doubt used to hold sacred objects. The lowest figure of the four
consists of a bundle of three small bags of cotton wrapped with a strip
of blue cloth. The bags contain, respectively, love powder, hunter’s
medicine--in this instance red ocher and powdered arbor vitæ leaves--and
another powder of a brownish color, with which is mixed a small quantity
of ground medicinal plants.

The roll of birch-bark containing these relics inclosed also the skin of
a small rodent (Spermophilus sp.?) but in a torn and moth-eaten
condition. This was used by the owner for purposes unknown to those who
were consulted upon the subject. It is frequently, if not generally,
impossible to ascertain the use of most of the fetiches and other sacred
objects contained in Midē´ sacks of unknown ownership, as each priest
adopts his own line of practice, based upon a variety of reasons,
chiefly the nature of his fasting dreams.

Fancy sometimes leads an individual to prepare medicine sticks that are
of curious shape or bear designs of odd form copied after something of
European origin, as exemplified in the specimen illustrated on. Pl. XXI,
Nos. 1 and 2, showing both the obverse and reverse. The specimen is made
of ash wood and measures about ten inches in length. On the obverse
side, besides the figures of man´-idōs, such as the Thunder bird, the
serpent, and the tortoise, there is the outline of the sun, spots copied
from playing cards, etc.; upon the reverse appear two spread hands, a
bird, and a building, from the top of which floats the American flag.
This specimen was found among the effects of a Midē´ who died at Leech
Lake, Minnesota, a few years ago, together with effigies and other
relics already mentioned in another part of this paper.


In addition to the examples of Indian music that have been given,
especially the songs of shamans, it may be of interest to add a few
remarks concerning the several varieties of songs or chants. Songs
employed as an accompaniment to dances are known to almost all the
members of the tribe, so that their rendition is nearly always the same.
Such songs are not used in connection with mnemonic characters, as there
are, in most instances, no words or phrases recited, but simply a
continued repetition of meaningless words or syllables. The notes are
thus rhythmically accentuated, often accompanied by beats upon the drum
and the steps of the dancers.

An example of another variety of songs, or rather chants, is presented
in connection with the reception of the candidate by the Midē´ priest
upon his entrance into the Midē´wigân of the first degree. In this
instance words are chanted, but the musical rendition differs with the
individual, each Midē´ chanting notes of his own, according to his
choice or musical ability. There is no set formula, and such songs, even
if taught to others, are soon distorted by being sung according to the
taste or ability of the singer. The musical rendering of the words and
phrases relating to the signification of mnemonic characters depends
upon the ability and inspired condition of the singer; and as each Midē´
priest usually invents and prepares his own songs, whether for
ceremonial purposes, medicine hunting, exorcism, or any other use, he
may frequently be unable to sing them twice in exactly the same manner.
Love songs and war songs, being of general use, are always sung in the
same style of notation.

The emotions are fully expressed in the musical rendering of the several
classes of songs, which are, with few exceptions, in a minor key.
Dancing and war songs are always in quick time, the latter frequently
becoming extraordinarily animated and boisterous as the participants
become more and more excited.

Midē´ and other like songs are always more or less monotonous, though
they are sometimes rather impressive, especially if delivered by one
sufficiently emotional and possessed of a good voice. Some of the Midē´
priests employ few notes, not exceeding a range of five, for all songs,
while others frequently cover the octave, terminating with a final note
lower still.

The statement has been made that one Midē´ is unable either to recite or
sing the proper phrase pertaining to the mnemonic characters of a song
belonging to another Midē´ unless specially instructed. The
representation of an object may refer to a variety of ideas of a
similar, though not identical, character. The picture of a bear may
signify the Bear man´idō as one of the guardians of the society; it may
pertain to the fact that the singer impersonates that man´idō; exorcism
of the malevolent bear spirit may be thus claimed; or it may relate to
the desired capture of the animal, as when drawn to insure success for
the hunter. An Indian is slow to acquire the exact phraseology, which is
always sung or chanted, of mnemonic songs recited to him by a Midē´

  [Illustration: Plate XXI.
  Midē´ Relics from Leech Lake.]

An exact reproduction is implicitly believed to be necessary, as
otherwise the value of the formula would be impaired, or perhaps even
totally destroyed. It frequently happens, therefore, that although an
Indian candidate for admission into the Mīdē´wiwin may already have
prepared songs in imitation of those from which he was instructed,
he may either as yet be unable to sing perfectly the phrases relating
thereto, or decline to do so because of a want of confidence. Under such
circumstances the interpretation of a record is far from satisfactory,
each character being explained simply objectively, the true import being
intentionally or unavoidably omitted. An Ojibwa named “Little
Frenchman,” living at Red Lake, had received almost continuous
instruction for three or four years, and although he was a willing and
valuable assistant in other matters pertaining to the subject under
consideration, he was not sufficiently familiar with some of his
preceptor’s songs to fully explain them. A few examples of such mnemonic
songs are presented in illustration, and for comparison with such as
have already been recorded. In each instance the Indian’s interpretation
of the character is given first, the notes in brackets being supplied in
further explanation. Pl. XXII, A, is reproduced from a birch-bark song;
the incised lines are sharp and clear, while the drawing in general is
of a superior character. The record is drawn so as to be read from right
to left.

  From whence I sit.
    [The singer is seated, as the lines indicate contact with the
    surface beneath, though the latter is not shown. The short line
    extending from the mouth indicates voice, and probably signifies,
    in this instance, singing.]

  The big tree in the center of the earth.
    [It is not known whether or not this relates to the first
    destruction of the earth, when Mi´nabō´zho escaped by climbing a
    tree which continued to grow and to protrude above the surface of
    the flood. One Midē´ thought it related to a particular medicinal
    tree which was held in estimation beyond all others, and thus
    represented as the chief of the earth.]

  I will float down the fast running stream.
    [Strangely enough, progress by water is here designated by
    footprints instead of using the outline of a canoe. The etymology of
    the Ojibwa word used in this connection may suggest footprints, as
    in the Delaware language one word for river signifies “water road,”
    when in accordance therewith “footprints” would be in perfect
    harmony with the general idea.]

  The place that is feared I inhabit, the swift-running stream I
    [The circular line above the Midē´ denotes obscurity, i.e., he is
    hidden from view and represents himself as powerful and terrible to
    his enemies as the water monster.]

  You who speak to me.

  I have long horns.
    [The Midē´ likens himself to the water monster, one of the
    malevolent serpent man´idōs who antagonize all good, as beliefs
    and practices of the Midē´wiwin.]

  A rest or pause.

  I, seeing, follow your example.

  You see my body, you see my body, you see my nails are worn off in
    grasping the stone.
    [The Bear man´idō is represented as the type now assumed by the
    Midē´. He has a stone within his grasp, from which magic remedies
    are extracted.]

  You, to whom I am speaking.
    [A powerful Man´idō´, the panther, is in an inclosure and to him the
    Midē´ addresses his request.]

  I am swimming--floating--down smoothly.
    [The two pairs of serpentine lines indicate the river banks, while
    the character between them is the Otter, here personated by the

  Bars denoting a pause.

  I have finished my drum.
    [The Midē´ is shown holding a Midē´ drum which he is making for use
    in a ceremony.]

  My body is like unto you.
    [The mī´gis shell, the symbol of purity and the Midē´wiwin.]

  Hear me, you who are talking to me!
    [The speaker extends his arms to the right and left indicating
    persons who are talking to him from their respective places. The
    lines denoting speech--or hearing--pass through the speaker’s head
    to exclaim as above.]

  See what I am taking.
    [The Midē´ has pulled up a medicinal root. This denotes his
    possessing a wonderful medicine and appears in the order of an

  See me, whose head is out of water.

  [Illustration: Plate XXII.
  Mnemonic Songs.]

On Pl. XXII, B, is presented an illustration reproduced from a piece of
birch bark owned by the preceptor of “Little Frenchman,” of the import
of which the latter was ignorant. His idea of the signification of the
characters is based upon general information which he has received, and
not upon any pertaining directly to the record. From general appearances
the song seems to be a private record pertaining to the Ghost Society,
the means through which the recorder attained his first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, as well as to his abilities, which appear to be boastfully
referred to:

  I am sitting with my pipe.
    [Midē´ sitting, holding his pipe. He has been called upon to visit a
    patient, and the filled pipe is handed to him to smoke preparatory
    to his commencing the ceremony of exorcism.]

  I employ the spirit, the spirit of the owl.
    [This evidently indicates the Owl Man´idō, which has been referred
    to in connection with the Red Lake Mide´ chart, Pl. III, No. 113.
    The Owl man´idō is there represented as passing from the Midē´wigân
    to the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, and the drawings in that record and in
    this are sufficiently alike to convey the idea that the maker of
    this song had obtained his suggestion from the old Midē´ chart.]

  It stands, that which I am going after.
    [The Midē´, impersonating the Bear Man´idō, is seeking a medicinal
    tree of which he has knowledge, and certain parts of which he
    employs in his profession. The two footprints indicate the direction
    the animal is taking.]

  I, who fly.
    [This is the outline of a Thunder bird, who appears to grasp in his
    talons some medical plants.]

  Ki´-bi-nan´ pi-zan´. Ki´binan´ is what I use, it flies like an arrow.
    [The Midē´’s arm is seen grasping a magic arrow, to symbolize the
    velocity of action of the remedy.]

  I am coming to the earth.
    [A Man´idō is represented upon a circle, and in the act of
    descending toward the earth, which is indicated by the horizontal
    line, upon which is an Indian habitation. The character to denote
    the sky is usually drawn as a curved line with the convexity above,
    but in this instance the ends of the lines are continued below,
    so as to unite and to complete the ring; the intention being, as
    suggested by several Midē´ priests, to denote great altitude above
    the earth, i.e., higher than the visible azure sky, which is
    designated by curved lines only.]

  I am feeling for it.
    [The Midē´ is reaching into holes in the earth in search of hidden

  I am talking to it.
    [The Midē´ is communing with the medicine Man´idō´ with the Midē´
    sack, which he holds in his hand. The voice lines extend from his
    mouth to the sack, which appears to be made of the skin of an Owl,
    as before noted in connection with the second character in this

  They are sitting round the interior in a row.
    [This evidently signifies the Ghost Lodge, as the structure is drawn
    at right angles to that usually made to represent the Midē´wigân,
    and also because it seems to be reproduced from the Red Lake chart
    already alluded to and figured in Pl. III, No. 112. The spirits or
    shadows, as the dead are termed, are also indicated by crosses in
    like manner.]

  You who are newly hung; you have reached half, and you are now full.
    [The allusion is to three phases of the moon, probably having
    reference to certain periods at which some important ceremonies
    or events are to occur.]

  I am going for my dish.
    [The speaker intimates that he is going to make a feast, the dish
    being shown at the top in the form of a circle; the footprints are
    directed toward, it and signify, by their shape, that he likens
    himself to the Bear man´idō, one of the guardians of the Midēwiwin.]

  I go through the medicine lodge.
    [The footprints within the parallel lines denote his having passed
    through an unnamed number of degrees. Although the structure is
    indicated as being erected like the Ghost Lodge, i.e., north and
    south, it is stated that Midēwiwin is intended. This appears to be
    an instance of the non-systematic manner of objective ideagraphic

  Let us commune with one another.
    [The speaker is desirous of communing with his favorite man´idōs,
    with whom he considers himself on an equality, as is indicated by
    the anthropomorphic form of one between whom and himself the voice
    lines extend.]

On Figs. 36-39, are reproduced several series of pictographs from
birch-bark songs found among the effects of a deceased Midē´ priest, at
Leech Lake. Reference to other relics belonging to the same collection
has been made in connection with effigies and beads employed by Midē´ in
the endeavor to prove the genuineness of their religion and profession.
These mnemonic songs were exhibited to many Midē´ priests from various
portions of the Ojibwa country, in the hope of obtaining some
satisfactory explanation regarding the import of the several characters;
but, although they were pronounced to be “Grand Medicine,” no
suggestions were offered beyond the merest repetition of the name of the
object or what it probably was meant to represent. The direction of
their order was mentioned, because in most instances the initial
character furnishes the guide. Apart from this, the illustrations are of
interest as exhibiting the superior character and cleverness of their

  [Illustration: Fig. 36.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]

The initial character on Fig. 36 appears to be at the right hand upper
corner, and represents the Bear Man´idō. The third figure is that of the
Midē´wiwin, with four man´idōs within it, probably the guardians of the
four degrees. The owner of the song was a Midē´ of the second degree,
as was stated in connection with his Midē´wi-gwas or “medicine chart,”
illustrated on Plate III, C.

  [Illustration: Fig. 37.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]

Fig. 37 represents what appears to be a mishkiki or medicine song, as is
suggested by the figures of plants and roots. It is impossible to state
absolutely at which side the initial character is placed, though it
would appear that the human figure at the upper left hand corner would
be more in accordance with the common custom.

  [Illustration: Fig. 38.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]

Fig. 38 seems to pertain to hunting, and may have been recognized as a
hunter’s chart. According to the belief of several Midē´, it is lead
from right to left, the human figure indicating the direction according
to the way in which the heads of the crane, bear, etc., are turned. The
lower left hand figure of a man has five marks upon the breast, which
probably indicate mī´gis spots, to denote the power of magic influence
possessed by the recorder.

  [Illustration: Fig. 39.--Leech Lake Midē´ song.]

The characters on Fig. 39 are found to be arranged so as to read from
the right hand upper corner toward the left, the next line continuing to
the right and lastly again to the left, terminating with the figure of a
Midē´ with the mī´gis upon his breast. This is interesting on account of
the boustrophic system of delineating the figures, and also because such
instances are rarely found to occur.


While it is customary among many tribes of Indians to use as little
clothing as possible when engaged in dancing, either of a social or
ceremonial nature, the Ojibwa, on the contrary, vie with one another in
the attempt to appear in the most costly and gaudy dress attainable. The
Ojibwa Midē´ priests, take particular pride in their appearance when
attending ceremonies of the Midē´ Society, and seldom fail to impress
this fact upon visitors, as some of the Dakotan tribes, who have adopted
similar medicine ceremonies after the custom of their Algonkian
neighbors, are frequently without any clothing other than the
breechcloth and moccasins, and the armlets and other attractive
ornaments. This disregard of dress appears, to the Ojibwa, as a
sacrilegious digression from the ancient usages, and it frequently
excites severe comment.

Apart from facial ornamentation, of such design as may take the actor’s
fancy, or in accordance with the degree of which the subject may be a
member, the Midē´ priests wear shirts, trousers, and moccasins, the
first two of which may consist of flannel or cloth and be either plain
or ornamented with beads, while the latter are always of buckskin, or,
what is more highly prized, moose skin, beaded or worked with colored
porcupine quills.

Immediately below each knee is tied a necessary item of an Ojibwa’s
dress, a garter, which consists of a band of beads varying in different
specimens from 2 to 4 inches in width, and from 18 to 20 inches in
length, to each end of which strands of colored wool yarn, 2 feet long,
are attached so as to admit of being passed around the leg and tied in a
bow-knot in front. These garters are made by the women in such patterns
as they may be able to design or elaborate. On Pl. XXIII are
reproductions of parts of two patterns which are of more than ordinary
interest, because of the symbolic signification of the colors and the
primitive art design in one, and the substitution of colors and the
introduction of modern designs in the other. The upper one consists of
green, red, and white beads, the first two colors being in accord with
those of one of the degree posts, while the white is symbolical of the
mī´gis shell. In the lower illustration is found a substitution of color
for the preceding, accounted for by the Midē´ informants, who explained
that neither of the varieties of beads of the particular color desired
could be obtained when wanted. The yellow beads are substituted for
white, the blue for green, and the orange and pink for red. The design
retains the lozenge form, though in a different arrangement, and the
introduction of the blue border is adapted after patterns observed among
their white neighbors. In the former is presented also what the Ojibwa
term the groundwork or type of their original style of ornamentation,
i.e., wavy or gently zigzag lines. Later art work consists chiefly of
curved lines, and this has gradually become modified through instruction
from the Catholic sisters at various early mission establishments until
now, when there has been brought about a common system of working upon
cloth or velvet, in patterns, consisting of vines, leaves, and flowers,
often exceedingly attractive though not aboriginal in the true sense of
the word.

  [Illustration: Plate XXIII.
  Midē´ Dancing Garters.]

Bands of flannel or buckskin, handsomely beaded, are sometimes attached
to the sides of the pantaloons, in imitation of an officer’s stripes,
and around the bottom. Collars are also used, in addition to necklaces
of claws, shells, or other objects.

Armlets and bracelets are sometimes made of bands of beadwork, though
brass wire or pieces of metal are preferred.

Bags made of cloth, beautifully ornamented or entirely covered with
beads, are worn, supported at the side by means of a broad band or
baldric passing over the opposite shoulder. The head is decorated with
disks of metal and tufts of colored horse hair or moose hair and with
eagle feathers to designate the particular exploits performed by the

Few emblems of personal valor or exploits are now worn, as many of the
representatives of the present generation have never been actively
engaged in war, so that there is generally found only among the older
members the practice of wearing upon the head eagle feathers bearing
indications of significant markings or cuttings. A feather which has
been split from the tip toward the middle denotes that the wearer was
wounded by an arrow. A red spot as large as a silver dime painted upon a
feather shows the wearer to have been wounded by a bullet. The privilege
of wearing a feather tipped with red flannel or horse hair dyed red is
recognized only when the wearer has killed an enemy, and when a great
number have been killed in war the so-called war bonnet is worn, and may
consist of a number of feathers exceeding the number of persons killed,
the idea to be expressed being “a great number,” rather than a specific

Although the Ojibwa admit that in former times they had many other
specific ways of indicating various kinds of personal exploits, they now
have little opportunity of gaining such distinction, and consequently
the practice has fallen into desuetude.


According to a treaty now being made between the United States
Government and the Ojibwa Indians, the latter are to relinquish the
several areas of land at present occupied by them and to remove to
portions of the Red Lake and White Earth Reservations and take lands in
severalty. By this treaty about 4,000,000 acres of land will be ceded to
the Government, and the members of the various bands will become
citizens of the United States, and thus their tribal ties will be broken
and their primitive customs and rites be abandoned.

The chief Midē´ priests, being aware of the momentous consequences of
such a change in their habits, and foreseeing the impracticability of
much longer continuing the ceremonies of so-called “pagan rites,” became
willing to impart them to me, in order that a complete description might
be made and preserved for the future information of their descendants.

There is scarcely any doubt that these ceremonies will still be secretly
held at irregular intervals; but under the watchful care of the national
authorities it is doubtful whether they will be performed with any
degree of completeness, and it will be but a comparatively short time
before the Midē´wiwin will be only a tradition.

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *

Errata for Midē´wiwin:

A number of Ojibwa words are recorded with “w” where the correct form
has “b”. Since w:b is not an attested dialectal variation, these may be
mishearings on the part of the original transcriber. Other errors such
as G:S or h:k can be attributed to misreading of handwritten text.

Variations and inconsistencies (unchanged):

  Ojibwa : Ojibway
  Man´ido(s) : Man´idō(s)
    [_throughout text_]
  Bois Forts
    [_modern name Bois Forte, but “Forts” is common in early texts_]
    [_all spellings unchanged_]
  [Note 11] History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)]
    [_question mark and brackets in original_]
  sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited
    [_word is usually spelled “Mi´nabō´zho”_]
  Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´
    [_word is usually spelled “Midē´”_]
  The bear going to the Midē´wigan
    [_word is usually spelled “Midē´wigân”_]
  The boy then narrated ... man´-i-dō´ ’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk
    [_the apostrophe in “’n-gi-gĭn´-o-a-mâk” occurs nowhere else in the
    text; it may be phonetic (elision of i?) or an error_]


  A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem  mi-ē´-ta  â´-bi-dink´  [â´-wi-dink´]
  the Midē´wiwin was at that time held annually  [Midê´wiwin]
  shall guard it during the night  [shal]
  Amini´kanzi´bi  [Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi]
  calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him
    [_text reads “to / to” at line break_]
  This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter
    [_text unchanged: “and measures”, “measuring”?_]
  shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215
    [_text reads “page 192” (page number of Fig. 15)_]
  Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´  [Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´]
  Nē´-wōdē´-ē´.  [Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´]
  Gaga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.”  [Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh]
  Iskig´omeaush´-- “Sap-flows-fast.”  [Ishig´omeaush´]
  Yellow Birch.  Wi´nnis´sik.  [Wi´umis´sik]
  White Birch.  Wīgwas´.  [Mīgwas´]
  Kinē´bigwŏshk-- “Snake weed or Snake Vine.”  [Kinē´wigwŏshk]
  Sunflower.  Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuⁿs´.  [Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´]
  Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk-- “Black Blood Berry.”  [Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk]
  Choke Cherry.  Sisaⁿ´wemi´nakŏâⁿsh´.  [Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´]
  Okwē´mĭsh-- “Scabby Bark.”  [Okwē´wĭsh]
  at the time during which the investigations were made
    [_text reads “investiga/gations” at line break_]
  Wabō´sōminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”  [Wabō´saminī´sŏk]
  Culver’s Root.  Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik  [Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik]
  Hoary Willow.  Sisi´gobe´mĭsh.  [Sisi´gewe´mĭsh]
  _Symphoricarpos vulgaris_  [Symphoricarpus]
  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”
    [_Smilacina racemosa: False Solomon’s seal_]
  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”
    [_Potentilla spp.: Cinquefoil_]
  Waterleaf.  Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´.  [Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´]
  Downy Yellow Violet.  Ogitē´baguⁿs.
    [... Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs]
  Dwarf Wild Rose.  Oginī´minagaⁿ´wŏs.  [Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs]
  (_Gen. et sp. ?_)  Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.
    [_Urtica dioica: Stinging Nettle_]
  Nesō´bakŏk-- “Three Leafed.”  [Nesō´wakŏk]
  The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence  [sigzag]
  The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping
    [_text unchanged_]
  Ki-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō.  [Hi-na-nē´]
  “Ō´nishgân”--“get up”  [Ō´mishga‘n]
  in this place he shall be Raised again
    [_text (two-line gloss) reads “in this he shall / be place”_]
  (the second-degree mī´gis)  [mì´gis]
  the illustration in Pl. XIV, A, is a reproduction of the original
    [Pl. XVII, A]
  the following Midē´ song, represented pictorially, also on Pl. XIV, B
    [Pl. XVII, B]
  a three-lobed apex, as shown in Fig. 4  [Fig. 3]
  south and east of the Midē´wigân, as shown in Fig. 35  [Fig. 30]
  These mnemonic songs were exhibited  [menmonic]
  wâ´-wa-tē´-si-wŭg  [wē´-we-tē´-si-wŭg]


  principles of magic and incantations.”
    [_close quote missing_]
  (or, as we have learned to term it, “Grand Medicine,”)
    [_close parenthesis missing_]
  place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.”
    [_close quote missing_]
  Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15)
    [_printed “beneath/ the” (no hyphen at line break)_]
  “Our forefathers were living
    [_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]
  We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´?
    [_text ends “.?”_]
  “He, the chief spirit of the Midē´ Society
    [_open quote missing (passage is quote within block quote)_]

       *       *       *       *       *
           *       *       *       *
       *       *       *       *       *



                 JAMES MOONEY.

       *       *       *       *       *


  Introduction                                                     307
  How the formulas were obtained.                                  310
    The A‛yûⁿinĭ (Swimmer) manuscript                              310
    The Gatigwanastĭ (Belt) manuscript                             312
    The Gahunĭ manuscript                                          313
    The Inâlĭ (Black Fox) manuscript                               314
    Other manuscripts                                              316
    The Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ Etĭ or Ancient Cherokee Formulas    317
  Character of the formulas-- the Cherokee religion                318
  Myth of the origin of disease and medicine                       319
  Theory of disease-- animals, ghosts, witches                     322
  Selected list of plants used                                     324
  Medical practice-- theory of resemblances-- fasting--
          tabu-- seclusion-- women                                 328
    Illustration of the gaktûⁿta or tabu                           331
    Neglect of sanitary regulations                                332
    The sweat bath-- bleeding--rubbing--bathing                    338
    Opposition of shamans to white physicians                      336
    Medicine dances                                                337
    Description of symptoms                                        337
  The ugista´‛tĭ or pay of the shaman                              337
  Ceremonies for gathering plants and preparing medicine           339
  The Cherokee gods and their abiding places                       340
  Color symbolism                                                  342
  Importance attached to names                                     343
  Language of the formulas                                         343
  Specimen formulas                                                344
    Medicine.                                                      345
      To treat the crippler (rheumatism)-- from Gahuni             345
      Second formula for the crippler-- from Gahuni                349
      Song and prescription for snake bites-- from Gahuni          351
      When something is causing something to eat them-- Gahuni     353
      Second formula for the same disease-- A‛wanita               355
      For moving pains in the teeth (neuralgia?)-- Gatigwanasti    356
      Song and prayer for the great chill-- A‛yûⁿini               359
      To make children jump down (child birth)-- A‛yûⁿini          363
      Second formula for child birth-- Takwatihi                   364
      Song and prayer for the black yellowness (biliousness)--
           A‛yûⁿini                                                365
      To treat for ordeal diseases (witchcraft)-- A‛yûⁿini         366
    Hunting                                                        369
      Concerning hunting-- A‛yûⁿini                                369
      For hunting birds-- A‛yûⁿini                                 371
      To shoot dwellers in the wilderness-- A‛wanita               372
      Bear song-- A‛yûⁿini                                         373
      For catching large fish-- A‛yûⁿini                           374
    Love                                                           375
      Concerning living humanity-- Gatigwanasti                    376
      For going to water-- Gatigwanasti                            378
      Yûⁿwehi song for painting-- Gatigwanasti                     379
      Song and prayer to fix the affections-- A‛yûⁿini             380
      To separate lovers-- A‛yûⁿini                                381
      Song and prayer to fix the affections-- Gatigwanasti         382
    Miscellaneous                                                  384
      To shorten a night goer on this side-- A‛yûⁿini              384
      To find lost articles-- Gatigwanasti                         386
      To frighten away a storm-- A‛yûⁿini                          387
      To help warriors-- A´wanita                                  388
      To destroy life (ceremony with beads)-- A‛yûⁿini             391
      To take to water for the ball play-- A‛yûⁿini                395


  Pl. XXIV. Portrait of A‛yûⁿini (Swimmer)                         306
       XXV. Facsimile of A‛yûⁿini manuscript--Formula for
              Dalâni Ûⁿnagei                                       310
      XXVI. Facsimile of Gatigwanasti manuscript--Yûⁿwĕhĭ
              formula                                              312
     XXVII. Facsimile of Gahuni manuscript--Formula for
              Didûⁿlĕskĭ                                           314


       *       *       *       *       *


                By James Mooney.

       *       *       *       *       *


The sacred formulas here given are selected from a collection of about
six hundred, obtained on the Cherokee reservation in North Carolina in
1887 and 1888, and covering every subject pertaining to the daily life
and thought of the Indian, including medicine, love, hunting, fishing,
war, self-protection, destruction of enemies, witchcraft, the crops,
the council, the ball play, etc., and, in fact, embodying almost
the whole of the ancient religion of the Cherokees. The original
manuscripts, now in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology,
were written by the shamans of the tribe, for their own use, in
the Cherokee characters invented by Sikwâ´ya (Sequoyah) in 1821,
and were obtained, with the explanations, either from the writers
themselves or from their surviving relatives.

Some of these manuscripts are known to be at least thirty years
old, and many are probably older. The medical formulas of all kinds
constitute perhaps one-half of the whole number, while the love charms
come next in number, closely followed by the songs and prayers used in
hunting and fishing. The great number of love charms will doubtless be
a surprise to those who have been educated in the old theory that the
Indian is insensible to the attractions of woman. The comparatively
small number of war formulas is explained by the fact that the last
war in which the Cherokees, as a tribe, were engaged on their own
account, closed with the Revolutionary period, so that these things
were well nigh forgotten before the invention of the alphabet, a
generation later. The Cherokees who engaged in the Creek war and the
late American civil war fought in the interests of the whites, and
their leaders were subordinated to white officers, hence there was not
the same opportunity for the exercise of shamanistic rites that there
would have been had Indians alone been concerned. The prayers for
hunting, fishing, and the ball play being in more constant demand,
have been better preserved.

These formulas had been handed down orally from a remote antiquity
until the early part of the present century, when the invention of
the Cherokee syllabary enabled the priests of the tribe to put them
into writing. The same invention made it possible for their rivals,
the missionaries, to give to the Indians the Bible in their own
language, so that the opposing forces of Christianity and shamanism
alike profited by the genius of Sikwâya. The pressure of the new
civilization was too strong to be withstood, however, and though
the prophets of the old religion still have much influence with the
people, they are daily losing ground and will soon be without honor in
their own country.

Such an exposition of the aboriginal religion could be obtained from
no other tribe in North America, for the simple reason that no other
tribe has an alphabet of its own in which to record its sacred lore.
It is true that the Crees and Micmacs of Canada and the Tukuth of
Alaska have so-called alphabets or ideographic systems invented for
their use by the missionaries, while, before the Spanish conquest,
the Mayas of Central America were accustomed to note down their hero
legends and priestly ceremonials in hieroglyphs graven upon the walls
of their temples or painted upon tablets made of the leaves of the
maguey. But it seems never to have occurred to the northern tribes
that an alphabet coming from a missionary source could be used for any
other purpose than the transcription of bibles and catechisms, while
the sacred books of the Mayas, with a few exceptions, have long since
met destruction at the hands of fanaticism, and the modern copies
which have come down to the present day are written out from imperfect
memory by Indians who had been educated under Spanish influences in
the language, alphabet and ideas of the conquerors, and who, as is
proved by an examination of the contents of the books themselves,
drew from European sources a great part of their material. Moreover,
the Maya tablets were so far hieratic as to be understood only
by the priests and those who had received a special training in
this direction, and they seem therefore to have been entirely
unintelligible to the common people.

The Cherokee alphabet, on the contrary, is the invention or adaptation
of one of the tribe, who, although he borrowed most of the Roman
letters, in addition to the forty or more characters of his own
devising, knew nothing of their proper use or value, but reversed them
or altered their forms to suit his purpose, and gave them a name and
value determined by himself. This alphabet was at once adopted by the
tribe for all purposes for which writing can be used, including the
recording of their shamanistic prayers and ritualistic ceremonies. The
formulas here given, as well as those of the entire collection, were
written out by the shamans themselves--men who adhere to the ancient
religion and speak only their native language--in order that their
sacred knowledge might be preserved in a systematic manner for their
mutual benefit. The language, the conception, and the execution
are all genuinely Indian, and hardly a dozen lines of the hundreds
of formulas show a trace of the influence of the white man or
his religion. The formulas contained in these manuscripts are not
disjointed fragments of a system long since extinct, but are the
revelation of a living faith which still has its priests and devoted
adherents, and it is only necessary to witness a ceremonial ball
play, with its fasting, its going to water, and its mystic bead
manipulation, to understand how strong is the hold which the old faith
yet has upon the minds even of the younger generation. The numerous
archaic and figurative expressions used require the interpretation
of the priests, but, as before stated, the alphabet in which they are
written is that in daily use among the common people.

In all tribes that still retain something of their ancient
organization we find this sacred knowledge committed to the keeping of
various secret societies, each of which has its peculiar ritual with
regular initiation and degrees of advancement. From this analogy
we may reasonably conclude that such was formerly the case with the
Cherokees also, but by the breaking down of old customs consequent
upon their long contact with the whites and the voluntary adoption
of a civilized form of government in 1827, all traces of such society
organization have long since disappeared, and at present each priest
or shaman is isolated and independent, sometimes confining himself
to a particular specialty, such as love or medicine, or even the
treatment of two or three diseases, in other cases broadening his
field of operations to include the whole range of mystic knowledge.

It frequently happens, however, that priests form personal friendships
and thus are led to divulge their secrets to each other for their
mutual advantage. Thus when one shaman meets another who he thinks can
probably give him some valuable information, he says to him, “Let us
sit down together.” This is understood by the other to mean, “Let us
tell each other our secrets.” Should it seem probable that the seeker
after knowledge can give as much as he receives, an agreement is
generally arrived at, the two retire to some convenient spot secure
from observation, and the first party begins by reciting one of his
formulas with the explanations. The other then reciprocates with
one of his own, unless it appears that the bargain is apt to prove a
losing one, in which case the conference comes to an abrupt ending.

It is sometimes possible to obtain a formula by the payment of a coat,
a quantity of cloth, or a sum of money. Like the Celtic Druids of old,
the candidate for the priesthood in former times found it necessary to
cultivate a long memory, as no formula was repeated more than once for
his benefit. It was considered that one who failed to remember after
the first hearing was not worthy to be accounted a shaman. This task,
however, was not so difficult as might appear on first thought, when
once the learner understood the theory involved, as the formulas are
all constructed on regular principles, with constant repetition of
the same set of words. The obvious effect of such a regulation was
to increase the respect in which this sacred knowledge was held by
restricting it to the possession of a chosen few.

Although the written formulas can be read without difficulty by any
Cherokee educated in his own language, the shamans take good care that
their sacred writings shall not fall into the hands of the laity or
of their rivals in occult practices, and in performing the ceremonies
the words used are uttered in such a low tone of voice as to be
unintelligible even to the one for whose benefit the formula is
repeated. Such being the case, it is in order to explain how the
formulas collected were obtained.


On first visiting the reservation in the summer of 1887, I devoted
considerable time to collecting plants used by the Cherokees for food
or medicinal purposes, learning at the same time their Indian names
and the particular uses to which each was applied and the mode of
preparation. It soon became evident that the application of the
medicine was not the whole, and in fact was rather the subordinate,
part of the treatment, which was always accompanied by certain
ceremonies and “words.” From the workers employed at the time no
definite idea could be obtained as to the character of these words.
One young woman, indeed, who had some knowledge of the subject,
volunteered to write the words which she used in her prescriptions,
but failed to do so, owing chiefly to the opposition of the half-breed
shamans, from whom she had obtained her information.


Some time afterward an acquaintance was formed with a man named
A‛yûⁿ´inĭ or “Swimmer,” who proved to be so intelligent that I
spent several days with him, procuring information in regard to myths
and old customs. He told a number of stories in very good style, and
finally related the Origin of the Bear[1]. The bears were formerly a
part of the Cherokee tribe who decided to leave their kindred and go
into the forest. Their friends followed them and endeavored to induce
them to return, but the Ani-Tsâ´kahĭ, as they were called, were
determined to go. Just before parting from their relatives at the
edge of the forest, they turned to them and said, “It is better for
you that we should go; but we will teach you songs, and some day when
you are in want of food come out to the woods and sing these songs
and we shall appear and give you meat.” Their friends, after learning
several songs from them, started back to their homes, and after
proceeding a short distance, turned around to take one last look, but
saw only a number of bears disappearing in the depths of the forest.
The songs which they learned are still sung by the hunter to attract
the bears.

    [Footnote 1: To appear later with the collection of Cherokee

  Formula for Didùⁿlĕckĭ. (Page 349.)]

When Swimmer had finished the story he was asked if he knew these
songs. He replied that he did, but on being requested to sing one
he made some excuse and was silent. After some further efforts the
interpreter said it would be useless to press the matter then as there
were several other Indians present, but that to-morrow we should have
him alone with us and could then make another attempt.

The next day Swimmer was told that if he persisted in his refusal it
would be necessary to employ some one else, as it was unfair in him to
furnish incomplete information when he was paid to tell all he knew.
He replied that he was willing to tell anything in regard to stories
and customs, but that these songs were a part of his secret knowledge
and commanded a high price from the hunters, who sometimes paid as
much as $5 for a single song, “because you can’t kill any bears or
deer unless you sing them.”

He was told that the only object in asking about the songs was to put
them on record and preserve them, so that when he and the half dozen
old men of the tribe were dead the world might be aware how much the
Cherokees had known. This appeal to his professional pride proved
effectual, and when he was told that a great many similar songs had
been sent to Washington by medicine men of other tribes, he promptly
declared that he knew as much as any of them, and that he would give
all the information in his possession, so that others might be able to
judge for themselves who knew most. The only conditions he made were
that these secret matters should be heard by no one else but the
interpreter, and should not be discussed when other Indians were

As soon as the other shamans learned what was going on they endeavored
by various means to persuade him to stop talking, or failing in this,
to damage his reputation by throwing out hints as to his honesty or
accuracy of statement. Among other objections which they advanced
was one which, however incomprehensible to a white man, was perfectly
intelligible to an Indian, viz: That when he had told everything this
information would be taken to Washington and locked up there, and thus
they would be deprived of the knowledge. This objection was one of
the most difficult to overcome, as there was no line of argument with
which to oppose it.

These reports worried Swimmer, who was extremely sensitive in regard
to his reputation, and he became restive under the insinuations of
his rivals. Finally on coming to work one day he produced a book from
under his ragged coat as he entered the house, and said proudly:
“Look at that and now see if I don’t know something.” It was a small
day-book of about 240 pages, procured originally from a white man, and
was about half filled with writing in the Cherokee characters. A brief
examination disclosed the fact that it contained just those matters
that had proved so difficult to procure. Here were prayers, songs,
and prescriptions for the cure of all kinds of diseases--for chills,
rheumatism, frostbites, wounds, bad dreams, and witchery; love charms,
to gain the affections of a woman or to cause her to hate a detested
rival; fishing charms, hunting charms--including the songs without
which none could ever hope to kill any game; prayers to make the corn
grow, to frighten away storms, and to drive off witches; prayers for
long life, for safety among strangers, for acquiring influence in
council and success in the ball play. There were prayers to the Long
Man, the Ancient White, the Great Whirlwind, the Yellow Rattlesnake,
and to a hundred other gods of the Cherokee pantheon. It was in fact
an Indian ritual and pharmacopoeia.

After recovering in a measure from the astonishment produced by this
discovery I inquired whether other shamans had such books. “Yes,”
said Swimmer, “we all have them.” Here then was a clew to follow up. A
bargain was made by which he was to have another blank book into which
to copy the formulas, after which the original was bought. It is now
deposited in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. The remainder of
the time until the return was occupied in getting an understanding of
the contents of the book.


Further inquiry elicited the names of several others who might be
supposed to have such papers. Before leaving a visit was paid to one
of these, a young man named Wilnoti, whose father, Gatigwanasti, had
been during his lifetime a prominent shaman, regarded as a man of
superior intelligence. Wilnoti, who is a professing Christian, said
that his father had had such papers, and after some explanation from
the chief he consented to show them. He produced a box containing a
lot of miscellaneous papers, testaments, and hymnbooks, all in the
Cherokee alphabet. Among them was his father’s chief treasure, a
manuscript book containing 122 pages of foolscap size, completely
filled with formulas of the same kind as those contained in Swimmer’s
book. There were also a large number of loose sheets, making in all
nearly 200 foolscap pages of sacred formulas.

On offering to buy the papers, he replied that he wanted to keep them
in order to learn and practice these things himself--thus showing
how thin was the veneer of Christianity, in his case at least. On
representing to him that in a few years the new conditions would
render such knowledge valueless with the younger generation, and that
even if he retained the papers he would need some one else to explain
them to him, he again refused, saying that they might fall into
the hands of Swimmer, who, he was determined, should never see his
father’s papers. Thus the negotiations came to an end for the time.

  Formula for Dalàni Ùⁿnagei (Page 364.)]

On returning to the reservation in July, 1888, another effort was made
to get possession of the Gatigwanasti manuscripts and any others of
the same kind which could be procured. By this time the Indians had
had several months to talk over the matter, and the idea had gradually
dawned upon them that instead of taking their knowledge away from them
and locking it up in a box, the intention was to preserve it to the
world and pay them for it at the same time. In addition the writer
took every opportunity to impress upon them the fact that he was
acquainted with the secret knowledge of other tribes and perhaps could
give them as much as they gave. It was now much easier to approach
them, and on again visiting Wilnoti, in company with the interpreter,
who explained the matter fully to him, he finally consented to lend
the papers for a time, with the same condition that neither Swimmer
nor anyone else but the chief and interpreter should see them, but
he still refused to sell them. However, this allowed the use of
the papers, and after repeated efforts during a period of several
weeks, the matter ended in the purchase of the papers outright,
with unreserved permission to show them for copying or explanation
to anybody who might be selected. Wilnoti was not of a mercenary
disposition, and after the first negotiations the chief difficulty was
to overcome his objection to parting with his father’s handwriting,
but it was an essential point to get the originals, and he was allowed
to copy some of the more important formulas, as he found it utterly
out of the question to copy the whole.

These papers of Gatigwanasti are the most valuable of the whole, and
amount to fully one-half the entire collection, about fifty pages
consisting of love charms. The formulas are beautifully written
in bold Cherokee characters, and the directions and headings are
generally explicit, bearing out the universal testimony that he was a
man of unusual intelligence and ability, characteristics inherited by
his son, who, although a young man and speaking no English, is one of
the most progressive and thoroughly reliable men of the band.


The next book procured was obtained from a woman named Ayâsta, “The
Spoiler,” and had been written by her husband, Gahuni, who died about
30 years ago. The matter was not difficult to arrange, as she had
already been employed on several occasions, so that she understood the
purpose of the work, besides which her son had been regularly engaged
to copy and classify the manuscripts already procured. The book
was claimed as common property by Ayâsta and her three sons, and
negotiations had to be carried on with each one, although in this
instance the cash amount involved was only half a dollar, in addition
to another book into which to copy some family records and personal
memoranda. The book contains only eight formulas, but these are of
a character altogether unique, the directions especially throwing
a curious light on Indian beliefs. There had been several other
formulas of the class called Y´û´ⁿwĕhĭ, to cause hatred between
man and wife, but these had been torn out and destroyed by Ayâsta on
the advice of an old shaman, in order that her sons might never learn
them. In referring to the matter she spoke in a whisper, and it was
evident enough that she had full faith in the deadly power of these

In addition to the formulas the book contains about twenty pages of
Scripture extracts in the same handwriting, for Gahuni, like several
others of their shamans, combined the professions of Indian conjurer
and Methodist preacher. After his death the book fell into the hands
of the younger members of the family, who filled it with miscellaneous
writings and scribblings. Among other things there are about seventy
pages of what was intended to be a Cherokee-English pronouncing
dictionary, probably written by the youngest son, already mentioned,
who has attended school, and who served for some time as copyist on
the formulas. This curious Indian production, of which only a few
columns are filled out, consists of a list of simple English words
and phrases, written in ordinary English script, followed by Cherokee
characters intended to give the approximate pronunciation, together
with the corresponding word in the Cherokee language and characters.
As the language lacks a number of sounds which are of frequent
occurrence in English, the attempts to indicate the pronunciation
sometimes give amusing results. Thus we find: _Fox_ (English
script); _kwâgisĭ´_ (Cherokee characters); _tsú‛lû´_ (Cherokee
characters). As the Cherokee language lacks the labial _f_ and has no
compound sound equivalent to our _x_, _kwâgisĭ´_ is as near as the
Cherokee speaker can come to pronouncing our word _fox_. In the same
way “bet” becomes _wĕtĭ_, and “sheep” is _síkwĭ_, while “if he has
no dog” appears in the disguise of _ikwĭ hâsĭ nâ dâ´ga_.


In the course of further inquiries in regard to the whereabouts of
other manuscripts of this kind we heard a great deal about Inâ´lĭ,
or “Black Fox,” who had died a few years before at an advanced age,
and who was universally admitted to have been one of their most able
men and the most prominent literary character among them, for from
what has been said it must be sufficiently evident that the Cherokees
have their native literature and literary men. Like those already
mentioned, he was a full-blood Cherokee, speaking no English, and in
the course of a long lifetime he had filled almost every position of
honor among his people, including those of councilor, keeper of the
townhouse records, Sunday-school leader, conjurer, officer in the
Confederate service, and Methodist preacher, at last dying, as he was
born, in the ancient faith of his forefathers.

  Yugwilû´ formula. (Page 375.)]

On inquiring of his daughter she stated that her father had left a
great many papers, most of which were still in her possession, and
on receiving from the interpreter an explanation of our purpose she
readily gave permission to examine and make selections from them on
condition that the matter should be kept secret from outsiders. A day
was appointed for visiting her, and on arriving we found her living in
a comfortable log house, built by Inâlĭ himself, with her children
and an ancient female relative, a decrepit old woman with snow-white
hair and vacant countenance. This was the oldest woman of the tribe,
and though now so feeble and childish, she had been a veritable savage
in her young days, having carried a scalp in the scalp dance in the
Creek war 75 years before.

Having placed chairs for us in the shade Inâlĭ’s daughter brought
out a small box filled with papers of various kinds, both Cherokee and
English. The work of examining these was a tedious business, as each
paper had to be opened out and enough of it read to get the general
drift of the contents, after which the several classes were arranged
in separate piles. While in the midst of this work she brought out
another box nearly as large as a small trunk, and on setting it down
there was revealed to the astonished gaze such a mass of material as
it had not seemed possible could exist in the entire tribe.

In addition to papers of the sort already mentioned there were a
number of letters in English from various officials and religious
organizations, and addressed to “Enola,” to “Rev. Black Fox,” and to
“Black Fox, Esq,” with a large number of war letters written to him
by Cherokees who had enlisted in the Confederate service. These latter
are all written in the Cherokee characters, in the usual gossipy style
common among friends, and several of them contain important historic
material in regard to the movements of the two armies in East
Tennessee. Among other things was found his certificate as a Methodist
preacher, dated in 1848. “Know all men by these presents that Black
Fox (Cherokee) is hereby authorized to exercise his Gifts and Graces
as a local preacher in M. E. Church South.”.

There was found a manuscript book in Inâlĭ’s handwriting containing
the records of the old council of Wolftown, of which he had been
secretary for several years down to the beginning of the war. This
also contains some valuable materials.

There were also a number of miscellaneous books, papers, and pictures,
together with various trinkets and a number of conjuring stones.

In fact the box was a regular curiosity shop, and it was with a
feeling akin, to despair that we viewed the piles of manuscript which
had to be waded through and classified. There was a day’s hard work
ahead, and it was already past noon; but the woman was not done yet,
and after rummaging about inside the house for a while longer she
appeared with another armful of papers, which she emptied on top of
the others. This was the last straw; and finding it impossible to
examine in detail such a mass of material we contented ourselves
with picking out the sacred formulas and the two manuscript books
containing the town-house records and scriptural quotations and

The daughter of Black Fox agreed to fetch down the other papers in
a few days for further examination at our leisure; and she kept her
promise, bringing with her at the same time a number of additional
formulas which she had not been able to obtain before. A large number
of letters and other papers were selected from the miscellaneous lot,
and these, with the others obtained from her, are now deposited also
with the Bureau of Ethnology. Among other things found at this house
were several beads of the old shell wampum, of whose use the Cherokees
have now lost even the recollection. She knew only that they were
very old and different from the common beads, but she prized them as
talismans, and firmly refused to part with them.


Subsequently a few formulas were obtained from an old shaman named
Tsiskwa or “Bird,” but they were so carelessly written as to be almost
worthless, and the old man who wrote them, being then on his dying
bed, was unable to give much help in the matter. However, as he was
anxious to tell what he knew an attempt was made to take down some
formulas from his dictation. A few more were obtained in this way but
the results were not satisfactory and the experiment was abandoned.
About the same time A‛wani´ta or “Young Deer,” one of their best herb
doctors, was engaged to collect the various plants used in medicine
and describe their uses. While thus employed he wrote in a book
furnished him for the purpose a number of formulas used by him in his
practice, giving at the same time a verbal explanation of the theory
and ceremonies. Among these was one for protection in battle, which
had been used by himself and a number of other Cherokees in the
late war. Another doctor named Takwati´hĭ or “Catawba Killer,” was
afterward employed on the same work and furnished some additional
formulas which he had had his son write down from his dictation,
he himself being unable to write. His knowledge was limited to the
practice of a few specialties, but in regard to these his information
was detailed and accurate. There was one for bleeding with the
cupping horn. All these formulas obtained from Tsiskwa, A´wanita, and
Takwtihi are now in possession of the Bureau.


Among the papers thus obtained was a large number which for various
reasons it was found difficult to handle or file for preservation.
Many of them had been written so long ago that the ink had almost
faded from the paper; others were written with lead pencil, so that in
handling them the characters soon became blurred and almost illegible;
a great many were written on scraps of paper of all shapes and sizes;
and others again were full of omissions and doublets, due to the
carelessness of the writer, while many consisted simply of the prayer,
with nothing in the nature of a heading or prescription to show its

Under the circumstances it was deemed expedient to have a number of
these formulas copied in more enduring form. For this purpose it
was decided to engage the services of Ayâsta’s youngest son, an
intelligent young man about nineteen years of age, who had attended
school long enough to obtain a fair acquaintance with English in
addition to his intimate knowledge of Cherokee. He was also gifted
with a ready comprehension, and from his mother and uncle Tsiskwa had
acquired some familiarity with many of the archaic expressions used in
the sacred formulas. He was commonly known as “Will West,” but signed
himself W.W. Long, Long being the translation of his father’s name,
Gûnahi´ta. After being instructed as to how the work should be done
with reference to paragraphing, heading, etc., he was furnished a
blank book of two hundred pages into which to copy such formulas as it
seemed desirable to duplicate. He readily grasped the idea and in the
course of about a month, working always under the writer’s personal
supervision, succeeded in completely filling the book according to
the plan outlined. In addition to the duplicate formulas he wrote
down a number of dance and drinking songs, obtained originally from
A‛yûⁿ´inĭ, with about thirty miscellaneous formulas obtained from
various sources. The book thus prepared is modeled on the plan of
an ordinary book, with headings, table of contents, and even with an
illuminated title page devised by the aid of the interpreter according
to the regular Cherokee idiomatic form, and is altogether a unique
specimen of Indian literary art. It contains in all two hundred and
fifty-eight formulas and songs, which of course are native aboriginal
productions, although the mechanical arrangement was performed under
the direction of a white man. This book also, under its Cherokee
title, _Kanâhe´ta Ani-Tsa´lagĭ E´tĭ_ or “Ancient Cherokee
Formulas,” is now in the library of the Bureau.

There is still a considerable quantity of such manuscript in the hands
of one or two shamans with whom there was no chance for negotiating,
but an effort will be made to obtain possession of these on some
future visit, should opportunity present. Those now in the Bureau
library comprised by far the greater portion of the whole quantity
held by the Indians, and as only a small portion of this was copied by
the owners it can not be duplicated by any future collector.


It is impossible to overestimate the ethnologic importance of the
materials thus obtained. They are invaluable as the genuine production
of the Indian mind, setting forth in the clearest light the state of
the aboriginal religion before its contamination by contact with the
whites. To the psychologist and the student of myths they are equally
precious. In regard to their linguistic value we may quote the
language of Brinton, speaking of the sacred books of the Mayas,
already referred to:

    Another value they have,... and it is one which will be
    properly appreciated by any student of languages. They are,
    by common consent of all competent authorities, the genuine
    productions of native minds, cast in the idiomatic forms of
    the native tongue by those born to its use. No matter how
    fluent a foreigner becomes in a language not his own, he can
    never use it as does one who has been familiar with it from
    childhood. This general maxim is tenfold true when we apply
    it to a European learning an American language. The flow of
    thought, as exhibited in these two linguistic families, is
    in such different directions that no amount of practice can
    render one equally accurate in both. Hence the importance of
    studying a tongue as it is employed by natives; and hence the
    very high estimate I place on these “Books of Chilan Balam” as
    linguistic material--an estimate much increased by the great
    rarity of independent compositions in their own tongues by
    members of the native races of this continent.[2]

    [Footnote 2: Brinton, D. G.: The books of Chilan Balam 10,
    Philadelphia, n.d., (1882).]

The same author, in speaking of the internal evidences of authenticity
contained in the Popol Vuh, the sacred book of the Kichés, uses the
following words, which apply equally well to these Cherokee formulas:

    To one familiar with native American myths, this one bears
    undeniable marks of its aboriginal origin. Its frequent
    puerilities and inanities, its generally low and coarse range
    of thought and expression, its occasional loftiness of both,
    its strange metaphors and the prominence of strictly heathen
    names and potencies, bring it into unmistakable relationship
    to the true native myth.[3]

    [Footnote 3: Brinton, D. G.: Names of the Gods in the Kiché Myths,
    in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., Philadelphia, 1881, vol. 19, p. 613.]

These formulas furnish a complete refutation of the assertion so
frequently made by ignorant and prejudiced writers that the Indian had
no religion excepting what they are pleased to call the meaning less
mummeries of the medicine man. This is the very reverse of the truth.
The Indian is essentially religious and contemplative, and it might
almost be said that every act of his life is regulated and determined
by his religious belief. It matters not that some may call this
superstition. The difference is only relative. The religion of
to-day has developed from the cruder superstitions of yesterday, and
Christianity itself is but an outgrowth and enlargement of the beliefs
and ceremonies which have been preserved by the Indian in their more
ancient form. When we are willing to admit that the Indian has a
religion which he holds sacred, even though it be different from
our own, we can then admire the consistency of the theory, the
particularity of the ceremonial and the beauty of the expression.
So far from being a jumble of crudities, there is a wonderful
completeness about the whole system which is not surpassed even by the
ceremonial religions of the East. It is evident from a study of these
formulas that the Cherokee Indian was a polytheist and that the spirit
world was to him only a shadowy counterpart of this. All his prayers
were for temporal and tangible blessings--for health, for long life,
for success in the chase, in fishing, in war and in love, for good
crops, for protection and for revenge. He had no Great Spirit, no
happy hunting ground, no heaven, no hell, and consequently death had
for him no terrors and he awaited the inevitable end with no anxiety
as to the future. He was careful not to violate the rights of his
tribesman or to do injury to his feelings, but there is nothing to
show that he had any idea whatever of what is called morality in the

As the medical formulas are first in number and importance it may be
well, for the better understanding of the theory involved, to give the
Cherokee account of


In the old days quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects could all talk,
and they and the human race lived together in peace and friendship.
But as time went on the people increased so rapidly that their
settlements spread over the whole earth and the poor animals found
themselves beginning to be cramped for room. This was bad enough,
but to add to their misfortunes man invented bows, knives, blowguns,
spears, and hooks, and began to slaughter the larger animals, birds
and fishes for the sake of their flesh or their skins, while the
smaller creatures, such as the frogs and worms, were crushed and
trodden upon without mercy, out of pure carelessness or contempt. In
this state of affairs the animals resolved to consult upon measures
for their common safety.

The bears were the first to meet in council in their townhouse in
Kuwa´hĭ, the “Mulberry Place,”[4] and the old White Bear chief
presided. After each in turn had made complaint against the way in
which man killed their friends, devoured their flesh and used their
skins for his own adornment, it was unanimously decided to begin war
at once against the human race. Some one asked what weapons man used
to accomplish their destruction. “Bows and arrows, of course,” cried
all the bears in chorus. “And what are they made of?” was the next
question. “The bow of wood and the string of our own entrails,”
replied one of the bears. It was then proposed that they make a bow
and some arrows and see if they could not turn man’s weapons against
himself. So one bear got a nice piece of locust wood and another
sacrificed himself for the good of the rest in order to furnish a
piece of his entrails for the string. But when everything was ready
and the first bear stepped up to make the trial it was found that
in letting the arrow fly after drawing back the bow, his long claws
caught the string and spoiled the shot. This was annoying, but another
suggested that he could overcome the difficulty by cutting his claws,
which was accordingly done, and on a second trial it was found that
the arrow went straight to the mark. But here the chief, the old White
Bear, interposed and said that it was necessary that they should have
long claws in order to be able to climb trees. “One of us has already
died to furnish the bowstring, and if we now cut off our claws we
shall all have to starve together. It is better to trust to the teeth
and claws which nature has given us, for it is evident that man’s
weapons were not intended for us.”

    [Footnote 4: One of the High peaks of the Smoky Mountains, on the
    Tennessee line, near Clingman’s Dome.]

No one could suggest any better plan, so the old chief dismissed the
council and the bears dispersed to their forest haunts without having
concerted any means for preventing the increase of the human race. Had
the result of the council been otherwise, we should now be at war with
the bears, but as it is the hunter does not even ask the bear’s pardon
when he kills one.

The deer next held a council under their chief, the Little Deer, and
after some deliberation resolved to inflict rheumatism upon every
hunter who should kill one of their number, unless he took care to ask
their pardon for the offense. They sent notice of their decision to
the nearest settlement of Indians and told them at the same time how
to make propitiation when necessity forced them to kill one of the
deer tribe. Now, whenever the hunter brings down a deer, the Little
Deer, who is swift as the wind and can not be wounded, runs quickly up
to the spot and bending over the blood stains asks the spirit of the
deer if it has heard the prayer of the hunter for pardon. If the reply
be “Yes” all is well and the Little Deer goes on his way, but if the
reply be in the negative he follows on the trail of the hunter, guided
by the drops of blood on the ground, until he arrives at the cabin in
the settlement, when the Little Deer enters invisibly and strikes
the neglectful hunter with rheumatism, so that he is rendered on the
instant a helpless cripple. No hunter who has regard for his health
ever fails to ask pardon of the deer for killing it, although some
who have not learned the proper formula may attempt to turn aside the
Little Deer from his pursuit by building a fire behind them in the

Next came the fishes and reptiles, who had their own grievances
against humanity. They held a joint council and determined to make
their victims dream of snakes twining about them in slimy folds and
blowing their fetid breath in their faces, or to make them dream of
eating raw or decaying fish, so that they would lose appetite, sicken,
and die. Thus it is that snake and fish dreams are accounted for.

Finally the birds, insects, and smaller animals came together for a
like purpose, and the Grubworm presided over the deliberations. It was
decided that each in turn should express an opinion and then vote on
the question as to whether or not man should be deemed guilty.
Seven votes were to be sufficient to condemn him. One after another
denounced man’s cruelty and injustice toward the other animals and
voted in favor of his death. The Frog (walâ´sĭ) spoke first and
said: “We must do something to check the increase of the race or
people will become so numerous that we shall be crowded from off the
earth. See how man has kicked me about because I’m ugly, as he says,
until my back is covered with sores;” and here he showed the spots
on his skin. Next came the Bird (tsi´skwa; no particular species is
indicated), who condemned man because “he burns my feet off,” alluding
to the way in which the hunter barbecues birds by impaling them on a
stick set over the fire, so that their feathers and tender feet are
singed and burned. Others followed in the same strain. The Ground
Squirrel alone ventured to say a word in behalf of man, who seldom
hurt him because he was so small; but this so enraged the others that
they fell upon the Ground Squirrel and tore him with their teeth and
claws, and the stripes remain on his back to this day.

The assembly then began to devise and name various diseases, one after
another, and had not their invention finally failed them not one of
the human race would have been able to survive. The Grubworm in his
place of honor hailed each new malady with delight, until at last they
had reached the end of the list, when some one suggested that it be
arranged so that menstruation should sometimes prove fatal to woman.
On this he rose up in his place and cried: “Wata´ⁿ Thanks! I’m glad
some of them will die, for they are getting so thick that they tread
on me.” He fairly shook with joy at the thought, so that he fell over
backward and could not get on his feet again, but had to wriggle off
on his back, as the Grubworm has done ever since.

When the plants, who were friendly to man, heard what had been done by
the animals, they determined to defeat their evil designs. Each tree,
shrub, and herb, down, even to the grasses and mosses, agreed to
furnish a remedy for some one of the diseases named, and each said: “I
shall appear to help man when he calls upon me in his need.” Thus did
medicine originate, and the plants, every one of which has its use if
we only knew it, furnish the antidote to counteract the evil wrought
by the revengeful animals. When the doctor is in doubt what treatment
to apply for the relief of a patient, the spirit of the plant suggests
to him the proper remedy.


Such is the belief upon which their medical practice is based, and
whatever we may think of the theory it must be admitted that the
practice is consistent in all its details with the views set forth
in the myth. Like most primitive people the Cherokees believe that
disease and death are not natural, but are due to the evil influence
of animal spirits, ghosts, or witches. Haywood, writing in 1823,
states on the authority of two intelligent residents of the Cherokee

    In ancient times the Cherokees had no conception of anyone
    dying a natural death. They universally ascribed the death of
    those who perished by disease to the intervention or agency of
    evil spirits and witches and conjurers who had connection with
    the Shina (Anisgi´na) or evil spirits.... A person dying by
    disease and charging his death to have been procured by means
    of witchcraft or spirits, by any other person, consigns that
    person to inevitable death. They profess to believe that their
    conjurations have no effect upon white men.[5]

    [Footnote 5: Haywood, John: Natural and Aboriginal History of East
    Tennessee, 267-8, Nashville, 1823.]

On the authority of one of the same informants, he also mentions
the veneration which “their physicians have for the numbers four and
seven, who say that after man was placed upon the earth four and seven
nights were instituted for the cure of diseases in the human body and
the seventh night as the limit for female impurity.”[6]

    [Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 281.]

Viewed from a scientific standpoint, their theory and diagnosis
are entirely wrong, and consequently we can hardly expect their
therapeutic system to be correct. As the learned Doctor Berendt
states, after an exhaustive study of the medical books of the Mayas,
the scientific value of their remedies is “next to nothing.” It must
be admitted that many of the plants used in their medical practice
possess real curative properties, but it is equally true that many
others held in as high estimation are inert. It seems probable that in
the beginning the various herbs and other plants were regarded as so
many fetiches and were selected from some fancied connection with the
disease animal, according to the idea known to modern folklorists as
the doctrine of signatures. Thus at the present day the doctor puts
into the decoction intended as a vermifuge some of the red fleshy
stalks of the common purslane or chickweed (Portulaca oleracea),
because these stalks somewhat resemble worms and consequently must
have some occult influence over worms. Here the chickweed is a fetich
precisely as is the flint arrow head which is put into the same
decoction, in order that in the same mysterious manner its sharp
cutting qualities may be communicated to the liquid and enable it
to cut the worms into pieces. In like manner, biliousness is called
by the Cherokees dalâ´nĭ or “yellow,” because the most apparent
symptom of the disease is the vomiting by the patient of the yellow
bile, and hence the doctor selects for the decoction four different
herbs, each of which is also called dalânĭ, because of the color of
the root, stalk, or flower. The same idea is carried out in the tabu
which generally accompanies the treatment. Thus a scrofulous patient
must abstain from eating the meat of a turkey, because the fleshy
dewlap which depends from its throat somewhat resembles an inflamed
scrofulous eruption. On killing a deer the hunter always makes an
incision in the hind quarter and removes the hamstring, because this
tendon, when severed, draws up into the flesh; ergo, any one who
should unfortunately partake of the hamstring would find his limbs
draw up in the same manner.

There can be no doubt that in course of time a haphazard use of
plants would naturally lead to the discovery that certain herbs are
efficacious in certain combinations of symptoms. These plants would
thus come into more frequent use and finally would obtain general
recognition in the Indian materia medica. By such a process of
evolution an empiric system of medicine has grown up among the
Cherokees, by which they are able to treat some classes of ailments
with some degree of success, although without any intelligent idea
of the process involved. It must be remembered that our own medical
system has its remote origin in the same mythic conception of disease,
and that within two hundred years judicial courts have condemned
women to be burned to death for producing sickness by spells and
incantations, while even at the present day our faith-cure professors
reap their richest harvest among people commonly supposed to belong
to the intelligent classes. In the treatment of wounds the Cherokee
doctors exhibit a considerable degree of skill, but as far as any
internal ailment is concerned the average farmer’s wife is worth all
the doctors in the whole tribe.

The faith of the patient has much to do with his recovery, for the
Indian has the same implicit confidence in the shaman that a child has
in a more intelligent physician. The ceremonies and prayers are well
calculated to inspire this feeling, and the effect thus produced
upon the mind of the sick man undoubtedly reacts favorably upon his
physical organization.

The following list of twenty plants used in Cherokee practice will
give a better idea of the extent of their medical knowledge than
could be conveyed by a lengthy dissertation. The names are given
in the order in which they occur in the botanic notebook filled on
the reservation, excluding names of food plants and species not
identified, so that no attempt has been made to select in accordance
with a preconceived theory. Following the name of each plant are
given its uses as described by the Indian doctors, together with its
properties as set forth in the United States Dispensatory, one of the
leading pharmacopoeias in use in this country.[7] For the benefit
of those not versed in medical phraseology it may be stated that
aperient, cathartic, and deobstruent are terms applied to medicines
intended to open or purge the bowels, a diuretic has the property of
exciting the flow of urine, a diaphoretic excites perspiration, and
a demulcent protects or soothes irritated tissues, while hæmoptysis
denotes a peculiar variety of blood-spitting and aphthous is an
adjective applied to ulcerations in the mouth.

    [Footnote 7: Wood, T. B., and Bache, F.: Dispensatory of the United
    States of America, 14th ed., Philadelphia, 1877.]


1. UNASTE´TSTIYÛ = “very small root”-- Aristolochia serpentaria--
Virginia or black snakeroot: Decoction of root blown upon patient for
fever and feverish headache, and drunk for coughs; root chewed and
spit upon wound to cure snake bites; bruised root placed in hollow
tooth for toothache, and held against nose made sore by constant
blowing in colds. Dispensatory: “A stimulant tonic, acting also as a
diaphoretic or diuretic, according to the mode of its application;
* * * also been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, and though
itself generally inadequate to the cure often proves serviceable as an
adjunct to Peruvian bark or sulphate of quinia.” Also used for typhous
diseases, in dyspepsia, as a gargle for sore throat, as a mild
stimulant in typhoid fevers, and to promote eruptions. The genus
derives its scientific name from its supposed efficacy in promoting
menstrual discharge, and some species have acquired the “reputation of
antidotes for the bites of serpents.”

2. UNISTIL´ÛⁿISTÎ[8] = “they stick on”-- Cynoglossum Morrisoni--
Beggar lice: Decoction of root or top drunk for kidney troubles;
bruised root used with bear oil as an ointment for cancer; forgetful
persons drink a decoction of this plant, and probably also of other
similar bur plants, from an idea that the sticking qualities of the
burs will thus be imparted to the memory. From a similar connection of
ideas the root is also used in the preparation of love charms.
Dispensatory: Not named. C. officinale “has been used as a demulcent
and sedative in coughs, catarrh, spitting of blood, dysentery, and
diarrhea, and has been also applied externally in burns, ulcers,
scrofulous tumors and goiter.”

    [Footnote 8: The Cherokee plant names here given are generic names,
    which are the names commonly used. In many cases the same name is
    applied to several species and it is only when it is necessary to
    distinguish between them that the Indians use what might be called
    specific names. Even then the descriptive term used serves to
    distinguish only the particular plants under discussion and the
    introduction of another variety bearing the same generic name would
    necessitate a new classification of species on a different basis,
    while hardly any two individuals would classify the species by the
    same characteristics.]

3. ÛⁿNAGÉI = “black”-- Cassia Marilandica-- Wild senna: Root bruised
and moistened with water for poulticing sores; decoction drunk for
fever and for a disease also called ûⁿnage´i, or “black” (same
name as plant), in which the hands and eye sockets are said to turn
black; also for a disease described as similar to ûⁿnagei, but more
dangerous, in which the eye sockets become black, while black spots
appear on the arms, legs, and over the ribs on one side of the body,
accompanied by partial paralysis, and resulting in death should the
black spots appear also on the other side. Dispensatory: Described as
“an efficient and safe cathartic, * * * most conveniently given in the
form of infusion.”

4. KÂSD´ÚTA = “simulating ashes,” so called on account of the
appearance of the leaves-- Gnaphalium decurrens-- Life everlasting:
Decoction drunk for colds; also used in the sweat bath for various
diseases and considered one of their most valuable medical plants.
Dispensatory: Not named. Decoctions of two other species of this genus
are mentioned as used by country people for chest and bowel diseases,
and for hemorrhages, bruises, ulcers, etc., although “probably
possessing little medicinal virtue.”

5. ALTSA´STI = “a wreath for the head”-- Vicia Caroliniana-- Vetch:
Decoction drunk for dyspepsia and pains in the back, and rubbed on
stomach for cramp; also rubbed on ball-players after scratching, to
render their muscles tough, and used in the same way after scratching
in the disease referred to under ûⁿnagei, in which one side becomes
black in spots, with partial paralysis; also used in same manner in
decoction with Kâsduta for rheumatism; considered one of their most
valuable medicinal herbs. Dispensatory: Not named.

6. DISTAI´YĬ = “they (the roots) are tough”-- Tephrosia Virginiana--
Catgut, Turkey Pea, Goat’s Rue, or Devil’s Shoestrings: Decoction
drunk for lassitude. Women wash their hair in decoction of its roots
to prevent its breaking or falling out, because these roots are very
tough and hard to break; from the same idea ball-players rub the
decoction on their limbs after scratching, to toughen them.
Dispensatory: Described as a cathartic with roots tonic and aperient.

7. U´GA-ATASGI´SKĬ = “the pus oozes out”-- Euphorbia hypericifolia--
Milkweed: Juice rubbed on for skin eruptions, especially on children’s
heads; also used as a purgative; decoction drunk for gonorrhoea and
similar diseases in both sexes, and held in high estimation for this
purpose; juice used as an ointment for sores and for sore nipples, and
in connection with other herbs for cancer. Dispensatory: The juice of
all of the genus has the property of “powerfully irritating the skin
when applied to it,” while nearly all are powerful emetics and
cathartics. This species “has been highly commended as a remedy in
dysentery after due depletion, diarrhea, menorrhagia, and leucorrhea.”

8. GÛ´NĬGWALĬ´SKĬ = “It becomes discolored when bruised”-- Scutellaria
lateriflora-- Skullcap. The name refers to the red juice which comes
out of the stalk when bruised or chewed. A decoction of the four
varieties of Gûnigwalĭ´skĭ-- S. lateriflora, S. pilosa, Hypericum
corymbosum, and Stylosanthes elatior-- is drunk to promote
menstruation, and the same decoction is also drunk and used as a wash
to counteract the ill effects of eating food prepared by a woman in
the menstrual condition, or when such a woman by chance comes into a
sick room or a house under the tabu; also drunk for diarrhea and used
with other herbs in decoction for breast pains. Dispensatory: This
plant “produces no very obvious effects,” but some doctors regard it
as possessed of nervine, antispasmodic and tonic properties. None of
the other three species are named.

9. K´GA SKÛ´ⁿTAGĬ = “crow shin”-- Adiantum pedatum-- Maidenhair Fern:
Used either in decoction or poultice for rheumatism and chills,
generally in connection with some other fern. The doctors explain that
the fronds of the different varieties of fern are curled up in the
young plant, but unroll and straighten out as it grows, and
consequently a decoction of ferns causes the contracted muscles of the
rheumatic patient to unbend and straighten out in like manner. It is
also used in decoction for fever. Dispensatory: The leaves “have been
supposed to be useful in chronic catarrh and other pectoral

10. ANDA´NKALAGI´SKĬ = “it removes things from the gums”-- Geranium
maculatum-- Wild Alum, Cranesbill: Used in decoction with Yânû
Unihye´stĭ (Vitis cordifolia) to wash the mouths of children in
thrush; also used alone for the same purpose by blowing the chewed
fiber into the mouth. Dispensatory: “One of our best indigenous
astringents. * * * Diarrhea, chronic dysentery, cholora infantum
in the latter stages, and the various hemorrhages are the forms of
disease in which it is most commonly used.” Also valuable as “an
application to indolent ulcers, an injection in gleet and leucorrhea,
a gargle in relaxation of the uvula and aphthous ulcerations of the
throat.” The other plant sometimes used with it is not mentioned.

11. Û´ⁿLĔ UKĬ´LTĬ = “the locust frequents it”-- Gillenia trifoliata--
Indian Physic. Two doctors state that it is good as a tea for bowel
complaints, with fever and yellow vomit; but another says that it is
poisonous and that no decoction is ever drunk, but that the beaten
root is a good poultice for swellings. Dispensatory: “Gillenia is a
mild and efficient emetic, and like most substances belonging to the
same class occasionally acts upon the bowels. In very small doses it
has been thought to be tonic.”

12. SKWA´LĬ = Hepatica acutiloba-- Liverwort, Heartleaf: Used for
coughs either in tea or by chewing root. Those who dream of snakes
drink a decoction of this herb and I´natû Ga´n‛ka = “snake tongue”
(Camptosorus rhizophyllus or Walking Fern) to produce vomiting, after
which the dreams do not return. The traders buy large quantities of
liverwort from the Cherokees, who may thus have learned to esteem it
more highly than they otherwise would. The appearance of the other
plant, Camptosorus rhizophyllus, has evidently determined its Cherokee
name and the use to which it is applied. Dispensatory: “Liverwort is a
very mild demulcent tonic and astringent, supposed by some to possess
diuretic and deobstruent virtues. It was formerly used in Europe
in various complaints, especially chronic hepatic affections, but
has fallen into entire neglect. In this country, some years since,
it acquired considerable reputation, which, however, it has not
maintained as a remedy in hæmoptysis and chronic coughs.” The other
plant is not named.

13. DA´YEWÛ = “it sews itself up,” because the leaves are said to grow
together again when torn-- Cacalia atriplicifolia-- Tassel Flower:
Held in great repute as a poultice for cuts, bruises, and cancer, to
draw out the blood or poisonous matter. The bruised leaf is bound over
the spot and frequently removed. The dry powdered leaf was formerly
used to sprinkle over food like salt. Dispensatory: Not named.

14. A´TALĬ KÛLĬ´ = “it climbs the mountain.”-- Aralia quinquefolia--
Ginseng or “Sang:” Decoction of root drunk for headache, cramps, etc.,
and for female troubles; chewed root blown on spot for pains in the
side. The Cherokees sell large quantities of sang to the traders for
50 cents per pound, nearly equivalent there to two days’ wages, a fact
which has doubtless increased their idea of its importance.
Dispensatory: “The extraordinary medical virtues formerly ascribed to
ginseng had no other existence than in the imagination of the Chinese.
It is little more than a demulcent, and in this country is not
employed as a medicine.” The Chinese name, ginseng, is said to refer
to the fancied resemblance of the root to a human figure, while in the
Cherokee formulas it is addressed as the “great man” or “little man,”
and this resemblance no doubt has much to do with the estimation in
which it is held by both peoples.

15. Û´TSATĬ UWADSĬSKA = “fish scales,” from shape of leaves--
Thalictrum anemonoides-- Meadow Rue: Decoction of root drunk for
diarrhea with vomiting. Dispensatory: Not named.

16. K´KWĔ ULASU´LA = “partridge moccasin”-- Cypripedium parviflorum--
Lady-slipper: Decoction of root used for worms in children. In the
liquid are placed some stalks of the common chickweed or purslane
(Cerastium vulgatum) which, from the appearance of its red fleshy
stalks, is supposed to have some connection with worms. Dispensatory:
Described as “a gentle nervous stimulant” useful in diseases in which
the nerves are especially affected. The other herb is not named.

17. A´HAWĬ´ AKĂ´TĂ´ = “deer eye,” from the appearance of the flower--
Rudbeckia fulgida-- Cone Flower: Decoction of root drunk for flux and
for some private diseases; also used as a wash for snake bites and
swellings caused by (mythic) tsgâya or worms; also dropped into weak
or inflamed eyes. This last is probably from the supposed connection
between the eye and the flower resembling the eye. Dispensatory: Not

18. UTĬSTUGĬ´ = Polygonatum multiflorum latifolium-- Solomon’s Seal:
Root heated and bruised and applied as a poultice to remove an
ulcerating swelling called tu´stĭ´, resembling a boil or carbuncle.
Dispensatory: “This species acts like P. uniflorum, which is said to
be emetic. In former times it was used externally in bruises,
especially those about the eyes, in tumors, wounds, and cutaneous
eruptions and was highly esteemed as a cosmetic. At present it is not
employed, though recommended by Hermann as a good remedy in gout and
rheumatism.” This species in decoction has been found to produce
“nausea, a cathartic effect and either diaphoresis or diuresis,” and
is useful “as an internal remedy in piles, and externally in the form
of decoction, in the affection of the skin resulting from the
poisonous exhalations of certain plants.”

19. ĂMĂDITA‛TÌ = “water dipper,” because water can be sucked up
through its hollow stalk-- Eupatorium purpureum-- Queen of the Meadow,
Gravel Root: Root used in decoction with a somewhat similar plant
called Ămăditá´tĭ û´tanu, or “large water dipper” (not identified) for
difficult urination. Dispensatory: “Said to operate as a diuretic. Its
vulgar name of gravel root indicates the popular estimation of its
virtues.” The genus is described as tonic, diaphoretic, and in large
doses emetic and aperient.

20. YÂNA UTSĔSTA = “the bear lies on it”-- Aspidium acrostichoides--
Shield Fern: Root decoction drunk to produce vomiting, and also used
to rub on the skin, after scratching, for rheumatism--in both cases
some other plant is added to the decoction; the warm decoction is also
held in the mouth to relieve toothache. Dispensatory: Not named.

The results obtained from a careful study of this list may be
summarized as follows: Of the twenty plants described as used by the
Cherokees, seven (Nos. 2, 4, 5, 13, 15, 17, and 20) are not noticed
in the Dispensatory even in the list of plants sometimes used although
regarded as not officinal. It is possible that one or two of these
seven plants have medical properties, but this can hardly be true of
a larger number unless we are disposed to believe that the Indians are
better informed in this regard than the best educated white physicians
in the country. Two of these seven plants, however (Nos. 2 and 4),
belong to genera which seem to have some of the properties ascribed
by the Indians to the species. Five others of the list (Nos. 8, 9,
11, 14, and 16) are used for entirely wrong purposes, taking the
Dispensatory as authority, and three of these are evidently used on
account of some fancied connection between the plant and the disease,
according to the doctrine of signatures. Three of the remainder (Nos.
1, 3, and 6) may be classed as uncertain in their properties, that is,
while the plants themselves seem to possess some medical value, the
Indian mode of application is so far at variance with recognized
methods, or their own statements are so vague and conflicting, that
it is doubtful whether any good can result from the use of the herbs.
Thus the Unaste´tstiyû, or Virginia Snakeroot, is stated by the
Dispensatory to have several uses, and among other things is said to
have been highly recommended in intermittent fevers, although alone
it is “generally inadequate to the cure.” Though not expressly stated,
the natural inference is that it must be applied internally, but the
Cherokee doctor, while he also uses it for fever, takes the decoction
in his mouth and blows it over the head and shoulders of the patient.
Another of these, the Distai´yĭ, or Turkey Pea, is described in the
Dispensatory as having roots tonic and aperient. The Cherokees drink
a decoction of the roots for a feeling of weakness and languor, from
which it might be supposed that they understood the tonic properties
of the plant had not the same decoction been used by the women as a
hair wash, and by the ball players to bathe their limbs, under the
impression that the toughness of the roots would thus be communicated
to the hair or muscles. From this fact and from the name of the plant,
which means at once hard, tough, or strong, it is quite probable that
its roots are believed to give strength to the patient solely because
they themselves are so strong and not because they have been proved
to be really efficacious. The remaining five plants have generally
pronounced medicinal qualities, and are used by the Cherokees for
the very purposes for which, according to the Dispensatory, they are
best adapted; so that we must admit that so much of their practice
is correct, however false the reasoning by which they have arrived at
this result.


Taking the Dispensatory as the standard, and assuming that this list
is a fair epitome of what the Cherokees know concerning the medical
properties of plants, we find that five plants, or 25 per cent of
the whole number, are correctly used; twelve, or 60 per cent, are
presumably either worthless or incorrectly used, and three plants, or
15 per cent, are so used that it is difficult to say whether they are
of any benefit or not. Granting that two of these three produce good
results as used by the Indians, we should have 35 per cent, or about
one-third of the whole, as the proportion actually possessing medical
virtues, while the remaining two-thirds are inert, if not positively
injurious. It is not probable that a larger number of examples would
change the proportion to any appreciable extent. A number of herbs
used in connection with these principal plants may probably be set
down as worthless, inasmuch as they are not named in the Dispensatory.

The results here arrived at will doubtless be a surprise to those
persons who hold that an Indian must necessarily be a good doctor,
and that the medicine man or conjurer, with his theories of ghosts,
witches, and revengeful animals, knows more about the properties
of plants and the cure of disease than does the trained botanist
or physician who has devoted a lifetime of study to the patient
investigation of his specialty, with all the accumulated information
contained in the works of his predecessors to build upon, and with
all the light thrown upon his pathway by the discoveries of modern
science. It is absurd to suppose that the savage, a child in
intellect, has reached a higher development in any branch of science
than has been attained by the civilized man, the product of long ages
of intellectual growth. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that
the Indian could be entirely ignorant of the medicinal properties
of plants, living as he did in the open air in close communion with
nature; but neither in accuracy nor extent can his knowledge be
compared for a moment with that of the trained student working upon
scientific principles.

Cherokee medicine is an empiric development of the fetich idea. For
a disease caused by the rabbit the antidote must be a plant called
“rabbit’s food,” “rabbit’s ear,” or “rabbit’s tail;” for snake dreams
the plant used is “snake’s tooth;” for worms a plant resembling a worm
in appearance, and for inflamed eyes a flower having the appearance
and name of “deer’s eye.” A yellow root must be good when the patient
vomits yellow bile, and a black one when dark circles come about his
eyes, and in each case the disease and the plant alike are named from
the color. A decoction of burs must be a cure for forgetfulness, for
there is nothing else that will stick like a bur; and a decoction of
the wiry roots of the “devil’s shoestrings” must be an efficacious
wash to toughen the ballplayer’s muscles, for they are almost strong
enough to stop the plowshare in the furrow. It must be evident that
under such a system the failures must far outnumber the cures, yet it
is not so long since half our own medical practice was based upon the
same idea of correspondences, for the mediæval physicians taught that
_similia similibus curantur_, and have we not all heard that “the hair
of the dog will cure the bite?”

Their ignorance of the true medical principles involved is shown by
the regulations prescribed for the patient. With the exception of the
fasting, no sanitary precautions are taken to aid in the recovery of
the sick man or to contribute to his comfort. Even the fasting is as
much religious as sanative, for in most cases where it is prescribed
the doctor also must abstain from food until sunset, just as in the
Catholic church both priest and communicants remain fasting from
midnight until after the celebration of the divine mysteries. As the
Indian cuisine is extremely limited, no delicate or appetizing dishes
are prepared for the patient, who partakes of the same heavy, sodden
cornmeal dumplings and bean bread which form his principal food in
health. In most cases certain kinds of food are prohibited, such as
squirrel meat, fish, turkey, etc.; but the reason is not that such
food is considered deleterious to health, as we understand it, but
because of some fanciful connection with the disease spirit. Thus if
squirrels have caused the illness the patient must not eat squirrel
meat. If the disease be rheumatism, he must not eat the leg of any
animal, because the limbs are generally the seat of this malady. Lye,
salt, and hot food are always forbidden when there is any prohibition
at all; but here again, in nine cases out of ten, the regulation,
instead of being beneficial, serves only to add to his discomfort.
Lye enters into almost all the food preparations of the Cherokees, the
alkaline potash taking the place of salt, which is seldom used among
them, having been introduced by the whites. Their bean and chestnut
bread, cornmeal dumplings, hominy, and gruel are all boiled in a pot,
all contain lye, and are all, excepting the last, served up hot from
the fire. When cold their bread is about as hard and tasteless as a
lump of yesterday’s dough, and to condemn a sick man to a diet of such
dyspeptic food, eaten cold without even a pinch of salt to give it a
relish, would seem to be sufficient to kill him without any further
aid from the doctor. The salt or lye so strictly prohibited is really
a tonic and appetizer, and in many diseases acts with curative effect.
So much for the health regimen.

In serious cases the patient is secluded and no strangers are allowed
to enter the house. On first thought this would appear to be a genuine
sanitary precaution for the purpose of securing rest and quiet to the
sick man. Such, however, is not the case. The necessity for quiet has
probably never occurred to the Cherokee doctor, and this regulation is
intended simply to prevent any direct or indirect contact with a woman
in a pregnant or menstrual condition. Among all primitive nations,
including the ancient Hebrews, we find an elaborate code of rules
in regard to the conduct and treatment of women on arriving at the
age of puberty, during pregnancy and the menstrual periods, and at
childbirth. Among the Cherokees the presence of a woman under any of
these conditions, or even the presence of any one who has come from
a house where such a woman resides, is considered to neutralize all
the effects of the doctor’s treatment. For this reason all women,
excepting those of the household, are excluded. A man is forbidden to
enter, because he may have had intercourse with a tabued woman, or may
have come in contact with her in some other way; and children also
are shut out, because they may have come from a cabin where dwells a
woman subject to exclusion. What is supposed to be the effect of the
presence of a menstrual woman in the family of the patient is not
clear; but judging from analogous customs in other tribes and from
rules still enforced among the Cherokees, notwithstanding their long
contact with the whites, it seems probable that in former times the
patient was removed to a smaller house or temporary bark lodge built
for his accommodation whenever the tabu as to women was prescribed
by the doctor. Some of the old men assert that in former times sick
persons were removed to the public townhouse, where they remained
under the care of the doctors until they either recovered or died.
A curious instance of this prohibition is given in the second
Didûⁿlĕ´skĭ (rheumatism) formula from the Gahuni manuscript (see
page 350), where the patient is required to abstain from touching a
squirrel, a dog, a cat, a mountain trout, or a woman, and must also
have a chair appropriated to his use alone during the four days that
he is under treatment.

In cases of the children’s disease known as Gûⁿwani´gista´ĭ (see
formulas) it is forbidden to carry the child outdoors, but this is not
to procure rest for the little one, or to guard against exposure to
cold air, but because the birds send this disease, and should a bird
chance to be flying by overhead at the moment the napping of its wings
would _fan the disease back_ into the body of the patient.


On a second visit to the reservation the writer once had a practical
illustration of the gaktû´ⁿta or tabu, which may be of interest as
showing how little sanitary ideas have to do with these precautions.
Having received several urgent invitations from Tsiskwa (Bird), an old
shaman of considerable repute, who was anxious to talk, but confined
to his bed by sickness, it was determined to visit him at his house,
several miles distant. On arriving we found another doctor named
Sû´ⁿkĭ (The Mink) in charge of the patient and were told that he
had just that morning begun a four days’ gaktû´ⁿta which, among
other provisions, excluded all visitors. It was of no use to argue
that we had come by the express request of Tsiskwa. The laws of the
gaktû´ⁿta were as immutable as those of the Medes and Persians,
and neither doctor nor patient could hope for favorable results from
the treatment unless the regulations were enforced to the letter.
But although we might not enter the house, there was no reason why we
should not talk to the old man, so seats were placed for us outside
the door, while Tsiskwa lay stretched out on the bed just inside and
The Mink perched himself on the fence a few yards distant to keep an
eye on the proceedings. As there was a possibility that a white man
might unconsciously affect the operation of the Indian medicine,
the writer deemed it advisable to keep out of sight altogether, and
accordingly took up a position just around the corner of the house,
but within easy hearing distance, while the interpreter sat facing
the doorway within a few feet of the sick man inside. Then began an
animated conversation, Tsiskwa inquiring, through the interpreter,
as to the purpose of the Government in gathering such information,
wanting to know how we had succeeded with other shamans and asking
various questions in regard to other tribes and their customs. The
replies were given in the same manner, an attempt being also made
to draw him out as to the extent of his own knowledge. Thus we
talked until the old man grew weary, but throughout the whole of
this singular interview neither party saw the other, nor was the
gaktû´ⁿta violated by entering the house. From this example it
must be sufficiently evident that the tabu as to visitors is not a
hygienic precaution for securing greater quiet to the patient, or to
prevent the spread of contagion, but that it is simply a religious
observance of the tribe, exactly parallel to many of the regulations
among the ancient Jews, as laid down in the book of Leviticus.


No rules are ever formulated as to fresh air or exercise, for the
sufficient reason that the door of the Cherokee log cabin is always
open, excepting at night and on the coldest days in winter, while
the Indian is seldom in the house during his waking hours unless when
necessity compels him. As most of their cabins are still built in the
old Indian style, without windows, the open door furnishes the only
means by which light is admitted to the interior, although when closed
the fire on the hearth helps to make amends for the deficiency. On the
other hand, no precautions are taken to guard against cold, dampness,
or sudden drafts. During the greater part of the year whole families
sleep outside upon the ground, rolled up in an old blanket. The
Cherokee is careless of exposure and utterly indifferent to the
simplest rules of hygiene. He will walk all day in a pouring rain
clad only in a thin shirt and a pair of pants. He goes barefoot and
frequently bareheaded nearly the entire year, and even on a frosty
morning in late November, when the streams are of almost icy coldness,
men and women will deliberately ford the river where the water is
waist deep in preference to going a few hundred yards to a foot-log.
At their dances in the open air men, women, and children, with bare
feet and thinly clad, dance upon the damp ground from darkness until
daylight, sometimes enveloped in a thick mountain fog which makes
even the neighboring treetops invisible, while the mothers have their
infants laid away under the bushes with only a shawl between them and
the cold ground. In their ball plays also each young man, before going
into the game, is subjected to an ordeal of dancing, bleeding, and
cold plunge baths, without food or sleep, which must unquestionably
waste his physical energy.

In the old days when the Cherokee was the lord of the whole country
from the Savannah to the Ohio, well fed and warmly clad and leading
an active life in the open air, he was able to maintain a condition of
robust health notwithstanding the incorrectness of his medical ideas
and his general disregard of sanitary regulations. But with the advent
of the white man and the destruction of the game all this was changed.
The East Cherokee of to-day is a dejected being; poorly fed, and worse
clothed, rarely tasting meat, cut off from the old free life, and
with no incentive to a better, and constantly bowed down by a sense of
helpless degradation in the presence of his conqueror. Considering all
the circumstances, it may seem a matter of surprise that any of them
are still in existence. As a matter of fact, the best information that
could be obtained in the absence of any official statistics indicated
a slow but steady decrease during the last five years. Only the
constitutional vigor, inherited from their warrior ancestors, has
enabled them to sustain the shock of the changed conditions of the
last half century. The uniform good health of the children in the
training school shows that the case is not hopeless, however, and that
under favorable conditions, with a proper food supply and a regular
mode of living, the Cherokee can hold his own with the white man.


In addition to their herb treatment the Cherokees frequently resort
to sweat baths, bleeding, rubbing, and cold baths in the running
stream, to say nothing of the beads and other conjuring paraphernalia
generally used in connection with the ceremony. The sweat bath was in
common use among almost all the tribes north of Mexico excepting the
central and eastern Eskimo, and was considered the great cure-all in
sickness and invigorant in health. Among many tribes it appears to
have been regarded as a ceremonial observance, but the Cherokees seem
to have looked upon it simply as a medical application, while the
ceremonial part was confined to the use of the plunge bath. The person
wishing to make trial of the virtues of the sweat bath entered the
â´sĭ, a small earth-covered log house only high enough to allow
of sitting down. After divesting himself of his clothing, some large
bowlders, previously heated in a fire, were placed near him, and over
them was poured a decoction of the beaten roots of the wild parsnip.
The door was closed so that no air could enter from the outside, and
the patient sat in the sweltering steam until he was in a profuse
perspiration and nearly choked by the pungent fumes of the decoction.
In accordance with general Indian practice it may be that he plunged
into the river before resuming his clothing; but in modern times
this part of the operation is omitted and the patient is drenched
with cold water instead. Since the âsĭ has gone out of general use
the sweating takes place in the ordinary dwelling, the steam being
confined under a blanket wrapped around the patient. During the
prevalence of the smallpox epidemic among the Cherokees at the close
of the late war the sweat bath was universally called into requisition
to stay the progress of the disease, and as the result about three
hundred of the band died, while many of the survivors will carry
the marks of the visitation to the grave. The sweat bath, with the
accompanying cold water application, being regarded as the great
panacea, seems to have been resorted to by the Indians in all parts of
the country whenever visited by smallpox--originally introduced by the
whites--and in consequence of this mistaken treatment they have died,
in the language of an old writer, “like rotten sheep” and at times
whole tribes have been almost swept away. Many of the Cherokees tried
to ward off the disease by eating the flesh of the buzzard, which
they believe to enjoy entire immunity from sickness, owing to its foul
smell, which keeps the disease spirits at a distance.

Bleeding is resorted to in a number of cases, especially in rheumatism
and in preparing for the ball play. There are two methods of
performing the operation, bleeding proper and scratching, the latter
being preparatory to rubbing on the medicine, which is thus brought
into more direct contact with the blood. The bleeding is performed
with a small cupping horn, to which suction is applied in the ordinary
manner, after scarification with a flint or piece of broken glass. In
the blood thus drawn out the shaman claims sometimes to find a minute
pebble, a sharpened stick or something of the kind, which he asserts
to be the cause of the trouble and to have been conveyed into the
body of the patient through the evil spells of an enemy. He frequently
pretends to suck out such an object by the application of the lips
alone, without any scarification whatever. Scratching is a painful
process and is performed with a brier, a flint arrowhead, a
rattlesnake’s tooth, or even with a piece of glass, according to the
nature of the ailment, while in preparing the young men for the ball
play the shaman uses an instrument somewhat resembling a comb, having
seven teeth made from the sharpened splinters of the leg bone of
a turkey. The scratching is usually done according to a particular
pattern, the regular method for the ball play being to draw the
scratcher four times down the upper part of each arm, thus making
twenty-eight scratches each about 6 inches in length, repeating the
operation on each arm below the elbow and on each leg above and below
the knee. Finally, the instrument is drawn across the breast from the
two shoulders so as to form a cross; another curving stroke is made
to connect the two upper ends of the cross, and the same pattern is
repeated on the back, so that the body is thus gashed in nearly three
hundred places. Although very painful for a while, as may well
be supposed, the scratches do not penetrate deep enough to result
seriously, excepting in some cases where erysipelas sets in. While
the blood is still flowing freely the medicine, which in this case
is intended to toughen, the muscles of the player, is rubbed into the
wounds after which the sufferer plunges into the stream and washes
off the blood. In order that the blood may flow the longer without
clotting it is frequently scraped off with a small switch as it flows.
In rheumatism and other local diseases the scratching is confined to
the part affected. The instrument used is selected in accordance with
the mythologic theory, excepting in the case of the piece of glass,
which is merely a modern makeshift for the flint arrowhead.

Rubbing, used commonly for pains and swellings of the abdomen, is a
very simple operation performed with the tip of the finger or the palm
of the hand, and can not be dignified with the name of massage. In
one of the Gahuni formulas for treating snake bites (page 351) the
operator is told to rub in a direction contrary to that in which the
snake coils itself, because “this is just the same as uncoiling it.”
Blowing upon the part affected, as well as upon the head, hands,
and other parts of the body, is also an important feature of the
ceremonial performance. In one of the formulas it is specified that
the doctor must blow first upon the right hand of the patient, then
upon the left foot, then upon the left hand, and finally upon the
right foot, thus making an imaginary cross.

Bathing in the running stream, or “going to water,” as it is called,
is one of their most frequent medico-religious ceremonies, and is
performed on a great variety of occasions, such as at each new
moon, before eating the new food at the green corn dance, before the
medicine dance and other ceremonial dances before and after the ball
play, in connection with the prayers for long life, to counteract the
effects of bad dreams or the evil spells of an enemy, and as a part of
the regular treatment in various diseases. The details of the ceremony
are very elaborate and vary according to the purpose for which it is
performed, but in all cases both shaman and client are fasting from
the previous evening, the ceremony being generally performed just at
daybreak. The bather usually dips completely under the water four or
seven times, but in some cases it is sufficient to pour the water from
the hand upon the head and breast. In the ball play the ball sticks
are dipped into the water at the same time. While the bather is in the
water the shaman is going through with his part of the performance
on the bank and draws omens from the motion of the beads between his
thumb and finger, or of the fishes in the water. Although the old
customs are fast dying out this ceremony is never neglected at the
ball play, and is also strictly observed by many families on occasion
of eating the new corn, at each new moon, and on other special
occasions, even when it is necessary to break the ice in the stream
for the purpose, and to the neglect of this rite the older people
attribute many of the evils which have come upon the tribe in later
days. The latter part of autumn is deemed the most suitable season of
the year for this ceremony, as the leaves which then cover the surface
of the stream are supposed to impart their medicinal virtues to the


Of late years, especially since the establishment of schools among
them, the Cherokees are gradually beginning to lose confidence in
the abilities of their own doctors and are becoming more disposed
to accept treatment from white physicians. The shamans are naturally
jealous of this infringement upon their authority and endeavor to
prevent the spread of the heresy by asserting the convenient doctrine
that the white man’s medicine is inevitably fatal to an Indian unless
eradicated from the system by a continuous course of treatment for
four years under the hands of a skillful shaman. The officers of the
training school established by the Government a few years ago met with
considerable difficulty on this account for some time, as the parents
insisted on removing the children at the first appearance of illness
in order that they might be treated by the shamans, until convinced by
experience that the children received better attention at the school
than could possibly be had in their own homes. In one instance, where
a woman was attacked by a pulmonary complaint akin to consumption, her
husband, a man of rather more than the usual amount of intelligence,
was persuaded to call in the services of a competent white physician,
who diagnosed the case and left a prescription. On a second visit, a
few days later, he found that the family, dreading the consequences of
this departure from old customs, had employed a shaman, who asserted
that the trouble was caused by a sharpened stick which some enemy
had caused to be imbedded in the woman’s side. He accordingly began a
series of conjurations for the removal of the stick, while the white
physician and his medicine were disregarded, and in due time the woman
died. Two children soon followed her to the grave, from the contagion
or the inherited seeds of the same disease, but here also the
sharpened sticks were held responsible, and, notwithstanding the three
deaths under such treatment, the husband and father, who was at one
time a preacher, still has faith in the assertions of the shaman. The
appointment of a competent physician to look after the health of the
Indians would go far to eradicate these false ideas and prevent
much sickness and suffering; but, as the Government has made no such
provision, the Indians, both on and off the reservation, excepting the
children in the home school, are entirely without medical care.


The Cherokees have a dance known as the Medicine Dance, which is
generally performed in connection with other dances when a number of
people assemble for a night of enjoyment. It possesses no features
of special interest and differs in no essential respect from a dozen
other of the lesser dances. Besides this, however, there was another,
known as the Medicine Boiling Dance, which, for importance and solemn
ceremonial, was second only to the great Green Corn Dance. It has
now been discontinued on the reservation for about twenty years. It
took place in the fall, probably preceding the Green Corn Dance, and
continued four days. The principal ceremony in connection with it was
the drinking of a strong decoction of various herbs, which acted as
a violent emetic and purgative. The usual fasting and going to water
accompanied the dancing and medicine-drinking.


It is exceedingly difficult to obtain from the doctors any accurate
statement of the nature of a malady, owing to the fact that their
description of the symptoms is always of the vaguest character, while
in general the name given to the disease by the shaman expresses only
his opinion as to the occult cause of the trouble. Thus they have
definite names for rheumatism, toothache, boils, and a few other
ailments of like positive character, but beyond this their description
of symptoms generally resolves itself into a statement that the
patient has bad dreams, looks black around the eyes, or feels tired,
while the disease is assigned such names as “when they dream of
snakes,” “when they dream of fish,” “when ghosts trouble them,” “when
something is making something else eat them,” or “when the food is
changed,” i.e., when a witch causes it to sprout and grow in the body
of the patient or transforms it into a lizard, frog, or sharpened


The consideration which the doctor receives for his services is called
ugista´‛tĭ, a word of doubtful etymology, but probably derived from
the verb tsĭ´giû, “I take” or “I eat.” In former times this was
generally a deer-skin or a pair of moccasins, but is now a certain
quantity of cloth, a garment, or a handkerchief. The shamans disclaim
the idea that the ugistâ´‛tĭ is pay, in our sense of the word, but
assert that it is one of the agencies in the removal and banishment
of the disease spirit. Their explanation is somewhat obscure, but
the cloth seems to be intended either as an offering to the disease
spirit, as a ransom to procure the release of his intended victim, or
as a covering to protect the hand of a shaman while engaged in pulling
the disease from the body of the patient. The first theory, which
includes also the idea of vicarious atonement, is common to many
primitive peoples. Whichever may be the true explanation, the evil
influence of the disease is believed to enter into the cloth, which
must therefore be sold or given away by the doctor, as otherwise
it will cause his death when the pile thus accumulating reaches the
height of his head. No evil results seem to follow its transfer from
the shaman to a third party. The doctor can not bestow anything thus
received upon a member of his own family unless that individual gives
him something in return. If the consideration thus received, however,
be anything eatable, the doctor may partake along with the rest of the
family. As a general rule the doctor makes no charge for his services,
and the consideration is regarded as a free-will offering. This remark
applies only to the medical practice, as the shaman always demands
and receives a fixed remuneration for performing love charms, hunting
ceremonials, and other conjurations of a miscellaneous character.
Moreover, whenever the beads are used the patient must furnish a
certain quantity of new cloth upon which to place them, and at the
close of the ceremony the doctor rolls up the cloth, beads and all,
and takes them away with him. The cloth thus received by the doctor
for working with the beads must not be used by him, but must be sold.
In one instance a doctor kept a handkerchief which he received for his
services, but instead sold a better one of his own. Additional cloth
is thus given each time the ceremony is repeated, each time a second
four days’ course of treatment is begun, and as often as the doctor
sees fit to change his method of procedure. Thus, when he begins
to treat a sick man for a disease caused by rabbits, he expects to
receive a certain ugista´‛tĭ; but, should he decide after a time
that the terrapin or the red bird is responsible for the trouble, he
adopts a different course of treatment, for which another ugista´‛tĭ
is necessary. Should the sickness not yield readily to his efforts, it
is because the disease animal requires a greater ugista´‛tĭ, and the
quantity of cloth must be doubled, so that on the whole the doctrine
is a very convenient one for the shaman. In many of the formulas
explicit directions are given as to the pay which the shaman is
to receive for performing the ceremony. In one of the Gatigwanasti
formulas, after specifying the amount of cloth to be paid, the writer
of it makes the additional proviso that it must be “pretty good cloth,
too,” asserting as a clincher that “this is what the old folks said a
long time ago.”

The ugista´‛tĭ can not be paid by either one of a married couple to
the other, and, as it is considered a necessary accompaniment of the
application, it follows that a shaman can not treat his own wife in
sickness, and vice versa. Neither can the husband or wife of the sick
person send for the doctor, but the call must come from some one
of the blood relatives of the patient. In one instance within the
writer’s knowledge a woman complained that her husband was very sick
and needed a doctor’s attention, but his relatives were taking no
steps in the matter and it was not permissible for her to do so.


There are a number of ceremonies and regulations observed in
connection with the gathering of the herbs, roots, and barks, which
can not be given in detail within the limits of this paper. In
searching for his medicinal plants the shaman goes provided with a
number of white and red beads, and approaches the plant from a certain
direction, going round it from right to left one or four times,
reciting certain prayers the while. He then pulls up the plant by the
roots and drops one of the beads into the hole and covers it up with
the loose earth. In one of the formulas for hunting ginseng the hunter
addresses the mountain as the “Great Man” and assures it that he comes
only to take a small piece of flesh (the ginseng) from its side, so
that it seems probable that the bead is intended as a compensation to
the earth for the plant thus torn from her bosom. In some cases the
doctor must pass by the first three plants met until he comes to the
fourth, which he takes and may then return for the others. The bark
is always taken from the east side of the tree, and when the root or
branch is used it must also be one which runs out toward the east, the
reason given being that these have imbibed more medical potency from
the rays of the sun.

When the roots, herbs, and barks which enter into the prescription
have been thus gathered the doctor ties them up into a convenient
package, which he takes to a running stream and casts into the water
with appropriate prayers. Should the package float, as it generally
does, he accepts the fact as an omen that his treatment will be
successful. On the other hand, should it sink, he concludes that some
part of the preceding ceremony has been improperly carried out and
at once sets about procuring a new package, going over the whole
performance from the beginning. Herb-gathering by moonlight, so
important a feature in European folk medicine, seems to be no part
of Cherokee ceremonial. There are fixed regulations in regard to
the preparing of the decoction, the care of the medicine during
the continuance of the treatment, and the disposal of what remains
after the treatment is at an end. In the arrangement of details the
shaman frequently employs the services of a lay assistant. In these
degenerate days a number of upstart pretenders to the healing art have
arisen in the tribe and endeavor to impose upon the ignorance of their
fellows by posing as doctors, although knowing next to nothing of the
prayers and ceremonies, without which there can be no virtue in the
application. These impostors are sternly frowned down and regarded
with the utmost contempt by the real professors, both men and women,
who have been initiated into the sacred mysteries and proudly look
upon themselves as conservators of the ancient ritual of the past.


After what has been said in elucidation of the theories involved in
the medical formulas, the most important and numerous of the series,
but little remains to be added in regard to the others, beyond what
is contained in the explanation accompanying each one. A few points,
however, may be briefly noted.

The religion of the Cherokees, like that of most of our North American
tribes, is zootheism or animal worship, with the survival of that
earlier stage designated by Powell as hecastotheism, or the worship
of all things tangible, and the beginnings of a higher system in
which the elements and the great powers of nature are deified. Their
pantheon includes gods in the heaven above, on the earth beneath, and
in the waters under the earth, but of these the animal gods constitute
by far the most numerous class, although the elemental gods are
more important. Among the animal gods insects and fishes occupy a
subordinate place, while quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles are invoked
almost constantly. The uktena (a mythic great horned serpent), the
rattlesnake, and the terrapin, the various species of hawk, and the
rabbit, the squirrel, and the dog are the principal animal gods. The
importance of the god bears no relation to the size of the animal,
and in fact the larger animals are but seldom invoked. The spider also
occupies a prominent place in the love and life-destroying formulas,
his duty being to entangle the soul of his victim in the meshes of his
web or to pluck it from the body of the doomed man and drag it way to
the black coffin in the Darkening Land.

Among what may be classed as elemental gods the principal are fire,
water, and the sun, all of which are addressed under figurative
names. The sun is called Une´‛lanû´hĭ, “the apportioner,” just as our
word moon means originally “the measurer.” Indians and Aryans alike,
having noticed how these great luminaries divide and measure day and
night, summer and winter, with never-varying regularity, have given to
each a name which should indicate these characteristics, thus showing
how the human mind constantly moves on along the same channels.
Missionaries have naturally, but incorrectly, assumed this apportioner
of all things to be the suppositional “Great Spirit” of the Cherokees,
and hence the word is used in the Bible translation as synonymous
with God. In ordinary conversation and in the lesser myths
the sun is called Nû´ⁿtâ. The sun is invoked chiefly by the
ball-player, while the hunter prays to the fire; but every important
ceremony--whether connected with medicine, love, hunting, or the ball
play--contains a prayer to the “Long Person,” the formulistic name for
water, or, more strictly speaking, for the river. The wind, the storm,
the cloud, and the frost are also invoked in different formulas.

But few inanimate gods are included in the category, the principal
being the Stone, to which the shaman prays while endeavoring to find a
lost article by means of a swinging pebble suspended by a string; the
Flint, invoked when the shaman is about to scarify the patient with
a flint arrow-head before rubbing on the medicine; and the Mountain,
which is addressed in one or two of the formulas thus far translated.
Plant gods do not appear prominently, the chief one seeming to be the
ginseng, addressed in the formulas as the “Great Man” or “Little Man,”
although its proper Cherokee name signifies the “Mountain Climber.”

A number of personal deities are also invoked, the principal being
the Red Man. He is one of the greatest of the gods, being repeatedly
called upon in formulas of all kinds, and is hardly subordinate to the
Fire, the Water, or the Sun. His identity is as yet uncertain, but he
seems to be intimately connected with the Thunder family. In a curious
marginal note in one of the Gahuni formulas (page 350), it is stated
that when the patient is a woman the doctor must pray to the Red
Man, but when treating a man he must pray to the Red Woman, so that
this personage seems to have dual sex characteristics. Another god
invoked in the hunting songs is Tsu´l’kalû´, or “Slanting Eyes”
(see Cherokee Myths), a giant hunter who lives in one of the great
mountains of the Blue Ridge and owns all the game. Others are the
Little Men, probably the two Thunder boys; the Little People, the
fairies who live in the rock cliffs; and even the De´tsata, a
diminutive sprite who holds the place of our Puck. One unwritten
formula, which could not be obtained correctly by dictation, was
addressed to the “Red-Headed Woman, whose hair hangs down to the

The personage invoked is always selected in accordance with the theory
of the formula and the duty to be performed. Thus, when a sickness is
caused by a fish, the Fish-hawk, the Heron, or some other fish-eating
bird is implored to come and seize the intruder and destroy it, so
that the patient may find relief. When the trouble is caused by a
worm or an insect, some insectivorous bird is called in for the same
purpose. When a flock of redbirds is pecking at the vitals of the sick
man the Sparrow-hawk is brought down to scatter them, and when the
rabbit, the great mischief-maker, is the evil genius, he is driven
out by the Rabbit-hawk. Sometimes after the intruder has been thus
expelled “a small portion still remains,” in the words of the formula,
and accordingly the Whirlwind is called down from the treetops to
carry the remnant to the uplands and there scatter it so that it shall
never reappear. The hunter prays to the fire, from which he draws his
omens; to the reed, from which he makes his arrows; to Tsu´l’kalû,
the great lord of the game, and finally addresses in songs the very
animals which he intends to kill. The lover prays to the Spider to
hold fast the affections of his beloved one in the meshes of his web,
or to the Moon, which looks down upon him in the dance. The warrior
prays to the Red War-club, and the man about to set out on a dangerous
expedition prays to the Cloud to envelop him and conceal him from his

Each spirit of good or evil has its distinct and appropriate place
of residence. The Rabbit is declared to live in the broomsage on the
hillside, the Fish dwells in a bend of the river under the pendant
hemlock branches, the Terrapin lives in the great pond in the West,
and the Whirlwind abides in the leafy treetops. Each disease animal,
when driven away from his prey by some more powerful animal, endeavors
to find shelter in his accustomed haunt. It must be stated here
that the animals of the formulas are not the ordinary, everyday
animals, but their great progenitors, who live in the upper world
(galû´ⁿlati) above the arch of the firmament.


Color symbolism plays an important part in the shamanistic system
of the Cherokees, no less than in that of other tribes. Each one of
the cardinal points has its corresponding color and each color its
symbolic meaning, so that each spirit invoked corresponds in color
and local habitation with the characteristics imputed to him, and is
connected with other spirits of the same name, but of other colors,
living in other parts of the upper world and differing widely in their
characteristics. Thus the Red Man, living in the east, is the spirit
of power, triumph, and success, but the Black Man, in the West, is
the spirit of death. The shaman therefore invokes the Red Man to
the assistance of his client and consigns his enemy to the fatal
influences of the Black Man.

The symbolic color system of the Cherokees, which will be explained
more fully in connection with the formulas, is as follows:

    East     red      success; triumph.
    North    blue     defeat; trouble.
    West     black    death.
    South    white    peace; happiness.
    Above?   brown    unascertained, but propitious.
    ------   yellow   about the same as blue.

There is a great diversity in the color systems of the various tribes,
both as to the location and significance of the colors, but for
obvious reasons black was generally taken as the symbol of death;
while white and red signified, respectively, peace and war. It is
somewhat remarkable that red was the emblem of power and triumph
among the ancient Oriental nations no less than among the modern

    [Footnote 9: For more in regard to color symbolism, see Mallery’s
    Pictographs of the North American Indians in Fourth Report of the
    Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 53-37, Washington, 1886; Gatschet’s Creek
    Migration Legend, vol. 3, pp. 31-41, St. Louis, 1888; Brinton’s
    Kiche Myths in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society,
    vol. 19, pp. 646-647, Philadelphia, 1882.]


In many of the formulas, especially those relating to love and to
life-destroying, the shaman mentions the name and clan of his client,
of the intended victim, or of the girl whose affections it is desired
to win. The Indian regards his name, not as a mere label, but as a
distinct part of his personality, just as much as are his eyes or
his teeth, and believes that injury will result as surely from the
malicious handling of his name as from a wound inflicted on any part
of his physical organism. This belief was found among the various
tribes from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and has occasioned a number
of curious regulations in regard to the concealment and change of
names. It may be on this account that both Powhatan and Pocahontas are
known in history under assumed appellations, their true names having
been concealed from the whites until the pseudonyms were too firmly
established to be supplanted. Should his prayers have no apparent
effect when treating a patient for some serious illness, the shaman
sometimes concludes that the name is affected, and accordingly goes
to water, with appropriate ceremonies, and christens the patient with
a new name, by which he is henceforth to be known. He then begins
afresh, repeating the formulas with the new name selected for the
patient, in the confident hope that his efforts will be crowned with


A few words remain to be said in regard to the language of the
formulas. They are full of archaic and figurative expressions, many of
which are unintelligible to the common people, and some of which even
the shamans themselves are now unable to explain. These archaic forms,
like the old words used by our poets, lend a peculiar beauty which can
hardly be rendered in a translation. They frequently throw light on
the dialectic evolution of the language, as many words found now only
in the nearly extinct Lower Cherokee dialect occur in formulas which
in other respects are written in the Middle or Upper dialect. The
R sound, the chief distinguishing characteristic of the old Lower
dialect, of course does not occur, as there are no means of indicating
it in the Cherokee syllabary. Those who are accustomed to look to the
Bible for all beauty in sacred expression will be surprised to find
that these formulas abound in the loftiest nights of poetic imagery.
This is especially true of the prayers used to win the love of a woman
or to destroy the life of an enemy, in which we find such expressions
as--“Now your soul fades away--your spirit shall grow less and
dwindle away, never to reappear;” “Let her be completely veiled in
loneliness--O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web, so that
it may never get through the meshes;” and the final declaration of the
lover, “Your soul has come into the very center of my soul, never to
turn away.”

In the translation it has been found advisable to retain as technical
terms a few words which could not well be rendered literally, such
as ada´wĕhĭ and ugistā´‛tĭ. These words will be found explained
in the proper place. Transliterations of the Cherokee text of the
formulas are given, but it must be distinctly understood that the
translations are intended only as free renderings of the spirit of
the originals, exact translations with grammatic and glossarial notes
being deferred until a more extended study of the language has been
made, when it is hoped to present with more exactness of detail the
whole body of the formulas, of which the specimens here given are but
a small portion.

The facsimile formulas are copies from the manuscripts now in
possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, and the portraits are from
photographs taken by the author in the field.



In the Cherokee text both _d_ and _g_ have a medial sound,
approximating the sounds of _t_ and _k_ respectively. The other
letters are pronounced in regular accordance with the alphabet of
the Bureau of Ethnology. The language abounds in nasal and aspirate
sounds, the most difficult of the latter being the aspirate _‛l_,
which to one familiar only with English sounds like _tl_.

A few words whose meaning could not be satisfactorily ascertained have
been distinctively indicated in the Cherokee text by means of italics.
In the translation the corresponding expression has been queried, or
the space left entirely blank. On examining the text the student can
not fail to be struck by the great number of verbs ending in _iga_.
This is a peculiar form hardly ever used excepting in these formulas,
where almost every paragraph contains one or more such verbs. It
implies that the subject has just come and is now performing the
action, and that he came for that purpose. In addition to this, many
of these verbs may be either assertive or imperative (expressing
entreaty), according to the accent. Thus _hatû´ⁿgani´ga_ means
“you have just come and are listening and it is for that purpose you
came.” By slightly accenting the final syllable it becomes “come at
once to listen.” It will thus be seen that the great majority of the
formulas are declarative rather than petitional in form--laudatory
rhapsodies instead of prayers, in the ordinary sense of the word.



Sgĕ! Ha-Nûⁿdâgû´ⁿyĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi´‛lĭ Gigage´ĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsan´ultĭ nige´sûⁿna. Ha-diskwûlti´yû
tĭ´nanugagĭ´, ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ
adûⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta hûⁿhihyû´ⁿstani´ga.
Ha-usdig´iyu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ iytû´ⁿta

Sgĕ! Ha-Uhûⁿtsâ´yĭ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ Gi´‛lĭ Sa‛ka´nĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugai´,
ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ulsge´ta
hûⁿhihyûⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ
iyû´ta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! (Ha)-Usûhi´(-yĭ) tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi‛l´ĭ Gûⁿnage´ĭ,
hanâ´gwa hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yû. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´sti tsanu´ltĭ nige´sû´ⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû tinanugagĭ´,
ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ulsg´eta
hûⁿhihyûⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû ha-e´lawastû´ⁿ
iyû´ⁿta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Wa´hală´ tsûl‛dâ´histĭ, Gi´‛lĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa
hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´, gahu´stĭ
tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Diskwûlti´yû ti´nanugagĭ´,
ase´gwû nige´sûⁿna tsagista´‛tĭ adûⁿni´ga. Ha-ulsge´ta
hûⁿhihyû´ⁿstani´ga. Ha-usdigi´yu-gwû e´lawastû´ⁿ
iyû´ⁿta dûhitâ´hĭstani´ga.

Sgĕ! Wa´hală tsûl‛dâ´histĭ Tû´ksĭ Tsûne´ga, hanâ´gwa
hatû´ⁿgani´ga usĭnuli´yu. Hida´wĕhi-gâgû´,
gahu´stĭ tsanu´ltĭ nige´sûⁿna. Ha-kâ´lû _gayûske´ta_
tsatûⁿ´neli´ga. Utsĭna´wa nu´tatănû´ⁿta.

(Degâsisisgû´ⁿĭ.)--Tûksĭ uhya´ska gûnsta‛tĭ´ na´skĭ
igahi´ta gunstâ´ĭ hĭ´skĭ iyuntale´gĭ tsûntûngi´ya.
Ûⁿskwû´ta kĭlû´ atsâ´tastĭ sâ´gwa iyûtsâ´tastĭ,
nû´‛kĭ igû´ⁿkta‛tĭ, naski-gwû´ diûⁿlĕ´nĭskâhĭ´
igûⁿyi´yĭ tsale´nihû. Nû´‛kine ûⁿskwû´ta kĭlû´
nû´‛kĭ iyatsâ´tastĭ. Uhyaskâ´hi-‛nû ade´la degû‛la´ĭ
tă´lĭ unine´ga-gwû´ nû´ⁿwâti-‛nû´ higûnehâ´ĭ
uhyaskâ´hĭ usdi´a-gwû. Une´lagi-‛nû sâĭ´ agadâ´ĭ
agadi´dĭ û´ⁿti-gwû´ yĭkĭ´ âsi´yu-gwû na´ski-‛nû
aganûⁿli´eskâ´ĭ da´gûnstanehû´ⁿĭ ŭ‛taâ´ta.
Hiă‛-nû´ nû´ⁿwâtĭ: Yâ´na-Unatsĕsdâ´gĭ tsana´sehâ´ĭ
sâ´i-‛nû Kâ´ga-Asgû´ⁿtagĕ tsana´sehâ´ĭ, sâi-‛nû´
_Egû´ⁿli_-gwû, sâi-nû´ (U)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´
Egû´ⁿlĭ Usdi´a tsĭgĭ´, nûⁿyâ´hi-‛nû tsuyĕ‛dâ´ĭ
Yâ´na-Utsĕsdâgĭ naskiyû´ tsĭgĭ´, usdi´-gwû tsĭgĭ´.
Egû´ⁿlĭ (u)wa´sgilĭ tsĭgĭ´; sâ´ĭ Wâ´tige Unas(te´)tsa
tsĭgĭ´, sâ´i-‛nû Û´ⁿage Tsunaste´tsa, Niga´ta unaste´tsa

Sunale´-gwû ale´ndĭ adanû´ⁿwâtĭ; tă´line e´ladĭ
tsitkala´ĭ; tsâ´ine u´lsaladĭ´‛satû´; nû´‛kine igû´
ts´kalâ´ĭ. Yeli´gwû´ igesâ´ĭ. Nû´lstâiyanû´na gesâ´ĭ
akanûⁿwi´skĭ, nasgwû